YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

LETTERS

JOHN CALVIN

COMPILED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS AND
EDITED WITH HISTORICAL NOTES

DR. JULES BONNET.
VOL I.
TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN AND FRENCH LANGUAGES BY
DAVID CONSTABLE.

EDINBUEGH: THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO.
LITTLE, BROWN, AND CO., BOSTON, U.S.
MDCCCLV.

EDINBURGH : T. CONSTABLE, I'HINTEB TO HKH 5IAJL3TY.

' PREFACE.
It was but a few days before his death, and in the course of
one of the latest conversations handed down to us by Theodore
Beza, that Calvin, pointing with failing hand to his most
precious furniture, his manuscripts, and the archives of the
correspondence that, during a quarter of a century, he had
kept up with the most illustrious personages of Europe, re
quested that these memorials might be carefully preserved,
and that a selection from his letters, made by some of his
friends, should be presented to the Eeformed Churches, in
token of the interest and affection of their founder.1
This request of the dying Eeformer, although treasured in
the heart and memory of him who had succeeded to his plans
and carried on his work, received but an imperfect fulfilment
in the sixteenth century. The times were adverse, and the
accomplishment of the duty was difficult. The plague, which
had broken out for the third time at Geneva, and carried off
thousands of victims ; the great disasters, public and private ;
the shock of the painful events that had been occurring in

1 " Migraturus ad Deum Johannes Calvinus, quum de commodis Ecclesias ne
tunc quidem cogitare desineret, sua mihi xuptXia, id est Schedaram ingentem
acervum conimendavit ut si quid in iis invenissem quo juvari possent Ecclesise, id
quoque in lucem ederetur." — Th. de Beze to the Elector Palatine, 1st February
1575. This letter is printed as a Preface to Calvin's Latin Correspondence.

IV PREFACE.
France from the breaking out of the Civil War to the Massacre
of St. Bartholomew ; even the scruples of friendship, heightened
by the perils that threatened the city of the Eeformation
itself, all seemed to conspire against the execution of Calvin's
wish. "Without speaking," says Beza, "of the assistance
that was indispensable for the examination of so extensive a
correspondence, or of the time required for so laborious an
undertaking, the calamities that befell our city, the plague
that raged for many years, the convulsions of a neighbour
ing country, have more than once interrupted the progress
of the work. The selection of the letters also involved great
difficulties, at a time when men were predisposed to judge
harshly and unfairly. There are many things that may be
said or written in the familiar intercourse of sincere and in
genuous friendship, such as Calvin's, which can hardly be given
To the public without inconvenience. We were obliged in our
work to have respect to persons, times, and places."1 These
scruples of an earnest and respectful disciple, anxious to avoid
all collision with his contemporaries and at the same time to
render justice to a great name, would be out of place now ; but
they were legitimate in an age of revolutions, when words were
swords, and when the war of opinion, often sanguinary, out
lasting its originators, was perpetuated in their writings.
StiH it must be owned, that notwithstanding all these diffi
culties, the friends of Calvin did not shrink from the per
formance of their duty. Deeply impressed with the importance
of the mission intrusted to them, they applied themselves to
their task with religious fidelity. By their care, the originals
or the copies of a vast number of letters addressed to France,

1 " Multa qnippe familiariter inter amicos diei scribique consueverunt, prsesertim
ah ingenui spiritus hominibus, qualis fuit Calvinus si quisquam nostris temporibus
alius, qure minime expediat emanare. Et liabenda quoque nobis fuit non modo
persouarum, verum etiam temporum et locorum ratio." — Letter already cited.

PREFACE.

England, Germany, and Switzerland, were collected at Geneva,
and added to the precious deposit already confided to them.
The archives of the city of Calvin received this treasure and
preserved it faithfully through the storm that fell upon the
churches of France, destroying or dispersing in foreign lands
so many pages of their annals. By a remarkable dispensation,
Geneva, the holy city of French Protestantism, the seminary of
her ministers, of her doctors, and of her martyrs, after having
conferred upon her, by the hand of Calvin, her creed and her ,
form of worship,. was also to preserve for her the titles of her
origin and of her history. These titles are gloriously inscribed
in the noble collection of autograph letters of the Eeformer, for
which we are indebted to the pious care of some refugees of
the sixteenth century, whose names are almost lost in the
lustre of those of Calvin and Beza, but whose services cannot
be forgotten without ingratitude. Let us at least recall with
a fitting tribute of grateful respect, the names of Jean de
Bude, Laurent de Normandie, and especially of Charles de
Jonvillers. It is to the latter mainly that we must ascribe the honour of
the formation of the magnificent epistolary collection that now
adorns the Library of Geneva. Born of a noble family in the
neighbourhood of Chartres, and carried across the Alps by the
irresistible necessity of confessing the faith which he had
embraced with all the ardour of youth, Charles de Jonvillers
found in the affection of Calvin, a compensation for the
voluntary sacrifice of fortune and country. Admitted, with
his young patrician countrymen — the elite of the Eeformed
party — to the intimacy of the Eeformer, he devoted himself
with filial reverence and unbounded attachment to the great
man whose faith and energy, moulding a rebellious people, had
transformed an obscure Alpine city into a metropolis of the
human mind. He became his secretary, after the celebrated

VI - PREFACE.
lawyer, Francois Baudouin, and the minister Nicholas des Gal-
lars, and henceforward assisted him in his laborious correspond
ence, followed him to the Auditoire and the Academy, and took
down during Calvin's Lectures those luminous Commentaries,
which were afterwards dedicated to the most iUustrious per
sonages of the age, and which modern theology has never
surpassed. Such was the man to whom the friendship of Calvin and
the confidence of Beza assigned the great and laborious task
of preparing for publication the Letters of the Eeformer. He
brought to it the zeal of a disciple and the fihal reverence of
a son who forgets himself in the execution of a sacred will ;
undertaking distant journeys to ensure its fulfilment, seeking
everywhere for those precious documents in which were pre
served the thoughts of the venerated master he had lost;
and transcribing a vast number of letters with his own hand ;
supported in these costly and difficult researches by the con
sciousness of a duty accepted in humility and performed with
faithfulness.1 This labour, early commenced and pursued for
twenty years under the vigilant superintendence of Beza, was
the origin of the collection of Calvin's Latin Correspondence
published in 1575 ; a faithful but incomplete tribute to the
memory of the Eeformer by his disciples — an unfinished monu
ment — which might indeed suffice the generation that was
contemporary with the Eeformation, but which is insufficient
to satisfy the curiosity of our own.2
1 "Ad earn rem unius prsecipue Caroli Jonvillsei istanim rerum oustodis fidem,
diligentiam, operam denique nobis appositissimam fuisse profitemur." — Advertise
ment of Beze to the reader.
2 It is the collection intitled : — Calvini Epistolm et Reiponsa guibtis inter jectas
sunt insignium in Ecclesia Dei virorum aliquot etiam Ejoistolce, first published
at Geneva, in 1575, reprinted in the following year at Lausanne, and inserted with
some additions in the collection of Calvin's Works, Calvini Opera, torn, ix., edit.
d' Amsterdam, 1671. This latter edition, one of the sources of the work which we
now present to the public, comprises about 420 letters or memoirs, of which 284
are letters of the Eeformer.

PREFACE. Vll
Nearly three centuries had passed away without adding
anything to the work of Charles de Jonvillers and Beza. The
Letters published by their care have been the common source
from which the apologists and the adversaries of the Eefor
mation have alike drawn; while the numerous unpublished
documents preserved in the Library of Geneva, or coUected in the
Libraries of Zurich, Gotha, and Paris, have been forgotten. It
was reserved for the present age to rescue these from unme
rited oblivion, and thus to open up for history a mine of
information hitherto unexplored.
And here justice compels us to acknowledge, with gratitude,
the obligations of this unpublished correspondence to the
recent labours and investigations of several distinguished Pro
testant authors. We refer especially to the " Life of Calvin,"
by Dr. Paul Henry of Berlin,' — a pious monument raised in
honour of the Eeformer by a descendant of the refugees, and en
riched with a number of Letters from the libraries of France
and Switzerland j1 to the learned researches of Professor Bret-
schneider, the editor of the Gotha Letters ;2 the important work
of Euchat,3 re-edited by the talented continuator of the great
historian Jean de Mulier, Professor Vulliemin of Lausanne,
with an extensive Appendix, containing precious fragments of
Calvin's French Correspondence, reproduced in the " Chronicle"
of M. Crottet.4 And now, having made these acknowledgments,
we may legitimately claim for ourselves the privilege of offering
to the public for the first time, a general and authentic collec
tion of Calvin's Correspondence, the greater part of which has,
1 Das Lelen Calvim, 3 vols, in 8vo, Hambourg, 1835-1842.
2 Johannis Calvini, Bezos, aliorumque litterm quwdam nondum ediioz, 1 vol. in
8vo. Leipsic, 1835. Published on the occasion of the Eeformation Jubilee at
Geneva. 3 Histoire de la Reformation en Suisse, 7 vols, in 8vo. Lausanne, 1838.
' Petite Chronique Protestante de France, XVI" Siecle ; 1 vol. in 8vo. Paris,
1846.

Vlll PREFACE.
up to the present time, been buried in the dust of libraries, and
altogether unpublished.
This coUection is* the result of five years of study and re
search among the archives of Switzerland, France, Germany,
and England. Charged by the French Government, at the
suggestion of M. Mignet, under the liberal administration of
two eminent ministers, MM. de Salvandy and de Falloux, with
a scientific mission that enabled us to gather the first materials
of a correspondence, the richest depositories of which were in
foreign countries, and sustained in our labours by the cordial
sympathy of those most distinguished in the world of science
and literature, we have spared nothing that might ensure the
completeness of a collection which throws so much light on
the history of the great religious revolution of the sixteenth
century. The correspondence of Calvin begins in his youth and is
only closed on his deathbed, (May 1528 to May 1564.) It
thus embraces, with few intervals, all the phases of his life ;
from the obscure scholar of Bourges and Paris escaping from
the stake by flying into exile, to the triumphant Eeformer, who
was able in dying, to contemplate his work as accomplished.
Nothing can exceed the interest of this correspondence, in
which an epoch and a life of the most absorbing interest are
reflected in a series of documents equally varied and genuine ;
and in which the familiar effusions of friendship are mingled
with the more serious questions of theology, and with the
heroic breathings of faith. From his bed of suffering and of
continued labours, Calvin followed with an observant eye the
great drama of the Eeformation, marking its triumphs and its
reverses in every State of Europe. Invested in virtue of his sur
passing genius, with an almost universal apostolate, he wielded
an influence as varied and as plastic as his activity. He
exhorts with the same authority the humble ministers of the

PREFACE. ix
Gospel and the powerful monarchs of England, Sweden, and
Poland. He holds communion with Luther, and Melanchthon,
animates Knox, encourages Coligny, Cond^, Jeanne d'Albret, and
the Duchess of Ferrara ; while in his familiar letters to Farel,
Viret, and Theodore Beza, he pours out the overflowings of a heart
filled with the deepest and most acute sensibility. The same
man, worn by watchings and sickness, but rising by the energy
of the soul above the weakness of the body, overturns the party
of the Libertines, lays the foundations of the greatness of Geneva,
establishes foreign churches, strengthens the martyrs, dictates
to the Protestant princes the wisest and most perspicuous
counsels ; negotiates, argues, teaches, prays, and with his latest
breath, gives utterance to words of power, which posterity
receives as the political and religious testament of the man.
These indications are sufficient to show the interest that
attaches to the correspondence of the Eeformer. It is the
common inheritance of the countries emancipated by the Ee
formation and still animated by its spirit ; as well as of all the
Churches, however diverse in origin and varying in their con
fessions of faith, which manifest to the world the spiritual unity
of the Church of Christ. England's portion in this precious
legacy is neither the least, nor the least interesting. Observant
of the great work of religious Eeformation which, since the time
of Wicliff had been going on in that country, and which was
destined to have the singular privilege of placing the civil and
political liberties of the nation in the glorious keeping of the
Gospel, Calvin condemned with great severity the spiritual
tyranny of Henry the Eighth, and the endeavours of that prince
to substitute a sanguinary imperial popedom for that of
Borne. During the reign of his successor, he exercises a
marked influence in the councils of the crown, and traces with
vigorous hand, for the Duke of Somerset, a plan of religious
reformation in which the conservative spirit is happily blended

PREFACE.

with the liberal and progressive tendency. He addresses the
young King Edward VI., so prematurely withdrawn from the
love of his subjects, in a strain of exhortation dictated by
paternal solicitude and respectful affection : — " It is a great
thing Sire, to be a king, and especially of such a country ; and
yet I doubt not that you regard it as above all comparison
greater to be a Christian. It is indeed, an inestimable privilege
that God has granted to you Sire, that you should be a Chris
tian King, and that you should serve Him as His lieutenant to
uphold the kingdom of Jesus Christ in England."1 — The death
of this young King, so well fitted to carry out the designs of
Providence for his people, and the restoration of Popery under
Mary, heavily afflicted Calvin. He rejoices in the accession of
Elizabeth, freely exhorts her ministers, and his advice, dictated
by a wisdom and prescience to which time has set its seal,
furnishes the most remarkable proof of the faith and the genius
of the Eeformer.
Having pointed out the historical value of this Correspond
ence, it may not be out of place to refer to its literary merit.
Trained in the twofold school of profane and sacred Antiquity,
of the Church and of the world, Calvin's Latin is that of a con
temporary of Cicero or of Seneca, whose graceful and concise
style he reproduces without effort. He writes in French as one
of the creators of that language, which is indebted to him for
some of its finest characteristics. Writing before Montaigne,
he may be regarded as the precursor and the model of that
1 We give here entire the striking passage, of which a fac-simile will be found
at the commencement of this volume. — "Or au pseaulme present il est parle
de la noblesse et dignite de l'Eglise, laquelle doit tellcment ravir a soy et grans
et petits que tons les biens et honneurs de la terre ne les retiennent, ny empeschent
qu'ils ne protendent a ce but d'estre enrollez au peuple de Dieu. C'est grand chose
d'estre Eoy, mesrae d'un tel pais ; toutefois je ne doubte pas que vous n'estimiez
sans comparaison mieux d'estre Chrestien. C'est doncq un privilege inestimable que
Dieu vous a faict, Sire, que vous soiez Eoy Chrestien, voire que vous luy serviez de
lieutenant pour ordonner et maintcnir le Boy'aulme de Jesus Christ en Angletcrre."

PREFACE. Xi
great school of the seventeenth century which could only fight
him with weapons from his own armoury, and which could not
surpass him either in loftiness of thought or in stately majesty
of style. The French letters of Calvin, worthy of the author
of the immortal preface to the " Chiistian Institutes," contain
many admirable passages hitherto unknown, and are models of
eloquence : they will be found in this Collection interspersed
with the Latin Correspondence from which they were detached
in the original Paris edition, and will present, in chronological
order, a series of moral and religious studies — a genuine por
trait of the Eeformer drawn by his own 'hand, in the original
documents which we now, for the first time, present to the
historian. The seasonableness of such a publication cannot be denied.
The great debate ever pending between the Papacy and the
Eeformation is renewed in our days with fresh vigour in
almost all the countries of Europe. Attack provokes defence ;
and in the strife of opinion, the rights of justice and of truth
are too frequently disregarded. While some rare spirits, en
lightened by the study of history, or the attentive observation
of the effect of the dogmas of either religion on the- moral con
duct of its votaries, rise superior to the mists of prejudice and
form a judgment which is moulding that of posterity,1 the adepts
of a school unhappily celebrated as the admirers of excesses
which the sincere disciples of Christianity or of philosophy
have alike reproved, have nought but malediction and insult
for the glorious Eevolution stamped by the names of Luther
and of Calvin. Never perhaps, were detraction and outrage let
' It is only necessary to quote the names of the two illustrious French histo
rians, M. Guizot and M. Mignet, who in their writings have rendered a respectful
homage to the religious and moral influence of the Eeformation. A distinguished
writer, M. Charles de Bemusat, has lately published, under the title of " De la
Refo'rme et du Protestantisme," an eloquent paper, which might well inaugurate a
new era of justice and impartiality in historical writing.

Xll PREFACE.
loose with such fury against these great deliverers of conscience ;
never have their intentions been so audaciously misrepresented,
their actions so grossly caricatured.1 To the falsehoods of a
party that shrinks not from slander, let us oppose the impartial
evidence of history ; let us learn from these great men themselves
what they desired, what they did, what they suffered ; and let
us seek from them alone the secret of the Eevolution which
they achieved.
The Correspondence of Calvin will, we believe, throw a fresh
light upon those grave questions which Modern Science, worthy
of the name, now proposes to herself with a desire for impartial
justice which does her honour. It is by this sentiment that we
may venture to say we have been animated, in the course of the
long researches which have enabled us to offer this collection
to the public. Guided solely by the love of truth, and shrink
ing from no revelation that was guaranteed by authentic docu
ments, we have rejected no sources of information, nor omitted
any evidence. Our ambition has been to make Calvin live
again in his letters — to shew him as he was, with his austere
and inflexible convictions, which yet were far from intolerant
in the intercourse of friendship and the freedom of the domestic
circle — with that stern self-sacrifice of his life to duty which alone
explains its power and excuses its errors — with the failings which
were the heritage of his times and those which were peculiar
to himself. History, interrogated in original documents, is not
a panegyric ; it throws no veil over the shortcomings of its
heroes, but it remembers that they are men, and draws lessons
alike from their infirmities and from their greatness.
We cannot close this Preface without offering the tribute of
our sincere gratitude to those friends in England and on the
1 We need only name " L'Histoire de Calvin," by M. Audin, in itself entirely
devoid of truthfulness, and the fruitful source of calumnious and lying pamphlets
against the memory of the Eeformer.

PREFACE. Xlll
Continent whose kind encouragement has favoured the publi
cation. And we would address our first acknowledgments to
the Librarians of the Continental Libraries, who eagerly placed
at our disposal the whole MS. collections committed to their
charge. We have pleasure in paying the same tribute to one
of the most distinguished citizens of Geneva, Colonel Henri
Tronchin, who so liberally opened to us the precious documents
that have been transmitted to him through a series of illustrious
ancestors ; and we regard it as a peculiar privilege to record our
obligations, while at Geneva, to the encouraging kindness of
two men eminent in her sacred literature, M. le Pasteur Gaus-
sen, and to the learned historian of the Eeformation, M. le Doc-
teur Merle d'Aubigne, whose patronage, which was given as a
matter of course to the publication of Calvin's Correspondence,
has been the means of attracting to us valuable sympathies in
the United States, in England, and in that noble country of
Scotland, where the name of Calvin, gloriously associated with
that of Knox, receives an honourable tribute in the labours of a
Society devoted to the translation of his writings. It is with
heartfelt satisfaction that we inscribe on the first page of the
collection, and recall in one grateful thought, the names of the
three generous patrons of the undertaking, Mr. Douglas of
Cavers, Mr. Henderson of Park, and Mr. James Lennox of New
York. Our personal thanks we may surely be permitted to offer to
the translator of the work. Nothing could exceed the difficulty
of rendering Calvin's letters in English and of harmonizing
the antique style of. the originals with the structure of a modern
language. We believe that this difficulty has been happily
overcome by the Translator, who has devoted himself with
persevering ardour, and with a sort of filial piety, to a work
requiring so great an amount of patience and of learning.
If, through the transparent mirror of a scrupulously faithful

XIV PREFACE.
translation, the reader is enabled to follow the grave religious
beauty of the originals, — if he is brought, as it were, into com
munion with the soul of Calvin himself, in the fine and varied
effusions of his correspondence, he will be indebted for this
privilege to the labour of Mr. Constable, revised by the Eev.
Dr. Cunningham, Principal of the New College, Edinburgh, with
a degree of watchful care and enlightened solicitude that can
not be too highly appreciated.
And thus the wish expressed by Calvin on his deathbed, and
forgotten during three centuries, is now realized for Britain as
well as for France. His memory loses nothing from these tardy
revelations, and the only testimony worthy of him is that of
truth. This is the testimony that appears in every page of his
correspondence. In so far as we have been his faithful inter
preters we are happy if, according to the measure of our poor
ability, we have been permitted, not to glorify a man, but to
glorify God Himself, in the fife of one of His chosen instru
ments for the accomplishment of one of the noblest acts in the
providential drama of history.

The English edition of Calvin's collected Correspondence will
form four volmnes similar to the present, and will contain at
least 600 letters, the greater part of which are now published
for the first time. An appendix at the end of the work will
give, in chronological order, and with a summary of their con
tents, a list of those letters which it has been thought unneces
sary to include in this edition, but which those who may desire
to do so, will have an opportunity of consulting in the complete
edition of the originals, in course of publication in Paris, the
first two volumes of which, containing the French letters of the
Eeformer, may be had from the publishers of the present work.

CONTENTS.

1528.
Letter Page
I. To Nicolas Duchemin. — Calvin at the University of Orleans — his early
friendships — he is recalled to Noyon by the illness of his father, . 1
1529.
II. To Francis Daniel. — Calvin in Paris — Nicolas Cop— the two friends
visit a monastery, . ..... 3
III. To Francis Daniel. — Thanks to Francis Daniel — salutations of Mel-
chior Wolmar — various messages, . . . . .5
1530.
IV. To Fkancis Daniel. — Domestic intelligence — departure to Italy of the
brother of Francis Daniel, .... .6
1532.
V. To Fkancis Daniel. — Calvin's first work — Commentary on Seneca's
Treatise, " De Clementia,'' . . . . . .7
VI. To Feancis Daniel. — Calvin despatches copies of the Treatise, " De
Clementia," to several persons — looks for lodgings in Paris, . 8
VII. To Dr. Maktin Bucek. — Eecommendation of a French refugee in Stras
bourg, who had been falsely accused of holding the doctrines of the

1533.
VIII. To Francis Daniel. — Various communications — a new work put forth, 11
IX. To Fkancis Daniel.— The Eeformation in Paris — rage of the Sorbonne
— satirical Comedy directed against the Queen of Navarre— interven
tion of Francis I. — deliberation of the Four Faculties — revocation of
the censure pronounced against the book entitled " The Mirror of
the Sinful Soul," . . . . . .12
1534.
X. To Francis Daniel. — Retirement of Calvin to Angouleme, . 17

Xvi CONTENTS. Paoe
Lbttee XI. To Christopher Libertet.— Calvin in Basle— revision of the Bible
of Robert Olivetan— treatise on the Immortality of the Soul, 18
1536.
XII. To Francis Daniel.— Calvin in Geneva— translation into French
of the " Christian Institutes "—disputation of Lausanne— estab
lishment of the doctrines of the Eeformation in the Pays de Vand, 20
1537.
XIII. To Megander— Calvin and Caroli encounter each other— prayers
for the dead— the Genevese clergy accused of Arianism— need of
a synod, . . ¦ • • ' . . '
XIV. To Viret.— Preaching of the Gospel at Besancon— ecclesiastical
intelligence— discouragement of Farel— necessity for the return
of Viret to Geneva, . • • •
XV. To Simon Grynee .— The nature of the controversy between Calvin
and Caroli clearly laid open— Synod of Lausanne— Caroli is con
demned, and the teaching of Calvin and Farel solemnly approved, 29
XVI. To the Ministers of the Church op Basle. — Persecution in
France — request addressed to the Seigneury of Basle in favour
of the faithful of the Church at Nismes, . ¦ -34
1538.
XVII. To Louis du Tillet.— Departure of Louis du Tillet from Geneva
— regret of Calvin — controversy between the two friends regarding
the character of the Church of Jesus Christ, . • • 36-"
XVIII. To Henry Bullinger.— State of the Churqh at Geneva— wish for
the union of the Eeformed Churches — mention of Luther, • 41
XIX. To Henry Bullinger.— Synod of Zurich— attempt at reconcilia
tion between the banished ministers and the town of Geneva, . 44
XX. To Peter Vibet.— Arrival of Farel and Calvin at Basle, . . 45
XXI. To Louis du Tillet.— Journey of Calvin to Strasbourg— project of
a new Assembly at Zurich — policy of the Bernese — in his retire
ment Calvin breathes freely — news from France, . . 47
XXII. To William Fakel. — Farel called as minister to the Church of
Neuchatel — sad condition of the Church at Geneva — uncertainty
of Calvin — Bucer's urgency to draw him to Strasbourg, • 49
XXIII. To Faeel. — New efforts of the ministers of Strasbourg to attract
Calvin thither — the plague at Basle — detail of the death of a
nephew of Farel, . . . ¦ • .53
XXIV. To Faeel. — Calvin at Strasbourg — negotiations between Bucer
and the Magistrates of Geneva — first preaching of Calvin in the
French Church — Anabaptists of Metz, ... 56
XXV. To the Church op Geneva  Letter of consolation and advice ad
dressed to the Church at Geneva, deprived of her faithful pastor
— testimonies of his innocence — confidence in God — trust for the
future, . . . . . . . .58

CONTENTS.

XVII

IiETTEB pA0E
XXVI. To Faeel. — Conferences of Basle — absence of the theologians of
Zurich and of Berne — the minister Konzen — complaints against
Bucer — a wish for the establishment of Ecclesiastical discipline
— celebration of the Supper in the French Church of Strasbourg
— the news of Germany and the Netherlands — question ad
dressed to Melanchthon — domestic affairs, . . 6*5
XXVII. To Louis du Tillet. — Eeply to doubts as to the lawfulness of
his call — inward assurance of his calling — declines the kind
offer of Louis du Tillet — appeals to the tribunal of God from the
accusation of schism charged on him by his friend, . 70
XXVIII. To Faeel. — Death of Courault — Calvin's discouragement and
trust in God — answers a question of Saunier regarding the
Supper — the faithful at Geneva exhorted not to separate from
the new preachers — affectionate advice given to Fare], . 75
1539.
XXIX. To Fakel. — Second edition of the " Christian Institutes" —
death of Eobert Olivetan — state of religion in Germany — first
lectures of Calvin at Strasbourg, .... 80
XXX. To Farel — Fruitless efforts for the union of the two Churches —
synod of Zurich — Bullinger's distrust of Bucer — parallel be
tween Luther and Zuingli — Calvin thinks of marrying — news
of Germany — policy of the ecclesiastical electors — French
Church of Strasbourg — conversion of two Anabaptists, . 83
XXXI. To Bullinger. — Excuses his long silence— evidences of brotherly
affection — justifies Bucer — his desire for the union of the Church
of Zurich with that of Strasbourg, ... 88
XXXII. To Farel. — Departure of Calvin for the Assembly of Frankfort —
the question of Ecclesiastical property — news of Geneva —
opening of the religious conferences at Frankfort — disposition
of the Eoman Catholic princes and Protestants in Germany —
policy of Charles V. — Eeformation in England — remarkable
judgment on Henry VIII., .... 92
XXXIII. To Faeel. — Conclusion of the Assembly at Frankfort — attitude
of the Protestant princes — conversations between Calvin and
Melanchthon on ecclesiastical discipline — opinion of the latter
— of Capito — various details, . . . 104
XXXlV. To Faeel. — Numerous occupations of Calvin — news of Germany
— firmness of the Senate of Strasbourg, . . . 108
XXXV. To Faeel. — Union of the Swiss Churches — first steps for the re
call of Calvin to Geneva — some details concerning his ministry
and his straitened circumstances — Lutheran ceremonies — the
Church property — renewal of the League of Smalkald — con
stancy of the German princes — example of fidelity to the cause
of Christ on the part of the town of Strasbourg, . . 109
XXXVI. To Farel. — Ecclesiastical news of Switzerland — destitution of
the minister Megander — complaints addressed to Bucer — fur
ther projects of marriage on the part of Calvin, . . 115
VOL. I. h

xviii CONTENTS. Page
Letter
XXXVII. To the Church of Geneva. — Eecommends anew the counsel of
peace and brotherly agreement to the Church of Geneva, 1 18
XXXVIII. To Faeel.— Journey of Farel to Strasbourg — scanty remunera
tion of Calvin — sale of his books, .... 125
XXXIX. To Faeel.— Eeconciliation of Farel with Caroli — intercession of
the Senate of Strasbourg in favour of the French Protestants
— answer of Calvin to the letter of Cardinal Sadolet, . 126
XL. To Farel. — Caroli at Strasbourg— proceedings of Sturm and
Bucer for the reconciliation with Calvin, . . ¦ 127
XLI. To Farel.— Farther details of the reconciliation of Calvin with
Caroli — the minister Alexander — a lecture of Bucer — nego
tiations of the Protestant Princes of Germany — their an
swer to Henry VIII  French translation of the epistle to
Sadolet, .  133
XLII. To Farel. — Caroli — encounter between William du Bellay and
the Constable de Montmorency — preparation for an approach
ing Assembly in Germany — negotiations with the King of
England— salutations addressed by Luther to Calvin — hope
of an accommodation between the Swiss and German
Churches, ...... 139
XLIII. To Farel  Persecutions in France — policy of Francis I. and
Charles V. — ecclesiastical discipline — University regulations at
Strasbourg — illness of Farel, .... 14-
1540.
XLIV. To Farel. — Farther mention of Caroli — discussion with Herman
the Anabaptist — good understanding of Charles V. and Fran
cis I. — alarm of the German Princes — some detail of the propo
sitions addressed to Calvin, .... 147
XLV. To Farel. — Impressions of Calvin on his recall to Geneva —
rigorous application of discipline in his church — news of Ger
many, of France, and of England, .... 151
XLVI. To Farel. — Reconciliation of parties at Geneva — insufficiency
of the ministers of that Church — policy of Charles V. —
courageous attitude of the Protestant Princes — favourable news
from England — cruel persecutions in France — ecclesiastical dis
cipline in the French Church at Strasbourg, . . 154
XLVII. To Peter Viret. — Excuses for his silence — sad news from
France — repugnance of Calvin to return to Geneva — his com
parative estimate of Capito, Zuingli, Luther, and CEcolam-
padius, ....... 162
XL VIII. To Farel. — Preparations for the Assembly of Hagnenau — symp
toms of misunderstanding between Charles V. and Francis I.
— severe judgment of Henry VIII. — evils produced in the
Church by the absence of discipline — various details, . 165
XLIX. To Monsieur du Tailly. — Review of the Conferences of
Haguenau — the state of parties in Germany, . . 169

Letter

CONTENTS. xix

Paoe

L. To Peter Caeoli. — Answer to the. complaints of Caroli — refuses
to grant to him the professorial chair unless he repents of his
past offences, . . . . . .174
LI. To Viret. — Deputations sent to France and into England  the
Edict of Fontainbleau, ..... 178
LII. To Farel. — Sickness of Calvin — preparation for departure to
the Diet at Worms — letter to the Queen of Navarre on behalf
of the faithful persecuted in France, . . . 180
LIII. To the Seigneuky of Geneva. — Excuses himself from returning
to Geneva by the necessity of his attendance at the Diet of
Worms, ....... 184
LIV. To Farel. — Exposition of the motives which prevent him from
returning to Geneva, ..... 186
LV. To the Seigneury op Geneva. — Calvin at Worms — he excuses
himself to the magistrates of Geneva for his inability to comply
with their request, on account of the mission with which he
had been charged into Germany in the general interests of the
Church, ....... 190
LVI. To Farel. — Details of the interview of Calvin with the Deputies
from Geneva, . . . . . .194
LVII. To Nicolas Parent. — Testimony rendered to the French Church
at. Strasbourg and to the pastor in charge of it during the ab
sence of Calvin — matters of advice, . . . 196
LVIII. To Nicolas Parent. — Instructions regarding the Supper, and
on various points of Ecclesiastical Discipline, • . 198
1541.
LIX. To the Seigneury of Geneva. — Calvin sent to the Diet of Ra-
tisbon — he excuses himself on that account from returning at
that moment to Geneva — advices addressed to the magistrates
of that town, ...... 201
LX. To Farel. — Anxiety on account of the Swiss Churches — ap
proaching departure for Ratishon — disputes between Berne
and Geneva; — calumnies directed against the Vaudois of
Provence, . ..... 203
LXI. To Viret. — New expression of the repugnances and terrors which
Calvin feels in prospect of his returning to Geneva, . 206
LXII. To James Bernard. — Protests his devotedness to the Church of
Geneva — oblivion of past injury, . . . . 210
LXIII. To Farel. — Calvin at Eatisbon — the plague at Strasbourg —
grief of the Eeformer — Preliminaries of the Diet — the German
princes — the Italian prelates — Hungary — the Turk — Poland —
state of opinion — inclinations of Charles V. — Stayedness upon
God  213
LXIV. To Monsieur de Biciieeourg — Consolatory letter on the death
of his son,  222

XX CONTENTS.
T Page
Letter LXV. To Farel.— Affliction of Calvin— news of the Diet of Eatishon —
appointment of the theologians charged with the representation
of the two parties — their reception by the Emperor — portrait
of Julius Pflug, of Gropper, and of Eck, . . .229
LXVI. To Farel.— Bequest addressed by the ministers of the Church of
Zurich to those of Strasbourg — Calvin promises to return to
Geneva — message to Viret, . . . .234
LXVII. To Farel. — Eesults of the Diet of Ratisbon — conferences of the
theologians — original sin — free-will— justification — impossibility
of agreement in the sacrament of the Supper, . . 236
LXVIII. To Farel. — Efforts of Bucer and of Melanchthon to effect a con
nexion between the two Churches — formula of concord — feel
ing of Calvin on the subject, .... 238
LXIX. To the Pastors op the Church of Zurich. — The expression of
his sentiments in reference to the Church of Geneva — ready to
return to that town if the Magistrates of Strasbourg consent to
it, and if the Seigneury of Berne promise their support — testi
mony of respect for the Church of Zurich, . . 241
LXX. To Fakel. — Return of Calvin to Strasbourg — news of the Diet
of Ratisbon — contradictory formulae presented to the Emperor
— reply of Charles V. — letter to the King of France in favour
of his persecuted Protestant subjects, . . . 247
LXXI. To Farel and Viret.— Communication of a letter received from
Bucer — news of Germany — Church of Metz — assurance given
to Viret of his approaching departure for Geneva — recommen
dation of two young men, .... 250
LXXII. To Viret. — Excuses for his delay in leaving Strasbourg — conclu
sion of the Diet at Ratisbon, .... 254
LXXIII. To Farel. — Prepares to depart for Geneva — self-denial of Calvin
— absolute submission to the will of God, . . 256
LXXIV. To the Seigneury of Geneva. — Arrival of Calvin at Neu
chatel — purpose of his going to that town, . . . 258
IiXXV. To Farel — Calvin at Berne — his interview with one of the
principal magistrates, and with the ministers of that town, . 259
LXXVI. To Farel. — Arrival of Calvin at Geneva — his interview with
the magistrates — draws up a form of Ecclesiastical discipline
— advises Farel to moderation, . . . 260
LXXVII. To the Seigneury of Neuchatel. — Efforts to pacify the
Church of Neuchatel — instructions given to Viret, . . 262
LXXVIII. To Bucer. — New details regarding the troubles in the Church
of Neuchatel — proceedings of Viret — sentence pronounced by
the Bernese — the ecclesiastical Statutes of Geneva — request
for prolongation of leave for Viret — testimony of respect and
affection for Bucer — approach of the pestilence, . . 264
LXXIX. To Madame the Duchess op Ferrara. — Instructions on the
subject of the Mass, and on the necessity of avoiding
scandal, . . 271

CONTENTS. XXI
Letter ' Page
LXXX. To Farel. — Brotherly exhortations — efforts of Calvin to draw
Viret to Geneva — news of that Church, . . . 282
LXXXI. To Farel. — The Vaudois of Provence — appeal addressed to
Mathurin Cordier — the Eeformation at Paris and Lyons, . 284

1542.
LXXXII. To Faeel. — Healing of the troubles of the Church at Neuchatel
— wise counsel given to Farel, . . . 287
LXXXIII. To Oswald Myconius.' — Eestoration of the Chm-ch of Geneva
— wise and moderate behaviour of Calvin — obstacles to the
establishment of ecclesiastical discipline — duty of the magis
trates thereanent — information regarding an adventurer
named Alberg, ...... 288
LXXXIV. To Oswald Myconius. — The Eeformation at Cologne — some
details on the condition of Germany — efforts of Calvin to
retain Viret at Geneva, ..... 296
LXXXV. To the Brethren of Lyons. — Stay of a Carmelite monk at
Geneva — declaration of motives for refusing to admit him to
the ministry of the Gospel, ... . 299
LXXXVI. ToFabel. — Detail of the edifying death of the first Syndic,
Amy Porral, . . . . . . .307
LXXXVII. To Viret. — Sickness of Idelette de Bure — the beginnings of
the new ministers of the Church of Geneva, . .311
LXXXVIII. To Benedict Textor. — Divers recommendations, . .312
LXXXIX. To Farel. — Excuses "his silence — estimate of the new ministers
— works and literary productions of Calvin, . . . 313
XC. To Viret. — Proceedings of Castalio — school of Geneva — criti
cism on the new ministers — tidings of France — domestic
sorrow, ....... 316
XCI. To Viret. — Instructions given to Viret for the Synod of Berne
— need of maintaining the spiritual independence of the
Church — various directions, . . . . . 321 '
XCII. To Viret.— Disquietude of Calvin on occasion of the acts of the
Synod of Berne, . . . . . .323
XCIII. To Farel. — Wishes for the success of the journey undertaken
by Farel to Metz — calumnies of James de Morges, . . 325
XCIV. To Viret. — Origin of the disputes between Calvin and Castalio, 326
XCV. To Viret. — Invitation to Viret to come to Geneva — nomination
of a principal of the College of that town, . . . 328
1-~ XCVI. To Viret. — Approval of a letter of Viret to the Seigneuries of
Berne — the ecclesiastical property — Italian emigrants at Ge
neva — troubles caused by the differences of that town with
Berne, . . . • • . .329
' — XCArII. To Viret. — The plague at Geneva — conduct of the ministers in
these circumstances — Italian refugees — the question of the
ecclesiastical property examined, .... 333

XX11 CONTENTS.
Letter Page
XCVIII. To Bullinger. — Numerous occupations of Calvin— death of
Leo Juda — ravages of the plague in Switzerland, . . 338
XCIX. To Michael Varod. — Eecommendation of a sick person, . 340
1543.
C. To Monsieur le Cure de . S. — Eeligious controversy oc
casioned by the plague at Geneva — apologizes for the Eefor
mation, ....... 340
^ — SI. To Philip Melanchthon. — Testimony of respect and of frater
nal affection — his homage in one of his books — details of his
labours at Geneva — survey of the state of Germany and of
Italy, . . . . . . . .349
CII. To Viret. — Ecclesiastical particularities — struggles to maintain
the right of excommunication over the ministers, . . 353
""" CIII. To Conrad Pellican. — Offer of his services — answers the accu
sations directed against Farel — justification of Ochino — intro
duces two young men, ..... 354
CIV. To the Seigneury op Geneva. — Calvin at Strasbourg — expose
of his proceedings with the magistrates of that town for
preaching the Evangel at Metz — the news, . . . 357
CV. To the Pastors op the Church of Geneva. — The preaching
of the Gospel encounters difficulty at Metz — intrigues of Caroli
— fraternal exhortations, ..... 361
CVI. To Viret.- — 'Relation of his proceedings at Strasbourg, and the
state of things at Metz, ..... 363
CVII. To the Seigneury of Geneva. — Answer from the Assembly at
Smalkald — prolongation of the stay of Calvin and of Farel at
Strasbourg — preaching of the Evangel at Cologne — warlike
preparations in the Netherlands, .... 364
CVIII. To the Ambassadors op Geneva. — Expose of the motives
which prevent immediate return to Geneva — Cologne news
and of the Netherlands, ..... 367
CIX. To the Seigneury of Geneva. — New delay in conclusion of
the affair of Metz — Calvin makes arrangements for his return
to Geneva, . . . . . .369
CX. To Monsieur de Falais. — Exhorts him to quit his native
countiy and to retire where he can make free profession of the
Gospel, ....... 371"
CXI. To Madame de Falais. — Christian counsel and exhortations, . 375 "
CXII. To Monsieur de Falais. — Further exhortation to decide him
on quitting his country, . . . . . 377 "
1544.
CXIII. To Viret. — The ministerial office refused to Castalio — the mar
riage of Bonnivard, Abbot of St. Victor, . . . 379
CXIV. To Bullinger. — Conclusion of an arrangement between Berne
and Geneva, ....... 381

CONTENTS. XX1U
Letter pAGB
CXV. To Viret. — Farther details of the arrangements with the Ber
nese — recall of .the refugees — preparation of several works —
disagreements with Castalio, ..... 382
CXVI. To the Ministers of Neuchatel. — Controversy with Chapon-
neau regarding the Divinity of Christ, . . . 386
CXVII. To Farel. — Struggles and difficulties of Calvin at Geneva —
quarrels of the ministers — violent attacks of Castalio — dis
satisfaction of the deputies from Berne — reappearance of the
plague — dangers of the Church, .... 392
CXVin. To Oswald Myconius. — Political and military intelligence from
France and Germany, ..... 397
CXIX. To Monsieur de Falais. — Arrival of Monsieur de Falais at
Cologne — the sending of a minister — pious counsels, . 398
CXX. To Madame de Falais. — Christian congratulations — hope of a
speedy meeting, ...... 403
CXXI. To Farel. — Eenewal of the controversy regarding the Sacra
ments between the German and Swiss Churches, . . 404
CXXn. To Bullinger. — New appeal to the Seigneurs of Zurich, in
favour of the Waldenses of Provence — Luther's invectives
against the Swiss Eeformer — remarkable judgment in regard
to his character — his injustice pardoned in consideration of the
eminent services rendered by him to the cause of Christ, . 405
1545.
CXXIII. To Melanchthon — Explanations relative to the publication of
the book " Against the Nicodemites" — appeal to the autho
rity of Melanchthon and Luther — troubles arising from eccle
siastical discords — announcement of the Council of Trent —
policy of Charles V. and of Francis I. — convocation of a Synod
at Melun, ....... 410
CXXIV. To Luther. — Calvin submits to Luther several of his writings,
of which he desires to obtain his approbation, .416-
CXXV. To an unknown Personage. — Difficulties in the way of a re
union, and doubts of the efficacy of a General Council under
present circumstances — deplorable state of the Church — mo
tives which prevented him from going to confer in person with
the German Eeformers — his proposals to them, . 418
CXXVI. To Viret. — Intelligence of France and Germany — Synod of
Melun, ...... 423
CXXVII. To Vtret. — Election of new magistrates at Geneva — struggles
of Calvin, ...... 425
CXXVni. To Viret. — Mention of Clement Marot's metrical versions of the
Psalms — persecutions in France, . . 426
CXXLX. To Oswald Myconius. — Discovery of a conspiracy for the
spreading of the plague at Geneva — punishment of the con-
t spirators, ...... 428

XXIV CONTENTS.
Letter Page
CXXX. To the Queen op Navarre. — Calvin vindicates himself from
' the charges of having intended to attack her in his book
against the Libertines, . . .429
CXXXI. To Farel. — Massacre of the Waldenses of Provence — Calvin
entreats the sympathy of the Swiss Churches in their behalf, 434
CXXXII. To Viret. — Journey of Calvin in Switzerland — resolutions of the
Diet of Arau in favour of the persecuted brethren of France, 436
CXXXIII. To Monsieur de Falais. — Directions for his conduct towards
the Emperor Charles V., .... 437
CXXXIV. To John Cavent. — Consolations on the death of his wife and
mother, ....... 440
CXXXV. To Monsieur de Falais  Information regarding a house to be
sold at Geneva, ...... 441
CXXXVI. To Melanchthon  He complains of Luther's tyranny, and
affectionately exhorts Melanchthon to manifest greater deci
sion and firmness, ..... 442
CXXXVII. To Bullinger. — Defence of the Waldenses of Provence — arti
fices of their enemies — oppression of that unfortunate people, 445
CXXXVin. To the Pastors op Schaffhausen. — Calvin exhorts them to re
doubled efforts for the deliverance of their persecuted brethren, 448
CXXXIX. To Oswald Myconius. — Pressing entreaty in behalf of the
Waldenses of Provence, ..... 449
CXL. To Joachim Wadian. — Excuses for the long silence which he
had observed towards Wadian — allusion to the controversy
regarding the Sacraments — lively entreaties in behalf of the
Provencal brethren, ...... 451
CXLI. To Monsieur de Falais. — Eeport of the near arrival of M. de
Falais at Geneva — details relative to the acquiring of a house
in that town, ...... 454
*- -CXLII. To Oswald Myconius. — Letter of recommendation for Ochino, 457
CXLin. To Madame de Falais. — Use of affliction — 'preparation for the
arrival of M. de Falais at Geneva, .... 458

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CALVIN'S LETTERS.

I. — To Nicolas Duchemin.1
Calvin at the University of Orleans — his early friendships — he is recalled
to Noyon by the illness of his father. Noyon, 14tk May 1528.
As I do not think that you have hitherto been correctly in
formed of the motives and peculiar circumstances which have
brought my punctuality in question, you must at least be willing
to admit, that until now you have known me to be a person
rather overmuch attentive, not to say troublesome, in the fre
quency of my correspondence. Nor has my fidelity been so
sorely endangered as to leave me altogether inexcusable. For
after calm consideration, I came to this conclusion in my own
mind, that all the esteem you had conceived for me, during a
1 This letter is the earliest in the series of Calvin's correspondence. Born at
Noyon the 10th of July 1509, educated in the belles lettres at Paris, — in 1527 ho
went to study law at the University of Orleans, which he left soon afterwards, in
order to avail himself of the lectures of the celebrated Alciat at Bourges. In the
first mentioned of these towns, he had for fellow-students and friends, several young
men who were distinguished not less by their piety than by information and accom
plishment. Nicolas Duchemin was of this number, to whom, at a later period,
(1536,) he dedicated a letter, entitled " De fugiendis impiorum illicitis sacris et
puritate Christiana: Eeligionis." That letter was translated into English, (London,
1548, in 8vo.) The original is inserted in the Latin Edition of Calvin's Works,
(Amsterdam, 1671,) in the eighth volume. Also in the "Eecueil des Opuscules,"
Edition of 1566.
VOL. 1. A

2 NICOLAS DUCHEMIN. 1528.
long acquaintance and daily intercourse, could not vanish in a
single moment ; and that a certain kindly courtesy, as well as
shrewdness, is so much your nature, that nothing is wont unad
visedly to prejudge you. This consideration makes me feel
confident that I may be restored to favour, if any has been lost.
Keceive now, I pray you, in few words, the cause of this delay.
The promise made at my departure, that I would return in a
short time, while it was my wish to fulfil it, kept me all the
longer in a state of suspense. For when I was seriously intend
ing to return to you, my father's illness1 occasioned the delay.
But afterward, when the physicians gave some hope of his resto
ration to good health, I then thought of nought else than the
anxious desire to rejoin you, to which I had previously been
very strongly inclined, but which was much increased after an
interval of some days. Meanwhile, my onwaiting in this duty
has been prolonged, until at length there remains no hope of
recovery, and the approach of death is certain.2 Whatsoever
happens, I shall see you again.
Remember me to Francis Daniel ; to Philip,3 and your entire
household. Have you given in your name yet among the pro
fessors of literature ? See that your modesty does not enforce
indolence upon you. — Adieu, dear Duchemin, my friend dearer
to me than my life.
[Lat. copy — Library of Berne. Vol. 450.]
1 Gerard Chauvin, or Cauvin, father of the Eeformer, a man of strict morals,
of good understanding and judgment, which we have on the testimony of Theod.
de Beze, Calvini Vita. Originally of Pont l'Eveque, he had been promoted, by his
ability, to the office of notary apostolic, secretary to the bishopric, and promotevr
of the Chapter at Noyon. Le Vasseur, " Annates de VEglise Cathedrale de Noyon,"
chap. a. p. 1151.
2 It seems uncertain whether Gerard Chauvin died this year. The letters of
Calvin, so far as yet appears, contain no other allusion to that event, which must
have exercised a desirable influence on his life, in drawing him away from the study
of law to that of theology, in which direction all his own tendencies drew him. See
Theod. de BSze, Vita Calvini.
' Philippe Laurent, librarian of the library at Orleans.

1529. FRANCIS DANIEL.. 3
II. — To Francis Daniel.1
Calvin in Paris — Nicolas Cop — the two friends visit a monastery.
Paris, 27th June 1529.
Tired with the journey, the day after our drive hither we
could not stir a foot out of doors. For the next four days,
while I still felt unable to move about, the whole of that time
wore away in friendly salutations. On the Lord's day, I repaired
to the monastery with Cop,2 who had consented to accompany
me, that, according to your advice, I might fix a day with the
nuns on which your sister should take the vows. I was told, in
reply to my inquiry, that, along with some others of her own
rank, she had obtained from the sisterhood, in conformity with
approved usage, (ex solemni more,) the power of taking upon
herself the vows. The daughter of a certain banker of Orleans,
who is master of arts to your brother, is of the number. While
Cop was in the meanwhile engaged in conversation with the
abbess, I sounded the inclination of your sister, whether she
would take that yoke patiently, — whether she was not rather
wearied and drilled into submission than submitting her neck
willingly to the harness. . I urged her again and again freely
to entrust me with whatever she might have upon her mind.
Never have I seen any one more prompt or readier in reply,
so that it could not come soon enough to satisfy her wishes.
You would almost think she was playing with her doll as
oft as she heard speak of the vow. I did not wish to with
draw her from her purpose, because I had not come with

1 Francis Daniel, advocate of Orleans, the fellow-student and friend of Calvin at
the university of that town. (" Quant a Orleans, dit Th. de Beze, il y avoit bien
desja quelques personnages, aians connoissance de la verite, comme entr' autres
Francois Daniel, advocat, et Nicolas Duchemin, tenant escholiers en pension." —
Hist. Eccl. i. 9.) From several letters of the reformer it appears, (1559-1560,)
that while fully acknowledging the necessity of a reformation of the Church, Francis
Daniel remained inwardly attached to Eome. His two sons, Francis and Peter
Daniel, distinguished themselves in the study of law and literature.
! Nicolas Cop, the physician, professor in the College of Sainte Barbe, and friend
of Calvin. In 1533 he became rector of the University of Paris.

FKANCIS DANIEL.

1529.

that object. But, in few words, I admonished her not to rely
too much on her own resolutions, that she ought not to make
rash promises as to herself, but rather that she would rest upon
the strength of God for all needed help, — in whom we live and
have our being.
While we were thus engaged in conversation, the abbess gave
me an opportunity of speaking with her, and when I proposed
that she would fix a day, she left the choice to myself, but on
condition that Pylades1 should be present, who will be at
Orleans within eight days. So, as the day could not be fixed
more certainly, we left it to Pylades to decide. Do yon, there
fore, settle with him as shall seem convenient, since I can be of
no further service to you here.
Concerning my own affairs ; — as yet I have not fixed upon a
lodging, although there were many to be had if I had wished
to hire, and also offered by friends, had I been willing to take
advantage of the use of them. The father of our friend Coiffart
offered his own house to me, with that kindness that you would
have said there was nothing he desired rather than that I
should take up my abode with his son. Coiffart himself, also,
with many entreaties, and those not any way cold or distant,
insisted often that he might have me for companion and com
rade ; nothing would I have rather embraced with outstretched
arms than this inclination on the part of my friend, whose
acquaintance how pleasing and profitable it is to me, yourself
can testify, and which I would immediately have accepted had
I not intended this year to attend Danes,2 whose school is
situated at a great distance from Coiffart's house. All friends
who are here desire to be remembered to you, especially Coiffart
and Viermey, with whom I am about to ride out on horseback.
Greet your mother, your wife, and your sister Francisca. Adieu.
I have begun a letter to the canon, which I shall finish on my
return. If any inconvenience is occasioned by the delay I will
make up for it.
[Lat. copy — Library of Berne. Vol. 450.]
1 Pseudonyme, adopted by some unknown friend of Calvin.
2 P. Danesius. P. Danes, the scholar of Lascaris and of Bude, the learned Pro
fessor of Greek at the University of Paris.

1529. FRANCIS DANIEL.

III. — To Francis Daniel.
Thanks to Francis Daniel — salutations of Melchior Wolmar —
various messages. Meaux, 6th September 1529.
I owe you thanks for having omitted no diligence in the
care of our affairs, which I will not allow to pass unrequited
when occasion shall offer. For I think it will so happen that
at least I may be able to return a favour of the like kind, nor
even then shall my name be expunged from your day-book ;
what is more, there is scarcely a single page that does not state
me as your debtor. But if you think me worth the money, I
make myself over to you in payment, with the usual legal pro
viso, that whatever is mine may also go along with the purchase.
You must understand, moreover, that was the loophole opened
to our barefaced solicitation, while you gave ready and season
able aid, so that we can scarcely be in future anything but
shameless suitors, unmindful whether we are solvent or no, for
you do not confer benefits that you may make gain of them,
but bestow your favours freely. In the meantime, however,
I will take care that the inner chamber be well supplied with
wine, if I see that it will be to our advantage, that you may
not suppose anything to be rashly undertaken. Perhaps, in an
indirect way, I appear to ask money, but do not you interpret
me unkindly or twit me indirectly, unless, as you are wont, it is
good humouredly in jest. You have done manfully in behaving
with so much firmness towards that indolent Mascenas ; since
he cannot now-a-days suit his manners to us, let him be yo'ur
claw-back, and, puffed up and pompous, leave him to nurse
his ambition. I envy Fusius the astrologer. Your road-book
I return, which, with Lampridius, we may call the itinerary,
and in the Greek oSonropucrjv. I do not add thanks, because
words cannot do justice to its merit. Will you remember me to
Melchior1 if he is yet with you, to Sucquet and Pigney, also
1 Melchior Wolmar, who was Calvin's master at the University of Bourges, and
the preceptor of Theodore Beza ; called by the Duko of Wurtemberg to the

6 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1530.
to our friend Curterius ? Will you say to Sucquet, that I have
occasion to use the Homer's Odyssey which I had lent him ?
and when you have got it, keep possession, unless indeed Bonsart
who used to bring you my letters, to whom I had entrusted the
business, has been beforehand. — Adieu, dear friend, my nonesuch.
[Lat. copy — Library of Berne. Vol. 450.]

IV. — To Francis Daniel.
Domestic intelligence — departure to Italy of the brother of Francis Daniel.
From the Acropolis,1 15th January 1530.
It was not in my power to reply sooner to your brother
Robert's letter, because it was only delivered to me about the
middle of November, and shortly after I had to undertake a
journey of a fortnight. The illness- of the messenger, who had
been laid up for about twelve days with a dangerous complaint
at Lyons, hindered the letter from reaching me sooner. Mean
while the fair-time had gone by ; which season having past,
I had no opportunity of despatching a letter. With refer
ence to your brother, the matter stands thus : — I have en
deavoured, in every manner of way, to induce him to remain
with us. When I ascertained that he had rashly and without
any sufficient reason given up this, or resolved against it, I
thought I ought to persuade him to betake himself homewards ;
and as he had sometimes said that any attempt of "this sort
would be in vain, I thought it better, for the time, to give way,
until that warmth had in some degree subsided. As seemed to
me, he had come somewhat to himself, when all of a sudden,
wliile such a step never entered my thoughts, he decamped into
Italy. I was expecting him and his companion at dinner, because
that time had been appointed for touching on the subject. They
did not make their appearance. When during the whole day
Professorship of Law in the University of Tubingen ; he died in retirement at
Eisenach in 1561. Calvin dedicated to him, August 1, 154S, his Commentary on
the Second Epistle to the Corinthians.
1 That is to say, Paris.

1532. FRANCIS DANIEL. 7
they were not forthcoming, I began to suspect I know not what.
On sending to the inn, word was brought back that he had
already gone away. Peter,1 whom you have known, who had
accompanied them a mile or rather more, returned home
about four o'clock. Wherefore, if anything has happened con
trary to your wish and that of your relatives, you must not
blame me, who have done my utmost that he might not with
draw to a greater distance from you, contrary to your wishes.
Adieu ; remember me to all. May the Lord preserve you all,
especially your family.
Will you take charge of the delivery of the letter to my sister
Mary Du Marais ?
[Lot. copy — Library of Berne. Vol. 450.]

V. — To Francis Daniel.
Calvin's first work — Commentary on Seneca's Treatise, " De Clementia."
Paris, 23d May 1532.
Well, at length the die is cast. My Commentaries on the
Books of Seneca, " De Clementia," 2 have been printed, but at
my own expense, and have drawn from me more money than
you can well suppose. At present, I am using every endeavour
to collect some of it back. I have stirred up some of the profes
sors of this city to make use of them in lecturing. In the
University of Bourges I have induced a friend to do this from
the pulpit by a public lecture. You can also help me not a
little, if you will not take it amiss ; you will do so on the score
of our old friendship ; especially as, without any damage to
your reputation, you may do me this service, which will also
tend perhaps to the public good. Should you determine to

1 In the Latin, Petrus ad Vincula.
a This is the book entitled, L. Annsei Senecse Libri ii., de Clementia, ad Neronem
Csesarem, Commentariis Ulustrati. Paris, 1532, in 4to. Calvin had dedicated
this work to his old fellow-student, Claude de Hangest, of the illustrious family of
Mommor, now become Abbot of St. Eloy at Noyon. The Epistle Dedicatory is
dated from Paris the 4th April 1332.

8 FRANCIS DANIEL.

1532.

oblige me by this benefit, I will send you a hundred copies,
or as many as you please. Meanwhile, accept this copy for
yourself, while you are not to suppose that by your accept
ance of it, I hold you engaged to do what I ask. It is my
wish that all may be free and unconstrained between us.
Adieu, and let me soon hear from you. I wrote lately to
Pigney, but he has not answered. To Brosse I wrote long ago,
but to this time have no reply. He who will give Le Roy his
copy will dutifully salute him.
[Lat. copy — Library of Berne. Vol. 450.]

VI. — To Francis Daniel.
Calvin despatches copies of the Treatise " De Clementia " to several
persons — looks for lodgings in Paris. Paris, [1532.]
Both of your letters have reached me almost on the same
subject, and nearly in the same words. I have attended to
your commission about the Bibles, in procuring which there
was more need of taking some trouble than of money. When I
pack up my things I will put them along with my baggage.
The affair is of that kind which I suppose may be deferred
until that time. As for the rest, you must help me in your turn.
The Books of Seneca on Clemency are at last printed : they
are at my own cost and labour. The money which has been
expended must now be collected on all hands. Besides, I must
look to it, that my credit stands secure. Do write as soon
as you can, and let me know with what favour or coldness they
have been received, and try also to induce Landrin to lecture.
I send one copy for yourself ; will you take charge of the other
five, to be forwarded to Bourges for Le Roy, Pigney, Sucquet,
Brosse, Baratier ? If Sucquet can accept of it for the purpose
of lecturing, his help will be of no small service to me. Adieu.
I have nothing to write to Duchemin, seeing that often as I
have asked he returns no answer, nor shall I set out upon my
journey, until he write. What will it matter, if for some davs I

1532. DR. MARTIN BUCER. 9
shiver in the cold while in search of a lodging for the body !
Concerning Coiffart what else can I say, except that he is a
selfish fellow ? — Again, adieu.
Remember me to your mother and your aunt.
[Lat. copy — Library of Berne. Vol. 450.]

VII.— To Dr. Martin Bucer.1
Eecommendation of a French refugee in Strasbourg, who had been falsely
accused of holding the doctrines of the Anabaptists.
Noyon, 4th September 1532.
The grace and peace of the Lord be with you by the mercy
of God and the victory of Christ.
Leisure to write would not have weighed as an argument to
persuade me, any more than good advice, unless it had seemed
right to deplore in a few words the unhappy lot of this excel
lent brother, which some friends of undoubted faith and credit
have represented to me by letter. For whether you hear with
me in my grief and sympathy, or whether I further him in his
suit, I could not refrain from writing. The disposition and
manners of the man I had known while he lived with us in
France. He so conducted himself as to be beloved among the
men of our profession, if any one was. Esteemed as such among
1 This letter is addressed to Dr. Bucer, Bishop of Strasbourg. Martin Bucer,
a very distinguished minister and theologian, was born at Schelestadt in 1491,
and was initiated by Luther himself in the doctrines of the reformed, which
he introduced at Strasbourg, in concert with Mathias Zell and Hedion. Of a
moderate and conciliating turn, he interposed'continually between the reformers
of Germany and of Switzerland, and made sundry efforts to induce them to adopt
a common symbol. " His learned writings and commentaries, his disputations
and conferences on unforeseen occasions, his goings out and comings in for the sake
of the Church's peace, will always make known his remarkable erudition, great piety
and zeal, joined to an excellent disposition." — Th. Bezje Icones, GenSve, 1580.
Compelled with several friends to leave Strasbourg in 1549, on the advance of the
imperial army, he sought an asylum in England, and obtained a chair in the Uni
versity of Cambridge. He died there in 1551, and was interred with extraordinary
pomp. His body was disinterred under the reign of Mary, and publicly burnt at
the stake. In the reign of Elizabeth his memory was honourably restored.

10 DR. MARTIN BUCER.

1532.

men who were endowed with some degree of authority, and
so as to be neither a shame nor a disgrace to them. At
length, when he could no longer bow the neck to that voluntary
bondage which even yet we bear, he departed to take up his
residence with you, having no prospect of return. But, as the
matter stands, it fell out, contrary to his expectation, like the
shifting scene of a play, and he could find no settled abode
whither he might betake himself. Thither, also, as I hear, he
had hastened on account of his straitened means and household
matters, that he might have the benefit of the assistance of
friends whom himself had formerly assisted, until better times
should come. Now, observe how far more powerful is calumny
than truth. Some inconsiderate person, I know not who, among
your people, whom I certainly do not presume to suspect of
malevolence, had so prepossessed the ears of every one with his
invectives, that they were shut to all explanation. There was,
therefore, not a single person from whom he could extract a
penny. Probably it was not intended by the person, whoever
he was, who kindled the sparks of this tragedy, to destroy the
character of a harmless individual. Nevertheless, however that
may be, I can neither excuse him nor apologize to him, and
do not hesitate to assert that he has been in error, to the great
hardship and calamity of this individual. They cast upon him
these reproaches, as is said, because he had fallen under sus
picion of Anabaptism. Strange, indeed, unless the person was
outrageously suspicious who spim out this conjecture from so
slender evidence. In conversation I drew him intentionally to
speak of this sacrament. He agreed in express terms so
entirely with myself, that never have I met with any one who
professed the truth upon this point more frankly. Meanwhile
he suffers notwithstanding, nor does there appear any probability
that these sinister rumours, which have already obtained a cer
tain degree of credit, will soon be suppressed. I intreat of you,
Master Bucer, if my prayers — if my tears, are of any avail, that
you would compassionate and help him in his wretchedness.
The poor are left in a special manner to your care — you are
the helper of the orphan. Suffer him not to be reduced to such
necessity as to be driven to extremity. You can help him, if

1533. FRANCIS DANIEL. 11
you Choose, in some one way or other, but rather do so your
self, according to your own discretion. I could not, however,
hold my hand from going even beyond the bounds of ordinary
restraint in supporting the cause of this individual. These
for the present. — Most learned sir, farewell. Thine from my
heart, Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg^
VIII.— To Francis Daniel.1
Various communications — a new work put forth. [Paris, 1533.]
I send you these collectanea of late events, on this condition,
that, according to the best of your faith and duty, they may cir
culate among the friends, whom also you will respectfully salute
for me, except Framberg, whom I have resolved to tame by my
silence, seeing that I have not been able to coax him by gentle
ness, nor to get anything out of him by scolding. Besides, what
is worse than all, when his brother came hither, he did not even
send me a single greeting by him. I wish you would take
charge of Michael's law-suit, if by any means it can be brought
to bear ; but there is need of despatch. For whom, if you do
all that is in your power, I shall have to thank you the same as
if you had done the favour to myself. You will do the office
of interpreter to the sisters, that you may not enjoy your laugh
alone. I send you another Epitome of our Gymnasium, to
which I had resolved to add as an appendix what had been
broken off from those former Commentaries, if time had allowed.
Adieu, my brother and most trusty friend, your brother, Calvin.
I need not say that these are troublous times ; they speak
for themselves. Beware of incautiously communicating the
Epitome. [Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Berne. Vol. 141, p. 43.]
1 Addressed— To Monsieur my brother and good friend, Monsieur Daniel, Advo
cate at Orleans.

12 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1533'

IX. — To Francis Daniel.1
The Eeformation in Paris— rage of the Sorbonne— satirical Comedy directed
against the Queen of Navarre— intervention of Francis I. — deliberation
of the Four Faculties— revocation of the censure pronounced against the
book entitled " The Mirror of the Sinful Soul." Paris, [October] 1533.
Although I have beside me a forest of materials which fur
nish most satisfactory evidence of what is written, yet I will
restrain my pen, that you may have rather the leading features
than a long narrative ; to which were I to give way, it would
grow almost into a goodly volume. On the first of October, at
which time of the year the boys who pass out of the grammar
class into that of the dialectics, are wont, for the sake of practice,
to act a play, they performed one in the Navarre Gymnasium,
which was unusually pungent with the sprinkling of gall and
vinegar. The persons brought upon the stage are — a Queen,2
who, in womanly fashion, was taken up with spinning, and
wholly occupied with the distaff and the needle : then the
1 Letter without date of the month. Written, doubtless, in October 1533. On
the testimony of Th. Beza, we know that Calvin dwelt at this period in the College
of Forteret at Paris. Histoire Ecclisiastique, edit, de 1580, torn. i. p. 14; tha
same author, in Vita Calvini. Already he preached the reformed doctrine with
much skill and success. Implicated in the month of November following, along
with his friend Nicolas Cop, the Eector of the University of Paris, he had to leave
the capital, in order to escape the pursuit of which he was the object, and secretly
repaired to Angouleme.
2 Margaret of Valois, sister of Francis I., Queen of Navarre, one of the most distin
guished women of her age, both by the generosity o'f her character and the graces of
her understanding^ Inclined by the bent of her mind towards reform, by the devout
breathings of her soul, of which we find the expression in her poetry and in her
letters, she made use of her influence with her brother, the French monarch, to
abate the persecution directed against the disciples of the Evangel, and her gener
ous conduct more than once aroused the fury of the Sorbonne against her. Calvin,
exiled from France, had recourse on more than one occasion to the influence of
this Princess, and addressed very free exhortations to her. See, in this collection,
the letter of Calvin to the Queen of Navarre, of the 28th April, l,r)45.

1533. FRANCIS DANIEL. 13
fury Megaara1 appeared, bringing lighted torches near to her,
that she might throw away the rock and the needle. For a
little while she opposed and struggled ; but when she had
yielded, she received the gospel into her hand, and straightway
forgets all she had formerly grown into the habit of, and almost
even herself. Last of all, she becomes tyrannical, and persecutes
the innocent and unfortunate by every method of cruelty. Many
other devices were introduced in the same style, most unworthily
indeed against that excellent woman, whom, neither indirectly
nor obscurely, they tauntingly revile with their reproaches. For
a few days the affair was suppressed. Afterwards, however, as
Truth is the daughter of Time, the whole matter being reported
to the Queen, it seemed to her that it would set a very bad
example and encouragement to their wantonness, who are
always gaping after something new, if this impertinence were
allowed to pass unpunished. The prefect of police, with a
hundred officers, proceeded to the Gymnasium, and by his orders,
surrounded the building, that no one might slip out. He then
entered with some few of his men, but did not succeed in find
ing the author of the drama. They say, that he had little ex
pected such a proceeding, and had made no provision in the
event of it ; but that, being by accident in a friend's room, he
heard the noise before they could get sight of him, and so hid
himself away until an opportunity of escape presented. The
prefect in command of the police captured the boyish performers ;
the master of the Gymnasium, meanwhile, resisted this proceed
ing ; in the midst of their wranglings, stones were thrown by
some of the boys. The prefect, nevertheless, keeps hold of
his prisoners, and forced them to explain what parts they
had acted in the scene before supper. When the author of
the mischief could not be apprehended, the next thing was
1 Megasra. This Megere was an allusion to Gerard Eoussel, preacher to the
Queen of Navarre, one of the most zealous missionaries of the Eeformation at Paris.
[Megcera — Mag. Cerardus.) This information we have from the celebrated John
Sturm, in a letter to Bucer, which shews that the introduction of Megsera was »
play upon the name : " Nuper in Gymnasio Navarrico novus quidam . . rromrns
Eeginam introduxit, quse se in disciplinam diaboli traderet, una cum sacrifico quem
Megeram appellant, alludens ad nomen Magistri Gerardi." — Letter of Nov. 1533,
printed in Strobel, Histoire du Gymnase de Strasbourg, p. 109.

14 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1533.
to inquire after those who, when they could have hindered,
had permitted the performance, and had so long concealed
the whole affair. One who is distinguished above the rest
in authority and name, (for he is the great master Lauret,1)
sought that he might be imprisoned more respectably in the
house of one of the Commissaries, (as they call them.) Another
of them, Morinus, the second after him, was ordered to keep at
home. Meanwhile, the inquiry goes forward. What has been
discovered I know not : he is now summoned to appear on a
citation of three short days, as they now phrase it. So much
for the Comedies. Certain factious theologues have perpetrated
another exploit equally malignant, and perhaps almost as auda
cious. When they searched the shops of the booksellers, among
the books which they brought away, they seized the book which
is called Le Miroir de VAme Pechei -esse,2 the reading of which
they wish to prohibit. When the Queen was informed of it, she
called on the King her brother, and told him she had written
the book. By letters addressed to the masters of the Paris
Academy he required them to certify to himself whether they
had examined the book, and whether they had classed it
among those of unsound religion ; that if they considered it
such that they would give him. the reason of their opinion.
Referring to the whole procedure, Nicolas Cop, the physician,
at present the rector, stated the affair to the four colleges of
arts, of medicine, of philosophy, of theology, and of the canon
law. Among the masters of arts whom he first addressed, he
inveighed in a long and bitter oration against the doctors,
because of their rash and arrogant behaviour towards her
majesty the queen. He advised them not to interfere in any
way in a matter of so much danger, if they did not wish to
incur the displeasure of the king, nor to array themselves
1 This Lauret is designated, in the letter of Sturm above cited, as a man of great
erudition and of much influence, " homo potens et rex sapientum."
2 The Mirror of a Sinful Soul: a mystical poem, wherein the Queen of Navarre
acknowledges no other Mediator than Jesus Christ, and no other righteousness than
his expiatory death. This book, which first appeared in print at Alencon in 1531,
reprinted in 1533 at Paris, forms part of the poetical collection published under the
title, " Marguerites de la Marguerite des Princesses, tres illustre Eeyne de Navarre."
Lyon. 1547. 2 vols, in 8vo.

1533. FRANCIS DANIEL. 15
against the queen, that mother of all the virtues and of all good
learning. Lastly, that they ought not to take the blame of this
offence upon themselves, lest they should encourage the pre
sumption of those who were always ready to enter upon any
thing under cover of the pretext that it was the deed of the
academy to which they had committed them, without the aca
demy being at all aware of it. It was the opinion of them all
that the act ought to be disavowed. The theologians, canonists,
and physicians, were of the same mind. The rector reported
the decree of his order ; next, the dean of the faculty of medi
cine ; third, the doctor of canon law ; fourth, the faculty of the
ology. Le Clerc, the parish priest of St Andrew, had the last
word, on whom the whole mischief was laid, others retiring
from him out o'f sight. First of all he praised, in lofty expres
sion, the uprightness of the king, the undaunted firmness
with which hitherto he has conducted himself as a protector
of the faith. That there were some busy-bodies who endea
voured to pervert this excellent person, who also were in league
together for the destruction of the sacred faculty; that he,
however, entertained the confident expectation that they would
not succeed in their wishes, and that, in opposition to such
firmness as he knew the king to possess. That as regarded
the matter in hand, he was indeed appointed by the decree
of the academy to that office ; that nothing, however, was less
intended by him than to attempt anything against the queen, a
woman so adorned by godly conversation as well as by pure
religion, in proof of which he adduced the reverence with which
she had observed the funeral rites in memory of her deceased
mother j1 that he held as forbidden books, both those obscene
productions, — Pantagruel and the Forest of Loves, and others
of the same mint ; that, in the meantime, he had put aside the
book in question as liable to suspicion, because it was published
without the approval of the faculty, in fraud and contravention
of the arret, whereby it was prohibited to put forth anything
1 Louise of Savoy, regent of France during the captivity of Francis I. at Madrid.
She died in 1531. After having favoured for a time the doctrines of the Eeformers,
this cunning and cruel princess gave the signal for the most ruthless persecution of
the preachers of the Gospel.

16 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1533.
concerning the faith without the advice and approbation of the
faculty ; that, in a word, this was his defence, that what was
called in question had been done under warrant and commission
of the faculty; that all were partakers in the offence, if there
was any, although they might point blank deny it. And all this
was spoken in French, that all might understand whether he
spake the truth ; they all cried out, however, that he pleaded
this pretended ignorance by way of excuse. There were pre
sent also the Bishop of Senlis, L'Etoile, and one of the prefects
of the palace When Le Clerc had made an end of speaking
Parvi1 said, that he had read the book, — that he had found
nothing requiring expurgation unless he had forgot his theology.
Finally, he required that they would give out a decree by which
they might satisfy the king. Cop, the rector, announced that
the academy did not acknowledge that censure as it stood ; that
they did not approve nor homologate the censure by which the
book in question was classed among the prohibited or suspected
books ; that those who had done so must look to it, on what
ground they were to defend the proceeding ; that letters would
be prepared in due time, whereby the academy might excuse
itself to the king, and also return thanks for that he had so
kindly addressed them in a fatherly way. The royal diploma
was produced, by which permission is granted to the Bishop
of Paris to appoint what preachers he pleases to the different
parishes, where formerly they were chosen at the will of the
parishioners ; the chief influence being enjoyed by those who
were most obstreperous and possessed by a senseless furor, which
they consider zeal, such as never fired Elias, with which, how
ever, he was zealous over the house of God. — Farewell.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Berne. Vol. 141.]

1 William Parvi, Bishop of Senlis and confessor of the king. He had translated
into French the Livre d'Heures of Margaret of Valois, suppressing at the same
time from the book a great number of pieces addressed to the Virgin and to the
saints.

1534. FRANCIS DANIEL. 17
X. — To Francis Daniel.1
Eetirement of Calvin to Angouleme. Doiopolis, [1534.]
Without having anything particular to write I can at any
time play the gossip with you, and so fill up a letter. Yet why
should I intrude upon you with my complainings ? The chief
matter which, in my opinion, is of sufficient interest to be com
municated to you at present is that I am getting on well, and
taking into account the constitutional weakness and infirmity
which you are well aware of, am also making some progress
in study. Certainly, also, the kindness of my patron may well
quicken the inactivity of the most indolent individual, for it is
such that I clearly understand that it is given for the sake of
letters. So that I must all the more endeavour and earnestly
strive that I he not utterly overwhelmed under the pressure of
so much generous kindness, which somehow constrains me to
exertion. Although, indeed, were I to strain every nerve to the
utmost I could never make any adequate, or even inadequate re
turn, so great is the amount of obligation which I would have
to encounter. This inducement, therefore, must keep me con
tinually mindful to cultivate those common pursuits of study
for the sake of which so great a value is put upon me. If
permitted to enjoy in repose such as this — the interval, whether
I am to consider it of my exile or of my retirement, I shall
conclude that I have been very favourably dealt by. But the
Lord, by whose Providence all is foreseen, will looh to these
things. I have learned from experience that we cannot see
1 Without date. After an attentive examination of this letter we believe it to
refer to the first months of the year 1534, while Calvin resided with his friend Louis
du Tillet at Angouleme. It is known that the young reformer, while he was
obliged to retire from Paris, after the discourse of his friend Nicolas Cop, (No
vember 1533,) found an asylum in the house of Du Tillet, and spent several
months at Angouleme in solitude and retirement. It is from that town, designated
under the Greek name of Doxopolis, that he wrote to his friend Francis Daniel,
in praise of the kindness of his host (Louis du Tillet) and of the peaceful retreat
which Providence had prepared for him.
VOL. I. B

1 8 CHRISTOPHER LIBERTET. 1534.
very far before us. When I promised myself an easy tranquil
life, then what I least expected was at hand ; and, on the con
trary, when it appeared to me that my situation might not be
an agreeable one, a quiet nest was built for me, beyond my ex
pectation, and this is the doing of the Lord, to whom, when we
commit ourselves, Himself will have a care for us. But I have
already almost filled my page, partly with writing, partly with
blotting. — Adieu, greet whom you will.
[Lot. copy — Library of Berne. Vol. 450.]

XI. — To Christopher Libertet.1
Calvin in Basle — revision of the Bible of Eobert Olivetan — treatise on
the Immortality of the Soul.
Basle, 11th September, [1534.2]
When our friend Olivetan3 had intimated, by the letters which
he wrote about the time of his departure, that he had put off
his intended publication of the New Testament to another time,
it appeared to me that I might make the revision which had
been promised at my leisure, and reserve it to another time.
Meanwhile other studies engaged my attention, and I thought
no more of the matter, or rather sank down into my wonted
languor. As yet, I have scarcely got my hand to work upon it,
and besides, the volume which I sent will be necessary in the
1 Christopher Libertet or Fabri, of Vienne in Dauphiny, a worthy minister of
the Church of Neuchatel. At an early period he entered into friendly relations
with Calvin, was in 1836 pastor of the congregation at Thonon, took part the same
year in the disputation at Lausanne, and was recalled in 1546 by the Church of
Neuchatel, which he served until the time of his death, in 1563, with equal wisdom
and faithfulness.
2 Without date. This letter, written before the publication of the Bible of
Eobert Olivetan, refers evidently to the year 1534. Under the necessity of leaving
France in order to escape persecution, Calvin had retired to Basle, where, in the
year following, he composed his book, " De Hnstitution Chretienne."
s Peter Eobert Olivetan, related to Calvin, and translator of the Bible into the
French language. Banished from Geneva in 1533, he had retired to Neuchatel,
where he published successively (1534-1535) his translation of the New and of the
Old Testament This work, undertaken at the request of the Vaudois of Piedmont,
had been revised by Calvin.

1534. CHRISTOPHER LIBERTET. 19
collation, and yet, though it was brought three months ago, it
has not yet been put together. This has not occurred through
any indifference on my part, but partly by the slowness of the
binder, whom, nevertheless, we have not ceased to call upon
daily, partly also because when it was brought to me at first
we required a supply of paper to the extent of six sheets,
which could not be had immediately. Henceforward, however,
I shall set apart an hour every day to be bestowed on this work.
And should I throw together any remarks, I will not deposit
them with any other person than yourself, unless Olivetan
on his return shall anticipate you. Further, word has been
brought me by some one, I know not who, at your request, that
you did not entirely approve of some things in my treatise on
the Immortality of Souls.1 So far from being offended because
of your opinion, I am greatly delighted with this straight
forward plainness. Nor does my perversity reach to such a
degree as to allow myself in a freedom of opinion, which I would
wish to take away from others. That I may not, however, vex
or annoy you unnecessarily, by fighting the same battle over
and over again, I wish you to understand that the book has
been recast by me. Some things have been added, others left
out, but altogether in a different form and method. Although
some few things have been omitted I have inserted others, and
some things I have altered. As for that essay which I had
given Olivetan to read, it contained my first thoughts, rather
thrown together in the shape of memoranda or common places,
than digested after any definite and certain method, although
there was some appearance of order. That new book (for so it
must be called) I would have sent you, had it been read over
again by me. But since it was written out by Gaspar, I have not
looked into it. Farewell ; may the Lord have you in His keeping,
and enrich you always with His own gifts. — Yours,
Martianus Lucanius.2
1 This is the treatise which is entitled, " Psyclwpannychia, qua refellitur eorum
error qui animas post mortem usque ad ultimum judicium dormvre pwtant." —
Paris, 1534, 8vo. This treatise, translated into French by Calvin himself, has
been inserted, with a preface of the author, " a un sien amy," in the " Eecuc.il des
Opuscules," p. 1.
2 A pseudonyme which Calvin sometimes made use of in his Latin correspondence.

20 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1536-
Some how or other it has so happened that in the hurry of
writing I omitted what by no means I had intended. It was
to exhort you and the other brethren in a few words, but most
heartily, to the cultivation of peace, for the preservation of
which you ought all of you to strive the more earnestly as Satan
watches intently for its overthrow. You can scarce believe
how much I was shocked at hearing of that new uproar about
the lepers, set agoing by him of whom I would never have sus
pected such a thing. But at length he vomited out the poison
with which he was sweltering from long dissimulation, and
having fixed the sting, like a viper fled away. Be not want
ing, on your part, I entreat you, so far as lies in you, which,
indeed, I was confident would be the case of your own accord,
but I was willing at the same time to interpose my prayer
for peace. [Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of the Company of Neuchatel]

XII. — To Francis Daniel.1
Calvin in Geneva — translation into French of the " Institutes of Christi
anity " — disputation of Lausanne — establishment of the doctrines of the
Eeformation in the Pays de Vaud. Lausanne, lZth October 1536.
That you may not, according to old use and wont, lay a long
and clamorous accusation against my indolence, seeing that
whole three months have passed away during which you have
received not a single letter from me, accept now a brief state
ment as to the state of matters upon the whole. For some days
1 This is the first letter of the Eeformer after his settlement at Geneva. Having
left his retreat of Basle in the beginning of the year 1536, he had made a rapid tour
in the north of Italy, and revisited France, which he had left in the month of July
on his return to Switzerland. Not being able, without danger, to traverse Cham
pagne and Lorraine, he went back to Basle by the way of Geneva, (August 1536,)
when he was detained in that town by the entreaties of Farel. Afterwards ho
accepted the office of Professor of Theology, and attended the disputation of Lau
sanne on the 1st of October, which was followed by the establishment of the Eefor
mation in the Pays de Vaud, conquered by the Seigneury of Berne from the Duke
of Savoy.

1536. FRANCIS DANIEL. 21
I was detained at Geneva by the brethren, until they ex
tracted from me a promise to return ; then after that, I brought
back my relative Artois1 to Basle, and gave offence to several
churches in the course of my journey, by whom I was requested
to stay with them for a little while. In the meantime, the
August fair was over, which was the most favourable oppor
tunity for the conveyance of letters. Furthermore, as soon as
I got back to Geneva, a violent cold attacked me, which after
ward settled upon the upper gum, so that there was scarce any
relief even after nine days, and after having been twice bled,
with a double dose of pills and several fomentations. Nor is
it yet completely shaken off. During that lost opportunity,
although there was abundant leisure for writing, and the way
or channel of correspondence was not entirely closed, yet I was
kept continually occupied upon the French version of my little
book ; 2 and the almost certain expectation began then to arise,
that the letters might reach you enriched by that acquisition,
rather than that they should come empty-handed. But before
my intention could be fulfilled, the day fixed for the disputation
at Lausanne had already arrived,3 at which my presence was
required ; and at the same time I saw the November fair ap
proaching, which I considered to be a more convenient time for
writing, and therefore it seemed to me better to wait for that
opportunity. So much to stop your expostulations.
The talk of the disputation above mentioned has, I understand,
been spread so far and wide, that I do not doubt some whiff of
it has reached your city. The disputation was appointed by a
decree of the Council of Berne, accompanied by a solemn Edict,4
1 Calvin had left Noyon accompanied by his brother Antony and his sister Mary,
who went to settle at Basle. Beze, Calvini Vita.
'' The book here referred to is no other than the Institution Chritienne, first pub
lished in Latin, (Basle, 1 536, in 8vo.) Calvin thought of giving a translation of that
work. The first known edition of the Institution Chritienne in French bears date
1540. 8 The disputation of Lausanne, in which Farel, Viret, and Calvin took part,
began the 2d October, and lasted seven days. The narrative of what took place
may be found in Euchat, Histoire de la Reformation en, Suisse, edit. 1836, vol. iv.
pp. 161-163.
4 Edict of July 16, 1536. Euchat, Histoire de la Reformation, vol.iv.; Pieces
Justificatives, No. II.

22 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1536.
whereby the Senate declared, that it was free to every one, and
that without the dread of being called in question, to state what
ever might concern the matter of disagreement upon the point
of religion. They considered that this was the most likely
method, by which publicly to expose the unskilfulness of those
who try to oppose the Gospel, and that thus they might render of
no avail the triumph arising out of this new authority which
they have accepted at the hand of the Duke of Savoy. Already
in many places, the idols and altars of Popery have begun to
disappear, and I hope it will not be long before all remaining
superstition shall be effectually cleared away. The Lord grant
that idolatry may be entirely uprooted out of the hearts of all.
I do not describe to you the precise form in which the disputa
tion presents itself, because it is not easy to do so in a brief
explanation, and also because I trust it will some time or other
be published. To-morrow, if the Lord will, I set out for Berne,
about which affair you shall hear from me by other letters ; and
I am afraid it will be necessary for me to hasten forward as far
as Basle : which inconvenience, however, I shall endeavour if it
be possible to avoid ; more especially taking into account the
state of my health, and the very unseasonable time of the year.
If those idle bellies with you, who chirp together so sweetly in
the shade, were only as well disposed as they are talkative, they
would instantly flock hither to take on themselves a share of
the labour, to which we must be inadequate, since there are
so few of us. You can hardly believe the small number of
ministers compared with the very many churches which need
pastors. How I wish, seeing the extreme necessity of the
Church, that, however few they may be in number, there were
at least some right-hearted men among you who may be in
duced to lend a helping hand. May the Lord preserve you. —
Yours, Martianus Lucanius.
Remember me, I entreat you, particularly to your mother and
sister, your wife also, if you think proper, your kinsmen, and all
the rest.
[Lat. copy— Library of Berne. Vols. 141 and 142.]

1537. MEGANDER. 23

XIII.— To MEGANDER.1
Calvin and Caroli encounter each other — prayers for the dead — the
Genevese clergy accused of Arianism — need of a synod.
Geneva, [February 1537 .*]
Grace to you and peace from the Lord.
It must be already well known to you how much mischief
Caroli3 has of late stirred up ; he has devised a method, for
sooth, by which it is possible to aid the dead by prayer, not
that their sins may be remitted, but that they may be raised up
as expeditiously as possible ; — certainly a piece of very necessary
information, especially at the present time, when we are pressed
by so many difficulties. The ambitious man wished to recom
mend himself to the public, in whose esteem he does not rank
very high, by some novelty, as if that had been any thing
new which has long ago been propounded by different authors.
Nevertheless he impudently claims the praise of the discovery,
from whence it is evident, with what purpose he has been
induced to put forth this dogma. But even were we to yield
to his eager desire of popularity, that false applause which he

1 Gaspar Grossmann, (Megander,) from Zurich, minister of the Church of Berne.
In 1537 he presided in the Synod of Lausanne, where the errors of Caroli were con
demned, and in the following year became pastor of the church at Zurich.
2 Letter without date, written evidently a little before the meeting of the Synod
of Lausanne, which took place about the middle of the month of May 1537. —
Euchat, Histoire de la Reformation en Suisse, torn. v. p. 24-40.
8 Peter Caroli, of Eosay in Brie, doctor of the Sorbonne, known by his disputes
with Farel and with Calvin. His unsettled disposition, as well as interested
motives, led him towards the work of the Beformers ; he sought the friendship of
Le Fevre of Etaples, at Paris, and, in 1534, went to Geneva, where the license of
his manners drew upon him the censures of Farel and also of Viret, against both of
whom he vowed thenceforward an irreconcilable hatred. Called afterwards as
minister to Neuchatel and to Lausanne, he attacked the doctrines of the Beformers,
maintained the necessity of prayers for the dead, and saw his doctrine condemned
in the Synod of Lausanne. (May 1537.) Banished by the Senate of Berne, he
retired to Fiance, went back to the Church of Rome, and died miserably in that
city, after an agitated and wandering career.

24 MEGANDER.

1537

demands, of what consequence would that be, when it shall
have been clearly proved that the device was not only over
curious and trifling, but also silly, as I pledge myself that I
will show ? But setting aside all consideration of the truth
as well as falsehood of the dogma, it is not possible to
excuse his extreme malice and dishonesty in the spreading
of it abroad. While he had Viret present, there was not a
word about that matter. He paid us a visit, — immediately
thereon a rumour follows. The matter speaks for itself, that
he had remarked upon the absence of his colleague with the
view of disturbing the peace of the Church. To this must
be added, that upon your own motion it was agreed, by the
judgment of all the brethren, that nothing should be brought
before the people in an unusual manner, or without having been
previously considered, unless many were advised with before
hand. You are aware how just and reasonable that is, and how
well adapted for promoting the unity of doctrine. By this
decree we were well assured that our Churches would be most
seasonably guarded against being cut up by dissension. But
this troublesome fellow, as if he did not care to what extent
he might disturb the Church of Christ by his rashness, at
the same time thus sets at defiance the law and judgment
of the whole Church. Even if he had not hitherto led a
dissolute and altogether irrational life, he ought, by this time,
to have considered that a different kind of behaviour must
now be adopted by him. But even now how does he pro
ceed ? Never have I heard any thing more outrageous ; so
that it was evident he was doing his best to carry on the
war against us. So great was his mental excitement, such
the fierceness of exclamation, so bitter were his expressions.
Viret was the first to come back ; but when that had no effect,
at the request of the brethren, I myself also interposed. In the
presence of your deputation he positively refused, in the most
supercilious manner, to give any explanation of his proceeding ;
then he complained that my anxious care in bringing the
matter under your notice was nothing less than a base conspi
racy to ruin him, when most assuredly it is quite certain, that I
never entertained any enmity towards him, and that Farel and

1537. MEGANDER. 25
Viret had never found fault with him except on account of
his immoral conduct. But Viret refuted all his quirks and
calumnies with so much cleverness, that being manifestly de
tected, he might be considered as convicted upon this point.
That he might, therefore, appear to have got the better of
us in something or other, he accused the whole meeting of
Arianism. I rose up immediately and brought forward the
confession in our Catechism, which is repeated in our public
letter to your college. Even this did not quiet him, but he
declared that we would be suspected in that matter, until we
subscribed the creed of Athanasius. I replied, that it was not
my practice to approve any thing as the words of God, unless
upon due consideration. Here observe the rabid fury of the
little ass. Thereupon he cried out, that it was an expression
unbecoming a Christian man. The deputies said that there
was need of a General Assembly where these matters might be
discussed, which they also undertook that themselves would
see to. Neither can I in any adequate degree express in words,
nor can you conceive, the imminent peril to the Church if that
measure be any longer delayed ; therefore I do not think we
ought to wait until the deputies make good their promise, but
rather that these measures must be referred to you and to your
colleagues. In that view of the question, the public letter has
been addressed to your college. But, in truth, my very worthy
brother, you can do most in this affair yourself, and ought, in
virtue of the power which belongs to your place, above every
other person, to strive for it to the uttermost. You appear to me
to be specially required, seriously to turn your attention to this
business. You can hardly believe how sorely the foundations
which have hitherto been laid have been affected by this one
blow, while, in the meantime, the unskilful are told, that we
are not agreed among ourselves upon the doctrine of religion,
nor can there be a doubt that more serious consequences will
ensue presently, unless we apply the suitable remedy. Already
certain of our people are called impostors, who not only con
cealed that they pray for the dead, but have confidently affirmed
that they do not. Further, the peasants object, that we ought to
be agreed among ourselves before we endeavour to bring others

26 MEGANDER. 1537.
to be of our mind. Think with yourself what may be expected
to arise from such preliminaries as these. Moreover, this
stigma with which that wicked calumniator has branded us
must not be allowed to stick, so as that the seamless robe of the
Gospel may utterly be rent asunder by the reproaches of the un
godly. It ought, therefore, to be carefully looked to, that all the
ministers speaking the French language, who are under the
government of your republic, may be enforced to attend the
council, where all controversies of this sort are to be decided. We
must lose no time, however, and also strive, if by any means that
can be obtained, that it may meet before Easter. There are,
besides, some other matters which it may prove of no incon
siderable advantage to have settled before that time, as, indeed,
we hear some muttering about, I cannot tell what, of an in-
crusted body of Christ, with which absurd folly it is requisite
that we grapple in due time. Do you, therefore, according to
your piety and prudence, see to it that you be not wanting in a
matter of so great moment, and arrange at once for the meeting
before Easter. We have compared your directory for the cere
monies, — translated by Maurus1 at our request, with ours, and
find no difference except that it is more concise. I brought it
with me lately to Lausanne, as there was some prospect that I
might also visit Berne. It seemed to me, however, to he better
to wait for the day of assembly, when we can go over it at our
leisure. Pray do not hesitate to write, both concerning that
and the calling of the synod, at which our ministers will will
ingly attend.
[Lat. orig. autogr.— Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
1 Is this Maurus Musseus, a French gentleman, who was converted to the Gospel,
the friend of Bucer and of 03colampadius ? We are here left to loose conjecture
in the absence of positive testimony.

1537. VIRET. 27

XIV— To Viret.i
Preaching of the Gospel at Besancon — ecclesiastical intelligence — discour
agement of Farel — necessity for the return of Viret to Geneva.
Geneva, 23d April 1537.
As I had no particular matter which occasioned my writing
to you at present, so I had not intended to write if Farel had not
thought otherwise. I have, therefore, taken up the pen rather
in compliance with his request, than because I considered it to
be necessary. For I have no doubt whatever of his having
embraced everything in his letter which was likely to suggest
itself to my recollection. When a certain person of our ac
quaintance had brought us word, that he had lately been
informed by letter that the brother who was detained in prison
at Besancon had been let out with the general consent of the
people, and set entirelyat liberty, when not long ago hewould have
been retained a prisoner in that dungeon, from whence no one
was ever brought forth, unless to undergo the sentence of death,
and besides, that the bishop, having packed up his furniture in
a great rage, had retired into the neighbouring castle, the oppor
tunity seemed to us to be most particularly well suited for our
getting a footing in that quarter. We have, therefore, requested
1 Such is the address : To my very dear brother, Viret, Minister of the Church
of Lausanne. — The minister, Peter Viret, one of the three great Reformers of French
Switzerland. Born at Orbe in 1511, he completed his education at the University
of Paris, and from the time of his return to his own country, devoted himself to the
preaching of the reformed doctrine, which he spread at Orbe, at Payerne, and at
Granson. Gifted naturally with persuasive genius and eloquence, he was sent by
Farel to Geneva in 1534, and there held a public disputation against the Dominican
Furbiti. He contributed powerfully to the establishment of the Eeformation in
that city. Named two years after (1537) Pastor of the Church of Lausanne, he
served that charge until 1538, the period of his destitution by the Senate of Berne,
and of his retirement to Geneva with the more illustrious members of the Vaudois
clergy. Compelled by his weak state of health to leave Switzerland, he removed
in 1561 to the South of France, wrought in the work of the ministry in the
churches of Nimes, of Lyons, of Orange, and died in 1571, either at Orthes or
Pau. The numerous writings of Viret mentioned by Senebier, Hist. Liit. de Geneve,
torn. i. pp. 156-159, prove him to have been an original writer, though rather diffuse,
and ingenious and eloquent as a moralist.

28 viret. 1537.
a certain native of Langres, who was then close at hand, a man
richly endowed in the best kind of learning and of mild deport
ment, that he would undertake the management of that pro
vince. But as he could not be induced to do so by any entreaties,
we have thought of him of Tournay, if anyhow he could be
dragged away from Aigle, which we suppose might not be alto
gether impracticable, if Froment1 would so far acquiesce as
to take upon him that charge of his. He may very well give
them to understand, that he has been called by his friends in
France for a few days to Geneva, in which interval he will be
able to ascertain whether there is any chink or inlet by which
to gain an entrance ; and should he have any success at all, then
all is well — the point is gained ; but if he shall see that the
corn is not yet ripe, he will retire without delay.
Do urge forward matters as much as possible, that we may
be ready beforehand on the day of assembly, and do so arrange
in the meantime that all our friends attend on the day of meet
ing thoroughly well prepared. For we shall never be able to
stand our ground against so much wickedness, unless we hold
closely together in the most perfect agreement with each other.
Wherefore, both in setting forth the confession and in all our
deliberation, it will be desirable to have one voice for all — to be
unanimous. Michel, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the whole Pres
bytery, being self-elected Bishop of Aubonne, has gone away
from hence, noways delayed or hindered by the very many
solemn entreaties of the brethren, by which they endeavoured
to withdraw him from so bold an undertaking. If such a
precedent were once allowed, what will our ministry be but
plain robbery ? I therefore say nothing about the man, be
cause at first sight you will easily scent out what he would be
1 Antony Froment, originally from Dauphiny, one of the earlier missionaries of
the Eeformation at Geneva. He was nominated pastor of the Parish of Saint Ger-
vais in 1537 ; at a later period he resigned the ministry, was attached as secretary
to Bonnivard in the work of drawing up the Chronicles of that town and city, and
died, leaving behind some curious memoirs on the history of the religious revolution
of which he had been one of the instruments at Geneva. Senehier, Hist. IM. de
Geneve, torn. i. pp. 93 and 150 ; MSS. in the Library of Geneva, No. 140.

1537. SIMON GRTNEE. 29
at. I consider your being restored to us to be indispensable,
unless we are willing to lose Farel, who is more exhausted with
the great anxiety than I ever thought would be the case with
one of such an iron constitution. I wished you to be aware of
this, that at your leisure you might think of a successor. I
am afraid, also, lest that church may be entirely dispersed
by schism rending it in pieces, if we leave any gap or vacancy
in it.
May the Lord continually enrich you with the daily increase of
His Spirit, my most friendly brother. Mr. de Hautmont1 in
tends returning to France. If, therefore, you can procure a
trustworthy and suitable conveyance, will you send back the
cloak and such of the books as had been brought thither.
Saunier2 himself and his relative salute you.
[Lot. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XV. — To Simon Grtnee.3
The nature of the controversy between Calvin and Caroli clearly laid open
— Synod of Lausanne — Caroli is condemned, and the teaching of Calvin
and Farel solemnly approved. Beehe, [May 1537.]
Although the tricks and wiles of Satan are altogether mar
vellous and not easy to believe, those, I mean, by which he
closely assails us in our work, of which we have had some
' Louis du Tillet, senior curate of Claix in Poitou, and fellow-student of Calvin,
then in retirement at Geneva, under the name of Mr. de Hautmont. In the year
following he returned to France. See, in this Collection, three Letters of Calvin
to Louis du Tillet, (1538.)
2 Antoine Saunier, regent of the College of Geneva.
' Simon Grynee, a learned theologian and professor of the belles lettres, the friend
of Erasmus and of Melanchthon, rector of the Academy of Basle. His intercourse
with Calvin dates from the epoch of the first visit of the Eeformer to that town,
(1535, 1536.) They became more intimate when Calvin, banished from Geneva,
returned anew to seek an asylum at Basle, and was hospitably entertained in the
house of Grynee, to whom he dedicated, in testimony of his remembrance, his Com
mentary on the Epistle of St. Paul to the Eomans, (18th October 1539.) Two years
afterwards, Simon Grynee died of the plague. His nephew, James Grynee, discharged

30 SIMON GRYNEE. I537-
bypast experience, the mahcious craftiness wherewith he has of
late assaulted us by his apt tool CaroU,1 has never in the least
beguiled us. For we had not only foreseen all this sort of war
fare long ago ; we were even prepared with our utmost energy
to maintain the conflict. When first we heard, therefore, that
the Arian heresy was imputed to us, and then a little after
wards the Sabellian, none of these things very much disturbed
us, seeing that our ears had long since been well seasoned
against such calumnies ; and we entertained the assured hope
that they would eventually pass away in a wreath of smoke.
In the meantime we could only oppose all this by availing
ourselves of that defence, which lay ready to our hand, by
which we could give abundant satisfaction to all pious and
right-minded men. Indeed, some short time previous we
had drawn up and set forth a catechism,2 also published
in French, where we testify that we embraced the Father,
the Son, and the Spirit, under one essence of the God
head: making, nevertheless, such a distinction between each
from the other, that no room might be left for any crooked
suspicion of ambiguity. We taught, certainly, that Christ is
the true and natural Son of God, who had possessed the like
essential deity with the Father from all eternity, who in the
fulness of time had assumed our flesh, foreordained for our
redemption. When we saw that the wild beast was persevering in his
rabid course, we sought a hearing in the assembly of ministers
from throughout the whole canton of Berne, in whose presence
we might publicly defend our innocence. Those brethren

the office of Dean of the Church of Basle, and was the correspondent and friend of
Theodor de Beze.
The calumnious accusations directed by Caroli against the doctrine of Farel and
of Calvin having spread at Basle, the latter considered it his duty, in a letter to
Grynee, to expose the whole history of the controversy with Caroli, in order to
oppose the entire calumny. See the two letters of Grynee to Calvin. — Simonis
Grynad Epistolce. Edit, de Streuber. Basle, 1847, pp. 50-53.
1 See Note 3, p. 23.
2 In 1536. No copy of this first edition of the Catechism of Calvin is known,
nor of the second, which was published two years later at Basle, (1538.) The ear
liest known edition is that of (1541) at Strasbourg.

1537. SIMON GRYNEE. 31
speaking the French language met first of all at Lausanne,1
whither also two deputies from the Senate of Berne,2 as well as
two ministers, were sent.3 Whatsoever falsehoods they were
able to trump up that worthy personage gathered up into one
bundle. Indeed he had come well furnished in the way of
accusation, prepared and ready with his bag, after the fashion
of a lawyer. We emptied his bag, however, to such a degree,
by our refutation, as not to leave even the shadow of a sus
picion upon the mind of any one present. At last we came to
the reading aloud of our Confession of Faith, in which he
pointed out some ten errors which he considered as such ;
almost every one else was of opinion that there was nought ex
pressed in it that was not godly and devout. We were there
upon absolved forthwith by the judgment of the synod, while,
on the other hand, he was adjudged unworthy to discharge the
functions of the ministry. His persevering impudence shewed
clearly that he was no way abashed or downcast by such a
result. Again he brought forth that silly bag of emptiness
crammed more full than ever; and when we had unbagged
the whole of its contents, by which he was doing his best to
throw some suspicion on the past, the formulary of our Con
fession was at length produced, which, although it was not
chargeable with any other crime whatever, he held notwith
standing to be guilty of one capital offence, because Christ
was there affirmed to be that Jehovah, who of Himself alone
was always self-existent, which charge I was quite ready to
meet. Certainly, if the distinction between the Father and
the Word be attentively considered, we shall say that the
one is from the other. If, however, the essential quality
of the Word be considered, in so far as He is one God
with the Father, whatever can be said concerning God may
1 That meeting had ended on the 13th May. — See Euchat, Hist, de la Ref,
torn. v. p. 24.
2 These two deputies were Rudolph de Graffenried, Banderet, and Nicolas Zer-
kinden, Secretary of State.
8 One of these ministers was Gaspar Grossmann, (Megander.) See Letter XIII.
p. 23. He had been charged by the seigneury of Berne to draw up the oath which
was to he taken by the ministers, and the order of procedure to be followed in the
Synod.

32 SIMON GRYNEE. 1537.
also be applied to Him, the second person in the glorious
Trinity. Now, what is the meaning of the name Jehovah ?
What did that answer imply which was spoken to Moses?
I am that I am. Paul makes Christ the author of this
saying. We do not take the trouble to persuade you and
all the godly to approve the truth of that judgment; but
we have been unwilling that the concealed mahgnity of this
hopeless calumniator should pass unnoticed, lest rumours of
any kind might reach you so as to make an impression at
variance with the true state of the case. Nothing, indeed,
could have been, set forth more plainly than the statement
in our Confession, that Christ is that eternal Word begotten
of the Father before all time. Therefore, of a truth, unless we
please to imagine a twofold Deity, it behoves that we speak
concerning His essence no otherwise than as concerning the
essence of the one God. There is no one to be found who is
not satisfied with this form of expression except himself. The
brethren, as was worthy of the faithful ministers of Christ, ar
rived at the formal conclusion, that it appeared to them that we
had been most unfairly and unreasonably brought under any
suspicion at all ; and that they had not observed anything to be
disapproved in our Confession. While these proceedings were
going forward, a letter was brought from Myconius addressed
publicly to the meeting. On the back of that, another from
Capito to Farel, addressed in general terms, from both of which
it was evident that an appalling rumour had been spread far
and wide about our controversy. To sum up the whole, this
affair has been maliciously, as well as artfully, cooked up by
certain individuals, in order to stir up an evil report, and to
encourage a bad opinion of us throughout all countries. And
although this man of straw has not been able "hitherto to
succeed in his most vain attempt, yet this, however, is cer
tain, that he has greatly annoyed us. As indeed we cannot
esteem it to be a matter of no great consequence that our
adversaries should hear, that we are jangling in debate with
one another, and not even agreed upon that most important
doctrine of our religion, far more, that the churches should
suspect us of such a thing. We have been the more astounded

1537. SIMON GRYNEE. 33
by this intelligence, because it never entered into our imagina
tion that we had any need to be alarmed on that account. We
hope, however, it will yet come to pass, through the goodness
of the Lord, that these noisome exhalations from the pit may
soon be blown away and fall back upon those who devise
any mischief to the cause of Christ and of His Church. Al
ready, indeed, the arm of the Lord has begun to reveal itself,
and to put forth his power in extinguishing these beginnings of
evil, such as they are. The calumniator himself1 has been driven
into banishment by a decree of the Senate; we have been
openly and at once acquitted, not merely from crime, but also
from even the suspicion of guilt. Though, indeed, for a season,
the fellow may try to set out his wares to the best advantage
under the sign of Athanasius, as if he were suffering in defence
of the faith, there does not, however, appear to be any great
danger that the world will esteem as an Athanasius a person
who is sacrilegious, a whoremonger, a homicide steeped in
the blood of many saints. While we proclaim him to he
such an one, we avouch nothing but what we are ready to
establish by solid proof. These facts, I wished in brief compass
to signify to you, that we may not in absence (as sometimes
happens) be pressed beyond measure by the overweening ig
norance and the mahcious accusations of the ungodly. I send
you also a copy of the Confession, which you may communicate
to your colleagues.2 For I consider this to be a matter of great
moment, that we may not be frightened from our propriety
by obscure reports which no one can lay hold upon. I have at
the same time to beseech of you that you will take charge of
sending, not only the Confession, but also this letter, to each of
the brethren, or rather that you do stretch a point to allay their
anxiety, by a letter from yourself. Adieu; may the Lord

1 On the authority of Euchat, it appears that Caroli did not wait for the deci
sion of the Lords of Berne, and that he withdrew himself into voluntary exile from
the condemnation with which he was threatened. The act of his desertion was
given to Farel and to Calvin, the 29th of June 1537. (MSS. de Grossmann.
Archives de Berne.) We shall meet him again in the following letters of the
Eeformer. 2 See that Confession, (Calv. Epist. et Eesponsa,) p. 227.
VOL. I. C

34 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH OF BASLE. 1537.
Jesus fill you with His Spirit, so that with one mind and heart
you may be enabled to extend the glory of His name.— Yours,
Calvin.
[Calvin's Latin Correspondence— Amsterdam Edit, torn. ix. p. 226.]

XVI.— To the Ministers of the Church of Basle.
Persecution in France — request addressed to the Seigneury of Basle in
favour of the faithful of the Church at Nismes.
Geneva, 13th November 1537.
The urgent business on account of which we have thought it
right to send this person by express to you may be stated in
few words. A new outbreak of the cruel rage of the ungodly
has burst forth at Nismes, as the place is now called, no mean
city, a town of Languedoc, against the unhappy brethren who
reside there, scattered up and down, and that at a time when
we might have suspected nothing of the kind. Not very long
ago we had obtained letters from the town councils of Stras
bourg and Basle, by which the safety and personal security of
all those, who were then imprisoned throughout France on
account of religion, was commended to the care of Count Wil
liam.1 That eminent person, as was reported, had obtained of
the king that they should all be set at liberty. We rested
1 William du Bellay, Seigneur of Langey, one of the cleverest diplomatists under
the reign of Francis the First. Born in 1491, ho died the 9th January 1543.
William du Bellay and his brother John, the Bishop of Paris, had shown them
selves favourable to the first ideas of Eeformation, and had consulted with the
King for the purpose of calling Melanchthon into France, there to put in train
the work of religious pacification. — Beze, Hist. Eccl. torn. i. p. 10 ; Florimond de
Eemond, Histoire de la Naissance et du Progris de I'Heresie, liv. vii. p. 817. The
last mentioned author haB given the letters which passed on this occasion between
Melanchthon and Francis I. The French Protestants formed great expectations
from Du Bellay. In these terms Bucer wrote to the physician Ulrich Chelius, 17th
Aug. 1534 : " Dominus excitet multos isti heroi similes, et spes erit forte nt emer-
gat aliquanto regnum Christi." — Sturm, on his part, wrote to Bucer, 17th Nov.
1535 : " Si Langseus isthuc veniat obsocro, babe eum in nuniero eorum qui qnidvis
pati volunt pro Christo." — JI/SS. de Strasbourg.

1537. the ministers OF the church OF BASLE. 35
secure in this expectation, until word was brought to us, that
the fire of persecution was again raging in that quarter. Two
persons have been burnt, concerning the manner of whose
death you will hear from the eye-witness himself, for he can
relate to you in Latin what he has narrated in detail to us.
Many have been thrown into prison, who are in jeopardy
of their lives, unless timely opposition is made to the fury
of those who, already drunk with the blood of these two
victims, are not otherwise at all likely to set any bounds to
their persecuting spirit. The two who suffered have shown
a remarkable spirit of constancy to the very last, although
their patient endurance of suffering was tried with the
most exquisite cruelty. Of a truth, we may question whether
the same strength of mind will be found in the others.
Relief, therefore, ought to be brought to them in their
present exigency, if anyhow it can be supplied, lest those
may break down who are weaker in the faith. Besides, the
utmost care must be taken that the blood of the godly, which
is so precious in the sight of God, may not be lightly esteemed
by us.
We hear that a treaty was lately agreed upon by your Rulers
with our King, in which some mention was made of religion, to
the effect that henceforth those who agree with yourselves in
their sentiments of religion, should not be punished with the
wonted severity. If that is true, we must not allow so favour
able an opportunity of helping the brethren, to escape unim
proved, unto whose assistance Christ is not only calling us with
a loud voice, but complains that He is deserted and forsaken by
us when they are deserted.
Wherefore, most excellent and pious brethren, devote your
selves entirely to this cause, according to the Christian sin
cerity of your heart ; because we are confident you will do this
of your own accord, we do not press you more urgently upon
the matter. Take measures, therefore, with your council, that
the subject may be brought under their consideration effectually
and in earnest, and with as much brevity as possible, so that
these furious men may not be able to counterwork you. You
know how watchful is their enmity. Most learned and beloved

36 LOUIS DU TILLET. 1538.
brethren, may the Lord Jesus daily enrich you more and more
with the increase of his Spirit.— Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. Copy— Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XVII.— To Louis du Tillet.1
Departure of Louis du Tillet from G eneva— regret of Calvin— controversy
between the two friends regarding the character of the Church of Jesus
Christ. Fkom Villefeakche,2 31st January [1538.]
Monsieur, — Eight days before I received the letters which you
left at your departure to be forwarded to me, John had arrived,3
so that some weeks before I had any news of you the rumour
of your departure had taken wing hither. Although such a
state of uncertainty was very great occasion of annoyance to
1 Louis du Tillet, cure of Claix in Poitou, canon and archdeacon of Angouleme.
He was the brother of John du Tillet, the celebrated registrar of the Parliament of
Paris, and of that other Du Tillet who became Bishop of Sainte-Brieuc and of Meaux.
Having devoted himself to an ecclesiastical career, his first leanings inclined him
towards the Eeformed. With Calvin he became acquainted at the University of
Paris, formed a friendship with him, shared his perils, and received him in 1534 at
Angouleme in his own house. United thenceforth to the young Eeformer by a like
faith, he resigned his curacy of Claix to follow him, under the name of Hautmont,
to Strasbourg, to Basle, and into Italy. In August 1536 he was at Geneva, when
Calvin was there retained by the earnest entreaties of Farel. But the struggles to
which the Eeformer was thenceforward condemned, were little suited to the mild
and contemplative disposition of Louis du Tillet. A prey to indecision, he secretly
left Geneva and went to Strasbourg, where his anxieties were only put an end to
by his return to the Eoman Catholic faith. He wrote to Calvin to inform him of
this change, and to submit to him his scruples regarding the lawfulness of the
ministry in the Eeformed Churches. Calvin replied ; and that controversy, free,
sincere, but tempered by respect, marked the later relations between these two men,
at first united and too soon separated by the religious revolution of the sixteenth
century. 2 Ville Arfranchie (Geneve.)
8 John du Tillet, brother of Louis, raised at a later period to the honours of the
Episcopate. Accomplished in the knowledge of the ancient languages and in
sacred archaeology, he was charged with various scientific missions by Francis I.,
and in the course of his travels had visited Geneva.

1538. LOUIS DU TILLET. 37
me, nevertheless, I held my judgment in suspense as much as
was possible ; what troubled and tormented me most was the
fear I entertained of having offended you by my imprudence, as
I know and acknowledge that I have not observed towards you
the due consideration which I ought. It is indeed true, that I
derived such advantage from your society and conversation, that
absence could not be joyous to me ; but inasmuch as I saw you
were in a somewhat languid state, I bore my loss patiently,
considering your comfort as a sufficient recompense. Finally,
since the arrival of your letters from two different quarters, by
them I have partly understood your intention. While I con
sider, however, that my company could not be very agreeable
in such rudeness and incivility as I used towards you, notwith
standing, I feel confident that that circumstance has neither
estranged nor alienated you from us, for which we may cer
tainly rather thank your prudence, which I have had to sustain
me in regard to that, than because I conducted myself as be
came me.
I cannot conceal from you that I have been very much
astonished on hearing of your intention, and even the reasons
which are put forth along with the declaration of it in your
letters. What occasions me the greatest surprise is, that I
considered you so settled and resolved in that affair, that it
would no way be possible to dislodge you from your purpose,
and although you could not have had in the course you have
been following very solid reasons, yet this so sudden change has
appeared very strange to me, seeing the constancy and firmness
which you manifested. May God grant, nevertheless, that your
change of opinion may be as benignly construed by others as I
endeavour to take it.
As for the reasons which have swayed you in arriving at
that determination I cannot perceive them to be very per
emptory. I know well that my conscience before God is
sufficiently assured of the contrary, and I hope that it will be
so until the day when we must appear to give in our account.
Besides, I am much misunderstood if I have not manifestly
proved the justice of my cause in such a way that every one
ought to be content, were it not that the one party pardon

38 LOUIS DU TILLET. 1538.
themselves too easily, while the others would readily give en
trance to Jesus Christ, but only by ways wherein He will in
nowise walk. I have never doubted that the eminent persons1
you mention might in some degree have helped, without in
tending it, to land you in such a conclusion, while in touching
on this point in letters written to me, they concealed it. Cer
tainly their great learning and piety may well lend authority
to their consultations. But I am well assured that in this
matter, besides substantial grounds, I shall have more colour of
reason than they, if I assume a mask to make myself look like
them. Both the one and the other constrain me by their con
duct to desire in them greater firmness and constancy. How
ever high our reputation may be, it is never well to be so very
liberal in bestowing another's property ; and if we must beware
of being bountiful at the expense of men, what caution ought
to be exercised in dispensing the truth of God, which He does
not commit to our trust that we may lessen it in anything ? I
pray the Lord that Himself would give us so much understand
ing as that we may clearly comprehend that He will not be
served by halves, and as our foolishness would divide His por
tion, but entirely according to His own will.
If you do acknowledge for churches of God those who hold
us in execration, I cannot help it. But we should be in a
sad plight if it indeed were so. For certainly you cannot give
them this title, unless you hold us to be schismatics, in which
case you will have to consider how your opinion will agree
with the deliverance of our Master, " whatsoever ye shall bind
on earth/' &c. If you consider that there always remains some
remnant of the blessing of God, as St. Paul affirms of the
Israelites, you may well understand that I agree with you,
seeing that I have sometimes declared to you that such was my
opinion even as regards the Greek churches. But it does not
follow as a consequence from that, that in the assembly we
are bound to acknowledge the church ; and if we do there
acknowledge her, she will be our church, not that of Jesus
Christ, who marks His own by other tokens, when He says, my
sheep hear my voice; and St. Paul, when he calls her the
' Bucer and Capito, tho Reformers of Strasbourg.

1538. LOUIS DU TILLET. 39
" pillar of truth." You will answer me that she will be found
nowhere, seeing that everywhere there is ignorance. Yet the
ignorance of the children of God is of such a nature, that it
does not hinder them from following His will.
Were it a question of comparison of such meetings with the
synagogues of the Jews, I should fear to injure the latter in
not preferring them to the other, or at least placing them in the
background, for their idolatry is not so great, nor their abomi
nation so horrible. What one can see of good, it is common to
both, except indeed that it appears to be a great advantage that
the name of Jesus Christ is avowed in the one and not in the
other. But its influence is not the less abolished. Or if we
would find a more suitable comparison, it is such a state as
existed among the people of Israel under Jeroboam, or rather
under Ahab, at a time when the spirit of the people had been
corrupted by long usage. I do not mention these things with
out good cause, for I perceive how many begin to flatter them
selves under the title of The Church, strongly condemning
whatsoever is not like their own, for which they will have to
render account. Let them consider by what right they do
so, for I know well that our assurance is too certain to yield
merely to frivolous objections. As regards yourself I do not
think that you can look upon us otherwise than as if you held
intercommunion with us, but it is a step towards separation
from the Church of God when any one joins that which is
opposed to Him.
Moreover, I think that I perceive such a fear of God to be
in you that I must see great arguments to move me from the
persuasion which I have entertained. Be assured, then, that the
first slight reports will not have such power over me as to over
turn the experience I have had of you for many long years.
But although I may tolerate that infirmity, offering you no
more opposition than if you were one of ourselves, I can by no
means approve your conduct ; and would choose rather that
I should be taken out of the world by a bitter death, than
approve your deed, which I know to be damnable in itself, and
besides that, fraught with ruin, or at least marvellous offence
towards many, as well as because I see the readiness with which

40 LOUIS DU TILLET. 1538.
we justify ourselves, in order to encourage others to follow our
example. However, concerning those matters of which at pre
sent you are resolved, I will make no long dispute. I would
rather entreat the Lord that it may be His pleasure to deliver
you from all scruples, so that His way may he quite plain and
open in that direction, waiting an opportunity when such shall
offer itself.
As for the departure of Lois Dartois, I never had a suspicion
that it proceeded from you, inasmuch as I have been lately
informed to the contrary. But it has been a poor stratagem
on his part to conceal things from me in which he could not
deceive God ; for it is no light thing to tempt God, which those
do who voluntarily bring themselves again under bondage.
The miserable excuses with which we are wont to cover even
our moral nakedness before men,1 will never be able to endure
the heat of God's judgment.
You have long ago graciously permitted me to consider all
things in common between us. Would that it pleased God I
could make you a due acknowledgment. My companions charge
me to commend them to you, who are of the same mind with
me, although I have striven to the utmost, without shewing
your letters, to prevent their taking offence. I could give no
other counsel to John than that which my conscience warranted,
unless I would turn traitor to the truth of God, and to his per
sonal salvation. You will not take it amiss. I entreat you to
have special remembrance of us in your prayers, to which al
though the knowledge you have of our weakness ought suffi
ciently to stir you up, nevertheless, the difficulties which press
upon us ought yet more to arouse you, as they are now greater
than ever.2 After humbly commending myself to your kind
remembrance, I pray the Lord to keep you in His holy protec-
1 In the French original: Les sacs mouUles dont nous avons coutume de nous
couvrir devant les homnies.
2 The opposition which the establishment of the ecclesiastical discipline drawn
up by Farel and Calvin met with at Geneva, became every day more intense
and lively. The newly-elected Syndics made common cause with .the malcontents,
and already gave signs of the forthcoming crisis which was to lead the way to the
triumph of the party of the Libertins and the banishment of tho Ministers.— Spon,
Histoire de Geneve, edit. 1730, torn. i. p. 27fi.

1538. HENRY BULLINGER. 41
tion, and so to direct you that you may not go astray in that
slippery path whereon you are, until Himself shall have mani
fested to you His complete deliverance.
You will pardon me if this present is very confusedly written,
shortness of time is in part the cause, and partly our troubles,
besides that the argument was not very easy to handle.
Your very humble servant and brother,
Charles d'Espeville.1
[Fr. Copy — Imperial Library, Paris MSS.fr. Fonds Balusse, 8069-5.]

XVIIL— To Henry Bullinger.2
State of the Church at Geneva — wish for the union of the Eeformed
Churches — mention of Luther. Geneva, 21s( February 1538.
Grace to you and peace, from God the Father and from
Christ the Lord, most respected and learned brother.
1 Charles d'Espeville. Pseudonyme adopted by Calvin during his residence at
Angouleme, and his journey in Italy, (1534-1536.)
2 Henry Bullinger, horn July 18, 1504, at Bremgarten, minister of that parish
in 1529, was a friend of the reformer Zuingli and his successor at Zurich, after the
fatal battle of Cappel, 1531. He discharged the ministry of that church with wis
dom and prudence for more than forty years, kept up a regular correspondence
with the Beformers abroad, was on friendly terms with Melanchthon, Cranmer,
Calvin, Theodor de Beze. In 1566 he drew up the Swiss Confession of Faith, and
in the way of advice, exercised a decisive influence over the progress of the Eefor
mation in the different countries of Europe. He died at Zurich, September 17,
1575. His decease was deplored by the churches of Switzerland as that of a father,
and Theodor de Beze consecrated some verses to his memory.
" Doctrina si interire, si pietas mori,
Occidere si candor potest ;
Doctrina, pietas, candor, hoc tumulo jacent
Henrice, tecum condita.''
(Icones Virorum Illustrium.)
Bullinger left some precious works ; among others a Chronicle which he wrote in
German, Commentaries and Theological Treatises, some of them on important
and remarkable questions, and a vast Correspondence, preserved more especially at
Zurich and at Geneva.

42 HENRY BULLINGER. 1538.
Were I to begin to describe to you at length the full narra
tive of our most wretched condition, a long history must be
unfolded by me. For I call ours the trouble which for a long
time has pressed, and which now severely presses upon that
Church over which the Lord has been pleased to set us. But be
cause there is not enough of leisure at present for explaining
everything, and these good men can relate somewhat themselves,
I will not trouble you with a larger epistle. Although, indeed,
they have not perhaps discerned the very source of the evil,
nor perceived whither the attempts of the wicked tended, yet
they have forecasten pretty clearly the aspect of affairs, how it
was likely to turn out. How I wish that we could have a
single day for free communication together, for from such a
meeting we could not depart without much advantage. I
have some things which can neither be treated safely in
a letter, nor determined, until they have been weighed and
thoroughly discussed on both sides. This, however, I will
venture to throw out in passing, that it does appear to me,
that we shall have no lasting Church unless that ancient apos
tolic discipline be completely restored, which in many respects
is much needed among us. We have not yet been able to
obtain, that the faithful and holy exercise of ecclesiastical ex
communication be rescued from the oblivion into which it
has fallen ; and that the city, which in proportion to its ex
tent is very populous, may be distributed into parishes, as
is rendered necessary by the complicated administration of
the Church. The generality of men are more ready to ac
knowledge us as preachers than as pastors. There are many
other things besides, which, although we desire intensely to
see amended, we can find out no means of doing so, unless that
can be accomplished by faith, by diligence, and by persever
ance on the part of all. Oh, if a pure and sincere accommoda
tion could be agreed upon at length among us ! What, then,
would hinder the assembling of some public Synod, where in
dividuals might propose whatever they may conceive to be
most for the benefit of the churches ? A way might be found
out of going to work by common deliberation, and if need be,
that the cities and princes also should assist in this undertaking

1538- HENRY BULLINGER. 43
by mutual exhortation and counsel, and also confirm by their
authority ; but in so great perplexity, the Lord is rather to be
inquired of, that Himself may open up a way.
Pellican has informed us that you have received a kind and
friendly reply from Luther, from which Gryne'e affirms that
he entertains much hope of seeing peace established.1 But
of what kind we have not been able to divine, seeing that that
church, which, from its near neighbourhood, might most easily
communicate with us in all things, has not thought us worthy
to receive any intelligence whatever. When occasion offers,
you must not grudge to let us at least understand the sum of
it. Farel greets you. Will you salute for me with no com
mon esteem my highly respected brethren in the Lord, your
colleagues, Pellican, Leo, Theodore, Bibliander, and besides,
Phyrisius. May the Lord keep you all in safety for the pro
moting of His kingdom. — Yours wholly, Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Archives of Zurich. Vol. i. Gest. vi. p. 287.]
1 Bucer and Capito were at this time engaged in very active negotiations to bring
about a union between the Eeformed Churches of Switzerland and those of Ger
many. Luther did not oppose himself to this accommodation, and had written,
Dec. 1, 1537, to the reformed districts of Switzerland, a letter full of the spirit of
tolerance and conciliation, in which we remark the following passage : — " They
can easily advise with Bucer also and Capito on all these matters, provided we can
lay aside all that is offensive, and in like-minded agreement give room for the lead
ing" and guidance of the Holy Spirit, that we may go forward in pious and brotherly
concord. Assuredly, in so far as we are concerned, and especially as regards my
self, casting aside whatever may be occasion of offence, I shall embrace you in
faith, good will, and with love." — Ilospinian Historia Sacramentaria, torn. ii.
p. 276. In another letter to Capito of the same year, 6th Dec. 1537, he thus ex
presses himself: — " I write these things that you may know that our heart is
upright and sincere in the hope of agreement ; may the Lord himself complete the
work. Amen." — D. M. Luther's Briefe, edit. De Wette, torn. v. p. 70.
In a letter to Bullinger, written 4th March 1538, at length he renders an evi
dently deep-felt homage to the memory of Zuingli and 03colampadius. " I can
freely declare that, ' after having seen and heard Zuingli at Marbourg, I have con
sidered and esteemed him as a most excellent man, as also Gicolampadius ; so that
their calamity has well-nigh disheartened me," &c. These sentiments of true
generosity seemed almost to open up an era of reconciliation and of peace between
the Churches.

44 HENRY BULLINGER. 1538.

XIX.— To Henry Bullinger.1
Synod of Zurich— attempt at reconciliation between the banished
ministers and the town of Geneva. Bekke, 20th May 1538.
If I have hitherto deferred writing, it has been because
everything was so very much in suspense, that it was not
possible to write anything for certain. And now, as the nar
rative of all that has happened [at Geneva] could not he given
by us without complaining, we only desire to acquaint you, that
the treatment which we have experienced, though in opposition
to all our wishes, has nevertheless been in accordance with our
expectation. Besides the very irksome delay of a fortnight, it
was also a source of very much annoyance, that none of those
things which passed at Zurich, and had been openly concluded
there, were noticed by Konzen.2 And in order not to appear to
uphold a bad cause, he declaimed with much violence against
us, as if it were evident that we wished to draw back and not
to keep the promise we had given to the brethren. It only re
mained, therefore, that the Senate itself should take the lead
in regard to everything, who in passing the decree took no
1 Important events had fallen out at Geneva. Expelled from that town (23d
April 1538) for having refused to administer the communion on Easter day, Calvin
and Farel had gone to Berne. — (Spon, Hist, de Geneve, torn. i. p. 276.) The de
puties of the reformed Swiss cantons were met at Zurich to treat about the union
with the Lutheran Church. The two ministers appeared before that assembly
and gave account of their conduct at Geneva. Without intimating any opinion
on the matter at issue, " The Lords deputies resolved to write in friendly terms
to the Genevese, to induce them to support then' pastors in the work of re
establishing and putting their churches on a better footing. They also charged
the Bernese to support that letter by a deputation." — (Euchat, Histoire de la
Reformation en Suisse, torn. v. p. 84.) But this double intervention proved in
effectual. The banishment of the ministers was confirmed, May 26th, by the
assembly. 2 Peter Konzen, minister of Berne, deputy to the Synod of Zurich. In that as
sembly he manifested the most hostile sentiments toward Farel and Calvin, whose
conduct at Geneva he disapproved.

1538. PETER VIRET. 45
very particular account of those things which had been con
ceded to us at Zurich by the general consent of all. For we
are content rather to encounter any alternative than not to try
every method by which the requirements of religion may be
satisfied, or by which we may discharge the duty we owe to
the Church. Now, therefore, we start upon our journey,1 which
may it please the Lord to prosper, for as we look to Him in
our proceedings, so we commit the success to His wise disposal.
I am compelled to interrupt my letter, scarcely now begun,
because the brethren hasten to depart. Adieu, most kindly
brother, and with very respectful regard. — Greet for me most
lovingly your colleagues. — Yours, Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. 166, p. 1.]

XX. — To Peter Viret.
Arrival of Farel and Calvin at Basle.
Basle, [towards the end of May 1538.]
We have at length reached Basle, but well soaked with the
rain and completely spent and worn out. Nor was our journey
free from perils, for in truth one of us was almost carried away
by the swollen currents ; but we have experienced more tender
usage from the impetuous river than from our fellow-men,
for since, contrary to all right and reason, they had decided
that we should travel on foot, that also has been complied with
through the mercy of the Lord in preserving us. There is
nothing fixed or agreed on as yet, because Gryne'e has com
mitted the charge of the Academy to Oporin.2 We departed
from Berne without taking leave of the Senate, although it had
1 In order to testify the conciliatory spirit which animated them, Calvin and
Farel accompanied, within a short distance from Geneva, the deputation which
had been charged to entreat their return. But their solicitations having been re
jected, they determined to proceed to Basle, where they arrived after a most
fatiguing and even perilous journey. See following letter.
2 John Oporin, Director of the Academy of Basle, one of the most celebrated
printers of that town .

46 PETER VIRET. 1538.
been agreed in common among ourselves to do so. We per
ceived some here were inclined that we should be retained ;
and they confidently alleged that we would be unpardonable if
we should decline so just a call. That we might not do anything
rashly, the Lord at length has opened an outlet to us. For when
we asked a hearing of the Senate, we were put off to the next
day; — on the receiving of which answer to our request, it
seemed to us that we had done all that was required of us in
duty, and that we were discharged from further application in
that quarter.
Your affairs, dear Courault,1 we have entrusted to good
men, according to our ability, but only in a general way,
that you may not be brought under obligation before we have
tried to do our best elsewhere. You know how much we wish
to serve you. When we have got some settled abode we will
write to you more at large and by the first opportunity. Fare
well, most excellent and dear friends and brethren. — Your
brethren, Farel and Calvin.
This brother to whom we have delivered the horses to be
brought back, has made up his mind to stay with you if he can
procure any suitable employment: therefore see what can be
done to put him in the way of being serviceable to the Church
of Christ. We think well of his sincerity and probity, and
that 'he is not unskilled in useful learning. If he shall appear
worthy of your regard, for our sake also we desire to commend
him to your good offices.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — '¦Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] ?
1 The conclusion of this letter is addressed to the minister Courault, the col
league of Calvin, expelled along with him from Geneva. He lived in retirement
with Christopher Fabri at Thonon, whence he was called as minister by the
Church of Orbe.

L538. LOUIS DU tillet. 47

XXI. — To Louis du Tillet.1
Journey of Calvin to Strasbourg — project of a new assembly at Zurich —
policy of the Bernese— in his retirement Calvin breathes freely— news
from France. Strasbourg, 10^A July 1538.
I hope, Sir, you will not take in ill part that John2 is gone
away thitherward to you without my letter, for it grieved me to
write to you, having so many things to communicate, without
having time to make at least a partial communication. On the
other hand, it was not easy for me to impart such information
to you by halves, without at once entering fully into the de
tails. The complete declaration was by no means impossible,
but I was afraid that it would scarce be pleasing to you, where
fore I greatly preferred entirely to forbear writing, casting the
duty upon John, who, as I think, will have faithfully acquitted
himself of the charge, except that he will not have been able
clearly to discover to you the source and origin of the evil,
which is not known to many. I have been so greatly impor
tuned by the two of this town3 that to satisfy them I have
made the journey hither.
Touching ourselves, it has been resolved that it is fit and
proper even now to call an assembly, where Zurich, Berne,
1 The first letter of Calvin to Du Tillet (Letter xvii. p. 36) did not remain
unanswered: — " If my retreat in this country has caused you great annoyance, as
I have understood by your letter of the last of January, I myself have not thought
the less of it, considering the interruption of our accustomed converse and fami
liarity . could not produce in you so much disquietude. But what could I
have done, if, having been there two years or thereby, my conscience could never
be at peace on this account, that without a clear call I had retired from a charge
which I ought not to have relinquished without the command of God, whereby I
have been put into a state of languor, such as you have seen, and by reason of
the great unceasing depression of mind which has taken possession of my spirit, I
have for this some time past been useless for every thing." — Paris MSS. This
letter, written from Paris, (10th March,) did not reach Calvin at all ; it was during
a/ sojourn to Strasbourg that the Eeformer, driven from Geneva, (23d April 1538,)
had retired to Basle, and imparted to his old friend the events which condemned
him to a new exile.
2 See Note, p. 36.
3 Bucer and Capito, already mentioned.

48 LOUIS DU tillet. 1538.
Basle, this town of Strasbourg, Bienne,1 and one from the
aforesaid place,2 shall be present, where, after diligent inquiry
made by them, it may be formally declared that we have duly
and faithfully administered our charge, to the end that such a
testimony may stand as a lawful judgment, to shut the spiteful
mouths of the malignant, as well as to the confusion of those
who have taken upon them to engage in such an enterprise.
By the same method they hope that the schisms Avhich may
take place, and have already begun, will disappear. When I
do well consider the case, the difficulty seems to me to overpass
all human help ; wherefore, I have nought else to recommend
than to commit the issue to the great Physician, who alone can
provide and take order in applying the proper remedy.
The Bernese endeavour, or, I should rather say, persist,3 as
much as they are able, to make believe that all goes well, but
there is no one else who does not think quite the contrary. By
his just judgment God sends blessing after such a fashion upon
the head and family of those who thus wickedly mock at the
disorder of His Church ; and it is sent for their correction, in
order that they may be differently minded in an affair of so
great importance. I shall retire to Basle, waiting to under
stand what the Lord would have me to do. It is not the fault
of those of this town that I am not their guest ; but they have
charge enough without me, and I can five for a while support
ing myself on what you left with me, and a portion of my books ;
yet the Lord himself will direct us. Above all, however, on look
ing back and considering the perplexities which environed me
from the time when I first went thither, there is nothing I dread
more than returning to the charge from which I have been set
free. For while, when first I entered upon it I could discern
the calling of God which held me fast bound, with which I
consoled myself, now, on the contrary, I am in fear lest I tempt
1 That town, then independent, and already reformed, was united by a treaty of
alliance to the Protestant cantons of Switzerland.
2 Probably Geneva.
3 The Bernese were the declared opponents of the ecclesiastical discipline which
Farel and Calvin had wished to establish at Geneva, and which appeared to them
to trench upon the right of the civil power. The seigneury of Berne were not
disposed to favour the two banished ministers.

1538. WILLIAM FAREL. 49
Him if I resume so great a burden, which has been already felt
to be insupportable. There are other reasons, which can only
be explained in conversation, with which, however, those with
whom I have to do will never rest contented. Nevertheless, I
know assuredly that our Lord will guide me in that so very
doubtful a deliberation, the more so because I shall look rather
to what He will point out to me than to my own judgment,
which beyond measure drawing me contrariwise, I feel ought to
be suspected.
There is a stir at present about an affair of vast consequence,
and not without the hnoiuledge of the king and the emperor?
which I can well suppose that Monsieur Firrnin2 will tell
you something about, and therefore I say no more about it.
One may very much doubt whether they are not merely trying
the ford without any thoroughgoing intention ; but within two
months we shall know for certain whether there is any thing in
it. After my humble commendation to your good graces, I
pray our Lord so to guide you in His way, that you may be holy
and unspotted at the day of His appearing.
Your humble servant and assured friend,,
Charles d'Espeville.
[Fr. Copy — Imperial Library of Paris. Baluze, 8069-5.]

XXIL— To William Farel.3
Farel called as minister to the Church of Neuchatel— sad condition of the
Church at Geneva— uncertainty of Calvin— Bucer's urgency to draw him
to Strasbourg. Basle, teh August 1538.
The grace of the Lord be with you. The person who had
brought back the horse, promised that he would return after
1 Allusion to the truce concluded, 18th June 1538, between Francis I. and the
Emperor Charles V., and to the approaching conclusion of a general peace, on which
great expectation was founded for the settlement and reformation of the Church.
2 Antony Firmin, minister of the church of St. Thomas at Strasbourg.— See
Sculteti Annates, I. 170, 172.
» To my most excellent friend and brother, William Farel, faithful minister of
the church at Neuchatel.
William Farel, the most illustrious missionary of the Eeformation in French
VOL. I. D

50 WILLIAM FAREL. 1538.
three days. When, after the lapse of five days, I had ceased
to expect him, I began to look about for a messenger. For I
knew that as soon as my silence began to appear to you to be
longer than it ought, you would impute it to carelessness as
well as indolence. But while these were my thoughts, lo, the
messenger presented himself upon the spot, who informed me of
your departure two days before he came away. With regard to
your letter, that elaborate lament over your own clownish sim
plicity with which you furnished me for Grynee, I have care
fully complied with. When dinner-time arrived, I told Grynee
that I observed from your letter the rain somewhat had slackened
your wonted speed : whereupon, by your riding at so slow a pace,
Simon remembered that you were a rustic. Thereafter also I read
to him your letter, and added of my own accord, what appeared
to me to be required in the way of serious apology. In regard to
him, so little need was there of clearing yourself, that he would
have complied good-humouredly with your infectious anxiety, if
the business in which he is now completely immersed had not
stood in the way. How our successors1 are likely to get on, I can
Switzerland,' was born at Gap, in Dauphiny, (1509 ?) He studied at the University
of Paris, under the direction of the learned Le Fevre of Etaples, whose friendship
he speedily obtained, and shared with him the same faith. Of an ardent spirit,
and gifted with an impetuous eloquence, he preached the doctrines of the Eeforma
tion successively at Paris, at Meaux, in Dauphiny. In 1524 he left France, when he
retired to Strasbourg, and brought over to the new doctrine (as the true doctrine of
the Gospel was termed at that time) the Duchy of Montbeliard, Bienne, Morat,
Neuchatel, Aigle, Geneve. Driven at first from the latter town in 1532, he re
appeared there, and was thereupon banished. On the 27th August 1535, he
obtained the famous declaration which restored the Eeformation. Li less than two
years afterwards he was banished from Geneva along with his colleague Calvin,
whom he followed to Basle, and became, in the month of July 1538, pastor of the
church of Neuchatel, which he served until his death (13th Sept. 1565) with inde
fatigable activity.
Having been called as minister by the Church of Neuchatel, Farel had left
Basle precipitately, without taking leave of Calvin, then on his journey to Stras
bourg. On returning to Basle, Calvin wrote the following letter to his old colleague,
which is one of the earliest in the long correspondence which they kept up with
each other.
1 The new ministers elected at Geneva to replace Calvin, Farel, and Courault,
were Antony Marcourt, pastor of the Church of Nyon, and Doctor Morand. Their
nomination, approved only by a part of the Church, gave occasion to serious dis
order. See Gaberel, Histoire de VEglise de Geneve, 1853, vol. i. passim.

1538. WILLIAM FAREL. 51
conjecture from the first beginnings. While already they
entirely break off every appearance of peace by their want of
temper, they suppose that the best course for themselves to
pursue was to tear in pieces our estimation, publicly and
privately, so as to render us as odious as possible. But if we
know that they cannot calumniate us, excepting in so far as
God permits, we know also the end God has in view in granting
such permission. Let us humble ourselves, therefore, unless we
wish to strive with God when He would humble us. Meanwhile,
let us wait upon God. For the crown of pride of the drunkards
of Ephraim will speedily wither. I could wish that you had not
so much anxiety on my account. Since your departure, I have
begun to consider more attentively what it may be right to
be prepared for in case of emergency. It cannot be told how
this apprehension torments me, lest those who measure us by
their own standard, because conscience accuses themselves, may
think that we have fixed designedly upon our present abode as
convenient for the purpose of retaliating injuries, and so may
set themselves to contrive some new contests, and take no rest
until they have stirred up some fresh disturbances against us.
When I am out of the way, suspicion will not be so apt to arise.
For no one will be so utterly malignant as to suppose that we
intend anything farther. But if you do not at once come
hither, we must put off until the meeting become hopeless,
which the Strasburghers always insist on our requiring; or
if we obtain it the result will teach us what we ought to do.
This above all, in the name of the Lord, I entreat of you,
that you do determine nothing about me without first of all
giving me a previous warning. You will perceive, from
Bucer's letter, what are his present sentiments. He has com
municated certain other matters to Grynee in writing, which
I have not yet had an opportunity of reading. I strongly
suspect, however, that they tend to the point of my hasten
ing thither, which I shall not comply with, unless a greater
necessity convinces me. In so far as I can discover, the person
you wot of has endeavoured most ambitiously, by means of his
relations, to pave the way for himself to the office of the mini
stry. Expressions sometimes are thrown out which afford greater

52 WILLIAM FAREL. 1538.
room for conjecture than for any meaning which they con
tain. But as he hoped that erelong I would take my depar
ture, he advised me to undertake what by and by I might resign
to him. He did not know what might be brought to pass with
you, and I took care closely to conceal that from him. " Are
you.not ashamed," said he, " in so great an assemblage to remain
silent ? Would there be no church here vacant for you ?" I
replied, that we had an auditory also in our house at home
which suited us very well. He, forsooth, would have nought
but what was public. Having dined once with us, he wished
to be received at table by Grynee through my introduction.
Excuse was of no avail, but he must urge the proposal with
unseasonable importunity, until Grynee restrained his forward
ness by checking him aloud. I have satisfied the owner of the
horse ; the rest of your commissions are duly attended to.
Grynee salutes you in the most friendly manner, and entreats
you to pardon him, on account of his business engagements,
that he does not write at present. Oporin also, Stagnasus, Du
Tailly, for the other two have gone from this. May the Lord
preserve and protect you, may your soul prosper in the strength
of His own Spirit. — You will not envy me the reading of
Capito's epistle, which I send you unsealed. Will you, if you
please, return both the letters of Bucer, or carefully preserve
them, as hereafter we shall have occasion for them ? Salute
not merely with your complaisance, but from my heart, all our
brethren, especially such of them as you well know are here
meant. If you desire that I should write, arrange that I may
have messengers from yourseff. — Yours, Calvin.
Bead after this Bucer's letter, where he advises that we care
fully avoid colleaguing together, since it may be suspected that
the one urges on the other, to what both are too much inclined
to. He even wishes that I may yield to that extent, in order
that this irritable disposition may not be disturbed by frequent
rumours. [Lat. orig. autogr.— Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

1538. FAREL. 53

XXIII.— To Farel.
New efforts of the ministers of Strasbourg to attract Calvin thither — the
plague at Basle — detail of the death of a nephew of Farel.
Basle, 20th August [1538.]
The grace of the Lord be with you.
After frequent perusal of your letter at length I perceived
my own obtuseness, who could be so much bewildered about
the rank of Count John, as if, indeed, there could have been
any one more competent to deal with the matter than your
neighbour. Now my wonder ceases ; for there has been a
Helen in the strife ? but well hath the Lord cared for the
interests of the Church in not permitting him to fall a victim
to her seductions. Explain to me, I entreat you, the other
things about which I am at a loss, particularly what was
reported in French separately concerning the two ministers,
both the elder and the younger. I know not what to think
regarding Peter,1 but the whole weight and import of what
was said, depends on the person of the speaker. The Stras-
burghers are taking active measures just now concerning me,
that I may agree to go to them. They plead very earnestly
with Gryne'e ; nor indeed do they conceal from me their strong
desire that I would acquiesce. Bucer's last letter I send you
herewith, by which, as usual, he persists in advising me to do
so. Firmin2 urges, by many arguments, that it is desirable.
Some of the reasons I put aside as savouring of his peculiarities ;
but others are specious, such as that it would prove of some ad
vantage when our adversaries should see that I had an oppor
tunity of lecturing in that church, which they are compelled,
willingly or unwillingly, to respect. Then, if a diet can be
had, that my opinion would have more weight, and would
carry with it a sort of prestige when it was known that such
a Church had bestowed on me the ministry. I have excused
1 Without doubt, Peter Caroli  See Note 3, p. 33.
2 See Note 2, p. 49.

54 farel. 1538.
myself anew however, since they could not include you. Gry
ne'e, although with more reserve, that he might not appear
to suggest any thing in this arrangement from a desire to
be rid of the charge of entertaining me, shewed that the
bent of his opinion inclined to the advice they had given.
If they wished to bind me for a longer period, the determina
tion would not be so difficult; but you perceive what they
require. I shall wait for your opinion. To prevent them
having immediate recourse to you, I leave them to suppose that
I am detained here by weighty reasons. They will allow you,
indeed, quietly to go forward in the work of the Lord, hut will
not suffer both of us to labour together.
I wish that here I could have ended my letter, that you might
be spared the hearing of what will be unpleasing to you. But
I shall not hesitate to inform you of what the Lord has done,
who are yourself both learning and teaching others willingly to
submit to His providence. Last Sabbath-day your nephew was
seized with the plague.1 His companion and the goldsmith who
bore testimony to the Gospel at Lyons brought me word imme
diately. As I had taken some pills to relieve the complaint in
my head I could not go to him myself. Every thing, however,
which was required for the preservation of his life was both
faithfully and carefully attended to. A woman, acquainted
with both languages, was engaged to sit up with him, and in
some degree accustomed to the care of persons suffering under
such maladies. Not being able to undergo the fatigue of con
stant attendance herself, she got her son-in-law to assist her.
Grynee visited him frequently ; I did so too as soon as my health
allowed it. When our friend Du Tailly saw that I did not fear
the danger, he insisted on sharing it with me : we were with
him for a long while yesterday, and as the signs of approach
ing death were now evident, I imparted spiritual rather than
bodily comfort. He wandered a little in his mind, yet had so
much consciousness of his state as to call me back to his chamber
1 The pestilence, seven times in the course of this century, made great havoc in
the city of Basle. The plague of 1565 carried off a third part of the population
of the town and suburbs — See Jean de Mulier, Hist, de hi Confederation Suisse,
torn. xi. passim, and the Diary of the Physician Plateru.it, MS. Library of Pnsle.

1538. farel. 55
that he might entreat me earnestly to pray for him; for he
had heard me discoursing of the benefit of prayer. This
morning, about five o'clock in the morning, he departed to
the Lord. Of his companion, who was afflicted with the same
malady, we cannot yet write anything certain. Yesterday, there
appeared to me to be some hope. I fear, however, that last
night may have injured him ; for although he occupied a sepa
rate bedchamber, and had his own attendant, he heard what had
happened to his companion. I shall see him, as I hope, again
to-day. That excellent man, the goldsmith, because he had
intercourse with the infected, has been dismissed by his master.
I have sent him, with my recommendation, to Strasbourg, that
he may get a situation there. Concerning the wearing apparel
and other moveables of your nephew thus you have it : The
son-in-law of the old woman affirms that all his clothes,
which, however, are not many, were left to him, but with no
appearance of truth, since he could not have done so unless
in the intervals of delirium under which he laboured during
the whole night. He has a sword and a shirt with Wolf.
I know for certam that he had no money when he fell ill.
It was required, therefore, to expend somewhat for his sup
port while living and what was necessary for his burial. I fear,
however, lest any little sum of money which I conjecture to
remain may be made away with. This I write to you somewhat
minutely, since I consider it right to inform you that you may
know all. His landlord, Wolf, who has this morning told me
all these things, thinks that the story about the legacy of
clothes is a pure fable. He is a decent fellow, and one
who conducts himself uprightly. Adieu, excellent and most
esteemed brother. — Hastily yours, Calvin.
Our friends salute you and Michael Mullot, who has stolen
hither for three days during the holidays of his school, to take
counsel along with us. On his return he will intimate that he
does not remain there beyond the time agreed on. After having
heard your last letter, Grynee requested to be informed as
soon as I should have obtained the first opportunity of a mes-

56 FAREL. 1538.
senger, but I was unwilling to interrupt him at this time of
the day.
[Lat. orig. autogr.— Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XXIV— To Farel.1
Calvin at Strasbourg — negotiations between Bucer and the magistrates of
Geneva— first preaching of Calvin in the French Church — Anabaptists
of Metz. Strasbourg, [September 1538.] . ;
My departure from Basle was so hurried and disorderly, that
I brought away with me, stuffed aside in the innumerable
travelling-pouches of the brain, the letter which I promised
would be left for you ; nor indeed was there at the time, any
thing that required my writing sooner. Three days after my
arrival a messenger presented himself, and there was already
somewhat worth communicating. But as I was afraid to
run the risk of sending my letter by that channel, I chose
rather to put it off until now. Bucer2 does not deny that N.
has sent an answer such as might be expected from him.
Indeed, the only reason he gives why he would not read it to
me, is because he was unwilling to raise my indignation to
no purpose. You may hence infer how much spiteful bitter
ness there was in it, which, according to his wonted prudence,
he plainly intimated could not be passed over by me with
out committing a worse scandal. S., in the meanwhile,
applauds his complacent courtesy. For he entertains the
possible hope that both he (i.e., N.) and the senators who have
hitherto been opposed to us can be reconciled, if only first
of all we declare our good-will by letter. Which, as it is
1 Letter without date, but written, as the first words indicate, shortly after the
departure of Calvin from Basle, and his arrival at Strasbourg, (September 1538.)
Earnestly solicited by Bucer and Capito to associate himself in their labours, he
had accepted the charge of Professor of Theology and the ministry of the French
Church in that town.
2 Bucer had entered into correspondence with some of the magistrates of Geneva
to bring about a reconciliation between them and the banished ministers.

1538. FAREL. 57
vastly ridiculous, Bucer reckons out of the question. But sup
pose that might be hoped for, at what point could we begin ?
Shall we, as though we were the authors of the scandal,
study to conciliate them ? and that we may not blink that
consideration, shall we consider, also, what method should
be observed for the reparation of the offence? I am not of
opinion that past negligences are so far about to be amended,
nor do I perceive any provision about to be made for the
future. We may indeed acknowledge before God and His
people, that it is in some measure owing to our unskilful-
ness, indolence, negligence, and error, that the Church com
mitted to our care has fallen into such a sad state of col
lapse j1 but it is also our duty to assert our innocence and our
purity against those who, by their fraud, malignity, knavery,
and wickedness, have assuredly brought about this ruin.
Willingly, therefore, do we acknowledge before God and all
the pious, that our unskilfulness, as well as carelessness, de
served to be chastised by an example of this kind. But I
will never admit that that unhappy Church fell into such
utter disorder through our fault, seeing that we are conscious
in ourselves, that it is far otherwise in the sight of God.
Nor is there an individual among them who can fix upon
us the smallest particle of blame. Now, in reference to the
future, who cannot see that by the proposed method we shall
be exposed to scorn and mockery ? For there is none of them
who would not immediately cry out that we would shrink from no
disgrace, however great, provided only that we might be restored
to our position. But the Lord, as I hope, will open up a better way.
Nor indeed has Bucer himself given over writing, whose autho
rity they cannot despise ; but he will appear to be set at nought,
unless at length they now yield somewhat to him. This,
moreover, is his best hope, that if he shall not obtain a meeting
or conference before next spring, even then at least he may
discover a remedy. And in the meanwhile, perhaps the Lord
will so order and dispose in providence that all may be more
fully ripened. I preached on the Lord's day, which, as it was
1 The Church at Geneva was at this period given up to the most lamentable
divisions and in a state of deplorable disorder,

58 the church of geneva. 1538.
commended among the people by the acceptance of all the
brethren, had many who were either hearers or at least spec
tators. The brethren have a mind, should there appear to
exist among them any face of a Church, to grant also the
administration of the Lord's Supper. At Metz,1 when already
everything was opposed to pure religion, when the Senate was
sworn to its destruction, and when the priesthood had joined
them with all their fury, there has arisen the plague of the
Anabaptists, as it were, to create fresh scandal : two were cast
headlong into the Moselle, a third was punished by banishment,
with the brand of ignominy. So far as I could ascertain by
conjecture, that barber who was the companion of Hermann
was one of them. I fear that this pestilential doctrine is widely
spread among the simple sort in that city. The Lord preserve
you and the rest of the brethren to Himself, and make you the
means of prospering His own work. Salute all of them for me,
especially Thomas and the others who were guests with me
along with yourself. — Yours,
Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XXV. — To the Church of Geneva.2
Letter of consolation and advice addressed to the Church at Geneva, de
prived of her faithful pastor — testimonies of his innocence — confidence in
God — trust for the future. From Strasbourg;, this 1st of October 1538.
To my dearly-beloved brethren in our Lord, who are the
relics of the dispersion of the Church of Geneva.
1 The Eeformation had extended to Metz in 1523. Two martyrs, Jean le Clerc
and Jean Chatelain, had sealed with their blood the introduction of the Gospel
into that country. — Beze, Hist. Eccl., torn. iii. p. 431.
2 Although he had become the minister of a community of exiles, and had en
gaged in theological works of the greatest importance at Strasbourg, the activity
of Calvin was by no means confined to these objects. But in the midst of the
contending claims on his time and care, his attention was ever turned towards the
Church of which he had been the pastor — towards " these relics of the dispersion,"
whom he exhorted from the depths of his exile, and whom he consoled by his letters.

1538. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 59
The mercy of God our Father, and the grace of our Lord
Jesus Christ, be continually multiplied to you by the commu
nication of the Holy Spirit.
My Brethren, — I have restrained myself from writing to
you until this present, in the hope that the letter of our brother
Farel, who had taken upon him that charge for both, would
prove sufficient ; and also by that means I would take off all
occasion, in so far as was possible, for misrepresentation on the
part of those who are on the outlook for it. That is, in order
that they may not calumniate us by affirming that we pur
pose, in drawing you closer to ourselves, to retain you in some
degree of partiality toward us. I have been unable, however,
to refrain from writing to you to assure you of the affection
with which I do ever regard you, and my remembrance of
you in the Lord, as it is my bounden duty; neither shall
that fear prevent me which has somewhat withheld me to the
present time, forasmuch as I see right well that the colour
of pretext which the malicious, from the love of detraction,
might put upon it, would be found utterly frivolous and
vain. God is our witness, and your own consciences before
His judgment-seat, that while we had our conversation among
you, our whole study has been to keep you together in happy
union and concord of agreement. Those who, for the sake of
making and maintaining a faction apart, had separated from
us, have introduced division as well into your Church as into
your town. Discerning the beginnings of that plague from
the commencement, we have faithfully occupied ourselves as
before God whom we serve, to apply the remedy ; where
fore, an appeal to the past exempts us from all their calum
nies. And if now, in thus communicating with you, we
afford you some good reason to retain us in your memory,
this ought not to be made a reproach to us ; for our own
conscience is well assured Godward, that it has been by Him
that we have been called to the fellowship of this ministry
among you. For which reason it cannot be in the power of
men to break asunder such a tie ; and as in time bygone we
have been upheld, we hope still by the guidance of our Lord
so to conduct ourselves, that we shall afford no occasion of

CO THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1538.
trouble, nor present any cause of division, unless it be to
those who are so closely banded against Jesus Christ and all
His people, that they cannot suffer any agreement with His
servants. For to such manner of folk, if this blessed Saviour
is a scandal and an offence, what must we be, who ought to
carry His mark impressed upon our soul and on our body ?
But herein is our consolation, that we give them no occasion ;
even as our kind Master did not come to throw obstacles in
men's path, but rather to be the way wherein all may walk
without stumbling.
To proceed, then, my beloved brethren, for that the hand of
the Lord, from all that I can understand, is continually
stretched forth to visit you, and that by His righteous per
mission the devil strives incessantly to scatter the Church
which has begun to be formed among you, there is a manifest
necessity to admonish you of your duty. That is, that you
consider and seriously meditate, that whatsoever perversity
of will urges forward to action the men who so trouble and
vex you, the assaults are not made upon you so directly by
them as they are the work of Satan, who uses their malice
as his instrument, for your annoyance. This is what the
Apostle teaches in the word of exhortation when he says,
that we do not fight against flesh and blood, that is to say,
against men, but against the powers of the air, and against the
prince of darkness. You are well aware how necessary it is to
reconnoitre an enemy to know by what method to counterwork
his stratagems. If we set ourselves to do battle with men,
thinking only to wreak our vengeance upon them, and so to
have satisfaction for the wrongs which they have done to us,
it may well be doubted whether we could ever conquer so
long as we entertained such views. Nay, it is a certain
fact, that by following that method, we shall ourselves be
vanquished by the devil. On the other hand, if avoiding
all conflict with men, except only insomuch as we are con
strained to have them opposed to us, inasmuch as they
are the adversaries of Jesus Christ, we do resist the wiles of
our spiritual enemy, being furnished with the armour where
with the Lord -would have His people to be girded and

1538. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 61
strengthened; there need then be no fear about our getting
the upper hand. Wherefore, my brethren, if you seek true
victory, do not oppose evil by evil of a like kind, but laying
aside all evil affections, be guided solely by your zeal for the
service of God, moderated by His Spirit according to the rule
of His Word.
You have besides to consider, that these things have not
thus fallen out without the dispensation of the Lord, who
carries forward His purposes even by means of the wicked,
according to the good pleasure of His own will. Now, that
thought will turn you away from the pursuit of your enemies,
to consider and look into yourselves, and so to consider, that
you may acknowledge that you have well deserved on your
part to receive such a visitation, to chastise your negligence,
your contempt, or even your careless slighting of the Word
of God which you had among you ; your slothfulness in
following and rendering to Him a strict obedience. For
you cannot excuse yourselves from having committed many
faults; and how easy soever you may think it, to justify
yourselves in some degree before men, nevertheless before
God, your conscience must yet feel burdened and charge
able. The servants of God have so demeaned themselves
in their tribulations, that is to say, from whatever direction
their trials came they have ever turned their thoughts to
the hand of God and to their own sins, acknowledging the
cause to be discoverable in themselves, and to afford quite
sufficient reason why the Lord should so afflict them. Daniel
understood well what had been the perverseness of the King of
Babylon in his destruction and scattering of the people of God
merely to satisfy his avarice, arrogance, and cruelty ; what also
had been his iniquity in unjustly oppressing them. Yet never
theless, seeing that the first cause lay wholly in themselves,
inasmuch as the Babylonians could do nought against them
unless by the Lord's permission, that he might follow and duly
observe a right order, Daniel begins first with the confession
of his own faults, and then those of the kings and of the people
of Israel. If the prophet humbled himself in this manner,
betliink yourselves what far greater occasion you have ; and if

62 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1538.
it was necessary for him to do so in order to obtain the mercy
of God, what purblind folly would it be in you to stand still and
engage in the accusation of your enemies without any acknow
ledgment of your own faults, which far surpass, by many degrees
of ascent, those of the holy Seer ?
In so far as we ourselves are concerned, if there is any occa
sion to argue our case against the ungodly and calumniators
who would charge offence upon us, I know that not only is our
conscience clear to answer before God, but we have also where
withal to purge ourselves before the whole world. And this
assurance we have testified sufficiently when we demanded to
be heard in our defence ; yea, even in the face of our adversaries,
in answer to every thing which they would lay against us. A
man had need to be well furnished with his justifications when
he presents himself at so great disadvantage, being inferior
in every way to his opponents, except in the goodness of his
cause. As oft as the question recurs of compearance before
God, I make no doubt that He has humbled us in this way to
make us acknowledge our ignorance, our imprudence, and those
infirmities which, for my own part, I feel in myself, and do
make no difficulty in confessing before the Church of the Lord.
In doing so we must not be afraid lest thereby we might give
occasion to our enemies ; for Daniel did not justify Nabuchodo-
nosor when he attributes to the sins of the Israelites the oppres
sion which they suffered under that tyranny, but rather he has
confounded him, shewing that he was the rod of God's wrath
as well as the devil and his underlings. Neither is there any
danger that we might subject our cause to reproach or shame ;
for if we have presented ourselves before all the Churches,
shewing again and again that duly and faithfully we have
discharged our duty, and if still from day to day we are ready
to do so, it is no sign that we have thereby given the opportunity
to bite, or to detract from us, and if we cannot hinder them
from miscalling us— seeing that some of them are transported,
not simply by an unruly temper, but even by ungovernable
rage, we know the promise which is given, that the Lord will
make our innocence appear like the bright and morning star,
and will cause our righteousness to shine forth like the sun.

1538. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 63
We may boldly lay hold on this confidence whenever there
is occasion to contend against the wicked, albeit that we our
selves may be answerable in a very high degree to the justice
of the Lord.
In the day of our humility and downcasting, the Lord, never
theless, will not forsake us until He has supplied very full con
solation to uphold and comfort ; we have it even ever present
and ready to our hand, when Himself hath said in His Scrip
ture of Truth, that the chastisements which He sends on His
friends are for their welfare and salvation, provided they accept
them with submission. Wherefore, my beloved brethren, re-*"
turn always to this consolation, that although the wicked strive
with all their might to bring ruin upon your Church, and
although your faults and offences have deserved far more
than you could ever endure, yet, nevertheless, our Lord will
vouchsafe such an outgate to the corrections which He has
sent, as that they shall be made helpful to your salvation. His
wrath towards His Church, inasmuch as it is only intended to
bring her back to welldoing, is only for a little moment, and
then it passes away, as saith the prophet; His mercy, on
the contrary, is eternal, extending to future generations; for
from the fathers it descends to their children and to children's
children. Look at the proceedings of your enemies, you
will clearly discover that all their doings tend to confusion,
and, notwithstanding, they are quite of the opinion that they
have attained to the uttermost point of their enterprise. Do
not, therefore, cast away your consolation, for that it hath
pleased the Lord to abase you for a season, seeing that this
is no more than what the Scripture forewarns you must come
to pass, even that He exalts the humble and the despised,
and lifteth them out of the dust, the needy he raises up
from the dunghill ; that to those who are in weeping and in
tears He gives a crown of joy ; that He gives fight to those
who sit in darkness, and raises up to newness of life those
who have dwelt in the valley of the shadow of death. Hope,
therefore, that this gracious God will open such a deliver
ance that you shall have good cause to magnify and also to
glorify his clemency. Take comfort from this blessed hope,

64 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1538.
and strengthen yourselves also to endure patiently the rod of
his correction, until He shall be pleased to declare himself
gracious, which, without a doubt, will be erelong, provided
that we can willingly commit all to the guidance of His pro
vidence who knows the fit opportunity, and sees to be more for
our real advantage than we can anyhow conceive.
Above all, take heed that you watch unto prayer; for if
your whole expectation rests upon God, as it ought, there
is good reason to infer that your heart should be daily lifted
up to heaven in calling upon the Lord, and earnestly sup
plicating the mercy which you hope to obtain from himself.
Understand, moreover, that if He delays to grant the desire
of His children, and does not immediately manifest himself in
the time of need for their deliverance, it is generally because
He wishes to stir them up and urge them on to supplicate
His favour. However confident we may be in making a vain
glorious boast of putting our trust in Him, it will be of no
avail while we do not offer any proof of it, by flying to Him
as our refuge, in prayer. Besides, it is a matter of tried
experience, that there is never such an earnest fervency of
stayed affection and ardour in our prayers as there ought to
be, save when we persevere therein without ceasing.
I pray the Lord of all consolation to strengthen you and
sustain you in patience, so long as it is His will to prove
you in these tribulations, and to confirm you in the hope
of the promises which He has made to His servants. He has
said that He will not try them beyond what they can endure,
but that along with the affliction He will increase strength
and give a prosperous issue.
Your brother and servant in the Lord,
John Calvin.
[Fr. copy— Archives of Geneva, No. 1203.]

1 538. FAREL. 65

XXVI.— To Farel.
Conferences of Basle — absence of the theologians of Zurich and of Berne —
the minister Konzen — complaints against Bucer — a wish for the estab
lishment of Ecclesiastical discipline — celebration of the Supper in the
French Church of Strasbourg — the news of Germany and the Netherlands
— question addressed to Melanchthon — domestic affairs. [October 1538.1]
Grace to you and peace in the Lord.
Yes, indeed, I do very much rejoice that the marriage of
Grynee happened at the time when so many and such weighty
matters kept you necessarily at home. For the expected con-
ferential meeting did not after all take place,2 and after two
days our friends returned. Yea, forsooth, and the Zurichers had
scented out what Grynee would be at ; therefore, having pro
mised that they would be present on the day appointed, they
managed somehow to excuse themselves. Afterwards, when
they were pressed somewhat closer on the affair of the confer
ence, they cut off all hope of it. We have reason to lament
that good and otherwise right-hearted men are not more ear
nestly affected by the desire of promoting the public peace.
For if they no longer need to care for the estabhshment among
themselves of a godly union, they ought at least to consider it a
duty to endeavour to come to a good mutual understanding
with the churches. Luther, with whom I do freely acknow
ledge that I am not satisfied, may have been to blame. But
what will it at length come to, if thus of set purpose we
contend with each other, which can exceed the other in sin ?
1 From Farel's hand : Eeceived in the month of October 1538.
'* The negotiations relative to the union of the Eeformed Churches of Germany
with those of Switzerland, were at all times eagerly promoted by Bucer. But the
theologians of Zurich had but little hope of arriving at a satisfactory accord of
agreement between the two parlies, on account of the absolute opinion of Luther
on the Supper. Having been invited to a conference held in the house of Simon
Grynee, at Basle, they did not attend that meeting, where Bucer and Capito were
both present, and which took place without attaining the object for which they had
met. — Hospinian, Hist. Sacrament., vol. ii. pp. 290-300.
VOL. I. E

66 FAREL. 1538.
Besides, they are in no trifling degree injurious to Bucer, con
cerning whom they cannot brook the thought of imagining any
good. Lastly, while they desire to have the upper hand in every
thing, they are faulty in the very form and substance of their
procedure. For why do they stand in so much dread of a Con
vocation ? If they have seen anything in Bucer which needs
to be reproved, where could they find a more suitable occasion
for admonishing him? It is needless, however, for me to
write of these things to you, who deplore them as much as
myself, and who are not able to correct them. The Bernese,
expecting that we should soon have a conference, have thought
that it would be expedient to absent themselves from the
marriage, that they might not appear to take any measure
separately or apart from others. Therefore they also excused
themselves. As for myself, unless I had wished to rush
upon death, it was impossible for me at that time to ven
ture on a journey. The day before I must have set out, so
violent an attack of dysentery had seized me, that in the course
of a single day I was exhausted to such a degree, that I could
with difficulty remain with comfort in one position; it was
well, therefore, that you did not fatigue yourself to no purpose.
The conference which you relate as having had with the mayor
was by no means to be evaded, although I confess that it afforded
me very little pleasure. For I see much that we have to fear
in that quarter ; what good we may expect, I do not perceive.
He manifests the same disposition in his expressions which we
have hitherto known by experience. For he either upbraids
and rails at us, or, where there is not any ground of more
serious accusation, in his own peculiar way he trifles with you,
carping and biting under cover of some figurative expression.
Then you were scarcely cautious enough when you came to
speak of Konzen,1 in having poured out your indignation with
such exceeding liberality. How much do I fear lest this your
complaint, although most just, prove the cause of much annoy
ance to us ! The other things which nettled the spirit of the
man, I venture to believe, may have been so well excused, that
1 Pierre Konzen, minister of Berne, the opponent of Farel and of Calvin, whose
conduct at Geneva he disapproved.

1538. FAREL. 67
even what you said about Konzen may have* passed over
quietly. As for the rest, if you hearken to our friends, you
will endeavour for the future when you meet with him, and
in so far as he shall give you opportunity, to insinuate your
self into his familiarity : he cannot manage so craftily but that
you may hear many things which it may be of use for us
to know. Himself also will be forced to hear, in his turn,
many things from you, by which his temper will either be in
some small degree softened or subdued. What ought to be
said, what not spoken about at all, and what method of treat
ment is to be applied in each emergency, it would be absurd
were I to admonish you. From long and close experience, you
yourself know the temper and disposition of the man. The best
defence of our cause is planted in the truth, from which, should
I attempt to draw you away, I could effect nothing. If we be
lieve the Lord the defender of the innocent, since we cannot be
deprived of the testimony of a good conscience as in his sight,
let us be content with this sole defence. For I will never advise
that we should adopt those underhand, those wily methods, which
are the false refuges of a bad cause. Nevertheless, we must not
let slip the opportunities which, in entering upon a course of sin
cere dealing with the conscience, do not require us to set aside
our own reason, and we ought to reckon it a great gain to have
restored such a man to many of the servants of Christ, from
whom, by the false representations of the wicked, to the great
loss and inconvenience of the Church, he had become estranged.
Lastly, whether you can thoroughly conciliate him to yourself
or them, this, however, in any event, will be beneficial, if you
shew yourself friendly.
It is singular how confidently Sulzer undertakes for Konzen
even yet. For he writes that there is not a doubt but that he
will consent willingly to the Diet, and refer the matter to arbi
tration, that we may return to an entire agreement. What I
disapprove of in Bucer's method of dealing with this matter is,
that he declares that we have sinned through too much severity ;
he subjoins, it is true, But where shall you find better ? where
more learned ? I would rather that he had been more sparing
of praise, and at the same time have abstained from any charge

68 FAREL. 1538.
against us, that he might not have this only vantage-ground,
on which he may flatter himself that he has got the victory.
In your next letter I look for a full detail of the matters
which have been discussed in your assembly, as well as of what
has been done. Most gladly would I hear that somewhat has
been undertaken which might tend to consolidate the Church.
With great exertion they hasten forward the setting up of our
Discipline, but without seeming to do so, that the evil-disposed
may not understand what they are about, and throw hindrances
in their way at the very commencement. If any degree of order
is established here, I see some good prospect of introducing it
among you, if it is sought for on the common application of the
brethren in the first assembly. But this must be well considered
before the fall of the year. Indeed, I do not see any hope of
success in trying to bring it about sooner. For if the assembly
shall be obtained after winter, of which Sulzer 's letter holds out
to us the expectation, it will be occupied with other business,
unless, perhaps, it passes from the consideration of Ecclesias
tical Agreement to that of Order. I almost think that I have
found out the cause which took Morand and Marcourt to Berne,1
since they are learning by experience what they did not foresee,
that in order to clear themselves of the imputation of conceit or
vanity, they must lay the blame on the exceeding mahgnity of
those who favour our views. If I am not mistaken in my opi
nion, they will so strain the terms of their accusation, as to
embrace the entire community of Geneva. Thus, of necessity
they will have to seek out a new settlement for themselves. May
the Lord so order it, that they might set themselves down any
where else than in your neighbourhood. If we had fit persons
here who could drive away such pests immediately on their
approach, I would rather take in hand to go thither myself,
than leave you exposed to such danger as I see to impend over
you, if they make an inroad. For the first time, we have admi
nistered the sacrament of the Supper in our little church2
according to the custom of the place, which we purpose to
repeat every month. Capito and Bucer, and all our brethren,
1 Ministers of the Church of Geneva. See note 1, p. 50.
* The French Church of Strasbourg.

1538. FAREL. 69
have charged me in their name to return their friendly saluta
tions to our friends. Bucer has undertaken a long and at
this season of the year tiresome journey: he is gone to the
Landgrave, and thence he will go into Saxony. He has busi
ness to treat about with the Landgrave and some of the free
cities, with Luther and the Saxons, relating to the Ecclesias
tical property, which they desire to restore to its legitimate
purposes. I delivered to him a letter for Philip, in which I
requested that he would inform me of his opinion in this mat
ter. I appended twelve Articles, which if he can acquiesce in
them with me, nothing farther can be required, either from
himself or Luther, in this business. If I receive anything of a
reply, I will thereupon communicate with you. I wrote so hur
riedly, that I had not the opportunity of retaining a copy.
Germany is alarmed by the expectation of new disturbances : if
the affair of the Dukedom of Gueldres is to be decided by arms
with the Duke of Cleves, there is some danger lest our friends
be drawn indirectly into the contest. What the amount of our
reckoning was with Oporin you will understand from his letter.
It was the opinion of Gryne'e that the wine ought not to be taken
into account, because he had bestowed it himself. When, how
ever, I saw that Oporin of his own accord was not inclined
thereto, I was unwilling to higgle about it. You have boarded
seven weeks and two days with him, myself two months and
about twelve days; which I think will amount to less than
the heavy expense which you anticipated. Thus I divide it :
I pay five gold crowns ; you, four. Balthazar had given us
eight crowns ; there was one remaining of the common fund.
You had paid six out of your own money; I, one. Thus
there had been paid by you ten and a half. You have received,
through my brother, five crowns ; four have been expended on
victuals ; I yet owe you one gold crown and a half, which I will
pay as soon as possible. Here, unless I would be a burden to the
brethren, I must live at my own expense. I have paid that
which was owing for hire to the owner of the horse, and
the half of what was due to the matron with whom we had a
bed. I have about twenty shillings of Basle money, more or
less ; for the hire of the horse cost sixteen shillings and a half.

70 FAREL. 1538.
My outlay on account of your nephew I have received except
about ten shillings, which Claude was about to send me ; for
there was wherewithal to make up that small amount. I do
not know what prevented him. I mention that, lest you may
think that I had received nothing. Adieu, my very dear
brother, with all our brethren, whom may the Lord preserve,
along with yourself, in safety. — Yours, Calvin.
What is that I hear about the ludicrous engagement of the
Bombardiers ? Why, they say that it has become a matter of
ridicule to the whole neighbourhood ! What brazen impudence !
As if they were not everywhere sufficiently odious already,
unless they take occasion from every folly : thus it is that God
darkens the understanding of his enemies, either with frivolities
or things of nought. I shall remove within" two days to the
dwelling of Bucer. I have kept this letter ten days waiting for
a messenger. [Orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XXVII.— To Louis du Tillet.1
Eeply to doubts as to the lawfulness of his call — inward assurance of his
calling — declines the kind offer of Louis du Tillet — appeals to the tribunal
of God from the accusation of schism charged on him by his friend.
Strasbourg;, 20i/i October 1538.
Prolonged and lengthened as the time has been during which
our Lord has made me feel the exhortations and remonstrances
1 In a new letter to Calvin (7th September 1538) Louis du Tillet had thought it
his duty to signalize the events which had recently occurred at Geneva as a pro
vidential chastening, destined to recall his old friend from the way of schism. " I
am disposed to think, indeed," said he, " that the things which have happened to
you have been brought about and pursued by the evil disposition of persons who
have more care about the aims and ends of this world than consideration of what
is due to God. But what I beseech you take in good part, I believe you have
rather to consider on your part whether our Lord has not meant to warn you
by that to bethink yourself if there has been nothing to reprove in your adminis
tration and to humble you in His sight, and that by this means the^great gifts and
graces with which our Lord has furnished you may be employed to His glory, to

1538. LOUIS DU TILLET. 71
which are contamed in your letter, I cannot but take them in
good part, unless, indeed, I would give the lie to my own con
science. I learn therefrom, that in the dealings which our Lord
has taken with me, I should find both material and occasion for
the acknowledgment of my faults. Neither am I content to ex
amine myself only and call them to mind, but, as was my duty,
I have made no difficulty to confess them in the presence of
those who would have been better pleased to justify me than
to ween that there was any need to blame myself. True
it is that, so far as our adversaries are concerned, I have, with
good reason, always maintained mine innocence, suchlike as I
could testify it before God. And, in like maimer, I have never
yielded to those who set themselves up rashly to sit in judg
ment, as for the most part overforward to determine the nature
of the malady while ignorant of its root. But I have never failed
to declare, whether it was in public or in private, that we must
accept that calamity as a singularly remarkable chastisement of
our ignorance as well as of our other vices which called for it.
Whatsoever are my peculiar faults as an individual, while I
can discern very many, yet I hold, nevertheless, that I do not
perceive the greatest of them, even the grosser faults. Where
fore, I pray the Lord that He would make them more clearly
manifest to me from day to day. Those which you point out
are not to be laid to my charge. If there was any ground to
dispute my call, I believe that you have got no such reasons to
impugn my ministry, but the Lord has furnished me with more
firm and stable ones for my confirmation. If you entertain
some doubt about that, it is enough for me that it is quite clear
to my own satisfaction, and not only so, but that I can approve
it to those who are willing to submit their censures to the test
of truth. You do well to admonish me that it is wrong to con
fide too much in one's own understanding, for I know my range
to be such that I cannot presume ever so little upon myself
without exceeding. I would, however, request of you to believe
that the complaints which, on other occasions, you have heard
the salvation of His elect, and on that account always more and more increased." —
MSS. of Paris. Calvin replies to that objection, and appeals from " the sentence
of the wise" to the tribunal of God.

72 LOUIS DU TILLET. 1538.
me make, were not the utterances of hypocrisy, for they testi
fied that I was well aware of my insufficiency for the charge I
hold. You dwell very much upon the point, that it might be pain
ful to us to make retractions under the fear of the imputation
of trifling, when we have formed a rash and inconsiderate deter
mination. For my own part, as I know well enough that by
good right I ought to fear lest that foolish ambition should eo
far hoodwink me as to deflect the straightforwardness of my
judgment, so, on the other hand, I hope that our Lord will not
leave me so far to myself as to fall into such a degree of pride,
that for the sake of preserving mine own honour scatheless
I would wilfully oppose myself to His truth. I have discussed
this question with some eminent persons whom you know. I
cannot, even now, see the case in any other light than that which
I have declared. I know not whether the witness who was pre
sent has brought you any random report of what took place,
as he has a shrewd turn at upsetting and embroiling whatsoever
he puts his hand to.
Concerning that objection of condemning others, I feel con
strained to make one observation, which possibly shall not be
pleasing to you. I would that you should take a part of
these observations to yourself. For in calling the darkness
light throughout the whole of your letter, you do condemn
those who walk far more straightforwardly in regard to that
matter than any of yourselves.1 I shall not enter upon a dis
putation, for neither is that your intention ; but I would like
to know what equity there is in a person who passes judgment
in his closet, condemning all those who maintain their doctrine
daily openly before all the world, and who thinks, notwith
standing, that it is presumption in those others to dare to

1 The passage in Du Tillet's letter, to which Calvin here alludes, is as follows : —
" One thing to be most carefully avoided is an overweening confidence in our own
judgment, and a too great readiness either to accept new opinions or to condemn
old ones, especially where matters of religion or piety are concerned ; for a mistake
on such ground is more fatal than on any other ; . . and God punishes the
temerity of such as thus act, bringing them into a thousand perplexities."— MSS.
of Paris.

1538. LOUIS DU TILLET. 73
condemn the manifest enemies of God and of his majesty.
What you have said in reference to that question I take
as proceeding from a good intention, but must attribute it
to a very different spirit from that of God. Touching my
retirement, I confess to you that I have foimd somewhat
strange the first word which you have spoken to me regarding
it, as to seeking the means of returning to a place where I
would be as it were in a sort of hell.1 The earth is the Lord's,
you will say, but I beg you will allow me to follow the rule of
my conscience, which I know to be surer than yours. As to
my resuming the charge, I could indeed have wished to be be
lieved and taken at my word ; and had I only had to do with
those whom you might consider too inconsiderately and obsti
nately determined on setting men to work, I should have been
in no hurry to do so ; but when the most moderate of them all
threaten that the Lord would find me out as he did Jonah ;
and when they come to such words as these, " Suppose to your
self the Church to be lost through your fault alone. What
better course of repentance lies open to you than to dedicate
yourself wholly to the Lord ? You who are endowed with
such gifts, with what conscience can you decline the ministry
which is offered to you ? &c. . . . "2 What else to do I knew
not, except to state the reasons which deterred me, in order
that I might follow my own inclination with their consent.
When that was to no purpose, I concluded that I had no
alternative, in such a state of perplexity, but to follow that
1 That is to say, in France. Louis du Tillet had advised Calvin to return to that
country, where the profession of the Evangel was interdicted. " I greatly desire
that on your part it might be possible for you to retire hitherward, and that our
Lord had furnished you the means . but if that cannot be done as yet, I ap
plaud and appreciate your determination to stop for the present at Basle, without
mixing yourself up in anything else. In waiting upon our Lord you will shew
plainly whitherward you tend." — MSS. of Paris.
2 These expressions are taken from a letter addressed by Simon Grynee to
Calvin, to induce him to decide on accepting the ministerial charge at Strasbourg.
Here is the original text, which Calvin quotes from memory : — " Fac esse quod
tua unius gravissima culpa res Christi sic lahefactae sint Genevse, non tamen pia
erit ejusmodi pcenitentia, qua in ista ministrorum qui istic idonei sunt copia, tu
istis dotihus non tibi sed Ecclesia? ornatus, oblatum ministerium repudies.'' —
Gryncei Epistolw, edition of Streuber, p. 55.

74 LOUIS DU TILLET. 1538.
which I thought was pointed out to me by the servants of God.
I give you my hearty assurance that care about the body would
not have brought me to that conclusion, for I had seriously
pondered the question of setting about the gaining of a liveli
hood for myself in some private station, which I think is not
altogether impossible ; but I have decided that the will of God
has otherwise disposed. If I have erred, reprove me, I beseech
you, only let it not be by a simple explicit condemnation, to
which I can attribute no authority, against so many reasons
and the testimony of individuals who are nowise contemptible,
nor ought they to be so accounted in your esteem. -
You have made me an offer for which I cannot sufficiently
thank you ; neither am I so rude and unmannerly as not to feel
the unmerited kindness so deeply, that even in declining to
accept it, I can never adequately express the obligation that I
owe you.1 I shall abstain, however, as much as possible, from
being burdensome to any one, but principally to you, who have
already in the past been put to too much expense. My aliment
at present costs me nothing. To meet my necessary require
ments over and above my daily bread, the money for the books
will furnish somewhat, for I hope that you will kindly give me
others in case of need. Had you addressed your proposition
to me in such terms as to have left no imputation, but only on
myself personally, I could easily have put up with it. But
inasmuch as you do injustice to the truth of God, and to His
servants, it has on my part been inevitable that I must reply
briefly, in order that you may not indulge the notion that I
have acquiesced. I believe that you have considered our afflic
tion to be quite sufficient to cast me into the utmost perplexity,
even such as to throw all former trials into the shade. I have
been greatly afflicted, it is true, but never to such a degree as

Du Tillet hacLmade an offer of money to Calvin in the letter above cited :—
" It is possible that you may be ill provided with money, without which you
cannot live there in a manner becoming you ; but you need not mind about that,
for should you receive nothing elsewhere but from me, if you wish it, God helping,
I will supply enough to meet your necessity, as for the present I have no occasion
for any money, living entirely in the house of my brother ... But that not
withstanding, I will find means to furnish you."

1538. FAREL. 75
to have to say, Nescio ubi sint vice Domini, (I know not where
are the ways of the Lord,) wherefore these temptations are
tried upon me in vain.
One of my companions1 is now before God to render account
of the cause which has been common to him and me. When
we come thither, it will be known on which side the rashness
and desertion has been. It is thither that I appeal from the
judgments of all the worldly-wise sages, who think their simple
word has weight enough for our condemnation. There, the
angels of God will bear witness who are the schismatics.
After having humbly commended myself to your good-will
I shall entreat our Lord that He would uphold and keep you
in His holy protection, so directing you, that you decline not
from His way. — Your humble servant and sincere friend,
Charles d'Espeville.
[Fr. Copy — Imperial Library of Paris. Fonda Bdluze, 8069-5.]

XXVIII.— To Farel.
Death of Courault — Calvin's discouragement and trust in God — answers a
question of Saunier regarding the Supper — the faithful at GerSva ex
horted not to separate from the new preachers — affectionate advice given
to Farel. Strasbourg, 2ith October 1538.
The death of Courault has so overwhelmed me, that I can set
no bounds to my grief.2 None of my daily occupations can so
avail to engage my mind as that they do not seem to turn upon
that one thought. Distress and wretchedness during the day
1 The minister Courault. See following note.
2 The aged monk, Augustin Courault, a zealous preacher of the Eeformation at
Paris and at Geneva. He took part with Calvin and Farel ; after a short imprison
ment was banished from Geneva, found a retreat with Christopher Fabri at
Thonon, and was appointed pastor at Orbe, where he died, 4th October 1538.
Courault was advanced in years, and had become blind. (" Bluminant les ames,
dit Bdze, combien qu'il fust devenu aveugle quant au corps." — Hist. Eccl. torn. i.
p. 15.) His death, which was at first attributed to poison, caused the deepest
regret both to Farel and Calvin, who were his colleagues in the ministry.

76 FAREL. 1538.
seems only to prepare a lodging for the more painful and
excruciating thoughts of the night. It is not merely the
want of sleep, to which custom has so inured me, by which
I am harassed, but I am utterly exhausted by these melan
choly thoughts all night long, than which I find there is
nothing more destructive of my health. But that atrocious
deed chiefly rankles my mind, if indeed the suspicion is well
founded, to which, whether I will or nill, I am constrained
to allow some weight. To what a degree of wickedness
must our posterity at length arrive when in the very com
mencement such monstrosities rise up before our eyes ? I
much fear lest this great wickedness may speedily be punished
by some great affliction of the Church. Moreover, it is no
slight evidence of the anger of God, that amid so great a
scarcity of good ministers, the Church should be deprived of
one who stood in the foremost rank of the good. What else,
therefore, dear brother, can we do than lament our calamity ?
although, nevertheless, we are not lacking in solid consola
tion. This of itself is a great comfort when all do thus
testify, by affectionate sorrow as for their own loss, the high
esteem in which they held him for courage and uprightness.
So neither does the Lord suffer the wickedness of our enemies
to remain concealed upon earth. They have not gained the
worth of a single hair by his death. For there stands before
the judgment-seat of God a witness and avenger of their
villany, whose voice will proclaim their destruction more
loudly than if it shook the earth. We, the survivors whom
the Lord has left behind for a while, let us persevere in
the same path wherein our deceased brother walked until we
have finished our course. Whatsoever difficulties may be
thrown across our path, they will not prevent our arriving at
that rest into which he has been already admitted. Unless
this sure hope held us firm and steadfast, what ground of
despair encompasses us round about ? But since the truth
of the Lord remains firm and unshaken, let us stand reso
lutely upon the watch-tower even to the end, until the king
dom of Christ, which is now hidden and obscured, may shine
forth.

1538. FAREL. | 77
Our opponents have already sounded the trumpet on ac
count of the sentence pronounced against the town of Minden.1
As the interest of religion is concerned in the matter, our
friends are necessarily implicated. It will be our surest and
invincible defence if the Lord of Hosts shall defend us by His
own strength. Otherwise we are scarcely strong enough to
repel the assaults of our enemies. Let us therefore take refuge
in that one asylum, which, even although the whole earth may
be shaken, can never be moved.
We do not slacken our endeavour, and continue to cry in
cessantly for a conference until it shall have been obtained.
Saunier2 wished another question to be discussed by us, —
Whether it is lawful for himself, and others similarly situated,
to receive the sacrament of the Lord's Supper from the hands
of the new ministers, and to partake of it along with such a
promiscuous assemblage of unworthy communicants ? In this
matter I quite agree with Capito. This, in brief, was the
sum of our discussion : that among Christians there ought
to be so great a dislike of schism, as that they may always
avoid it so far as lies in their power. That there ought to
prevail among them such a reverence for the ministry of the
Word and of the Sacraments, that wherever they perceive
these things to be, there they may consider the Church to
exist. Whenever therefore it happens, by the Lord's per
mission, that the Church is administered by pastors, whatever
kind of persons they may be, if we see there the marks of the
1 As one of the cities in league with Smalkalde for the defence of the Gospel,
the town of Minden had just been placed under the ban of the empire. The
Eoman Catholic princes of Germany confederated at Nuremberg, prepared to exe
cute the sentence against which the Protestant princes had solemnly protested. —
Sleidan, Commentarii, lib. xii. p. 338, edit, de 1612, in 4to.
2 Antony Saunier, countryman and disciple of Farel, was honoured to be his
companion in announcing for the first time the simple Gospel in Geneva, (Septem
ber 1532.) — (See Spon, Hist, de Geneve, torn. i. p. 215, Note P.) Having been
appointed Eegent of the college of that town, he offered, in 1538, a determined
opposition to the pastors who were elected in room of Farel and Calvin, and along
with his colleague Mathurin Cordier was banished, on account of his refusal — not
withstanding the advice of Calvin himself, to receive the sacrament at the hands
of the new ministers. He retired to the Pays de Vaud, and at a later period be
came pastor of the church at Morges.

78 FAREL. 1538.
Church, it will be better not to break the unity. Nor need it
be any hindrance that some points of doctrine are not quite
so pure, seeing that there is scarcely any Church which does
not retain some remnants of former ignorance. It is sufficient
for us if the doctrine on which the Church of God is founded
be recognised, and maintain its place. Nor should it prove
any obstacle, that he ought not to be reckoned a lawful pastor
who shall not only have fraudulently insinuated himself into
the office of a true minister, but shall have wickedly usurped it.
For there is no reason why every private person should mix
himself up with these scruples. The Sacraments are the means
of communion with the Church ; they must needs therefore be
administered by the hands of pastors. In regard to those,
therefore, who already occupy that position, legitimately or
not, and although the right of judging as to that is not denied,
it will be well to suspend judgment in the meantime, until the
matter shall have been legally adjudicated. Therefore, if
men wait upon their ministry, they will run no risk, that
they should appear either to acknowledge or approve, or in any
way to ratify their commission. But by this means they will
give a proof of their patience in tolerating those who they
know will be condemned by a solemn judgment. The refusal
at first of these excellent brethren did not surprise nor even
displease me. In truth, at a time of so great excitement,
which could not fail to produce an ebullition in the minds of
men, a schism in the body of Christ was the infallible result.
Besides, they were still uncertain whither at length this tem
pest would drive them, which for the time put everything in
confusion and disorder.
Saunier then proceeded to speak of himself, but with so
much contention, that it seemed as if he would never have an
end until he had extorted what he sought. There was evident
ground of reason why we should deny. For prudence in mak
ing a due distinction is required from the minister to whom
the dispensation of this sacred mystery belongs. Moreover, he
who has not from the first repudiated their fellowship plainly
approves their ministry. Lastly, the question having been
reduced to these conditions,— whether it were better to vield or

1538. FAREL. 79
to refuse, I forced him into this dilemma: — If the minister
does his duty, all will at once go well ; if not, it will beget a
scandal which must not be endured, whatever supposed advant
ages might arise therefrom. But when he perceived that I was
firmly determined to accomplish what I sought to effect, he
readily acquiesced therein, whatever it was. We know by our"
experience how difficult it is to keep within due bounds those
who are puffed up with a silly opinion of their own wisdom.
When we all thought this particular time very unseasonable
for discussing the points in dispute among the brethren, the
Lord has surpassed our utmost expectation. Whatever we
sought has been obtained. Saunier at first seemed to dislike
that any formula of confession should be required. He sup
posed that our friends would be satisfied for this alone, because
they had been taught by himself. Afterwards, however, he
relaxed his opposition and approved without further contro
versy, such as I have drawn it in their name. I fear that the
person will give you most trouble whose business it ought to be
to help you ; however, by patient sufferance you will struggle
through. I entreat of you, my dear brother, in so great
iniquity of the time in which we live, that you will use your
utmost endeavour to keep together all who are any way bear
able. As to the trifling ceremonies, strive to induce the
brethren not to dispute the point with those of their neighbour
hood with so much of stiffnecked obstinacy. It will then come
to pass that we may carry our point, ourselves free from all,
that we may only serve the interests of peace and Christian
agreement. If I omit any important points, it is because
your letter, which I had given to Capito to read, has not yet
been returned to me. May the Lord preserve and strengthen
you by His Spirit, confirm you in the enduring of all things,
my most beloved brother in the Lord. Your anxiety on my
account admonishes me in my turn to recommend your taking
care of your health, for all accounts report that you appear
very much worn out. I beg and entreat of you, my dear
brother, have such regard to others as at the same time to keep
in mind that the Church of Christ cannot yet spare you.
Greet a thousand times for me all the brethren who are with

80 FAREL. 1538.
you ; Viret, Francis also and James, when you write to them.
Capito, Sturm, and Firmin, desire to salute you in the most
friendly way.
[Lat. orig. autogr.— Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XXIX.— To Farel.
Second edition of the "Institution of a Christian" — death of Eobert
Olivetan — state of religion in Germany — first lectures of Calvin at Stras
bourg. Month of January 1539.
The grace of the Lord be with you, most sound-hearted
brother. You would have received a longer letter from me had not
grief of mind so distracted me that I had neither heart nor
hand capable of discharging duty. When I thought that the
edition of my work was quietly going forward,1 lo and behold !
a copy is forwarded to me by my brother in the same state in
which I had sent it ; therefore it must be put off to the next
fair-time. This kindness has been repaid to me by Eobert.
Although there is privately no reason why I should vex myself
on this account; yet since I supposed that it would be of
public advantage that it should go forth as soon as possible, I
could not be otherwise than greatly annoyed that the expecta
tion and desire of many good men should be frustrated by
the cross humour of a single individual ; for I do not wish to
say anything more severe. The death of our friend Oli
vetan followed upon that other vexation, of which the wife
of Sinapi informed me by letter.2 You will therefore bear
with me in my reasonable sorrow, if my letters are not only
1 He refers here to the second edition of the Institution Chritienne, which ap
peared in 1539 at Strasbourg.
2 Eobert Olivetan died, in 1538, at Ferrara. That intelligence was announced
to Calvin by Francisca Bucyronia, wife of the physician, John Sinapi, a German,
settled at the Court of the Duchess of Ferrara as the preceptress of her children.

1539. FAREL. 81
confused, but also somewhat concise. What you mention
about the reply of Konzen cheered me as much as was pos
sible in such sadness. I entreat you, my dear brother, that
we may follow up such favourable and auspicious beginnings.
Now, for the first time, our spirit can be raised to entertain
good hope of the result ; but, as you observe, we must have a
conferential meeting, without which the fallen and miserably
scattered churches cannot be built up. Scarcely could I have
dared to hope for any good until I understood that this opening
had occurred. Now am I led to entertain the sure hope of an
excellent result, if we have once an opportunity of meeting
together. We must wait, however, for the return of Bucer,
who, when he was arrived at no great distance from home,
was drawn back again upon a new piece of business, a
secret indeed, but which I will whisper in your ear. Duke
George of Saxony,1 beyond all expectation, intimated that
he wished to have some consultation with him and Melanch
thon about religion and the reformation of the Church, and
appointed a day for them to come to Leipsic, on which he
promised that he would be present ; therefore both secretly set
out thither. If he comes to any determination he will draw
many others after his example. Some of the princes are im
pelled by a fierce desire of stirring up war against us, and
already they are prepared with all requisite mumtion. They
are, however,kept in some restraint by the more prudent, who
foresee that the Turk will not remain quiet if he sees Germany
engaged in civil war. Already he has possession of Upper and
Lower Wallachia, and has declared war upon the King of
Poland unless he allow him free passage through his territories.
As soon as Bucer returns I will tire you with a long story,
for I am very confident that he will bring along with him a
great store of news. He has loaded Saunier and the brethren
with superfluous expense, and has hence fatigued them with
1 George Duke of Saxony, cousin of the Elector of Saxony, John Frederick.
Although the princes of his family had adopted the (so called) new doctrines, this
prince had constantly opposed the Eeformation, which he persecuted in his states.
He died in 1539.
VOL. I. I"

82 FAREL. 1539.
labour to no purpose. I am too much intent on the success
of this project to have any need to be goaded on regarding
it ; but what could I do, since the proposed Diet of the princes
and free cities on whom the charge was laid has not yet been
held ? There met lately a council of the cities at Erlangen,
but that concerned other matters ; nor was it composed only of
those of our persuasion, although the cities sent deputies, but of
all promiscuously. The Diet of those of our side, both of the
princes and of the cities, is called for the eighth of February,
before which day ambassadors from the Duke of Saxony and
the Landgrave are to come hither. We are so cordial in the
undertaking that we shall omit no opportunity of promoting it
so far as lies in us.
Having lately been induced by Capito, against my inclina
tion, to lecture publicly, I either lecture or preach daily.
Michael writes you. Others more fitted for the work will fall
in afterwards, if they have only a little time given them. All
send you their most friendly greetings, and specially Capito,
who only does not write because he thinks my letter sufficient.
Sturm, also, and Firmin, and Gaspar, and Henry, and the others.
Adieu, most excellent brother ; may the Lord preserve you for
Himself and His people. Salute all the brethren from me.
You may hence be able to conjecture my state of com
posure, from "the circumstance that I have altogether forgotten
in writing to you what I ought to have told you at the first :
I mean, that I had written to you and Zebedeus by Dr.
Ulrich. He avers that he entrusted the letters to a faithful
hand. Do let me hear by the first opportunity whether they
have reached you, and how you were pleased with the contents ;
for I would willingly hear that you were satisfied with refer
ence to the offence which my letters had given among the
brethren at Geneva.
[Orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

1539. FAREL. 83

XXX.— Farel.1
Fruitless efforts for the union of the two ChurcheB— synod of Zurich — Bul-
linger's distrust of Bucer — parallel between Luther and Zuingli — Calvin
thinks of marrying — news of Germany — policy of the ecclesiastical elec
tors — French Church of Strasbourg — conversion of two Anabaptists.
Strasbourg, 28th February [1539.]
I have carefully explained to the brethren the matters
which you had committed to me on the part of your pres
bytery. They both welcomed and received your admonitions
with a very cordial and attentive hearing, for they clearly per
ceived and understood the motives from whence they proceeded,
and that the dangers which alarm you are not imaginary. They
will therefore endeavour, so far as lies in their power, in troub
lous times like the present, that your warnings may not seem to
have been tendered to them in vain. That last point which
you urge, about coming to an agreement with those of Zurich,
affords a strong presumption, that you do not fully compre
hend how much in earnest and how faithfully, our friends have
exerted themselves to promote this object. Since the meet
ing of that last synod2 they have left no stone unturned whereby
they might, in some small degree at least, either lessen or
1 Under the inspiration of Farel the company of pastors of Neuchatel had put
forth a desire for the union of the Churches of Germany and Switzerland ; but that
wish for union, actively followed out by Bucer, desired with so much ardour by
Calvin, must necessarily be the fruit of reciprocal concessions ; and certain of the
Zurich ministers, too much inclined to exalt the memory of Zuingli at the expense
of Luther, seemed not much disposed to favour the connexion. They altogether
distrusted Bucer, who, they said, maintained an artificial spirit throughout these
negotiations, equally adapted to deceive both sides, and even Bullinger himself,
who was of so conciliating and so elevated a character, was not entirely free from
these tendencies. — Hospinian, Hist. Sacramentaria, torn. ii. p. 290.
2 The Synod of Zurich, held from the 29th April to the 3d May of the preceding
year, had remained without result. The ministers of Strasbourg and of Zurich
had separated much dissatisfied with each other.

84 FAREL. 1539.
appease their resentment 51 for they even ventured to hope to
bring them back so soon to a right understanding and entire
good-will towards each other. It would appear, however, that
they had not forgotten either the reception they had met with
in that quarter or the manner in which they were dismissed,
and the rumours which had afterwards been spread abroad as
to their procedure, as well as the letters which had been written.
Because, however, they could of themselves make but little im
pression, they engaged on their side all the men of worth who
had any authority or influence among them, in order that, at the
long run, some terms of peace, or at least some moderation of
their differences, might be devised. In the meanwhile Bullinger
makes public that epistle of his in which he reckons the Turn
coats and Weathercocks as stumbling-blocks of offence and
hindrances to the progress of the Gospel. There is no one so
blind as not to perceive that under these designations he points,
as with the finger, distinctly at our friends.2 They, however,
were forbearing enough to teach, by their example, not to
return railing for railing, and suppressed their sense of so
great indignity until Erasmus, one of the Zurich ministers, had
arrived in Strasbourg. In good humour, and with courtesy,
we expostulated with him. They did not even satisfy us
by a single word of explanation; but some while after, not
without their knowledge, Bibliander3 wrote to Sturm that we
were tormenting ourselves by a false application of it ; for that
Bullinger's design had been not to attack Bucer, but those
persons in the territory of Wirtemberg who had acceded to
the concord of agreement, for that they had themselves pro-
1 The theologians of Zurich had accused Bucer of having spread a snare to entrap
their good faith by artificial expressions, better suited to veil the difficulties of union
than to solve them. — See Hospinian, torn. ii. p. 290.
2 This letter of Bullinger is only known to us by Calvin's allusion to it. Bucer
manifested great displeasure at the conduct of the theologians of Zurich, and
bitterly complained of it in a letter to Comander, minister of Coire. But if we
may believe the testimony of Sturm, quoted by Hospinian, it does not appear that
the friendly relations between the churches of Zurich and Strasbourg were thereby
long or seriously affected.
8 Bibliander (Theodore), professor of theology at Zurich. He died of the plague
in 1564.

1539. FAREL. 85
fessed that they had not always had a clear understanding of
the Supper, but that, as for Bucer, those things which had
been said at Zurich were no more than might, with perfect
propriety, be addressed to him. There is, therefore, nothing
for us to dispute about, as if there was any hindrance on our
part to their arriving at an entire agreement, or at this present
moment to prevent a perfect reconciliation. And further, to
say the truth, we have never been otherwise than their friends,
however ill disposed they have shewn themselves to us. If
you knew with what moderation our friends conduct them
selves, you would be ashamed to require anything more of
them, The good men flame up into a rage if any one dares to prefer
Luther to Zuingli, just as if the Gospel were to perish if any
thing is yielded by Zuingli. Nor, indeed, is there any injury
thereby done to Zuingli, for if the two men are compared
with each other you yourself know how much Luther has the
preference. I do not at all approve, therefore, of those verses
of Zebedeus, in which he supposed that he could not praise
Zuingli according to his real worth, unless- he said of him,
Majorem sperare nefas ;
that it was profane to hope for a greater. Now, while we agree
that it is considered unkind to speak evil over the ashes and
the shades of the departed ; so it would be impiety in a high
degree, in our thoughts of such a man, not to entertain sen
timents of honourable esteem. It holds true, however, that the
moderation to be observed in the award of praise, is that which
Zebedeus has very much lost sight of. Therefore, I am so far
from assenting to him, that now at this present, I can see
many greater — I may hope for some more — I may lawfully
desire that all were so. I ask you, dear Farel, if any one ex
tolled Luther in this manner, would not the Zurichers have
grumbled, and complained that Zuingli had been overborne ?
Foolishly, you will say ; as if, indeed, those were the only men
of any understanding who are favourable to Luther. But these
things are intended for your ear alone.
I myself, also, am heartily tired of discussing so often that

86 FAREL. 1.^39.
affair of Caroli, or rather, I am completely worn out ; there
fore all the more willingly may suffer you to enjoy quiet in time
to come, unless some new escapade occurs. Would that only a
single opportunity were allowed me, in a familiar and confiden
tial way, to confide to you all my hopes and fears, and in turn
to hear your mind and have your help, whereby we might be
the better prepared. An excellent opportunity will occur for
your repairing hither, if, as we hope, the marriage shall come
to pass.1 We look for the bride to be here a little after
Easter. But if you will make me certain that you will
come, the marriage ceremony might be delayed until your
arrival. We have time enough beforehand to let you know
the day. First of all, then, I request of you, as an act of
friendship, that you would come. Secondly, that you assure
me that you will come. For it is altogether indispensable that
some one from thence he here to solemnize and ask a blessing
upon the marriage. I would rather have you than any one else.
Therefore, resolve whether you think it is worth while, on my
account, to undertake this journey. I am waiting to see whether
any good will come out of these disturbances by which Geneva
is at present thrown into a state of commotion. The affair
must have taken a turn one way or other before you can arrive
here. Germany, as usual, is in a state of suspense, in expecta
tion of great events. The surmise is very general, that the
Emperor aims at more than he avows. Our friends are now
assembled at Smalkald, where they will advise upon measures
to meet either alternative ; so that, whether they settle the
matters in dispute by reasonable arguments, or decide their
differences by war, they may not anyhow be taken unawares and
unprepared. God has already conferred this benefit upon us,
that three of the Bishops Electors rather prefer to league with
us in defence of their country's liberty, than to plot with the
Emperor against it.
Our little church here holds on as usual. Hermann has
returned to church-fellowship, and in perfect sincerity, unless
1 The friends of Calvin at Strasbourg were at this time very desirous of having
the Eeformer married. See the following Letters, (1539-1540,) passim.

1539. FAREL. 87
I am much deceived.1 He has acknowledged to me, that out
of the Church there cannot exist the hope of salvation ; he
says, the true Church is to be found among us ; that therefore,
on his part, there had been a falling away, because he had hved
as a sectary in separation from it. This he took to himself as
criminal, in following these divisive courses, and sought forgive
ness. About Free-will, the Divinity and Humanity of Christ,
Begeneration, Infant Baptism, and other points, he was willing
to be taught, and embraced our doctrine; he only hesitated as to
predestination, on which head, however, he subscribed upon the
whole to my views, except that he could not unravel or describe
explicitly the difference between foreknowledge and providence.
He entreated, however, that this might not occasion any hin-
derance in the way of himself and his children being received
to Church communion. Whereupon, with the courtesy which
the occasion called for, I received and welcomed him seeking
forgiveness, and reached forth to him the hand in name of the
Church. Since then, I have baptized his little daughter, who
was more than two years of age. Unless I am very much de
ceived, he is a pious, God-fearing man. When I exhorted him
as to the duty of leading back others into the way of truth, he
said, " The least I can do is, that I should now be as earnest in
building up as I have formerly been in pulling down." Hans,
who fives at Uhn, appears to me to be penitent. That we may
not boast, however, and glorify ourselves in this service, the Lord
humbles us in a thousand ways. For we are no whit better
here than with you, where you declare that matters are as bad
as possible. Yet, in these otherwise desperate circumstances,
we have always this consolation, that we do not serve God in
vain, even when to all appearance we seem to toil to no pur
pose. If you think proper, you will communicate the letter
addressed to the brethren ; if otherwise, you can return or keep
it in your own possession.
Salute every one of them in person in our name in the most

1 Hermann of Liege, the celebrated Flemish Anabaptist. He had maintained a
discussion at Geneva, publicly, against Farel and Calvin ; and overcome on that
nre;ision, ho had born banished from the town the 19th March 1538.

88 FAREL. 1539.
friendly manner, although I desire, on my part, to do so on my
own account, apart from the rest.
Adieu, my very excellent and right-hearted brother. All
here do most lovingly salute you, especially Capito, Sturm, and
Claude ; for Bucer is absent. But all of them, at the same
time, had requested me to undertake the province of replying
to your letter, when I laid before them your friendly warnings ;
on account of which, so far are they from having taken any
offence, that their respect, which could scarcely be higher than
it is, has rather been confirmed towards you.
My dear friend, again adieu. Although I feel much ex
hausted, yet I would not suffer myself to be drawn away from
writing to you.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XXXI.— To Bullinger.1
Excuses his long silence — evidences of brotherly affection— justifies Bucer
— his desire for the union of the Church of Zurich with that of
Strasbourg. Strasbourg;, 12th March [1539.]
Grace to you from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ. Bespected Brother, — I scarce know how it has occurred,
that for nearly a whole year and a half since I withdrew hither
I should never have written to you, when it was so often my
mind to do so ; when there was no want of somewhat to write
about ; and more than once an occasion presented itself for
doing so. But as for the first few months I had scarcely
thought of it, and thus already some time had been allowed ta
slip away, as if the opportunity had passed, I became from day
to day more remiss. Lately, however, while your Erasmus
1 Written to Bullinger after a long silence, this letter was to be the means of
drawing closer the ties of friendship which had already united the French Ee
former to the minister of Zurich, and to remove the unjust prejudices of the latter
against Bucer and the Strasbourg ministers. See the preceding letter.

1539. BULLINGER. 89
was here with us, he had offered, if I wished to write, to
take charge of any letters ; whereupon I eagerly embraced an
opportunity, of which above all things I was desirous. I
promised, therefore, that I would write to you. As, however,
I had returned late from the inn where he was stopping,
and he had resolved on his departure for the morrow, I was
unwilling to change the arrangement for his journey, although
out of kindness he was ready to wait if only I had expressed
the wish. The readier, however, that he was to comply, so
much more ashamed was I to request him, more especially
since I had an opportunity three days later of sending letters
to Basle, from whence they could easily be forwardeoMo you.
Notwithstanding that, however, when this last convenient
occasion had also escaped me, then at length I came to the
conclusion that I must do now what I had too long delayed.
What ought we rather, dear Bullinger, to correspond about
at this time than the preserving and confirming, by every
possible means in our power, brotherly kindness among our
selves ? We see indeed of how much importance that is,
not only on our own account, but for the sake of the whole
body of professing Christians everywhere, that all those on
whom the Lord has laid any personal charge in the ordering of
His Church, should agree together in a sincere and cordial
understanding. Indeed, Satan himself perceives that very
clearly, who while he plots, by every method he can devise, the
ruin of Christ's kingdom, plies none more earnestly with all his
might, than to sow division and discord among us, or somehow
at least to estrange the one from the other. For that very
reason, therefore, it is our duty to oppose these sort of devices ;
and the more our adversary strives to rend asunder our con
nexion, so much the more ought we to strive against him with
more determined resolution and intense anxiety to cherish and
uphold it. Since, therefore, it is our duty carefully to culti
vate friendly fellowship with all the ministers of Christ, so we
must needs also endeavour by all the means we can, that the
churches to which we faithfully minister the Word of the Lord
may agree among themselves. Our friendship, I trust, in
virtue of the happy auspices which presided at its commence-

90 BULLINGER. 1539.
ment, and resting as it does on so solid a foundation, will
continue firm and entire to the last. For myself, assuredly,
so far as depends upon me, I undertake to persevere in
maintaining it firm and unimpaired, because, indeed, I have
always very much deferred to you. I have also, as was meet
and reasonable, embraced you with singular delight, nor will
I ever cease to entertain that affection. Between this church
and yours, although I do not see that there really exists any
disagreement or secret grudge, yet I might wish there was
a closer connexion or rather relationship. How it comes to
pass that we do not draw more closely together, as I earnestly
desire, it is not for me to determine, only it is too evident not
to be observed that the dregs of that unhappy dispute still
taint our memories. Hence arise many askant suspicions,
which, when they have once fairly taken hold of us, it is not
possible that any solid friendship can either exist or have any
long continuance among us. On our friends' part, this cer
tainly I dare freely promise and undertake for them, that there
is nought they more desire than to cast aside all discordance,
that they may sincerely cultivate a brotherly friendship towards
you ; in one word, to seek no other bond of concord than the
pure will of God. As for Capito's sincerity, because I suppose
it is quite well known to you, I shall say nothing. For
Bucer I will answer, that there is no cause why he ought
in anything to be suspected by you. Endowed, as indeed he
is, with a singularly acute and remarkably clear judgment,
there is, at the same time, no one who is more religiously
desirous to keep within the simplicity of the Word of God, and
is less given to hunt after niceties of interpretation that are
quite foreign to it, but who actually holds them in more abhor
rence, than himself. If, however, there is anything you still
find wanting in him, he is a man of such modesty and good
nature, he will not only suffer the word of admonition from you,
but even to be reproved, if there is a need-be for it. Only let
him see plainly, that you seek to have that sort of communica
tion with us which ought to exist among the servants of Christ.
There is no occasion for my dealing with you on the matter of
the controversy itself. Indeed, it is a subject which can scarcely

1539. BULLINGER. 91
be settled by letter. And perhaps, I might be thought to act
rashly, if not with arrogance, were I to venture anything of
the kind, yet often I can scarce refrain myself from the desire
that an opportunity were given me of handling familiarly and
discussing this question in your presence ; for you are aware
that I have never conversed with you in such a way about it
as to understand what it is that hinders a full agreement
between us ; but whatever that may be, I feel certain that it is
unworthy to be the cause of our disagreement. I require of
you, dear Bullinger, or rather, again and again I entreat you,
that we may not only be as far removed as possible from all
hatred and contention, but even from all appearance of offence.
Forgive my anxiety ; and, in truth, I do not say this because I
have any doubt of your prudence, of your will, or of your deli
berate and resolute courage. But charity hath this peculiar
quality, that while there is nothing which it may not hope, it
is, nevertheless, in the meanwhile anxious. Furthermore, if,
to sum up all, you consider how many perils, in this unhappy
age especially in which we live, beleaguer and surround us on
all hands, you will make allowance, I trust, for this my plain
ness if you do not pardon it. Adieu, most learned and up
right man. Salute, I beseech you, reverently, all the brethren,
Pellican, Leo, Theodore, Megander, and the others, whom I do
esteem sincerely in the Lord. Would that you may not scruple
freely also to admonish me. — Yours, Calvin.
These worthy men are French, sprung of good families, whom
a laudable curiosity has induced to undertake to visit you and
to see your country. Beceive them, I pray you, with your
wonted kindness.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

92 FAREL. 1539.

XXXII.— To Farel.
Departure of Calvin for the Assembly of Frankfort — the question of Eccle
siastical property — news of Geneva — opening of the religious conferences
at Frankfort — disposition of the Eoman Catholic princes and Protestants
in Germany — policy of Charles V. — Eeformation in England — remarkable
judgment on Henry VIII. Strasbourg, 15th March 1539.
The day after your last letter save one reached me, I set
out on the road for Frankfort.1 So hurried was my departure
that there was no time to write to you; what so frequently
happens in the event of sudden resolves. It never entered into
my mind to undertake that journey until the day before I
undertook it. When, however, I had received Bucer's letter,
in which he informed me that he could effect nothing in the
affair of our brethren, the desire instantly seized me to go
thither, partly that the cause of the brethren might not be
treated negligently, as often happens in such a crowd of business,
partly that I might interchange thoughts with Melanchthon
about religion and the concerns of the Church. Unless I am
mistaken, both of these reasons will appear satisfactory to you.
I was encouraged also by the advice of Capito, and all of them
together, with besides, the opportunity of companions ; for Sturm,
and other worthy men, accompanied me as fellow-travellers. As
to the Lord of N, less is to be believed concerning him than is
1 Calvin was about to set out for Frankfort, charged with an important mission
by the Church of Strasbourg. Eeconciled by a recent treaty with his rival Fran
cis I., Charles V. had turned his whole attention in the direction of Germany, and
solemnly announced his intention to accommodate religious differences in that
country. The French king appeared to enter into his views, and the German
princes shewed themselves disposed to favour the accomplishment of his wishes in
meeting together at a solemn public conference between the Protestants and the
Eoman Catholic doctors. The day of meeting was fixed by the emperor himself
for the 12th February 1539, and Frankfort was pointed out for the theatre of these
conferences.— Sleidan, Commentarii, lib. xii., pp. 338, 339. Anxious to be repre
sented at that assembly at Frankfort by the most eminent ministers, the town of
Strasbourg chose for its deputies Bucer, Sturm, and Calvin.

1539. FAREL. 93
reported. You know how true is that common saying, that
broad rumour acquires strength as it rolls on. He was look
ing out only for one preacher who, during this time of Lent,
might imbue bis common people with a purer doctrine. The
Lady K. at first invited me thither ; but because the way did
not appear sufficiently open I excused myself, on the ground of
being detained here by another engagement, which was indeed a
small matter, but quite sufficient to lay me under the obligation
of attending to it. Dr. Ulrich has now been away at a distance
for about two months, so that I cannot expostulate with him
about the letters. He alleges, by way of excuse, that he depo
sited them with N., who, if I mistake not, is one of the brethren
who some time ago raised disturbances against the people of
Soleure. It grieves me very much that they are lost, for
assuredly they contained many things which it was of very great
consequence not to have published abroad. As for the union
which I advised, there is no reason why you should be so
averse to it ; for I avowed that there was nothing I wished for
more than, as far as was possible, that all the pious might
withdraw themselves from that side. This one thing I strove
for, that they might not schismatically divide any Church
whatsoever, which, however it might be very corrupt in morals,
and infected with outlandish doctrine, had not cut itself off
entirely from that doctrine, upon which Paul teaches the Church
of Christ to be founded. Because, however, the question is of
such a nature that it is better let alone, unless discussed fully
and in a regular manner, I shall urge it no further, except that
I wish to testify, that no other union of the brethren was recom
mended by me than what is pointed out to us by the example of
Christ, who, notwithstanding their deplorable impiety, did not
scruple to unite with Jews in participating in the mysteries of
God. And that you may understand with how much prudence
they considered my advice, it especially exasperated them that
I made some difference between the minister and the common
people, and insisted that it was from him, as the dispenser,
that both prudence and faithfulness were required. From
private persons I said, that somewhat less strictness and a
more easy trial might be exacted, but that every one should

94 FAREL. 1539.
examine himself. Even that, if we shall have an opportunity
of conferring face to face together, can be settled with little
trouble. When I see the clear judgments of God appearing
in those noisome pestilences which have been afflicting the
wretched Church, I am partly comforted and refreshed, but
also somewhat disturbed in mind, because I perceive that
they are sent, not altogether without just cause of anger. It
is, however, greatly to be desired, that in whatever way it
pleases Himself, the Lord would purify His Church from
all filth of the kind. About Gast, my brother has written
very plainly. I must at once disapprove of that facihty of
Grynee in giving recommendations ; nor had I delayed so
long to speak to himself about it, if it had not been that at the
time when your letter reached me, I thought it was right to
spare him, for his wife was at the time in extreme danger of her
life, for while pregnant she was seized with the plague. Let .
me understand, I entreat you, where that good and unbroken
soldier of Christ  has betaken himself unto. I see you will
have no httle trouble from N., so long as he persists in strutting
about after this manner ; but because he cannot be got rid of
we must just tolerate him. It is an occasion presented to you of
the Lord, whereby He will put your patience in exercise. I
owe you no little thanks for having greeted the mayor in my
name ; for it is important that he should understand that both
of us are so united with Bucer and Capito that we communi
cate freely all impending matters with one another. As to the
question of the ecclesiastical property, I wish that it were in
my power to give you a more favourable account, although
the business is not in the very worst state ; for Bucer insisted
with so much constancy that he seems to have in no small
degree promoted it. Philip alarmed him at first by the dif
ficulty of carrying the business through, but he persevered,
and was not to be diverted from his purpose. There was
difficulty, however, in obtaining what he wanted, as the princes
thought that they had nothing to do with that matter, —
they who take upon themselves to administer ecclesiastical
property according to their own will. There are others who
take it amiss, that the lucre which they have been accustomed

1539. FAREL. 95
to extract from that source, has been wrested out of their
hands ; others, although they will not incur any loss, are not
easily brought to concur, from the fear of bringing upon them
selves the enmity of that class, which you are aware is nu
merous in Germany. Bucer proposed a measure, based on the
ancient custom and practice of the Church, by which he
provided both for Christian peace and agreement, and for the
public tranquillity of the empire. Seeing that the property
which is at this day in the hands of the canons of the principal
church in this city, has been bequeathed on this condition,
that it should be administered by counts, he consents that a
college of the nobility be instituted, by whom these revenues
are to be held ; those, however, who are admitted to that
office, he wishes may neither be from among the clergy
nor from the canons, but married persons, who are only at
tached by their faith to the Church, and who give themselves
and all they possess to maintain its peace. As the bishop is a
prince of the empire, and as that position cannot be suppressed
without producing great disturbance in the empire, he con
ceives that it would be expedient to do as of old, that in the
place of the bishop some one of those counts should succeed,
who should have the entire possession of those revenues which
are at present assigned to the bishop, and that he shall be
called the vice-dominus, as being rather the steward than the
proprietor. That it shall be the duty of this administrator to
protect the Church when from any quarter it shall be attacked,
and for securing that object he must bind himself by a solemn
oath. The other ecclesiastical properties are to be applied to
more legitimate purposes, such as are the prebends, the chapels,
priories, and the rest. I call that a more legitimate use, that
they be applied to the support of the ministry, to schools, to
the poor, and other ecclesiastical burdens. If that shall be
obtained, it will form a tolerable provision in such an unsettled
state of affairs. There is some, and now indeed good, expec
tation, that the princes have begun to take up the matter in
earnest; the free cities enter cordially into the arrangement,
seeing that then- ecclesiastical property is everywhere so
wretchedly dilapidated.

96 FAREL. 1539.
Du Tailly wrote to me concerning Basil,1 that he had lately
proposed a pubhc disputation to be held at Geneva, but had
suffered a repulse, which, indeed, I hear all the more willingly,
that false notions may not be spread abroad among a people
who are otherwise more than enough eagerly desirous of novelty,
and seeing that nobody takes the trouble to oppose these errors
by refuting them.
Now I come to the second letter, in which you start with
so many riddles. For who these watchmen of the night,
drunkards, thieves, are, I can by no means ascertain, un
less you explain yourself more clearly. As for that deputa
tion of Le Comte2 and Genan,3 no other result was to be
expected, but that they should return as they went. Whether
there is enough of the spirit of counsel among the brethren I
know not ; as to their courage I have no doubt. If they have
despatched Le Comte without any certain proposed formula, I
must entirely disapprove of the proceeding, for you know by
experience what that mere empty affectation of authority is apt
to produce. Let us shew we are content that all right methods
may be tried, so that it cannot be said that we have thrown
obstacles in the way of improving the state of the Church. They
cannot lawfully require of you that you shall approve their
ministry, who, everybody sees, have subjected themselves to
the censure of the Church. What you say, however, is very true,
that those who are conscious of what is bad, desire nothing more
than that everything may lie hid, buried in obscurity, lest their
own filthiness may be discovered. In such dark involvements,
we must consider what we can do ; the rest we must commit to
the Lord. Without doubt, I could have wished that the remem
brance of all our ills should be buried, which, without offence, can
not be brought up again. But of what advantage are enmities,

1 This was, no doubt, M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had taken
refuge at Geneva. He was a correspondent of Calvin.
2 Is this John Le Comte, minister of Grauson, or Beat Comte, minister of Lau
sanne, who at a later period devoted himself to medicine, and distinguished himself
by his devotedness to the care of those who were affected with the plague in that
town ? (See Euchat, torn. v. p. 277.) We incline rather to this last conjecture.
3 Genan, an unknown personage.

1539. FAREL. 97
contentions, whether they are doctrinal or spiritual, detractions,
and other such evils, when bottled up within the bowels of the
Church, in order that they may break forth at last into a pestilent
ulcer ? It is rather to be desired that they may be removed, even
at the risk of suffering, if it cannot be done otherwise. There
is nothing to hinder our following some middle course, that the
honour of the ministry may be restored ; that a remedy may be
applied to the wretched, ruined state of the Church ; that the
stumbling-blocks among brethren may be taken out of the way,
those evils being concealed and suppressed which there is no
necessity for reviving and discussing anew. There are some
wounds which, being handled, break out afresh : they are better
healed when left to quiet and oblivion. What, I ask themselves,
would those worthy men be at, who entertain the thought that
I can return without you, who was cast out along with you ;
that I should lend a hand to those, and co-operate with men
from whom I wish to be entirely estranged until they have
satisfied the Church ? For they so manage the affair, that
out of four two may remain of our side ; that having been
restored as it were by way of favour, I may enjoy a livelihood
without any authority, the Church having given no deliverance
on the subject. What, therefore, shall we do ? where shall we
begin, if we attempt to rebuild the ruined edifice ? If I shall
speak a word which is unpleasant for them to hear, forthwith
they will enjoin silence. But I am unwilling to discourse these
things and the like further in writing, which you yourself have
more ripely considered than any one can set them before you.
Besides, if that proposal were to be entertained, I could scarcely
be able to hold up my head amid the clashings of the brethren ;
they will also think that the main point has been attained by
my having alone returned. I could therefore have wished, that
those who have set this proposal afloat, had rather set some
other stone a-rolling ; for they call me to a charge of great
annoyance and difficulty, and that in vain.
As I promised to you, my letter shall be brief. The state of
affairs at Frankfort we found to be as follows : There were pre
sent of the family of Saxony, the Elector,1 his brother, and nephew
1 The Elector John Frederic, the friend of Luther, and truest protector of the
Eeformation in Germany.
VOL. I. G

98 FAREL. 1539.
by his brother Henry, whom they call Maurice.1 These three had
along with them four hundred horsemen ; the Landgrave2 had
brought with him as many lanzknechts ; the Duke of Lune-
bourg3 came with less pomp. There were present, also, the
younger brother of the Duke of Brandenbourg, the younger
Prince of Brunswick, and three others, whose names I don't
remember. All these were Leaguers :4 the remainder who are
included in the League had sent deputies ; as, for instance, the
King of Denmark,6 the Duke of Prussia,6 and some others. As
for these, it was not strange that they stayed at home, because
in such an uncertain and perilous state of affairs, it would not
have been safe for them to have remained so far from home.
There were few, however, who did not feel indignant that the
Duke of Wurtemberg7 preferred rather to enjoy his field sports
in hunting, and I know not what other sportive recreations,
than to be present at the Conference, in which both his native
country and perhaps his hfe are concerned, when he was only
two days' journey distant. Those who wished to excuse him,
said they had no doubt that he had laid the care of attending
to these matters on others, who he knew had the matter at
heart. Men of the first rank were sent by the free cities. At
the first deliberations, war was declared by the unanimous vote
of them all, until two of the Electors arrived — the Count Pala
tine and Joachim of Brandenbourg8 — with the Emperor's letter,

1 Maurice of Saxony, who had so great a part in the religious wars of Germany
with Charles V.
" Philip of Hesse, who, from the year 1521, had been favourable to the tenets
of Luther.
8 Eraest, Duke of Lunehonrg, promoter of the Eeformation in his states.
4 The Treaty of Alliance formed by the Protestant Princes at Smalkald, (1530,)
had been agreed to by a great number of the Towns.
5 Christian IIP, King of Denmark, (1534-1559,) who introduced the Eeforma
tion into his States.
6 Eastern Prussia was reformed and secularized, in 1525, by the Grand Master
of the Teutonic Order, Albert of Brandenbourg. It formed since that epoch the
Duchy of Prussia.
7 Ulrich, Count of Montbeliard, and Duke of Wurtemberg.
B Louis, the Elector Palatine, and Joachim, the Elector of Brandenbourg, although
favourable to the Eeformation, remained attached to the cause of the Emperor, and
tried to bring about a reconciliation between the two parties.

1539. FAREL. 99
and a Spanish Bishop, his ambassador, whom they call the
Bishop of Lunden.1 At first they set forth the commission of
the Emperor, authorizing them to treat with our friends either
for peace or for a truce, upon whatsoever grounds and conditions
might seem best to them. Then, in a lengthy oration, and by
strong arguments, they endeavoured to induce them to come to
a treaty of peace: they urged especially this point, that the
Turk would not remain quiet if he saw Germany involved in
civil strife. And already he has the way open to him, since he
holds possession of Wallachia, Upper and Lower, and is entitled,
by treaty with the Pole, to the free right of passage through
his territory : thus, therefore, he already hovers over Germany.
They desired that our friends would propound the conditions of
peace. If peace could not be agreed on, they asked that a truce
might be granted. The good faith and sincerity of both parties
have been well sifted by our friends : for Joachim is entirely
favourable, and well disposed to the cause of the Gospel ; the
Count Palatine is not hostile. But because the Spanish Com
missions are not to be relied on, they chose rather that the
business should be settled and agreed on by the whole of the
Electors, to whom the principal authority in the Empire of right
belongs. That was hindered, because the Bishop of Mentz2 has
on many accounts been rejected by the Elector of Saxony.
Joachim did not venture to give his consent in the Diet from
which his uncle was excluded. Therefore our friends pre
sented articles of peace, in which they set forth, that they
unwillingly resorted to the thought of war, inasmuch as they
laid bare the injuries on account of which they were of necessity
driven to that determination. They proposed as conditions of
the peace, that they might be free to administer their own
churches, and under this administration they wished the dis
pensation of ecclesiastical property to be regulated. Then
1 John Vesal, Archbishop of Lunden, was the Emperor's ambassador at the Diet.
(Sleidan, lib. xii. p. 339.) He became afterwards Bishop of Constance, and was
present at the Council of Trent.
'* Albert of Brandenbourg, the brother of Joachim, the Elector of Brandenbourg.
This prelate sternly opposed all compromise in religious matters. He made con
tinual complaints of the indulgence shewn by the Emperor towards Protestants.

100 FAREL. 1539.
they reserved entirely to themselves the right of admission
into the League of those who might wish to become members
of it. When the articles had been presented, we then took our
departure. Bucer afterwards intimated that the two Electors
granted somewhat more than the ambassador of the Emperor.
The reason is, that the Emperor, since he stands in need of the as
sistance of our opponents against the Turk, as well as of our own,
desires to gratify both parties without offending either. The
sum of his demand is this, that without any change of the pre
sent state, learned, tried, and well approved peaceable men may
assemble together, who shall discuss with one another the con
troverted heads of religion ; the matter to be afterwards referred
to the Diet of the Empire, that by the declared judgment of all
classes of the German Church, the Eeformation may be accom
plished. A truce for a year to be agreed to for the transaction
of these affairs. Our friends are not satisfied with so short a
truce, and demand that something more certain may be granted.
Thus all as yet is in suspense, nor are we out of danger of war,
unless the Emperor makes further concessions. The Duke of
Juliers, lately bereaved of his father, sent an embassy empowered
to make a statement to the effect, that he had recovered, by the
blessing of God, the Dukedom of Gueldres, of which he was
lawful lord:1 at present a controversy had been stirred with
him about it, at one time on the part of the Emperor, at an
other by the Duke of Lorraine, without any sufficiently spe
cious pretext. For Lorraine could put forward no other claim,
except that he is the heir of the last Duke, but that he had
possessed himself of the Duchy contrary to all law and justice,
which had been adjudged, by the sentence of the Empire, to
belong to the family of Juliers. That theEmperor pretended some
title by purchase, but which appeared to be either collusive or
altogether fraudulent : assuredly, since the alleged price was only
fifty thousand crowns, at which the town alone may be valued,
that amount is certainly below the annual rent of a single year.
He sought, therefore, that those of our side would intercede with
1 On the death of Charles Van Egmont, Duke of Gueldres, his relation, William,
Duke of Cleves and Juliers, took possession of that town, of which he was dis
possessed by the Emperor in 1543.

1539. FAREL. 101
the Emperor, that he would not tear in pieces and oppress a prince
of the Empire without cause. But that if the Emperor would
not hearken to their entreaties, he implored their assistance in
the defence of the common liberty. He has got no answer as
yet, since they reckon it necessary to take counsel according to
the bent of their own affairs. There was nothing said, how
ever, about the League, although he is not hostile to our
religious views. He of England1 petitioned that a new em
bassy might be sent to him, to which Philip might be added,
that he might have the benefit of his advice in further
reforming the Church.2 The princes were all agreed as to the
sending of an embassy. They were not disposed to send
Melanchthon, because they suspect the softness of his disposi
tion. Nor indeed is it very clear what is or what is not his
opinion, or whether he conceals or dissembles it, although he
has sworn to me in the most solemn manner that this fear
regarding him is without foundation ; and certainly, in so far
as I seem to be able to read his mind, I would as soon trust
him as Bucer, when we have to do with those who wish to
be treated with special indulgence ; for so intense is the de
sire of Bucer to propagate the Gospel, that, content to have
obtained those things which are chiefly important, he is some
times more easy than is right in yielding those things which he
considers trifling, but which, nevertheless, have their weight.
The King himself is only half wise. He prohibits under
severe penalties, besides depriving them of the ministry, the
priests and bishops who enter upon matrimony ; he retains the
1 The King of England, Henry VIII.
2 The details of these negotiations will he found in Burnet, and in Seckendorf,
Commentarii, lib. iii. sect. 19, par. 73. The Protestant princes of Germany, desirous
to bind so powerful a monarch as the King of England as closely as possible to the
cause of the Eeformation, had sent deputies to request his assent to the Augsburg
Confession, and the revocation of the cruel statutes still in force against those of
his subjects who professed the pure Gospel. Two of the King's counsellors, Crom
well and Archbishop Crannier, seconded timidly the entreaties of the Protestant
princes ; but this imperious and violent monarch, satisfied with having transferred to
himself the papal authority in matters of religion, shewed indisposedness to promote
the interests of an actual reformation. He protracted the negotiations, and added
daily by new laws to the rigour of the most hateful despotism — that which is exer
cised by a prince over tho consciences of his subjects.

102 FAREL. 1539.
daily masses; he wishes the seven sacraments to remain as
they are : in this way he has a mutilated and torn GospeL and
a Church stuffed full as yet with many toys and trifles. Then,
because all do not appear to be of sound mind, he does not
suffer the Scripture to circulate in the language of the common
people throughout the kingdom ; and he has lately put forth a
new interdict, by which he warns the people against the read
ing of the Bible. Moreover, that you may understand that he
is quite in earnest, and not by any means jestingly insane, he
lately burnt a worthy and learned man1 for denying the pre
sence of Christ after a carnal manner in the bread, whose death
has been greatly lamented by all pious and educated persons./'
Our friends, however, though sorely hurt by atrocities of this
kind, will not cease to have an eye to the condition of his king
dom. /I perceive that nothing has reached you concerning the
conspiracy except obscure and doubtful rumour. Cardinal
Pole2 had a brother, a man of chief rank among the nobility,
and of the greatest authority among the gentry.3 The family
was indeed related to the King by blood; he himself was
considered a person of uncommon prudence and gravity.
He had conducted himself with such moderation in his bro
ther's matters, that his credit with the King had suffered no
diminution. Having publicly declared himself at variance
with his brother, in order to avoid the King's suspicion, he de
ceived them all by his shrewdness. They agreed in secret
among themselves, that the Cardinal should lead an army
through France, and that as soon as they approached the bounds
of the kingdom his brother should raise a tumult, at a time
when the King, being occupied in quelling intestine disturb
ances, would not be able to defend himself against a foreign
enemy. It was easy for the Cardinal to arm his soldiery at the

1 John Lambert, schoolmaster.— See Burnet,. Hist. Ref. vol. i. pp. 252-254.
2 He was living in exile on the Continent from the time of the rupture of Eng
land with the see of Eome. He returned under the reign of Mary, became Arch
bishop of Canterbury, President of the Eoyal Council, and died in 1558, after
having been the instrument of a short but bloody restoration of Popery in his
native country.
3 See Hume, History of England, chap. xxxi.

1539. FAREL. 103
Pope's expense. But before the expedition could arrive, the
whole conspiracy was discovered by an informer ; for in order
that the plot might be properly planned and executed, it was
necessary for them to have many informed and made parties to
it. His nephew, a bold man, when he heard that their schemes
had been discovered, would have put himself to death. But
having been prevented, he was unable to endure the torture
of the rack; and the other conspirators, like him, having
made a full confession, the law was executed upon all. Since
the King makes such a poor return for so many and sol
great benefits from God, I greatly fear that at length he may)
suffer severe punishment for his ingratitude. In the mean
time, while the conference was held at Frankfort, the son of
the Elector George,1 who was kept bound in confinement on
account of insanity, died in a hopeless condition. If he had
survived his father, his guardianship would have given rise
to new disturbances. Now his undoubted successor is that
Maurice, the son of Henry, whom I have mentioned above as a
member of the League. There is therefore good hope that the
territory which George now possesses will immediately form an
accession to the heritage of Christ ; for George is beyond the
age when he may be expected to have offspring.2 In this way
you see, that so far as regards the main business, all hangs in
suspense, and has no settled bent either way: wherefore we
ought all the more to supplicate the Almighty that He would
vouchsafe some happy issue out of such a perplexity of affairs.
What success I have had in the cause of the brethren, also of
what kind, and what were the matters I conversed about with
Philip, you shall be informed again by Michael, who has re
solved to depart hence before nine days : therefore I am com
pelled, on account of the urgency of the postman, to send my
letter by halves ; you will then receive the other portion.
Adieu, my dear friendly brother. Greet Thomas and all the
1 See note 1, p. 81. George of Saxony himself died the same year. — Sleidan, lib.
xii. p. 342.
2 It was not Maurice who succeeded Duke George, but his father, Henry the
Pious, who recalled all the exiles on account of religion, and introduced the Eefor
mation into the Duchy of Saxony. — Ibid. p. 344.

104 FAREL. 1539.
brethren for me. Capito and Sturm send a thousand saluta
tions. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you. —
Yours, Calvin.
[Calvin's Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 6.]

XXXIIL— To Farel.
Conclusion of the Assembly at Frankfort — attitude of the Protestant princes
— conversations between Calvin and Melanchthon on ecclesiastical dis
cipline — opinion of the latter — of Capito — various details.
Written in the month of March 1539.
Fearing lest the further delay of my writing to you might
be inconvenient, I chose rather to forward a part or portion of
my letter than to keep you waiting until Michael should arrive.
Now, therefore, I will take up the thread of my narrative ; but
before I come to the conference with Philip, I shall briefly ex
plain what has been the progress of affairs since that time. The
Emperor's ambassador, notwithstanding all that has occurred,
has ventured to propose such unjust conditions of agreement
that the contest was very near being brought again to the
decision of the sword. He required that our friends should
have nothing to do with the Sacramentaries. Observe the
artifice and wiles of Satan. He catches at this, forsooth, that
not only the older and former hatred which he sowed might be
kept up, but that new causes of offence may be applied, like
lighted torches, to set on fire and kindle greater dissensions.
Indeed, our friends do not acknowledge that there are any
Sacramentaries, and wish to unite with the Swiss churches;
therefore the Emperor has omitted that article, and efforts have
been made for the purpose of inclining us more readily to
agree to the truce, which I wish may be of advantage to the
Church of Christ. To my mind it bodes no good. The Elector
of Saxony also perceives this, who, although he is reckoned not
over hasty in his resolutions, has come to the conclusion that
war is unavoidable. The Landgrave, contrary to the general

1539. FAREL. 105
expectation, dissuades from war. And although he did not
refuse to follow the determination of the allies if they thought
otherwise, he, nevertheless, moderated the eagerness of those
who had very much relied on his alacrity. Now, therefore,
there is an inclination towards a truce, which will give oppor
tunity for deliberation on both sides in promoting a perma
nent reconciliation. But the adversaries were thinking of no
thing else than gaining time to prosecute the war. The Elector
of Saxony, after this conference, will visit the Duke of Cleves,
whose sister he has married.1 If the Elector can induce him
to declare for the reformed religion it will greatly enlarge the
kingdom of Christ, as, indeed, there is nowhere in Lower
Germany a more powerful prince, or who rules over a greater
extent of territory, nor is there any one even in Upper Ger
many, excepting Ferdinand, who alone surpasses him in extent
of dominion. When Bucer last wrote, nothing had been de
cided concerning the embassy to the King of France, for pro
curing his favour and protection to the brethren, as well as
commending the cause of religion to his consideration.2 As to
the embassies, they are to be treated of in the last place,
because, from the course of, their proceedings, they would then
deliberate to more advantage, on what ground, or after what
method, they ought to state their requests. Let us, therefore,
postpone this question until then. I had much conversation
with Philip about many things, having written to him before
hand on the subject of agreement, that I might with certainty
declare their opinion to several worthy men. Therefore, I had
submitted a few articles, in which the whole matter was
summed up. To these, without any controversy, he himself
at once assented, but confessed that there were in that party
1 The Elector of Saxony, John Frederic, had married Sibilla of Cleves, who
evinced the most noble character on the misfortune of her husband, vanquished and
dispossessed after the battle of Muhlburg.
2 It was not until the next year (1540) that a resolution was adopted on this
subject. The princes desired to use their influence in favour of those who were
Buffering in France on account of their religious opinions ; but not before they had
obtained correct information regarding the state of affairs in that country, the
private inclinations of the king, and the probability that their interference would
prove successful  Sleidan, xiii. p. 361.

106 FAREL. 1539.
some persons who required something more gross and palpable,
and that with so great obstinacy, not to say despotism, that
for long he seemed to be in actual jeopardy, because they
saw that he differed from them in opinion. But although
he does not think that a solid agreement can be come to,
he, nevertheless, wishes that the present concord, such as it
is, may be cherished, until at length the Lord shall lead
both sides into the unity of His own truth. As for himself,
you need not doubt about him, but consider that he is en
tirely of the same opinion as ourselves. It would be tire
some to relate what conversation we had about other matters ;
but this will form the subject of pleasant discourse some
time or other between ourselves. As for disciphne, like other
people, he heartily deplores the want of it. Indeed, one is more
at liberty to lament the wretched state of the Church in this
respect than to correct the evil ; do not, therefore, suppose that
you suffer alone in this matter. Instances occur daily every
where which ought to make every one bestir himself in the
endeavour to find out the desired remedy. Not very long since
a learned and worthy man was driven away from Uhn with
great disgrace, because he would not consent to wink at the
vices of the inhabitants any more. He was sent away by all
his colleagues with honourable recommendation, especially that
of Frecht.1 The news we have from Augsburg is in no degree
more cheering. / Thus, for the future we may expect that it
will form a kind of sport to hunt away pastors from the ministry
and drive them into banishment ; nor can this evil be remedied,
because neither the common people nor the civil magistrate
can rightly distinguish between the yoke of Christ and Papal
tyranny. Philip, therefore, is of opinion that the better and
wiser method in so great a tempest, with contrary winds, is that
we ought in some degree to he off, and he entertains the hope,
that when we shall have more quiet, and be free from external
hostility, we shall be more at leisure, and have better oppor
tunity to turn our attention to the application of internal reme-
1 Martin Frecht, a learned preacher and theologian of the Church at Ulin.
He refused to submit to the Interim, and died the 14th September 1556, at
Tiibingen.

1539. FAREL. 107
dies. Capito, at one time, protests, before God and men, that
the Church is ruined unless speedy aid is supphed in such a
distressing condition of affairs, at another time, because he sees
no progress making he prays for death. If our calling is
indeed of the Lord, as we firmly believe that it is, the Lord
himself will bestow his blessing, although the whole universe
may be opposed to us. Let us, therefore, try every remedy,
while, if such is not to be found, let us, notwithstanding,
persevere even to the last gasp/ When I perceive you to be so
much cast down, at times I desire to be with you, that I might
suggest some comfort. On the other hand, when I see that I can
bring you nothing but subjects for greater annoyance, I submit,
however reluctantly, to remain at a distance, that I may not add
to your already too heavy burdens. Our brethren of the Pays de
Vaud owed me one crown, part of which they had received from
me by way of loan, part I had given to the messenger who came
with the brother at the request of Saunier. I had desired them
to give it to you. If they have given it do you keep it, by which
means I shall be so far out of your debt. Whatever shall
remain due I will pay when able ; for such is my condition at
present that I cannot reckon a single penny my own. It is
astonishing how much money slips away in extraordinary ex
penses ; and I am obhged to live at my own charges, unless I
would become a burden to the brethren. It is not so easy to
take care of my health, which you anxiously recommended me
to have a care of; but I am too tedious ; moreover, am doing
injustice to such messengers as the present. Farewell, most
cherished friend ; may the Lord confirm you by the strength
of His Spirit, and bear you up under this heap of troubles. —
Yours, Calvln.
[Calvin's Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 5.]

108 FAREL. 1539.

XXXIV.— To Farel.
Numerous occupations of Calvin — news of Germany — firmness of the
Senate of Strasbourg. Strasbourg, 20th April 1539.
I do not remember throughout this whole year a single day
which was more completely engaged with various occupations.
For when the present messenger wished to carry along with
him the beginning of my book,1 there were about twenty leaves
which it required me to revise. In addition, there was the
pubhc lecture, and I had also to preach ; four letters were also
to be written ; some disputes to settle, and to reply to more
than ten interruptions in the meantime. You will therefore
excuse if my letter should be both brief and inaccurate. We
shall not clearly understand what was concluded in the con
ference at Frankfort2 until Bucer's return hither, which, from
what he writes, we may expect before seven days. He informed .
us, however, by letter, that he had never seen our princes more
determined in their resolution to defend the Gospel. Certainly
the act which was transacted at Smalkald was produced by
no very important matter, in which, however, they displayed
true greatness of soul. For there were at that place certain
impure images, which they pulled down, together with their
altars. They abolished also the elevation of the host in the
Supper, which they had until that time retained. There are
some just at this present time who dream about I know not
what kind of moderation, to which they would like to call us
back. I wished just to give you an inkling of this, that you
may comprehend that they are very far from trepidation. Our
Senate of Strasbourg proves itself hearty in the cause. An
abbess who had dilapidated, or had begun to make away
with the property of the monastery, was lately given into
custody. The Imperial Chamber, at the request of the bishop,
1 This was undoubtedly " L' Institution Chritienne." See Note 2, p. 21.
2 Calvin had returned to Strasbourg without waiting the. conclusion of the de
liberations of the colloquy at Frankfort.

1539. FAREL. 109
ordered her to be set at liberty. The mandate, however, was
treated with contempt. The members of the League approved
of what was done, and declared that they would maintain the
cause. A messenger was therefore despatched to the Chamber
to give intimation that the Senate would not abide by their
judgment, whatever might be the result. We are waiting there
fore until they let fly their mimic thunderbolt. Will you see
that Balliot sends the money for the payment of Wendelin1
the printer ? At present I can hold on no longer. Greet dili
gently all the brethren. — Yours, Calvin.
[Calvin's Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 8.]

XXXV— To Farel.
Union of the Swiss Churches — first steps for the recall of Calvin to Geneva
— some details concerning his ministry and his straitened circumstances
— Lutheran ceremonies — the Church property — renewal of the League of
Smalkald — constancy of the German Princes — example of fidelity to the
cause of Christ on the part of the Town of Strasbourg. Strasbourg, April 1539.
I begin now to entertain greater hope than formerly of that
accommodation in matters of religion, such as it may be.2
Whenever I took into account with what sort of men we would
have to treat, and how very slippery and unsteady we have found
their promises to be, I came then to the conclusion that such a
reconciliation would be of httle or no avail to us. As to rules
or conditions fixed beforehand and agreed to on both sides, even
although they were not on other grounds more hable to objec
tion, I cannot at all approve of them. Now, however, if what
you relate to me is true, that those two individuals have been
strongly urged to fall away from their steadfastness, it was quite
1 Wendelin, the printer at Strasbourg.
5 Farel laboured hard to bring about a union between the Churches of Geneva,
of Neuchatel, and of the Pays de Vaud, which were at variance in regard to the
Sacraments, and ecclesiastical discipline in general.

110 FAREL. 1539.
necessary to prevent such evils, by coming to an agreement
among ourselves, even on conditions not altogether satis
factory. From constancy of a more settled kind, however, I do enter
tain some hope, because, when they shall have given in their
adherence to all the churches hereabout, they must then be so
strongly bound that they cannot very easily draw back. We have
already in some measure succeeded in what we sought to attain
as a principal object, the quieting of those dissensions among
brethren which are the worst of all, and which rend asunder the
churches. We can never, therefore, be too thankful to the
Lord, who of his own kindness has so far exceeded our expec
tation. As to my return, I do not think that what Du Tailly
had proposed will go forward,1 for since that time I have heard
not a word about it. Neither do I doubt but that the brethren
have let that matter pass as superfluous, when they saw the
remedy elsewhere. Thenceforward, because I imagine that
they had grown cold upon the whole affair, or that it had fallen
through, this matter gives me very httle concern. Moreover, it
was not without reason that I so much dreaded that intelligence
which was brought me by Du Tailly's letter. I have not stated
all the grounds to you, and those few circumstances which I did
mention, I touched only briefly, without going into them at large.
What I said about yourself carries, certainly, great weight with
it ; for we ought both of us to be restored at the same time,
else it must appear as if I were reponed by way of pardon. In
this way, restitution will be conceded to the person of the
individual, and not as a matter of principle to the cause itself.
But the thought which chiefly alarms me is that which presents
itself, when I set before my eyes the great gulf into which I
must enter, where surely I felt that it would swallow me up
entirely, when notwithstanding it would be less by a half. It
1 A party, growing every day more numerous at Geneva, deplored the exile of
Calvin. As the organ of that sentiment, M. Du Tailly incessantly exhorted the
Eeformer to forget the injury which had been done him, and to restore peace to
the congregation and church at Geneva by his return. Calvin would by no means
separate his cause from that of Farel, so as to make his return a personal matter
to himself, and not, as it was, a question of principle. Therefore, he felt little dis
posed to resume the function of the ministry at Geneva.

1539. FAREL. Ill
must be acknowledged that I have my own share of contentious
wrestlings where I am, and those of the most arduous kind ;
but they only keep me in training, they do not overwhelm me.
Though it would have been a serious matter this Easter-tide if
that pest, concerning whom you make inquiry, had been pre
sent ; for I must then have called upon him for an explanation,
or he would certainly not have been admitted to the table of
the Lord. One of his scholars, the same he wished to stir up
against Claude Norman, would have presented himself, unless
I had forewarned him that he must previously clear himself
to me, or at least promise repentance. He had been absent
from sermon for a whole month, and held, as it were, an open
mart of gambling and dissipation. A whisper, also, of his
whoredom was muttered about ; yet, nevertheless, he would have
leaped over every fence around that most holy sacrament, unless
I had blocked up the way. He made sport of it with the per
son who forewarned him of what I wished him to be aware of,
saying that he left confession to the Papists. I replied, that there
was also a kind of Christian confession, notwithstanding. If the
master himself shall return, I will then have open war with him.
It is through no fault of mine, nor does it rest with me, that I have
not long ago come to close quarters. So plainly and openly have
I flouted him even in church because of his impiety, that it could
be no more doubtful either to himself or others, to whom I in
tended my observations to apply, than if I had named him at
once, or pointed him out with the finger. Since he has now be
taken himself to Frankfort, I have entreated Bucer that he would
be on his guard with him as with a sworn enemy. When first
he shall perceive himself to be so handled, what an uproar will be
in preparation for me ! Therefore, whether I remain where I
am or remove, many cares, many troubles and difficulties pur
sue me. It is very agreeable to me, I own, that the brethren
entertain such a regard for me, that they are ready to supply
my wants from their own means. It could not be otherwise
than that I must be greatly delighted with such a testimony of
their love. Nevertheless, I have determined to abstain from
putting both your kindness and theirs in requisition, unless
a greater necessity shall have compelled me. Wendelin the

112 FAREL. 1539.
printer, to whom I entrusted my book to be printed, will pro
vide me with as much as will be sufficient for any extraordinary
expenses. From my books which yet remain at Geneva, there
will be enough to satisfy my landlord till next winter : as to
the future, the Lord will provide. Although I had at one time
a great many friends in France, there was no one who offered
me a farthing ; and indeed if they had, they might have boasted
gratuitously of their kindness, for it would have cost them nothing
to have offered what I would not have accepted. Louis had
escaped my memory ;x he was the only person who offered ; hut
even he sold his bounty at too great a price; for he almost
advised me to recant. He certainly proclaimed aloud that I
was a deserter from the Church. I rephed, as became, to such
addresses. • The letter, however, I fear has been lost. For the
present, therefore, I shall content myself with your kindness
and that of the brethren ; I may put your resources in requisi
tion when there is need. In turn, I request that for this your
considerate kindness towards me you would be pleased to accept
my grateful affection. I am sorry that the crown-piece has
been lost : there were reason for accusing myself of carelessness,
unless I had thought that the messenger would have been
ashamed to misappropriate it. I like much your plan with
regard to Claude, — that, before bis awkwardness shall have been
confirmed, and, as it were, have become incurable, the sparks
of better breeding, which remain as yet in that state of boy
hood, may be carefully stirred up in him by his own endeavour.
But what do you call my promise to help forward the en
deavours of the brethren for the upbuilding of discipline ? For
to whom could I write, or in what style ? Wherefore, either
do you yourself open up the way for me, or you need not
expect that I will rashly undertake the matter. Of late, I have
plainly told Philip to his face how much I misliked that over-
abounding of ceremonies. Indeed, that it seemed to me the
form which they observe was not far removed from Judaism.
When I pressed him with argument, he was unwilling to dis
pute with me about the matter, but admitted that there was an
1 Louis du Tillet.

1539. FAREL. 113
over-doing in these either trifling or superfluous rites and cere
monies. He said, however, that it had been found necessary to
yield in that matter to the Canonists, who are here the stum
bling-block in the way. That, however, there was no part of
Saxony which is not more burdened with them than Witten
berg, and even there much would be retrenched by degrees from
such a medley. But he made a small reservation, to the effect
that the ceremonies which they had been compelled to retain
were not more approved of by Luther than was our sparing
use of them. I wish that our excellent friend N. could behold
how much sincerity there is in Philip. All suspicion of double-
dealing would entirely vanish. Besides, as to Bucer's defence
of Luther's ceremonies, he does not do so because he eagerly
seeks them, or would endeavour to introduce them. By no
means can he be brought to approve of chanting in Latin.
Images he abhors. Some other things he despises, while others
he cares nothing at all about. There is no occasion to fear that
he would be for restoring those things which have been once
abolished; only he cannot endure that, on account of these
trifling observances, we should be separated from Luther.
Neither, certainly, do I consider them to be just causes of
dissent The German League1 has nothing in it which ought to give
offence to any pious mind. Wherefore, I would ask, may they
not combine together in the strength which the Lord has given
them for the common defence of the Gospel ? Moreover, they
drag no one into their alhance, either by force or by a kind of
necessity, against their will. There are rather to be found
some cities professing the Gospel who prefer a league with
the Papists, and even with bishops, as Nuremberg. I wish
N. could be informed of the subtle practices which have been
attempted in the Diet, and of the constancy with which they
have been withstood. The ambassador of the Emperor strove
to the uttermost that he might detach them from the Swiss
churches. He did not indeed name them ; but he demanded
that they should not undertake the cause of the Sacramentaries.
1 The alliance of Smalkald, which the intrigues of the Catholic party endea
voured to break up, in the Assembly at Frankfort.
VOL. I. H

114 FAREL. 1539.
They rephed, that they were on terms of brotherly communion
with those whom he called Sacramentaiies. Such is the courage
they have manifested in their latest proceedings. The Em
peror imposed a condition upon them, that they should receive
no one into the League while the truce lasted, which he had
agreed on with themselves. They consented ; but also on this
condition, that if anywhere they received the Gospel, such might
be protected, although not hitherto included in the League;
that if such should be attacked, they wished it to be understood
that they would consider those as Leaguers who maintained the
cause of Christ. They in their turn required also of the
Emperor, that no treaties should be entered into, pending the
truce, against the Gospel. It was the wish of the Emperor
that the Ecclesiastical revenues might be reserved to the
priesthood until the expiry of the inducice. Our friends as
sented to this, on condition that due provision be made for
churches and schools; and they kept their ground firmly to
the last. What will you think when I tell you of the noble
example of this city1 in determined resolution ? When the con
ditions were brought hither which were proposed by the Em
peror, that the covenants which had been entered into after the
Diet of Nuremberg should be annulled, that in future no new
engagements should be entered into among Protestants, and
that matters should remain as they were on both sides, until
the conference having met, the German Church should be re
formed ; the Senate forthwith passed a decree, by which they
declared, that they would sooner see their wives and children
put to death before their eyes ; that they would incur the loss
of all their privileges ; see their city ploughed up and utterly
destroyed, and themselves cut off to the last man, rather than
they would admit those laws by which the progress of the
Gospel of Christ should he interrupted.
/Consider, my dear Farel, whether we do not inflict an injury
on such men, who ourselves at our ease find fault with them,
while they do not allow themselves, either by threats or the fear
of danger, to flinch one hair's-breadth from the straightforward
path of duty. / There is therefore beyond doubt every appear-
1 The town of Strasbourg.

1539. FAREL. 115
ance of approaching conflict ; and already an attack has been
made on the territory of Luneburg. It is our duty, you say,
carefully to avoid all that may give offence to the good and
pious. I acknowledge it ; but it is equally the duty of the
good to beware of being too ready to take offence and without
reasonable ground. At present while I write, the scholar of
whom I made mention above, wishes to be restored to grace,
and has, moreover, fixed on Claude as his umpire. The Lord
will, I trust, enable us to quell contumacy by a severe lenity.
It is well that we have yet fifteen days before the Supper of the
Lord, that we may have some trial of him beforehand. Salute
for me in the most friendly manner, Thomas and the rest of the
brethren. May the Lord himself long preserve you aU safe
and of one mind. Do you endeavour that the churches may
be fervent in prayer while on all hands such dangers press
upon us. — Yours,

Calvin.

[Ccdvin'a Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 9.]

XXXVL— To Farel.
Ecclesiastical newB of Switzerland — destitution of the minister Megander —
complaintB addressed to Bucer — further projects of marriage on the part
of Calvin. Strasbourg, 19f7t May 1539.
Health to you, my excellent and most agreeable brother.
What you have intimated by letter was very welcome in the
way of information, even although it afforded little cause of
gladness j1 for not to be in ignorance is a help, and to know
what we are about is of advantage. It is of no consequence,
however, to reply to each single point. I did not venture
to conclude anything concerning Claude, that my conjecture
might not deceive me. I can now judge from the beginnings
what amount of success is to be expected in reforming that
Church, unless the Lord himself, contrary to our expectation,
1 From Neuchatel Farel observed attentively the progress of events at Geneva,
and sent intelligence thereof to Calvin.

116 FAREL. 1539.
shall give them fight ; because, if our successors discharge
their duty in a faithful manner, they will soon perceive that
there is more difficulty than they thought. It is not unlikely,
also, that they will be compelled to bear testimony that we
have well and faithfully discharged our office. Nor is it won
derful that they try to moderate your zeal, for they have not
yet attained such a fervour as to keep up even with your indol
ence in the race. But do you realize to yourself what are the
absolute requirements of the time, and regulate your zeal
accordingly. As to the Church of Payerne,1 I see no proof that there has
been any thought of offering it to Saunier ; for it is of very evil
example that faithful pastors should be drawn away from their
own charge where a vacant place may be left open to others. If
Bichard continues still the same man he was, and, nevertheless,
does not give satisfaction, I know not whom we ought to love. I
myself assuredly do not hesitate to prefer him to many Sauniers.
On the present occasion also, while I hear him informed against
to you falsely and undeservedly, it is impossible not to suspect
somewhat of malice and of preconceived mischief in the dela
tion. In our day we complain much, and not entirely with
out ground, of the contempt of the ministry, and often it is
we ourselves who, either by our folly or by our covetousness,
furnish weapons of offence to the outrageous populace. These
sort of manoeuvres have never been countenanced by me.
I mean, that one person should have a hankering to be sub
stituted in the place and charge of another, which, with these
eyes, I have seen happen in another case. Such things, my
dear brother, I state to yourself, lest, in the candour which
is so much a part of you, you think all is sincerely gone about,
while you may seem by connivance to give countenance to
evil and selfish artifice. Nor do I wish to vex any one, or
render him more odious, by the imputation of criminality
doubtful even to myself, but, according to the duty, of a
friend, I do not hesitate freely to set forth what I fear rather
than what I believe. I am quite ready to agree that he be
1 The Church of Payerne, founded by the preaching of Farel and Viret.

1539. FAREL. 117
settled in that locahty which he can occupy without doing
mischief. It grieves me that Zebedee has been so harshly
treated, nor, take my word for it, do those get much thanks
from Bucer, who, with such a tyrannical spirit, defend his
book.1 Himself bears much more meekly the liberty I take
as often as I dissent from his opinion. Although about these
matters I would far rather converse with you face to face, an
opportunity for which I look forward to, unless you refuse to
give yourself a httle trouble. I have told Bucer that they
have dealt very unjustly by you, for that all those who were
friendly to him persisted in their hostility to you ; those,
indeed, who formerly were your friends, on his account have
become estranged from you. He groaned more deeply than
I had expected. When he inquired about the remedy, my
answer was, that the sore was irritated by the very handling of
it, that it were well, therefore, to let it alone until a better
method of treating it might occur to us.
/Concerning the marriage I shall now speak more plainly.2
Previous to the departure of Michael, I do not know whether
any one made mention of that person concerning whom I
wrote. But always keep in mind what I seek to find in her ;
for I am none of those insane lovers who embrace also the vices
of those they are in love with, where they are smitten at first
sight with a fine figure. This only is the beauty which allures
me, if she is chaste, if not to« nice or fastidious, if economical,
if patient, if there is hope that she will be interested about my
health ; therefore, if you think well of it, set out imme
diately, in case some one else get beforehand with you./ But
if you think otherwise, we may let that pass. After this, I
shall not write again until you come. Do, however, come.
1 The minister Gaspar Grossmann, (Megander,) had been discharged in 1537, by
the Senate of Berne, for having composed a Catechism, which, on some points, did
not agree with that of Bucer. Zebedee, minister of Orbe, had been censured for the
same reason.
2 The friends of Calvin at Strasbourg and in Switzerland were bent on bringing
about the marriage of the Eeformer. Farel and Bucer displayed the most active
zeal in the prosecution of their matrimonial project ; and it is known that Calvin's
marriage, which took place the following year, may be attributed to the manage
ment of the latter. — Th. de Beze, Calvini Vita.

118 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1539.
You are of all persons the most desired. Come, then ; you will
shew your well-disposedness in a remarkable way by making
this journey. And, notwithstanding, what should prevent your
writing while you are getting ready to set out. All salute you
here even in a more than friendly way, Capito, Bucer, Sturm,
Bedrot, Gaspar, and Frenchmen whom I do not mention by
name, because you do not know them. Salute all the brethren
from me. May the Lord long preserve you all in safety, to
Himself and for the good of His Church. — Yours, Calvin.
[Calvin's Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 10.]

XXXVII. — To the Church of Geneva.1
Eecommends anew the counsel of peace and brotherly agreement to the
Church of Geneva. Strasbourg, 25th June 1539.
The mercy of our God and grace of the Lord Jesus Christ,
be multiplied to you by the communication of His Holy Spirit.
Nothing, most beloved brethren, has caused me greater
sorrow, since those disturbances which had so sadly scattered
and almost entirely overthrown your Church, than when I
understood your strivings and contentions with those ministers
who succeeded us. For although the disorders which were
inseparably connected with their first arrival among you,
might with good reason prove offensive to you ; whatever may
have given the occasion, I cannot hear without great and
1 A letter, written in French, like that of the 1st October 1538, — " To the
residue of the dispersion of the Church of Geneva." The French original is lost.
It is preserved only in the Latin translation by Theodore Beza. We perceive in
it the peculiar circumstances in which the Eeformer retired to Strasbourg, — saw it
to be his duty a second time to exhort the Church of Geneva. Discord among the
members of that Church had never ceased from the time of their being deprived
of their first pastors. The authority of the new ministers was constantly treated
with contempt, and the town, scarcely refonned, had to struggle with the old dis
orders, aggravated by the excesses arising from the schism. Observant of these sad
divisions, and superior to the resentment of injury personal to himself, Calvin
exhorted the members of his old flock, reminded them of the holy sanction of the
ministerial chargo, and implored them to rally around their lawful pastors.

1539. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 119
intense horror that any schism should settle down within the
Church. Wherefore, this was far more bitter to me than words
can express ; — I allude to what I have heard about those your con
tentions, so long as you were tossed about in uncertainty ; since
owing to that circumstance not only was your Church rent by
division quite openly, but also the ecclesiastical ministry exposed
to obloquy and contempt. This of itself is of infinite importance.
And since, in consequence of that disorder which yet prevails
in the Church of God, by reason of the extent of the disease, I
can entertain the less hope of an immediate remedy, I under
stand with the utmost delight that such a calamity has been
changed into an assured union and agreement ; since I might
conclude that matters would so be brought round, that every
one would return to order, and that the Kingdom of our Lord
Jesus Christ would be promoted. For where there are quarrels
and discord, there is scarcely any hope of improvement. There
fore, as I might promise myself some certain advantage from
that reconciliation, I am readily induced to contribute to its
confirmation ; for if, even in the midst of such violent storms,
I have always contributed my endeavour, according to the judg
ment and fixed purpose of my conscience, towards keeping and
preserving the communion of the Church, so much the more
did I need to testify the inclination of my mind towards those
pious individuals themselves, when so suitable an occasion pre
sented itself for that purpose. And truly I saw everything at
the time in such a state of dissolution, that it did not appear to
me to be so easy a matter to rebuild and to restore them to
their former state. However that may be, I considered the pre
sent most desirable and opportune occasion as offered by the
Lord for the restoring of your Church. Now, therefore, when,
contrary to my expectation, I have heard that the reconcilia
tion between your pastors and the neighbouring churches,
having been confirmed also by Farel and by myself, was not
found to be sufficient for binding you together in sincere and
friendly affection, and by the tie of a lawful connexion with
your pastors, to whom the care of your souls is committed, I felt
myself compelled to write to you, that I might endeavour, so far
as lay in me, to find a medicine for this disease, which, without

120 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1539.
great sin against God, it was not possible for me to conceal.
And although my former letters had not been very lovingly
received by you, I was nevertheless unwilling to be wanting in
my duty, so that, should I have no further success, I would at
least deliver my own soul. Neither do I so much question
your spirit of obedience (of which, indeed, I have proof) toward
God and His ministers, as that I can at all fear that this
my exhortation will have no weight with you, neither has
my sincerity towards you lain concealed. That my advice
has not been taken by you, I consider is rather to be imputed
to the circumstances of the time, when such was the state of
disorder, that it was very difficult indeed to determine what
was best. Now at length, however, when your affairs, by
the favour of God, are in a more settled and composed state,
I trust that you will readily perceive that my only object
is to lead you into the right way ; that being so persuaded with
regard to me, you may shew in reality by what motive you are
brought into subjection to the truth. Especially, I ask you to
weigh maturely, having put aside all respect of persons, of what
honour the Lord accounts them worthy, and what grace He has
committed to those whom He has appointed in His own Church
as pastors and ministers of the Word.1 For He not only com
mands us to render a willing obedience, with fear and trembling,
to the Word while it is proclaimed to us ; but also commands
that the ministers of the Word are to be treated with honour
and reverence, as being clothed with the authority of His ambas
sadors, whom He would have to be acknowledged even as His
own angels and messengers. Certainly, so long as we have been
among you, we have not tried very much to impress upon you
the dignity of our ministry, that we might avoid all ground of
suspicion ; now, however, that we are placed beyond the reach
of danger, I speak more freely my mind. Had I to do with
ministers themselves, I would teach what I considered to be the
extent and measure of their office, and to what you also are
bound as sitting under their ministry. Since, of a truth, every
one must render an account of his own life, each individual for
himself, as well ministers as private persons, it is rather to be
1 Mai. ii. 7 ; 2 Cor. v. 20 ; 1 Thess. v. 13.

1539. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 121
desired, that every one for himself may consider, what is due to
others, than that he may require what may further be due to
him from some one else. AVhere such considerations have their
due weight, then also this established rule will operate effec
tually, namely, that those who hold the office of ministers of the
Word, since the guidance and rule over your souls is entrusted
to their care, are to be owned and acknowledged in the relation
of parents, to be held in esteem, and honoured on account of
that office which, by the calling of the Lord, they discharge
among you. / Nor does the extent of their function reach
so far as to deprive you of the right conferred on you by
God, (as upon all His own people,) that every pastor may be
subject to examination, that those who are thus approven may
be distinguished from the wicked, and all such may be held
back who, under the guise of shepherds, betray a wolfish rapa
city. This, however, is my earnest wish concerning those who
in some measure fulfil the duty of pastors, that they may be
tolerant, that you also may conduct yourselves towards them
in a Christian spirit, and with this view that you may make
greater account of that which may be due by you to others,
than what others owe to yourselves. This also I will set forth
plainly and in a few words. Two things here are to be consi
dered. The one, that the calling of your ministers does not
happen without the will of God. For although that change
which took place upon our departure may have been brought
to pass by the subtlety of the Devil, so that whatever fol
lowed on that change may justly be suspected by you : in it,
nevertheless, the remarkable grace of the Lord is to be acknow
ledged by you, who has not allowed you to be left altogether
destitute ; nor let you fall back again under the yoke of
Antichrist, from which He hath once rescued you already.
But he rather wished that both the doctrine of the Gospel
should still exist, and that some appearance of a Church should
flourish among you, so that with a quiet conscience you might
continue there. We have always admonished you that you
should acknowledge that overturning of your Church as the
visitation of the Lord sent upon you, and necessary also for
us. Neither ought you so much to direct your thoughts

122 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1539.
against the wicked and the instruments of Satan, as upon
personal and individual sins, which have deserved no lighter
punishment, but indeed a far more severe chastisement. I
would now therefore once more repeat the same advice.
For besides that such is the particular and suitable remedy
for obtaining mercy and dehverance of the Lord from that
just judgment which hes upon you, there is also another
very weighty reason that ought to bring you to repentance;
lest peradventure we may seem to bury in oblivion that
very great benefit of the Lord towards you, in not having
allowed the Gospel edifice to fall utterly to ruin in the midst of
you, seeing that it has held so together, that as an instance
of His direct interference it must be reckoned as a miracle
of His power, by which alone you were preserved from
that greatest of all calamity. However that may be, it is
certainly the work of God's providence, that you still have
ministers who exercise the office of shepherds of souls and
of government in your Church. We must also take into ac
count, that those servants of God who exercise the ministry
of the Word in the neighbouring churches, in order to me
diate between the parties in such dangerous contests, have
themselves approved of the calling of those men ; whose opi
nions we also have subscribed, since no better method oc
curred to us by which we could consult your welfare and
advantage. That you are well assured of our conscientious
integrity we have no doubt, so that you ought at once to con
clude, that we did nothing which was not sincere and upright.
But putting out of view even all idea of kindly affection, the
very discussion of that dehcate point was a proof quite as
sincere as could be given on my part, that you would have
no obscure instruction from me. Therefore, you must seri
ously look to it, that you are not too ready to disapprove of
what the servants of God judge to be essential to your advan
tage and the preservation of the Church. The other nojnj; to
be well considered by you is this, that there may be due inspec
tion of their regular discharge of duty, that they may fulfil the
ministry of the Church. And here, I confess, discretion evi
dently (nor would I wish to be the author of bringing any

1539. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 123
tyranny into the Church) requires, that pious men should esteem
as pastors those who do not stand only on their calling. For it is
an indignity not to be borne, if that reverence and regard is to
be given to certain personages, which the Lord Himself desires
may be assigned only to the ministers of the Word. Conse
quently, I readily grant you concerning that minister who shall
not have taught the Word of our Lord Jesus Christ, whatever
title or prerogative he may put forth as a pretence, that he
is unworthy to be considered as a pastor, to whom due obe
dience can be shewn in the ministry. Because, however, it is
clear to me, in reference to our brethren who at present hold
the office of the ministry among you, that the Gospel is taught
you by them, I do not see what can excuse you, as before the
Lord, while you either neglect or reject them. >*5f some one
may reply, that this or that in their doctrine or morals is ob
jectionable, I require you, in the first place, by our Lord Jesus
Christ, that so far as may be, you will first of all weigh the
matter in your mind, and without any hastiness of judgment.
For since we all of us owe this on the score of charity to one
another, that we may not rashly pass sentence against others,
but rather, so far as lies in us, that we hold fast by clemency
and justice, much more is that moderation to be practised to
wards those whom the Lord is pleased to peculiarly distinguish
above others. And even although there may be somewhat
wanting which might justly be required of them, (as to which
1 am not able to speak definitively, since I have no certain
knowledge,) you must just consider, that you will find no per
son so thoroughly perfect as that there shall not be many things
which are still to be desired. /Wherefore, that rule of charity
is not duly honoured by us, unless we uphold our neighbours,
even with their very infirmities, provided we recognise in them
the true fear of God and the sincere desire of following the very
truth itself. Lastly, I cannot possibly doubt, in so far as con
cerns their doctrine, but that they faithfully deliver to you the
chief heads of Christian religion, such as are necessary to
salvation, and join therewith the administration of the sacra
ments of the Lord. Wherever this is established, there also
the vcrv substance of the ministrv ordained hv the Lord Jesus

124 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1539.
Christ thrives and flourishes ; and all due reverence and respect
is to be observed toward him who is the minister,
/Now, therefore, most beloved brethren, I entreat and ad
monish you, in the name and strength of our Lord Jesus
Christ, that turning away from man your heart and mind,
you betake yourselves to that one and only Bedeemer, and
that you reflect, how much we are bound to submit entirely
to His sacred commands. And if everything He has appointed
among you ought deservedly to be held inviolate, no consi
deration whatever ought so to deflect you from the path of
duty, that you may not preserve whole and entire that mini
stration which he so seriously commends to you. If already
you dispute and quarrel with your pastors to the extent of
brawls and railing, as I hear has occurred, it is quite evident
from such a course of proceeding, that the ministry of those
very persons in which the brightness of the glory of our
Lord Jesus Christ ought to shine forth, must be subject to
contempt and reproach, and all but trampled under foot. It
is therefore incumbent on you carefully to beware, lest while
we seem to ourselves only to insult men, we in fact declare war
on God Himself. /Nor, besides, ought it to seem a fight matter
to you, that sects and divisions are formed and cherished
within the Church, which no one who has a Christian heart
beating in his breast can without horror even drink in by the
hearing of the ears. But that the state of matters is indeed
such where a separation of this kind exists, and as it were
a secession between pastor and people, the thing speaks for
itself. In conclusion, therefore, accept this admonition, if you
wish me to be held by you as a brother, that there may be
among you a solid agreement, which may correspond with such
a name, that you may not reject that ministry which, for
your advantage and the prosperity of the Church, I have been
forced to approve of without any fear or favour in respect of
men. But because, during the whole of that time my pious
and faithful colleague in the Lord was here, because my time,
so far as ordinary occupations permitted, was entirely taken up
in conference, I could not then write to you more fully, as I
wished. Thereupon, we thus agreed among ourselves, that I

1539. FAREL. 125
indeed should deliver to you in few words the right way which
you ought here to take, but that himself as he should judge ex
pedient should exhort you as to duty face to face. 'Here, there
fore, with the most fervent salutation written by my own hand,
do I supplicate the Lord Jesus, that He protect you in His holy
fortress of defence ; that He may heap on you His gifts more
and more ; that He may restore your Church to due order, and
specially, that He may fill you with His own spirit of gentle
ness, so that in the true conjunction of soul we may every one
bestow ourselves in the promoting of His kingdom. /
Your most devoted,

[Calvin's Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 10.]

J. c.

XXXVIIL— To Farel.
Journey of Farel to Strasbourg — scanty remuneration of Calvin —
sale of his books. Strasbourg, 27th July [1539.]
We have nothing new since you left us, except that, on the
self-same day, about three hours after your departure, the
directors resolved to augment my salary. They proposed to
give me a stipend of a hundred florins, on the condition that I
should resign that which I had formerly received ; but when
it came the length of the college of the canons, they objected
against it the royal caveat, by which manoeuvre they have
excluded me. Thus am I made none the richer. I send
you a reckoning of what you paid for me of our expenses at
Hagenau, although you had no right to be repaid a single
penny ; for it was your duty to have admonished me. I have
a valid excuse, which did not occur to me until it was too late
to plead it. Let me remind you as to what I formerly wrote,
that if a cask should arrive from Michael of Geneva, you
would take charge of it on account of Wendehn. Should any
person be inclined to buy the books, do you sell them, hut mine
for not less than nine or ten batzen at the lowest, unless, per
haps, any one like Cressonniere will take a large quantity, for

126 FAREL. 1539.
then you may exercise your discretion. The carriage, indeed,
will cost no small sum, and must yet cost, before the books
reach you. Adieu, my most excellent and ltind brother. Salute
most earnestly and lovingly all our brethren. Long may the
Lord preserve you all.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XXXIX.— To Farel.
Eeconciliation of Farel with Caroli — intercession of the Senate of Stras
bourg in favour of the French Protestants — answer of Calvin to the
letter of Cardinal Sadolet. In the month of September 1539.1
Yesterday, Henry came hither after supper time. As soon
as I rose from table I went to Bucer, read over to him your
letter, which made him very glad, especially because he could
perceive from it your great leniency towards Caroli. He at
once acknowledged that he could scarcely have felt himself able
to treat that person with so much clemency. Should he visit
Basle there is considerable risk of his being somewhat more
severely handled by Grynee, as both Viret and Zebedee,
reproving his over-complaisance, have changed his feelings
towards that individual, as I have been told. But we have
been dehghted to hear of your kindness in this case, which can
do no injury to the Church, and which may tend to break down
the opposition of the wicked.
To-day, these two young men came to me in the morning,
which occasions my writing somewhat sooner, but more briefly.
In the case of our brethren we have performed what was our
duty, nor was the Senate,2 according to its usual devotedness, at
all behindhand in taking up the matter. As soon as the affair
was settled I sent you notice. I perceive, however, that the
letter had not yet reached you at the time you wrote. The
1 The date of this letter is in the handwriting of Farel.
2 The magistrates of Strasbourg united themselves to Protestant princes of
Germany to intercede in common with Francis I. in favour of his cruelly perse
cuted Protestant subjects.

1539. FAREL. 127
messenger whom they sent to the Duke of Saxony and the
Landgrave has not, up to this time, returned; he is hourly
expected to arrive. Bucer is with the Chancellor almost daily.
Be not alarmed, my dear brother, we are not iron-hearted in
this quarter, nor will it be the fault of the Senate nor of the
ministers, if the pious do not get help, such as in these times
can be had. I perceive that, on many accounts, the Genevese
will be wretched. Sulzer1 had brought hither the epistle of
Sadolet.2 I was not very much concerned about an answer to
it, but our friends have at length compelled me. At the present
moment I am entirely occupied upon it. It will be a six
days' work. I send my book to you since I cannot repay your
kindness by the return of a gift in kind. Adieu, most amiable
brother. Salute very lovingly for me the whole of our brethren.
Yours,
Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XL.— To Farel.
Caroli at Strasbourg — Proceedings of Sturm and Bucer for the recon
ciliation with Calvin. Strasbourg, 8th October 1539.
Whenever of late a new occasion of writing presented itself,
I wished to avoid writing until the affair of Caroli,3 the matter
1 Sulzer, minister of the Church of Berne. At a later period he was pastor of
the Church of Basle.
2 Cardinal Sadolet, Bishop of Carpentras, informed of the troubles of Geneva,
had written to the magistrates of that town exhorting them to return to the com
munion of the Eoman Church. Calvin wrote a reply to Sadolet, and that letter,
dated from Strasbourg, 1st September 1539, is one of the most remarkable monu
ments of the Eeformer's genius. See Cal. Opera, edit. d'Amsterdam, torn. viii. ;
and the Reeueil des Opuscules, p. 145.
8 Condemned by the Synod of Lausanne, and banished by the Senate of Berne,
Caroli had returned to the Church of Eome, and had in vain sought the favour of
the Cardinal de Tournon. Deceived in his expectations, he reappeared in Switzer
land, confessed his past offences, and obtained the forgiveness of Farel. After
wards he proceeded to Strasbourg, where Bucer and Sturm tried every means to
reconcile him with Calvin. — Euchat, Hist, de la Reformat, en Suisse, torn. v. pp.
129-134.

128 FAREL. 1539.
in hand which detained our friends, might be brought to some
conclusion. My concern about it kept me intensely anxious.
Bucer did not think it fitting that I should be present at any
of the proceedings until they had arrived at some hope of
agreement, or that at least some inclination thereto had become
apparent on either side. On my part, he found no difficulty in
obtaining his wish that I would say nothing harsh, because
that would only stir up new disturbances ; and this he appeared
greatly to desire, that there might be all the freer opportunity of
speaking against us. They had commenced, so far as I have been
able to learn, with doctrine ; for they have mquired, whether
there was anything he thought defective in that faith which we
preached. He himself discoursed about certam points of doc
trine, which are particularly enumerated-in ,the minutes which
were afterwards written out and attested by Iter signatures.
Thence they proceeded to inquire into the matter of Ins falling
away from the truth, which was the crisis of the whole affair.
He endeavoured in every possible way to excuse himself. He
boasted, moreover, that at first he had a most just cause of
complaint against us, that he did not immediately rush forward
to accuse us, but required in a friendly way., fhat we should
subscribe the three creeds ; that we not only declined doing so,
but disparaged with much scornful derision those three sym
bols, which by the perpetual confession of good men have
always been held as of established authority in the Church.
Thereupon they excepted, that he had not on that account any
sufficient ground why he should fall away to the Papists.
Then, having rebuked him very severely, they admonished him
to repentance. When called upon, I replied to his objections,
and in the first place, most assuredly did not spare, to declare
the whole business as it stood from the very commencement.
There was some httle difficulty in clearing ourselves as to the
symbols ; for it was certainly somewhat discreditable that we
should have rejected those documents, which, since they have
been received by the approving judgment of the whole Church,
ought to be considered as beyond controversy. Although, there
fore, it would have been easy for us to palliate that also, by re
plying we did not reject these symbols, far less disapprove them,

1539. FAREL. 129
but that we had only refused our subscription, in order
that Caroli might not thereby find occasion of triumph in
his attacks upon our ministry, there would still have re
mained somewhat of suspicion in regard to us. That cir
cumstance especially procured him favour, because a httle
before that, Claude, who it was clear had been often con
demned by all the Churches, had been received again into the
office of the ministry. Therefore, although I shewed that he
had done that from malice, I could not take away from him
every pretext for attacking us. It was my duty to give satis
faction on the score of battologies. But by no means have I
admitted that there was here any useless battology, or mere
contending about words. I confessed, however, that I would
not have spoken unless I had been forced by his wickedness
to do so. But it would be requisite that I should write
you a volume were I to relate everything. I have, however,
disclosed to them the sum and substance of our whole con
tention, and have so digested it point by point, that it might
appear easily enough the evil did not proceed from us. Never
have I felt more decidedly how much our Bernese friends
whom you know have injured us by their accusations. There
was not an individual of those of our own people who enter
tained a doubt about our innocence. They annoyed me, how
ever, about the creeds, because we had been unwilling to sub
scribe them, when that might have been done without danger,
and might have relieved us from much suspicion. Therefore
they disapproved unanimously of our conduct. These things
took place in the absence of Caroli. Thereupon Bucer re
quested that I would state all those matters in which he had
been faulty. That I would not do ; for he always had some
thing to allege by which he could either slip away or might
palliate his offence. Since, therefore, I saw that there was no
good to be done in that way of proceeding, I thought it best to
declare that I would not bring any accusation against him;
that it would satisfy me if he acknowledged heartily and sin
cerely that he had sinned. But when I foresaw that an out-
gate would not be very easy, there was nothing I urged more
strongly than that they should proceed without me ; that I had
VOL. I. I

130 FAREL. 1539.
no wish to throw hindrances in their way, provided they would
not force my assent. This, because they considered that, it was
the greatest hindrance of all, they have not granted. /^Articles,,
therefore, have been drawn up, in which some things that he
(Caroli) himself had proposed have at his own request been
expunged ; these articles were sent to me at a late hour in
the night. When I had read one passage in particular, I
was so alarmed,- that throughout the whole of this year I do
not remember to have been so much grieved. The next morn
ing I summoned Sturm to my aid. I explained to him the
cause of my distress. He represented the matter to Bucer.
They appointed a meeting with me together at the house of
Mathias, where I might explain fully what it was that dis
tressed me. There I sinned grievously in not having been
able to keep within bounds ; for so had the bile taken entire
possession of my mind, that I poured out bitterness on
all sides. There was of a certainty some cause for indigna
tion, if moderation had only been observed in the expression
of it. I complained, on the ground that they had presented
these articles to me for the purpose of discharging Caroli;
that they had given it as their opinion that they appeared
to themselves to be good, while I was unheard ; that after
judgment already pronounced, they required me to subscribe,
which if I should refuse, I must look henceforth upon them as
adversaries. But the point which chiefly stirred my indigna
tion, was because therein Caroli declared, that he committed
to the Lord the offences by which he had been driven to de
fection, and therefore he committed matters which partially
concerned other parties. In the conclusion of my speech,
I stated my resolution rather to die than subscribe this./
Thereupon there was so much fervour on both sides, that I
could not have been more rude to Caroli himself if he had
been present. At length I forced myself out of the supper-
room, Bucer following, who, after he had soothed me by his fair
speeches, brought me back to the rest. I said, that I wished
to consider the matter more fully before making any more
distinct reply. When I got home I was seized with an extra
ordinary paroxysm, nor did I find any other solace than in sighs

1539. FAREL. 131
and tears ; and I was the more deeply afflicted because you had
occasioned me those evils, Ever and anon they were twitting
me with your lenity, who had mercifully embraced Caroli upon
the spot ; that I was too headstrong, who could not be moved
one whit from that judgment which I had formed. Bucer,
indeed, has tried every mode of representation, that he might
soothe my mind upon the subject, but, in the meanwhile, sets
up your example invidiously against me ; nor, indeed, can you
thus excuse yourself of inconsiderateness, or that you were too
easily led away by him ; and that I may freely speak my mind,
that one might justly have expected from you more both of gravity
and constancy and moderation. These good brethren have
insisted that you should receive Caroli into favour. On which
you have not merely given way, but you have fallen prostrate.
This you yourself have discovered shortly after you repented
of it, and you might have recovered yourself without repent
ance, unless you had gone too far. Do you suppose that I
take any comfort to myself from the accusation of your
neghgence, which has caused me so much annoyance P^Had/
I been able to speak with you face to face, I would have/
turned upon you the whole of the fury which I have poured/
forth upon others/ When I had somewhat come to myself I
sent for James, and inquired what had taken place with him.
Some things he related rekindled anew in me the angry passions,
therefore I requested that he would point out the particular
occasion where or when he imputed the blame of his falling
away as forced upon him by others, and expressly that the
conditions might be confirmed, upon which he had been received
back by you into favour at Bonneville.1 I would have accom
plished something better if you had not prevented me. To you
it is to be imputed if anything is faulty. First of all, that
you did not temper or qualify your reconciliation by that
moderation which ought to be observed ; that you ought not to
have received him back into communion, unless upon his own
solemn attestation acknowledging his offence, and upon repent-
1 Bonneville, on the Lake of Bienne. It was there where the interview between
Caroli and Farel, accompanied by the two deputies from Neuchatel, had taken
place.

132 FAREL. 1539.
ance ; and, lastly, that you did not inform me by writing of
all these matters at the time when they happened. I hope,
however, that the document, as it now stands, may be endur
able ; but it has cost me much grief and trouble./ All that
remains for us, now that we have received him back again into
favour, is to persevere and maintain constantly, the grace we
have sanctioned, for if we ought not to cast him off, he must,
by every endeavour, be retained. That cannot otherwise be
brought about unless you restrain all your people, that they do
not insult him. The written document, as soon as it shall
have been written out formally, will be forwarded to you.
Therein he is bound by sufficiently powerful obligations not
to attempt any fresh mischief. However, do you yourselves
observe that same mildness of demeanour towards him which
you have prematurely shewn. But these things, as well as what
remains to be said, I shall urge more fully when the writing
shall be sent. At present I wish to inform you, in a few
words, what was the conclusion of this affair. Caroli has just
set out to go to Bognac,1 for what purpose I have not discovered,
unless that he may seek some retreat for himself until there
is an opportunity of doing something with you. Alexander
accompanied him, whom he excused himself for having taken
along with him, upon the advice of Barbarini. There was no
occasion, however, of apprehension, either on your part or on
ours, on his account ; for here we are not quite so facile as
readily to embrace those whom other Churches have cast out.
He also, indeed, requested to be heard ; but we had no leisure.
Upon his return, so far as depends upon me, I will not inter
cede that he may be heard, unless he shall declare to me his
whole history, to which proposal, in respect of his dignity, he
may except. Your letter I shall answer soon; for a severe
cough has seized me, which does not suffer me to write more at
present. This person who delivers my letter to you was recom
mended to us by the Seigneur de Bognac, for whose sake we
have endeavoured to find employment for him, but were not able.
Among the manual arts his inclination and taste led him to try
1 Bognac— is it the burgh of that name in Provence, department of Bouches du
Rhone ?

1539. FAREL. 133
the handicraft of bookbinding ; hence he has gone thither that
he may try everywhere. I willingly recommend him to you, and
hope you may be able to serve him ; for Bognac is worthy and
deserving, for whose sake I willingly would entreat this of you,
and even much more. All our friends greet you in the most
friendly manner, chiefly Capito, Bucer, Sturm, Bedrot,1 Claude,
Gaspar. James, with his companion Enard, and all the French
men, because I am aware that you are quite accustomed to my
rudeness, I will make no excuse for treating you so uncivilly/
Salute all the brethren for me, chiefly Cordier and Chapon-
neau and Thomas./ Do as seems best to yourself in regard to
the epistle of Sadolet, only, however, let me know what you
do. Cordier will greatly oblige me if he will entrust to me the
Psalms which he has already written out. — Yours, Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XLL— To Farel.
Farther details of the reconciliation of Calvin with Caroli — the minister
Alexander — a lecture of Bucer — negotiations of the Protestant Princes of
Germany — their answer to Henry VIII. — French translation of the epistle
to Sadolet. Strasbourg, 21th October 1539.
Pardon me, my most amiable brother, for not having written
to you since that discontented letter2 which lately had been
forced out of me by my ill-humour in its first fervour. I do
not quite remember what I may have written. I am aware,
however, that I had not sufficiently softened the expressions,
because this single solace of my grief remained, to expostulate
with you for having created such annoyance to me through
your extreme facility. Now, you excuse your fault in a
lengthened apology, although, nevertheless, you try to defend
what you have done ; the sum total, however, of the defence
1 James Bedrot, native of the Grisons, professor of Greek in the Academy at
Strasbourg. - That is to say, the preceding letter concerning Caroli.

134 FAREL. 1539.
consists of entreaty. After this, therefore, look to it that you
set bounds to your clemency, and take care that it does no
harm to others. I did not omit any of those things which
you enumerate in your epistle, when I came to speak upon
the matter. For I have diligently tracked all the exploits
which he has perpetrated since his going away, both at Geneva
and at Lausanne, and also in France ; but afterwards he was
brought in, and according to his pleasure, he softened down
some things, others he made light of, and in some he threw
back the charge upon ourselves. They did not venture to trust
me with him, that he might not exasperate me beyond all bear
ing. They also qualified his answers, or suppressed them
entirely. Thus have I been deceived in the whole affair. When I
foresaw this from the first, my intention was expressly declared,
to take no part either in approving or in disapproving of what
might be done. For all the matter in discussion was, that the
person might not be cast off by us who had been received by
you. You deny that you are the Church. But who can sup
pose otherwise than that you have recommended him on the
certificate of the Church ? Deny it if you can, that you attested
his . reconciliation by your letter. Moreover, what you wrote
as applicable to you, was understood as referring to the whole
Church, from whose authority all were of opinion that you
had not departed. In this way, I have been left alone in my
opposition. That, also, deprived me of authority, that he had
succeeded in getting our friends to think he had some reason
for discussing that controversy about the Trinity, in which
respect Capito helped him not a little, who informed Bucer
that he had formerly received a letter from you, in which you
acknowledged that you dissented on that point from others,
or I know not what to the same purpose, for Bucer has not
clearly explained it to me. All of them, also, have strangely
annoyed me about the creeds. These, and matters of a like
kind have effected, that they have come to judge him not
altogether unworthy of compassion. But upon what condi
tions he was received, you will understand from the minutes.
I wil] consistently perform what I have there promised, if
he faithfully observes his engagement. If, however, he may

1539. FAREL. 135
happen to deceive, that instant I am free, for I have bound
myself in regard to him only conditionally.
With reference to Alexandre,1 I am already thoroughly in
formed, so that I can welcome him, as often as he calls, accord
ing to his deserts ; and I shall have more weight in that cause,
because it will not appear so much as if I were pleading my
own case. Listen to a signal instance of his impudence. Once
he ventured to enter our dwelling with the view of obtruding
himself upon me in some way or other. When I happened
to go down to the lower part of the house, there I caught
him with the domestics. He bowed in a very courtly style,
and put himself in the gesture of preparation to speak I
condescended to regard him neither by look nor by salutation.
Nevertheless, I summoned one of them, of whom I requested
that he would desire him to go away, for that we did not suffer
those to remain on our premises who had been cast out of the
Church of God. From that time he has not dared to present
himself to me. Now let him come, he shall not find me unpre
pared. You will he amused, also, when you hear how Caroli
was received at one of Bucer's lectures. He was treating of the
passage about stoning the false prophet : when he had defined
what was meant by the expression Pseudo Propheta, he said,
that he was not a person who might teach somewhat beyond or
independent of the Word of God, but one who could welcome
or approve of dogmas opposed to the Word of God. He added
an example concerning those who would imagine a certain place
in which souls are purified, and he pronounced that doctrine to
be absurd ; but on account of that we ought not to condemn any
one, provided he so professed it that he left it undetermined ;
but that he who maintains that the dead are aided by our
prayers, was not only to be condemned of vain worship, but also
of impiety. When he spoke these words, at one time he looked
towards me, and at another he turned his eyes to Caroli. Now,
however, since we have agreed with him, we 'must take care
that he has no good ground of complaint against us, either on
the score of consistency or sincerity. I may, nevertheless, some-
1 Alexandre, late minister of Thonon. He had been excommunicated by the
presbytery of Neuchatel for having deserted his charge.

136 FAREL. 1539.
how understand with what adroitness he bas conducted him
self with Bognac. He affords me an opportunity of speaking
of the church at Metz, and what has happened there. He
passes on thither, and seizes an opportunity of preaching.
Instantly an official appears, who orders him to he cited.
What passes with him thereupon I know not, except that
shortly afterwards he withdraws. About fifteen days before,
I had sent my brother thither. He hved with an excellent
and most upright man, and kept very quiet. As soon as
they got knowledge of it, they required of his master that he
would send him away. He refused to do so. Then they turned
their fury against my brother, and ordered him to depart the
city within seven days. He rephed, that it was both an unjust
and unusual proceeding to pronounce against an unoffending
man without hearing him. He therefore went to the magistrate,
sought a hearing, was refused ; appealed to the provost and his
council, which consists of persons of some rank. He presented,
according to custom, a petition and supplication, but he made
nothing of it. Nor did they treat him only in this way, but
they decided that no stranger in future, upon whom any suspi
cion might fall, should be suffered to remain. Briefly, I wish
you to understand, that the way in that direction, for the pre
sent, is shut against the Gospel. Therefore, we must wait for
a better opportunity, which I shall be always looking for. Those
small vermin, Malizi and Grociati, you cannot do better than
constantly to crush and bruise them, which you may do without
danger, for they can only spit spent venom.
That information which the French ambassador has received
about the Edict1 has been the doing of Bucer, who has under
hand instructed Doctor Chelius2 to write to him, that all our
friends were greatly estranged from the King on account of that
cruelty.3 Not a word about the embassy. Bucer himself dic-
1 This refers, doubtless, to the Edict which was published the following year in
France. It contained most rigorous clauses against heretics.
2 Ulric Chelius, a distinguished physician, the friend of Bucer.
a See notes 2, pp. 105, 126. The Protestant princes of Germany, irritated by
the persecutions directed against their -brethren of the Eeformed Churches of
France, threatened the rupture of all friendly relations with the reigning sove
reign, Francis I.

1539. FAREL. 137
tated the letter, and certainly, already we had almost begun to
despair about it. The Landgrave had yielded, and the matter
was already settled, unless the Elector of Saxony had stood out,
who supposes that he does his duty well, provided he keeps
himself at as great a distance as possible from all his adver
saries. In the meantime, the pious who are endangered are
deserted. The King of England had lately despatched an em
bassy to him, to excuse himself for having sent away his
ambassadors and those of the Landgrave without having
attained their object.1 He alleged as a reason, that they did
not appear to him to be furnished with a sufficiently ample
commission. The Elector replied, that the proverb spoke
truth which said, that loop-holes of escape are always to be
found by those who wish to play fast and loose ; for that the
ambassadors had full power of entering into the treaty which
he and his allies were willing to make with him. That he de
ceived himself if he could suppose that our friends could be
induced to mix themselves up with all his peculiar controver
sies ; they would not engage in any other alliance than such as
would be for the sake of the Gospel. Besides, that the King had
sufficiently displayed the temper of his mind when he pubhshed
that impious Edict ; 2 for that his conscience impelled him to
this harsh language, nor could even he prevent the learned in
his own dominions from denouncing so great impiety. The
Landgrave, with no less constancy, more mildly replied, that
he would smooth the way for him, if there was hope of
mending the matter. The convention is now appointed for
the 19th November, in which both embassies will be dealt
with. Early yesterday a messenger arrived, although it is not
1 See p. 101, note 2. These deputies had at first been most graciously received
by the King of England. They held frequent conferences with his counsellors, at
the house of Thomas Cromwell, regarding the object of their mission — the founda
tion of a defensive alliance between the German princeB and the English monarch.
Henry appeared favourable to the project. This was, however, hut a political
ruse ; for, after having amused the deputies with fair words and pretended nego
tiations, he allowed them to depart. — See Seckendorf, lib. iii. sect. 19, parag. 73 ;
and Burnet.
2 The Act of the Six Articles, called the Bill of Blood, promulgated the 28th
April 1539. See Burnet, Hist. Ref. vol. i. pp. 256-260.

138 FAREL. 1539.
yet known what it is about ; the consultation, however, appears
to be of importance. You can thence, also, conjecture what has
so suddenly called them together. It will be a journey of ten
days for our friends ; for the others somewhat more, who have
not yet had notice of it.
Do you know what has happened to Count William P1 While
he wished to defend these valleys of the Alps against the
assaults of the Comte de Montmian, he incurred the enmity
of the Constable,2 which has proceeded to that extent, that he
forced himself away from Court without even taking leave of
the King, having, however, previously resigned his offices. The
story is tedious, therefore I cannot relate the whole of it.
The translation of my Epistle to Sadolet I was not able to
compare throughout, for that employment required one whole
day. I have looked over it, however, and having partially exa
mined, I am able to form an opinion of it. It is not amiss. I
am unwilling, however, that it should be pubhshed before it has
been corrected. In some respects it is faulty ; I fear, however,
that should Antony Pignorius delay, some person may be before
hand with him, who has perhaps already finished it. For I did
not waste a third part of the time in composing it which has
passed away since he wrote that he had begun, nor do I doubt
that this has been by the advice of Michael. The Secretary of
Payerne has one of his brethren here. By way of return, he
is educating his brother's son. He has entrusted him to the
care of Gaspar, a good and worthy man. The mother is mean
while very anxious, because she hears not a word about her son.
Do, therefore, try and make him write briefly how he is getting
on. All here salute you in the most friendly way ; Capito,
Bucer, Brito, the scholars of Claude, James with his comrade
Enard, the whole of our household, where at present my brother
is stopping with us. It will be better to keep this letter to
yourself, than to let it go farther. — Yours, Calvin.
Salute for me respectfully all the brethren, your colleague
1 William du Bellay, Lord of Langey, and Viceroy of Piedmont, then occupied
by Francis I.
2 Anne de Montmorency. He had been promoted to the office of Constable in
1538, for his able defence of Provence against the Imperialists.

1539. FAREL. 139
Thomas, and the others. I have not been able just at present
to write to Michael. Do you, however, urge him to write, by
the first opportunity, what has been done about the Psalms. I
had commissioned one hundred copies to be sent to Geneva.
Now, for the first time, I have been given to understand that this
had not been attended to. It has certainly been very neglectful
so long to delay informing me. I cannot at present get the
Minutes. Within a few days you shall receive them.
(Postscript, in French.)
You have sent me word by Alexander, that you have got for
me Pias Orationes Lutheri, of which you make no mention. I
beg you will let me know also about that.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XLIL— To Farel.
Caroli — encounter between William du Bellay and the Constable de Mont
morency — preparation for an approaching Assembly in Germany — nego
tiations with the King of England — salutations addressed by Luther to
Calvin — hope of an accommodation between the Swiss and German
Churches. Strasbourg, 20th November [1539.]
For a long time I have been eagerly on the outlook for your
opinion about the minutes of reconciliation with Caroli. That
personage has not returned, and there need be little doubt that
he seeks to nestle in that quarter ; and assuredly it was no
bad determination for him to arrive at. The kitchen of a
courtier smokes very freely, and you are aware he has a quick
scent in that direction. I am afraid, however, that he may not
long continue with those who do not like to be out of favour
with the King. Whatever shall happen, if he keeps his pro
mise, it will be our duty, by the observance of all due civility,
to have at least deserved well at his hand. The state of the
affair as to Count William stands thus •} — After the Comte de
1 The Memoirs of Du Bellay furnish no information in regard to the discussions
which are treated of in the close of this letter, and of which the Waldenses of

140 FAREL. 1539.
Montmian had broken violently into the valleys of the Alps,
and had inflicted many wrongs upon the good brethren, the
Count complained in earnest about them to the Constable, and
did not hesitate to use threats. The latter wished at first to calm
the temper of the Count, and to soothe his kinsman by cajoleries.
The Count thereupon spoke more angrily, until at length the
other also began to wax fierce. Hence there has grown up
an undissembled hatred on both sides. The Count instantly
thereupon, by a letter, which he allowed me to peruse, threw up
the alliance in which he had previously been engaged with the
Comte de Montmian. He said, that it appeared to him wicked
and villanous, if, as was reported, he had invaded those
valleys and had plundered a peaceful inoffensive race of men.
An answer was returned on the part of Montmian, in which
he said that the Count was a base liar. He added, also,
that those people suffered no more than they deserved, on
account of their rebellion against God and the King. The
Count, with all speed, despatches a person by whom he
challenges his adversary to single combat. In his progress,
the messenger is told of the death of the adversary. In the
meantime the Constable defends the adversary of the Count,
. . . who provoke him with all manner of affronts. Treated
after this fashion, the Count throws up the1 . . . service of
the King. And lately he received a letter from his Majesty,
along with the defamatory libel of his opponent. To the King
he rephed, that he had a defence prepared in answer to all
that was objected against him, if only he was allowed to
speak the truth without offence to the court ; for that he . . .
against the Constable, whom they had discovered to be the
source of all the mischief. Most assuredly he poured forth all
his bitterness against him ; and that he might not appear to
do anything covertly or underhand, he despatched four or five
copies, which were to be presented to the Dauphin, to the King
of Navarre, and others. Among other things which he has
Piedmont were the subject. William du Bellay was governor of Piedmont, which
had recently been subjugated by Francis I., and did honour to himself by the
generous protection which he extended to Waldensian Churches.
1 This word, as also several others, is effaced in the original.

1539. FAREL. 141
been forced to hear, that story was cast up to him about his
brother, who they say defiled the holy cup. He replied, that
it was a falsehood ; if it had been true he himself would have
punished such an outrage, nor could he have escaped with im
punity after such an act of sacrilege, either at Basle or here, or
at Geneva: that the enemies of the Gospel, however, invent
many stories, for the purpose of grieving and annoying us, and
that this was one of them. He loves both of his brothers
very much. When I lately supped with him, and one of the
superior clergy of the cathedral was present, who it is thought
will one day be bishop, he spoke in a friendly way of both. I
stayed nearly two days with him, that I might write his letters.
On the 19th of this month the Convention is appointed to
meet, as I have already written to you.1 The chief point for
dehberation will be, what they ought to advise now that the
Emperor has given them the slip. There are very many and
great surmises of war. The Margrave-Elector of Brandenbourg2
has summoned Philip, and has written to the Landgrave that
it is his intention to receive the Gospel and to root up Popery.
While the truce has lasted, therefore, we have acquired no
small accession. It is doubtful as to Gueldres what may
happen. He has betrothed his sister to the King of England,3
and within a few days will send her away. The English king
has courteously entertained the ambassadors of our princes.
What more can I say ? Never was there a time of greater
preparedness for the reception of the Gospel. When the
Emperor heard of the marriage he tried to induce the King,
by means of Duke Frederic,4 brother of the Elector-Palatine,
1 That meeting took place at Arnstadt, a town of the Thuringi. See Sleidan,
lib. xii. p. 347.
2 Joachim IL, Margrave-Elector of Brandenbourg, (1534-1571.) After having
shewn himself all along faithful to the cause of the Emperor, this prince established
the Eeformation in his States.
3 Henry VIII. sought again at this time the alliance of the Protestant princes
of Germany. He espoused (Jan. 6, 1540) Anne of Cleves, whom he repudiated
some months afterwards.
* This prince, who at this time still wavered between Catholicism and the
Eeformed doctrines, succeeded his brother as Elector-Palatine, in 1544, and
completed the work of the Eeformation in his State.

142 FAREL. 1539.
to take the Duchess of Milan, whereby, uniting their influence,
they might recover the kingdom of Denmark. The English
King rephed briefly, that not only would he never attempt any
thing against the King of Denmark, but that he would assist
him and his allies as a duty to which he was bound. He
then advised Frederic that he should unite with us and bring
his brother also into the League. And the more to encourage
him, he promised that he would bring it about that the Pala
tine's interest should be espoused by the King of Denmark.
Our friends will now undoubtedly press forward. Bucer has
been summoned by the Landgrave : it is doubtful whether for
the purpose of proceeding thither with the deputies or not.
Our friend Sturm has a commission from the Senate to look
after the interest of the brethren. Accordingly, when I was
requested by him to do so, I have briefly pointed out what ap
peared to me the best method of proceeding. I send you a
short copy of it, although it has somewhat cooled the inclina
tion of Bucer, as he understood afterwards that the report was
false, which having reached us by your letter, we inconsiderately
spread abroad. For you will remember you had written, that
some one had been burnt at Paris. Two persons have been
here, who steadily deny the fact. Be careful, therefore, for
the future, that you write nothing but what you have ascer
tained as certain. Besides, Bucer was all the more displeased,
because he had already written to the same purport to the
Landgrave. I have already stated what I thought of the
royal edict. If it really was supposititious, as I very much
fear it was, how greatly must it weaken our credit ! I
have certainly regretted to have spoken of it on such insuffi
cient information. Let us therefore be more wary for the
future, by which means our authority will have more weight
and be more effectual for the help of the brethren. Be
lieve me, I do not fail, whenever an occasion presents itself,
to render all the aid in my power, which I merely mention,
because many suppose me to be asleep, because not always
boasting. Crato, one of our engravers, lately returned from Wittem-
berg, who brought a letter from Luther to Bucer, in which

1539. FAREL. 143
there was written:1 "Salute for me reverently Sturm and
Calvin, whose books I have read with special delight." Now,
consider seriously what I have said there about the Eucharist ;
think of the ingenuousness of Luther : it will now be easy for
you to see how unreasonable are those who so obstinately dis
sent from him. Philip, however, wrote thus : — " Luther and
Pomeranus have desired Calvin to be greeted ; Calvin has ac
quired great favour in their eyes." Philip has informed me at
the same time by the messenger, that certain persons, in order
to irritate Luther, have shown him a passage in which he and
his friends have been criticised by me. That thereupon he had
examined the passage, and feeling that it was undoubtedly in
tended for him, had said at length : — " I hope that Calvin will
one day think better of us ; but in any event it is well that he
should even now have a proof of our good feeling towards
him." If we are not affected by such moderation, we are
certainly of stone. For myself, I am profoundly affected by
it, and therefore have taken occasion to say so in the preface
which is inserted before the Epistle to the Komans.2 If you
have not yet read Philip on the Authority of the Church, I

1 Here is the passage of the letter of Luther, containing a flattering allusion to
the letter of Calvin to Sadolet : " Bene vale, et salutabis D. Joannem Sturmium
et Joannem Calvinum quorum libellos cum singulari voluptate legi. Sadoletum
optarem ut crederet, Deum esse creatorem hominum etiam extra Italiam. Sed hsee
persuasio non penetrat corda Italorum, cum tam soli prse caeteris exuerint plane
humanum sensum prae superbia." — Dr. Martin Luther's Briefe, edit, de Wette,
torn. v. p. 411.
2 The preface of this Commentary on the Epistle to the Eomans is dedicated to
Simon Grynee, and contains an eulogium of Melanchthon, of Bucer, and of Bul
linger, accompanied with the following reflections : — " God never designed in such
a way to exercise liberality towards His servants, as that each should he endowed
with a full and perfect understanding on every point ; and doubtless, in this re
spect, He intended, in the first place, to keep us humble, and next of all to keep
up and maintain the desire and the exercise of brotherly love and communion. On
this account, since such is the case, we have no reason to expect, in this present
life, to see what would otherwise he so desirable, that in the understanding and the
exposition of certain passages of Scripture, there ever can he among us an out-and-
out entire agreement, (in allusion to the sacraments,) yet we ought to he particu
larly careful, when we do depart from the opinion of those who have written before
us, that we do so without being carried away by the silly appetite for saying some
thing new," &c. — Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, Geneva, in 4to, 1562.

144 FAREL. 1539.
desire you may read it. You will perceive he is much more
considerate than he appeared in his other writings. Capito,
Bucer, Sturm, Hedio, Bedrot, and others, salute you most
lovingly. Do you also salute respectfully all the brethren. —
Yours,

Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XLIII.— To Farel.
Persecutions in France — policy of Francis I. and Charles V. — ecclesiastical
discipline — University regulations at Strasbourg — illness of Farel.
Strasbourg, 31st December 1539.
To-day, immediately after sermon, Fatin1 intimated that he
was about to leave, when I had been invited to sup with a friend ;
whence I returned long after eight o'clock, much refreshed.
You must, therefore, expect a letter from me, as from one who
am scarcely sufficiently free and disengaged for writing. I am
sorry that that holy brother is deceased, as becomes me. Since,
however, it has so happened, I rejoice that the messenger has
confirmed your letter about his death, whereby I can more cer
tainly aver that it is so. The sentence had not been executed
upon Michael so lately as the end of November, at which
period the care of his safety was commended to me by letter.
Our friend Sturm has returned from the convention : it is not
known what has been done. We conjecture, however, that
this silence betokens somewhat of importance. He has brought
word, that the proposal had been made about the brethren ; but
it seemed to many, that the present was a very unsuitable time
to send an embassy which could have no other effect than to
sour the temper of the King. Those two sovereigns appear to
have agreed together to attempt the doing of great things.2
The Emperor is enrolling an army not far off from this. The
pretext is, the cities which have revolted, but it seems that the
1 Minister of the Church of Neuchatel.
2 The truce of Nice had for the moment reconciled Charles V. and Francis I.

1539. FAREL. 145
great pressure of the war is to be directed upon Gueldres.1
But he will neither be abandoned by the King of England nor
by the Elector of Saxony. What alliance he may have entered
into with our friends, or whether there be any, is uncertain. Two
ambassadors have been sent to the Venetians, the Marquis of
Guasta and Marshal Annebault, to reclaim the towns which
they have seized upon belonging to the duchy of Milan.2 They
rather seem to me to be heralds, than the messengers of peace.
Either all conjectures deceive, or in a short time we shall see
the whole of Europe in a state of war, for already the seven
cantons are said to murmur. There is no hope of peace for
our friends except that which shall have been obtained by war.
Concerning the discipline, you do well to press it; but
when the subject is well weighed, I do not know whether it
can be estabhshed unless with the consent of the churches.
It is therefore much to be wished, that some time or other
the Churches may assemble to deliberate about that matter.
We see, indeed, how very, necessary it is. There was some
slender form of discipline at Basle. What did exist has been
half swampt in the midst of these disputes. So far have
Myconius and Grynee advanced in that championship, which
they imagined, in the defence of Christian hberty. If we can
deliberate together, let us try whether somewhat may not
be accomplished. Capito will write to the Bernese as you
have requested, and I will address our brethren. I think I have
already written to you with considerable prolixity on the case
of Caroli. Although I entertain no hopeful expectation con
cerning that individual, nevertheless I am prevented, by the
consent of the Church, from despairing of him altogether. Let
us wait and see how he conducts himself where he now is.
Bognac has promised me by letter that he would come hither
within a few days; then, I shall ascertain all about him.
Should we be able to convict him of unfaithfulness, he can
1 The Duke of Cleves had been put in possession of the town of Gueldres, not
withstanding the protestations of the Emperor, and with the tacit approbation of
the French King.
2 The King of France and the Emperor equally put forth pretensions to the pos
session of the Milanese.
VOL. I. K

146 farel. 1539.
have no ground to hope henceforward to be entertained by us.
Gaspar is more distractingly anxious than he ought to be on
account of having incurred some amount of debt, in order
somewhat to prolong his studies. At this present time he has
no money wherewith to maintain himself for only two months,
the time which he had fixed for himseff. If somehow or other
so much could be raised for him, it would be doing him a ser
vice. Michael, the bookseller of Geneva, has informed me that
he has sent hither the remainder of my books, with my brother's
wearing-apparel. If they come to you, will you open the pack
age, and if you can sell any of the books, dispose of them ?
Will you undertake the charge of forwarding those which re
main to Basle as soon as possible ? Furthermore, since he
complains that my book does not sell, and that he is over
burdened with more copies than he can get rid of, I have
written in reply that he might send a hundred copies to you,
which I take on my own account. If he shall have done so,
will you let me know immediately ? I have rather chosen to
involve myself in this difficulty than that my credit should be
put in peril. But after this he may seek some one else who
for his sake alone may undertake so much trouble. I ex
perience here the same insolence as you yourself so much
complain of. Some rules for the Academy have lately been
made, by which the discipline will be tightened in the case of
such as are here for the sake of study. Among our French
friends, even among those who live with me, some are quite
frantic. To-morrow it will be intimated to them that they
may depart unless they choose to obey ; and I have no doubt
that they will avail themselves of the intimation. Whence you
understand how well-disposed they can have come hither, that
is, that they may have more licence. 'Wherefore it is the
rather to be watchfully looked to by us, that the reverence
and authority due to the Church may not be wanting, in order
to subdue those lewd and mischievous desires ; although, never
theless, I see that some allowance must be made for the folly of
mankind ; nor ought the rigour of discipline to be stretched
so far that they may not play the fool on some occasion.
Greet for me most kindly all the brethren. / Excuse me

1540. FAREL. 147
also to Cordier, because for the present I cannot reply to
him. — Yours, Calvin.
Although I have omitted what ought to have been done in
the first place, to congratulate you on your restored health, it
was not because I rejoice the less on that account ; for while I
reflect how much of the greatest importance may depend on
one httle man, it is not possible for me not to be in a more
than ordinary degree anxious about your life. Therefore,
from the time that the report of your illness was brought
hither, I have not enjoyed one pleasant moment until I heard
you had recovered. On that account I experienced the like joy
from hearing by the messenger good news of your health, as he
enjoys who is delivered from a long-continued sickness.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XLIV— To Farel.
Further mention of Caroli — discussion with Hermann the Anabaptist —
good understanding of Charles V. and Francis I. — alarm of the German
Princes — some detail of the propositions addressed to Calvin.
Strasbourg, 6th February 1540.
I entreat you, my dear brother, when I expostulate with you,
chide you, get warm with you, accuse you, that you may take
it all the same as if you were dealing thus with yourself. Con
cerning Caroli, the Lord will give counsel, in whose case, if
there has been anything sinful on our part, the Lord can correct
it. Our friends also acknowledge, that they were more lenient
than they ought to have been. But because there is not among
us that severity of discipline which ought to exist, they have
been compelled to deal more indulgently with him than they
could have wished. Especially that error hath deceived us all,
that we supposed he had been reconciled to you. For we re
ceived him on the condition that all the engagements should
remain binding by which he had been received to favour
again by you at Bonneville. If he shall return, let us take
care that our gentle treatment of him may not prove hurtful to

148 FAREL. 1540.
you. Where he is at present, I do not know that he could do
any harm, even if he would. Should he speak reproachfully of
us, he will not, as I expect, be very likely to be hearkened to.
For I am already aware that he thinks better of you than rashly
to entertain any accusation. Myself also, that I may acknow
ledge the truth, have recommended him to Bognac, but simply
on this ground, because he had repented, because he had re
turned to us, because, having acknowledged his offence, he had
sought and obtained pardon, because we hoped that he had cor
dially returned to us. Thereupon I requested that, if he did
not conduct himself otherwise than became the servant of Christ,
the estrangement which had taken place might not be pre
judicial to him. He has not come to Bognac ; therefore, he
has not availed himself of that recommendation. There, how
ever, Alexandre has been received into favour by Bobert Vallis,
in whose family you know that he was formerly. When he had
afterwards been sent hither, I wrote to Bognac that I could not
conscientiously receive him into my house, nor have anything
to do with him. He courteously excused himself, as having
sinned through ignorance, not having been aware that he [Alex
andre] had been excommunicated. He is coming here, however,
with his wife this Lent. Then I will make strict inquiry about
Caroli. What you complain of, that the sacred ministry has so
miserably dwindled away in that quarter, is too true. Where-
ever you turn your eyes, you may find innumerable causes of
lamentation. And while, of a certainty, I see no way of putting
an end to it, my courage would entirely fail me, if this single
thought did not sustain me, that whatever may happen, the
work of the Lord is never to be deserted. Notwithstanding, in
the midst of so many evils, the Lord from time to time bestows
somewhat that refreshes us./ Hermann, who disputed against
us at Geneva, besought me to appoint a day for conferring with
him. In regard to infant baptism, the human nature of Christ,
and some other points, he now acknowledges that he had fallen
grievously into error. There are some other things in which
he still hesitates. But this affords good hope, when so many
difficulties have been taken out of the way. Count John has
at length presented his boy, rather big for his age, to be bap-

1540. FAREL. 149
tized. I have long borne with his weakness, since he told me
that he thought he had good reasons for delaying. At length
he said, that he no longer cared for those whose perverseness
could by no means be worn out or subdued.
That which has been reported with you about the passage of
the Emperor, is fabulous.1 Our friends had a person there who
might keep an eye on all that was going forward. It is certain
that there was no discussion of serious matters. A day, how
ever, was fixed, in the beginning of March, when the Emperor
and the King are to meet at Amiens.2 If they can agree
together, we may well be apprehensive of their conspiring for
our destruction. Ferdinand will be present, who is already
well advanced on his journey. The rumour goes that the
Duke of Savoy,3 also, is on his journey through Italy, that he
may come into Germany by the Tyrolese Alps, and certainly
there will be little hope of recovering his rights if these two
sovereigns settle the business in his absence. Our friends have
put the Emperor in mind of his promise." Meanwhile, however,
they are as boisterous and unmanageable as if war had already
been declared. The former month they appeared too indolent.
At this present it is marvellous how stirring they are, and how
greatly excited. /Nevertheless, in the midst of such commo
tions as these, I am so much at my ease, as to have the audacity
to think of taking a wife. A certain damsel of noble rank has
been proposed to me, and with a fortune above my condition.
Two considerations deterred me from that connexion — because
she did not understand our language, and because I feared she
might be too. mindful of her family and education. Her brother,
a very devout person, urged the connexion, and on no other
account than that, blinded by his affection to me, he neglected
1 The town of Ghent having revolted, Charles V. sought pemiission from the
French King to pass through France, in order to suppress more promptly the re
volt. Francis consented, and, on the faith of his word, Charles did not hesitate to
traverse the states of his rival. His expedition was >¦ triumph. The two sove
reigns made their formal entry into Paris, January 1, 1540.
2 Amiens. The interview proposed in that town between the two monarchs did
not take place.
3 Charles, Duke of Savoy, dispossessed of the greater part of his territory by
Francis I.

150 FAREL. 1540.
his own interests. His wife also, with a like partiality, con
tended, as he did, so that I would have been prevailed upon to
submit with a good grace, unless the Lord had otherwise ap
pointed. When, thereupon, I replied that I could not engage
myself unless the maiden would undertake that she would apply
her mind to the learning of our language, she requested time
for deliberation. Thereupon, without further parley, I sent my
brother, with a certain respectable man, to escort hither another,
who, if she answers her repute, will bring a dowry large enough,
without any money at all. Indeed, she is mightily commended
by those who are acquainted with her. If it come to pass, as
we may certainly hope will be the case, the marriage cere
mony will not be delayed beyond the tenth of March.1 I
wish you might then be present, that you may bless our wed
lock. As, however, I have troubled you so much more than
I ought during the past year, I dare not insist upon it. If,
however, any one of our brethren should have a mind to visit
us, I would prefer that it were at that time, when he could
supply your place ; although, nevertheless, I make myself look
very foolish if it shall so happen that my hope again fall
through. But as I trust the Lord will be present to help me,
I express myself as though I spoke of a certainty. — To return
to public affairs. Since the Emperor has declared to our
Princes, through the Archbishop of Lunden, that he had not
given up the idea of having a Diet, that they may not be caught
unawares, they have desired that some competently learned
men of skill and judgment should be present at Smalkald, to
lay down the method of procedure. Bucer proceeds thither
before the 20th of the present month.
Adieu, much longed-for brother. May the Lord preserve
you and all the others your colleagues, whom salute most
lovingly in my name, especially Cordier, my preceptor, Tho
mas, Onerus, and Nicolas. Our friends have requested to be
kindly remembered. This letter I send you by Brito, (the
Breton,) whom I could have wished to have retained here a

'The marriage of Calvin with Idelette de Bure did not take place till the fol
lowing month of August.

1540. FAREL. 151
year longer, if I were not forced to approve his reasons. —
Yours, Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XL V.— To Farel.
Impressions of Calvin on his recall to Geneva — rigorous application of discipline
in his church — news of Germany, of France, and of England.
Strasbourg, 29th March 1540.
I have already waited so long for your letter that I may well
doubt whether I ought to wait any longer. My anxious wish
to hear from you kept alive my expectation, and shall even
yet sustain my hope for some few days ; but if at length my
hope shall give way, you will see how indignantly I have borne
this disappointment ; and your neglect is all the less to be
tolerated, because Geneva at this present time affords you
such abundant material for correspondence. Du Tailly, how
ever, has written to me, and yet I do not clearly understand
from his expressions what has been the catastrophe of this
drama. Michael, also, the printer, has communicated to me
at Blecheret, that my return thitherward might be brought
about ; but rather would I submit to death a hundred times
than to that cross, on which one had to perish daily a thousand
times over. This piece of information I have wished inciden
tally to communicate to you, that to the utmost of your power
you may set yourself to oppose the measures of those who shall
endeavour to draw me back thither. And that I may not
appear to be looking in one direction and rowing in another, I
will lay open my mind to you whenever at any time you ask
me to do so. %e are as yet in a state of suspense as to the
marriage,1 and this annoys me exceedingly, forasmuch as the
relations of that young lady of rank are so urgent that I may
take her unto myself, which, indeed, I would never think of
doing, unless the Lord had altogether demented me. But
because it is unpleasant to refuse, especially in the case of such
1 See the preceding Letter.

152 FAREL. 1540.
persons, who overwhelm me altogether with their kindness,
most earnestly do I desire to be delivered out of this difficulty.
We hope, however, that this will very shortly be the case ; and
during the next four or five days another engagement will turn
away my mind from the subject, and itself will engross all my
attention. In this place hitherto many individuals were in *the habit of
making a rash approach to the sacrament of the Supper. On
Easter-day, when I gave out the intimation that we were to
celebrate the Supper on next Lord's-day, I announced, at the
same time, that no one would be admitted to the table of the
Lord by me, who had not beforehand presented himself for
examination. The greatest difficulty will arise in correcting
that silly eagerness to press forward which has taken possession
of some Frenchmen, so that it can scarcely be driven out of
them. You are aware of those regulations that have been
made for the Academy, that the young men confining them
selves to the distinction of the student's gown must lay aside
the wearing of a sword, that they must give up their names
to the rector, and such like. Now, in order to evade these
rules they renounce entirely the profession of the belles-lettres ;
but as this bears upon it the face of manifest contumacy, I have
resolved on no account to allow it, for I would rather that the
whole of them should go away than that they should remain
at Jhe expense of discipline. Leo Juda1 lately requested
of me to allow him to publish, in German, with the addition
of my name, the first of those two Epistles which I wrote
four years ago ;2 that one, indeed, (I mean the one in which
I am made to coax and flatter the Popish bishops,) he has
pubhshed at this fair-time without the name. The answer
I gave was very friendly, but, at the same time, contained
some rather cutting admonition../ A little before that I had
written almost to the same purpose to Bullinger., If it shall
1 Minister of the Church of Zurich.
2 They are the two letters entitled : Epistolse dure, prima de fugiendis impiorum
illicitis sacris, et puritate Christianas religionis; sccunda do Christian! hominis
officio in sacerdotiis papalis ccclesiaj vel administrandis vel nbjiciendis. Genevse,
1537, in 8vo.

1540. FAREL. 153
succeed I will let you know the course I may take. Our
friends are hitherto at a standstill as to what they intend
to do. The reason of their offputting is because they have
not as yet received any certain return by way of answer
from the Emperor, who, however, begins to be much more
tractable. The meeting of the King of England with our
sovereign has somewhat tamed his arrogance, which may have
considerable influence in changing the whole of his measures.1
He made use of this sophism, that he would not bind himself
to the King by promise on any account, but that he would
inflate him with empty hopes for the future. Already the King
seemed to himself to have possession of Milan. Lately, how
ever, when the Emperor's inclination was put to proof by the
ambassador, he found that it was not easy to bring him that
length. It is said, indeed, that in everything he has given the
King his choice, provided only that he does not ask Milan.
On that account, therefore, it is that the Constable is gone to
him, and if he does not get what he seeks, we suspect that
they will be more ready to go to war than ever. Neither,
indeed, will the King of England, in such a crisis of affairs,
yield in any point, much less the admiral,2 who is now restored
to his former post of honour and favour. Before few months
are over we shall see, if I am not mistaken, a wonderful change
of scene, but, in the meanwhile, the Lord must be entreated
that in this turn of affairs he would both hasten forward the
decision and also confirm the resolution of our friends. May
the Lord keep you all in safety, continually under His pro
tection. And foremost of them all, adieu, my very excellent
and right trusty brother. Capito, Sturm, Bedrot, Claude, and
my brother, salute you. Nicolas and the others do not know
that I am writing. Calvin.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 259.]
1 This interview, which had been proposed to be held at Calais, in reference to
fresh matrimonial projects of Henry VIII., did not take place, (see Hume, cap. xxxii.,)
and after apparent hesitation on the part of the English monarch between an alli
ance with Francis I. and one with the Emperor, he turned to Charles V., sacrificing
at once the friendship of the King of France and that of the German Princes.
2 Sir William Fitz-Williams, high admiral, recently created Earl of Southampton.

154 FAREL. 154 0.

XL VI.— To Farel.
Eeconciliation of parties at Geneva — Insufficiency of the ministers of that
Church — Eolicy of Charles V. — Courageous attitude of the Protestant
Princes — Favourable news from England — Cruel persecutions in France
— Ecclesiastical discipline in the French Church at Strasbourg.
Strasbourg, Month of May 1540.
Because I promised to write you fully about every thing,
in order that my promise at least in some measure may be
fulfilled, T have set aside the whole of this day to you. You
will receive, therefore, full and weighty performance, unless
perhaps unexpectedly I shall be called away. Concerning the
state of the Church at Geneva, we can discourse more at large,
when you shall come hither. That news was indeed most
delightfully welcome, when I heard that a stop had been put,
somehow or other, to these janglings and contentions.1 For I
have always thought that no good was to be expected of that
unhappy city, so long as it laboured under that fatal malady.
I could only desire that their reconciliation may prove to be in
the Lord. For, as you say, unless Christ is the bond of our
agreement it will be cursed. Where is the advantage, then, of
union out of Christ ? since we know that all such combinations
shall be broken up by God. As for me, I do not yet see that
they have respect to the will of the Lord as they ought. Indeed,
they do not sufficiently reflect upon their past conduct, and as
they have no thought of correcting the mischief, now that a
reconciliation has been brought about among themselves, nor
show any anxiety to make their peace with God, I fear that
they will, in the long run, suffer the penalty of that kind of
security. They have, it is true, given some show of penitence,
1 The citizens of Geneva, perceiving at length that their divisions were ruinous
to their country, resolved in a General Council, assembled Feb. 1, 1540, to be at
agreement with each other, and to live in unity together. The recall of the
banished ministers put the seal to this reconciliation. — Euchat, Hist, de la Refor
mation, vol. i. p. 137.

1540. FAREL. 155
in that, after so much discord, they have returned to a good
understanding ; but they have not yet put on that disposition
which they ought to cherish. It is however something, that
they have begun to be curable, even although they be not yet
quite restored to health.
About the preachers, I cannot yet venture to decide, except
that I always find them to be much wanting. But in so far
as you consider that the publication of my reply to Sadolet,
which has been printed there, is a proof of their being nowise
evil-disposed, in that you are deceived, if others have written
me the truth. For they have declared that the preachers who
opposed it made amends, as far as lay in their power, but that
the Senate yielded against their will. And yet I do not attach
much weight to that, provided they so conduct themselves in
the discharge of duty, that they prevent every occasion of inter
ference either by me or on the part of others. For although,
in as far as regards myself, it is of no consequence whatever,
for that very reason^! do not care by whom it is that the work
of the Lord is carried forward, provided that it is well done /
but they are deceived in thinking that they can get on very well
without help, seeing that they are scarcely got half-way on their
journey, even with the aid of many helpers. As for what I
always express, that I am horrified at the mere mention of a
recall, for that you know that I have good enough reason.
Nor am I so entirely frightened by the consideration that
they so obstinately refuse you, although I confess that to me
that is the highest consideration of all. But there are many
others which it is unnecessary at present to mention, and may
better be delayed until your arrival. The farther I advance
the more distinctly do I behold out of what a whirlpool of danger
the Lord has delivered me.
The Diet of the Princes and free Cities1 came to this conclu
sion, to offer to agree to all just proposals, provided that the
Emperor would call a Synod of the whole empire. They
received an ambiguous reply. In the meantime, the Emperor
1 The meeting at Smalkald took place the 1st of March, to draw up a form of
agreement between the Eoman Catholics and the Protestants. — Sleidan, book xii.
p. 351. The meeting separated on the 13th April.

156 FAREL. 1540.
is informed by the opposite party, that they would not abate
one jot of their resolution, but would endeavour by every means
to engage others on their side. Therefore, he is trying to
devise a method by which he may satisfy both parties; and
therefore it is, that among the Papists, and among our
friends, he craftily employs the Chancellor GranveUe1 and two
Counts,2 who are to interpose as mediators, and to sound
the views of our friends, that they may be better able to
explain to the Emperor, and to obtain what is reasonable.
If you do not yet understand the artifice, our friends strove
with the utmost earnestness for the Diet which had been
promised them. On the other hand, the Papists sounded
the alarm with a continued blast of the trumpet, crying
out, that it was a very unseemly thing that the Emperor
should any longer tolerate the shufflings of our friends.
Because his plans have been hindered, seeing that he neither
dares to proceed with the war, nor is of opinion that they
can have a Synod without turning the whole of Germany
topsy-turvy, he tries to restrain the fury of the Papists, while
he says, that he wishes to keep a cautious outlook, lest by
doing anything rashly and iintowardly, they may involve
him along with themselves jn the war ; and he yields no
thing to our side. Notwithstanding that they perceived they
were merely put off by this pretence, yet they came to the
determination, that nothing on that account should be rejected
that might seem to favour the peace and tranquilhty of the
Church. They therefore drew up a joint reply to Granvelle,
from which you will understand what may be their courage.3
Since the Emperor neither understands the Latin language
nor the German, it has been thought best to send it written
in French. I send it to you, however, on this condition, that you
do not openly divulge it. Only two copies besides this which
you will receive have been copied out ; one, which will be pre-
1 The Chancellor Granvelle, father of tho celebrated Cardinal Granvelle,
minister and ambassador of Charles V.
2 They were the Earls of Thierry of Mandersheit, and William Nuenar, magni
consilii et dignitatis viri. — Sleidan, hook xii. p. 352.
3 See that answer related fully in Sleidan, book xiii. pp. 353-61.

1540. FAREL. 157
sented to the Emperor, the other, Doctor Ulrich took with him
to Soleure,that it may come to the King, through the ambassador.
I wish therefore that you may communicate it only to a few.
But I mainly beseech you, on no account to allow it to be
copied. Here, moreover, the resolution is unanimous, if they
are attacked instantly to advance forward, and not to wait,
unless their conscience keep them back; for there is not a
single individual who is not quite prepared to undergo all
hazards rather than that the free course of Christ's Evangel
be stopt, so far is it from their mind that they would suffer
anything to be taken from it. Here, at Strasbourg, the
Senate having despatched a deputy, has refused the judg
ment of tite Imperial Chamber. If they continue this system
of attempted terrorism, they will stir up great commotions.
Hitherto the controversies have hung in suspense between
the Emperor and the King. That is the reason which delays
the Emperor that he does not immediately make an onslaught
upon us. The Papists strive with all their might to relieve
him of all other business, so that he may gird himself for
attacking us. But chiefly the Duke of Brunswick, who has
brought over the Duke of Gueldres to the Emperor, that
they may treat together about that duchy. Our friends,
however, are so well satisfied with their own strength, that
they are not at all frightened by these manoeuvres. Three of
the Electors take a middle course — the Elector-Palatine, of
Cologne, and of Treves, and will rather take part with us than
suffer us to be oppressed. Two we have professedly on our
side. Frederick wished by our means to obtain some advan
tage from the King of Denmark : he could not succeed, which
the Landgrave also considered to be right. Then he is forced
to cultivate the friendship of the Emperor. You see at how
much Christ is valued where the world has taken such a hold
of the soul of man. The English Parliament is now met.1
We are informed that the spirits of all the pious are raised
1 In the intense desire of concluding an agreement with the King of England,
the German princes shewed their willingness to open a colloquy for that object, but
these conferences did not take place, and the hope of a happy reconciliation between
the churches of England and Germany was not realized  Sleidan, book xiii. p. 361.

158 FAREL. 1540.
to the highest expectation. If the Lord shall now put it into
the King's heart, the Gospel will be established in that king
dom. Until we shall have heard that there is some inclina
tion that way, we shall toil in vain with regard to Calais.1
My affairs are in the same state in which they were before.
Our messenger will be here before the end of the week unless
he has deceived us. Therefore I have detained James with
me, so if anything happen he can let you know in time.
Although (as he had already determined) I shall not longer
delay his setting out. I will, therefore, despatch him after
Whitsuntide. He had himself intended to start off three days
earher. As to what you ask me about the Letter of Viret?, I can tell
you nothing but this, that it has always appeared to Capito,
that Viret and all of you prosecuted this cause in a more
sour and peevish spirit than was right, or at all events, with
greater scrupulosity and excess of niceness. They have always
promised that they would not combine together to open up an
entrance to him in that quarter, but that they would rather
throw every obstacle in his path in order to shut up the way.
But he was not in the least offended. '!£ you will take my
advice, let us delay on both sides to decide about that affair.
Therefore, I have suppressed the letter of the Count which you
lately sent, that it may not give any offence. For it was so
worded, that it could not be at all acceptable ; and also, that I
may cut off every handle for strife, I shall make no reply, f
I am struck with horror when I hear with what cruelty
the godly are persecuted in France, at this time, more espe
cially, when we can bring them no help, nor do I doubt
that it is the best who will be most endangered. For the
more any one is right-hearted, and preaches Christ with
greater boldness and constancy of spirit, for that very rea
son he can all the less be tolerated by Satan. Yet some
how it now and then happens that the Lord does pre
serve in safety some of the excellent ones, while others are
1 Without doubt on the subject of the free proclamation of the Gospel in that
town, then subject to England. It was not restored to France till 1558, by Francis
of Lorraine, Duke of Guise.

1540. FAREL. 159
hurried off to the stake. A fellow-countryman to James,
who was burnt at Sedan or Melun, was here last year, and
had requested of me a letter of exhortation to the brethren of
that district. I was given to understand for certain, after
wards, that he had been infested with the errors of the Ana
baptists, and had been raving worst of all on that head. It
has, therefore, grieved me since, that I had opened for him a
pathway by my letter to many good people. I am afraid lest by
his death the Gospel shall have been rather set on fire than
promoted. That I now mention I have not from uncertain
rumour, but from his relations. The person whose sister he mar
ried makes no secret of what sort of person he was. As for the
death of Michael, the statements of one who had been pre
sent at the scene of the execution did not fully agree with
your letter. In truth, I think that this rule ought to be ob
served by us, that even when we feel that we can both speak
and think the best concerning those who have suffered for the
Gospel, that we ought to be on our guard against overdoing,
where it does not clearly appear how the persons conducted
themselves during life as well as in death.
I am glad that Gaspar1 has been provided for. He is, indeed,
worthy of it ; and I hope he will have the charge of the school.
Toussain2 has requested to have three or four ministers from me,
if I had here such as I could recommend who were qualified for
ruling in the churches. He expressly sought to have James,
but he rather preferred to reserve himself for you.
What may be the nature of that jurisdiction of Count Wil
liam3 I have not yet been able by frequent inquiry to ascertain.
When you come hither you will perhaps be better able to
inform us. We can also exchange thoughts together about
all those matters to which you think that some remedy ought
to be applied. If I supposed that Cordier was deliberating
whether it may not be expedient to return to Bordeaux,
1 Gaspar, called Cormel, minister of Neuchatel.
* Peter Toussain, late canon of Metz and almoner to the Queen of Navarre. He
was at this time minister of the Church of Montbeliard, which he administered till
an advanced old age.
L s William du Bellay, Viceroy of Piedmont.

160 FAREL. 1540.
I would willingly declare what I feel, only I do not think he is
so great a blockhead as to set consultations agoing on any such
question. I will tell you, viva voce, why we ought not to write to
these French bishops. I return many thanks to the brethren for
having received my advice with so good a grace. As, however,
there is some risk that others may take it amiss that you had
begun, that affair can be delayed for a httle while longer, and
I am not sorry for it.
I do not wonder that examination of ours about which I wrote
to you has made the worthy brother hesitate ; nor is it anything
new that the well-disposed should dread lest we fall back into
some superstition or other whenever they hear that we appoint
anything which has the slightest affinity or similarity with Popish
absurdities. Yet, while I have no wish to drive that zeal of watch
fulness out of them, (for in this respect we cannot be more earnest
than is right,) on the other hand, I could have wished that they
were a httle more careful in distinguishing the wheat from the
chaff and rubbish. I have often declared to you that it did
not appear to me to be expedient that confession should be
abolished in the Churches, unless that which I have lately
taught be substituted in the place of it. In order that I may
the better explain to you my method, let me first of all state the
real nature of the case. When the day of the sacrament of
the Supper draws nigh, I give notice from the pulpit that those
who are desirous to communicate must first of all let me know,
at the same time I add for what purpose, that it is in order
that those who are as yet uninstructed and inexperienced in
religion may be better trained ; besides, that those who need
special admonition may hear it ; and lastly, that if there are
any persons who may be suffering under trouble of mind they
may receive consolation. But what we have most to guard
against is this, lest the common people, who do not sufficiently
distinguish between the kingdom of Christ and the tyranny of
Antichrist, may think themselves to be brought back under a
new servitude. I endeavour, therefore, to dispel any such ap
prehension. I not only bear witness that I disapprove of the
Popish confession, but openly and plainly set forth the reasons
why I object to it ; then, in general, I declare that not only

1540. FAREL. 161
are those superstitions in which the Church was involved to be
abhorred, but that no law of practice is to be brought in, which
may bind the conscience in its snares ; for that Christ is the
only legislator to whom we owe obedience. After that, I teach,
that this in no way derogates from our Christian liberty, since
I enjoin nothing whatever that Christ himself has not ap
pointed. What shameless effrontery would it be for any one
not even to condescend to avouch his faith in the face of the
Church with whom he sought communion, and how wretched
would he the state and condition of the Church if she could be
compelled to receive to the partaking in so great a mystery,
those of whom she is altogether ignorant, or, perhaps, regards
with suspicion. And, to say nothing about the Church, how
shall the minister himself to whom the dispensation of this
grace is committed, on condition that he may not cast it before
dogs and swine, that he must not pour it out to the worthy and
the unworthy without any distinction, discharge this onerous
duty, unless he proceeds upon some fixed and certain method for
separating the worthy from the unworthy communicants ? It
were mere trifling, however, to insist farther upon these mat
ters with you ; time, moreover, would fail me, for what I was
afraid of has happened, that I would frequently be interrupted
while writing. Last of all, I maintain the necessity and ad
vantage of this course of proceeding, which you wiU, as thus
explained by me, report as my reply to the good man. The
three young noblemen whom you had so hospitably enter
tained commend your hberahty all the more that you excuse
yourself so anxiously for having done less than you wished
to do. More than that, they think they see that in this
way you extenuate your kindness towards them. Capito,
Bucer, Sturm, Bedrot, Claude, all the Frenchmen, desire to be
remembered in the most friendly manner ; there is not one of
them who does not most eagerly look for your arrival, not less
on my account than that they may get a sight of you, for
as they love both, they think of both. Nicolas and Henry are
closely pursuing their studies ; Nicolas, especially, is quite
absorbed. James is staying with me for these few days before
he leaves. Every one of these also reverently salute you along
VOL. I. L

162 PETER VIRET. 1540.
with my brother. In return will you greet the brethren very
respectfully for me, and tell them from myself that they do
truly hold a place in my remembrance. My preceptor Cor
dier, and Michael, will excuse, or, at least, pardon, that they
do not receive any letters from me. Adieu, my most amiable
brother. Do not forget to remember me to your family. —
Ever yours, Calvin.
This messenger is a trustworthy person, and therefore I
have requested him to go straight to you.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XL VII.— To Peter Viret.
Excuses for his silence — sad news from France — repugnance of Calvin to
return to Geneva — his comparative estimate of Capito, Zuingli, Luther,
and GUcolampadius. Strasbourg, 19th May 1540.
At length somewhat has been gained by my expostulation,
for I have in some measure broken that unkind silence of so
many months ; but I do not take it so well, that when you
ought plainly to have sought pardon, you chose rather to make
a return in kind ; for you make out that we are equally to blame
except in this one point, that when both had come short in
duty, I seized the opportunity and was the first to write. You
thought, forsooth, to get out of the scrape in this way, as if in
the meanwhile I had not written a hundred times to Farel, on
condition that he would communicate with you, during which
period I neither received a single letter from you, nor did you
send even a salutation, except that which you once wrote at
the end of a letter to Bucer. Therefore, true it is and of verity,
that I cannot acquit you until you shall have approved your
diligence for the future, on condition that if, as you are wont,
you begin to grow slack in your correspondence, I shall be
entitled to lay a double fine upon you. But that I may not
appear to press too severely, I do hereby freely remit whatever
there is of failure on your part, provided, for the future, you

1540. PETER VIRET. 163
both perform your own share of duty, and pardon me if, perhaps,
I shall have become too negligent.
Your letter was a very sad one to me, and all the more so
because I can well imagine that cruel butchery to boil over
without measure, as always happens whenever it has once burst
forth, and there is no way of putting a stop to it. I wrote,
however, to Farel, under the apprehension that what so long
kept us in suspense would at length come to pass. Wherefore,
unless the Lord open up some new outlet, there is no other
way of helping our unhappy brethren than by our prayers and
exhortations, which are, besides, so dangerous to their hves,
that it is more discreet to abstain. The only remedy which
almost alone remains, therefore, seems to be, that we commit
their safety to the Lord.1
I read that passage of your letter, certainly not without a
smile, where you shew so much concern about my health, and
recommend Geneva on that ground. Why could you not have.
said at the cross? for it would have been far preferable to
perish once for all than to be tormented again in that place
of torture. Therefore, my dear Viret, if you wish well to me,
make no mention of such a proposal. It was, however, most
agreeable to me to understand that the brothers La Fontaines
were so anxious concerning my safety, and that you also had
turned your mind to it ; for, indeed, I can scarcely persuade
myself that I am worth so much trouble. It is impossible
for me, however, not to be rejoiced by that kindness of good
men towards me.
1 While he sought the alliance of the Protestant princes of Germany, Francis I.
persecuted the Protestants in his own dominions with an extreme rigour, under the
odious designation of Sacramentaries. The year 1540 witnessed numerous burnings
at the stake, in the provinces of Dauphiny, Vivarais, at Paris, and in the valleys of
Provence. There dwelt for many centuries a pastoral population, which was only
known to the world by simplicity of manners and the purity of its faith. De Thou,
liv. v. c. 7 ; Histoire des Martyrs, liv. iii. pp. 133-146. The Vaudois of Cabrieres and
Merindol, hated by the Eoman Catholic clergy on account of their being estranged
from the superstitions of the time, were devoted to death by the1 fanatical fury of
the parliament of Aix. The arret, which condemned in the mass an innocent and
inoffensive people to extermination^ was dated 18th November 1540. The inter
cession of the Senate of Strasbourg, of the Swiss Cantons, and of the German
princes, suspended the execution of it until the year 1545.

164 PETER VIRET. 1540.
Capito, in his lectures, has some things which may be of
much use to you in the illustration of Isaiah. But as he does
not dictate any part to his hearers, and has not yet reached
beyond the fourteenth chapter, his assistance cannot at present
much help you. Zuingli, although he is not wanting in a fit
and ready exposition, yet, because he takes too much hberty, often
wanders far from the meaning of the Prophet. Luther is not
so particular as to propriety of expression or the historical
accuracy; he is satisfied when he can draw from it some fruitful
doctrine. No one, as I think, has hitherto more dihgently
applied himself to this pursuit than CEcolampadius, who has
not always, however, reached the full scope or meaning. It is
true that you may now and then find the need of having
appliances at hand, nevertheless I feel confident -that the Lord
has not deserted you.
About our affairs I do not write, in order that there may be
more material for writing to Farel. All here greet you in the
most friendly manner, Capito, Bucer, Matthias, Sturm, Bedrot.
Hedio I have not seen since your letter was delivered to me.
In return, on my part, salute Conrad, Corneille, James,
Isnard, and the others ; your aunt also, and your wife, whom,
one and all, I wish to see.
The mention of Conrad, which had occurred to me, brings
to mind that Gaspar, who lived with him for some time, was
lately here, and has complained much to Sturm that I had
defamed him in an offensive manner among good people, at
the instigation of Gryn6e. He said nought about it to me, and
merely saluted when he left my lecture. I wished you to know
this, that in future you may be more on your guard. Adieu,
most excellent and kind brother. — Yours, Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

1540. FAREL. 165

XL VIII.— To Farel.
Preparations for the Assembly of Haguenau — symptoms of misunderstanding
between Charles V. and Francis I. — severe judgment of Henry VIII.
— evils produced in the Church by the absence of discipline — various
details. Strasbourg, 21st June 1540.
After Ferdinand waited about twelve days at Haguenau1 for
the princes, a few of them came who either have the wish to
reform matters, or to prove their submission to the Emperor.
From among the Electors, he could not succeed in drawing
forth a single one except the Elector-Palatine. He of Mayence,
as I hear, excused himself more than once, that is, he stoutly
refused. The Electors of Cologne and Treves stood in doubt.
The Elector of Saxony wished to have it distinctly understood,
that his coming should not prejudice the protest which he had
put in at the election of the King. He sent letters, how
ever, to the Emperor, in common with the Landgrave, in
which both together signified, that they saw no other way of
pacification that could be gone into than that which had been
set forth at Frankfort. Therefore, if for that purpose the Em
peror summons a free diet of the empire, that they would willingly
attend ; that at present they had scarcely time enough allowed
them to announce it to their allies ; that they had no other
alternative than to send their ambassador with a few theologians,
that they might not appear in any way to disparage the attempt;
that they, on behalf of the theologians and the deputies, and
the messengers, whoever they might be, sought the pubhc pro
tection, that they might receive no injury. To-day the deputies
have set out ; when Philip [Melanchthon] arrives the theolo
gians will also follow. Blaurer2 has already arrived ; others are
daily expected. The Zurichers and those of Berne were invited,
1 A meeting was convocated for the month of July 1540, in the town of Haguenau,
in order to prepare matters for a general conference between the Eoman Catholic
and reformed theologians. See following letter.
a Ambroise Blaurer, minister and reformer of the town of Constance.

166 farel. ;1540.
but they sent back word that they would not come. This I
mention, that you may not suppose that we omitted any part of
our duty. It was written expressly to those of Basle not to send
Carlostad.1 The opposite faction are at. present consulting by
what kind of debate, or on what point to attack us. Our friends
will shew that they are prepared for a friendly compromise,
provided that no part of the truth be departed from. The
Emperor will not be left so completely at his ease by our King
as to be able to concentrate his forces against our side. As yet
the state of war has not commenced, but the seeds begin to
spring up ; and that friend of ours is seeking those means of
defence which, while he was in terms of friendship with his
brother, he despised, and would yet continue to despise if things
had remained the same. Baisius,2 who discharges the office of
envoy at the conference, has come hither to sound the depth of
the ford, and to see what can be accomplished, as many conjec
ture. It can scarce be otherwise but that great movements may
take place before many months are past. Our friends hope to
obtain some advantage, since they perceive our king to be so
very unhkely to give any assistance to the Emperor. The
King of England is not represented here. I have no doubt,
however, that he may be attempting somewhat elsewhere. In
the cause of the Lord he does not deal very favourably of late ;
three men of the commonalty have been burnt, because they
had ventured to express themselves on the subject of the
. Eucharist in other terms than the royal proclamation tolerated.
But that which is worst of all is, that while he tries to arrogate
to himself the sole authority, and without being scrupulous as
to the means, he tolerates nothing which has not the sanction
of his own authority. Thus it will come to pass that Christ shall
avail them nothing except by the King's permission. The Lord
will avenge this arrogance by some remarkable punishment.
The address of the princes I desire, with good reason, may still
1 Carolstad, the friend, and, at a later period, the hot-headed adversary of Luther.
At this time he had retired to Basle, where he was settled as minister of St.
Peter's. He died in 1541.
2 Lazarus Baisius, a distinguished and learned man, ambassador of the French
king at the Diet of Haguenau.

1540. FAREL. 167
be kept secret by you. We may shortly have a more convenient
season when it can be brought to Hght, or at all events may be
imparted to those who have an interest. Lately, in the same
way, you have done me much mischief. For you cannot be
lieve how much ill-will Erasmus has kindled against me in
that very shallow publication of his, where he says, that a book
was printed at Strasbourg, in which both Luther and the Stras-
burghers were treated with distinction, and that Luther, never
theless, had sent him a kindly salutation, &c. . . . while he
thus goes a-begging in all directions in order to procure adher
ents to his cause, he implicates along with himself others who
do not deserve to be mixed up with the affair. And, really, I
have very good reason to find fault with you, who have suffered
a familiar and confidential letter to get abroad — which ought to
have been kept close in your own bosom — and to fly away as far
as Berne. Now I come to your letter. I could not take it ill
that the bearer of my letter should be despatched by you with
out a reply, when he told me that you were engaged in a work
of so great necessity. It is something, however, that you really
do excuse yourself, provided that you understand that I am satis
fied on the condition, that in future you may be more careful.
Nor shall I be very easily appeased if you omit or trifle with
me at any time. I had not properly understood that Francis
had been dismissed, according to your former letter, on account
of misconduct. I was rather inclined to be of opinion, that
some fair pretence was sought for. At present, in so far as can
be surmised from your expressions, I perceive that he is charged
with that crime which I was certainly persuaded he abhors with
his whole soul. I sometimes wish, however, that. we could
have you here, where Capito and Bucer might hear all these
things from your own mouth. For Bucer seemed not very
patiently to hear what I say ; but I fear that if you intend to
be with me on a certain event taking place, that you may have
come too late. I have not yet found a wife, and frequently
hesitate as to whether I ought any more to seek one. Claude
and my brother had lately betrothed me to a demoiselle. Three
days after they had returned,, some things were told me which
forced me to send away my brother, that he might discharge

168 FAREL. 1540.
us from that obligation. As yet, it is not very evident to me
what the matter is about which the Genevese are either making
a disturbance among themselves, or are disquieted by those of
Berne. I foresee, however, that it will have the very worst con
sequences, unless the Lord comes to their help by some won
derful method of deliverance. You know, I beheve, what
Marcourt wrote in that letter which was dehVered to me along
with yours. He avers solemnly that it never entered his mind
to say that the. epistle of Sadolet had been tampered with, and,
therefore, earnestly requests that I may not aUow this impression
to settle upon my mind. I shall so reply as that it may appear
that I by no means seek for causes of complaint, and that there is
nothing in which I take less delight than in strifes and variance.
I will take an opportunity of inquiring whether the Count is
possessed of those territories in Burgundy which you have men
tioned. In France, he certainly has nothing left. There you
labour in vain about Pont de Veyle1 and other places. If war
shall take place, I know not whether it will be restored. I
cannot enough- express my astonishment where or when Cres-
sonniere could have dreamed what he related to Guerin about
my recantation, nor do I know what to say to it, unless either
that he must have been drunk or out of his wits when he gave
utterance to such an absurdity. To Guerin himself, who I see
is somewhat disturbed about it, I will write satisfactorily by
the first opportunity. Nicolas and Henry have excellent appe
tites ; therefore, unless you make haste to come yourself, you
must think of some way of sending them money. The case
of our excellent friend Zebedee,2 or rather the state of our own
Church, where at present there is no discipline, grieves me be
yond measure. Some method must be fallen upon by which
we may restrain these furies from such an unwarrantable inter
ference. Since, however, for the present we have nothing better,
I advise that what he spoke about the very prevalent ignorance
of Christ, he may confirm by the testimony of such persons whose
1 Pont de Veyle, a small town of the Bresse, handed over at that time by the
King of France to the Duke of Savoy.
2 Andrew Zebedee, minister at Orbe, deposed by the Senate of Berne for having
set himself in opposition, on some points, to the theology of Bucer.

1540. MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. 169
authority will have weight at Berne. Among the ancients he
has many supporters ; but he cannot do a greater despite unto
his opponents, than when he puts forward Luther, Bucer, Brentz,
and others, as authority. Above all, it is important that it be
demonstrated how impertinent and unbecoming it is that a
handful of unlearned and inexperienced men, in a dark corner
of the land, should dare to accuse of heresy men who are actu
ally of the highest distinction and authority in the Church ; and
it will be well to write to Konzen, and to assure him of the
odium which he will inevitably draw down upon himself if the
eminent persons above named shall come to know how and
with what impunity their writings are cut and carved on.
Take my word for it, he will kindle a fire about the ears of
these rascals which shall not easily be extinguished, if he only
applies himself to it with the talent which he possesses.
Adieu, my sound-hearted brother ; for indeed I am obliged
here to break off my discourse, since I have been too late in
rising up. Will you remember me in the most friendly way
to all the brethren — Chaponneau, Cordier, Thomas, Michael,
Fatin, and the others. Blessed be the Lord, who was present
in His strength for the subduing of that beast which had lifted
up the horn against His glory. Salute also, for me, your
brother Walter, with his wife. The Lord have you in His
safe keeping. All our friends salute you. — Yours, Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XLIX. — To Monsieur du Tailly.1
Eeview of the Conferences of Haguenau — the state of parties in Germany.
Strasbourg, 28th July 1540.
Monsieur du Tailly, — Owing to my having put off writing
to you my last letters until that we should have more certain
1 M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had taken refuge at Geneva, a de
clared partisan of the Eeformation and of Calvin, whose return he pressingly urged,

170 monsieur du tailly. '", 1540.
news of the Assembly of Haguenau to send you, I was unwill
ing to let this bearer depart without a letter, albeit the matter
has not yet been brought to a conclusion. I shall, therefore,
briefly report progress up to this present time. You are aware
that King Ferdinand had summoned the princes of his party
some time before those of our side, for the purpose of taking
counsel with them as to the quarter in which it would be most
advisable to attack us. After having held their consult, they
have given it as their opinion to elect four suitable arbiters, to
hear the controverted points on the one side and on the other,
with the view of arriving at some settled determination. The
commissioners were the Count Palatine, the Bishop of Treves,
both electors ; the Duke of Bavaria, and the Bishop of Stras
bourg. Not one of our princes has yet appeared, for that they
have been summoned on too short an intimation, and to that
effect have excused themselves to the Emperor ; but they have
despatched with a safe conduct their ambassadors and coun
cillors, along with learned men, to make all the needful
arrangements. These same persons, although they might by
rights have refused those whom they had presented to them as
arbiters, or at least a part, they have nevertheless agreed to
as the following letter, taken from the MSS. of the Company of Neuchatel, suffi
ciently attests : — Monsieur du Tailly to Farel.
Very dear Brother, — At the suasion of the most of the good brethren hereaway,
I have written to our good brother Calvin that there is a need of him to come to
the help of his brethren of Geneva, without taking any heed to the injury. which
had been done to Jesus Christ in chasing him away, but that he will have to con
sider the desolation in which they are, and his own bounden duty ; wherefore I
have written to him to let me know his mind, before that they send away a depu
tation to him. I shall, besides, entreat of you on your part, that you do charge and
persuade him what he ought to do. I say no more to you. Tour letter has been
very well taken by those hereabout, and I believe that it will greatly profit them,
and they hold themselves specially bounden to you for having mind of them in their
time of need, and by that shewing evidently that you are a true pastor, not of those
who leave them exposed to danger. For the rest, the Lord has done his pleasure
as concerning Sir Michel Balthazar. It is a great loss for the town so far as man
can see. .Nevertheless, His will must be done, and none other. May the Lord
enable you to persevere as you have begun. — To the uttermost, your friend and
brother, Du Tailly.
From Geneva, this 3d October 1540.

1540. MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. 171
accept them, so as to let them understand that they did not
wish on' any account whatever to draw back But it has come
to pass; as indeed we always thought it would. Whenever
there has been some stir about making a beginning, Messieurs
the arbiters, not knowing where to commence, have asked our
folk what they had to say. To which they have returned for
answer, that they required, in terms of the Confession presented
at Augsbourg, the Churches might be reformed, offering, on
their part, to clear up any difficulties which might he in the
way, and to explain more fully whatever might be obscure.
Thereupon, Nausea1 advised Ferdinand to yield to us at once
the marriage of the clergy and the communion in both kinds ;
as to other matters in dispute, that it was not lawful to enter
upon them without the leave of our holy father the Pope. That
also met with the entire approval of Faber,2 of Cochheus,3 and
their companions. So, in conclusion, answer is made by Fer
dinand, and by those who were of a hke mind with himself, that
it depends on our princes, and it is their fault if no good method
of agreement were fallen upon ; that for his part, he was there
to deliberate in friendly conference for that end, but that they
had not deigned to give him a meeting. That notwithstanding
all that, the Emperor will not oppose the assembling of another
diet, in which the points in dispute may be discussed on both
sides, but under such conditions that, after each debate, the
definite decision must be referred to his Majesty [the Emperor]
and his Holiness the Pope. That, in the meanwhile, our folk
must not be strengthening themselves by new alliances, nor
entice away any one to receive their religion, while, at the same
time, the confederate alliances entered upon since the Assembly
of Nuremberg4 must be annulled.
1 Frederic Nausea, theologian, known by some writings of a controversial kind
against the Lutherans.
2 John Faber, Vicar-General of the Church of Constance, a renowned theologian
of the Eoman Catholic Church. In recompense of his zeal in opposing the Pro
testants, he obtained the Bishopric of Vienna.
9 John Cochlseus of Nuremberg, one of the principal opponents and detractors of
Luther, against whom he displayed more anger than skill in his warfare. He
appeared at the Conferences of Worms and of Eatisbon, in 1541, and died in 1552.
We have, of his writing, the " Libri duo Hussitarum Historice," Moguntise, 1549.
4 The princes of the Empire, met at Nuremberg in 1524, had drawn up a list of

172 MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. 1540.
As to that objection, that our princes have hindered the pro
gress of the treaty, it has been easy enough to meet it with a
sufficient reply, for there was no need for their being present in
person, when they sent their doctors and their councillors with
full power. Moreover, they had promised to come if they saw
that a settlement was contemplated in good earnest. As for the
conference, that they received very willingly, but the whole of
the conditions they utterly rejected as unbearable, not to say
ridiculous ; for it is the very reverse of what the Emperor had
promised at Frankfort.
The intention of our opponents has been to extend their league
and to contract ours ; but we hope that God will order and
dispose our lot far otherwise. However that may turn out,
those of our side seek to advance and to extend the kingdom
of Christ as much as possible, and hold on their course with
inflexible resolution. We know not at present what the Lord
will be pleased in His providence to send. There is one section
of our adversaries who cry loudly for war. The Emperor is so
embarrassed, that he dare not undertake it. The Pope, for his
part, in good earnest is quite ready to set his hand to it, for he
has made offer, by his ambassador, of three hundred thousand
ducats to begin with. If all those who as yet have not received
our religion would only agree among themselves to attack us, the
Emperor would make no difficulty in lending his name, were it for
no other motive than to break the strength of Germany, so that
he might tame them all the more at his ease ; but he has one
great let and hindrance in his way, and that is, that the whole"
of the electors are of one mind as to this, that it is desirable to
quench these civil broils without having recourse to arms. The
Duke of Saxony and the Marquis of Brandenbourg are confede
rate with us. Thus they have no choice but to follow out the
cause they have taken up. The Archbishop of Cologne is no
less to be counted on, for he goes so far as to admit that the
Church needs to be reformed, and sees well enough that we
the abuses of the Court of Eome, proclaimed the necessity of a Eeformation, and
appealed to a general council, interdicting, at the same time, the publication of any
opinion contrary to the dogmas of the Church, previous to the convocation of that
assembly.

1540, MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. 173
have truth on our side. The Count Palatine, also, is very
desirous to have some reformation, which, he cannot expect to
see accomplished by any other than peaceful means. Mentz
and Treves love the peace and liberty of the country, which
they fear might be sacrificed should the Emperor have sub
dued us. These considerations induced them to resist any other
course of proceeding against us but that of a peaceable confer
ence, such as we have called for. The King of France lends
no assistance, except on the condition that their proceedings
are regulated by Christian feehng. His ambassador is Baysius,
who knows nothing at all about the matter in dispute. Not
withstanding, he receives us kindly enough when we go to call
for him, and has thought right to call here before returning
to his lodging.
All the learned folks who have come hither on our behalf
are well agreed with one another. Seeing that our opponents
do nought but amuse themselves, they have thought good to
consult apart how they might set up some sort of discipline in
the Church ; but as they could not come to any conclusion
without communicating with the absent, as with Luther, Philip,
and others, and far less carry their plan into execution without
the consent of the princes, they have only got so far as that
each has promised for himself to use his endeavour with the
princes and towns to assemble a meeting of our friends in
order to attend to that. It will be the most important affair
which we shall have to deal with at present.
Melanchthon is not yet come hither, by reason of some sudden
illness, and also because, perhaps, he thought that there was no
need to be in any immediate hurry to come. For my part, my
only object was recreation, as also that of Capito.
Your brother and good friend,
John Calvin.
[Fr. Copy — Archives of Geneva. No. 1250.]

174 PETER CAROLI. 1540.

L. — To Peter Caroli.1
Answer to the complaints of Caroli — refuses to grant to him the professorial
chair unless he repents of his past offences.
Strasbourg, 10th August 1540.
Grace to you and peace from the Lord, whose Spirit can give
sound advice to you and a right will, and also to us.
I would rather have preferred that you had come hither to
confer with us about reconciliation face to face, than that you
should have tried it by writing, and especially such a letter as
yours. You are very anxious to shew that you did not excite
disturbance in the Church without good reason: as if indeed
any honest cause could ever be advanced for disturbing the peace
of the Church. Suppose we grant that the brethren did not
treat you with that kindly consideration which they ought, —
was it therefore right or becoming on that account, immedi
ately, in the way you have done, to make so much noise about
it ? Will you assert that it was the Spirit of God that im
pelled you to challenge every one to the contest ? I do not
say these things for the sake of reproaching you : I wish that
you had suffered me to remain entirely silent. But when you
league in an alliance with Satan all those who at least, in your
own opinion, have not conducted themselves with such fairness
towards you as they ought, you would justly reckon us stupid
indeed, if you think that such an imputation can pass over in
silence. You say that you were struck with indignation to such
a degree as to reproach both myself and Farel, because we had
been the occasion, by our letters, why the brethren at Neuchatel
would not receive you. In the first place, that has either been
concocted by yourself, or falsely reported to you ; for it never
1 Eepulsed at the same time in the requests which he had addressed to the
Church of Neuchatel and to that of Strasbourg, Caroli had retired to Metz, from
whence he wrote a letter to Calvin full of bravado and reproach, offering to be re
conciled with him and Farel if they would procure him a benefice. The reply of
Calvin, equally remarkable for power as well as charity, is a testimony of the
moderation and of the wisdom of the writer.

1540. peter caroli. 175
entered into my mind so to write to the brethren at Neuchatel.
In Farel's letters, so far as 1 hear, (for I have nought but hear
say,) Michael was far more severely dealt with than you were.
As, therefore, I had never done you an injury, either by word
or deed, when I had not pricked you with even the shghtest
puncture of offence, what sort of kindness was it to tear me to
pieces in such a savage manner ? If indeed I had stood in
your way in any matter of private interest or advancement,
even then how inconsistent would such conduct have been in
the case of any Christian man, to be so inflamed with the desire
of revenge, as that he should break forth into such a disorderly
course of proceeding ? Since I had always formerly been a
brother to you without any distrust, how has it happened that
all at once I should have become a heretic in your estimation,
with whom you abhorred to have communion ? Is not this
knowingly to take the most sacred name of God in vain?
You say that you had no other alternative but to proclaim us
to be irreconcilable, (for this is your expression ;) but consider,
I beseech you, with yourself for a little, how ridiculous you
make yourself, when it is clear you have sounded a blast of the
trumpet in the midst of peace. But grant that on our part we
have given you cause, what meaning do you attach to the ex
pression you make use of ? Most certainly he is to be consi
dered irreconcilable, whom, when you have endeavoured, by every
method in your power, to appease, you cannot, however, succeed
in any measure or degree to content or satisfy. When have you
ever found such fractious and obstinate inflexibility in us ? You
have nothing against me that you can complain of, while, on
the other hand, I have most just cause why I may expostulate
with you, not to speak of anything more severe. Neither have
I ever entertained thoughts of revenge, so far have I been from
planning any mischief against you. As for Farel, I would de
sire to know what injury he can have done you ? He wrote,
requesting that no one might be admitted to the office and
work of the ministry who had deserted the churches committed
to his superintendence. Ought he not to have done so ? Nor
is the breach of solemn obligation in any degree less, when a
minister forsakes the church which he had once bound himself

176 peter caroli. ' 1540.
by vow to take charge of, than if a father were to cast off his
sons. But you will say, that he included you in that number,
while you were entirely free from any such imputation. If
you will read over his letter, you will discover that it is
otherwise. For he required nothing more of the brethren
than that they should diligently inquire; if on that inquiry
having been made you were assoilzied, was not that what
you ought to have desired ? You went to Metz ; — how very
unsuitable was it for you to boast among the adversaries
of Christ that you had come prepared and ready to convict
us of heresy? And, notwithstanding, in the meanwhile,
you would maintain for yourself that boast, that you are at
tempting nothing against the Gospel. But what kind of
proof do you give us of this ? If any one professedly wages
war with the servant of Christ, and throws all sort of obstacles
"in his way, how can such a one promote the kingdom of
Christ ? You can scarcely say that such a man is on the side
of the Gospel at all. Look to it, brother, again and again,
whither you are going. We have a ministry in nowise sepa
rated from Christ: if you doubt it, we have the sufficiently
sure and faithful testimony of conscience. You may flatter
yourself as you will, you shall at length feel that by attacking
us you are kicking against the pricks. In the meanwhile, what
harm can you do to us ? You will call us heretics. Where
fore ? Among those, forsooth, who reckon you yourself to be a
heretic, although for the present they apply your slander to a
different purpose from what was intended. Among truly pious
and learned men, I am not at all afraid of your being able to
do me any harm by your detraction. All these things have a
tendency in that direction, and so I wish them to be understood
by you, that you may realize before God the course upon which
you have entered, and do not think of defending yourself by
the undeserved condemning of other persons, which not only is
without the slightest foundation, but wants even a decent pre
text. If I shall have so far succeeded, that is enough, I am
satisfied. But I would not have you to lay aside hope and
courage. For if you shall manifest to us the true and solid
evidences of an upright heart, we are ready prepared immedi-

1540. PETER CAROLI. 177
ately to return in perfectly good faith to terms of mutual
benevolence and good-will with you, to forget all the past, to
forgive, and to blot them entirely from the memory. I wish
that you could look within my breast; for there is nothing
I am more desirous of than first of all to reconcile you to
God, that there may then he a firm and lasting agreement
between us. But take my word for it, you will never use
fully serve the Lord, unless you lay aside that supercilious
ness and bitterness of reproach. Therefore, if you wish to
be reconciled to us, we are prepared to embrace you as
a brother; nor shall you find us wanting in any friendly
offices, so far as lies in our power. But with reference to that
paction or agreement which you require of us, how is it possible
for us to assent to it ? That we may promise to settle you in
a particular church, — how can we do so ? In the first place, the
churches are not at our disposal, as you are well aware ; then,
with what conscience could we promise that to you, before we
are distinctly agreed upon the head of doctrine ? You do not
conceal that you still dissent from us ; and yet you wish that a
particular locality should be set apart for you to teach in.
Weigh considerately with yourself how far that would be
seemly. You would be well entitled to esteem us worse than
blockheads were we to comply with you. That I may at
length bring this matter to a conclusion, I beg of you, that
with a calm and composed mind you may attentively consider
this whole affair ; that you would also ponder and well weigh
this letter in no other balance than that of a judgment entirely
devoid of anger. You will acknowledge, that certainly nothing
can be better than to turn away from a course of conduct
entered upon at first in the spirit of malice. If you will make
trial of us, I undertake that no duty of friendship shall be
wanting on my part towards you: this Farel also in earnest
promises for himself. But do you also be mindful of that
charity which you exact with so much severity, and give some
evidence that it regulates your own conduct towards others.
If you consider me more harsh than I ought to be, bethink
yourself what your letter deserves ; although I have in nowise
had regard to that, but only that I might he of service to you,
VOL. I. M

178 VIRET. 1540.
which I did not see how to accomplish unless I could bring
you to the acknowledgment of your sin. Adieu, my very dear
brother in the Lord, if you will only suffer me to love you and
to esteem you as a brother. May Christ the Lord guide you
by the Spirit of counsel and prudence, so that you may quickly
extricate yourself from among those dangerous rocks upon
which you have been driven, and steer you from among the
breakers safely into port. Farel desires to salute you, and
wishes that you may seriously turn to the Lord, and then you
will be prepared to return to that friendship and brotherly
agreement with us with which He himself is ready to embrace
you. — Cordially your friend, Calvin.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 29.]

LL— To Viret.
Deputations sent to France and into England — the Edict of Fontainbleau.
Strasbourg, 8th October 1540.
When your letter arrived the second post had already been
despatched-to our princes, by which our friends asked for that
embassy about which they had formerly treated. Next, that
another also be sent to the King of England, who keeps two
of the bishops1 and many of the brethren detained in prison,
because they have refused to sign his insane decrees. You need
not entertain any doubt, my dear Viret, that our Senate lays
the matter thoroughly to heart. I speak not of my own
anxiety and that of our friends, whose care, however, of the
worthy brethren affects them more than you imagine. If you
think we are only giving you good words as often as you do
not see the success that you wish for, you do not make proper
allowance for what we may have a right to expect, and that
you ought not by any means to impute the delay to our
negligence. Our Senate, also, is greatly surprised that no mes
senger has been sent back to them with at least an answer
1 Hugh Latimer and Nicolas Saxton.

1540. viret. 179
of some sort, and does not doubt that the present state of affairs
prevents the princes from arriving at any settled determination.
I have translated the Boyal Edict,1 and have taken care to
keep a copy of it. We are by no means negligent, but we
cannot by all our diligence uniformly accomphsh what might
be wished by all good men. A new hindrance has also of late
arisen out of the quarrel of Count William with the Constable
of France, which I wish in the long-run may come to good.
Whenever the answer is brought to us, whatever it may be, I
will let you know. Oh that the answer may meet our wishes !
The letters which arrive from the different provinces of France
say nothing about the Edict ; and certainly, while occupied in
translating it, the composition gave rise to some suspicion, for
it has nought of the elegance of courtly diction about it. I
keep it however beside me, that it might not be made use of
to the hurt of the brethren. Upon what terms we have come
to a settlement with Caroli you shall know by and by, when
lecture is over. At present, also, I am writing to Farel, what
he will be able to communicate also to you. As usual, I am
obhged to bear the whole brunt of their spite and mahce.
But as the matter is at an end, you will also endeavour that all
old offences may be done away with. Adieu, my brother.
All the brethren salute you, Capito, Bucer, Sturm, and the
rest. — Yours, Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
1 The Edict of Fontainhleau, put forth the 1st of June 1540, called on the
inquisitors, the bishops, and the parliaments to repress the crime of heresy, and
by which it was assimilated to the crime of treason. The number of victims
increased greatly on the promulgation of this edict, and the punishment was
rendered more cruel by the atrocious tortures which preceded.

180 farel. 1540.

LIL— To Farel.
Sickness of Calvin — preparation for departure to the Diet at Worms — letter to
the Queen of Navarre on behalf of the faithful persecuted in France.
Strasbourg, October 1540.
When your letter was first brought to me I could scarcely
lift a finger, on account of bodily weakness, and therefore reply
to yours somewhat later than I ought. Since that time to the
present such has been my state of doubt and hesitation, that
it was impossible for me to write any thing for certain ; it
seemed, indeed, as if it had been so ordered on purpose that our
wedlock1 might not be over joyous, that we might not exceed
all bounds, that the Lord thus thwarted our joy by moderating
it. On the 3d of September I was seized with stuffing of the
head, a malady so frequent with me that it gave me no great
concern. Next day, being the Lord's-day, when I had got a
little warm in the delivery of the forenoon sermon, I felt those
humours which had gathered in the head begin to loosen and
dissolve. Before I could leave the place the cough attacked
me, and I was very much troubled with the continual deftuxion
until the Tuesday. On that day, when I was preaching, as
usual, and found great difficulty in speaking, owing to the nos
trils being blocked up with mucus and the fauces choked with
hoarseness, all of a sudden I underwent a strange sensation ;
the cough, to be sure, ceased, but rather unseasonably, while
the head continued to be crammed with evil humours. On
the Monday a circumstance occurred which had provoked my
anger ; for when the housekeeper, as oft she does, spoke more
freely than became her, and had addressed some rude expres
sion to my brother, he could not brook her impertinence, not,
however, that he made any stir about it, but he silently left the
1 Calvin, in the month of August 1540, had married Idelette de Bure, the widow
of an Anabaptist of Liege, John Stbrder, whom be had brought back to the reformed
faith. He lived nine years with her in the most entire union, and remained a
widower in the month of April 1549.

1540. FAREL. 181
house, and vowed solemnly that he would not return so long
as she remained with me. Therefore, when she saw me so sad
on account of my brother's departure she also went elsewhere.
Her son, in the meanwhile, continued to five with me. I am
wont, however, when heated by anger, or stirred up by some
greater anxiety than usual, ' to eat to excess, and to devour
my meat more eagerly than I ought, which so happened to me
at that time. Whenever the stomach is oppressed overnight
with too much, or with unsuitable food, I am tormented in the
morning with severe indigestion. To correct that by fasting
was a ready cure, and that was my usual practice ; but in order
that the son of our housekeeper might not interpret this absti
nence to be an indirect way of getting rid of him, I rather chose,
at the expense of health, not to incur that offence. On Tues
day thereafter, when the cough, as I have already mentioned,
had ceased, about nine o'clock, after supper, I was seized with
a fainting fit. I went to bed ; then followed severe paroxysm,
intense burning heat, a strange swimming of the head. When
I got up on Wednesday, I felt so feeble in every limb and
member, that I was at length forced to acknowledge that I
was labouring under severe illness. I dined sparely. After
dinner I had two fits, with frequent paroxysms afterwards, but
at irregular intervals, so that it could not be ascertained what
particular form of fever it was. There was such a degree of
perspiration that nearly the whole mattress was moistened by it.
While I was under this sort of treatment your letter arrived.
So utterly unable was I to do what you required that it was
with difficulty that I could make out the length of three paces.
At length, whatever may have been the original nature of the
disease, it turned into a tertian fever, which at first came on
with acute shooting pains, but intermittent at every third
paroxysm. There came on, to be sure, afterwards, an access of
fever, more or less, but that was not so severe. When I began
to recover, the time had already gone by, and my strength was not
equal to the journey. This, however, by no means prevented
me from deliberating with Capito and Bucer, as though I had
been quite stout and well ; and when the fit time arrived, and
in the midst of my sickness, I never desisted from beseeching

182 FAREL. 1640.
Bucer rather even to set out by himself, that we might not
disappoint the hope which we had given you reason to enter
tain.1 Although he was himself very much inchned to accom
plish the task he had undertaken, he rather preferred that I
should accompany him, nor had the letter of Grynee at all pre
vailed with him, in which he dissuaded him, whatever might
happen, from joining himself to us, if we should continue to differ
in opinion. While I was still suffering under the weakness
of which I have spoken, my wife took a fever, from which she
is now beginning to get well, and that with a different kind
of complaint ; for since the last eight days she has been so
exhausted by frequent vomitings and otherwise, that she can
with difficulty sit up in bed. Albeit, to confess the truth, none of
these things had stood in the way of my journey if there had
not been a yet greater hindrance. About a fortnight ago a
report was spread, which even now continues to prevail, that the
Emperor was on the road to Worms, for the purpose of hold
ing the Diet of the Empire which they had appointed to meet at
Haguenau. He has not, indeed, hitherto put forth an edict to
fix the day, but our friends are somewhat apprehensive of his
wishing to make use of the same crafty devices which he put in
practice in calhng the conference at Haguenau. For he reduced
them to such straits, that they had no opportunity of meeting
together even for a previous private conference. It is on this
account therefore, .that at present they fear lest he comes upon
them before they are prepared to deal with him. This state of
matters detains Bucer here, so that he cannot move a step.
He therefore particularly requests of you, that since you per
ceive it has happened by no fault on his part, that he can
not fulfil his promise, that you would consider him excused.
This I can freely affirm to you for his exculpation, that
never have I seen a man more ready to enter upon any enter
prise than he was to undertake this journey, if he had "not been
bound up by this concurrence of circumstances. It will perhaps
be evident, in a short time, that this anxiety was superfluous ;

1 Bucer was on the eve of setting out for the Conference of Worms, which he was
to have attended, accompanied by Calvin.

1540. FAREL. 183
but what could our friends do in the meantime, when they hear
that lodgings had already been bespoke at Worms, that the
Emperor was approaching, except that they should be very
intensely on the outlook. During the interval, you must also
know, that the Emperor in person, with the most unheard-of
rapacity, has pillaged Flanders, Holland, Brabant, Luxembourg ;
it may even rather be said, that he has completely gutted these
territories. But if nothing occurs to prevent, call us whenso
ever it shall seem good. Bucer promises solemnly that, without
shrinking, he will come immediately on receiving the summons.
As regards myself, there is no great occasion for a laboured
excuse, for it was not possible to contend with God, who con
fined me to my bed at the very time when the journey was to
be undertaken. For the willingness, I do not think you can
entertain a doubt. Most certainly, those who were present at
the time are aware that this was my continual complaint, " Now
Farel will be disappointed in his expectation." But notwith
standing, we ought each of us patiently to submit, because the
Lord has either removed the hope we entertained, or delayed
the fulfilment until a more convenient season. We may well
believe that He foresaw more clearly what would be best than
we could possibly forecast, either by consultation or by our most
reasonable conclusions in regard to this business. We have
nothing new here, unless that the King and the Emperor while
contending in cruel persecution of the godly, both endeavour
to gain the favour of the Boman idol. There was a cer
tain personage here lately, a native of Gascony, one of the
magnates as appeared ; he had an escort of five horsemen
along with him, by whom I have written to the Queen of
Navarre,1 and have earnestly besought her that she would
not desert us in a time of so great affliction. Publicly we can
do nothing, matters continue in such a doubtful state. The
Emperor, as you have heard, hastens his journey to Worms,
but not at great speed. He has, however, shewn that he wishes
to have a convention of the princes. Afterward to hold a diet

1 Marguerite, sister of Francis I. The letter to which Calvin here refers is
unfortunately lost.

184 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1540.
of the whole Empire at Batisbon, where deliberation may be had,
and those points finally settled which had been discussed in the
former diet, both concerning rehgion and the state of the Empire.
That city, however, is very inconveniently situated, in regard
that all those princes who are more desirous of peace, on account
of the length and difficulty of the journey do not come thither ;
and our friends have the impression that the road is not very
safe, because it is in the middle circle of Bavaria, where the
princes are hostile to them, and combined with the Emperor in
that wicked league. At Tubingen, sixty-seven houses have
been burnt down. They say that the' fire has been kindled by
incendiaries, but no one knows who they are or by whom
set on. . . -1
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

LIII. — To the Seigneury of Geneva.2
Excuses himself from returning to Geneva by the necessity of his
attendance at the Diet of Worms. Strasbourg, Oct. 23, 1540.
My very worthy, noble, and honourable Lords, — Albeit.
that, besides the letters which you have been pleased to send
me, you had given charge to the bearer to declare more fully by
word of mouth your wish, and that he has not found me in the
1 The end is wanting.
2 Directed on .the back, — To the Magnificent and Honourable Lords Messieurs
the Syndics and Council of Geneva.
Two years had scarcely passed away since the banishment of Calvin, and
already the victorious party, left to itself, had exhausted itself with its own excess
and disorders. Of the four Syndics who pronounced the expulsion of the ministers
two were exiled to Berne ; the other two had perished by a violent death. — Spon,
Hist, de Genlve, liv. i. pp. 280-282. Anarchy produced its ordinary fruit, regret
for the absence of authority. Taught by severe experience, the people of Geneva
demanded to have Calvin brought back again, and the new Syndics, — organs of the
popular sentiment, sought to recall him. — Arch, of Geneva, Registres du Conseil,
ann. 1540, passim.

1540. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 185
place where he thought to find me, so as to deliver his message,1
I have, nevertheless, sufficiently understood by them the scope
of your intention. In reply, I can testify before God that I
hold your Church in such consideration that I would never be
wanting in her time of need to do whatsoever I could for her
help. Furthermore, I have no doubt whatever but that she
must be very desolate, and also in danger of being broken, up
and scattered besides, if that has not happened already. And
on this account I am in singular perplexity, having the desire
to meet your wish, and to wrestle with all the grace that God
has given me, to get her brought back into a better condition,
while, on the other hand, I cannot slightingly quit the charge
or lay it down lightly, to which the Lord has caUed me, without
being relieved of it by regular and lawful means ; for so 1 have
always believed and taught, and to the present moment cannot
persuade myself to the contrary, that when our Lord appoints a
man as pastor in a church to teach in His Word, that he ought
to consider himself as engaged to take upon himself the govern
ment of it, so that he may not lightly withdraw from it without
the settled assurance in his own heart, and the testimony of the
faithful, that the Lord has discharged him. ^Moreover, it has
been arranged by those of the council of the town of Strasbourg,
that I should go with some of my brethren to the Assembly at
Worms, not to serve one church solely, but for the common
interest, in which number yours is included. </I do not think
myself to possess such knowledge, or prudence, or experience,
that I can be of much use there, but when the object in view
is a matter of so great importance, and that it has been ap
pointed not only by the council of that town, but also by others,
that I should proceed thither, to be present for whatsoever it
shall please God to employ me in, I am constrained to follow,
and cannot, with a sound conscience, neglect that calL/
Seeing myself, therefore, involved in such trouble and uncer
tainty, I have communicated your letter to the chief pastors of
this church, who have ever been singularly desirous of your
1 The bearer of this letter was Amy Pen-in, who sought anxiously to bring about
the recall of the Eeformer, whose most determined adversary he became some years
afterwards at Geneva. — Spon, torn. i. p. 283. Note P.

186 FAREL. 1540.
wellbeing and edification, and would earnestly,, with all their
heart, assist you to the utmost of their power in this matter, as
also in every other. We have consulted together, since I must
undertake this journey, if it please you, in the meantime, to call
our brother, Master Peter Viret, that your church may not be
left destitute, for he will not be an entire stranger among
you, and will have that sort of affection toward you as of one
who has been occupied in promoting your edification, from the
very commencement. In the interval our Lord will open up a
way on the one hand and on the other, as we do hope, such as
your present need requires, and as you may find expedient. I
promise you that nothing shall be denied you on my part in all
that is allowable, but that I will do my utmost to serve you so
far as God permits, and those to whose counsels He has com
manded me to hearken.
And now, right honourable, noble, and eminent Lords, after
my humble commendation to your favourable entreaties, I pray
the Lord God to have you always in His holy protection, in
creasing in you from day to day His gifts and graces, making
them helpful for the advancement of the glory of His name,
that you may ever prosper and be in peace.
Your humble servant,
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Archives of Geneva. No. 1250.]

LIV— To Farel.
Exposition of the motives which prevent him from returning to Geneva.
Strasbourg, 27th October 1540.
I have no doubt whatever that you have taken good care
to apologize for me to those brethren who advised that I
should return to Geneva, that I have not rephed to them.
For you are well aware how on that account I was thrown for
two days into such perplexity and trouble of mind that I was
scarcely half myself. Some time after that, however, that I

1540. FAREL. 187
might humour you, I made an attempt to write somewhat to
them in common ; but when I took into account what usually
happens with these general letters addressed in common, I
changed my mind. For what is sent only to a select few,
flickers about hither and thither incessantly from hand to
hand, until at length it is thoroughly well published. This,
therefore, was my reason why I wrote only to you : it was that
you may not take into your confidence any other readers than
those from whom you know that you need be under no appre
hension of any danger. Why, therefore, I did not wish what
I intrust to your confidence to be more widely spread, you
will understand when you have read to the end of this letter.
Although I trust that you completely take up my meaning,
and that you have also faithfully explained it to others, I
shall briefly repeat now how I stand affected. Whenever I
call to mind the state of wretchedness in which my life was
spent when there, how can it be otherwise but that my very
soul must shudder when any proposal is made for my return.
I pass over , entirely that disquietude by which we were per
petually tossed up and down, and driven from one side to
another, from the time when I was appointed your colleague.
I know indeed from experience, that wheresoever I might
turn, all sorts of annoyances were strewn in my way ; that
if I would five to Christ, this world must be to me a scene
of trial and vexation: the present life is appointed as the
field of conflict. But, at the same time, while I call to
mind by what torture my conscience was racked at that
time, and with how much anxiety it was continually boil
ing over, pardon me if I dread that place as having about it
somewhat of a fatahty in my case. You yourself, along with
God, are my best witness, that no lesser tie would have been
sufficient to retain me there so long, had it not been that I
dared not to throw off the yoke of my calling, which I was well
assured had been laid upon me by the Lord. So long, there
fore, as I was thus bound hand and foot, I preferred to suffer
even to the uttermost extremity, than for one moment to enter
tain those thoughts that were apt to arise in my mind of
changing my place of abode, — thoughts which often stole in

188 FAREL. 1540.
upon me unawares. But now that by the favour of God I am
delivered, should I be unwilling to replunge myself once more
into the gulf and whirlpool which I have already found to be
so dangerous and destructive, who would not excuse me ? Yea,
forsooth, where shall you find any one who will nofrplainly accuse
me of being over easily persuaded, when knowingly, and with
free consent of will, I rashly surrender at discretion ? But
then, even supposing that I may be nowise alarmed at my
danger, how can I have any reasonable expectation that my
ministry can be of any use to them? For you know with
what a quickness of apprehension the most of them thereaway
are gifted. They will neither be bearable by me, nor shall I
be endurable by them. Besides all this, take into your con
sideration that the battle which I shall have to fight will be
fully stouter and more difficult with my colleagues than
with those who are without. Of what avail will be the exer
tions of a single individual, hampered by so many lets and
hindrances on every side? And in addition to all, to say
truth, even, although everything was laid ready very much to
my hand, from disuse I have somehow become obhvious of
those arts which are required for the guiding and the direction
of the multitude. Here, at Strasbourg, I have only to take the
oversight of a few, and the greater number hear me, not so
much as a pastor, as with the attention and reverence due to
an instructor. You allege that I am too nice and delicate, and
after having been daubed with these flatteries, cannot now bear
with patience to hear any harsher sound.
You will find yourself mistaken, however, if you allow your
self really to think so ; but when I do find it an arduous work
to superintend and oversee as I ought those few who in some
sort may be called teachable, willing to be trained and discip
lined, how shall I ever be able to restrain and keep within due
bounds so great a multitude ? Whatever may be their design
in recalling me, I scarcely dare venture to contemplate ; for if
they are led to do so with a sincere and honest purpose, why do
they recall me rather than the man whose ministry was not less
needed for the renewal and upbuilding of their Church than
even it was at the first for founding it ? What if they only

1540. FAREL. 189
recall me that they themselves may not become a laughing-stock
to the other party, because they have been left destitute by
those persons, trusting in whom for assistance they have ven
tured to banish us ? /And yet all these considerations are of no
avail to prevent my acquiescence in the call ; for the more that
I feel disposed to turn away with abhorrence from that pro
vince of labour, on that very account I am the more inchned
to suspect myself./ Therefore I do not allow myself to deli
berate on the matter at all ; and I request of our friends that
they would not take me at all into consultation along with them.
That they may determine all the more freely and sincerely, I
conceal for the most part from others these heart-burnings.
What else could I do? For I much prefer to be entirely
blind, that I may suffer myself to be guided by others, than to
go astray by trusting to my own purblindness. If, in these
circumstances, I shall ask your advice as to whose judgment
I ought chiefly to defer to, you will reply, if I am not mis
taken, that there are none more proper to be consulted than
Capito and Bucer. What they think upon the matter you
have heard from themselves. I wish that you would explain
the whole case fully to the brethren, and that divesting them
selves of prejudice on either side, they would seriously consider
what ought to be done.
This is the sum of the whole : That I am not in this affair
actuated by craft or cunning — the Lord is my witness ; neither
do I search about for loopholes whereby to make my escape.
Certainly, indeed, it is my desire that the Church of Geneva
may not be left destitute; therefore, I would rather venture
my life a hundred times over than betray her by my desertion.
But forasmuch as my mind does not induce me spontaneously
to return, I am ready to follow those who, there is some good
hope, will prove safe and trusty guides to me. There need,
however, be no trouble taken about receiving me until the Diet
of Worms is over, since they have sent no deputy. On next
Lord's-day there will be pubhc prayer in every church. On
Monday we set out. Do you also pray for us in the Spirit,
that we may be strengthened to sustain the contest. It is
quite evident what it is that our adversaries are endeavour-

190 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1540.
ing to bring about. They would have all the states of the
empire leagued together and armed for our destruction. But
what the artifices are by which they are resolved to attack us
is less certain. By and by, however, they will unfold more
clearly whatever craftiness there may be in this latter. Adieu ;
salute all in the most friendly manner, — Cordier, Thomas,
Fatin, Le Clerc, and the rest. All our friends here do kindly
entreat you, both you and them.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

LV. — To the Seigneury of Geneva.1
Calvin at Worms — he excuses himself to the magistrates of Geneva for his
inability to comply with their request, on account of the mission with
which he had been charged into Germany in the general interest of the
Church. Worms, 12th November 1540.
My very worthy, potent, and honourable Lords, — I
have received the letters which you have been pleased to write
me ; have heard, at the same time, the statement of your am-
1 In accordance with the desire expressed by the ministers of the Church at
Strasbourg, Calvin had repaired to the Diet at Worms, to assist at the conferences
which were about to take place between the theologians of the two modes of wor
ship. It was in this town that .he received the deputies of the Council of Geneva,
bearers of the following letter : —
To Doctor Calvin, Minister op the Gospel.
Monsieur, our good brother and special friend, — We commend ourselves very
affectionately unto you, for that we are thoroughly informed that you have no other
desire than the growth and advancement of the glory and honour of God, and of
His sacred and holy Word. On the part of our lesser, great, and general councils,
(which hereupon have strongly admonished us,) we pray you very earnestly that
you would transfer yourself hitherward to us, and return to your old place and
former ministry ; and we hope, with the help of God, that this shall be a great
benefit, and fruitful for the increase of the holy Evangel, seeing that our people
greatly desire you among us, and will conduct themselves toward you in such sort,
that you shall have occasion to rest content. — Your good friends,
The Syndics and Council of Geneva.
This 22d October 1540.
With the seal : Post tenebras spero lucem.

1540. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 191
bassadors conformable thereto. Were it only on account of the
courtesy and the consideration of every kind which you shew
towards me, I could no otherwise discharge myself of my
duty, except in striving to the utmost of my power to agree
to your request. And besides, it is so reasonable, that it ought
well to persuade me to accede to the wish expressed in it.
Nevertheless, there is still a reason which constrains me to pay
attention to the method and the means whereby duly to comply
with your will. It is the special love which I bear to your
Church, having always in remembrance that she has been for
merly recommended to my care and intrusted to my oversight
by God, and that on that account I am for ever obliged to seek
her welfare and prosperity.
Howbeit I think I have so just and adequate an excuse for
not immediately acquiescing in your wish and my own desire,
that is to say, declaring the affection of my heart by doing what
you wish, that you shall not be very much displeased with the
answer which I have made to your ambassadors. I pray you
then, as I wrote you not long ago, always to keep in mind that
I am here at present on-waiting in case of need, according to
the small ability which God has bestowed, in the service of all
the Christian Churches, in which number yours is also com
prised ; and for that reason I can neither relinquish nor dele
gate such a vocation, but am constrained to await the issue, and
to see what success the Lord will give. For although of myself
I can do nothing, it ought to suffice me that I am set here in
this place by the will of 'the Lord, on purpose to employ me in
whatsoever He would have me to apply myself ; and howsoever
that we do not see the matters in hand disposed to go forward
very expeditiously, so much the more must we take heed dili
gently and keep upon our guard, inasmuch as our enemies would
desire nothing better than to surprise us unawares ; and what
is more, as they are full of guile and craftiness, we do not know
what they are planning. Wherefore, we ought to be preparing
to meet them in anpther new diet, should they succeed in ob
taining the end and aim of their intrigues at present, which is,
that nothing of real business may be despatched in the diet
which is here met. Thus it happens, that for the present I

192 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1540,
cannot come to serve you in the preaching of the Evangel,
and in the ministry of your Church. For like reason, in so
much uncertainty, I dare not fix upon any appointed time, on
this account, as I have already said, that this assembly will
probably occasion a second, to which I may be sent, and I can
not refuse.1 While I entertain some doubt how far this reply
will be agreeable to you, yet, were I in your place, I would take
the same advice from you.
Over and above all this, the instant that God shall have
vouchsafed me the leisure and opportunity, that is to say, when
I shall be freed from this extraordinary employment, I assure
you, that in every manner of way that it shall be possible to
employ me to help your Church in her time of need, I will
therein do my duty, just the same as if I had already accepted
the charge to which you have called me — exactly as though I
was already in the midst of you doing the office of pastor. This
anxious wish that I entertain, that your Church may be rightly
governed and held together, will not suffer me to rest without
attempting, by every possible means, to assist in the time of
her necessity.
True it is, indeed, that I cannot quit the call in which I am
at present placed at Strasbourg without the advice and consent
of those to whom our Lord has given the authority in that
matter ; for, that we may not confuse the order of the Church,
as we ought not to undertake the administration and govern
ment of a well-regulated Church without some one presenting
us, in the same manner we ought never to desert the Churches
which are committed to us according to our mere fancy, but to
wait until those who have the power have freed us from the
charge in a right and lawful way. Thus, as not being free, I
1 The^Conferences of Worms, where Melanchthon and Eck appeared as the prin
cipal actors, were in fact broken off at the request of the Emperor, and resumed
with greater eclat the year following at the Diet of Eatisbon. Calvin went thither,
and his^wonderful intelligence procured for him, on the acknowledgment of Me
lanchthon liimself, the surname of Theologian. He retraced the picture of that
Assembly in several of his Latin letters, and above all, in the following writing': —
" The Proceedings of the Imperial Diet held in the City ofEegensbourg, otherwise
called Eatisbon, the year one thousand five hundred forty and one, about the dif
ferences which are_at present concerning Religion." Geneva, 1541.

1540. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 193
desire always to regulate myself by the advice of my brethren
who serve in the ministry of the Word along with me, but that
shall not prevent me from a readiness to do you all the service
which the Lord would graciously bestow upon you ; for them
selves, indeed, are no otherwise inclined than to induce me,
rather than to hinder me that I should come to the aid of
your Church, inasmuch as they do acknowledge that it is ex
pedient for her safety and preservation. Wherefore, I beseech
you affectionately, that you would repose that confidence in me
to beheve, that heart and mind, my whole soul, is engaged to
prove to you that I am thoroughly prepared to assist your
Church in so far as shall be allowable, and to see that she be
provided according to her consequence in regard to worldly
goods and provision. Furthermore, I thank you very humbly
for the good inclination which you have been pleased graciously
to declare in my behalf, as I have understood by your letter,
and more fully by the relation of your ambassadors.
And now, worthy, potent, and honourable Lords, after my
humble commendation to your kindly favour and consideration,
I pray the Lord that, from day to day, He would increase the
grace already begun in you, and so keep you by His Holy Spirit
that you may hold your dignity as subserving to the glory of
His name, so that the state and government of your town may
be daily prospered by His blessing. Above all things, I beseech
you, in the name of the Lord Jesus, to maintain peace and
good agreement among yourselves, as far as shall be possible,
and not only among yourselves, but also with those who are
joined together with you in our Lord.
Your humble servant in the Lord,
John Calvin.
[Fr. copy — Archives of Geneva, No. 1250.]

VOL. I.

194 FAREL. 1540.
LVL— To Farel.
Details of the interview of Calvin with the Deputies from Geneva.
At Worms, 13$ November 1540.
Were you, my dear Farel, situated as I am, somewhat, per
chance, of that hesitation which so intensely afflicts me would
keep you also not a little anxious. For my perturbation is
not confined to myself only ; those also who labour with me,
for many and good reasons, are not free from anxiety, while, at
the same time, they are men who are not wont to be alarmed
for nothing. You are the only persons who determine with
out any controversy what I ought to do. But since I waver
somewhat myself, and I see every one else in a state of fluctua
tion and indecision, I am utterly unable to arrive at any settled
determination, except that I am prepared to follow fully the
calling of the Lord, so soon as He shall "have opened it up
before me. When the deputies from Geneva had presented
their letter to the Council of Strasbourg, they were told that I
was gone away, without whose consent they could promise
nothing. To which the deputation rephed, that they would
willingly come hither that they might ascertain distinctly my
inclination in regard to the application. A horseman was sent for
ward, post-haste, to intimate to us that they were on their way.
The post preceded them by two days. To their deputies here,
however, the Council gave direction, to do their endeavour so as
to prevent my making any promise. /Never had I beheved
that our Council set so much value by me. Nor did those who
were present read their letter without astonishment at their
being so anxious about retaining me, to whom I appeared to be
so httle known. But mayhap they did so because they were
not well enough acquainted with me. For_jwhat-ia_ there in
me to recommend me ? Howsoever that may be, the depu
ties having first of all explained the purport of the letters,
exhorted and advised that I would ponder and consider what I
thought would be most for the glory of Christ ; in the mean-

1540. FAREL. 195
while, nevertheless, they declared distinctly enough what was
their own opinion. Immediately, upon the spot, I requested
the brethren to favour me with their advice. There was some
what of a debate. We thought it better, upon the whole, that
everything should remain as it stood until the arrival of the
deputation from Geneva ; so that having been informed cor
rectly as to the state of that city, we might judge and determine
more satisfactorily upon the whole matter. While all this was
in progress, having laid before them your letter, and also that of
Viret, again I requested their advice. There is no need of my
repeating over again to you my address to them. I besought
them, however, in every way that I could think of, not to make
any account of me in their determination. Whether I was in
earnest in making that declaration they understood from what
happened, when tears flowed faster than words ; so that even
twice they so interrupted my discourse, that I was compelled
for a season to withdraw. I may proceed no further. Only
this you may be sure of, I am quite conscious that my perfect
sincerity is unquestionable. The arrangement has at length
proceeded so far, that for the present I could not bind myself,
but could only hold out a good hope to the Genevese. I
have, however, obtained of our friends thus much, that they
would throw no impediment in the way to prevent my going
thither when this Diet is concluded ; provided only, that the
Bernese give us to understand that they had no dislike to
the arrangement. The Council, indeed, as I perceive, will
let me away only with very great difficulty. The deputies
who are here do scarcely give their assent. And Capito is of
that opinion. But Bucer will do what he can that I may not
be retained, provided that no adverse gale shall have arisen
from the quarter of Strasbourg. Do you also confirm them in
the hope they have entertained; and, in the meantime, will you
state to me in detail whatsoever you shall think of importance
for our affairs ? When we shall have returned, should it then
be thought fit, you may press my departure with greater
urgency. You, however, will obtain more by your letters than
any one else. But more as to these arrangements when the
time arrives. What may be expected from the assembhng of

196 NICOLAS PARENT. 1540.
this Diet, I have briefly stated in the paper which the brethren
will show you, and a short while since I explained to yourself.
I will write to you more at length when I have more leisure.
Will you greet Viret most lovingly, and make my special
excuse for not writing, requesting of him to be satisfied for
the present with this letter ? Adieu, my excellent and very
dear brother ; may the Lord preserve you all.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 259.]

LVII. — To Nicolas Parent.1
Testimony rendered to the French Church at Strasbourg and to the pastor
in charge of it during the absence of Calvin — matters of advice.
Worms, 26th November [1540.]
I congratulate myself, and rejoice for the Church's sake
rather than on your account, that all attend so regularly and
hear sermon reverently ; for it was my chief desire and prayer,
when I was about to leave, that none of our brethren whom
Christ ruled by my ministry might fall off from attendance on
account of my absence, that nothing of that order might be
put in peril wherewith the entireness of the flock of Christ is
kept together in a body ; besides, that compact order is of more
importance and benefit to them than to me. ''As, however, a
well-ordered church is the pastor's glory and crown, even so he
can neither exult nor rejoice in anything regarding it, except in
so far as the salvation of souls is concerned. / Blessed, there
fore, be the Lord, who keeps the hearts and minds of all in
the fear and reverence of His own Word, and also instructs
and informs your spirit with the gifts which may give satis
faction to the hearers. I wish that some time or other He
1 From the Assembly at Worms, where he sustained with Bucer and Melanch
thon the weighty interests of the Eeformation, Calvin cast a look of attentive regard
on the humble parish of which he was the pastor at Strasbourg, and addressed to
the Deacon Nicolas Parent, who was charged with the duty of supplying his place
while absent, several letters, animated with the most lively interest in the spiritual
wellbeing of his parishioners.

1540. NICOLAS PARENT. 197
may thus also provide the Genevese, that they may give over
their sohcitations ;x for, indeed, it sorely grieves me, that while
I earnestly desire them to be relieved, yet I see no method by
which that can be brought about until we shall have returned
thither, and Farel shall have written word how matters stand
at present among them ; for we have obtained this present
breathing time on that condition, that we may take counsel
and consider the state of the Church, such as it shall be at the
time. Now, therefore, while everything remains in this sus
pense I begin to rest a little from that anxiety which the
difficulty of this consultation has brought upon me, and to
breathe more freely.
To return, however, to our Church : I am well content that it
can endure my absence without any great longing for my return.
You have done well in giving intimation about the celebrating
of the Lord's-supper, that, indeed, had not occurred to me
when I came away ; but you have made the announcement too
late, for the day has elapsed on which it ought to have been
made, or will certainly have gone by before any letter from me
can have reached you. And I fear lest, in laying aside the
usual probation before receiving the sacrament, that this
speckled examination may give us some disturbance hereafter.
On the whole, I think it will be better if we defer for the pre
sent, since it was not thought of at the proper time, unless,
perhaps, Claude2 has returned ; so that you can consult with
him, for if he agree with you to proceed I would be unwilling
to interpose delay ; only I am afraid that it may prove hurtful
to us hereafter if we innovate upon what has been already
settled ; else if it can be so arranged with a due regard to order
I shall not delay it. Adieu, my dear Nicolas ; greet most
lovingly in my name Sebastian, Enard, and your other fellow-
workers. May the Lord have you all in His keeping, and by
His own Spirit direct you to every good work. — Yours, Calvin.
[Lat. copy — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
1 Calvin had received at Worms the letter of recall and of the ambassadors of the
Senate of Geneva. See the preceding Letter.
2 Claude was the other deacon of the French Church at Strasbourg.

198 NICOLAS PARENT. 1540.

LVIII. — To Nicolas Parent.1
Instructions regarding the Supper, and on various points of Ecclesiastical
Discipline. Worms, lith December 1540.
I am well pleased that you have delayed the holy Supper for
another month, for at the present time you could not administer
it without neglecting that order which, for very sufficient rea
sons, I earnestly desire to be carefully attended to. I am greatly
delighted, according to what I hear, that our church holds well
together, so that no inconvenience is felt from my absence ; in
the midst of my annoyances, it is especially refreshing and con
solatory. Although I only spoke incidentally and very briefly,
before my departure, what appeared to me to be worth while, I
nevertheless gave faithful counsel. I rejoice that you take it in
good part, not because it was mine, but because I am confident
that it will prove not unuseful to you and wholesome to others.
I am not a little perplexed in the devising of a method by which
to give assistance to the poor. But you see the extreme desti
tution of our church, nor have I ever been able so to arrange
matters that some help might be sent to us from France. Sturm
left the other key at his own house. If only so much shall be
found in the poor-box from whence you can supply the present
need until my return, we shall then deliberate together what
better can be done. There is no reason why you should give
yourself much concern about those flying reports, which you
understand are spread with no evil intent, but from mere idle
folly. I am really grieved on account of Philip, that his complaint
is of so long continuance. He is a pious young man ; modest,
upright, prudent, so far as appears to me. Therefore, if the
Lord shall preserve him to us, I have conceived the best hopes
of his excellent natural disposition and understanding. Will
you greet him kindly in my name ? The other person you men-
1 See the note appended to the preceding French Letter. Nicolas Parent became,
at a later period, minister of the Church of Neuchatel.

1540. NICOLAS PARENT. 199
tion, the more he is destitute of help or comfort, the more care
fully we ought to reheve him. What you tell me about the
elderly woman, because there was something which looked so
much out of the ordinary course of nature in the account, I could
not at first be brought to the belief of it. Not that I thought
you had done rashly that you had advertised me of it, since the
story had been spread abroad by the discourses of many. Nor
ought we feigningly to pass by scandals which are thus blown
about upon the breath of rumour, even although they may be
obscure, and not very well ascertained on good authority. For
while it may be our duty to put down rashly-concocted slanders,
we cannot duly distinguish between truth and falsehood, if we
negligently pass over scandals which are in everybody's mouth.
Now when Charles has given me certain information, that there
are not only appearances of wantonness, which rather lead to a
suspicion that there is something wrong, than enable us to deal
with it, but has also announced the marriage, I have been
utterly stupified. It is certainly a scandal, which all the
saints ought to hold in abomination. For what appears even
more fabulous than when we read in the poets that women
of sixty years of age are still wantons? And, indeed, this
silly old woman has already arrived at her seventieth year,
and has a son of an age which generally puts an end to
the love-passages of married women. Had she only joined
herself in marriage to some man of already declining years,
she might have pretended that she sought something else
than the delights of matrimony. She has now taken away not
only every defence, but also every appearance of excuse. They
thought that they laid their plans very cleverly, when they took
advantage of a clandestine benediction. But they find by ex
perience, both of them, how dangerous a thing it is to trifle
with God. If you now ask me what may be your duty in this
matter, I can scarcely help you forward in it. For although I
consider that they ought to be severely reprehended, (nor can
we avoid that, unless we are willing to forego our duty,) because,
however, it is not free of danger, there is need of great caution
being had, lest, being exasperated by us, they may overleap the
fences, and burst away from each other with the same rashness

200 NICOLAS PARENT. 1540.
by wliich they came together, and with greater scandal and
more offensive profligacy. Therefore, unless some special occa
sion shall have been presented to you, I do not advise that you
exchange a word with her upon the subject. But if a suitable
occasion shall have presented itself, you may then shew her how
greatly you were displeased that she had so little considered, in
the conduct she had pursued, either her own character or
the edification of the Church, and that there was not one
serious or decent man who did not highly disapprove it. That
you also did not entertain a doubt that this news will be both
very bitter and very sad to me. At the same time, however,
that she may not be utterly distracted or break out into insanity,
you can soften the harshness of these expressions by kindly ex
pressions, and exhort her to endeavour to make up for what has
been so ill begun, by bringing the matter to a better ending.
Lastly, you must use such discretion in the matter, that all
shaU be in order when I return.
I am so perplexed, or rather confused in my mind, as to the
call from Geneva, that I can scarce venture to think what I
ought to do, — that whenever I enter upon the consideration
of this subject, I can perceive no outlet by which to escape.
Wherefore, so long as I am constrained by this anxiety, I am
suspicious of myself, and put myself into the hands of others,
to be directed by them. In the meantime, let us beseech the
Lord that He would point out the way to us. Adieu, dear
brother. Greet for me, most lovingly, all our friends. — Yours,
Calvin.
When I was about to send away this letter, your other letter
reached me, in which you describe the nuptials. You have
certainly' proved yourself a man of courage in having dared to
approach Mathias, who does not easily suffer the word of admo
nition, much less that of rebuke. I rejoice, however, that it has
been so well taken. Let us, therefore, be satisfied with this
friendly expostulation, without pursuing the interest of the
Church any farther. This example admonishes us, that in future
nothing of a disorderly kind ought to be passed by. In so far
as regards the man and wife, I would have you observe such

1541. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 201
moderation, that, foohsh as they are already, they may not
become insane altogether. I know the pride, bitterness, and
arrogance, of the woman. As for the monk, I believe that the
solitary winter nights seemed to him too long to be spent at
home. It is therefore to be feared lest, for the sake of whiling
away the time, he may betake liimself elsewhere ; for you are
aware that this class of persons enjoy the privilege of gadding
about. I have advertised Sturm, although, of his own accord,
he was about to do what you ask. Therefore, that person
whom you speak of, will receive a letter by Crato.
My very dear brother, adieu. In haste, as the messenger is wish
ing to get on horseback and away. Present my most friendly
salutation to Sebastian and Enard, and all the others. — Yours,
Calvin.
[Lat. copy — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

LIX. — To the Seigneury of Geneva.
Calvin sent to the Diet of Ratisbon — he excuses himself on that account
from returning at that moment to Geneva — advices addressed to the
magistrates of that town. From Strasbourg, this 10th February 1541.
Nobles, honourable and potent Lords,— In furtherance of
the answer made to your ambassadors by the members of the
Council of this town, immediately upon our return from Worms,
I have procured of them that they would take into their consi
deration the rendering assistance to your Church, as I ought to
keep in mind that she must be duly provided. And if it had
been thought good that I should go there, I would have set
about my duty ; for although the charge of administering the
government of such a church would be very difficult for me,
yet, notwithstanding, seeing that I am at the disposal of God,
and not at my own, I am always ready to employ myself thereto
in whatsoever it shall seem good to Him to call me. And,
also, since you are pleased to have so much confidence in me, I
feel myself bound to satisfy, in so far as shall depend upon me,

202 THE seigneury of geneva. 1541.
your desire, over and above the perpetual obhgation which
binds me to the church whereto our Lord has at'the first ap
pointed me. Howbeit, a hindrance has come in the way, which
does not permit me to follow out the purpose further, — it is,
that I have been chosen as a deputy to go to the Diet of
Eatisbon, which call I could not avoid, seeing that therein I
am serving your Church, as well as that of Strasbourg, inas
much as it is a common cause. I have, however, been greatly
delighted to hear that our brother, Master Peter Viret, had
undertaken the charge of instructing you in the Word of God,1
for he is of such faithfulness and prudence, that in having him
you are not unprovided. Wherefore, Messieurs, you will please
to have me excused, seeing that I cannot come, since our Lord
draws me elsewhere, but yet to such a place as does in nowise
withdraw me from you, seeing that I am always allied to
you in heart and affection, and hope, besides, never more to be
separated from you. I beseech you to well consider all the
means of rightly ordering your Church, so that she may be
ruled according to the scriptural method of our Lord. We
hope on this side, from all we have heard, that the disputes
which you have with the Messieurs of Berne will shortly be
settled, for wliich we are thankful to God, acknowledging that
there is nothing in this world which can be more to your ad
vantage than to maintain the worthy friendship which God
has ordained among you.
Noble, potent, and honourable lords, after that I have humbly
commended me to your good favour, I beseech our God of bis
goodness to uphold you specially in the obedience of his holy
word, and to confirm you more and more in his Spirit, to direct
you in true prudence and justice for the well governing of your
town, and causing you to prosper in every good thing.
Your humble servant and assured friend, John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Portfolio 1.]
1 Viret had gone for six months to Geneva ; where he was further detained at
the request of the Seigneury, and was not restored to the church at Lausanne until
the 12th July 1542.— Euchat, torn. v. pp. 161, 162.

1541. FAREL. 203

LX.— To Farel.
Anxiety on account of the Swiss Churches — approaching departure for
Eatisbon — disputes between Berne and Geneva — calumnies directed
against the Vaudois of Provence. Strasbourg, 19th February 1541.
I was not a httle delighted, my dear Farel, with your letter ;
nor did Bucer derive less pleasure than myself, because both of
us could perceive that you did not omit a single point which
could tend in any way to the preservation of a good understand
ing and agreement, and that you had laid bare to them that
singular fervency of spirit and of charity, as well as of your
anxious care for the Church, by which she ought to be stirred
up to serious concern. If nothing has been attained, as you
observe, our condition is most wretched, who place our rehance
upon hearts of stony hardness ; but I can scarcely be induced
to beheve that they are not in some little degree softened ; for
themselves also, in a letter of their own to our friends, shew
that they are possessed by the desire somehow or other, of helping
that Church, and the cause itself does not admit of their doing
otherwise. Therefore, we may hope well of them, even although
the grounds of good hope may not distinctly appear to us all at
once./You are aware, angry passions when once aroused must
be allayed by degrees, and cannot be appeased in a single day.
One consideration, however, made me singularly glad, that I
see the Church of Geneva provided with a minister by the
arrival of Viret ; x for I very much feared, that if that Church
should remain destitute for a longer period, something else
might happen than we would wish. Now, I trust, the matter
is beyond the risk of danger. As for me, nothing must be
done at present. Would that I had not that excuse which I
am compelled to put forward to them ; for I am dragged most
1 See the preceding letter.

204 farel. 1541.
unwillingly to Eatisbon,1 as well because I foresee that the
journey will prove very troublesome to me, as because I much fear
that there may be a prolonged delay, for they are wont, ofttimes,
to lengthen out the Diets even for ten months ; and, last of all,
I am unwilling, because I see myself to be no way adapted for
that kind of business, whatever others may think. But I shall
follow wherever God leads, who knows best why He has laid this
necessity upon me. I am much surprised that Sulzer has
written to his correspondents, that I knew that it was approved
of in the judgment of Melanchthon. Whence he had that in
formation I cannot divine, since I had earnestly entreated that
you would not say a syllable about it. I foresaw, indeed, that
it would not be without envy ; for, perchance, even that might
be interpreted as if I had thrown out ambitiously what you had
heard out of his own mouth. But this also I commit to the
overruling direction of the Lord.
We rejoice that the lawsuit between the Bernese and the
Genevese2 has been referred to the arbitration of Basle, and
may therefore entertain the hope, that in a short time it will be
settled without any uproar. Do insist, with all your influence,
that the Genevese may acquiesce in the judgment, whatever
may be pronounced, for their obstinacy cannot be approved of if
they insist any further. Do, therefore, take effectual measures
that they may not attempt anything in opposition to the decree-
arbitral ; if the others reject it, there will not be one right-
thinking person who will not condemn such a proceeding.
Concerning the brethren, I was very much alarmed when a
report was spread, that they were not now to be accused of
heresy, but of riot and sedition.3 What I had sometime heard
1 The Conferences at Worms had been transferred to Eatisbon by a decree of
the Emperor.
2 The Bernese Bailiffs of Gex and of Thonon had entered into possession of
certain lordships belonging to the town of Geneva. The judges who were
appointed to settle the dispute could not come to agreement among themselves,
and the whole matter had been submitted to the arbitration of Basle. — Eoset,
C/ironique Manuscrite, cited by Euchat, Hist, de la Ref., torn. v. p. 148.
3 The enemies of the Waldenses did not spare any amount of calumny in order
to compass their ruin. In a Confession of Faith, published 6th April 1541, the
Waldenses eloquently declared their respect for constituted authority, Btrikingly

1541. FAREL. 205
from the mouth of Jo. . . , came to mind ; so I was surmising
that they had not been overwell advised in this respect. Lately,
however, the Cardinal1 has written to Morler, who had been
sent to our friends by the King of France, that he was ready
to grant pardon. We have heard from other quarters that this
was obtained after very much and earnest discussion ; but,
however that may be, we have to thank the Lord, that one way
or other the cruel persecution is moderated, both there and
throughout the whole kingdom.
We depart hence on Tuesday ; if anything shall occur, you
will find Capito here, for I set out alone with Bucer. I beg
and entreat of you that you would alleviate the irksomeness of
my present situation with long and frequent letters ; for unless
my weariness can be refreshed by the solace of friendship, I
shall be utterly in darkness. Adieu, my very excellent and
most kindly brother. — Yours, Calvin.
Salute particularly all the brethren for me. May the
Lord Jesus always confirm you with His own Spirit. All our
friends greet you in a very special manner, and especially
Claude, with his companions, who commend to you the care
of your throat.
There is a certain theologian, named Becholoz of Caen, who
has made his escape almost, as it were, out of the flame of
conflagration. For he was burnt in effigy ; as he had no means
of livelihood, they say that he has retired either to Stras
bourg or to Geneva. Our friend Claude, to whom he is well
enough known, gives an excellent character of him, that he is a
pious man, learned and upright. The more uncommon these
endowments are, they ought all so much the more to be valued
among ourselves. If he shall come to you, — we desire to

confirmed by their life and conversation. " As regards the magistrates,'' said they,
" such as princes, nobles, and judges, we look on them as ordained of God, and
willingly obey their laws and ordinances, paying the tributes, taxes, and tithes
which they impose, . . . rendering them honour and obedience in all matters
not contrary to the will of God." — Beze, Hist. Eccl. vol. i. p. 41.
1 The Cardinal de Tournon, who uniformly displayed sentiments of the utmost
hostility against the Waldenses.

206 VIRET. . 1541.
recommend him to you in the highest terms ; if, however, he
has gone to Geneva, you can let Viret have timely notice, in
order that he may not neglect him.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — -Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

LXL— To Viret.1
New expression of the repugnances and terrors wliich Calvin feels in
prospect of his returning to Geneva. Ulm, 1st March 1541.
When your letter was delivered to me we were then ready
for the journey, and I do not remember ever in my hfe a
more noisy and troublesome outsetting ; so, on that account,
as I could not reply myself, I therefore left it in charge with
Claude Feray, whom you have seen with me at Basle, and
to my brother, to write to Farel and let him understand
what were my thoughts. Having at length got an interval
of leisure, though ever so small, I have felt desirous to write
you while upon the journey; you will, however, excuse that
I reply to you so confusedly and so briefly, because I have
not your letter beside me, so as to see at once the different
heads of it in their right order, and so to consider them
with attention; neither is there time enough allowedto the
wayfarer at the inn to enable him to commit to writing
anything duly weighed, or, as it were, to fasten his thoughts
well together ; but as well as I recollect there were two prin
cipal heads. In the first, you point out that I ought not
to desert the Church of Geneva; in the other, you also
strongly enforce the desirableness of hastening my return,
1 With consent of the nobles of Berne, arid by request of Calvin, Viret bad left
the church at Lausanne to afford to that of Geneva the support of his talents and
his zeal ; but the return of Calvin alone could avail to terminate the crisis which his
banishment had occasioned, and Viret, therefore, joined the Seigneury in entreating
that he would resume his charge as minister at Geneva. — Spon, torn. i. p. 283,
Note P. Calvin, at that time on his way to Eatisbon, freely poured out to his
friend his doubts and difficulties on the subject.

1541. VIRET. 207
that Satan may not throw some hindrance in the way should
we make a more lengthened sojourn. To the former I can
make no other reply than what I have been always in the
habit of returning, that there is no place under heaven of
which I can have a greater dread, not because I have hated"
it, but because I see so many difficulties presented in that
quarter which I do feel myself far from being equal to sur
mount. Whenever the recollection of former times recurs to
my mind, I cannot but shudder throughout with heartfelt alarm
at the thought, that I may be forced to expose myself a second
time to these sort of contests. Had I merely to superintend
that church I would feel more at ease upon the matter, certainly
I would be much less alarmed at the prospect, but you must
understand well enough that there is much more in this matter
than I can describe. This much, however, I may say in one word,
while from many tokens I wot very well that he whom you wot
of, who can do the most mischief of all, entertains an implacable
hatred towards me : when I call to mind how all around him
there lie open to his hand so many inlets of approach on every
side, ready for mischief-making, how many bellows may be set
agoing for hghting up the fires of contention, how many oppor
tunities presented which I can never be well provided against,
it quite appalls me. In the city itself there are many other
difficulties which cause me no little anxiety even now. The
farther I proceed, the clearer do I perceive how arduous a
charge it is to rule in the superintendence of a church ; albeit
I would not flinch from doing my utmost to help that Church
in her wretchedness, but would be most ready to do so
whenever it shall be given me to understand that I can be
of any service, for howsoever certain considerations may rather
alarm me in this enterprise, though they do operate rather
as a drawback while they hold my mind's resolve somewhat in
suspense, they cannot, however, drive this out of me, that I
must be adoing to my very uttermost whatsoever I shall have
concluded to be most for her welfare and prosperity. Farel
can vouch for me that I had never, even by a single word,
shrunk back from that call, but only that I earnestly entreated,
lest through unadvisedness the already forlorn Church should

208 viret. 1541.
suffer a second dispersion, and, in the meanwhile, I have
shewn clearly enough that I desired nothing more wishfully
than to spend even my very soul where there might be any
need for it. By very clear and convincing arguments I could,
were you present, make it quite plain to you, that 1 have
here concealed nothing from you ; but this, indeed, appeared
most evidently to myself, for when the deputation from Geneva
had arrived at Worms, with many tears I beseeched our
friends, by everything sacred, that putting me entirely out
of their thoughts, they would well and carefully consider, as
in the sight of God, what -might be most for the benefit
of the Church, now imploring their present relief and further
help. When we came home, although no one took up the
matter, I never ceased to exhort that they would seriously ad
vise about that spiritual charge ; nor indeed were they them
selves, I do assure you, at all wanting in their duty ; but, as
I in some measure anticipated, it was almost immediately
thereupon resolved that I should be conjoined with Bucer.
This did not appear to me to have been done upon any
previous understanding or arrangement; as I have formerly
written to Farel, so now do I also solemnly assure you ; for
indeed it almost looked as if it had been determined on
before we returned from Worms, and that by the advise
ment of those who were thinking very httle about Geneva.
Indeed, were you even to ask me the reason why I was sent at
all, I see no cause for it; but, nevertheless, however unfit I
may be, it was no part of my duty to refuse. My going
thither, therefore, was unavoidable, unless I would everywhere
hear the worst of it. And thereupon, until the arrival of your
letter, when there was no longer any room for deliberation, I
thought that you would hold me even more than excusable, on
a right understanding of the whole affair. You have now
wherewithal to satisfy both your requirements, that up to this
date I have never refused to come, nor could hitherto have
done so. Further, this I promise you, that in time to come I
will not think of changing my opinion upon the propriety of
proceeding thither, except some far more overruling power had
foreclosed the way against me ; for I am so taken up about the

1541. viret. 209
care of that church, as it is only reasonable to suppose I would
be, that already somehow, I cannot tell how it happens, I
begin to feel more of an inclination to take the helm in hand
should circumstances so require. Thus, however, we agreed
among ourselves, that immediately after our return I proceed
thither along with Bucer, that we may take counsel in com
mon, according to present circumstances, as to what may be
most advisable, and not as to the settlement of a pastor merely,
but that we may take some thought about the complete resto
ration of the Church. In this way a deliverance upon the
whole matter will have greater weight of authority, and will
be more fixed and certain for the future, since those also will
have lent their sanction to it from whom afterwards the most
would have to be feared. The head of discipline once settled
they will be bound by their own judgment to make no further
remonstrance : nor can they well set agoing any measure 'for
disturbing the order of our discipline. In the meantime, my
dear brother, I entreat of you, for Christ's sake, that you
do not despair or lose courage. The more uncertain it may
be how long we shall be here, the less on that account ought
the thought of further delay to vex or annoy you. I am well
aware, that there are very many annoyances which cannot but
occasion you much trouble and anxiety ; but bethink yourself
that the charge is at present laid upon you by the Lord, of
supporting and maintaining that Church, whose welfare you
have at heart, until our arrival. The day before I received
your letter, I had excused myself to your council, that for the
present I could not come thither. I trust that my excuse has
been accepted.
Farewell, my very kind brother and right-minded friend.
Salute respectfully on my behalf all "the godly. The Lord the
Spirit, may He confirm you in every good work.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 14.]

VOL. I.

210 JAMES BERNARD. 1541.

LXII. — To James Bernard.1
Protests his devotedness to the Church of Geneva — oblivion of past injury.
Ulm, 1st March 1541.
Your letter was delivered to me when we were just prepared
and making ready to start upon our journey.2 You will there
fore excuse my having rephed somewhat later than you may
have expected. For the same reason I would wish that you
may excuse this epistle, if it shall appear rather brief and con
fusedly put together, since it has to be written by fits and
starts upon the journey. That you advise me to take upon
myself the administration of the Church of Geneva, in so far as
you are concerned, I have no doubt that you have done so in
sincerity and from the best motives ; because you are of opinion
that it cannot be restored to order unless those persons shall
come to their help by whose departure it has come to pass that
they are thus unhappily afflicted. Moreover, that argument by
which you endeavour to prevail has always had great weight
with me ; for because I was afraid lest I might withstand God,
I have never dared utterly to reject that call. On the other
hand, my conscience holds me bound in that charge which I
sustain at present ; neither does it suffer me easily, as if that
1 James Bernard, formerly a monk, converted to the Eeform by the preaching of
Farel and Viret, and a minister of the Church of Geneva during the exile of Calvin.
Feeling his insufficiency and that of his colleagues, he had written a touching letter
to the Eeformer, to urge upon him to resume the direction of his former charge : —
" Indeed," said he, " one Sunday lately, when I was preaching in the chapel of
Eive, seeing our church desolate, and the people all in tears, I was impelled to
exhort them earnestly to turn to God, and to entreat of Him humbly, in Christ's
name, that He would send them a faithful pastor, such as is necessary for the in
terests of His Church. Two days thereafter the Council of Two Hundred was
assembled, and unanimously called for Calvin ; on the following day the General
Council met, and all, without one dissenting voice, cried, ' We must have Calvin,
that wise and holy man, that faithful minister of Jesus Christ.' . . . Come, then,
most honoured father; come, for you are ours." — Calvini Opera, torn. ix. p. 12.
2 Calvin was setting out for the Diet at Eatisbon.

1541. JAMES BERNARD. 211
were a matter of no concern, at once to desert it. My own
heart bears witness before God that it was a sacred and a
lawful call, as many godly persons can also testify to the
world. For, indeed, after that calamity, when my ministry
appeared to me to be disastrous and unprosperous, I had deter
mined in my own mind never again to enter upon any ecclesi
astical charge whatever, unless the Lord himself, by a clear
and manifest call, should summon me to it : I mean by this,
that such a necessity had occurred as that it was not possible
for me to strive against it. Standing upon this determination,
the Strasburghers never ceased to employ many devices, and
to set many engines in motion, until they overturned my re
solution. At their first onset, however, they did not succeed.
And when they saw that all was to little purpose, they threat
ened, by many arguments, that at the long-run I could no more
escape the hand of God by flying from Him, than Jonah had
escaped of old. It is nothing wonderful, therefore, if I do not
lightly relinquish that outpost in which God has stationed me.
Albeit, I am not so fixed or nailed to it, but that I am prepared
at the same time to remove as often as it may be the mind
of the Church that I should do so. I will not stir a step, how
ever, except in the way of lawful procedure. This was the reason
why I referred the hearing and entire disposal of this case to
the judgment of dur Church. Over and above all, my dear
brethren and colleagues, whom, as they deserve, I esteem very
highly in the Lord, and to whose authority I defer not less
than to the parental, although they were most unwilling to let
me away, yet themselves gave way so far as to agree that I
should set out thither with Bucer, and taking into consideration
the condition of the Church, might consult and advise together
upon what we might conclude as likely to prove most bene
ficial. In order, however, that we might not accomplish this
purpose forthwith on the instant, we have been hindered
by this journey. But as soon as we shall have returned
home, you may depend on our whole attention being given
to the disposal of this matter. In what relates to yourself
privately, you are well aware that the entrance of every one
of you upon that ministry was with very good reason disap-

212 JAMES BERNARD. 1541.
proved by me.1 Nothing really good could be expected to come
from so inauspicious a commencement, saving that, I always
besought the Lord that He would make you apt to teach in
the ministry, and sufficient for Himself. In the meantime,
many things were reported which one could scarcely credit,
neither was it possible utterly to disprove them. Most assuredly,
it was not without the most intense heaviness of heart that
I heard things which I foresaw must tend so greatly to the
dishonour and disgrace of the sacred ministry ; for as to what
I heard of myself and the brethren having been treated in no
very friendly style, that was a consideration that either did not
at all affect my mind, or pricked me so slightly that it could
inflict no sore. Although I acknowledge that I had such
esteem to Farel and to Courault — as their piety, learning, and
sanctity well deserved, that I could not bear patiently to hear
anything spoken disparagingly of them. This, therefore, I
neither conceal nor dissemble, that you may understand I deal
with you candidly and in simphcity. /And, therefore, as touch
ing the present solicitation, I cannot do otherwise than return
you my best thanks, for that by your letters you shew your
self so well disposed; and I trust that the inward affection
will respond to your words. You may in turn securely depend
on me ; for of a truth I promise you, whatever may be expected
from an individual who is a lover of peace, and averse from
contention — who is, moreover, your friend, very desirous indeed
of your salvation, and lastly, neither difficult nor implacable
in forgiving offences. But at the same time, I beseech you,
by the name of God and by His awful judgment, that you
keep in mind with whom you have to do, — one who will
exact a strict account in that day of eternity, by the most
searching and fiery trial, who can no way be satisfied by
mere words, or put off by some vain excuse. / Above all, do
you seriously consider that you are engaged in the discharge
of an office, which, as it excels every other, so it is the most
dangerous of all, if you do not apply yourself with the utmost
1 James Bernard and his colleagues, appointed ministers of Geneva after the ex
pulsion of Calvin, had, by their weakness and want of firmness, sanctioned the
disorders against which Calvin, Farel, and Courault had opposed themselves in vain.

1541. FAREL. 213
dihgence and intensity to the duties which belong to it. If
you care for my approval, I would forewarn you of this one
thing, that I require no more of you than that you devote
yourself sincerely and faithfully to the Lord,/ Adieu, my very
dear brother ; may the Lord Jesus, by His own Spirit, prepare
and confirm you in every good work. Salute, I pray you, all
the godly on my behalf.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 260.]

LXLLL— To Farel.1
Calvin at Eatisbon — the plague at Strasbourg — grief of the Eeformer — Pre
liminaries of the Diet — the German princes — the Italian prelates — Hun
gary — the Turk — Poland — state of opinion — inclinations of Charles V. —
Stayedness upon God. Eatisbon, 28th March 1541.
From the time of my arrival here I had not written to you,
but had commissioned my friend Claude, that whatever news
he might receive from me he should take care to forward to
you ; nor was there, indeed, anything worth your reading ; and I
was myself in expectation, first of all, of receiving a letter from
you, which I would then reward with a like communication.
In the meantime, while I wait for your letter, a distressing
event is announced to me, that our dear friend Claude,2 whom I
singularly esteemed, had been carried off by the plague. Louis,
the brother of Charles,3 followed three days afterwards. My
house was in a state of sad desolation ; my brother had gone
with Charles to a neighbouring village, my wife had betaken
1 While Calvin was present at the Diet of Eatisbon, the plague was raging in
upper Germany and on the banks of the Ehine. It also visited Strasbourg, where
the victims were numbered by thousands. Many of the friends of the Reformer
fell under this scourge ; Idelette de Bure, his wife, escaped by flight. Calvin, in
writing to Farel, gives him some account of the ravages it had made at Strasbourg,
and of the solemn conferences at which he assisted at Eatisbon.
* Claude Fcrey, French refugee at Strasbourg. See Calvini Opera, torn. ix.
p. 15, a letter of Claude Ferey to Farel.
8 Louis and Charles de Richebourg, sons of M. de Richebourg, to whom the
next letter is addressed.

214 FAREL. 1541.
herself to my brother's, and the youngest of Claude's scholars
was lying sick in bed. To the bitterness of grief, therefore,
there was added a very anxious concern for those who sur
vived. Day and night my wife was constantly present to my
thoughts, in need of advice, seeing that she was deprived of
her husband. The bereaved condition of the very estimable
Charles, who, within the space of four days, has been deprived
of his only brother, and of his instructor, whom he reverenced
as a father, grievously distressed me. I was aware, besides,
that he was most tender in his affection. I could not think
about Malherbe, but, at the same time, the excellent youths
who took care of him came into my mind. Although, how
ever, these events have produced in me so much sadness, that
it seems as if they could utterly upset the mind and depress the
spirit, you cannot beheve the grief which consumes me on
account of the death of my dear friend Claude. Nor need this
surprise you. For these two years bygone, you can well con
ceive how much I stood in need of an assured and faithful
friend, who might help to uphold me in the midst of so many
and such varied troubles and causes of disquiet ; he not only
proved himself most faithful, but in every way so dutiful, and
withal so kindly, that I could use almost the same familiarity
in my intercourse with him as if he were my brother. When
of late I left this place, as you know, in a state of suspense
and irresolution, he promised, in the most sacred manner, that
he would come wherever I wished, and that his friendship
should never fail me. The more I consider with myself how
much I stood in need of a good counsellor always at my
side, and, on the other hand, how rare, in these times, is such
an instance of affectionate good-will and faithfulness, I cannot
arrive at any other conclusion, than that the Lord, in taking
him away, has meant to chastise me severely for my sins. But
while I only intended to touch upon the subject of my misery
in a passing way, I am already running to excess. That is to
be accounted for, however, as well by the recollection of a most
excellent man, (which I wish may some time be as sweet to me
as it shall ever be sacred,) as from a pious regard to those who
are left.

1541. FAREL. 215
The Emperor has been waiting hitherto for the arrival of
the princes ; the two Bavarians have been here from the
commencement,1 and the highwayman of Brunswick,2 at once
the dishonour and the very pest of Germany ; from time to
time the deputies are arriving, one after the other. At length
some of the princes make their appearance, Frederic the Pa
latine, brother of the Elector, Otho his nephew, the young
Duke of Wurtemberg,3 the Landgrave, the Archbishop of
Mentz, Albert of Baden, the Prince of Anhalt, the Saxon ambas
sador ; the Elector of Brandenbourg is expected shortly. The
Emperor does not cease from urging attendance upon the
others, while, in the meantime, he spins out the time for their
appearance. The Elector of Saxony has excused his absence
upon very satisfactory grounds, by his ambassadors. There
are two of the cities belonging to the League, Goslar and Bruns
wick, which Henry, under cover of the bann, has annoyed by
his depredations and robberies. Our friends have lately resolved,
that they shall be defended by the army of the League. The
Emperor, in the meantime, that the meetings of the Diet may
not be hindered, has suspended all the judicial proceedings
which he had instituted against us, and has been pleased also
to annul all the sentences which have been passed against us,
until the whole matter shall be definitely ascertained. That
Edict having been promulgated, the Duke of Brunswick was
ordered to make restitution of what he had plundered, and
to abstain in future from aU violence. Although he under
took that he would do so, he proceeds, however, as he had
begun. One may almost be of opinion that he acts in col
lusion with the Emperor. However that may be, assuredly
the Elector of Saxony cannot desert his allies ; he con
tinues, therefore, upon the out-look, that should there be
any commotion he may immediately oppose himself to the
attack of the enemy. Moreover, from the time that these
1 The'two brothers, William and Louis of Bavaria, reigned in common in that
country. 2 Henry, Duke of Brunswick, unhappily distinguished throughout the whole of
Germany by his turbulent spirit and disorderly conduct. He was deprived of his
states in 1542 by the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse.
3 Christopher of Wurtemberg, who succeeded Duke Ulrich his father in 1550.

216 FAKEL. 154L
suspensions were intimated he has been cited to hear the
proclamation of the bann, that is, the sentence of denuncia
tion and proscription. A similar intimation was made to
us some few days afterwards. The Emperor, how conscien
tiously I know not, but with strong asseveration nevertheless,
declares that these proceedings are very unpleasant to him, and
that he would endeavour that they may pass away in smoke.
These proceedings, however, are allowed to go forward, not
without our being put in very great jeopardy of our lives ; for
what if they should pronounce sentence upon us to-morrow ?
We could not stir a single foot without risking the loss of our
heads. The Duke of Savoy had escaped my recollection, who
has come hither for the purpose of taking the oath of fealty
to the empire, in order that he may recover, with our assist
ance, those possessions which, while he had them, did not
incline him to join the alliance of the empire. When it was,
therefore, somewhat too late, the advocate Baimond has been
sent ambassador by the King of France, to request that he
might be received, as the representative of the duchy of Savoy,
to the allegiance and protection of the empire. The embas
sies from foreign nations are many and magnificent. The Car
dinal Contarini1 is legate from the Pope, who has distributed
so many crosses for us at his first entrance, that for two days
afterwards his arm, I think, must have felt the fatigue of it.
The Bishop of Modena, son of Jerome Morone, has been sent
separately, under the title and designation of Nuncio. Con
tarini is desirous of bringing us under the yoke of subjection
without bloodshed ; on that account he tries all methods of
setthng the business on the ground of expediency, without
having recourse to arms. He' of Modena2 is altogether san
guinary, and talks of nothing but war. Both of them are
entirely bent on cutting off all friendly treaty; but of this
afterwards. The Venetians have an ambassador here — a magni-
1 Gaspar Contarini, a prelate as remarkable for his moderation as for his enlight
ened mind and understanding. Legate of Pope Paul III. at the Diet of Eatisbon,
he in vain attempted to bring the two parties to agreement, and died the year
following, not without suspicion of poison.
2 The Cardinal Morono, Archbishop of Modena, one of the most merciless perse
cutors of the Reformed in Italy.

1541. FAREL. 217
ficent personage. The King of England, besides the ordinary
embassy to the Diet, has sent the Bishop of Winchester, with
a numerous suite, who is a man over-sharp in mahce. I pass
by the Portuguese and others. From the French King, also,
there is one, Du Veil, a busy blockhead. When I mentioned
the Princes I passed over the whole fry of the Pfaffery, ex
cepting one, the Elector of Mentz. There are present, how
ever, a good many bishops, the Bishop of Eatisbon, of Augs
burg, Spire, Bremen, Saltzburg, Brixen, Worms, Bamberg,
Heidelsheim, and some others.
I must now inform you what we suppose will come to pass,
if, indeed, we can anyhow forecast what is likely to happen, for I
can scarcely perceive sufficient data on which to found even
probable conjecture. The temper of the whole of our friends
has been very much exasperated against Henry, [of Bruns
wick,] for he has attacked them with the utmost ferocity in
the most virulent and libellous terms,1 and, therefore, they
have requested of the Emperor that he may be branded as a
calumniator, if it shah have been estabhshed that he had
aspersed their reputation by the most barefaced falsehoods.
Neither do I perceive how this affair can be settled, unless it
may be referred to the States of the empire to decide upon
it ; for the Landgrave has refused the Emperor to agree that
the controversy may be ended by transaction or arbitration,
adding that he would not even accept the Emperor himself as
umpire. This obstacle, although it seems to have but little con
nexion with the main business about which they were assem
bled, formed an element of disturbance at their very entrance
upon it, and, it is to be feared, will operate very much as a
hindrance to their proceedings. At present the great concern
of religion stands thus : The Emperor, because he perceives
his own affairs to be very much entangled, is not at all inclined
to heap up new troubles for himself ; he fears an attack on the
side of Turkey ; on the part of the King of France, either an
1 Henry of Brunswick maintained a very lively paper war against the Protestant
princes of Germany before attacking them more openly. Luther replied to these
attacks by one of his most virulent pamphlets, Hans Wurnt, a name which the
Germans use to designate their harlequin  See Seckendorf, lib. iii. par. 93.

218 FAREL. 1541.
uncertain peace or the risk of open war ; although, as regards
the Turk, various rumom-s are spread about. Since that
Hungarian monk1 having, on the decease of King John,
taken upon himself the guardianship of the young King,2
could not withstand the power of Ferdinand, he has sought
assistance from the Turk. The latter has sent only a very
small body of troops to help him, who have laid siege to Pestb,
a city belonging to Ferdinand. The city is situated on the bank
of the Danube, opposite to Buda ; for the raising of that siege,
troops are to be collected. Already other accounts relate that
the Turk himself was on his way with a great army and camp
equipage, while others assert that his expedition had been inter
rupted by some disturbance in his own country, I cannot tell what.
We shall see, however, in a short time, of what kind it is, for
there can be no doubt that he is very much hindered by reasons
near home, if he does not lay hold upon Wallachia. Upon their
revolt from the rule of their own tyrants, they delivered them
selves over, you are aware, in subjection to bis authority. He
set over them a Palatine of their own race, but dependent upon
himself. I know not how it has happened that, having expe
rienced his cruelty, they have been driven to extreme measures
rather than remain under his dominion. This winter, therefore,
having assassinated the Palatine, they at the same time rid
themselves of all the Turks who were among them. They
chose a new leader for themselves, whom they bound by oath
to promise eternal enmity against Turkey: they have also
taken possession of a very strong fortress which the Turks
had built with wonderful despatch upon the Polish frontier.
If he does not punish this affront, we shall then know that
he is otherwise engaged ; and would that it may turn out
to be so, that, while he is healing his own wounds, we may
have some time allowed us for taking measures to oppose
1 George Martinuzzi, tutor of the young Ring of Hungary, John Sigismund.
2 After the death of King Louis II. the crown of Hungary was long disputed
between Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V., and John Zapoli. The treaty of
Great Waradin (24th February 1538) guaranteed the throne to the latter, but with
out reversion to his descendants. He died in 1541, leaving an infant in the cradle
as his heir. His widow, yielding to the advice of George Martinuzzi, refused to
cede the crown to Ferdinand, and called the Turks into Hungary.

1541. FAREL. • 219
him, and for collecting our resources. The King of Poland1
could render very effectual assistance to his Wallachian neigh
bours, if the Tartars were not so troublesome to his kingdom.
During the past winter, they carried off great booty during a
sudden incursion, and seemed not without a will to proceed
farther in the same direction. Howsoever that may be, the
Emperor is desirous to have Germany in a state of quiet
until ne shall have extricated himself from these difficulties ;
nor will he stir up any commotions at this time, unless, by
the incessant importunity of our enemies, he is unwillingly
dragged into it by some necessity. Our friends wish to procure
an audience for themselves ; thereupon, as they do not expect
there will be any secure or lasting peace, unless there is a settled
agreement in religion, and the churches restored to order and
right discipline, they will strongly urge that the states of the
Empire may seriously set about this undertaking. In other
respects, there is nothing they more desire than to pacify all
these dissensions without riotous disorder, and they entertain a
just horror of war, as the certain destruction of their country.
Therefore, as far as they are able, they will make it appear, by
their conduct, how much they are opposed to violent and fac
tious counsels. Of the opposite party there are three classes :
there are those, especially, who sound the trumpet, and openly
rave like madmen because we are not attacked as soon as pos
sible. The chiefs of this class are, the Archbishop of Mentz,
the Dukes of Bavaria, Henry of Brunswick, and his brother,
the Bishop of Bremen. The others, who wish to consult the
welfare of their country, (whose ruin, or very severe calamity and
devastation, they foresee would be the consequence of a war,)
contribute all their endeavours to this point, that without
troubhng their heads about the establishment of an agreement
in rehgion, a peace of any kind may be agreed upon. The
third class would willingly admit some considerable correction
of doctrine and ecclesiastical disciphne, but either because they
are not yet advanced to that degree of growth as to understand

1 Sigismund I., King of Poland, (1506-1548.) This prince was continually en
gaged in strife with the Tartars of the Crimea, the Moldavians, and the Russians.

220 FAREL. 1541.
thoroughly the matters in dispute to be entirely settled, or
because they are of a more lowly and gentle disposition than
to dare to profess themselves the active promoters of that
opinion, they so conduct themselves as that they may appear
to seek nothing but the pubhc tranquillity. To that class
belong the Archbishop of Cologne, the Bishop of Augsburg,
among the clergy ; the two brothers Palatine among the
princes, Otho their nephew, and perchance the Duke of Aleves.
Those who plot disturbance, as they are fewer in number,
and have all good men opposed to them, are not very likely
to see the fulfilment of their devices. Fihally, the mind
of the Emperor, as I have mentioned, is altogether turned
to peace, if he can obtain it, so that, putting off the consi
deration of religion to another time, he may direct all his
energies to this object ; but our friends do not readily acquiesce
in this, and they will have their aiders and abettors in stirring
up to the reformation of the Church. Thus you see, although
scant, there is, however, the hope of doing somewhat. The
Papal legates, according to their usual method, are strongly
opposed to our proceeding to take any practical measures ; for
they consider that it is all over with their kingdom, if any dis
cussion in matter of rehgion, if any consultation about the
reformation of the Church, should be entertained or set on foot
without the authority of their idol. Openly, they pretend that
they promote the conference which we desire ;v but underhand,
they oppose us not only by great promises, but also by threats.
They are ready to assist the Emperor with a large sum of
money, if he wishes at once to have recourse to arms ; or what
Contarini rather wishes, if he can put us down without blood
shed. Should the Emperor make any concession distasteful
to the tyranny of the See of Eome, they threaten to fulmi
nate those excommunications with which they are wont to set
the whole world a trembling with terror. The Emperor at pre
sent is not acting freely, on account of the state of affairs in
Italy. Therefore, should he find it at all practicable, he will
retire thither, that either by a temporary peace, or truce of a
few years, he may afterwards settle the disputes of Germany,
leaving that whole field of discussion untouched for the present :

1541. FAREL. 221
which he will obtain with difficulty. You see now, as I said at
first, the conjectures are so obscure, that there is scarcely any
room for divination. "vVnat, therefore, are we to do ? Let us
call upon the name of the Lord, and beseech Him that He will
rule by His direction this greatest and most weighty of all
causes, in which both His own glory and the safety of the
Church are bound up together, and also that, in so critical a con
juncture of affairs, in His own set time He would shew, that
nothing is more precious to Him than that heavenly wisdom
which He has revealed to us in the Gospel, and those souls
which He has redeemed with the sacred blood of His own Son.
On that account, therefore, we must both seek and knock with
frequent importunity, and with our whole heart and mind, to
ascertain His will, the more uncertain everything on all hands
appears to us. When we weigh and consider carefully the
whole course and progress of this work of Eeformation, we shall
find that Himself had overruled, by wonderful methods, all the
events in providence, without the advice or help of man, even
contrary to all expectation. Upon this strength, therefore,
which He has so often put forth in our behalf, let us, in the
midst of so much perplexity, place our whole and entire depen
dence. There is one thing which alarms me, that I see so great
security prevails in the midst of us. And that, indeed, not only
alarms me, but it is altogether overwhelming, when we see new
causes of offence daily arising, such as that sad affair of the
double marriage:1 nevertheless, I am not cast down on that
account. /
I have lately received a letter from Viret, to which I rephed
briefly, because there is no room now for our deliberating about
that matter. I would with my whole heart go thither, my dear
Farel, on the earliest fitting opportunity ; but what would you
have me do ? I am here held bound, and very much fear that
I may consume away with the irksomeness of my situation.
Adieu, my excellent and most kindly brother. Greet most lov-
1 An allusion to the state of bigamy in which the Landgrave of Hesse was then
living, with the authorization of Luther, of Melanchthon, and of Bucer. The ex
planations given by Seckendorf (lib. iii. par. 79, addit. 3) are altogether ineffectual
to clear up this affair — one of the scandals of the Eeformation in Germany.

222 M. DE RICHEBODRG. 1541.
ingly, in my own expressions, all the brethren ; Thomas, Michael,
to whom these fines will impart much sadness; Cordier, my
preceptor, and the rest.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 15.]

LXIV. — To Monsieur de Eichebourg.1
Consolatory letter on the death of his son.
Eatisbon, [Month of April 1541.]
When I first received the intelligence of the death of Claude
and of your son Louis I was so utterly overpowered that for
many days I was fit for nothing but to grieve ; and albeit I
was somehow upheld before the Lord by those aids wherewith
He sustains our souls in affliction, among men, however, I was
almost a nonentity ; so far at least as regards my discharge of
duty, I appeared to myself quite as unfit for it as if I had been
half dead. On the one hand, I was sadly grieved that a most
excellent and faithful friend had been snatched away from me,
a friend with whom I was so familiar, that none could be more
closely united than we were;2 on the other hand, there arose
another cause of grief, when I saw the young man, your son,
taken away in the very flower of his age, a youth of most
exceUent promise, whom I loved as a son, because, on his part,
he shewed that respectful affection toward me as he would to
another father. To this grievous sorrow was still added the
heavy and distressing anxiety we experienced about those whom
the Lord had spared to us. I heard that the whole household
were scattered here and there. The danger of Malherbe caused
1 There is little known concerning M. de Eichebourg. It appears from the letter
of the Reformer that he had been for some years separated from his sons Charles
and Louis, who had repaired to Strasbourg, probably to finish their education. The
plague, which raged in Alsaee, carried off Louis, the younger of the two brothers, and
his preceptor, both tenderly beloved by Calviu, who, from Ratisbon, where the sad
intelligence had reached him, wrote this letter of Christian consolation to M. de
Eichebourg. 2 Claude Ferey, so much regretted by Calvin, was tutor to the sons of M. de
Eichebourg.

1541. M. DE richebourg. 223.
me very great misery, as well as the cause of it, and warned me
also as to the rest. I considered that it could not be otherwise
but that my wife1 must be very much dismayed. Your Charles,
I assure you, was continually recurring to my thoughts ; for in
proportion as he was endowed with that goodness of disposition
which had always appeared in him towards his brother as well
as his preceptor, it never occurred to me to doubt but that he
would be steeped in sorrow and soaked in tears. One single con
sideration somewhat relieved me, that he had my brother along
with him, who, I hoped, would prove no small comfort in this
calamity ; even that, however, I could not reckon upon, when,
at the same time, I recollected that both were in jeopardy, and
neither of them were yet beyond the reach of danger. Thus,
until the letter arrived which informed me that Malherbe was
out of danger, and that Charles, my brother, wife, and the
others were safe, I would have been all but utterly cast down,
unless, as I have already mentioned, my heart was refreshed in
prayer and private meditations, which are suggested by His
Word. These circumstances I mention on this account, lest those
exhortations may seem to you of less value, by which I now
desire that you may take comfort, because you will consider it
to be an easy matter to shew one's-self valiant in contending
against another person's grief. I do not, however, boast here
of firmness or fortitude in dealing with another's sorrow, but
since it has been granted me, by the special goodness of God,
that I should be in some degree either dehvered or relieved by
Him, who, in the communication of his benefits, is alike com
mon to me as to you : in so far as that is possible in a short letter,
I desire to communicate to you the remedies I took advantage
of, and those which were of greatest benefit. In this endeavour,
however, the consideration of your sadness is so to be kept in
view by me, that, at the same time, I shall remember that I
have to do with a person of a very serious mind and of very
constant and determined character; nor do I conceal from
myself those refuges of defence by which you are regulated, and
1 Idelette de Bure, the wife of Calvin, Antony his brother, and Marie, his sister,
had quitted Strasbourg, to avoid the infection of the plague.

224 M. DE RICHEBOURG. 1541.
kept on all occasions within the limits of patience and modera
tion. Neither shall I take advantage of those common topics of
consolation which are customary among men, such as that you
should not weep for your dead whom you had begotten subject to
mortality, that you should shew forth in this sorrowful occurrence
that firmness of mind which your excellent nature and dis
position, expanded by the most elegant accomphshments, which
your mature age, your varied experience, and which, to sum up
all, your reputation and esteem among men requires, that, after
the fashion of the world, you may take consolation in the
remembrance of your past life. In your case I set aside all
exhortations of this kind, and others of the same description,
and leave them to your own consideration. There is, most
assuredly, one sure and certain, a never-failing source of con
solation, in wliich you, and men like you, ought to acquiesce,
because it flows from that inward feeling of piety which I
know to abound in you ; therefore, take special care to call to
mind those thoughts which are taught us by the most excellent
Master of all, and suggested to our understanding in the
school of piety. It is not necessary at present that I should
state these truths, which are all as familiar to you as to myself
Yet, notwithstanding, because of your singular piety, and that
good-will which you express toward me, you will not, perhaps,
be unwilling to recognise in my letter thoughts which have
spontaneously occurred to your own mind at some other time.
The son whom the Lord had lent you for a season He has taken
• away. There is no ground, therefore, for those silly and wicked
complaints of foohsh men ; 0 blind death ! 0 hard fate ! 0 im
placable daughters of destiny! 0 cruel fortune! The Lord
who had lodged him here for a season, at this stage of his
career has called him away. What the Lord has done, we
must, at the same time, consider has not been done rashly, nor
by chance, neither from having been impelled from without,
but by that determinate counsel, whereby he not only foresees,
decrees, and executes nothing but what is just and upright in
itself, but also nothing but what is good and wholesome for us.
Where justice and good judgment reign paramount, there it is
impious to remonstrate. / When, however, our own advantage

1541. M. DE RICHEBOURG. 225
is bound up with that goodness, how great would be the degree
of ingratitude not to acquiesce, with a calm and well-ordered
temper of mind, in whatever is the wish of our Father ?" Never
theless, the faithful have a sufficient alleviation of their sorrows
in the special providence of God, and the all-sufficiency of His
provision, whatsoever may happen. For there is nothing which
is more dispiriting to us than while we vex and annoy our
selves with those sort of questions — Why is it not otherwise
with us ? Why has it so happened that we came to this
place? These questions would be well and suitably put, if
there was somewhat in ourselves that needed reproof. But
where there is no fault on our part, there is no room for
this sort of complaints. It is God, therefore, who has sought
back from you your son, whom he had committed to you to be
educated, on the condition, that he might always be His own.
And, therefore, He took him away, because it was both of
advantage to him to leave this world, and by this bereavement
to humble you, or to make trial of your patience. If you do
not understand the advantage of this, without delay, first of all,
setting aside every other object of consideration, ask of God
that He may show you. Should it be His will to exercise
you still farther, by concealing it from you, submit to that will,
that you may become wiser than the weakness of thine own un
derstanding can ever attain to. In what regards your son, if you
bethink yourself how difficult it is, in this most deplorable age,
to maintain an upright course through life, you will judge him
to be blessed, who, before encountering so many coming dangers
which already were hovering over him, and to be encountered
in his day and generation, was so early delivered from them all.
He is like one who has set sail upon a stormy and tempestuous
sea, and before he has been carried out into the deeps, gets
in safety to the secure haven. Nor, indeed, is long life to
be reckoned so great a benefit of God, that we can lose any
thing, when separated only for the space of a few years, we are
introduced to a life which is far better. Now, certainly, because
the Lord himself, who is the Father of us all, had willed that
Louis should be put among the children as a son of his adop
tion, He bestowed this benefit upon you, out of the multitude
VOL. i. p

226 M. DE RICHEBOURG. 1541.
of His mercies, that you might reap the excellent fruit of your
careful education before his death ; whence also you might know
your interest in the blessing that belonged to you, " I will be thy
God, and the God of thy seed." From his earliest boyhood, so far
as his years allowed, he was grounded in the best studies, and
had already made such a competent proficiency and progress,
that we entertained great hope of him for the future. His
manners and behaviour had met with the approval of all good
men. If at any time he fell into error, he not only patiently
suffered the word of admonition, but also that of reproof, and
proved himself teachable and obedient, and willing to hearken to
advice. Whiles, indeed, he was rather unruly, but never so far
as to be obstinate or sulky. Those sallies, therefore, wherein
he exceeded due bounds, were repressed with httle trouble.
That, however, which we rate most highly in him was, that he
had drunk so largely into the principles of piety, that he had
not merely a correct and true understanding of religion, but had
also been faithfully imbued with -the unfeigned fear and rever
ence of God. This so exceeding kindness of God toward your
offspring, ought with good reason to prevail more effectually
with you in soothing the bitterness of death, than death itself
have power to inflict grief upon you. With reference to my
own feelings, if your sons had never come hither at all, I should
never have been grieved on account of the death of Claude and
Louis. Never, however, shall this most crushing sorrow, which
I suffer on account of both, so overcome me, as to reflect with
grief upon that day on which they were driven hither by the
hand of God to us, rather than led by any settled purpose of
their own, when that friendship commenced which has not only
continued undiminished to the last, but wliich, from day to day,
was rather increased and confirmed. Whatever, therefore, may
have been the kind or model of education they were in search
of, I rejoice that they lived under the same roof with me. And
since it was appointed them to die, I rejoice also that they died
under my roof, where they rendered back their souls to God
more composedly, and in greater circumstances of quiet, than if
they had happened to die in those places where they would have
experienced greater annoyance from the importunity of those by

1541. M. DE RICHEBOURG. 227
whom they ought to have been assisted, than from death
itself. On the contrary, it was in the midst of pious ex
hortations, and while calling upon the name of the Lord,
that these sainted spirits fled from the communion of their
brethren here to the bosom of Christ. Nor would I desire
now to be free from all sorrow at the cost of never having
known them. Their memory will ever be sacred to me to
the end of my days, and I am persuaded that it will also be
sweet and comforting. But what advantage, you will say, is it"
to me to have had a son of so much promise, since he has been
torn away from me in the first flower of his youth ? As if, for
sooth, Christ had not merited, by His death, the supreme domi
nion over the living and the dead ! And if we belong to Him,
(as we ought,) why may He not exercise over us the power of
life and of death ? However brief, therefore, either in your opi
nion or in mine, the life of your son may have been, it ought to
satisfy us that he has finished the course which the Lord had
marked out for him. Moreover, we may not reckon him to
have perished in the flower of his age, who had grown ripe in
the sight of the Lord. For I consider all to have arrived at
maturity who are summoned away by death ; unless, perhaps,
one would contend with Him, as if He can snatch away any one
before his time. This, indeed, holds true of every one ; but in
regard to Louis, it is yet more certain on another and more pe
culiar ground. For he had arrived at that age when, by true
evidences, he could prove himself a member of the body of
Christ : having put forth this fruit, he was taken from us and
transplanted. Yes, instead of this transient and vanishing
shadow of life, he has regained the real immortality of being.
Nor can you consider yourself to have lost him, whom you will
recover in the blessed resurrection in the Kingdom of God. For
they had both so hved and so died, that I cannot doubt but they
are now with the Lord ; let us, therefore, press forward toward
this goal which they have reached. There can be no doubt but
that Christ will bind together both them and us in the same
inseparable society, in that incomparable participation of His
own glory. Beware, therefore, that you do not lament your son
as lost, whom you acknowledge to be preserved by the Lord,

228 M. DE RICHEBOURG. 1541.
that he may remain yours for ever, who, at the pleasure of His
own will, lent him to you only for a season. Nor will you
derive small consolation from this consideration, if you only
weigh carefully what is left to you. Charles survives to you, of
whom we all entertain this sentiment, that there is not one of
us who does not desire that he might have such a son. Do
not suppose that these expressions are only intended for your
hearing, or that there is exaggeration here, in order to be
speak your favour. This is no more my habit than it is my
disposition. 'I therefore express what are my real sentiments,
and what I would say among strangers, that the young man
excels, in the first place, in singular piety and in the true
fear of God, which is the beginning and the end of all
wisdom ; then in the kindliness of his disposition, in gentleness
of manner, and in rare modesty and continence. Nor do I
assign these virtues to him upon mere rumour or hearsay ; for
I have always been anxious upon this head, and kept close ob
servation of bis particular disposition. During the lifetime of
both the brothers, I have remarked this distinction between
them : Louis excelled in quickness of apprehension, but Charles,
in solid judgment and intelligence, was much in advance of his
brother. The deceased brother was more ready in bringing
into play what he had read or heard ; the other is slower, but
also surer. The one was more ready and quick in mastering
the various arts as well as in the active business of fife ; the
other more considerate and more steady: his constitution of
body, also, indicated as much. Louis, however, as he was of a
more sanguine temperament, was also more lively and cheerful.
Charles, who has somewhat of melancholy in his disposition, is
not so easily drawn out of himself. He was always the more
modest and courteous of the two, which distinguished him to
such a degree, that he could subdue his brother's impetuosity by
the forbearance which he exercised. In moderation, in gravity
hke that of manhood, and in a certain equability of demeanour,
in these points he was far the superior./ You will, therefore,
yourself be judge how far the possessing such a son ought to
avail for taking off the pain of the bereavement wherewith
the Lord has now afflicted you, and you will then conclude, that

1541. FAREL. 229
even' on this account you must not be ungrateful to God. It is
difficult, notwithstanding, you will say, so to shake off or sup
press the love of a father, as not to experience grief on occasion
of the loss of a son. Neither do I insist upon your laying
aside all grief. Nor, in the school of Christ, do we learn any
such philosophy as requires us to put off that common humanity
with which God has endowed us, that, being men, we should
be turned into stones. These considerations reach only so
far as this, that you do set bounds, and, as it were, temper even
your most reasonable sadness; that, having shed those tears
which were due to nature and to fatherly affection, you by no
means give way to senseless waihng. Nor do I by any means
interfere because I am distrustful of your prudence, firmness,
or high-mindedness ; but only lest I might here be wanting
and come short in my duty to you. Although, however, this
letter shall be superfluous, (which I can suppose,) you will
nevertheless take in good part, because of your distinguished and
kindly courtesy, this my perhaps over-anxious importunity, —
pardonable, however, notwithstanding, because it proceeds from
my unbounded affection towards you. Moreover, I have re
quested Melanchthon and Bucer that they would also add their
letters to mine, because I entertained the hope that it would not
be unacceptable that they too should afford some evidence
of their good-will toward you. Adieu, most distinguished sir,
and my much-respected in the Lord. May Christ the Lord
keep you and your family, and direct you all with His own
Spirit, until you may arrive where Louis and Claude have gone
before. [Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 175.]
LXV— To Farel.
Affliction of Calvin — news of the Diet of Eatisbon — appointment of the
theologians charged with the representation of the two parties — their re
ception by the Emperor— portrait of Julius Pflug, of Gropper, and of Eck.
Ratisbon, 2ilh April 1541 .
My last letter will have given you to understand clearly
enough the state of affliction in which I then was. If on that

230 farel. 1541
account it has appeared somewhat fretful, you will impute
it to my grief, which had made me more peevish than usual.
Even yet, although I am recovering my composure by degrees,
I still feel nothing more than a shght abatement of the
pressure. Nay even, what one ought to feel shame in con
fessing, there is some such sort of consolation in grief, as
that it may he somewhat pleasing in itself not to be entirely
dehvered from sorrow./ Meanwhile, I have received a letter
from Du Tailly, dated on the 30th, in which he informed
me that there was a messenger on the way from you, who
would give more particular information as to your present state.
He has delayed so long, however, in making his appearance,
that I have given over expecting his arrival. If you have
anything which you can communicate in writing, and sure I
am that there are many things, they might be forwarded to
me within the compass of a letter, if Mirabeau1 will send it
to the King's ambassador, addressed under cover to Ulrich;2
for his messengers go pretty frequently to and fro. I earn
estly desire that you may explain to us clearly and faithfully
how that dispute between the two cities3 has been settled;
how our Genevese friends are disposed ; in what manner
that church holds itself together ; what Viret is doing ; what
are the hopes and what the pursuits of all, provided that
you do not begin to grow warm on the subject. For my
self, I am also already too much disordered and put out;
and by your vehemency you produce this effect, that those
persons place less reliance upon you whom it had been of im
portance to have influenced. Neither ought you to be sur
prised at this, when you cannot escape this imputation of over
vehemency even from myself. I would, however, specially
recommend, that you would a second time press upon them
and seriously entreat them not to forget what they may have
promised. It would be delightful to me to be informed of that
1 One of the numerous French refugees, whom persecution had driven into
Switzerland. He was a member of the Church at Neuchatel.
2 Ulrich Chelius. See Note 2, p. J 36.
8 The process between Geneva and Berne, submitted to the arbitration of the
town of Basle,

1541. FAREL. 231
when I return, as I have intimated by former letters ; nor is it
difficult to accomplish, if you will only assist.
In the meetings of this Diet nothing memorable has yet been
begun. The Emperor was allowed to choose a few pious and
experienced men of weight and authority, who, upon examining
and well considering the points in controversy, might dehberate
upon the means of agreement, and afterwards submit to the
approval of the states the heads of agreement which they had
settled among themselves. On the 20th of this month he
appointed, on the part of our adversaries, Julius Pflug,1 John
Gropper2 of Cologne, and John Eck;3 on our side, Philip
Melanchthon, Martin Bucer, and John Pistorius.4 He also
mentioned publicly that he would fix upon one of the princes,
who might preside over their business. Our friends having
consulted together, at my request they desired that a greater
number of witnesses might be present. It is not yet known
what may be obtained, except that there is some hope enter
tained that the Emperor takes an interest in the matter. In
the meanwhile, these six who were appointed were sum
moned ; they were kindly received by the Emperor, who
gave them his hand on their first meeting, and when they
took their leave. By an interpreter the Emperor addressed to
them a very solemn exhortation ; that as he had committed
such important interests to them, trusting in their piety,
learning, and integrity, he doubted not they would answer his
expectation. That, therefore, they should have the glory of God,
the pubhc peace, the salvation of all nations as their aim ; that
they should not be influenced by ambition ; that they should

1 Julius Pflug, Canon, and afterwards Bishop of Numburg in Saxony, a learned
man, and of conciliatory and moderate temper.
2 John Gropper, Canon of Cologne. He was so far enlightened as to see and
acknowledge the abuses of the Roman Church, but had not courage to go forward
in the reform of them. He obtained the Cardinal's dignity, and was put to death
in a strange and unusual manner, having been strangled with the strings of his
Cardinal's hat. See Beza; Icones.
8 John Mayer, better known under the name of Eck, Doctor in Theology, ccle-
brnted on account of his controversies with Carlostadt and Luther.
4 John Pistorius, superintendent of the province of Nidau. He was called to the
Diet of Augsbourg in 1529, and died, in 1583, at a very advanced age.

232 FAREL. 1541.
yield nothing to the obstinacy or to any regard to the favour of
men. Each answered separately for himself. Therefore, — and
may the Lord grant success, — something will forthwith be at
tempted. Further, if we may forecast what is likely to be the
issue, receive in few words what are the sentiments of many.
First of all, it is worth while to ascertain the distinguishing
characteristics of the men. /That same Julius (Pflug) is an
eloquent man, and thoroughly accomplished in human learn
ing, but by no means well versed in theology ; besides, he is
ambitious and fond of applause ; in other respects by no means
of an impure life. Since, therefore, he has neither sound
knowledge, nor a sufficiently settled determination, while he
is trammelled by bis ambition, you may consider how httle
is to be expected from him. Gropper sometimes reaches
farther ; but he also is of that large class of men who attempt
to figure to themselves I know not what — some sort of middle
path between Christ and the world. He is, however, such
a man, that one may dehberate with him not without bene
fit. You know Eck1 well enough already. No one enter
tains a doubt but that this Davus2 will throw all into con
fusion by his forward impertinence. I do not indeed alto
gether despair; but when I begin to hope, then I remember
what took place at Worms. Certainly, if anything very
desirable shall be attained, it will so fall out beyond all my
expectation. When they have made a beginning you shall
hear more satisfactorily from me. Farewell, my very excel
lent and right-hearted brother; may the Lord preserve you
to His Church, and confirm you along with all our holy
brethren, all of whom will you greet kindly in my name ?
I cannot enumerate them; do you consider them as men-
1 See the portrait of Eck which Mosellanus has sketched, cited by Seckendorf :
" Big-bodied, broad-shouldered, stout-hearted, even to impudence, and more like
the town-crier than a theologian — one whom you might rather expect to find
figuring in the theatre than in a Council ;" — such was the principal adversary of the
Protestants at the Diet of Ratisbon.
2 Davus, the type of all insolent slaves in the ancient drama. Melanchthon
writes, in speaking of Eck, " I do not think that any pious person could listen
without horror to the sophisms and vain subtleties of that talking mountebank." —
Seckendorf, iii. parag. 80, addit. 1.

1541. FAREL. 233
tioned specially by name. You must keep up the spirits of
Viret, by frequent encouragement, that he may not be too much
cast down. Nevertheless, I was very glad when lately I heard
that he had removed his wife and household furniture to
Geneva. On receiving this intelligence I became less anxious.
— Yours, v Calvin.
It has been lately written hither that many Asiatic tribes
have revolted from the Turk, and that he is on that account to
be occupied for the present with the war in Persia, so that he
will be less likely to trouble Hungary. As this news has been
written out of Hungary, I scarcely venture to put faith in it.
I rather desire to think it to be true than believe it to be as
reported. To-day also we have learned that the monk who
had undertaken the government of the kingdom during the
minority of his pupil, has been made a prisoner by his own
countrymen.1 There is, therefore, no doubt but that on occa
sion of such a favourable opportunity, Buda may have fallen
under the power of Ferdinand. Many soldiers are said to
collect in the territory of the Bishop of Bremen, although
themselves do not tell under whose command they are. Many,
however, have a suspicion that our friend Henry of Brunswick
is the contriver of the plot ; 2 for they have the same generals
whom formerly he had armed against us. Should there be
any disturbance there is danger of the war spreading.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
1 The Bishop George Martinuzzi, Waywode of Transylvania. He was feebly
supported by the Turks, whom he had called into Hungary from hatred to King
Ferdinand. 2 Henry of Brunswick endeavoured to have himself appointed head of the
Romanist League concluded at Nuremberg in 1538, in opposition to the Protestant
League of Smalkald. Incited by a blind hatred of the Gospel, he is accused of
having hired mercenary troops to lay waste the dominions of the Elector of Saxony.
— Seckendorf, iii. parag. 86.

234 FAREL. 1541.

LXVI.— To Farel.
Request addressed by the ministers of the Church of Zurich to those of
Strasbourg — Calvin promises to return to Geneva — message to Viret.
From Ratisbon, 4th May 1541.
Although I think that my former letters must have abun
dantly satisfied you, yet because a convenient opportunity was
presented of writing to you by Frellon,1 I was unwilling to
forego it, especially since a new subject had occurred; for
the Zurichers lately, as I hear, have earnestly requested the
magistrates of Strasbourg to throw no obstacles in the way of
my setting out, and have also solemnly conjured me in another
letter, although I am only a private individual, that I would
not refuse the calling of the Lord. That this has happened
by your suggestion our friends can easily perceive. When I
see, however, that you busy yourself so much, without inter
mission, about it, no other conclusion can be arrived at in
my mind than that you entertain less favourable thoughts
of me and others than you ought. It had been my wish to
free you from such surmises when I wrote that at the request
of Philip I had been sent hither for the second time. What
if I, according to your practice, were to indulge in conjec
tures, — my mind would incline me otherwise. It would have
made httle difference had I remained at home in presence of
the Council. Who do you think can have been the advisers of
this journey ? But I am unwilling to torture myself to no
purpose with cogitations such as these. My choice would
have been to excuse myself if my conscience had suffered me,
although I have sought to be excused when it was too late ; but
at last it was not possible to decline. Certainly I have not
dared to do so lest I should seem to set myself in opposition to
God as well as men. Hither, therefore, have I been either
driven out or sent. At present I am bound fast, as it were,
with fetters, which even, if I wished ever so much, I cannot
1 John Frellon, a printer of Lyons.

1541. FAREL. 235
break asunder before the time. I shall, however, attempt
to unloosen them by degrees. When I perceived, however,
that my speed was all too tardy to meet your desires, I formed
the determination at which I have hinted in former letters,
that, having once finished what we had /to do here, we should
straightway depart thither; but many reasons compel me
first of all to return home. I will endeavour, if it be possible,
to return to Strasbourg before the fair time, where during the
time of the fair I shall preach ; afterwards I shall make my
escape thither. I do not see what more you can require of me,
unless, perhaps, you take a pleasure in wearying me out with
your complaints, and only not to kill me outright. I will bear
it, indeed, if I cannot successfully entreat that you would shew
yourself more equitable towards me ; but I would prefer to
obtain of you that you would not scourge without deserving.
As soon as I receive a message from the Zurichers I shall
return a very friendly answer. They could not have written
in more friendly or more respectful terms. But I assure you,
all that was superfluous on my account, for our friends gave
no evidence whatever that they had the slightest desire to
retain me. These letters, however, have produced this good,
that — what is every way desirable — they have a tendency
to cherish agreement between these two Churches. On that
account Bucer was certainly greatly rejoiced. Do you, in
the meanwhile, confirm and strengthen Viret by frequent
exhortations, that he may not be worn down by the weariness
of delay ; and communicate this letter. My anxiety is very
great to know whether all my letters have reached you ; for by
the same messenger I wrote about my departure to you, to Viret,
and to the Senate of Geneva ; after that I wrote another letter
from Ulm, three from hence — these make four. The first
and second I sent to Strasbourg, the third to Soleure. You
will also oblige me if you will let me understand how many
copies you have yet remaining of the Institution. It will also
be a most acceptable kindness, if you will undertake it, carefully
and faithfully to explain the present state of things at Geneva.
Adieu, most excellent and worthy brother ; greet for me reve
rently all the brethren, Chaponneau, Thomas, Cordier, Michael,

236 FAREL. 1541.
and the rest. I am tired with writing. This is the third mes
senger whom I charge with letters. — Yours,

Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 1 06.]

LXVIL— To Farel.
Eesults of the Diet of Eatisbon — conferences of the theologians — original
sin — free-will — -justification — impossibility of agreement in the sacrament
of the Supper. Eatisbon, 11th May 1541.
Though I find my prolonged stay here to be irksome, yet
never shall I regret having come, Do you think me to be
not in a sound state of mind when I say so ? I am quite con
scious of what I am saying ; and that I do not speak un
reasonably you shall understand when we meet. For the pre
sent, you can pick up a few crumbs, as much as you can, by
way of narrative. Our friends in the commission have come to
agreement on the doctrine of original sin without any difficulty;
a discussion followed on that of free-will, which was drawn
together out of the writings of Augustine ; they departed in
neither of these points from ourselves. The debate in controversy
was more keen upon the doctrine of justification. At length a
formula was drawn up, which, on receiving certain corrections,
was accepted on both sides. You will be astonished, I am sure,
that our opponents have yielded so much, when you read the
extracted copy, as it stood when the last correction was made
upon it, which you will find enclosed in the letter. Our friends
have thus retained also the substance of the true doctrine, so
that nothing can be comprehended within it which is not to
be found in our writings ; you will desire, I know, a more dis
tinct exphcation and statement of the doctrine, and, in that
respect, you shall find me in complete agreement with yourself.
However, if you consider with what kind of men we have to
agree upon this doctrine, you will acknowledge that much has
been accomplished. Next came the subject of the Chm-ch : as

1541. FAREL. 237
to the definition they agreed in opinion ; on the question of the
power of the Church they began to differ. When at length
they could not anyhow be reconciled, it seemed best to omit that
article. With regard to the sacraments, there was some jarring
of opinion ; but when those of our side conceded to them their
ceremonies as things indifferent, they advanced then to the con
sideration of the sacrament of the Supper. There stood the
impassable rock whioh barred the way to farther progress.
Transubstantiation, reposition, circumgestation, and other super
stitious forms of worship, were utterly rejected. This our
opponents would by no means allow. My colleague,1 who is full
of enthusiasm in the desire for agreement, began to murmur,
and to become indignant, because such unseasonable questions
were entertained. Melanchthon rather tended to the opposite
opinion, that so, the gangrene being brought to a height,
he might cut off all hope of pacification. Our friends having
consulted, they called us together. We were requested, each
in succession, to state our opinions ; it was the unanimous
voice of all, that transubstantiation was a mere fiction or
figment, the reposition of the consecrated wafer a piece of
superstition, that the adoration of the wafer was idolatrous, or
at the least dangerous, since it had no authority from the Word
of God. I had also to explain in Latin what were my senti
ments. Although I had not understood any one of the others,
deliberately, without fear of offence, I condemned that peculiar
local presence • the act of adoration I declared to be altogether
insufferable. Believe me, in matters of this kind, boldness is
absolutely necessary for strengthening and confirming others.
Do you, therefore, earnestly supplicate the Lord that he may
uphold us with that spirit of fortitude. A document in writing
was then drawn up by Philip, which, when it was presented to
Granvelle, was rejected with harsh expressions, because those
three commissioners had made us aware of them. When such
things happen, at the very threshold, you may conceive how
much difficulty remains in regard to private masses, the
sacrifice of the mass, and the cup in the communion. What
if it should come to a consideration of the open confession of
1 Martin Bucer.

238 FAREL. 1541.
the spiritual presence ? How much disturbance would be
ready to burst forth out of it ? Your letters, by the quill mer
chant, were dehvered to me a month after they were written ;
I shall be surprised if, in the course of a day or two, others
do not make their appearance. The safety of the brethren has
been recommended to me to attend to it as I ought, but we
stick as yet at that obstruction which you are aware of.
Maurus,1 who was sent about that business, is actively engaged
in untying that knot. Greater hope than usual breaks forth :
for the Landgrave begins to perceive some failure in the
quarter from which he expected most ; therefore he will incline
to that which we propose. If that shall so fall out, they will, I
doubt not, have a particular consideration of the brethren ; and
Maury will do his utmost, as he is a pious and right-hearted
man. Believe me, he has hitherto been faithful in attending
to that which he undertook. Nothing more, however, has been
obtained, than that they might have permission to return home
with impunity, provided they abjured in presence of the
bishop. N. is most troublesome to us ; may the Lord either
take him away or amend him. Greet all the brethren in the
most friendly manner. May the Lord Jesus keep you. Philip
and Bucer salute you. When we dined with the Landgrave
the day before yesterday, kindly mention was made of you.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 17.]

LXVIIL— To Farel.
Efforts of Bucer and of Melanchthon to effect a connexion between the two
Churches — formula of concord — feeling of Calvin on the subject.
12th May 1541.
The messenger left a day later than I supposed. This day
has brought forth somewhat for us. Granvelle, when he had cut
1 This was doubtless that gentleman of the chamber of King Francis I., to
whom OScolampadius wrote in 1524, to congratulate him on his sincere attach
ment to the Gospel. This gentleman is known only under the pseudonyme of
Maurus Musams, a secretin et cubiculo Regis GaUiarum. See the letter of
GScolampadius in the Life of Gerard Ronssel, by M. Schmidt. Strasbourg, 1845, in
8vo, App. No. 3, p. 179.

1541. farel: 239
off all hope on the part of our friends by his reply, after he heard
of Eck's apoplexy, since, perhaps, he saw that the forward
importunity of that personage put a stop to the progress toward
agreement, requested (Pistorius also being left out) the four
remaining theologians to consult together of themselves with
out any presiding arbiters. ^So far as I could understand, if we
could be content with only a half Christ we might easily come
to understand one another./ Philip and Bucer have drawn up
ambiguous and insincere formulas concerning transubstantia
tion, to try whether they could satisfy the opposite party by
yielding nothing. I could not agree to this device, although
they have, as they conceive, reasonable grounds for doing so, for
they hope that in a short time it would so happen that they
would begin to see more clearly if the matter of doctrine shall
be left an open question for the present ; therefore they rather
wish to skip over it, and do not dread that equivocation in
matters of conscience, than which nothing can possibly be more
hurtful. I can promise, however, both to yourself and to all
the pious, that both are animated with the best intentions, and
have no other object in view than promoting the kingdom of
Christ. \N~or can you desire anything on the part of either of
them which they do not faithfully and steadily perform, except
that in their method of proceeding they accommodate them
selves too much to the time.y But I cannot well endure to see
that Bucer so loads himself with the hatred of many on account
of it. He is conscious of his own good intentions, and, on this
account, is more careless than is desirable. *T3ut we ought not to
be so content with the integrity of our own conscience as to have
no consideration or regard of our brethren^ But these are things
which I deplore in private to yourself, my dear Farel ; see, there
fore, that you keep them to yourself. One thing alone, as usually
happens in the midst of evils, I am thankful for, that there is
no one who is fighting now more earnestly against the wafer god
than Brentz,1 for so he calls it. I will not write more at pre
sent, in order that you may the more eagerly desire my arrival
1 John Brentz, a celebrated German theologian, much attached to the Lutheran
dogma of the Supper. He assisted at the Conferences of Haguenau, of Worms,
and of Eatisbon, and seemed, in the latter, to go over to the interpretation of Calvin,
against which, at a later period, he maintained a very sharp controversy.

240 FAREL. 1541.
among you, that I may stuff your ears full of these stories.
Adieu, my very dear brother. Freithus, Musculus, Brentz,
greet you, indeed, almost all do so. Eck, as they say, is getting
better. The world does not deserve to be yet dehvered from
that Mte.1 'There has lately occurred a circumstance wliich I
must not omit to mention. Maurus has an attendant, who
was for some time a servant with Louis2 and myself at Basle,
a decent honest young man, trustworthy, and modest. About
five years ago, when he was but yet a boy, without the know
ledge of his father, he promised in Ms cups to marry a young
woman. His father having been informed of the affair had
remonstrated with the son upon the subject. The youth told
him that he had been imposed upon. The case not having
been fully gone into, not being well understood, and still less
well weighed and maturely considered, the judges of your
Consistory have pronounced, under the directions of Marcourt,
that the marriage ought to be held good. The young man, that
he might avoid this connexion, left his country. He has now
received the intelhgence of the death of his father; but bis rela
tions advise him, at the same time, to take the young woman to
wife ; and Mirabeau has also advised him to the same purpose.
I have probed him to the uttermost, and almost worn him out by
my entreaties, yet he is so averse to it that I cannot prevail on
myself to urge him any farther ; and all the while he acknow
ledges that the girl is an honest woman, only he affirms posi
tively that he never had any inclination to marry her. Because
I wish him weU I would like if it can be brought about to
have the affair settled by friendly agreement, and a mutual
understanding between the parties. This will also be for the
advantage of the girl herself. I have written to Mirabeau
about the business. On my account, however, I do not wish
you to do anything except what you shall judge just and right
in the circumstances. Nor would I do more myself if the case
were referred to my decision.^
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp: Opera, torn. ix. p. 17.]
1 Eck died two years later, the 16th February 1543, in consequence of a second
attack of apoplexy, brought on by his intemperance  Seckendorf, iii. parag. 112.
2 Louis du Tillet ; he had made a long stay at Basle with Calvin, before accom
panying him into Italy.

1541. THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 241

LXIX. — To the Pastors of the Church of Zurich.1
The expression of his sentiments in reference to the Church of Geneva-
ready to return to that town if the magistrates of Strasbourg consent to
it, and if the Seigneury of Berne promise their support — testimony of re
spect for the Church of Zurich. Eatisbon, 31st May 1541.
• Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord
Jesus Christ.
Men and brethren, most dear to me and very highly re
spected, — Your letter was most acceptable to me on a two
fold account, chiefly because, according to that close tie of
spiritual relation which, according to the will of God, sub
sists between us, you faithfully and prudently admonish me
as to my duty ; as also, because I perceive you are seriously
anxious in behalf of the Church of Geneva, whose admini
stration, as a sacred charge, has been entrusted to me. Not
merely on my own behalf, therefore, but in name of the
Church herself, do I feel grateful, and now express my singular
thankfulness, not only for that you have resolved to counte
nance her by your protection, but also to aid me by your
counsel. Although, at the same time, however, I must take
the freedom to say, I stood not so greatly in need of that very
earnest exhortation, who am of my own accord well enough
disposed to carry out in practice what you advise. It was also
very dehghtful to be confirmed by your judgment in a matter
of such difficult and perplexing deliberation. But because I
perceive you are somewhat doubtful as to my mind upon the
matter, I will at once explain to you briefly what has stood in
the way to prevent my proceeding thither more speedily, and
1 At the request of Farel and the magistrates of Geneva, the pastors of the
Church of Zurich had written to Calvin, then deputed to the Diet at Ratisbon, ex
horting him to resume the office of the ministry in his earliest charge. Calvin,
in his reply, freely unburdens himself of the sentiments of terror and repugnance
which he feTt at the thought of returning to Geneva.
VOL. I. y

242 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 1541.
also what, upon the advice of my brethren, I have at length
agreed to do. When the first letter arrived, by which the
Council tried to sound my wishes, I was not a little staggered
on perceiving that I might be drawn back again into those
straits and difficulties from whence I have always concluded
that I have been dehvered by the singular kindness of God.
While I sustained the charge in that church along with my
excellent and most faithful friend and colleague Farel, I tried
every method by which it could be preserved. ^And although
it was a very troublesome province to me, yet the thought of
deserting it never entered into my thoughts. For I considered
myself placed in that station by God, hke a sentinel at his post,
from which it would be impiety on my part were I to stir a
single foot ; yet I am aware that it will be scarcely credible
were I to relate to you even a very small part of those annoy
ances, or rather miseries, which we had for a whole year to
endure. This I can truly testify, that not a day passed away
in which I did not ten times over long for death ; but as for
leaving the Church to remove elsewhere, such a thought never
once came into my mind. .When matters, therefore, had come
to the worst, when we saw that the safety of the Church stood
very much in our not being cast out of 'the government of it,
we strove hard for the retaining of our ministry, not less than if
the contest had been a matter of life or death, ^ind, moreover,
if they had attended to my advice, although not a very acute
individual, it would have been far easier, then, rather to have re
lieved the Church in her pangs, or even, when partially collapsed
and downcast, to raise her up again, than it can be to restore her
now that she is almost utterly ruined. It would have proved
an excellent remedy, by which the danger might have been got
over, if we had been summoned to your Synod. That, how
ever, could not be obtained. There was indeed another, if the
churches had in earnest taken up our cause in common. To
most people I appeared to rave when I foretold what afterwards
has occurred. When at length, however, it was quite apparent
to me that I had discharged my duty to the uttermost, I
withdrew along with Farel into retirement with a quiet con
science. He was immediately called away elsewhere. As for

1541. THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 243
me, I had determined for the future to keep away from all
pubhc employment; and I would have done so, had not
certain causes compelled me to undertake the calling with
which I am at present charged. Therefore, that I may ac
knowledge the truth, that messenger was noways pleasant
who brought to me the intimation that I had been recalled
to Geneva. Nor, indeed, do I dwell on all the circumstances
which, as you suppose, stood in the way of my return, — the
ignominy to which I was subjected, the savage treatment, and
the like. Whether I am wont to avenge my own wrongs, I
refer to the judgment of God, and to those individuals who can
speak from their experience. But had I besides, in any degree,
been very desirous of revenge, there is no reason why I should
seek for vengeance on the Genevese. Whatever has happened
has been done in name of the city, but so that the parties
implicated in the offence are not many, and the blame rests
with a few. Hurried along by sedition, these very persons
were themselves the agitators who have stirred up the whole
of these disturbances. And the citizens of Strasbourg them
selves, although in respect of that fatherly kindness which
they have for me, they desire to keep me among them, yet
will throw no hindrance in the way of my acquiescing in
this call, provided only that it shall be clearly seen to be for
the advantage and prosperity of the Genevese. How faithfully
they have always promoted the welfare of that Church, I my
self am the best witness. I see indeed, by experience, every
day more and more how eminently great is their anxiety
on behalf of all the Churches. What then, you will ask, is
the reason of this delay ? When that letter arrived, it had
already been resolved by your Council that I was to set out for
the Diet at Worms. This I offered as my excuse why I could
fix nothing certain as to Geneva. At the same time, I wrote
in the most friendly terms to intimate, that I by no means
undertook to come, pledging myself, however, to the perform
ance of every kind office they might require of one who was
bound to them by the closest of all ties. Without waiting
for a reply, they had, in the meanwhile, sent a deputation,
who were to press my setting out. We were already at Worms ;

244 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 1541.
the deputation followed all the way thither. Having, on my
part, advised with those friends by whose opinion I had agreed
to be guided, I relieved the deputation with this promise, —
That as soon as we returned home, we would set about in
earnest whatever was likely to prove most for their advantage.
I explained, also, our view of the whole affair, that it appeared
to us that no better method of setting matters right in their
Church could be devised, than for the neighbouring Churches
to send some of their number to look into the state of matters,
and who might both give and take counsel on the spot. That
for such a purpose Bucer would come along with me, should
no unforeseen event occur to hinder him ; and that we like
wise entertained a reasonable hope that the rest of the Churches
would consent to send some of their members. But before
we could take our departure from Worms, we had begun to
fear a new journey [to Batisbon:] a few days, indeed, after
our return, it was announced to me that I must make ready
to travel. The expectation of going thither being, therefore,
laid aside, the delay had to be excused a second time. But
it will appear, perhaps, that these pretexts have been caught
at, or at all events, willingly laid hold of, that I might
reheve myself from that call, to which, on other accounts,
my mind was extremely averse. That I may here free
myself from this suspicion, I shall briefly open my mind
"to you without any reserve. Because I feel myself quite
unequal to such contentions as those by which I was for
merly all but worn out and exhausted by every sort of annoy
ance, I confess that the dread of this burden filled me with
alarm. Whenever, indeed, I recall to memory those contests
by which we were sorely exercised on the part of those whom
it so httle became to treat us in such a manner, I seem
to lose all spirit. Were I, therefore, to give way to my own
feeling, I would rather go beyond sea than return thither. As,
however, in this respect I stand somewhat in doubt of my own
judgment, I avail myself of the guidance and counsel of others,
and wish to be directed by those who are sound in judgment
and sincerely well-disposed. And that I may not seem to take
this course out of craft or cunning, in the name of Christ I pro-

1541. THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 245
test against any one harbouring such an opinion or thought of
me, as though here I felt no difficulty. You know, however,
that in an affair of so great moment, I can take no step
whatever without the authority of the Church of which I
am a member ; but it is their unanimous opinion, that as
soon as these meetings of the Diet are over, we should
proceed to Geneva. For they think it is desirable that
Bucer should accompany me thither, where we may consult
together on the spot what is best to be done. I wish that
we could obtain, besides, some one from your presbytery to
be present with us. However that may turn out, we need
be under no apprehension that the Church at Strasbourg,
in taking care for its own provision, will neglect that other.
Nor, indeed, has it any cause to do so, even if it were
inchned. During my residence there, that I might have
something to do, they set me to lecture on theology. I
am not greatly concerned, however, about the value of my
labours; as if that school would incur great loss on my depar
ture.1 One consideration alone keeps Capito, and Bucer, and
the rest, in a state of anxiety, because they expect but little
edification from my ministry, unless the Bernese join in good
earnest along with me, and, as it were, hold out a helping hand.
Neither do I conceal that my especial hope is placed in their
coming to agreement with us, if they choose so far to help us.
That they might be brought to that determination, we have
thought it right to communicate with them beforehand, and
previously to our entering upon the matters in dispute. They
shew themselves well disposed, if only it shall be clear that that
Church can be restored and preserved under my ministry.
You see now, therefore, the state of this whole affair. Not only
have I never refused the administration of this province, how
ever unpleasant that may have been to me, but I have not even
1 The peculiar modesty of Calvin is the more remarkable, when we consider the
eclat which attended his preaching and teaching at Strasbourg. During the two
years which he passed in that city, the French Church continually increased, and
the name of Calvin was alone sufficient to attract, from all parts of France, young
persons desirous of learning, and even men already distinguished as learned.— See
Sturm's Antipappi, iv. p. 21.

246 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 1541.
endeavoured to escape by flying away from it. Somewhile ago,
overcome, or rather drilled into it, by the constant entreaties
of many godly brethren, I consented at least to go there, that,
judging for myself of the present aspect of affairs, I might
consider what I ought to do. It has been to me a source
of great dehght, as I have formerly stated in the outset, that I
have come to the same conclusion with yourselves ; for, as I
have always deservedly entertained a very high respect for you,
there is nothing more desirable can happen to me, than, what
ever I do, to proceed in agreement with your authority, and
that of men like you. That expression, therefore, in the con
clusion of your epistle, was most agreeable to me, where you
declare that you have no doubt your exhortation will have
weight with me. As, indeed, I have always entertained a
singular regard and reverence for that Church, and have also,
at all times, very highly esteemed you, I rejoice that you have
come to form the opinion of me, that in respectful regard
toward you there is scarcely any thing you may not venture to
promise yourselves. You may certainly do so, for I will not
disappoint your expectation.
The state in which affairs are here I dare not write to you. All
has been hitherto partly so much in suspense, and partly in such
a state of entanglement, that we would need the spirit of divina
tion if we are to attain any certain knowledge ; besides, what
ever there is I have no doubt that those of Constance give you a
faithful report ; I therefore conclude. Adieu, my dear brethren
in the Lord, most beloved and longed for. All those who are
here salute you, Philip, [Melanchthon,] Bucer, and the rest.
May the Lord Jesus confirm you by His own Spirit for the
edifying of His Church. — Your very loving and affectionate,
John Calvin.
Our princes and the free cities have urgently recommended
the safety of the brethren1 to the King of France. The
letter having been delivered to the ambassador, I have not
ventured to add mine, informing Farel of what had been
done. I beseech you, however, for Christ's sake, that you will
1 Tho 'Waldonses of Provence.

1541. FAREL. 247
take care your Senate writes also as soon as possible. I hear,
indeed, that the cruelty of the wicked persecutors rages in
many parts of the kingdom with great fury. I expect, how
ever, this time, that some abatement of severity may possibly
be obtained. [Lat. orig. autogr. — Archives of Zurich. Vol. i. Gest. vi. 105, p. 334.]

LXX.— To Farel.1
Return of Calvin to Strasbourg — news of the Diet of Ratisbon — contradic
tory formulse presented to the Emperor — reply of Charles V. — Letter to
{ the King of France in favour of his persecuted Protestant subjects.
1 Strasbourg, July 1541.
When I had ground to think that there was no further use
for me at the Diet, by a great amount of brazen importunity, I
extorted rather than obtained my discharge ; for not only was
Bucer very sorrowful at the idea of my going away, but Phihp
also, who had undertaken to assist me in that matter, when
the time drew near requested that I would remain. I found
means, however, one way or other, to disentangle myself. It
was not so much reasons of a private kind, as those of a public
nature, that urged me to hasten my departure. From the time
that Capito had been indisposed, I saw our school in diffi
culties. I was apprehensive that, during the fair-time, the
Church might require my presence. Our friends were so far
induced by these considerations as at length to yield to my wish.
But I will explain briefly the state of matters when I came
away. From the time when we split upon that question of the
Eucharist, we could no more agree together upon any other.
You are aware that we were all agreed in the opinion, that
transubstantiation was a mere figment of the imagination, that
it was not only opposed to the Word of the Lord, but also to
the nature of a sacrament ; that the adoration of the host was
1 The conferences at Ratisbon were prolonged without any result. Calvin
solicited and obtained leave of departure. He took the route of Strasbourg, where
he no doubt arrived toward the end of June 1541.

248 FAREL. 1541.
either idolatrous or extremely dangerous ; that the exposition
itself savoured of superstition. When the three commissioners
stood firm to this reply without flinching, Granvelle bitterly up
braided Philip, upon whose submission he hoped there might
not be so much difficulty in bringing round the other two.
Whereupon, seeing that he could extort nothing, he told them
to proceed to the other heads. Meanwhile, the Marquis of
Brandenbourg,1 clandestinely, not, however, without the know
ledge of the Emperor, despatches one of the princes of Anhalt2
on an embassy to Luther, expecting that, on account of the
old controversy regarding the Sacrament, he would be more
favourable than any of us to the Papists. What answer he has
brought away with him, I have not yet ascertained. I have no
doubt that Luther would return a not unsatisfactory reply.
There still remained over three questions, in reference to the
Eucharist, to be discussed, that concerning the sacrifice of the
mass, that about private masses, and the distribution of the wine
as well as the bread. Our opponents having abandoned the
traffic in the buying and selling of masses, as well as the great
variety and multitude of them, retained but one daily mass in
each church, and that only on condition that there was an
assembly of worshippers to whom the mystery might be ex
pounded, and that they might thereafter be exhorted to commu
nion. They wished the giving of the cup to be free, that those
might partake who wished it. They disguised the sacrifice
by a sophistical interpretation, and where they got that do you
conjecture. All those views are rejected which Philip proposed
in writing, against the sense or meaning of the article. They
afterwards proceeded to take into consideration the subject of
confession, in which the opposite party shewed some modera-
1 Albert, Margrave of Brandenbourg, a bold and perfidious adventurer, entirely
devoted to the cause of the Emperor. He is reported to have said : "If the Devil
will but pay me well, I will serve him.'' He maintained in 1553 a long struggle
with Maurice of Saxony, and was vanquished, the year following, at the battle of
Sievershausen, where his adversary perished.
2 Without doubt, George of Anhalt, the scholar of Luther, and who, notwith
standing his high birth, wished to be ordained minister and ecclesiastical inspector
of the diocese of Mersebourg. He died in 1553.— Melch. Adam. Vita; Theologorum
Germanorum, p. 245.

1541. FAREL. 249
tion, remitting the scrupulous enumeration of every sin ; but
they enforced the necessity of confession and absolution. Our
friends submitted a contrary formula. In the same manner the
invocation of the saints, the primacy of the Pope, and the
authority of the Church, were separately discoursed and treated
of; but we could come to no agreement. AU our articles are
appended to the book. The Emperor returned liberal acknow
ledgment and thanks to the commissioners for having faithfully
performed their duty. He then referred the consideration of
the whole to the States. And because nothing could be deter
mined satisfactorily, except upon a written document, the book
was offered along with the articles. The Emperor was afterwards
dissatisfied with what he had done : but the States ratified what
had already been decreed. While this was going forward, the
Diet gave audience to the ambassadors of Hungary and Austria,
who were suppliants for aid against the Turk.1 Thereupon
the Emperor proposed an adjournment of the debate on the
subject of religion, and that the States should turn their atten
tion to consult upon that business. When I saw that this
afforded some respite, I was unwilling to forego the opportu
nity ; and thus I have made my escape. I have briefly glanced
over the progress of the proceedings. What belongs to councils
of a more secret kind, you shall hear somewhat on my arrival.
I wish, however, that you would be persuaded to wait for the
arrival of Bucer, that we may consult together in common. In
what concerns the brethren who suffer in behalf of the Gospel,
I have not accomplished what I wished. For the occasion
demanded some more weighty embassage, which the times will
scarcely admit of, because of the vicious inchnations and corrupt
nature of mankind. I have therefore obtained a letter2 in the
1 The Sultan Soliinan had entered into Hungary, and had already taken posses
sion of the town of Buda, under pretext that the young King John Sigismond was
incapable of defending it against his enemies.
2 That letter was an urgent and pressing appeal to the justice and to the
clemency of Francis I., by the whole Church of Christ: "We have been very
much grieved, because, when it could not be denied that many abuses of long
standing clung to the Churches, nevertheless, so greatly has the heat of anger
been inflamed everywhere, that not only private individuals, but also whole
nations, may be brought into jeopardy : which, when they become suppliants to

250 FAREL AND VIRET. 1541.
name of the princes ; which, indeed, must have been procured
before the Diet would hear of it. But I have taken care that
some things have been changed and inserted which you re
quested. The paper will hold no more. You will communicate,
if you think proper, all these matters to Viret, and excuse me
to him for not having written ; for I am harassed by frequent
calls and interruptions, that I have scarcely breathing time.
Adieu, my very dear brother. Salute all the brethren. May
the Lord preserve you all. — Yours,

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 18.]

LXXI. — To Farel and Viret.1
Communication of a letter received from Bucer — news of Germany — Church
of Metz — assurance given to Viret of his approaching departure for
Geneva — recommendation of two young men. Stbasboubs, 25th July 1541.
We have lately received a letter in common from Bucer, in
which he informed us that no considerable progress had been
made in the great concern of religion, except that the princes
of the adverse party had presented a very violent reply, directed
against ourselves, to the Electors. He adds, however, not
withstanding, that there were some who stoutly refused their
consent to it, and shewed a disposition in no way hostile to us,
among whom he mentions Otho Henri,2 the Bishop of Augs-
your royal highness, you may consider that it is not we only, but the very Church
of Christ that lies mourning at the feet of the greatest kings, and implores and
entreats their help, that the light of the dawning Gospel may not be extinguished,
and that quiet modest men and members of Christ may be let alone." This
earnest prayer remained unanswered in the corrupt court of Valois. Policy alone
brought about the adoption of measures which humanity demanded, and the ruin
of the Vaudois, and the retribution upon the persecutors, were adjourned to another
time. 1 Such is the address : To the excellent and very faithful Servants of Christ,
¦William Farel and Peter Viret, my very dear Brethren.
2 Otho Henri, brother of Frederic, Count Palatine.

1541. FAREL AND VIRET. 251
bourg and Constance, the Abbot of Kempten. It is the cus
tom in the diets of the Empire, that the Counts and Abbots
who are of the Council submit their resolutions to the
Princes, they also to the Electors, then their decisions are
propounded in common to the Cities, who are at liberty to
agree or dissent. They are waiting at present for the reply of
the Electors, which we expect will be somewhat gentler in its
tone. For the Elector-Palatine, Brandenbourg, and the Arch
bishop of Cologne, give out that they are not ill-disposed toward
us. The Archbishop of Mentz alone is hostile. He of Treves
will steer his course with a view to his own convenience, and he
will be favourable to us as far as that goes. There is no doubt
about the Cities, for there is not one of them who does not wish
well to our tranquillity, and most of them long to hear the
Gospel preached among them. Our friends also, on their part,
were about to present their final answer ; but what the import
of it is to be, he does not say. He relates, moreover, that
assistance had been promised against the Turks, but on what
terms he does not explain. The Emperor, however, as he
says, was about to leave for Italy, as if the principal matters
were despatched. That preacher of Metz who brought the
letter, of whom you have heard, brought back word that it was
constantly reported there that the Emperor would depart before
the end of this month. Lest, however, he should seem to break
off without bringing the business to some conclusion, he will
leave a deputy who can transact the rest. In a short time, if I
am not mistaken, we may receive more ample details, or Bucer
himself will be here ; for after they have given in their final
reply, what is there further to delay him there ?
I hear nothing about the business of the brethren.1 I have
written, however, to Baymond, earnestly requesting of him that
he would sincerely tell me what we may expect. The preacher
of Metz,2 of whom I have spoken, a pious young man, learned
1 See note 1, p. 246.
2 The young preacher who is spoken of here, seems to have been Peter Du Breuil,
who succeeded Calvin in the direction of the French Church of Strasbourg, and was
a martyr at Tournay in 1545. — See Sleidan, lib. xii. et xvi., and Crespin, Histoire
des Martyrs. .

252 FAREL AND VIRET. 1541.
and modest, is at present living with me until the return of
Doctor Bruno, deputy of this city, who has promised to plead
his cause energetically before the Diet. So far as I could under
stand from him, and also from all the citizens, who are here in
great number at the fair, not a year will pass away without some
tumult or disturbance, unless the nobility of their own accord
shall apply some remedy. As to Geneva, whatever shall happen,
it is easy for me to be informed betimes. For if the dis
pute shall be settled, our friends here will let me away all the
more willingly. If, however, it shall turn out otherwise, we
shall at least think about a remedy. The danger which we
formerly feared on account of Caroli will now be at an end ; for
he has broken his promise in such a way, that he can never be
received by us, and already, as I hear, is treating about a recon
ciliation with his Sorbonne friends.1 Thereupon my guest, as
I think, will succeed me as pastor.2 In providing a successor
in the office of professor, they are more at a loss, nor do they
find a suitable person; but they shall not succeed in retain
ing me here, if the welfare of the Church of Geneva shall
require otherwise. Certainly the leave of any one will not pre
vent me, if the Lord shall have granted it.
/As for the rest, the two youths who deliver my letter to you
have hved here rather more than a month. I am credibly
informed that they come of respectable families, but as they
came hither unknown to their relations, they arrived ill sup- *
. plied with money. Seeing that the expense of living here is
great, board and lodging not very easy to be found, and situations
difficult to be procured, they have thought it better to repair
to you, where they expect there will be more convenience for
them. They desire to engage in any hterary employment which
may present itself in the meantime, until they can try whether
anything can be got from their relations. But if not, their living
there will be the less expensive while waiting for the answer,
whatever it shall be. I request of you, therefore, that you may
consider them as recommended to your good offices. They have
1 Caroli effected his reconciliation with the Sorbonne, but it was in vain that he
solicited a benefice in the Church of Rome.
2 See note 2, p. 251.

1541. FAREL AND VIRET. 253
appeared to me not unworthy of the aid of well-disposed persons ;
nor are they at all deficient either in ability or learning, and their
modesty speaks for itself. If there is, therefore, a situation or
employment among you suitable for them, I beg that you
would help them in obtaining it, wherewith they may support
themselves either at a moderate expense or at none at all, until
they shall have an answer from their relations ; for then they
will arrange their matters better. However that shall be, take
care that they may experience your kindness. — Adieu, most
excellent and much honoured Brethren. /

To Viret.
Strasbourg, 25th July 1541 .
To-day I have written hurriedly to you and Farel; but
because this youth thought that it would not be in his favour
if I did not give him a line in writing addressed to yourself, he
made me promise .that I would do so. I write, therefore, but
without having anything to write about. You may pretend,
however, that you have received something serious, that you
may humour the joke. You will see in the other letter what
delays me here. As soon as Bucer returns we shall both
hasten to Geneva with all speed, or without any further delay I
will start alone. Salute all good men. Yourself will patiently
await my arrival. Excuse my writing in such a hurried
manner ; for I am as busily engaged in receiving those who
constantly flock to me, as our Canons of the cathedral when
they are about to elect the Bishop. Adieu, most excellent and
kindly brother. Once more, salute all the godly. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

254 VIRET. 1541.

LXXII.— To Viret.
Excuses for his delay in leaving Strasbourg — conclusion of the
Diet at Ratisbon. Strasbourg, 3d August 1541 .
Bucer has returned five days ago. I have not ventured as
yet, however, to press our setting out upon our journey, as well
because I knew that I could not easily induce him to come until
matters there were settled,1 lest his going thither might prove
to no purpose, as because hitherto he has been employed partly
in writing what was exceedingly necessary, partly by private
business, which has occupied him from the first until to-day.
That writing on which he has been engaged will be finished,
as I suppose, in a short time, and then we wait every hour in
expectation until those of Basle send back word concerning the
state of the process. On my part, I have repented more than a
hundred times that I did not proceed to that town immediately
on my return from Eatisbon ; for even although my presence
had not been of much avail in that quarter, it would, at least,
have dehvered me from much anxiety, because I have never
ceased to be restless about the issue of the affair, and, at the same
time, feared lest I might seem wanting to our friends in these
difficulties ; while, on the other hand, a different apprehension
seized me lest those ancient friends of ours, who are wont to
take every thing by the wrong handle, should suspect some
thing else. As soon, however, as some certain intelligence is
brought to us, I will not give him any rest until I bring off
Bucer along with me ; but if he shall still put me off I will
come away notwithstanding, that I may advise with you and
with others according to the present aspect of affairs ; for the
interest and requirements of the Church would bear no further
delay, nor could I have any peace of mind while kept in this
state of uncertainty, nor will my own private reasons and do
mestic arrangements admit of my remaining longer in this
1 He refers to the process pending between Berne and Geneva, which had been
submitted to the arbitration of Basle.

1541. viret. 255
suspense ; therefore I have publicly announced in the Academy,
that I would not lectm-e any more until something was settled
one way or other.
The Diet concluded very much as I had always foretold that
it would ; for the whole plan of pacification passed off in smoke,
while all has been referred to an Universal Council, or, at least,
to a National one, if the former cannot be soon obtained. But
what else is this than to be frustrated?1 for it is afterwards
added that a new Diet is to be held eighteen months hence, if no
progress is made in the Council. In the first place, that is too
great an interval ; and, in the next, the fate of former attempts
does not afford much hope of success ; lastly, it is very likely
that the Emperor will then be so entirely taken up with other
matters that he will have a just exemption from attending the
meetings of the Diet. However that may be, the adverse party
will feel that they have received no shght wound, and time will
make this more evident. I am unwilhng, however, to follow
this subject further, because I shall be better able to do so
when we meet, which I hope will be shortly, if the Lord will.
This matron has been about fifteen months with us ; but
as it is very troublesome to her to live in a country where
she does not understand the language, and as she fears that
after my going away she may be more at a loss than before, she
has determined on removing to Geneva. She possesses enough
to live upon ; you will only help her to find a house : her vener
able age entitles her to assistance ; and she has most respectable
sons. Take care, therefore, that she may find my recommenda
tion of some use to her. These civilities which I request of
you, — the duties of benevolence, yon can shew her without much
trouble. I do not advise, however, that you take her to hve in
your house, but only that you provide a home for her by means
of your friends, at a reasonable rent, that she may not be forced
to loiter long in the pubhc hostelry./ Adieu, my excellent brother;
may the Lord preserve and direct you in His work. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
1 See Sleidan, lib. xiv. p. 387.

256 farel. 1541.

LXXIIL— To Farel.1
Prepares to depart for Geneva — self-denial of Calvin — absolute submission
to the will of God. Strasbourg, [August 1541 .J
When your letter was brought to me mine was already
written ; and although you will find that it does not agree in
all points to what you require of me, I have thought it best to
forward it to you, that you may be aware what my feelings
were at the time when it arrived. Now, however, after that I
have seen you press the matter farther, and that our former
guests associate openly in the same cause, I have again had
recourse to our magistracy. Having read over your letter
and those of the Genevese, I asked what in their opinion was
now to be done. They answered, that there could be no doubt
that, without calling any previous meeting, I ought imme
diately to set out thither ; for that the question was not now
open or doubtful, although it had not been formally settled.
Therefore we prepare to start on the journey. In order,
however, that the present supply of that Church may be pro
vided for, which we are not willing should continue desti
tute, they are of opinion that Viret should by all means be
sent for thither, in the meantime, while I am for the present
distracted between two charges. When we come back our
friends here will not refuse their consent to my return to
Geneva. Moreover, Bucer has pledged himself that he will
accompany me. I have written to them to that effect ; and in
order to make the promise all the more certain, Bucer has
accompanied my letter by one from himself. 'As to my in
tended course of proceeding, this is my present feehng : had I
the choice at my own disposal, nothing would be less agree
able to me than to follow your advice. But when I remember
1 Letter without date, but written most probably in the month of August 1541.
It informs us as to the last inward struggles of the Reformer on the eve of quitting
Strasbourg to return to Geneva.

1541. FAREL. 257
that I am not my own, I offer up my heart, presented as
a sacrifice to the Lord. Therefore there is no ground for
your apprehension that you will only get fine words. Our
friends are in earnest, and promise sincerely. And for my
self, I protest that I have no other desire than that, setting
aside all consideration of me, they may look only to what
is most for the glory of God and the advantage of the
Church. Although I am not very ingenious, I would not
want pretexts by which I might adroitly slip away, so that
I should easily excuse myself in the sight of men, and shew
that it was no fault of mine. I am well aware, however,
that it is God with whom I have to do, from whose sight
such crafty imaginations cannot be withheld. Therefore I
submit my will and my affections, subdued and held-fast,
to the obedience of God; and whenever I am at a loss for
counsel of my own, I submit myself to those by whom I hope
that the Lord himself will speak to me. / When Capito wrote,
he supposed, as I perceive, that I would, in a lengthy and tire
some narrative, relate to you the whole course of our delibera
tion ; but it is enough that you have the sum of it ; although I
would have done that also had there been time. But the whole
day was taken up in various avocations. At this present, after
supper, I am not much inclined to trifle, by longer sitting up,
with my health, which is at best in a doubtful state. This
messenger has promised to return here at Christmas with the
carriage, in which he can bring along with him to Wendehn,
of the books which belong to him, ten copies of the Institution
six of the Commentaries on Jeremiah : these you will give to
be brought away with him.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. pp. 17, 18.]

VOL. 1.

258 the seigneury of geneva. 1541.
LXXIV. — To the Seigneury of Geneva.1
Arrival of Calvin at Neuchatel — purpose of his going to that town.
Neuchatel, this 7th September, in the evening, [1541 .]
Illustrious and Honourable Lords, — When I shall have
come hither I will explain to you the reasons wherefore I have
been delayed, and hope that I shall easily satisfy you. The
present shall only be to signify, that having heard at Soleure that
there was some trouble in this Church,2 I have been constrained,
in brotherly love, to go out of my way to see whether, on my part,
I could do anything to remedy it. Having acquitted myself of
this duty, I have determined, please God, to leave this to-morrow
morning by break of day to go to Berne, to present to messieurs
of the town the letters which those of Strasbourg and Basle
have sent them. When I shall have done that, I will pursue
my route without stopping anywhere ; for the desire which I
have to present myself before you, according to my promise,
will not allow me to shroud myself anywhere soever. I have
retained the herald whom you have been pleased to send, to
keep me company, thinking that such would not be contrary to
your intention ; but I leave that excuse, and all others, until my
arrival. And now, illustrious and honourable Lords, after humbly
commending me to your good favour, I beseech our Lord to
lead you always by His Spirit, to guide well and holily your
town, upholding the state and rank thereof, and your seigneuries
in full prosperity. — Your humble servant,
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Archives of Geneva. 1250.]
1 After having overcome the last scruples, and taken leave of the members of
his Church, " avec tristesse, larmes, grande soUicitude, et detresse,'' as he himself
tells us in the preface to the Psalms, Calvin left Strasbourg towards the eiid of
August 1541. He stopped a little at Basic ; and being called to Neuchatel by un
foreseen circumstances, he wrote to the Seigneury of Geneva to excuse himself for
this delay.
2 See Calvin's letter to the Seigneury of Neuchatel, p. 262.

1541. FAREL. 259

LXXV.— To Farel.1
Calvin at Berne— his interview with one of the principal magistrates, and
with the ministers of that town. Moeat, September 1541.
As soon as I arrived at Berne, I presented my letter to the
Vice-Consul. On reading it, he said, those of Strasbourg and
Basle request that safe-conduct be granted you. I rephed,
that such a requirement was superfluous, because I was neither
an evil-doer, nor was I in an enemy's territory. Then I ex
plained what they might easily have understood. The Council,
however, through gross ignorance, so understood it, as if it had
been written in reference to a convoy. The state of my health
prevented my waiting upon the Senate personally ; nor did it
appear to me that that would be worth the trouble. I after
wards excused myself to the Vice-Consul, when he asked, why
I had not come myself ? The Senate returned for answer, that
I had no need of the pubhc protection in a peaceful canton, and
that in other respects they were most ready to assist me. You
see what a mockery it is. I have met with many proofs of
kindness among the brethren. Konzen was absent. Erasmus,
and Sulzer in his own name and that of the other, have
approved of my declaration, and have freely enough promised
their aid and countenance. Sulzer, apart from the other,
conversed with me familiarly upon many points. It appears
to me, that we ought to do all we can to secure his co-opera
tion ; this will be of great use, and he shews himself well
disposed. I did not forget, as you may suppose, to plead the
cause in which you are interested. A deputation has been sent.2
I could obtain no more ; and Giron has declared, that it would
be to no purpose to urge that business any further. The Lord,
1 After a short visit at Berne, Calvin, being at Morat, wrote to Farel, to inform
him as to some of the incidents of his journey.
2 That deputation had gone to solicit the favour of the King, Francis I., for the
Waldenses of Provence.

260 FAKEL. 1541
however, stands in need of no such counsel or protection.
Adieu, with all the brethren. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr.— Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

LXXVL— To Faeel.1
Arrival of Calvin at Geneva— his interview with the magistrates— draws up
a form of Ecclesiastical discipline — advises Farel to moderation.
Geneva, 16th September 1541.
As you wished, I am settled here ; may the Lord overrule it
for good. For the present, I must retain Viret also, whom I
shall not suffer on any account to be dragged away from me.
Do you, besides, and all the brethren, exert yourselves to help
me here to the utmost, unless you would have me tortured to
no purpose, and made utterly wretched, without having any
benefit to be gained by it. Immediately after I had offered
my services to the Senate, I declared that a Church could not
hold together unless a settled government should be agreed
on, such as is prescribed to us in the Word of God, and
such as was in use in the ancient Church. Then I touched
gently on certain points from whence they might understand
what my wish was. But because the whole question of dis
cipline was too large to be discussed in that form, I re
quested that they would appoint certain of their number, who
might confer with us on the subject. Six were thereupon
appointed. Articles concerning the whole ecclesiastical polity
1 Calvin had arrived at Geneva the 13th September 1541. We find under that
date, in the Extracts from the Council Registers : — " Calvin having arrived at
Geneva, presented himself to the Council, to whom he brought letters from the
Magistrates and Ministers of Strasbourg. He excused himself on account of his
journey having been delayed. He represented that it would be necessary to set
about the work of ecclesiastical ordinances. Besolved, that they would apply them
selves to it immediately, and for that purpose appointed, along with Calvin, Claude
Pertemps, Amy Perrin, Claude Roset, Jean Lambert, Poralis, and Jean Balard.
Besolved also to retain Calvin here always. — October 1541. The stipend of Calvin
assigned at five hundred florins, twelve measures of corn, and two tuns of wine." For
a dwelling they offered the mansion Fregnevdle, purchased at the price of two
hundred and sixty crowns, with an ell of velvet for clothing.

1541. FAREL. 261
will be drawn up, wliich we shall thereafter present to the
Senate. The three colleagues make some show of agreement
with us two. Somewhat, at least, will be obtained. We ear
nestly desire to know how matters are proceeding with your
Church.1 We hope, however, that, influenced by the authority
of those of Berne and Bienne, these troubles have been entirely
put to rest, or at least somewhat calmed. When you have Satan
to combat, and you fight under Christ's banner, He who girds on
your armour and has drawn you into the battle, will give you
the victory. But since a good cause requires also a good instru
ment, have a care that you do not make so much allowance for
yourself, as to think that there has been nothing wanting on your
part which good men may reasonably expect of you. vVe do not
exhort you to keep a good and pure conscience, as to which,
we entertain no doubt whatever; we only desire earnestly that,
in so far as your duty will admit, you will accommodate your
self more to the people. There are, as you know, two kinds of
popularity ; the one, when we hunt after favour from motives
of ambition and the desire of pleasing ; the other, when, by
fairness and moderation, we gain upon their esteem, so as to
make them willing to be taught by us. You must forgive us
if we deal rather freely with you. With reference to this par
ticular point, we perceive that you do not give satisfaction
even to some good men. Even were there nothing else to
complain of, you sin to this extent, because you do not satisfy
those to whom the Lord has made you a debtor. You are
aware how much we love, how much we revere you. This
very affection, yea truly, this respect impels us to a more exact
and strict censoriousness, because we desire earnestly that
in those remarkable endowments which the Lord has conferred
upon you, no spot or blemish may be found for the malevolent
to find fault with, or even to carp at. This I have written by
advice of Viret, and on that account have used the plural num
ber. /Adieu, most excellent and friendly brother.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
1 That Church was at this time in a state of great disorder, which Calvin had
ain tried to tranquillize, at Neuchatel. See the following Letter.

n v

262 THE SEIGNEURY OF NEUCHATEL. 1541.

LXXVII. — To the Seigneury of Neuchatel.1
Efforts to pacify the Church of Neuchatel — instructions given to Viret.
From Geneva, this 29th of September 1541.
Illustrious and Honourable Lords, — Having understood
that your Church is not yet freed from the troubles and annoy
ances which have of late occurred, we have considered that it
would only be our duty to send some of our company to you, to
offer themselves, should the occasion present itself wherein we
might be of service to you in that matter, in so far as our calling
and office engage, to extinguish this scandal which the Devil
has stirred up among you. Wherefore, we have been advised to
send 'unto you our good brother and faithful minister of Jesus
Christ, and former pastor of your Church, to let you understand
the desire we have to serve you in the Lord, and the earnest
desire we entertain for the welfare of your Church, beseeching
you, Bight Honourable Lords, of your good pleasure, that you
will hearken to what he shall say to you in the name of our
Assembly, to satisfy our conscience, according to the duty of our
ministry, which constrains and obliges us to intromit in that
case, seeing that it is ecclesiastical, and so it concerns us, inas
much as we are members of the same body. And now, Illus
trious and Honourable Lords, after our humble commendations
to your kind favour, we beseech the Lord Jesus, the alone good
Shepherd and Governor of His Church, well to counsel and
1 On the back, in the handwriting of Viret: — "Letters sent to those of Neuchatel,
when they wished to drive away Farel, their minister, brought by Viret, sent on
the part of the ministers of Geneva, with the following instructions to inform them
of their opinion."
Inflexible in the exercise of the duties of his ministry, Farel had publicly cen
sured, in one of his discourses, a lady of rank, whose conduct had been a matter of
scandal in the Church of Neuchatel. Irritated by that censure, the relatives of that
lady roused a party of the towns-people against that courageous minister, and ob
tained a sentence of deposition against him, which was not annulled but upon the
interference of the Seigneury of Berne and of-ths principal Swiss Churches. —
Euchat, Hist, de la Eef., torn. 1 . p. 1G4, and following pages.

1541. THE SEIGNEURY OF NEUCHATEL. 263
advise you in this cause, as it is of the utmost importance ; and
after having quite calmed these troubles which the Devil sets
himself continually to sow in your Church to ruin the work and
upbuilding of the heavenly Father, we pray Him also that He
would ever uphold you in sound prosperity. — Your humble
servants in our Lord,
John Calvin.
Ayme Champereau.
James Bernard.
Summary of those things as to which we desire that our
brother, Master Peter Viret, would warn and admonish the
Seigneury of Neuchatel in our name, requesting of him that
he would follow what is here plainly set forth as his instruction.
In the first place, he will have to make our excuse for that
we intermeddle in that affair, explaining to them, and declaring
that it is according to the duty of our office, for unto the commu
nion of saints it is highly important, that neighbouring Churches
may have a mutual care to confirm one another, and that when
ever an emergency calls for it that the one come to the help of
the other ; besides, that over and above all that, we hold their
Church in peculiar estimation, and that it touches us, moreover,
very nearly, for many other causes which he can state.
After that, he shah have clearly set before them, what order
we consider should be observed in the Church upon the depo
sition of a minister, that is to say, that the formal procedure
must be according to the command of Scripture, by form of
trial, and that spiritual, and not by way of tumult nor sedition.
And, so far as happens otherwise, what is it but to dishonour
God and to disturb the polity of the holy city.
That if we deprive a man of Iris station without cause and
good reason, constrain him to abandon the Church which he
has served faithfully, and by this means, withdraw him un
justly from the calling whereto he has been appointed of God,
not only the individual has been outraged by this means, but
God also, seeing that his lawful call is violated and made of
none effect.
Also, such is the opinion which we have of Farel, and of the

264 BUCER. 1541 .
esteem in which he is held by all faithful men, as that we hold
him to have been always well and loyally engaged in the work
of our Lord, and that, therefore, they could not deprive him
of the ministry until somewhat appeared proved to the contrary,
except against all right and reason.
To warn them against the inconveniences which may happen
as well in the town as without, especially of the scandals which
must follow. What will it be but to defame the Evangel of our
Lord among the wicked, offend all the good, trouble the weak-
minded, so that in proportion as their Church has been greatly
renowned, it will now be as much cried down.
That within their town the embers may be blown up besides,
into mutinous assault and battery ; that even among the min
isters it may engender schism. -^Tf it seem good and advisable to
you, cite some of the ancient examples, without touching upon
present circumstances/
Finally, admonish them that it is what the wrath of God
usually brings along with it, when we provoke it, as we should
do in committing such a scandal.
Then, in his own name, he can add whatsoever shall seem
good, after having explained and set before them these things
for us.
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 145.]

LXXVIII.— To Bucer.1
New details regarding the troubles in the Church of Neuchatel — proceed
ings of Viret — sentence pronounced by the Bernese — the ecclesiastical
Statutes of Geneva — request for prolongation of leave for Viret — testi
mony of respect and affection for Bucer — approach of the pestilence.
Geneva, 15th October 1541.
Calvin to Bucer greeting.
When my wife arrived, Viret had not yet returned from
Neuchatel, where a short time previously we had sent him, that,
1 The mission of Viret, and his endeavours to pacify the Church of Neuchatel,
had been without the desired result. A violent party, opposed to the Reformation,

1541. bucer. 265
if he could do no more, he might at least make known to them1
on our behalf, how contrary it was to pious and Christian con
duct, that the commonalty on the slightest grounds, and also,
sometimes, without having any cause at' all, should wax insolent
against their minister.2 Word was brought back to us, that a
day had been fixed for friendly conference and agreement ; that
on the day appointed, those of Berne would be present. De
Watteville and Auspurger were present. Immediately on his
arrival, Viret advised with them as to the course he ought to
pursue : He produced a copy of our letter ; explained the
nature of his commission ; he even read aloud what was con
tained in the written instructions, that he might do nothing
without their authority. For this he plainly gave them to
understand, that he would not take a single step if they should
so require.
De Watteville, in his usual style, answered our friend in
a jesting and equivocal manner, saying, that it was not his
business to prescribe to him his duty; that he himself was
a subject under the government of Berne, but lent for the pre
sent, though only for a short time, as a loan to the Genevese ;
that he would therefore do what seemed best. There were
present some of the brethren belonging to the classes. These
he addressed indirectly in a figurative discourse to the effect,
that they had not acted very prudently in taking so much upon
them. "You are subjects," said he; they continued, how
ever, at last to signify that they would interpose their assent.
Before any business could be entered on, Viret was heard, who,
in the course of his speech, encountered the evil-disposed and
broke them up, successfully animated the good and well-disposed
with fresh courage, stirred up the weak and wavering, so that
and impatient of all order as of all authority in the Church, demanded the expulsion
of Farel. In these circumstances, Calvin had recourse to the credit and trust re
posed in Bucer, and the intervention of the Church of Strasbourg to appease these
unhappy differences.
1 Calvin had left at Strasbourg his wife, Idelette de Bure, who rejoined him
some time afterwards at Geneva . In the Council Registers we have the following
entry, 13th September 1541 : — " Resolved, . to bring hither the wife of Calvin
and his household furniture."
2 See the preceding Letter and Memorial.

266 bucer. 1541.
the business seemed almost in a manner brought to a conclusion.
Certainly, had they come to an arrangement among themselves
it was easy to be seen that the adverse party must have yielded
of their own accord. At this stage of the proceedings, however,
the Bernese requested that the matter might be referred to
their decision. -/Out of a written formula, which they had
brought from home with them, they pronounced as their de
liverance and award, that if the dissensions among them were
not quieted in the course of two months, Farel should de
part. ''Upon hearing this decree read, Farel was so indignant
as to threaten De Watteville, that the Lord would take severe
methods of judgment upon him who had inflicted such a heavy
blow upon the Church, and on the sacred office of the ministry.
So he who was before nowise friendly to Farel, has now become
more than ever his enemy. And truly it had then been better for
Farel to have so far controlled himself, and that without dissem
bling what he felt, he had treated the man with greater mild
ness and with more gentle address in the expression of his mind.
It becomes us, however, in the case of so eminent an instrument
of Christ, in some degree to pass by his over-ardent spirit and
vehemency of maimer. / Two days afterwards, Viret endeavoured
to soothe or palliate the offence, but was less successful than he
wished, the wound being as yet too tender to be handled. Farel
had indeed a sufficient cause to kindle his anger against the man.
But yet he ought to have weighed more carefully what was the
most expedient course, lest, while he gave free scope to his wrath,
he should only irritate to no purpose a man who is strong for
good as well as for mischief. Inasmuch, however, as he can
not be corrected, if he has sinned in any way, God is to be
entreated that he may blot it out of his remembrance, although
I fear that this denunciation of Farel's will turn out in the end
to be a prophecy. For that personage is indeed wonderfuhy
altered. You would say, almost, that his understanding had
been taken away from the time when, oh secular and worldly
grounds, he laid hands upon the ecclesiastical property. He is
a very great scoffer ; so much so, that he can scarce speak a
word without some cavil, or taunt, or sarcasm. In the affair in
question, when Farel remarked to him how the calling of the

1541. BUCER. 267
Lord ought to be honoured and cherished, he turned the whole
discourse into ridicule. /"As if," said he, " any one could compel
me to keep a servant in my house who did not please me." And
he made use of this comparison more than once. If my servant
does not please me, am I not at liberty to pay him his wages
and order him to go about his business ? Why am I not at
liberty to do so with a minister ? This indignity constrained
Farel to deal more severely with him, and I am afraid, as
already said, he will prove too true a prophet ; because thus,
after so great hght, after such distinguishing grace received,
that individual has become estranged from God who ought to
have been an example to all the rest. These things, however,
ought to be entirely confined to ourselves. The affair stands
thus at present, because the better portion, that is, every God
fearing person in the city, earnestly desires to have Farel ; he
has himself determined not to yield, unless compelled by the
law and civil government. Nor does any other motive detain
him there, than because he dare not venture to desert the situa
tion appointed him by God. Now, some method must be tried,
if that can be accomplished so as to give no offence, or at least
as httle as possible, to the Bernese. In so perplexing an affair,
nothing seems to me more suitable than for your Church,
and the others who have most authority, before these two
months shall have elapsed, firmly to establish Farel in his
ministry by a decision of their own. In this way, there need
be no occasion for Farel giving any opposition to the sentence
of the arbiters. You will also easily excuse the matter to the
Bernese, — that your advice was asked for the purpose of avoid
ing the danger of his being forced to oppose in a matter rei
judicata. There will be no need to make any mention of
the judgment in your reply. A letter will have to be written
to the magistracy, the ministers, and the people.1 We have
no doubt whatever, but that you will at once succeed in re
storing peace to the Church, however she has hitherto been
overwhelmed with factions. There are very many among the
1 The Church of Strasbourg acted in conjunction with the Churches of Con
stance, of Zurich, and of Basle, to decide the inhabitants of Neuchatel to retain
Fare!.

268 BUCER. 1541.
bad who, upon the faith of that judgment, had resumed courage,
who, on the hearing of your name being mentioned, will lose
heart and fall off entirely. I will not urge more strongly
upon you the duty of aiding the wretched Church, lest I may
seem to distrust you. I only admonish you ; I know that you
do not require to be exhorted, and this brother, who is your
scholar and disciple, will supplement by his speech whatever
shall be wanting in my letter.
To the other heads of your letter I cannot at present reply
so fully as I could wish, and as the subject itself might
seem to require. That which is the most important, the for
mula of the ecclesiastical order and government, cannot now be
sent. We presented that document to the Senate in about
a fortnight from the time when it was committed to us,1 and
have not yet received an answer. Nor am I much concerned
that they are somewhat dilatory ; we expect more certainly on
that account that they will yield to us. That they might
entertain no suspicion on the occasion, we advised, that should
it appear desirable, they might communicate previously with
the German churches, and determine nothing without having
their opinion. We earnestly desire that they may do so. We
shall send it therefore in a short time.
Concerning Viret, as you look forward to obtain a letter from
the Senate, I beg that you will get that accomplished without
delay.2 For we know by experience how little disposed those
of Berne are to help us, were it on no other account but only
that they might not seem to be too kind to us. Perhaps, how
ever, they will suffer themselves to be entreated by your Senate.

1 The ecclesiastical ordinances, drawn up by Calvin and approved by the magis
trates, were solemnly accepted by the citizens of Geneva, met in general assembly
in St. Peter's Church, the 20th November 1541  See History of the Church of
Geneva, by the Pastor Gaberel, torn. i. p. 269.
2 He endeavoured to procure from the Seigneury of Berne a prolongation of leave
for the minister Viret, which they had already granted for the period of six months
to the Church of Geneva. On the representation of Calvin, the magistrates of
Strasbourg wrote on two occasions to those of Berne to ask that favour. In the
second of these letters they render most honourable testimony to Calvin. " M.
Calvin," they say, " has comported himself among us with so much uprightness
and constancy, and has become so acceptable by his skill and ability, that not only

1541. bucer. 269
I will leave no stone unturned to prevent Viret being taken from
me. I will press it with Sulzer — as a suppliant I will entreat
it as a favour from Konzen. In short, I will omit nothing ;
but at the same time we must take care to make due provision
for Lausanne. This will be done, if you will request of Konzen
and Sulzer, that they would set no one over that charge except
with the concurrence of Viret and Le Comte, who is the other
minister. The same Le Comte, even though in other respects
he may not be the best, has, however, this good quality, that he
wishes to have a good colleague, and when he has obtained
such a one, not only bears with, but warmly seconds and sup
ports him. But if Viret be not heard in the matter, there is
danger lest some pest may be introduced there which may
infect the whole neighbourhood.
The whole of that part of your letter wherein you excuse my
not having been entertained at Strasbourg, according to my
desert, is quite superfluous ; for I am not unmindful, and shall
always acknowledge, that you have conferred more honour upon
me than I had any right to expect.1 That safe-conduct, and other
things which happened on my coming away, have, I confess,
somewhat wounded my feelings. But I am the more disposed
to make the acknowledgment to you, that there may be no
thing of suppressed anger concealed within. ' Be assured, there
fore, that it has all evaporated. I will endeavour to cultivate
agreement and good understanding with my neighbours, and
also brotherly good- will, if they will allow me, with as much
faithfulness and diligence as I am able. /"
In so far as depends on me, I shall give ground of offence to

we would have retained him among us with pleasure, but more especially, for the
sake of our Church, we would not easily have yielded him up, if we had not believed
that he would he more useful at Geneva. ... On that account we perceive with
grief that he cannot complete the work which he has commenced, and with which
he had burdened himself beyond his strength, &c. . . " — MS. of the Archives of
Berne, cited by Ruchat, Hist, de la Ref., torn. v. p. 162.
1 The magistrates of Strasbourg, desirous of testifying to Calvin their satisfac
tion on account of his services, and at the same time their esteem for his character,
before his departure for Geneva bestowed on him the honorary distinction of citizen
ship by making him a burgess. They offered also a year's pension ; but the latter
present he refused.

270 BUCER. 1541.
no one. I must ask, however, that you will not form any esti
mate from my letters to you either of my sayings or doings
here. Until I shall have declared that I could bear no more,
you need not question my faithful performance of what I have
promised you. ^nd if in any way I do not answer your ex
pectation, you knpw that I am under your power, and subject to
your authority. Admonish, chastise, and exercise all the powers
of a father over his son.^ Pardon my haste, for you cannot be
lieve in what a hurry of confusion I am writing ; for our
brother here urges me, in accordance with the instructions of his
colleagues ; and I am entangled in so many employments, that
I am almost beside myself.
When I hear that the plague is raging to such an extent,1 I
know not what to think, except that God contends against our
perversity with the strong arm of His power, seeing that we are
worse than stupid and insensible in the midst of so many chas-
tenings under the rod of correction. While the hand of God
lies so heavy upon you, it already hovers over us. The plague
creeps toward us ; if it has spared us for this winter we shall
scarcely escape in the spring. /
What, therefore, can we do but betake ourselves to prayer,
and to seek for the spirit of godly sorrow and confession of sin
in the sight of God, which certainly we go about very remissly.
So much the more have we reason to fear, lest by so great in-
disposedness we shall provoke the displeasure of our Judge.
We are anxious, as we ought to be, about you ; for we may
form some indistinct notion from the calamity which has be
fallen the Church of Basle,2 what will be our lot should the
Lord take you away from us. Certainly, I do not wish to be
the survivor; nor could I sustain the loss, unless the Lord
should wonderfully support me under it. Adieu, my much

1 The plague continued its ravages at Strasbourg, where it carried away this
year the children of the two first Refoi-mers of Switzerland, "William, the son of
Zuingli, and Euzebe, the son of CBcolampadius. It soon spread to Basle and to
Zurich, where it found many victims. It broke out towards the end of the follow
ing year at Geneva.
2 The Church of Basle had lost Simon Grynee, and the pious burgomaster,
Jacob Meyer, who had so powerfully contributed to the reformation of the town.

1541. THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 271
honoured father in the" Lord. Salute most fervently — Capito,
Hedio, Matthias, Bedrot, and the others ; also Conrad ; 1 and you
will excuse my not writing. From time to time while writing,
many noisy interruptions have so hindered me, that I am forced
abruptly to conclude. Salute also your wife, who is very
dear to me. May the Lord preserve you ah, rule, and protect
you. Amen. — Yours, John Calvin.
My wife salutes yours most lovingly, and all the family.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg.]

LXXIX. — To Madame the Duchess of Ferrara.2
Instructions on the subject of the Mass, and on the necessity of avoiding
scandal. Geneva, [October] 1541.
Madame, — I humbly beseech you that you would take in
good part my boldness in writing these present, deeming that,

1 Conrad Hubert, secretary of Bucer.
5 Renee of France, daughter of Louis XII. and of Anne of Brittany, born at the
Castle of Blois the 29th October 1510, and died at the chateau of Montargis the
12th June 1575. United, from views of political expediency, to one of the smaller
princes of Italy, a vassal of the Bishop of Rome, this princess, endowed with a
strong mind and an excellent spirit, quitted France, in 1528, to follow her husband,
Hercules of Este, to Ferrara ; and she brought along with her to that court a taste
for literature, with free and generous sentiments of belief, which she had inhaled
from her intimate association with Marguerite of Navarre. She received at Ferrara
Clement Marot, who dedicated some of his verses to her, and also Calvin, who ini
tiated her in the faith of the Reformed, for which she was honoured to suffer, and
which she professed courageously till her death. This was the origin of the long
correspondence which she maintained with the Reformer, whose letters recurred
from time to time to encourage and confirm her. The letter which we insert here
is, doubtless, one of the earliest in that series. On the last leaf we have the fol
lowing words written in another hand : —
" Against a certain almoner, Master Francois, who made (Madame) go to mass,
and set her against those who would not go, as against scandalous persons. It
treats very fully about things lawful and not lawful, and how scandals must be
avoided."

272 the duchess of ferrara. 1541.
should you find therein a too great plainness, it proceeds not
so much from rashness, or from overweening self-conceit, as
from pure and true affection for your service in our Lord. For
albeit that I do acknowledge myself a very unprofitable servant
of the Church, it hath, notwithstanding, been found expedient
to employ me in that station, according to the grace which the
Lord has imparted to me ; and it has even occurred to me that
there was a need-be for my doing so, if I wished to acquit
myself of my duty, not merely because I feel myself obhged, in
regard to you, to seek, in so far as is possible for me, and in the
way of duty, your welfare and advantage, howbeit that such
motive is alone sufficient to stir me up to action, but rather that,
considering the state and pre-eminence in which the Lord has
set you, it seems to us all, we whom the Lord by His goodness
has called to be ministers of His holy Word, ought to keep in
special remembrance, to apply ourselves to the bestowal of some
pains for you, and the more so because, more than most princely
persons, you are able to promote and advance the kingdom of
Christ. I have, besides, observed in you such fear of God and
such disposed faithfulness of obedience, that independently of the
high rank which He has vouchsafed you among men, I do so value
the graces which He hath put upon you, even to such a degree,
that I would think myself accursed should I have omitted the
occasions of any profitable service, in so far as they might be
presented to me. This is certainly what I can say without any
feigning or flattery, but in sincerity of heart, and_jpe^king_j,s
in Hjsjn-esence who knows all our secret thoughts.
Madame, by other worthy persons who have passed through
here at different times, I have been given to understand how
Master Francois, whom you have appointed preacher to your
household, after having acquitted himself well in preaching,
as well at least as could be expected of him, had persuaded
you that it would not be a bad thing, after having heard
mass, to hold some sort of communion, which must be somehow
the Supper of our Lord ; this proceeding, which was not ap
proved of by one of your ladies, who, according to the knowledge
which she had received of God, did not wish against her con
science to meddle with what she considered to be wrong in

1541. THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. . 273
itself, and has been the occasion, on the representation of the
said Master Frangois, to have some way or other turned away
from her the good-will which you have been wont to bear her ;
so that matters have reached such a height, that you have
intimated that all those who do as she does, ought not to be
supported, inasmuch as, by their importunity, they give birth
to scandals to no purpose among the faithful. Wherefore,
concluding that a thing of so much importance must not be
concealed, seeing that you had been given to understand that
matters were otherwise than they are, according as it has
pleased the Lord to reveal Himself to me in Scripture, I have /
thought it right to communicate to you what the Lord has given \
me of understanding in that matter. But while I have been in
some doubt and hesitation about doing so, I have been given to
understand, on the part of Madame de Pons,1 that you wished
very much to be more fully instructed, the more so that, besides
the many difficulties which you see, on the other hand, it is very
difficult to come to a satisfactory solution of them. This mes
sage has all the more confirmed me in my purpose to venture
to essay the giving you a faithful exposition so far as I know,
in order that afterward you may judge for yourself, and in so
far as you shall have fully understood God's truth, that you
may follow in all obedience, seeing that your zeal is not of the
kind that rebels against it, but receives the truth in love and
with all benign affection. Yet all this notwithstanding, Madame,
before that I begin, I beseech you not to take up any suspicion
of me, as though I did this, having been put up to it by some
persons of your household, or to favour any one in particular ;
for I can assure you, before God, that I do so without having
been requested by any one, and only on the advertisement, as I
have already assured you, of persons passing through this way,
1 Anne de Parthenay, daughter of John de Parthenay, Lord of Soubise, and of
Michelle de Saubonne, governess of Renee of Franee. She married Antony da
Pons, Comte de Marennes, was instructed by Calvin himself in the Reformed doc
trine, and remained a long time attached, as dame d'honneur, to the Duchess of
Ferrara, to whose court she was an ornament, both by her virtues and her ability.
Clement Marot addresses her in several of his poems, and the learned author,
Lilio Gregorio Gyraldi, dedicates to her the second book of his History of the
Gods. VOL. I. S

274 THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 1541.
who never thought that I could have the means of any direct
communication. /On the other hand, I would rather desire to
be cast down into the lowest depths of the abyss, than to twist
about or wrest the truth of God, to make it suit the hatred or
to procure the favour of any creature whatsoever. But what
makes me speak out is, that I cannot bear that the Word of
God should be thus to you concealed, perverted, depraved, and
corrupted in such essential things, by those in whom you have
some confidence, to whom you have given authority./
Touching Master Frangois, to speak soberly, I would to a
certainty put you upon your guard not to confide too unreser
vedly in his doctrine. Should I do so, I need have no reason
to fear, that mayhap you may entertain some bad opinion of
me, as though I might speak from hatred or envy of this per
sonage. For I have neither matter nor occasion of envy in any
way toward him ; and the hatred which, up to the present hour,
I have felt toward him, is such, that I have at all times,- to
the utmost of my power, made it my business to edify him in
well-doing. 'But when I perceive that any one, owing to an
ill-informed conscience, sets himself to overthrow the Word of
the Lord, and to extinguish the hght of Truth, I could by no
means pardon him, even were he my own father a hundred
times over./ As for this same individual, I have been aware,
from having long known him, that whatsoever small under
standing of the Scripture God has vouchsafed him, he has al
ways made subserve his own profit and ambition, preaching
wherever he saw that it would be a help to gratify his avarice,
forbearing to preach wherever he found that it began to be
troublesome to him ; and then for all that, as often as he could
procure hearers, persons of credit to countenance him, and
the wealthy to fill his wallet or his purse, who required him
to give glory to God, he has taken the trouble to satisfy them
by almost always selling them His Word. / On the other hand,
again, wherever he met with any trouble or persecution, he had
always his denial ready to escape from it, to such a degree, that
one could not know in regard to him whether the holy and sacred
Word of God was but a sport and mockery ; insomuch that he
turned it into a farce, playing at one time one character, and at

1541. THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 275
another the part of another, according to the pastime he finds
in it. As to his life, I do not touch upon that, except that one
could desire that it were better in a minister of the Word. "HI
know, Madame, that the duty of a Christian man is not to de
tract from his neighbour ; and that is what I have not wished
to do, for had I been desirous to speak ill of him, I have plenty
of other material concernipg him which I conceal. But our
Lord does not mean, when we see a wolf, under the colour and
appearance of a pastor, scattering his flock, that we should
quail in silence through fear of speaking evil of him. He
rather commands us to discover the perversity of those who,
like the pestilence, corrupt by their infection, and mar the face
of the Church. And as for myself, neither would I have
taken that method here if I saw any better remedy, taking
into account the mortal fury of that sort of people which I
do thereby provoke against myself. For I have not at this
day so fierce warfare with any as with those who, under
the shadow of the Gospel, wear a rough garment outwardly
toward princes, amazing and entertaining them by their finesse
and subtilty, enshrouded in some cloud, as it were, without
ever leading them to the right object. But how could I do
otherwise ? If I do not address myself to them, it is because
I see their heart to be so divested of all fear of God, that
speaking of His judgment to them, is but a mere fable or a
pleasant tale. But when I describe them such as they are, to
make them aware that they could carry their abuse no farther,
I find that by this method they are more restrained from
further seduction and abuse. This very person I have often
times set about trying to bring back into the good way, so far
even as to make him confess his iniquity; albeit, that impudently
he would excuse himself before men, being convicted in his
own conscience before God. Notwithstanding, with a horrible
obstinacy and hardness of heart, he would persist in saying, that
he could not desist from doing that which he knew to be bad,
except that on one occasion, after having seen some treatise of
mine, with grievous imprecations on himself he protested that
he would never assist at the mass, because it was such a gross
abomination. But I know my man so well, that I scarcely

276 THF, DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 1541.
count more on his oath than upon the chattering of a magpie.
Howsoever, Madame, as I would not that he did persevere in
ill-doing, to the great detriment of yourself and of the people
of God, I feel constrained to warn you by my intimation, seeing
that as regarded him, he would not profit by taking advantage
of it. What I have told you about him is so certain, that I do
not wish you to give credit to it until you have first of all found
out by experience that it is true ; for if you pay attention, you
will see at a glance that he preaches the Word of God only in
so far as he wishes to gratify you, in order to catch benefices or
other prey, and in the meantime not to displease any one who
can do him hurt.
Now, Madame, having done with this personage, I come to
the present matter. He gives you to understand that the mass
' is neither so wicked nor abominable, but that it is allowable to
say it, and to the faithful to hear it, so that those who make
this a matter of conscience are the disturbers of the Church,
stirring up scandals among the weak, whom we are commanded
to strengthen. As regards the first point, I doubt whether I
ought to stop to argue it, inasmuch as I reckon that you are so
fully resolved already, that the mass is a sacrilege, the most
execrable that one can imagine, that I fear to make myself
appear ridiculous to you in taking the pains to prove to you a
thing about which you can be nowise in doubt. And, besides,
the small compass of a letter cannot comprise that wliich is
enough to fill a large book. Yet, notwithstanding, I will touch
briefly upon it, and, as it were, in a cursory way, in order that
you may not have any doubt. In so far as the mass is a sacri
fice, appointed by men for the redemption and salvation of the
living and the dead, as their canon bears, it is an unbearable
blasphemy by which the passion of Jesus Christ is quite over
thrown and set aside, as if it were of no effect whatever.
For that we say, the faithful have been purchased by the blood
of Jesus, have obtained thereby the remission of their sins,
righteousness, and the hope of eternal life, that behef must
imply so far that the blessed Saviour, in offering up Himself to-
the Father, and presenting Himself to be sacrificed, has offered
Himself an eternal sacrifice by which our iniquities have been

1541. THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 277
purged and cleansed, ourselves received into the grace of the
Father, and made partakers of the heavenly inheritance, as the
Apostle declares very fully in the Epistle to the Hebrews. If,
then, the death of Jesus be not acknowledged as the only
sacrifice wliich has been once made for all, in order that it
might have an eternal efficacy, what more remains except that
it be effaced entirely, as being altogether ineffectual ? I know
well, that these liars, to cover their abomination, say, that they
make the same sacrifice which Jesus has made ; but from
that statement there arise several blasphemies. For that sacri
fice could be made by no one except by Himself. And the
Apostle says,1 that if. He is now sacrificed, it follows, that He
must suffer stiU. Therefore, you can see, that one of two
things must here take place, either to acknowledge the horrible
blasphemy of the mass, and to detest it, or in approving it, to
trample under foot the cross of Jesus. How much it is contrary
to the Supper of Christ, I leave you to consider with yourself,
after that you have read in Scripture the words of institution.2
^But the crowning desecration which they commit, is the idolatry
which they perpetrate by adoring a creature instead of God, a
thing which is altogether inexcusable-,/ Taking these considera
tions into view, let us look well to it, since we can neither
speak nor hear such things without grievously offending God
by^communicating in such abominations. For how can we
pretend that we are not justly reproved for having consented
to such iniquities, since we do receive them with greater
honour and reverence than we do the Word of God? If
you wish to know how far that is pleasing to the Lord God,
He declares by his prophet Ezekiel, in the 20th chapter,
where he tells the people of Israel, that they love to practise
open idolatry like the Gentiles, that they made mention of
His name along with the name of their idols, as wishing to
compass their own ends contrary to His statutes, by which he
was to be served in worship, and by setting up their own foolish
inventions, by which they were made to fall away from His
Word ; on the other hand, the Prophet telling them that He
will scatter all those who swear by His name, avouching Him
1 Heb. ix. 25, 26. 2 1 Cor. xi. 23-26.

278 THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 1541.
as their God, while, at the same time, they witness against
themselves in adoring some other than Him alone. Should
C^ some one object, that externals in religion are quite indifferent,
I that what is required is only that the heart within should be
' upright, to that our Lord answers, that He will be glorified in
our body, which He has purchased with His blood, that He
requires the confession of the mouth, and that all our prayers
should be consecrated to His honour, without being any way
contaminated or defiled by anything displeasing to him. But,
because this would be too long to treat of here, as it ought to
be, you can have recourse, for your more full information, to
the treatise, where I hope that you will find reasons enough
to satisfy you. The scandal still remains, which your almoner
says troubles the consciences of the weak, when any one esteemed
a believer holds the mass in such horror that he would not in
any way come in contact with it, that he neither wished to find
it here nor to meet with it elsewhere.1'' But he does not con
sider that, in reference to those things which are either com
manded or forbidden of God, although it might offend the whole
world, we must not go beyond His ordinances. That which is
commanded us, to support and strengthen our weak brethren,
by doing nothing which may wound or offend them, refers to
lesser things of no great consequence, which are of themselves
indifferent and permitted of our Christian liberty, as the whole
of Scripture bears. Besides, all those commands about not
scandalizing our neighbour, tend to his edification in well
doing, as St. Paul points out in the 15th of the Bomans. It
follows, therefore, that we must not seek to please him in those
things which do not tend to edification, but to destruction.
And thence we have the doctrine of St. Paul in the First
Epistle to the Corinthians, chapters viii. and x., where he says,
that if by any external action of ours our neighbour is built
up in wrong-doing, albeit on our part there may have been no
violation of conscience, yet that we sin against God and destroy
our brother. As is here the case : we know the mass to be
cursed and execrable ; we assist thereat to content the igno-
1 In the margin, handwriting of Calvin, — " After having understood the will of
God, give advice."

1541. THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 279
rant ; those who see us assisting at it conclude that we approve
by so doing, and they then follow our example. St. Paul
counts that a great crime, although we make no difficulty about
it. Wherefore, Madame, I do beseech you not to permit that
under the name of scandal any one should beguile you ; for
there is not a more pernicious scandal in this world than when
our Christian brother, by our example, is entrapped in ruin
and driven forward into error. / If we would avoid all scandal
we must cast Jesus Christ behind us, who is the stone of offence
at which the most part of the world trips and stumbles. And
even thus has He been a scandal to the Jews and Israelites to
whom He was sent, as always a large portion of that nation
has been offended and stumbled in the worship of their God.
We must, therefore, hold fast by this rule, that, in reference to
things which are either commanded or forbidden of God, it is
mainly requisite in the doing or forbearing that he may not be
baulked of His due obedience, though we should offend the
whole world. But since it is so, that Christ and His Evangel
are a scandal to the evil- disposed and malignant, we must ex
pect, if we would follow Him, that they must always be a
scandal to us. As for things which are free and indifferent, "
that is to say, which, according to our opportunity, we can
either do or omit the doing of, we ought to suit ourselves to the
convenience of our Christian brethren, in order that our liberty
may be subject to choice ; and even in doing so, regard must
be had so to support their infirmity as that they may be built
up in God ; for if, by our example, we lead them on and draw
them in to do what they consider to be wrong, we are the means
of their destruction. There are few, indeed, who have had
experience of the truth of God who do not know in some
measure the iniquity of the mass. When they well wot what
sort of a thing it is, it is impossible that they should not desire
to flee from it. While they scruple and are in doubt about it,
whenever they perceive that we communicate, they follow our
example, without caring for being further resolved in the
matter. / Here is the worst scandal that can happen them,
seeing that their consciences are wrung unto death. If what I
hear is- true, that he would have you to believe that affair to be

280 THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 1541.
of so small importance that German Churches make no ques
tion at all about it, that is, that those of one persuasion let
alone and permit the other to have the mass, in this he
inflicts a great damage and injury upon the Churches of God,
in charging them with a practice which you will acknowledge
to be false whenever you shall be pleased to make inquiry for
yourself. For not only among all the Churches which have
received the Evangel, but in the judgment of private indi
viduals, this article is quite agreed on, that the abomination of
the mass must not continue. And to that effect Capito, who
is one of those who set themselves to moderate the zeal of
others in these matters, has written a book of late, which he
has dedicated1 to the King of England, wherein he teaches
that it is the duty of Christian princes to abohsh in their
country such execrable idolatry, if they wish to do their duty
as might be expected of them. There is, in short, in our day,
no man of any renown who is not quite agreed on that point.
Well, then, Madame, seeing that it has pleased the Lord
God, of His goodness and infinite compassion, to visit you
with the knowledge of His name, and to enlighten you in the
truth of His holy Evangel, acknowledge your calling tojwhich
He has jialled^you. For He has drawn us forth out of the
depths of darkness, where we were detained captives, in order
that we may follow uprightly the light of His Word, without
declining either to the one side or to the other, and that we
seek more and more to be instructed by Him, so that we may
profit more abundantly in that holy wisdom wherein He has
; made some beginning among us ; and, above all, to look to
I it carefully that we do not restrain His Spirit, as do those
who shut their eyes and ears to the evident plain truth, being
content to remain ignorant of that which the Lord would have
them know and understand. It is not thus that He would
.have us to do, out of mere dread that the Lord will punish such
contempt and ingratitude; but rather we ought to study to
profit continually in the school of this good Master, until
1 This is the title of that work, " De Missa Matrimonio et Jure Magistrates in
Religione. D. Wolfgango Capitone, auctore.'' The Dedication to Henry VIII.,
" Summum in terris Ecclesiae Anglicans Caput," is of 15th March 1537.

1541. THE DDCHESS OF FERRARA. 281
we shall have attained perfection in His doctrine, which will
be when we are free from this downweighing and earthly
coil of the flesh, praying, with good David, that He would
instruct us in the doing of His will. Certes, if we go for
ward advancing therein with zealous affection, He will so guide
us that He will not let us go astray out of the right path.
And although there are still some remains of ignorance in us,
He will vouchsafe a more full revelation, when there is need
for it, seeing that He knows the right season better than do we.
The main point is to understand how His holy doctrine ought
to become fruitful, and so bring forth fruit in us, and that is
when it so transforms us by the renewal of our heart' and mind,
that His radiant glory, which consists in innocence, integrity,
and holiness, relumes the soul within us. If it be not thus
with us we take the name of God in vain when we glorify our
selves by making our boast that we know the Evangel. I do
not say this to admonish you to do what you do not do at pre
sent, but on purpose that the work of God, which is already
begun in you, may be confirmed from day to day.
i> But only, as I have already at the commencement, I beseech
you to pardon my simplicity. Should it be your pleasure to
have more full instruction in this argument, and especially
how a Christian person ought to govern herself in regard to
scandals, I will attempt, so far as the Lord shall enable me, to
satisfy you. In the meantime, I send you an epistle1 upon the
subject, as you will see, if you think it worth your while to
devote some hours to it at your leisure ; and besides that, a
little tract,2 which I have put together lately, which, as I hope,
by reason of its brevity, may serve as a help to consolation,
inasmuch as it contains full enough doctrine.3 [That the Lord
1 This was the letter of Calvin to. Louis Duchemin, intituled, " De fugiendis
impiorum illicitis saeris, et puritate Christianse Religionis. Genevse, 1537. 8vo."
That letter, translated into French, has been inserted in the Recueil des Opuscules,
edit. 1566, in fol., p. 57.
2 De la Cene de nostre Seigneur.
3 The conclusion of this letter is wanting in the original French.'and we restore it
here from the Latin translation inserted, (Calvini Epistolceet Responses, edit. ' Am
sterdam, p. 93.) A near approximation to the date of that piece is supplied by the
passage relative to Capito : — " Et de cela Capito qui est l'ung de ceux qui tascbent fort

282 FAREL. 1541.
may have a care over you in this your infirmity, and that He
would manifest in you the efficacy of His Spirit in such a way
that you may be as much honoured in His household as He
has elevated you in station and dignity among men.]
[Fr. autogr. minute. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 196.]

LXXX— To Farel.
Brotherly exhortations — efforts of Calvin to draw Viret to Geneva —
news of that Church. Gekeva, [11th November 1541 .]
There is no need for your being over anxious about my
expostulation. My object was rather to scold you than seriously
to complain ; besides, I am well aware that you could not have
discarded .me from your remembrance even though you had
taken no notice of me in your letters for a hundred times in suc
cession. Therefore I bid you be at ease on this score. Would
that you could make up matters as easily with those who harass
you and disturb the Church ! However, as you remark, we ought
not to dread the warfare with the world and the flesh if we
would serve Christ. We ought, indeed, earnestly to desire it, but
we ought chiefly to desire that all those who are now at enmity
with Him may be brought to a willing obedience to Christ, rather
than conquered and subdued by force of arms, but not corrected^
Since, however, the Lord is pleased to exercise and drill us in
his warfare, and allows us to take no rest, let us fight on with
deliberate and constant valour, only let it be with those weapons
wherewith Himself hath furnished us.y Under this banner
ffvictory will be always within our reach. When the celebration
of the Supper takes place, and particularly with that intima
tion wliich you mention, it will, as I hope, prove an excellent
a moderer les choses, u. nagueres inscript un livre.'' The dedication of this hook
to Henry VIII. is of the 15th March 1537 ; the death of Capito happened in
December 1541 ; and the letter of Calvin to the Duchess of Ferrara, written from
Geneva, between the two events, places the date, without doubt, in October 1541,
after the return of the Reformer to that town.

1541. FAREL. 283
means of recovering the Church and reconciling differences.
And I hear, that owing to the moderate course which you now
adopt, the minds of many are much quieted, and the spirit of
contention in others very much broken. Until it prove en
tirely successful, you must omit nought which may avail in any
degree to promote the healing of the wound. Here you will
gain the fairest, the most noble triumph, if Satan, abandoned
by his host, be left alone with but a handful of his leaders.
As for our own proceedings, what I wrote you about being
unequally yoked, I find to be more completely verified than was
expected ; but must endure what cannot be remedied. There
fore, should Viret be taken away from me I shall be utterly
ruined, and this Church will be past recovery. On this account
it is only reasonable that you and others pardon me if I leave
no stone unturned to prevent his being carried off from me.
In the meantime we must look for supply to the Church of
Lausanne, according as shall be appointed by the godly
brethren, and by your own advice. Only let Viret remain with
me. This is what I strive for at Berne with all my might.
The brethren must not take it ill that, passing by them, I went
lately to Vevay.1 My ' representation of the state of matters
succeeded better there than could have been expected, so much
so that they not only gave me to understand that they would
make no objection if Berne agreed to let us have him, but even
affirmed that, in their judgment, it would be for the common
benefit of the Churches if he should for a while assist me. In
this arrangement you will not, I hope, be more scrupulous
than many men who are none of the most easy. For we have
here more work before us than you suppose. The common
people on both sides are willing to comply. The preachings,
at least, are well attended ; the hearers are decent and well
behaved enough ; but there is much yet that requires setting to
rights, both in the understanding and the affections, and except
that be cured by degrees, there is some danger that it may yet
break out into the most virulent sore. You are well aware

1 A Synod of the churches of the Pays de Vaud was then assembled at the
town of Vevay.

284 FAREL. 1541.
with how great difficulty one strives with inward and hidden
maladies of this sort, and you know by experience what kind
of yoke-fellows I have, should Viret be removed. We have
most willingly given your brother the best advice we could.
As for the rest, whenever he pleases he shall find me ready
on all occasions ; for the present, however, I have stopt,
because I thought it would be of no use to go on. H you
think otherwise, I will rather follow your opinion ; nor shall
I swerve in the least degree from those injunctions which you
have laid upon me. So long as we two have any authority
there is no occasion for your complaining that you can do
nothing, for you know that it is not you alone who have cause
to complain. Adieu, my most excellent and upright brother.
Salute kindly all the brethren, especially Cordier, to whom we
shall reply by the first opportunity. We hope that all your
family are in good health.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

LXXXL— To Farel.
The Vaudois of Provence — appeal addressed to Mathurin Cordier — the
Reformation at Paris and Lyons. [Geneva, December 1541.]
We detained this messenger here with us to-day, unwilling
to let him away until we had communicated the letter to Viret.
I would not have hesitated to have done so this morning. In
the meantime a letter is brought to us which ought long ago
to have been dehvered. This was the reason why the mes- .
senger went from hence after dinner, for Viret was not then at
home, and did not return until a Httle before sermon. In what
regards the business of the brethren,1 the king's party and the
1 Persecuted with equal animosity by the fanatical bigotry of the courtiers and
of the priesthood, the Waldenses had appointed two procurators, Francis Chaix
and William Armand, charged with the duty of justifying their innocence at the
Court of France ; but these agents could not even obtain from their judges a copy

1541. FAREL. 285
Episcopals are contending with one another about the division
of the spoil, as if the beast were already slain. When this
booty shall have been adjudged to one or other of them, he
will immediately seize the possession of it unless opposed. The
procurators of the brethren may indeed interfere, and thus
suspend procedure in the cause until the Bernese have time to
write a memorial to the King. The letter would perhaps have
more weight if there should be some hkelihood of wax breaking
out. But if there is no reason to expect such an occurrence, or
if there is risk of danger from delay, we must see to it, that
the Bernese themselves defend the concessions they have been
the means of obtaining for your brethren. For it is of the great
est consequence to themselves not to allow the privilege, which
the King has granted to them, thus to be extinguished. The
prayer of their petition will easily be obtained for them, and
if the letter be written urgently, which Giron will willingly
do, the King will be ashamed not to perform what he has
always promised them. It will, however, be safer to despatch
a messenger, or to recommend the letter in such a way to the
care of the ambassador, that they may get an answer. And
if you think it expedient that I add my letter to his sister,1
you have only to mention it. As to the old man who at pre
sent lives with Cordier, we can venture to undertake for no
thing, until Cordier himself has informed us what we ought
to expect from him. For the better establishment of our
school is put off until his arrival. If he is of a mind to aid
us, and is of opinion that the old man will be a suitable assis
tant, let him be sent at once ; I shall willingly lodge and
board him with myself, until he shall have got a situation ;
indeed I do not grudge the expense of a month, or even
two. But if Cordier has changed his mind, frightened by

of the process which had been instituted against the inhabitants of Cabrieres and
Merindol, condemned by an iniquitous tribunal without ever having been heard in
defence ; and it required no less than royal intervention to compel the Parliament
of Aix to give a copy of the acts and procedure of the whole process. The 'two
prelates, the Bishop of Cavaillon and the Archbishop of Aries, were among the
most violent opponents of the Waldenses. — Beze, Hist. Eccl., torn. i. p. 39.
1 Marguerite de Valois, Queen of Navarre.

286 FAREL. 1541.
my last letter, I dare scarce promise anything certain to the
good old man, until we shall have arranged with our leading
men. Although, as I have already said, I shah willingly sus
tain the charge for one month or two. But I entreat of you,
my dear Farel, do not suffer Cordier to refuse this appointment
which is offered him. For, indeed, there is otherwise no hope
of establishing the school, unless, regardless of his own interest,
he will serve the Lord here.1
We have no news from those of Metz. They say that there
are some good preachers at Paris. I am unwilling that you
should exult too much for joy, or rather for gladness, on that
account. I wish what is said may be true, but scarcely beheve
the half of what I hear ; nor do the letters of friends there com
mend to such an extent the present state of matters. There is
at least one piece of good news, that Dolet2 of Lyons is now
printing the Psalter ; presently he will begin the Bible, and is
to follow with the version of Olivetan. Let them tell us after
that, that Satan is not God's minister ! I was so overpowered
by the sad intelligence of the death of Capito,3 that since that
time I have neither been well in bodv nor in mind. When

1 Mathurin Cordier left Neuchatel a few years afterwards, to become Regent of
the College of Lausanne. It was in 1557 that, at the request of Calvin, his old
pupil, he took upon him the office of Principal of the College of Geneva. See the
interesting notice of Mathurin Cordier, by M. Professor Betant. Geneva, 1848.
2 Stephen Dolet, the celebrated printer of Lyons. He published learned writings
concerning antiquity ; drew upon himself much enmity by the boldness of his
opinions, and perished at" the stake in 1544, equally suspected on both sides.
He had published a work on the reading of the Bible in the vernacular dialect,
which has given occasion to consider him as one of the martyrs of the Eeformed
Church. — See Bayle, Diet. Hist., Art. Dolet.
9 Capito had died of the plague at Strasbourg, in the month of November, as we
learn from a letter of Calvin to Farel : — " When this worthy brother had brought .
word that our excellent father, and of holy memory, Capito, had been taken away
from us, and that Bucer, besides, was suffering from the plague, I was so affected
both in mind and spirit, that I could do nought but lament and bewail." — Letter
of 29th November 1541 ; Calv. Opera, torn. ix. p. 19. Endowed with the wisest
and most conciliatory spirit, Capito left a great void in the Church at Strasbourg ;
" happy at least," says Beza, " to have been called away from this life before
having witnessed the ruin of that Church. He did not share the exile of his beloved
colleagues, Bucer and Fagius, but went before to the abode and dwelling-place of
the hcavenlies." — Theodori Bezse, Icones. The decease of Capito excited a general

1542. FAREL. 287
this letter reaches you, if I am not mistaken, yours will be
upon the road, in which you will give us hope of your arrival.
Adieu ; salute all the brethren.
John Calvin, in name of Viret and my own.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

LXXXIL— To Farel.1
Healing of the troubles of the Church at Neuchatel — wise counsel given
to Farel. Geneva, 5th February [1542.]
Your letter greatly astounded us at first, as it not only
informed us of your tragical encounter, but also of the suc
cess of the enemy at the same time. We were somewhat
refreshed afterwards when we understood that the issue of the
affair was more favourable, or at least not so disastrous as
we had feared. You are right, most excellent Farel, the Lord
has wonderfully overruled this whole affair ; but we have been
taught by the contest what a Lerna Satan must be, who can
produce so many Hydras in one little town. If, however,
from one monstrous head a hundred were to spring, and
if for every one head even a thousand were to threaten us,
we know for certain, that while we wage war under the ban
ners of our Christ, and fight with the weapons of His war
fare, we shall be unconquerable. / At the same time, however,
we must keep in mind, that we ought to omit nothing by
mourning ; his loss was equally deplored by the Reformers of Germany and of
Switzerland. — Melchior Adam, Vitoz Theologorum Germanorum.
1 The troubles which had arisen in the Church of Neuchatel (see letter, p. 262)
not having been quieted by the arbitration of the Seigneury of Berne, the latter
referred that grave matter to the decision of the burgesses solemnly assembled.
The majority of votes pronounced in favour of Farel. He was thereupon settled
in the ministry, and peace was thus established in that Church, so long a prey to
intestine disorder. — Ruchat, Hist, de la Ref, tom. v. p. 167. At the news of that
happy event, Calvin wrote in his own name, as well as in that of Viret, to con
gratulate Farel, and to recommend moderation after the victory.

288 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1542.
which we may oppose and frustrate the crafty devices of our
enemy. /For this purpose our Lord has furnished us with
spiritual prudence, which, as it neither slackens nor weakens
our zeal, so, on the other hand, it stills and regulates it by a
wise moderation. / Nor do we speak of these qualities because
we perceive at present any want of this temper in you, but in
order that you may be more and more on your guard, that the
spiteful and malicious may have not even a pretext for trump
ing up their calumnies against you. We trust you are satisfied
as to Courault. If our friends have not performed what they
promised to you, you must impute that to the untowardness of
the times; and you will forgive the Church her inability in
that respect, to whom you could pardon so much more serious
offences. What you request about a new commission, unless
we are greatly mistaken, it will be procured without difficulty.
Meanwhile, be of good courage, and at the same time possess
your soul in patience ; for when you come, we shall give you
enough to do.
Adieu, most excellent and friendly brother. Salute our
brethren in the ministry, and all our intimate acquaintance.
May the Lord keep you. John Calvin, for myself and Viret.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

LXXXIII.— To Oswald Myconius.1
Restoration of the Church of Geneva — wise and moderate behaviour of
Calvin — obstacles to the establishment of ecclesiastical discipline — duty
of 'the magistrates thereanent — information regarding an adventurer
named Alberg. Geneva, 14th March 1542.
On my first arrival here I could not, as you had requested,
write you with certainty as to the state of this Church, because
1 Oswald Myconius of Lucerne, the distinguished philologist and theologian,
disciple of Glarean and of Erasmus. He taught literature at Zurich in the life
time of Zuingli, who honoured him with his friendship ; was then called to Basle,
where he discharged the office of theological pastor, and was elected first pastor on

1542. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 289
I had not then myself sufficiently ascertained what was the
condition of it. Since that time also I have not ventured to
say anything for certain, while matters were not very settled,
that I might not shortly have occasion to repent of having
praised it too soon. And this was also the reason why I
abstained from writing when the deputies of our repubhc
set out for Basle. Now, however, since, notwithstanding
my delay, your kindness has anticipated me, I feel that I
can no longer put off my reply to your request. The pre
sent state of our affairs I can give you in few words. For the
first month after resuming the ministry, I had so much to
attend to and so many annoyances, that I was almost worn
out : such a work of labour and difficulty has it been to up
build once more the fallen edifice. Although certainly Viret
had already begun successfully to restore, yet, nevertheless,
because he had deferred the complete form of order and dis
cipline until my arrival, it had, as it were, to be commenced
anew. When, having overcome this labour, I believed that
there would be breathing-time allowed me, lo 1 new cares
presented themselves, and those of a kind not much lighter
than the former. This, however, somewhat consoles and re
freshes me, that we do not labour altogether in vain, without
some fruit appearing; which, although it is not so plentiful
as we could wish, yet neither is it so scanty but that there
does appear some change for the better. There appears a
brighter prospect for the future if Viret can be left here with
me : on which account I am all the more desirous to express
to you my most thankful acknowledgment, because you share
with me in my anxiety that the Bernese may not call him away ;
and I earnestly beseech, for the sake of Christ, that you would
do your utmost to bring that about j1 for whenever the thought
the decease of Cficolampadius, (1531.) ZealouB partisan of the Lutheran dogma of
the Sacraments, in his relations with the Swiss churches, he was ever animated by
a spirit of moderation and gentleness, which procured him the constant affection of
Calvin. He died October 15, 1552, at the age of sixty-three years, and was suc
ceeded by the minister Sulzer in the direction of the Church of Basle. — Melch.
Adam, Vitce Theologorum Germanorwm, pp. 223-226.
1 " I will write concerning Viret to Berne as soon as I am able, but in the name
of the brethren, that it may come with greater authority, if the object can be ac-
VOL. I. T

290 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1542.
of his going away presents itself, I faint and lose courage en
tirely. I do hope that the brethren will aid you in this
arrangement, (I mean the ministers of Berne,) for we enter
tain that love towards each other, that I can venture to engage
they will do their utmost for me, as I would do for them. I
am afraid, however, that the Senate will not very readily agree
to the proposal. Whatever shall be the result, let us strain
every nerve to bring it to bear. Do you also strive to the
utmost with the brethren, as you have undertaken to do ; for
while there is no doubt that they would be willing of their own
accord, it will be of advantage at the same time, nevertheless,
to have your exhortation. -/X)ur other colleagues are rather a
hindrance than a help to us : they are rude and self-conceited,
have no zeal, and less learning. But what is worst of all, I
cannot trust them, even although I very much wish that I
could; for by many evidences they shew their estrangement
from us, and give scarcely any indication of a sincere and trusts
worthy disposition. I bear with them, however, or rather I
humour them, with the utmost lenity : a course from which I
shall not be induced to depart, even by their bad conduct. But
if, in the long-run, the sore need a severer remedy, I shall do
my utmost and shall see to it by every method I can think
of, to avoid disturbing the p^ace of the Church with our
quarrels ; for I dread the factions which must always neces
sarily arise from the dissensions of ministers. On my first
arrival I might have driven them away had I wished to do
so, and that is also even now in my power. I shall never,
however, repent the degree of moderation which I have ob
served ; since no one can justly complain that I have been too
severe. / These things I mention to you in a cursory way,
that you may the more clearly perceive how wretched I
shall be if Viret is taken away from me. What you observe,
from the example of your Church, of the great injury which
is inflicted by the noisome plague of discord among the
ministry, I can confirm, from my own experience, to the full-
complished at all. For we also desire that the Church of Geneva may be as well
supplied as possible for the good of other churches."— Ovioald Myconius to Calvin,
10th February 1542.

1542. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 291
est extent, in the calamity which has befallen this Church.
No persons could be on closer terms of intimacy than we
were here with one another. But when Satan had stirred
up that deplorable misunderstanding between these brethren
and ourselves, you know yourself what followed thereupon.
My determination was therefore made at once, that unless
with the evidence of an entire reconciliation, I would never
undertake this charge, because I despaired of any benefit from
my ministry here, unless they held out a helping hand to
me. Meanwhile, many in their assembly are not over friendly,
others are openly hostile to me. But this I carefully provide
against, that the spirit of contention may not arise among
us. ^We- have an intestine seed of discord in the city, as I
have already mentioned ; but we take special care, by our
patient and mild deportment, that the Chm-ch may not suffer
any inconvenience from that circumstance, and that nothing
of that kind may reach the common people. ' They all know
very well, by experience, the pleasant and humane disposition
of Viret : I am in no way more harsh, at least in this matter.
Perhaps you will scarcely believe this ; it is not the less true,
however. Indeed, I value the public peace and cordial agree
ment among ourselves so highly, that I lajrestraint upon my
self : those who are opposed to us are themselves compelled
to award this praise to me. This feeling prevails to such an
extent, that from day to day those who were once open enemies
have become friends ; others I conciliate by courtesy, and I feel
that I have been in some measure successful, although not every
where and on all occasions.
On my arrival, it was in my power to have disconcerted
our enemies most triumphantly, entering with full sail among
the whole of that tribe who had done the mischief. I
have abstained : if I had liked, I could daily, not merely
with impunity, but with the approval of very many, have
used sharp reproof. I_jOTbear; even with the most scrupu
lous care do J. _ayoid_ everj^hing of the kind, lest even by
some shght word I should appear to persecute any indivi
dual, much less all of them at once. May the Lord confirm
me in this disposition of mind. It happens, however, sometimes,

292 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1542.
that it is necessary to withstand our colleagues ; but we never
do so unless they either compel us by their unseasonable impor
tunity, or some weightier consideration demands our interfer
ence. I will relate an instance to you, wliich the complaint you
make in your letter, owing to the similarity of the case in point,
brought very forcibly to my recollection. When we were con
sidering about the introduction of ecclesiastical censure,1 and the
Senate had given us a commission to that effect, these worthy
persons appeared in public to assent ; doubtless because they
were ashamed to offer direct opposition in a matter that was so
plain and evident. Afterwards, however, they were to be seen
going about secretly, dealing separately with each of the sena
tors, exhorting them not to lay at our feet the power which
was in their own hands, (as they said,) not to abdicate the
authority which God had intrusted to them, and not to give
occasion to sedition, with many other arguments of a like
nature. We dared not close our eyes to such perfidious con
duct. We endeavoured, however, to arrange the matter in
such a way as not to stir up strife among us. We at length
possess a Presbyterial Court, such as it is, and a form of
discipline, such as these disjointed times permit. Do not,
however, allow yourself to suppose that we obtained so much
without the most vigorous exertion. And besides, those troops
of unclean spirits break forth in all directions, who, in order
that they may escape from healthy discipline, which they
can in no way submit to, seek every sort of pretext for
slipping away from the authority of the Church. The world,
moreover, holds this laxity to be an established custom, which^
for the sake of its lust, must reign paramount, because it cannot
endure to resign the dominion of the sensual appetites to Christ.
But however impostors of this kind may plead the plausible
case of the world and the flesh, the Lord will consume them
1 The right of censure and excommunication belonging to the Consistory. It
was not without much difficulty that the right of -ecclesiastical censure was granted
to the Consistorial Court, — a body which included at once the ministers and some
members of the magistracy, chosen from the various municipal councils. This
right of the consistory was often contested, and was only definitively recognised
after long resistance, of which traces are to be found in the Registers of Council,
from 1542 to 1553.

1542. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 293
with the breath of His mouth, provided we go forward to
the assault with united courage and resolution, and fight
manfully, with a stout heart and unwearied zeal, for that
sacred authority and power of spiritual jurisdiction over the
members of the Church which ought ever to be held inviol
able. For, indeed, the truth of God shines more brightly of
itself in this evangelic order of discipline, than to allow of
its being easily overlaid with such lying devices. They
adduce Moses and David as examples : as if, forsooth, these
two rulers had exercised no other charge over the people than
to rule them in the ordinance of civil government. Let those
insane pleaders for the authority of the magistrate give us such
men for magistrates as were Moses and David, that is, excelling
in the singular spirit of prophecy, and sustaining both charac
ters, not at their own mere will and pleasure but by the calling
and commission of God, we shall then willingly concede to such
persons that authority which they demand. I have no doubt
that Moses himself discharged the functions of priesthood before
the consecration of Aaron to the office : afterwards he prescribes,
by the command of God, what was to be done. David, also, did
not proceed to take order in the settling the administration of the
Church, before he was invested with that power by the permission
of God. Other pious godly kings defended and protected the
estabhshed order by their authority, as became them ; they let
the Church alone, however, in the exercise of her peculiar juris
diction in spirituals, and left to the priests the charge assigned to
them by the Lord. But am I not foolish to enter upon so
complicated a question, when the letter-carrier is just upon the
eve of setting out ? whence it happens that we have not at present
sufficient leisure for going fully and particularly into the long
story pf Alberg.. I shall make a beginning, however, and follow
it forth until the messenger shall arrive to snatch away the
half-completed letter out of my hands. You must understand,
in the first place, that this individual has now, for many
years, been engaged in nothing else than constantly running
about hither and thither, to shuffle money out of some, clothes
from others, and thus to live from hand to mouth, main
taining a livelihood by imposture, as is the practice of those

294 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1542.
vagabonds who wander to and fro. He had come hither
more than once before our expulsion : and had asked for a
situation, but did not find one to suit him, because he wished
a school of some standing, which is nowhere to be found in this
quarter, and with a large salary. In a httle while after he returns,
deploring as usual that he had been plundered by highway
men. He repairs to a neighbouring small town, goes round
canvassing for the mastership of the school, which he does not
obtain. This repulse he charges upon us, who were so destitute
of influence there, that had it been known that his appoint
ment would not have been pleasing to us, on that account alone
he would have obtained it ; and yet, God is our witness, that at
that time we had endeavoured nothing else than that he might
find somewhere or other a situation fit and suitable for him.
He came afterwards to Strasbourg, where he extorted twenty
batzen from me, which I myself was obliged to borrow in
another quarter ; for I had sold my books, and was then en
tirely without funds. He had promised that he would return
them within a few days. A box, of no value, he deposited
with me as a pledge. Having returned after an interval of some
months, laughing in his sleeve, or rather making game of it, he
asked whether I would not let him have some crowns by way of
loan, and my reply was, that I needed the small sum which he had
already got. The rascal, in the meantime, having stealthily
conveyed the box away out of my library, consigns it to the
care of Bucer's wife. She would have nothing to do with it,
and gave me intimation. Thereupon I reprimanded his im
pudence, in the presence of several witnesses. In half a year
after, or perhaps a whole year, he coolly wrote me that he
was shut up at Baden, that all the gentry of the district had
combined against him, that he could not otherwise escape,
unless I sent him a travelling merchant, who might bring
him away in his basket of goods. Bedrot received one,
couched in similar or nearly the same terms. We had a
laugh. I wrote a few words also in reply ; for we had reason,
from many circumstances, to conjecture that he was all the
while in that city. From that time he has never made his
appearance. A year and a half has elapsed in the meantime.

1542. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 295
As I was aware that the httle box contained many trifling
articles of no value I opened it, in the presence of many wit
nesses. It contained mouldy apples, and all sorts of trash,
some books, tattered and torn, and these quite commonplace,
such as Despautier, and the like. I found also a letter, which
he had surreptitiously carried off from me. This Sturm is
well aware of, whom I called to be present. We replaced every
thing, not without much laughter. When Gryne'e, of worthy
and revered memory, came to Worms, he brought word that
Alberg was then at Basle. On coming away from Strasbourg
I requested my friends to send him back the box. The
rascal, having received it, went about proclaiming that I was a
thief, that I had taken out of it many incomparable books.
He came to Lausanne, — related the same story to Viret.
When lately he had betaken himself hither again, he was for
ten days in the city before I was aware of it. A while after,
at the suggestion of Viret, I went to him, asked whether it was
his intention to raise an action of theft against me, when he
said that he had lost some remarkably rare books. I told him
he was a most impudent scoundrel. The day after, he attacked
me in my own house, not only with the most abusive language,
but also making a furious assault ; hereupon he was given into
custody. When I was afterwards interceding earnestly for him
with the magistrate, and he was about to be called and sent
away without any further trouble, the jailer brought word that
he had spoken still more outrageously against me there. In
this manner he would not suffer himself to be benefited ; and
yet he is punished less than he deserves. It is his old song,
that something has been taken away from him. He could not
formerly go three miles' distance but he must faU among
robbers. Everywhere he boasts that he has a great store of
invaluable books ; even as he offered books in pledge to me,
which he had at Basle, when he sought my aid in getting
out of durance at Baden. In like manner, at Berne, when
he sought ten crowns from me and Farel, he said that he
had at your house a large package of books, and fifty Bohemian
ducats. Lately, also, in the taverns, he talked of nothing
else than the noble library which he had left at Basle. But,

296 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1542.
in truth, it is somewhat offensive that I should have to speak
| a word to clear myself, for I reckon that I have so lived as to
i be beyond the suspicion of theft. The letter has now been twice
called for. Adieu, most excellent and very much esteemed
brother. May the Lord Jesus direct you continually by His
Spirit in His own work, and govern your household. Viret
particularly and reverently salutes you. — Wholly yours,
John Calvin.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 26.]

LXXXIV— To Oswald Myconius.1
The Reformation at Cologne — some details on the condition of Germany —
efforts of Calvin to retain Viret at Geneva.
Geneva, 17th April 1542.
I am glad that Bucer had got back to you in safety.2 His
hope of some good, which he expects on the part of the Bishop,
I am afraid is not worth much, unless he ventures at last to
undertake somewhat on his own responsibility, even in oppo
sition to the whole of his clergy, for if he waits until the canons
come to help him in the work of restoring the Church, he will
sit still long enough. If, however, he sets his mind in earnest
to it, and does not allow himself to be daunted by opposition,
he has the whole affair in his own hand, for the city of Cologne
will either assent, or will offer no very strenuous opposition,
rather, perhaps, will lend him a helping hand. But even suppos
ing that he can effect no remarkable change for the better, it is
pleasing to observe, that he is not disposed to check the progress
of improvement, and that he may qualify in some measure the
fury of our adversaries, until the Lord is pleased to enlighten
1 To the very faithful minister of Christ, D. Oswald Myconius, pastor of thff
Church at Basle, my much respected friend.
2 Bucer had gone to Cologne, called thither by the Archbishop, Elector Hermann
de Wied, the pious and distinguished prelate who had courageously undertaken
the reformation of his diocese.

1542. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 297
himself more fully. In so far as I gather from your letter, the
German empire is in no whit better condition than it was about
the time of the conclusion of the Diet at Eatisbon, although,
indeed, at the commencement of that assembly, the proceed
ings were somewhat cheering.1 At present, however, as it
appears to me, the men who are carried away by furious and
blind rage, who have no better object in view than to keep
ahve disturbances, have got everything their own way. When
such is the common news of the day, I can well enough guess
what may have befallen the Marquis of Brandenbourg.2 As
he is more eagerly desirous of vainglory than is at all seemly,
they must have made him drunk with the offer of the ad
ministration of the war. This one thing comforts me, that
whatever may happen in desperate circumstances, the so utterly
unbridled rule and dominion of the wicked cannot exist
any longer unchecked ; and the Lord, as you truly observe,
will at length vindicate His own cause. There are many in
fluences at work, both at home and abroad, more than enough,
and many more spring up daily, which would not merely
weaken, but entirely crush us, if we were not well aware that
we are fellow-workers with Himself in the reformation of the
Church. In our deepest misery, therefore, this consideration
has sufficed to support us, that Christ has once for all obtained
the victory over the world, the fruit of which deliverance we
may at all times partake of. /
In what concerns the private condition of this Church, I
somehow, along with Viret, sustain the burden of it. If he is
taken away from me, my situation will be more deplorable than
I can describe to you, and even should he remain there is
some hazard that very much may not be obtained in the
1 Discord prevailed among the members of the League of Smalkald, one part
refusing the subsidy to the Emperor for the war against the Turks, the other shew
ing a disposition to grant it. " It is spread abroad that there exists dissension
between the Frinces and the Cities concerning the money and men to be given
against the Turk. I rejoice that Christ is Lord, otherwise I had altogether de
spaired. Himself will preserve His Church." — Oswald Myconius to Calvin, 10th
February 1542.
2 The Margrave Albert of Brandenbourg, a bold adventurer, who lent his sword
in turn to all parties during the troubles of Germany.

298 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1542.
midst of so much secret animosity. But that I may not tor
ment myself beforehand, the Lord will see to it, and provide
some one on whom I am compelled to cast this care. Mean
while, I do not cease to try every method which seems to pro
mise success in obtaining -what we ask. The arrival of Mun-
ster1 was most refreshing to us, although we were not able to
entertain him as he deserved, and in such a way as we would
very cordially have seized the opportunity of doing, since he
was in so great a hurry as not to admit of that. So far as
lay in our power, however, we shewed him the tokens of our
good-will. We are very unwilling that the Bernese and our
Seigneury should be so long in explaining what they mean to
do after the pronouncing of the award ; but whenever we press
our friends here upon the point, they always object that it is
but just that they should take precedence of the other, and now
desire to know whether your Senate has received anything in the
shape of an answer from them.2 If you can ascertain anything
privately in a quiet way, I would earnestly entreat you to let
me have notice to that effect. I undertake to endeavour by all
the means in my power, that our friends may not be too
difficult to deal with, although I have not hitherto been able
to extort so much as even to get them to take the first step
in making a reply ; when the decisive moment arrives, how
ever, I will urge that to the very uttermost. I greatly wish
that, in the meantime, you would do us this favour. Adieu,
my excellent and greatly esteemed brother. Viret reverently
salutes you and all your colleagues, whom I beg you will also
salute in my name. May the Lord Jesus long preserve you
and direct you continually by His Spirit. Again, farewell. —
Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. minute. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
1 Sebastian Munster, Professor of Theology at the University of Basle, and
author of the Geographia Universalis.
2 Allusion to the disputes between Berne and Geneva, submitted to the arbi
tration of the Seigneury of Basle.

1542. THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 299

LXXXV. — To the Brethren of Lyons.1
Stay of a Carmelite monk at Geneva — declaration of motives for refusing
to admit him to the ministry of the Gospel.
Villefeanohe,2 [May 1542.]
The grace and peace of God our Father, by our Lord Jesus
Christ, dwell and be with you and upon you always, by the
power of His Holy Spirit.
Very dear Brethren, — We would desire to have where
withal to write you, wliich might prove matter of greater com
fort and consolation to you ; for whereas there are some others
who would make you sad, we would be the first to take some
pains to make you rejoice and be glad. But at this present
time, necessity constrains us to use other argument than our
own inclination would suggest to us if we were free to choose.
But yet we hope, you will not think that we have any other
intention than to edify you, to comfort and confirm you in our
Lord, and therefore, we shall not make any more lengthened
excuses on that account. Touching the subject-matter of these
presents, we trust that you shall not take it in evil part should
this communication cause "you more trouble than cause of re
joicing. We also do very well know, that it is an odious thing
1 On the back : Letters against the Carmelite. Without date. A Latin letter
of Calvin to Farel, of the 10th May 1542, relative to the same subject, furnishes us
with the date, and informs us that this white friar, who had gone over to the ranks
of the Reformed, belonged to Lyons : Venit Carmelita Lugdunensis a quo non
frvstra timuimvs." Calvin forewarned the faithful of that town to he upon their
guard against that false friar.
The Church of Lyons, one of the most glorious of the French Reformation, owed
its origin to the preaching of an old Jacobin monk, Alexander Camus, surnamed
Laurence de la Croix, who suffered martyrdom at Paris in 1535. The first mem
bers of that Church were merchants, " some goldsmiths and others of the town,''
who met together in secret. The work begun by Alexander Camus was manfully
followed up by John Fahri, (or Le Fevre,) who found pious continuators in the
ministers, Peter Fournelet and Claude Monnier, before the epoch of the great per
secutions. — Hist. Eccl., tom. i. pp. 55, 56.
2 That is to ear, Geneva.

300 THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 1542.
to find fault with a man who is not only in good repute, but
has acquired some credit and renown. But when you have
heard the reasons which move us to do so, we have no doubt
that you will not be dissatisfied with us, but hold yourselves
well content to agree. In short, we would wish you to under
stand, that we have some news to write you touching the white
friar who preached there during last Lent, which will not
turn out to his praise. The course we take in this matter is
not from any desire on our part to detract from him ; for al
though we have some occasion that might lead us to that, our
courage is not equal to it, and neither is it our use and wont.
But when we shall have explained our motive, you can fully
satisfy yourselves ; forasmuch as he has returned from among
you not very well pleased with the reception which we had
given him, so he has said to some persons. We can well con
ceive, therefore, that being thereaway, he would make many
complaints, were it for no other reason than to clear himself on
account of his return once more into that lower abyss from
whence the Lord had delivered him. Well we see, on the
other hand, what offence you might conceive against us, if you
were not duly informed of the whole affair. Inasmuch, then,
as we are bound to you by reason of that tie whereby the
Lord has joined us together, and that we should be blameable
in the sight of God towards you, did' we not take the trouble to
remove the scandals which the Devil sets afloat to separate and
estrange us from the unity which the Lord has put in the
midst of us, it has seemed to us a sound discretion, simply to
relate to you the history of the treatment and reception which
we have vouchsafed him, and, on the other hand, how he has
conducted himself, that you may judge for yourselves how httle
he had to make him discontented with us. What we shall re
late to you shall be told as in the presence of God, to whom we
do appeal as witness, beseeching Him" to make manifest the
truth such as it really is, and to confound those who would
speak falsehood, or make use of calumny of what kind soever.
Some days after his arrival, having already spoken to him in
private, and having shewn him tokens of courtesy and friend
ship, we called upon him, being met together, to know what

1542. THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 301
might be his determination. After he had told us that he had
come to serve the Church of God, we besought him not to take
it ill, that we had not on the first day of his arrival offered him
the pulpit. In like manner, we requested that he would ex
cuse us should we still delay for some time ; and we shewed
him the causes which hindered our being hasty in so doing.
First of all, because the Lord has delivered our rule in writing,
which it is not lawful for us to overpass. It is, that He has
forbidden us to receive any man to the ministry before he has
been well and duly approven, and that rule ought to be inviolably
kept by us, if we would have good order and policy maintained
in the Church. We admonished him to consider how the rule
of the ministry, as a matter of Church polity, was recommended
to us of God, which would be lightly esteemed were we to
receive any individual at random, without observing the lawful
form and order. Secondly, we demonstrated to him what might
be the consequence if we should thus hastily and unadvisedly
introduce him ; that is to say, that another would be received
after his example, and in such sort, that it would come to pass
that we would fall into greater confusion than even we have
had in time bygone, making dispensation in favour of one, and
denying it to another, which inequality is mortal ruin in the
Church of God. Thirdly, we told him, that even were we so
far to trifle with our conscience as to be willing, in his favour,
to transgress the commandment of God, that nevertheless we
were not at liberty to do so, for that we have our laws ecclesiastic,
which are reduced to writing, and which give us a quite differ
ent lesson. We must therefore observe them, in regard that
all the people of our manner of worship are obliged so to do.
Fourthly, we clearly pointed out to him, that it was even for his
advantage that the proceeding should be maturely gone about
and ripely advised beforehand ; that in the interval, he might
have leisure to consider how difficult and irksome a charge it is,
and in order to be well resolved as to what he would have to do ;
and also to become acquainted with our form and manner
with a view to suit and accommodate himself to it, from fear
of giving offence to the people who are tender and delicate,
for even the untaught and ruder sort are sometimes rather

302 THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 1542.
difficult to please. Notwithstanding, we gave him clearly
to understand that it was no intention of ours to keep him a
long while in suspense and weary him out, but rather to shorten
his probation, and as soon as shall be possible to admit him to
the service of God. Thereupon we requested of him to have
yet a little patience, waiting until everything might be done
according to the prescribed order of God; and that in the
meantime he could deal with us privately as with brethren, we
offering to do him all the service and shew him all good-will in
everything which the Lord might put into our hand.
It certainly did appear to us that our proposals were so
reasonable, that he ought to take them into consideration.
Moreover, we spoke as kindly and gently as he could think
of requiring, and you may rest assured that every God-fear
ing man, and having a clear conscience, would have been well
satisfied. More than that, even a man of a bad heart, if so be
that he might have had some measure of honesty, and was not
become altogether shameless, would have felt a sort of shame
in refusing to acquiesce. Our Carmelite, as an answer to
everything, required us to give assurance on the spot, notwith
standing all the reasons which we have alleged. And that for
two causes : the first was, that he had at this time companions
who could lead him surely out of danger, and furnish him with
money and equipage, and that he would not always have that
opportunity at hand. The second, that if he was to return to
France, the sooner he went the better, before the noise of his
coming hither was made public.
We saw clearly by this answer, that he knew nothing about
the Church nor the ministry either, and that if he had but little
understanding, he had even less heart and zeal in her service.
Nevertheless, having made him withdraw, and having spoken
with each other, once more we made him a very gentle and
gracious reply, praying that he would pardon us if we could not
acquiesce in his request, seeing that our consciences were fast
bound up from so doing by the Word of God ; and what had
formerly been said to him was explained and confirmed beside?,
as well by the testimonies of Scripture, as by the example of
the ancient Church. We also plied him with exhortations,

1542. THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 303
which might well have subdued him and brought him back to
better reason, had he not gone too far astray ; and, in order that
it might not appear as if we had not treated him with all due
honour, we shewed him that the same course had been followed
in the case of others not less worthy than himself, and who of
thejr own accord willingly submitted to it.
'cut in place of yielding 'to reason, he replied, flatly, and some
what at a non-plus, that if xoe thought we had the Spirit of
God, he was not altogether void of it, and shewed clearly,
that all our forementioned dealing with him he took in no
other way than as a mockery. We answered him, in the first
place, that in this matter we had the Word of God so clear, that
our consciences were well enough assured. And that, even
if the thing were doubtful, or we might have some scruple
about it, it was our duty to attempt nothing against what we
considered to be the will of God. /Moreover, that what we
alleged in proof of that was so clear, that there was no need to
make any further dispute about it. . That he ought, besides,
rather to suspect himself than us, seeing that he had only his
own interests to consider, while we, on the other hand, had no
other object in view but that of keeping close to the order of
God. He replied also to that, that if he had come before the
time of Lent, he would willingly have submitted to examination,
but since he had preached in a church so near at hand,1 that
we ought to hold that for approbation. On that point, we told
him, that it had happened in France, as Solomon had said, that to
the hungry soul bitter things appear to be sweet, for the poor
people are so famished and starved with regard to the true doc
trine, that when one touches on a single word, were it only by
halves, they are so ravished and transported, that they do not take
leisure to judge aright. Besides, referring to his boast of having
preached there, we told him, that he need not exalt his horn on
that account, and that we knew well in what weakness it had
been. And yet, nevertheless, we protested that it was not by
way of reproach, and that we were not so wanting in hmnanity
that we would not support those who are somewhat weak when
in such danger, but that it was to lead him to the knowledge of
1 The Church of Lvons.

304 THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 1542,
himself, in order that he might not pride himself upon that
without cause, having more occasion rather to humble himself
In conclusion, we set ourselves again to soothe and to encourage
him, while, on his part, he did not exhibit any farther appearance
of being irritated.
On the morrow, being in a tavern with a large company,
among whom there were about half a score of preachers about
him, after they had discoursed of some matter, without any
provocation, or any occasion given, as if he had been the control
ler of the whole world, he declared that they had not a learned
man among them hereabouts, and spoke even more outrageously
than I can repeat ; and as truth always comes to light in time,
we have been told since, that from the first day of his arrival in
this town, he has never ceased to malign sometimes one person
and sometimes another, and at other times the whole of us,
even so far as to pronounce, that he found no savour nor edifi
cation in all our preachings and lectures. And, notwithstand
ing, while all this was going on, he did not hesitate in venturing
to dine with us. /We see his object perfectly ; it is, that the
poor man has such a hungering after notoriety, that he burns
everything to attain it, and all the while we see nothing about
which he need glorify himself. For when one has thoroughly
sifted all that is in him, even all the inward parts of the belly,
there is nothing one finds after all, but the ignorance of
an ass. He knows somewhat less of Latin than a child of
eight years ought to have. In Scripture he is as blind and
ignorant as a beetle, and all the while he is so drunken with
ambition, that he can scarcely keep upon his feet. We do not
trouble you by the recital of all the shifts and subtleties which
he has devised and attempted. He had ah the will to trouble
the Church, had the time been seasonably disposed for it.
This, however, is no new instance of the kind, for these sort of
people have had their predecessors since the time of St. Paul,
who, by a like sort of artifice, that is to say, bragging and
vaunting about their own doings, and disparaging the holy
apostle behind his back, in order to advance themselves, threw
all in disorder, as we may see in the Epistles to the Corin
thians and the Galatians. /

1542. THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 305
Towards the conclusion of the whole affair, this discreet and
worthy man having made up his mind to [have nothing more
to do with us,] and to be gone, came to one of us to clear him
self, and principally with the view of justifying everything that
he had said in his answers ; he was told, that it would be for
his own advantage seriously to consider all that had taken place,
as in the sight of God, that he might accuse and condemn him
self, and without being so resolutely bent upon maintaining his
honour by loud talk, after having, both by act and deed so
greatly wounded it ; for that, should he persist in thus contend
ing both against reason and truth, he would come to a bad
end, inasmuch as that judgment must ever prove true, that
whosoever exalteth himself shall be humbled. As touching
the silly expressions he had made use of in the tavern, he wished
to be credited in denying them, and that we must consider all
those to be liars who had heard him. He was answered, that
then he must plead against our Lord, who had willed, that in
the mouth of two or three witnesses every word should be esta
blished. ^And although there was not any special need what
ever to discuss that point, inasmuch as it need not give us very
much concern how much they prize or despise our knowledge,
and that our chief glory consists in our being the servants of
God ; so much so, that we held it to be a laughable matter and
of no consequence whatever, and that to such a degree, that we
could not so far defer to him as to admit that he is a compe
tent judge. We could, nevertheless, very well perceive by such
expressions, that his heart was so swelled with venom, that he
was compelled to disgorge it by vomiting forth his spite in
such language upon us ; and this sign and token of his mahce
gave offence, seeing that we had never given occasion for it.
Touching the third point, he could not deny that .he had in
some sort misrepresented our preachings. Yet it was diffi
cult for him to state any certain ground of objection, even
although he had possessed the knowledge required to enable
him to do so. For even though he came once for the sake
of countenance, as if from the fear of being seen listening
for the purpose of learning, he read in a book apart by him-
self, in which one could see his foolish ambition, to be so
vol. i. rT

306 THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 1542.
much afraid of lessening his own reputation should he conde
scend to do so much honour to the Word of God as to give
Him a hearing.
The final result of this proposal was, that he to whom it was
addressed said, that he would call together his companions to
speak with him; and as he gave him clearly to understand,
that he need not be under any fear that we would recoil upon
him in the way of revenge, no more than as if he had conducted
himself very wisely, upon that he supped with one of our com
panions, and made him believe that he intended to take lodgings
and stop in the town. The next morning he mounted on horse
back, and in mounting gave full rein to his abuse, more than ever
he had yet done. Whether or not he has had just cause for so
doing, we leave yourselves to judge, after having read. the state
ment which we have now made you, which we protest before God
to be the simple truth, without having added anything, and pray
ing the Lord to give you the spirit of direction to take know
ledge of it, and rightly to judge, in order that you may not take
offence, whatever report he may make to you ; for in writing
this letter to you, we intended, besides the discharge of duty in
giving you satisfactory information, to convince you that we
had not treated him with inhumanity. For in truth, because
it had pleased the Lord to make use of his services in that
quarter by his preachings, and that some edification had fol
lowed thereupon, our wish and desire was entirely bent on not
rejecting him. 'Our conscience, however, would not admit of
our receiving him immediately, until his pride had been a httle
abased, that he had learned to trust somewhat more in God, and
that he had profited yet farther a little so as to teach faithfully
and purely ; for he had three things about him which by good
right were displeasing to us. First of all, that good persuasion
of himself. Secondly, that he was so devoted to the kitchen,
that methinks the earth itself would scarce have supphed him,
as if God in heaven were not all-sufficient for the nourishment
of His own. Thirdly, he was so ignorant, that we were very
much astonished ; for in our congregation, where we read a text
of St. Paul, which contained beautiful matter of doctrine and
copious, and ought to be well known by all who preach in that

1542. FAREL. 307
quarter, because it is the Epistle for the first Sunday in Advent,
when it came to his turn, not only did he speak meagrely and
sparingly upon it, but he reversed the whole of what Paul said,
not intentionally or in malice, as we thought, hut in pure
stupidity. Other vices we let pass, as worldly vanity and the
like, that we may not appear as if we persecuted him in hatred
and enmity. What we have now told you is to forearm you,
that you may not be imposed on to your hurt. As regards the
individual, we pray the Lord that He would give him the spirit
of humiliation and of meekness, correcting that lofty and foolish
presumption which he has ; and above all, that he might know
himself such as he really is, so as to get a true sight of himself,
for then he will have, occasion indeed for self-abasement. In
conclusion, very dear brethren, we shall commend you to the
holy safeguard of our Lord Jesus, who is the true Pastor of all
the faithful.
[Fr. orig. minute — Library of Geneva. Vol. 145.]

LXXXVL— To Farel.1
Detail of the edifying death of the first Syndic, Amy Porral.
Geneva, 16th June 1542.
Would that I might attain to that discipline in contempt of
this present life, and in the meditation of a holy death, as the
experience of the past year, in the deaths of many pious per
sons, may weU have brought me. Porral, the chief magis
trate of the city, has departed to the Lord ; his death, which
could not be other than occasion of sadness to us, has been
bitterly lamented. The manner of his decease, as it was
in some respects consolatory to me, so, on the other hand,
1 The Republic of Geneva incurred the loss of an excellent magistrate and friend
in Porral, who had been named first Syndic of this year. He had concurred with
Calvin in drawing up the Ecclesiastical Ordonnances adopted the preceding year,
and he died, as this letter of the Reformer to Farel testifies, with sentiments of the
deepest and most lively piety.

308 FAREL. 1542.
it increased my sorrow when I considered how great has
been our loss in the bereavement of that one man. The
day after he became unwell, when we were calling upon him,
that is, Viret and myself, he told us that he considered himself
in danger, for that the disease with which he was afflicted had
been fatal in his family. Thereupon we had a long conversa
tion on a variety of matters : he talked about them just as
though he had been in sound and perfect health. During the
two following days his sufferings were more acute, but, not
withstanding, his intellect was stronger, and he exhibited more
fluency of speech than he had ever manifested in his life
hitherto. Whoever called to see him, heard some suitable
exhortation ; and that you may not suppose, it to have been
mere talkative vanity, as far as was possible he applied to
each individual what was best adapted to his circumstances,
and most likely to be of use to him. Afterward he began
to feel somewhat better, so that very much hope was enter
tained that he would be forthwith restored to health. In
this state he continued for three days ; at length, however, the
disease began to grow more severe, so that it was evident that
he was in the greatest danger. The more he was afflicted in
body, the more animated and vivid was the spirit. I say nought
about the intermediate period ; but upon the day of his death,
about nine in the morning, we went thither, I and Viret.
When I had spoken a few words, to set before him the
cross, the grace of Christ, and the hope of eternal life, — for
we were unwilling to weary him with tedious addresses, — he re
plied, that he received God's message as became him ; that he
knew the efficacy of the power of Christ for confirming the con
sciences of true behevers. Thereupon he spoke in such a
luminous manner on the work of the ministry, and all the
benefits which accompany or flow from it as the means of
grace, that we were both of us in a sort of stupor of asto
nishment; and whenever it recurs to my memory, even yet
I grow bewildered. For he spoke in such a way, that it seemed
to reflect some discourse by one of ourselves after long and
careful meditation. He concluded this part of his address
by declaring, that the remission of sins which we promised

1542. FAREL. 309
on the authority of Christ, he received just the same as if
an angel had appeared to him from heaven. After that he
spoke of the unity of the Church, which he commended with
marvellous praise ; he bore testimony that, in his own experi
ence, he had found no better or more certain source of consola
tion, in the struggle of death, than from having already been
confirmed in the assurance of this unity. He had summoned,
a httle before, our two colleagues, and had been reconciled with
them,1 lest^ having persisted in that dispute, others might make
a bad use of it in following his example. And he had, more
over, said to ourselves, since the public edification of the Church
compels you to bear with them as brethren, why might not
I acknowledge them as pastors ? He had previously, how
ever, seriously admonished them, and reminded them of their
sins. But I return to that last address. Turning himself
to those who stood around, he exhorted every one to prize
very highly the communion of the Church ; such of them as
are superstitious in the observance of days and ceremonies,
he advised, to lay aside their perverse opposition, and to agree
with us, for that we better understood, and saw more clearly
what was the prudent course than they did ; that he had him
self, also, been rather obstinate in these things, but that his
eyes were at length opened to perceive how injurious contention
might become. After that he made a short, serious, as well
as sincere and luculent confession. Thence he proceeded to
exhort us both, as well regarding the other departments of our
charge as ministers, as also to constancy and firmness ; and
when he discoursed at some length on the future difficulties of
the ministers of the Gospel, he seemed inspired with the fore
sight of a prophet. It was wonderful how wisely he spoke to
purpose on what concerned the public weah He recommended
1 Two years before, he had a keen religious dispute with the minister Henri de
la Mare, and James Bernard had supported his colleague. De la Mare upheld that
the magistrate should not punish sins ; that no one can have assurance of his elec
tion ; that no one could go more gladly to his wedding than Jesus went to death.
Amy Porral pronounced these opinions to be false and dangerous. — Arch, de Geneve,
Savion, u. 45. This dispute degenerating into a quarrel, had embroiled the two
ministers with the magistrate.

310 FAREL. 1542.
as a most important step that we ought to lose no time in devot
ing our utmost attention to bring about a reconciliation among
the cities in alliance with us.1 " However some noisy people
may clamour loudly," he said, " don't trouble yourselves about
it, and do not be discouraged." My time will not admit of my
relating everything. After we had submitted a few observa
tions we engaged in prayer, and then took our leave and
departed. On the second afternoon, when my wife arrived, he told
her to be of good courage whatever might happen, that she
ought to consider that she had not been rashly led hither, but
brought by the wonderful counsel of God, that she also might
serve in the Gospel. A httle while after he signified that his
voice was gone ; but even when his speech entirely failed he
intimated that he retained a perfect consciousness of the con
fession wliich he had previously made, and in that same he
would die. At the same time, having repeated the song of
Simeon, with application of it to himself, " I have seen," he
said, " and have touched with my hand, that saving merciful
Bedeemer.'' He then composed himself to rest. From that
time he was speechless, but indicated at times, by a nod, that
he had lost nothing of his strength of mind. About four
o'clock I went thither with the Syndics ; when, as often as
he attempted to speak, and was hindered by obstruction in the
throat, I requested that he would not further disturb himself,
for that his confession was abundantly satisfactory. At length
I began to speak as well as I could : he hearkened with a very
composed and tranquil countenance. Scarcely had we left
when he gave up his pious soul to Christ. This narrative,
when you weigh the character of the man, will hardly appear
credible to you ; but I would have you understand that he had
been thoroughly renewed in the spirit of his mind.
We are at present very much occupied in the choice of new
colleagues, and the more so because, when we thought that we
had fallen upon a very suitable one we afterwards discovered

1 The disputes which had fallen out between Geneva and Berne had not yet been
finally settled.

1542. VIRET. 311
that he did not answer our expectation. When we fix any
thing definitely you shall receive information. There is no
reason, although you may be absent, why you may not aid us
with your counsel. — Adieu.
[Lat. copy — Library of Geneva. Vol. 111.]

LXXXVII.— To Viret.1
Sickness of Idelette de Bure — the beginnings of the new ministers of the
Church of Geneva. Geneva, [July 1542.]
This brother, the bearer, will tell you in how great anxiety I
am at present writing to you. My wife has been dehvered pre
maturely, not without extreme danger ; but may the Lord have
a care over us. All our colleagues have now made trial of
their gifts.2 The first gave a specimen of his ability to the
people such as I always expected of him. Peter is much more
apt to teach. The first sermon was successfully delivered by
Geniston; the fourth surpassed all my expectation. As to
stipend,- we have not obtained what we wished ; for the Senate,
without much discussion, decreed to the other two the same
sum that the two former had, that is, Henri and Champereau.3
They have referred the election of the deacons to the Syndic
Corne, to John Parvi, and to myself. But after having given
in our report, they have not taken our advice. Geniston, there
fore, has not more than two hundred ecus; the other only
one hundred and fifty. They hold out the expectation, how
ever, of a better provision by and by. ' When I saw they were
so close-fisted in this question as to stipend, I rated them
rather sharply on the administration of the Church property.
1 Letter without date, but written to Viret shortly after his return to Lausanne
from Geneva, at which former place he had resumed the functions of pastor, July
12, 1542.
2 The ministers elected to exercise along with Calvin the office of pastors at
Geneva were the following: — Philippe, sumamed De Ecclesia, Peter Blanchet,
Louis Geniston, and Treppereau. — See the Consistory's Registers, 1542.
3 Henri de la Mare and Champereau, ministers before the last election.

312 BENEDICT TEXTOR. 1542.
They ought in time to think of it how they must render an
account both to God and man. I said that the Pope was a
thief and a sacrilegious robber ; that we ourselves must take
care that we did not become his successors. I prefaced, how
ever, what was spoken with a few words to draw attention : —
" that the wounds of a friend are better than the kisses of an
enemy;" that tliey ought not to seek out for a Balaam, who
might bless them with a curse. The farther consideration of
the business was delayed until a more convenient season. I
did not forget, however, to warn them, that it behoved them
seriously to consider that question and the settlement of it
without delay. They wished to have your house left empty,
but from this, for very good reasons, I dissuaded them. It was
thereupon granted to the ecclesiastic. Adieu.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

LXXXVIIL— To Benedict Textor.1
Divers recommendations. [July 1542.] !
First of all, 1 most earnestly entreat of you, that as soon as
you get home you will make the best of your^way hither.
Then after that, would you turn a little off the road about
Nyon, or a httle beyond, to visit a certain nobleman, the father
of the young man who hves with me ? His village is called
Bursin, and may be pointed out to you at Bolle. Your arrival
there will be most welcome to him, and, as I hope, he will well
reward your services. I hope that at my request he may
receive this favour at your hands.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
1 To B. Textor, my brother and esteemed friend. Benoit Textor, the distin
guished physician and friend of Calvin, who dedicated to him, in 1550, his Com
mentary on the Second Epistle of St. Paul to the Thessalonians, in remembrance
of the care which he had bestowed during the sickness of Idelette de Bure.

1542. FAREL. 313

LXXXIX.— To Farel.
Excuses his silence — estimate of the new ministers — works and literary
productions of Calvin. Geneva, [28th July 1542.]
I do indeed, of my own accord, accuse myself of negligence,
plead guilty and self-condemned, and I can scarce ask pardon,
having nothing to offer by way of palhation. The reason,
however, why we did not write by Cordier was, partly be
cause we thought that he would himself serve as a living
epistle, and partly, because there were some at that time
here who spoke of proceeding to Neuchatel in a short time.
All, however, were liable to this drawback, that only when they
were prepared for the journey, and just ready to start, they came
to inquire whether I wished to send any letter to you. In
this way Sebastian, when he lately intended a journey thither,
which he never achieved, came to me overnight and said, that
he was to set out on the morrow by break of day. I could not
attempt, however, to write on that day, on account of the state
of my health, and I am not in the habit of rising so early in
the morning as to be able to outrun his speed by my activity.
Besides, I had to preach a sermon ; but I refrain from vain ex
cuses, lest I should seem to allege a justification, whereas I have
freely acknowledged there is none to offer. If Viret is not
already on the way, he will set out ere long for Berne ; for
it had been agreed among ourselves, that he should rather visit
you on his return, for fear that the evil-disposed might accuse
him unjustly of having received his instructions from you pre
viously, if he should propose anything unpleasant to them, as
he could not fail to do. Our wish was to shield you from this
spiteful envy, while you are down-weighed in so many other
ways. I mention this because, in the event of your disapprov
ing of our advice, you may understand that we nevertheless
felt that there was a good reason for it. What occurred
here before he went away, or what has happened since, he

3!4 FAREL. 1542.
will explain better in conversation than can be set down in
writing : this is the reason why I do not enter upon these
matters. The brethren we have lately elected1 will not be found un
suitable when they have had some practice ; although he who
is the most learned of them, to whom we assign the precedency,
is by no means popular.2 He has certainly a confused manner
of dehvery, and were he even to pay more attention to correct
and distinct utterance, his meaning would not be less obscure.
All goes on well with the other three, although they are no
thing to compare with Viret. Therefore, those who wish to
make progress wish, at the same time, that I would preach
oftener than usual, which I have already commenced, and shall
continue to do until the others have acquired more acceptance
with the people. Next Lord's day I go to Cartigny to James's3
ordination. I feel some hesitation as to the extent of my com
mendation, as you may easily gather, but I follow it up because
I am certain it will prove for the edification of the people.
I am not very well pleased with my httle book,4 because it
has not been got up in the manner I wished, and had arranged
three years ago ; for I expected that you would have added a
preface to it. Nor can I give any other explanation, than that
Satan himself threw obstacles in the way of my obtaining this
favour from you. For I was afraid to request you lest some
one should misinterpret my motive, but that fear on my part did
not proceed from spiritual prudence, as I now perceive, although
somewhat besides has indirectly come in the way. For I had
made a promise to Michael, that as soon as we had returned from
1 See Letter LXXXVII., p. 311, note 2.
2 Is he the minister Philippe de Ecclesia, who was afterwards deposed ?
3 The minister James Bernard. See Letter LXII. He became pastor of a
country parish.
4 Is this Calvin's Catechisme, reprinted at Strasbourg in 1541, or perhaps the
treatise De la Cene, of which a second edition was published in the same
year at Geneva? The journeys which Calvin had made in Germany to promote
the interests of the Church at Strasbourg, had laid him open to suspicion of
Lutheran tendencies by the Swiss theologians ; it was to remove this suspicion
that he published that little work, which is distinguished by the spirit of modera
tion which pervades it, and which was approved of by Luther himself. See Hos
pinian, ii. p. 312.

1542. FAREL. 315
the Diet at Worms I would send him a copy, with this proviso,
that you should say in the preface that you had revised the pub
lication. He went away, and thus my wrhole plan was upset. I
should be surprised, however, were it not that perhaps our En
comiast supposes that that which most afflicts me is, that we
do not on the first page read those so very ample, or rather
lavish commendations, which he has bestowed on me ; and
yet I opine, that you have such a notion of his prudence that
you could never think him capable of such a thought. It is
better to say nothing about those persons whom he assails, that
we may not humour his inclinations. We see clearly what
he would be at. Let that therefore be held pro non dicto.
When you send the summary I shall willingly run over it, not
as censor, but as one of the readers, unless, indeed, I am able to
supply some hints, that the book may not become liable to the
calumnies of the unprincipled ; in this respect I may be of
some use to you.
As to my observations on Genesis, if the Lord shall grant
me longer life and leisure, perhaps I will set myself about that
work, although I do not expect to have many hearers.1 This
is my especial end and aim, to serve my generation ; and for the
rest, if, in my present calling, an occasional opportunity offers
itself, I shall endeavour to improve it for those who come after
us. I have a mind to set about writing several things, but
as my wife is now in ill health, not without danger, my atten
tion is otherwise engaged. This, however, I may observe at
present, that I have always set a very high value on the temper
you have shewn in bearing with your colleague, and have,
besides, always advised you to persevere. But when I hear
the way he behaves himself, no other conclusion can be arrived
at, except that the case must be dealt with more openly and
straightforwardly. For I can by no means approve as a remedy,
that you should be more upon your guard with him, and so hve
in a course of constant dissimulation. When he -perceives he
is suspected, he will thereupon become worse. You ought
1 This Commentary was not published for some time afterwards, when it
appeared under the care of Robert Etienne  Commentarius in Genesim, in fob,
Geneva, 1554.

316 viret. 1542.
rather, therefore, simply to admonish him. Adieu, my dearest
Farel ; may the Lord long preserve you. Salute the whole of
the brethren, with their wives also, very kindly.
Bead the letter yourself alone, or only to a few, and take care
that nothing gets abroad.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XC.—To Viret.
Proceedings of Castalio — school of Geneva — criticism on the new
ministers — tidings of France — domestic sorrow.
Geneva, 19th August 1542.
I would have written to you long ago had I not been aware
that my letter could not reach you one moment sooner than if
I delayed writing until your return. Now, because I conceive,
from the reckoning of the time, that you must have at length
returned, you have herewith what I have to say in the mean
time. As soon as you were gone, strange bickerings broke out
between Sebastian1 and his brothers-in-law, which have sorely
exercised me in trying to settle them by a httle friendly interfer
ence. My motive for taking part in these disputes was, that the
quarrel might not go so far as that the scandalous report of it
should get abroad to the disgrace of the school. With all my
care and dihgence, however, I could not even so far succeed as
to get the one party to cease from abusing the other, and thus
they are everywhere become the town-talk of most people.
When the common controversy about the payment of the
dowery-money was somewhat allayed, lo, new disputes break
out between Sebastian and Peter,2 partly about the manage-

1 The person here mentioned is no other than Sebastian Castalio, who was after
wards so unhappily celebrated by his debates with the Reformer. Born in the little
town of Chatillon en Bresse, he sought an asylum at Strasbourg, where he was ac
quainted with Calvin, and became a member of the French Church ; esteemed by
Calvin on account of his character and talents, he followed him after his recall
to Geneva, and was nominated regent in the new college of that town.
2 The minister Peter Blanchet.

1542. , Viret. 317
ment of the household expenses, and partly also about the
dwelling. I have never seen a more complicated affair. After
much wranghng with each other they came at length to a sort
of compromise, which, however, brought forth by and by another
and a fresh dispute. Tempers on both sides were so much
fretted that one can scarcely hope for any sohd friendship
between them, such as ought to exist among brethren. These
-disturbances have calmed down for the present, indeed, but
there is much reason to fear that some trifling circumstance
may, all of a sudden, stir them up again. Behold, you see the
state of our school, that you may not envy us. On the other
hand, Nicolas de Jussy has been the occasion of new vexation
to us within the last few days, on account of his pride. He
had been commending some one — I know not who it was —
who, he supposed, had suffered wrong in being imprisoned on
very sufficient grounds, and because the assessors did not yield to
his demand, he proceeded to launch against them a very bitter
invective. The affair was reported to the Senate, who were
glad to avail themselves of the" opportunity for his expulsion.
We interceded for him, not so much for the sake of the in
dividual, who complained, not many days since, that there
was far too much deference shewn to me, but that so hurt
ful a precedent of the easy, or even rash and precipitate ejec
tion of a minister, might not be set up in the Church. They
are making fuller inquiry at present, and afterwards, taking
us along with them in the decision, they will pronounce
judgment. If I am satisfied that there is just ground
for laying him aside I will make no further opposition.
You would be surprised to sSe how stoutly our Henry philo
sophizes about asserting the honour of the Gospel ministry ;x
having presented, forsooth, such a distinguished example
of firmness and constancy of principle in his own person.
Upon which score I was by no means silent, but have cer
tainly discharged my duty, having declared openly, in the
presence of all, that in the making up of my mind, I did
1 The minister Henri de la Mare. He had discharged the functions of the
ministry during the exile of Calvin, under conditions which were scarcely compatible
with the dignity of the ministry.

318 viret. 1542.
not so much consider what what was done to myself, but rather
what ought to be done. Our colleagues make considerable
progress in preaching; but in two of them there is, I fear,
somewhat of vain-glory. You understand who the other per
son, the third, is; in my opinion he evinces a better regu
lated judgment. Peter has, besides, shewn already some
tendencies which are not very satisfactory, if what Geniston
has reported to me be indeed true. As, however, we have not
yet ascertained the point with sufficient certainty, I have re
solved to observe him more closely. If we have been deceived by
him, where is faith to be found ? Louis, as I always feared, has
more of levity and less of self-control in his conversation and
behaviour than becomes a minister of the Gospel ; but this defect,
as I hope, will, in course of time, be corrected, if only the
other more essential qualifications are not found wanting. As
you passed through Neuchatel on your way to Berne, I have
no doubt the brethren there must have fully explained to
you all about the departure of Farel,1 which I may now tell
you from the letter in which he mentions it ; therefore I for
bear to enter more at large upon the subject. The letter
itself I send you, that you may be fully instructed. Fro
ment returned lately from Lyons. He reports that the Queen
of Navarre is at present even better disposed than ever
she was ; 2 and he even gives the assurance in her own lan
guage, for he was admitted to familiar converse in an in
terview with her. Howsoever you are aware that we must
not rashly hold every word that the messenger utters to
be strictly true ; for he is so carried away by the honour
which has been put upon htm in having been admitted
1 He had set out for Metz.
2 After the affair of the Placards this Princess shewed herself less avowedly and
openly favourable to the Protestants of France ; she, however, took an unceasing
interest in their cause. She wrote, in 1541, to Calvin, on occasion of the pro
jected marriage of her daughter, Jeanne d'Albret, with the Duke of Cleves : — " We
think that God has given us a son to our own heart and mind, by whom we hope
that we shall contribute somewhat to His honour and glory. We entreat you, that
in whatsoever you shall perceive that I can do you any good service, you will not
spare me ; and I assure you that I will do my endeavour very heartily, according
to the power which God shall bestow upon me." — Paris MSS., an Unpublished
Letter of the 25th July 1541.

1542. VIRET. 319
to an interview with the Queen, that he seems to me to have
lost the small remnant of common sense which he still pos
sessed.1 To say nought of other absurdities, when he men
tioned that the Queen wished me to write to her, he thought
proper to dictate at the same time the subject-matter ; and,
having but little confidence in my judgment, he forbade
my writing and sending away my letter unless previously read
and revised by himself. He has spread a report through the
whole city that he was very near preaching before the King
himself. There are a thousand silly statements of this sort.
That you may not think, however, that all he says is false,
part of what he says he heard from the Queen or her mi
nisters. But these artful courtiers, when they get hold of
a simple-minded individual, abuse his creduhty for their own
advantage or amusement. They wish that such a report
may reach Germany, and reconcile the minds of the godly to
the King, whom they know at present to be entirely estranged
from him. Among other things they persuaded him that the
Chancellor was imprisoned on no heavier charge2 than because,
without the orders of the King, he had directed the promul
gation of that edict about books,3 and had caused the godly to
be burnt. What more need I say ? He not only believed every
thing he heard, but besides, he has invented many other things
which he never heard at all. The King of France has passed an
army into Spain,4 which is threatened on the other side by the
Turk. The Duke of Orleans has done nothing memorable hither
to, except that he has burnt down two towns.5 That, however, is
1 Of a vain and flighty turn, Froment could not remain content with that better
part which had been assigned to him as the missionary of the Reform at Geneva.
He abandoned the ministry of the Gospel to become a notary, and incurred more
than once the censures of the Seigneury.
2 The Chancellor of France, William Poyet, accused of malversation. He was
condemned to pay a heavy fine, and deprived of all his offices.
3 See Sleidan, lib. xiv. p. 408. The Institution Chritienne of Calvin was parti
cularly forbidden by this edict.
' Brought to a stand for six months before Perpignan, by the heroic resistance
of the Duke of Alva, the French army could not cross the Pyrenees. — Robertson,
Hist, of Charles V, book vii.
4 More fortunate than the Dauphin, the Duke of Orleans began the campaign
with success in Luxembourg, but he compromised all his advantages by a preci-

320 VIRET. 1542.
old news. Many events have probably occurred since that time.
Our friends here have at present a rather hard knot to untie ; 1
and all the more so, because even although, for the future, all
they ask were conceded to them, the opposite party has hitherto
made the hope to be very uncertain. I have carried my point,
however, with the lesser council.2 Entreat the Lord, that the
question may be brought at length to a successful conclusion.
There is some risk lest, when it comes to be debated in the
larger public assembly, that little coterie, wliich you know con
sists of veteran and disciplined demagogues, may throw all into
confusion. But the Lord, I hope, will overrule everything for good,
if we only carefully entreat him.
Adieu, my excellent and highly esteemed brother. Greet all
the brethren ; your maternal aunt also, and your wife, to whom
mine returns her thanks for so much friendly and pious conso
lation. She is unable to reply, except by an amanuensis, and
it would be very difficult for her even to dictate a letter. The
Lord has certainly inflicted a severe and bitter wound in the death
of our infant son.3 But He is Himself a Father, and knows
best what is good for His children. Again adieu ; may the Lord
be with you. Would that you could make a run as far as this,
I would willingly have half a day's free conversation with you. —
Yours, John Calvin.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 234.]
pitate departure for the Ronssillon, and the towns of which he had taken posses
sion in the Netherlands fell back under the power of the Imperialists. — Robertson,
Hist, of Charles V., book viii.
1 In allusion to the struggle which the ministers had to sustain in the Councils
of the Republic for the appliance of discipline.
2 The lesser council, as distinguished from that of the two hundred. They have
at Geneva four councils. 1st, The common council, or lesser council, formed of the
four syndics going out of office, of the four new, and seventeen members nominated
by the two hundred. This is the Senatus minor. 2d, The council of the two
hundred. 3d, The council of the sixty. Lastly, The council general, a popular
assembly, convoked only upon extraordinary occasions.
3 It is to this sad loss that Calvin alludes in so remarkable a manner in his an
swer to the Jurisconsult Baudouin : — " Wishing to clear himself from the charge of
a want of natural affection brought against him, Balduin twits me with my want
of offspring. God had given me a son. God hath taken my little boy. This he
reckons up among my misdeeds, that I have no children. 1 have myriads of sons
throughout the Christian world." — Responsio ad Balduini Convitia. Geneva, 1561.

1542. VIRET. 321

XCL—To Viret.1
Instructions given to Viret for the Synod of Berne — need of maintaining
the spiritual independence of the Church — various directions.
Geneva, 23d August 1542.
I wish that your letter, which no doubt is already on the
way, had reached me. For although I do not expect it to con
tain very cheering intelligence, it will yet be a help to me to
know somewhat certain as to the state of the Church of Berne.
At present I am under the necessity of writing on a subject
without being sufficiently informed about it, yet, nevertheless,
I cannot refrain from writing. I hear that the Deans of the
Classes had been summoned to attend, for the purpose of hear
ing what the Senate has determined about the Supper of God.
I can say nothing to you but what you have thoroughly consi
dered and meditated on. The importance of the cause, how
ever, does not admit of my silence. You perceive there are two
considerations here to be kept in mind, the state of the question
itself, and the mode of procedure, which partly depends on cir
cumstances. Concerning the cause itself, it is unnecessary to
recommend that you diligently compare notes with your own
dean. This I earnestly wish, however, that you would see to
secure that whatever persons he addresses, he may not scruple
to bear testimony, that there is not only figured in the Supper,
1 Notwithstanding the constant endeavour of the Seigneury of Berne to main
tain peace and union ' in their churches, serious differences on the subject of the
Supper had made their appearance on several occasions among the members of the
Bernese clergy. A new formulary, reproducing the terms adopted in the dispu
tation of Berne in 1528, was then drawn up by order of the Seigneury, and sub
mitted for the acceptance of the ministers. The Deans of the different Classes of
the Pays Romand, Payerne, Yverdon, Lausanne, Morges, Gex, and Thonon, were
assembled together at Berne, with the view of sanctioning, by their approbation,
the uniformity of doctrine in the districts subject to the Government of Berne.
Alive to every proceeding which might compromise the independence and dignity
of the Church in a neighbouring country, Calvin does not spare giving his advice
to Viret, and puts him on his guard.
VOL. I. X

322 viret. 1542.
but actually exhibited, that communion which we have with
Christ, and that not words merely are bestowed upon us by
the Lord, but that the truth and the reality agree with the
words. Moreover, that this communion is no imaginary thing,
but that we are united, each individually, in one body and
one substance, with Christ. Let him fearlessly set aside all
unreasonable views, in replying to them and warning them,
taking care that he does not weaken the truth in so doing.
Nor is it allowable to complicate, by ambiguous or obscure
language, what requires the utmost clearness or perspicuity.
As to the mode of procedure, this point ought to be well weighed,
what a fatal precedent they are about to set, if the brethren
acknowledge the Senate as judge in the case of doctrine, so
that, whatever the Senate sanctions must be accepted and em
braced by us as if proceeding from an oracle. What kind of
a precedent, and how great a prejudgment must this be for
posterity ! Assuredly, if we suffer the yoke in this manner
to be imposed upon us, we treacherously betray the sacred mi
nistry by our dissimulation. Nor shall we be able to excuse
this perfidy either in the sight of God or before men. It will
be noway needful for us, however, to descend to the discussion
of this question ; because the brethren, by a modest and courteous
reply, may avoid this reef, if they merely say, that the matter in
dispute is of far too great importance for them to take any step
in it whatever without the advice of their colleagues. They have
besides both honourable and favourable pretexts with which
to give reasonable satisfaction to the Senate. And we cannot
but press the observation, that when they shall perceive the good
ness of the cause itself, they will apply themselves seriously to
the consideration of it, lest while they wish to follow a middle
course, they desert entirely the cause of truth. It is not at all
my meaning, that they ought to join themselves as adherents
to what is either vicious or unsound ; or if both sides are to
blame, that they should entangle themselves in the feUowship of
either party. All that I wish is, that they may adhere to true
and sound doctrine openly and without any dissimulation. Lastly,
explain to your dean what you think of the individuals them
selves, and what fault you have to find with them, that he may

1542. viret. 323
know where to have or give confidence ; but I feel that this is
troublesome in so anxiously taking upon me to forearm you, to
whom it is quite sufficient to give the signal by one word. I
shall therefore conclude.
The bearer who takes charge of my letter to you seems to
me to be pious and upright. He engaged here with an apothe
cary of Vienne, who has his business there, with the intention to
learn the art. I was present at the agreement, because there was
a person here who affirmed that the apothecary was an honest and
worthy man. Should he turn out not to be such, the agree
ment can be cancelled, so that the youth may be released from
the contract. Will you therefore direct him with your advice,
and consider him as recommended ? He will not cause you any
expense, or be any way troublesome by importunity.
Adieu, my excellent and very agreeable, brother. May the
Lord Jesus always direct and confirm you more and more.
Salute for me all the brethren, your wife, and your aunt. —
Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XCIL— To Viret.1
Disquietude of Calvin on occasion of the acts of the Synod of Berne.
Geneva, [August 1542.]
I am still waiting to hear what has been done at Berne, what
has been said to the Deans, what sort of a reply they made, and
what they found they could not obtain. Whenever a trust
worthy messenger arrives among us, I will explain my meaning
more fully. For the present, I send you a formula, from which
you can extract what you please, or strike out what you do not
like ; and yet, peradventure the Lord will vouchsafe something
1 See the note of the preceding Letter. The different Deans of the Classes of
the Pays de Vaud having met at Berne, received communication of the new formu
lary, and declared their adherence to the acts of the Deputy from Lausanne, regard
ing the question of the Sacraments.

324 viret. 1542.
better, so that it may be unnecessary either to correct or to ap
prove what I now propose to you.
Our friends both shame and grieve me, Viret, when the truth
of God is overborne by either the hatred or the favour of men.1
I express myself in this way, because Gering2 speaks in such
terms as if the hypothesis of Erasmus3 were, after all, the best ;
the others speak nought but falsehood. I can clearly perceive
how greatly rumours of this kind endanger sound doctrine, and
therefore, that I may keep a clean conscience, I have determined
openly, without dissimulation or concealment, to declare my sen
timents. Besides, what occasion is there for any apology ? I have not
found a single individual in this Church who has even a com
petent understanding of this sacrament. What annoys me at
present is this, that while they are not only nourished and
brought up in error, and at the same time confirmed in it,
they at length fall into such a condition as to become wholly
incurable. I now repeat what I said before, that if you
put any confidence in my judgment, you must not humour
our friends overmuch in this fundamental doctrine. We think
alike ; let us, therefore, all with one voice speak the same
thing. [Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
1 The Seigneury of Berne, jealous of the authority which they claimed the right
to exercise in ecclesiastical as well as in civil affairs, and looking on every attempt
of the ministers to maintain the dignity of their office as a direct infringement on
their power, began to introduce the system of despotism in Church matters, which
had met at first but slight resistance in the Pays de Vaud, recently brought under
government, but which was destined gradually to excite there an energetic opposi
tion, and to occasion the voluntary retirement of the most distinguished ministers. —
Ruchat, Hist, de la Ref. tom. vi. p. 256, et seq.
2 The minister Beat Gerung or Gering, a declared partisan of the Lutheran dogma
of the Supper, and one of the most servile of the Bernese clergy.
s Another minister of Zurich.

1542. FAREL. 325

XCIII.— To Farel.1
Wishes for the success of the journey undertaken by Farel to Metz —
calumnies of James de Morges. Geneva, 30th August 1542.
Wherever, my very dear brother, you are, may the Lord
keep you in health and safety all the day long, and that for the
good of His Church. If, as we suppose, you have got an entrance
within the walls of Metz, may He even there also open up a
way for the Gospel ; may He fill you with the spirit of wisdom,
of prudence, of moderation, of zeal, of fortitude, that you may
be armed at aU points for an undertaking so difficult and
arduous. I clearly perceive how many imminent and danger
ous conflicts surround you, which require the special help of
God. But you are neither so raw nor inexperienced in this
warfare, as that even great danger has any power to alarm you.
Neither is the strength of Christ, which has ever been present
with you in such a wonderful manner, at all diminished. We
who are here at Geneva, await somewhat anxiously the issue,
to see what success shall be vouchsafed you. You are aware
how very generally, in our day, the judgment of folly rules
everywhere, so that men form their estimate of every plan or
undertaking from the event. In the meanwhile, you would
scarce believe what complaints James de Morges spreads every
where hereabout, saying that you hastened to accept a call which
had been offered to him, whereby serious injury had been done
to him, and that, against the mind of all the godly in that
quarter (Metz) you hastened thither. You know the osten
tatious vanity of the man, which I wish you had checked in
time. It has now with age increased in growth to such a
degree, as to have become an incurable malady, for certainly he
has never raved so openly as he does at present.
1 At the request of the Protestants of Metz, Farel had left Neuchatel to go to preach
the Reformed doctrine in that town. He received Calvin's letter at Strasbourg,
where the Reformer joined him the year following. — See Hist, des Martyrs, liv. iii.
p. 153 ; Beze, Hist, Eccl. tom. iii. p. 432.

326 viret. 1542.
The Metz brethren are, however, in some measure themselves
in fault, who have fled to him as to a sacred anchor, when they
might have got others who were more distinguished, and also
. more apt to teach ; but these trifles can no way hinder you in
this bold undertaking, neither would I have troubled you with
these at present, were I not afraid that some reports of that
kind might reach you from some other quarter. I preferred,
therefore, to be beforehand. By the first safe opportunity I will
write you more at large about our present state. Adieu, most
excellent, most genuine brother. Salute all our friends, for
whom it is my prayer that counsel and courage may be im
parted to them, and that, upheld by the strength of the Spirit,
they may fear nothing. Again, farewell.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XCIV— To Viret.1
Origin of the disputes between Calvin and Castalio.
Geneva, 11th September 1542.
The letters of Farel and his brother were brought to me
four days ago ; and I thought that you also had seen them,
seeing that Peter Cossonay had brought them back with him.
Now listen to the freaks of our friend Sebastian, which may
1 This letter throws light on the first disagreements or differences between
Calvin and Sebastian Castalio, or Castellio, occupied on the translation into French
of the Sacred Scriptures. Castalio evinced very little anxiety about elegance and
purity of language in the work on which he was engaged. Thus he could not fail to
encounter the severe criticism of the Reformer, who doubtless was charged in the
name of the Seigneury with the revisal of the translation of the New Testament,
and refused to give his approbation. It was not until some years afterwards, at
Basle, that Sebastian Castalio published his work, under this title, — " The Bible,
with Annotations on the Difficult Passages. 2 vols, in folio, Basle, 1555." This
work has become so rare, that it is at present impossible to procure it, and to ascer
tain the justice of the criticism which it has occasioned. The celebrated Henry
Etienne accused the author of speaking the language of the Gueux. Bayle
has been less severe. — See Diet. Hist., Art. Castalion ; and MM. Haag, La France
Proiestante, 6me pari, p. 365.

1542. VIRET. 327
both raise your bile and your laughter at the same time. The
day before yesterday he came to me, asked whether I was
agreeable that his edition of the New Testament should be
published. I replied, that there would be need of many cor
rections. He inquired the reason why. I pointed them out
to him from those few chapters which he had already given
me as a specimen. Thereupon he answered, that he had
been more careful in what remained. Then he asked me over
again, what I thought as to the publication ? I answered, that
it was not my wish to hinder the publication ; but that I was
ready, nevertheless, to perform the promise which I had made
to John Girard,1 that I would look it over and would correct,
should there appear to be anything that required to be cor
rected. This arrangement he refused. He offered, however,
to come and read it to me if I would fix a time. This I re
fused to do, even were he to offer me a hundred crowns, to
bind myself to certain hours ; moreover, that I would be
obliged sometimes to dispute for a couple of hours, perhaps, over
some httle insignificant word. And so he left me, dissatis
fied as appeared. That you may understand how faithful an
interpreter he is ; while in many ways he wishes to change and
innovate, in most things he corrupts the meaning. One pas
sage I may mention as an instance : where there occurs, The
Spirit of God which dwells in us, he has changed to haunt in
us, when to haunt, in French, does not mean to dwell, but is
used to signify to frequent? One such boyish mistake may
stamp a bad character upon the book. Such unseasonable
trifling as this I swallow, nevertheless, in silence.
Adieu, dear brother. May the Lord preserve and always
guide you. Salute all the brethren; but unto all, you will
please not impart the whole of what I write. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Gotha. Vol. 404.]
1 Printer of Geneva.
2 This word is taken in a had sense : to haunt the wine-cellars and the cabaret,
or beer-shop. — See the Dictionnaire de V Academic.

328 VIRET. 1542.

XCV.— To Viret.
Invitation to Viret to come to Geneva — nomination of a principal of the
College of that town. [September 1542.]
You ask that I would pardon your somewhat lengthy letter.
That I may not be compelled to request a like forbearance
on your part, I shall not only be brief but even very precise.
It is not very easy to advise as to Zebedee,1 for it is of very
little use to deliberate about what cannot at once be carried
into effect. He has increased the blame wliich attaches to
him twofold by his foolish journey, and has not corrected the
sin of profane swearing. Would that he were advised by these
warning intimations, and that he may at length learn from
experience not to take so much his own way ! Had it been
convenient for you to have come thus far at present, we might
perhaps have effected more by conversation than we can do by
letter. I mention this, partly because Claude Franc wishes you
to be present at his marriage, which will be celebrated the
Lord's day after next. But, further, I look forward to your
being able, at the same time, to refresh yourself a httle while
with us after those troubles which have annoyed you, and that
we may talk over matters together. I am also rather in
doubt about a successor. No one will be able to undertake it
unless he has been well trained beforehand, and accustomed
to the duty. We have no such person here at present. If
Celio2 would rather turn Iris attention in that quarter than to
1 See note 2, p. 268. Dismissed by the Seigneury of Berne from the Church of
Orbe, Zebedee was on the point to become pastor of the Church of Nyon.
2 Celio Secondo-Curione, among the most illustrious of the preachers of the
Reformation in Italy. Born at Turin in 1503, he devoted himself successfully to
the teaching of Luther's doctrine, and preached the Gospel in Piedmont, at
Ferrara, and at Lucca, stole away by flight from the pursuit of the Inquisition, and
took refuge in Switzerland with his celebrated countrymen, Ochino and Peter
Martyr. The same year he was appointed Director of the College of Lausanne. —
See M'Crie's History of the Reformation in Italy; and Jules Bonnet, Vie d' Olympia
Morata. Paris, 1851,

1542. viret. 329
the rectorship of the school, it might be arranged. But whether
Turtier would be a sufficient substitute for the other, I have
some doubt. This one charge both plagues and vexes me ; for
if we put off the consideration of the settlement any longer, the
spirit of restlessness will break forth, to enter, as it were, and
take possession of the vacant office. Suppose that Eibitti or
some one else should come hither until Christmas, that in the
meanwhile we may look about and make some more permanent
arrangement ? I propose this because nothing better occurs to
me. At the same time, I must own, that frequently, when I
think of you and about you all, I feel almost pressed to death.
Earnestly would I entreat of you that you do not allow any one
to come hither without a letter, or some hint or intimation of
your present state and condition.
What I wrote about Imbert was reported to me, but I do not
remember my authority. Nay, it was even said that he had fled
the city and gone away into Germany, or elsewhere at a dis
tance. Let him perish, however, himself and all of us, rather
than that we should present such an instance of cruelty to our
own age, and leave such an example to posterity. Adieu, my
excellent and very dear brother in the Lord. Salute all lovingly,
Celio, Imbert, Eibitti, and your own family. Once more adieu.
Yours, John Calvin.
I have written with a troubled mind and confusedly, as well
as in haste.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

XCVI.— To Viret.
Approval of a letter of Viret to the Seigneuries of Berne — the ecclesiastical
property — Italian emigrants at Geneva — troubles caused by the differences
of that town with Berne. [September 1542J
(For yourself only.)
That day on which I thought of writing to you by Nicolas
some other business came in the way ; this is the reason why

330 VIRET; 1542.
I did not perform what I had undertaken. At length, when
I was looking about for an opportunity whereby to write, this
brother conveniently offered his services, but saying that he
wished me to reply immediately. But when I would have
excused myself, owing to my not being able to write so soon,
because the Consistory was about to meet, without any hesi
tation he granted me the whole day. As even then, however,
there is not very much time left, I shall briefly run over the
particular points which I intended to discuss with you.
The letter to the Senate,1 seeing that we cannot have the
other remedy, which I thought better, pleases me remarkably
well. There is somewhat manly and spirited about it. More
over, it closes the door for the future against mischievous
and tyrannical precedents. In my opinion, Erasmus has been
very leniently dealt with, especially since others may be brought
under more severe discipline, who, unless I am mistaken, had
both a better case and were less reprovable in their conduct.
Nor do I express myself in this way, because I would have
you to flatter others ; but caution is required, lest while
you are reproving the many, you take care, at the same
time, that, on a like occasion, you do not spare the individual
offender. However that may be, the whole affair has turned
out better than I had even ventured to hope. May the Lord
cause your letter to be well received and hearkened to by
men. As to the ecclesiastical property, I have almost no informa
tion beyond hearsay.2 First of all, therefore, I shall mention
what I have heard ; then, what is my own opinion. They have
determined, that whatever the Church possessed of property or
annual rents should be put up to sale, on condition that part of
the purchase-money should be paid down : that the balance of
the price should be met by an annual payment. They add, by

* Concerning ecclesiastical affairs. See pp. 321-323.
2 The Seigneury of Berne put to sale this year the property of the churches, of
the priories, and of the cloisters, and drew from them considerable sums, of which
a portion ought to have been applied to the foundation of new cures, and in aug
mentation of the ministers' stipends.— See Euchat, Ilist.de la Rif. en Suisse, tom.
v. pp. 201-203.

1542. viret. 331
way of exception, that they cannot guarantee or defend pos
session to the purchasers beyond the period of their own
administration. Subject to this condition, Peter Wendel pur
chases the priory for the sum of one thousand five hundred
crowns, others bought vineyards, others fields, others dwelling-
houses. Now, you may at once conjecture what I must think
of all this. You perceive an ahenation of the property has been
made, that the Church is to be left unprovided, that the magis
trate may grant just what he pleases, as if the property were his
own, and if the incumbent does not discharge the duty entirely
to his satisfaction, he can even curtail the provision which he
allots to the ministers, and may even threaten to withhold it
altogether. It is not an easy matter to unravel this business or
to say what ought to be done, especially when there are so few
who, without self-seeking, dare venture disinterestedly to expose
themselves to the shafts of envy ; and there are many who rather
prefer by connivance to forget their duty, and so to obtain the
favour of men, than to incur their displeasure by a firm and
honest opposition. In this affair of the Church property, how
ever, nothing can be accomplished without an entire agreement
amongst ourselves. In vain, therefore, you may attempt to set
any train of operations in motion unless you have them all
ready at the same time to pull along with you. We have this
much, however, in our own power, that we withhold our approval,
either by words or by any other token, of whatever may be even
questionable. I am glad that lately I did not put myself to trouble to no
purpose, by writing into Italy, since my letter after all could
not have arrived in time. We have here now another Italian,1
an old man of a reverend aspect, even in his outward appear
ance.2 He was of great authority among his countrymen, lives

1 The year 1542 was signalized by the establishment of the Inquisition in Italy,
and by the dispersion of the reformed communities established at Naples, at Lucca,
and at Venice. — See M'Crie, Hist, of the Ref. in Italy, c. v. pp. 212-231.
2 Bernardino Ochino of Sienna, [ancien superieur-general,] of the order of the
Capuchins. Renowned for his eloquence throughout all Italy, he preached the Re
formation successfully at Naples and at Venice, was cited before the tribunal of the
Inquisition, and escaped by a voluntary exile the condemnation which threatened

332 viret. 1542.
here at his own charges ; and if he can acquire the language, I
expect will become some time or other exceedingly useful.
John the bookseller, who has lately returned hither, spoke to
me about Zebedee,1 and says that he is ready to come hither if
there was any opening for him. I made no other reply except
that I would write to you about it. But what to write, verily
I know not ; for, as you are aware, we have not the means to
engage him ; and you are better able yourself to form an opi
nion as to the many obstacles which may lie in the way of such
an arrangement than I am to express them in writing to you.
There is another affair which sadly vexes me. When I was
supposing that everything was conclusively settled by arbitra
tion with the Bernese,2 lo ! all of a sudden the whole affair is
broken off. It was thereupon resolved, on the part of the
Council of Two Hundred, that the claims of the Bernese ought
to be yielded up to them. There remained an appeal to the
General Council or Assembly of the People, which, when the
Senate was considering deliberately about convoking them, our
friend Amy Perrin3 said that he retracted his former opinion.
Then in magniloquent terms he discoursed about the meanness
of making such a base concession. There were some who fol
lowed him on the same side. The upshot of the whole was,
that the Council of Sixty, and next the Council of Two Hun
dred, were to be assembled. When the two hundred met, and
the matter was propounded to them, lo and behold ! Paguet, as
if he were the sole Atlas of the commonweal, broke out in a
bitter invective, reproacMng the men who were so ready, of
their own accord, to despoil the city of such a distinguished
privilege. To such a degree did he allow himself to be carried
him. In the month of September 1542 he arrived at Geneva, and was the first
pastor of the Italian Church founded in that town. — See M'Crie, History, and
Council's Registers, 1542, passim.
1 See Note 1, p. 328.
2 See Note 2, p. 204. Notwithstanding multiplied conferences, and the con
ciliatory efforts of the arbiters of Basle, the disputes between Berne and Geneva
had not yet been settled. The two republics were brought to agreement only in
the month of January 1544.
8 He was then devoted to the Reformation and to Calvin, of whom he soon be
came the most determined adversary.

1542. viret. 333
away oy the spirit of contention in debate, that he even went so
far as to threaten the members of Council with the Wood-
market, where traitors to the republic are wont to be beheaded.
A serious disturbance and riot was the consequence. At
length, however, it passed away, on a resolution being come to,
that he must humbly, on his bended knees, ask pardon of the
Senate for having made use of such language. The whole
affair, as you may perceive, is hatched in the workshop of
Macrin, who seems to me to be determined, of set purpose, to
keep the two towns in a state of perpetual dissension with
each other. Now, if you could make it suit your convenience
to come hither at present, you would do me a very great favour.
For even although there may be no possibility of falling on any
remedy, it will afford some comfort both to me and to yourself
to have the opportunity of deploring this calamity together.
There cannot be a doubt, however, that your arrival will be of
great importance to us, provided you are here by Monday.
Take care, however, to keep to yourself the reason of your
coming, for all those who were present bound themselves by oath
to keep silence, so that it will not be without danger. The
advantage to be derived from your journey you shall hear of
when we meet ; and, as I hope also, you will yourself acknow
ledge it.
Adieu, my dear brother ; may the Lord preserve you, and
bring you speedily hither in safety. Salute all the brethren and
your family in my own name and in that of my wife. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 111.]

XCVIL— To Viret.
The plague at Geneva — conduct of the ministers in these circumstances —
Italian refugees — the question of the ecclesiastical property examined.
[Geneva, October 1542.]
Your letter, in which you requested that I would write some
what about the ecclesiastical property, was delivered to me on

334 VIRET. 1542.
Monday, while I was engaged upon the relics of the wed
ding. Although that by no means had prevented me from
writing, yet since that time I have not had a single moment of
leisure. The pestilence also begins to rage here with greater violence,
and few who are at all affected by it escape its ravages.1 One
of our colleagues was to be set apart for attendance upon the
sick. Because Peter offered himself all readily acquiesced.2 If
anything happens to him I fear that I must take the risk
upon myself, for, as you observe, because we are debtors to one
another, we must not be wanting to those who, more than any
others, stand in need of our ministry.3 And yet it is not my
opinion, that while we wish to provide for one portion we are
at liberty to neglect the body of the Church itself. But so long
as we are in this ministry, I do not see that any pretext will
avail us, if, through fear of infection, we are found wanting in
the discharge of our duty when there is most need of our assist
ance. In what concerns yourselves I have already told you
what occurred to me.4 Now, since that colleague has been
removed you must seek for some one else to be put in his place.
If no such person can be found you must devise some plan, but
with the common advice of the brethren.
Our friend Bernardino5 has been assailed by strange ma
noeuvres to induce him to leave us. He remains constant, how
ever ; and, in a great measure, he has so broken with Antichrist,
that they need not think of troubhng him for the future. He has
written a volume of sermons, at the end of which he professes
1 " The plague having made its appearance in several houses of the town, the
Plague Hospital was supplied with officers." — Registers of Council, 25th Septem
ber 1542.
2 " Peter Blanchet, minister, having offered to attend and offer consolation to the
poor affected with the plague who are at present in the Plague Hospital, his offer is
accepted."— Ibid., 23d October 1542.
8 According to the testimony of Michael Roset and of Savion, cotemporaries of
Calvin, the Reformer offered himself at the same time with Blanchet to visit the
sick. But the Seigneury of Geneva refused his offer, " on account of the great
need which the Church had of his services." — Registers of Council, 1st June 1545.
Chronique de Roset, iv. fol., and Savion, 60.
* The plague prevailed equally at Lausanne.
6 Ochino — See Note 2, p. 331.

1542. viret. 335
that he entirely, and, without any exception whatever, goes
along with us — thinks as we do. Many of the Italians visit
him ; and we have already two other preachers. Those who
have known him, consider that the kingdom of Christ has got
no small addition in that single individual. In the meantime,
as you may conceive, I need to have all my wits about me.
The more attentively I observe him, the more highly do I esteem
him. He acknowledges, however, that he has been greatly
helped and reheved by me, so as to be less easily shaken. The
Senate has already granted allowance for his preaching as often
as he thinks proper.1 We have here at present Julio Camillo,2
whose manifold tergiversations are somewhat suspicious ; for
although he talks boastingly of the Gospel, yet, because he has
something of a secret purpose, which even, although unknown to
us, we do not like, we have reason to be upon our guard with
him. It is well, however, that Bernardino is on his guard, and
dreads him as an enemy.
Now, however, I return to that request of yours about the
ecclesiastical property. For you remind me of it again in your
last letter. I beg, however, that you may pardon me ; for
you are aware that the nature of this question is of a kind
that requires both time and leisure, a composed mind, and no
httle dihgence. When we were at Eatisbon I lent a hand to
Bucer in collecting those materials which he published among
the acts of the conferences ; but as the question was there only
incidentally brought under discussion, what was written there
at that time will not suffice for the present exigency. Some
httle insight, however, may be derived from it. To me it
seems twofold. The case seems to me to divide into two
1 " Bernardin de Sesnaz, of Sienna, an Italian minister, having asked permission
to preach in that language, resolved to grant it to him, and that he shall preach in
the chapel of Cardinal d'Ostie."— Registers of Council, 29th October 1542.
2 Julio Camillo, better known under the name of Renato, which he had adopted
on embracing Protestantism. Originally from Sicily, he left his native country in
early youth, for Paris, where he was long devoted to the study of the Cabala.
Having left Paris for Geneva, he preached the Reformation in the Valteline, and
joined the sect of the Anti-trinitarians. — Bock, Hist. Anti-trinit., tom. ii. p. 482.
His solemn and taciturn manner appeared to conceal heterodox opinions ; Calvin's
clear sight did not deceive him.

336 viret. 1542.
heads. In the first place, that you may declare that this
ahenation will occasion stumbling and causes of offence,
and, in the next place, you may demonstrate that it is not
lawful. The occasions of stumbling are readily stated. Because that
on that account the Papists defame the Gospel, and they have
begun to do so even at a time when they had not such a spe
cious pretext for doing so. Formerly, therefore, they took
advantage of these calumnies ; they will now have a just ground
of accusation when they talk about the plunder of Church pro
perty. In the next place, because the common people through
out the whole canton dare not speak out openly, they complain
about it everywhere in corners, and the ministers have not a word
to answer. For after having cried out without ceasing against
the sacrilege of the Pope and the whole of the Popish priest
hood, with what face can they defend the sale of property wliich
entirely strips the Church bare, and may leave her naked, while
they could not even submit to any abuse or misapphcation of
the revenues. In the third place, because they afford the very
worst precedent to other states and rulers. They, are more
eager than enough to seize upon church property without hav
ing further inducement from any other quarter presented to
them, but now, if they shall transgress in this respect, one half
of the blame will lie upon those who set them the example.
Fourthly, that they are not aware, and have no means of know
ing, what posterity will do in this matter ; for it may so happen,
that when the Church has been plundered of everything of her
own, she may be left entirely helpless and destitute.
With reference to that second head which is above stated, keep
in mind that argument on which the chief hinge of the whole
question turns, that what has once been devoted to Christ and
the Church, is not the property of the magistrate. And here it
will be necessary to put them in mind of that law and ancient
method, by which rule of appropriation property of this kind
was to be dispensed. You must, therefore, insist upon it
that these ungodly paunches have taken possession of what
had been solemnly set apart to the service of the Church, that
it is clear enough what is a lawful application of Church

1542. VIRET. 337
property, and that appropriation ought now to be adopted ; that
the ahenation is hable to anathema and to the curse, because it
profanes that which is sacred. In the meantime all suspicion
wiU need to be taken off, that they may not think you have a
hankering desire after the property. It will need to be demon
strated to them, however, that the rule of reformation which
King Josiah prescribed is the best, that the magistrates may
have a power of inspection, and that the deacons be the admi
nistrators. You can testify, however, that you are content that
the magistrate may have the full power of administration, pro
vided he faithfully dispenses the annual income, and neither
diminishes nor dilapidates the property.
You perceive how confusedly and hurriedly I have run
over these few heads. I make no apology, however; with
you, especially who are so well aware that I do not, on so
grave a matter, babble with carelessness and rashness what
ever comes uppermost, but am forced, by the urgency of the
case, to launch forth at once what I would willingly elabo
rate had I more leisure. Adieu, my excellent and very dear
brother. We shall see to the relative of Cordier. The breth
ren salute you, — my wife and the whole household. Again,
farewell. May the Lord preserve you and other good men. I
am very glad that you have at length removed to another
house, which, if you had not done, I would have turned you
out of the old one by my abuse. Farewell; may the Lord
always guide you by the counsel of His own Spirit, and protect
you by His strength from on high, — Yours, John Calvin.
I scarce know what I have written, my eyes are so much
affected. [Lot. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106]

VOL. I.

338 BULLINGER. 1542.

XCVIIL— To Bullinger.
Numerous occupations of Calvin— death of Leo Juda— ravages of the
plague in Switzerland. Geneva, 8th November 1542.
When this bearer, who brought you my letter, sought a
recommendation from me, I entertained no doubt whatever that
he was worthy of it, since he possessed a testimonial from godly
and trustworthy persons of his own country who are resident
among us. But that which caused me most concern was, that
in the midst of these hindrances which beset me at this time, I
am compelled to write more briefly than I could have wished
after so long an interval. Such, however, I am aware, is your
considerate forbearance towards me, that I do hope you will not
be very implacable, that you will admit this my excuse, more
especially since you may rest assured that I seek no frivolous
pretext, nor does it arise from any wilful neghgence that I do
not now write more exactly and fully. Indeed, I take you to
be well aware of my respect for you, how much I honour you,
how much, to sum up the whole in a word, from the heart I
love you. My long silence has arisen from the circumstance,
that when I returned hither, so entirely was my whole attention
directed to the renewal and reparation of our affairs, wliich were
almost utterly broken up and fallen to pieces, that it was not
possible for me to turn my attention to anything else.1 After
ward, when the opportunity for writing seemed to me to have
been allowed to pass, I wished rather to wait until some fresh
opportunity might occur. On this present occasion, while there
is a call upon me to write, I could wish that time as well as
leisure were at my disposal. On another occasion, I hope both
will be allowed me, and then I shall willingly avail myself of
the advantage. The death of our brother Leo,2 as there was
1 The Seigneury of Geneva shewed their sense of the zeal and indefatigable acti
vity exercised in their behalf by the Reformer. " Ordered, to make present to
Calvin of a tun of old wine of I'Hdpital, for the pains which he takes on account of
the town." — Extracts, Registers of Council, 17th Nov. 1542.
2 Leo Juda, one of the pastors of the Church of Zurich, translator of the Old
Testament into Latin. He died of the plague the 19th June 1542, in the sixtieth

1542. BULLINGER. 339
good reason why it should be lamented by all good men, so
also it has sorely afflicted me. For he had always evinced
towards myself personally a singular affection, and when I
dwell upon the loss the Church has sustained in the death
of this man, it is impossible for. me not to be deeply grieved.
With us, also, the past year has been more than usually
fatal; for it carried off both Grynee and Capito, and many
other distinguished men, together with Leo. Wherefore,
we ought all the more assiduously to endeavour to sow the
good seed, that the Church may not remain utterly desti
tute ; in reference to which most desirable object, as your
Senate of Zurich has never ceased from the very commence
ment to employ their utmost exertions, so I understand that
it has lately augmented its ecclesiastical establishment. In
this belief, we have thought it advisable to send this brother,
the bearer, to you. For besides that our schools are but thinly
attended, the stipend also is very small. Nor dare I venture
to press our Council very closely on this point, since I see
clearly that they are quite willing to do so, but their hands are
tied. I do not, however, recommend the bearer of this letter
rashly to your notice ; for Bernardino of Sienna, a man of emi
nence, and two others, who have observed his conduct, have
seriously assured me that he is an excellent young man, and
that he is not unworthy the patronage of your Senate. I there
fore do request of you, that, on my account, you would take
some charge of him, and aid him by your influence with
the Council. Neither do I entreat this favour from you only,
but also from others of my respected brethren, to whom you
will remember me. May the Lord Jesus ever direct you by
His Spirit, and preserve as well as increase His gracious gifts
in you. — Yours, John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Gotha. Vol. 404.]

year of his age. " Our Church,'' wrote Bullinger, " has lost in that man an ines
timable treasure. As regards myself, I have lost a good part of my life by the
death of that much-loved brother ; and if I did not find consolation by the hope of
a better life in that which is to come, and of the resurrection of the dead, I must
have given way under my sorrow." — Letter, cited by Ruchat, Hist, de la Ref.
tom. v. p. 188.

340 monsieur le cure de . . . 1543.
XCIX— To Michael Varod.1
Recommendation of a sick person. [1542.]
Seigneur Michel, — This poor man is so very disfigured
body, that it is pitiful, and even shockingly horrible, to see.
He says that it has not happened through profligacy. Seeing
that it is a pitiable case, will you consider whether you can
manage to help him, so that he may not putrify in rank cor
ruption. I recommend him all the more earnestly to you, as
thinking that he must belong to the town, for had he been a
stranger, I would myself have provided for him in some way,
so that no occasion might be given to cry out as they do. But
since he is here, I make less difficulty about it. — Your brother
and good friend, John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Archives of Geneva. Vol. 1250.]
C. — To Monsieur le Cure de . . .2
Religious controversy occasioned by the plague at Geneva — apologizes for the
Reformation. [1543.]
Monsieur le Cure, — We acknowledge that point of your
letter to be very true, that the plague which we have in our
1 Michael Varod was procureur of the hospital at Geneva in 1542.
2 On the bach : " Answer to a certain Cure, which he had written while the
plague was at Geneva, wherein there are several remarkable instructions — with
out date." — From the Council Registers we see that the plague made its appearance
at Geneva in 1542, and that during several years it made great ravages in the town
and throughout the whole -territory of Savoy. The number of sick was immense.
It was almost certain death to visit them. Three ministers offered spontaneously
to discharge that duty : Calvin, Sebastian Castalio, and Blanchet. Castalio, who
was the first person designated by lot, appears to have declined that perilous honour.
Blanchet generously made the sacrifice of his life, and the urgent solicitations of
the Seigneury of Geneva, who were afraid to expose the valuable life of the reformer,
could alone determine Calvin to desist from undertaking the charge which he had
himself solicited. See Roset, Chronique, iv. 60, and Savion, 60.

1543. MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 341
town is a scourge of God, and we confess that we are justly
punished on account of our faults and demerits. We do not
doubt also, that by this mean He admonishes us to examine
ourselves, to lead and draw us to repentance. Wherefore, we
take in good part what you have said, that it is time for us to
return to God, to ask and to obtain pardoning mercy from Him.
We likewise see that throughout the whole of Christendom there
is great trouble, that there is scarce a single corner which is not
in some way afflicted in that respect, from whence we must con
clude that the wrath of God is greatly kindled against this poor
world. And it is no wonder, for the causes are evident, and they
are not far to seek, while one sees that such corruption everywhere
prevails, and how vice of every kind is carried to the utmost
pitch and reigns paramount. We do not say this to excuse
ourselves, by hiding, as it were, in a crowd, but inasmuch as the
wrath of God ought to be all the more dreadful in our appre
hension when it is thus spread abroad over the whole earth, like
a kind of deluge. Besides, when we have well considered the
matter in every way, we can come to no other conclusion, except
that over and above the vice which reigns generally everywhere,
there are among Christians two things which specially provoke
the wrath of God ; namely, that the one party of them dis
honour Him by their idolatry and superstitions, and instead of
receiving His holy Word to bring them back into the straight
road, not only despise and mock and flout, but have a hatred
and horror of, and even persecute the truth. On the other
hand, we who know by His Evangel how we ought to serve and
honour Him, do not make strict account in our disharge of duty,
so that the word of life is as if it were idle and unproductive
among us. We have no wish to j ustify ourselves by condemning
others. For in so far as it has pleased God to withdraw us out
of the horrible darkness wherein we were, and to enhghten us in
the knowledge of the right way of salvation, we are so much the
more blameable if we are negligent in doing our duty, as it is
written, " The servant knowing the will of his master, and not
doing it, shall be severely punished." (Luke xii.) So that we
ought not to be astonished if our Lord should visit us twofold, on
account of our ingratitude which is in us, when we do not walk

342 monsieur le cure de . . . 1543.
as children of the hght, and produce no fruit of that holy calling
to which He hath called us. Moreover, He threatens that
judgment shall begin at His own house ; that is to say, that
He will correct His servants first of all. (1 Pet. iv.) But,
nevertheless, we would rather consider, on the other hand, that
seeing above all else He holds His own glory in highest com
mendation, He hates and chiefly holds in detestation the idola
tries and superstitions by which He is dishonoured, and wliich
more grievously offend than every other thing. Think for a
little on what takes place among you. They adore stone and
wood ; they invoke the dead ; they trust in lying vanities ; they
would serve God by ceremonies foolishly invented without the
authority of His Word. The true doctrine is buried, and if
any one wishes to have it brought forth, he is cruelly persecuted.
Do you think that God can bear with such pollutions and blas
phemies against His own honour ? St. Paul bears witness that
God had sent the plague on Corinth, because the holy Supper
had not been so reverently treated there as it ought. (1 Cor. xi.)
Then what must we expect, seeing that it has already, for so
long a period, been converted into such an execrable sacrifice as
is your mass ? There is no need for a long proof of what we
say. Consider attentively the institution of our Lord, and make
the comparison between it and your mass. You will find a
greater distance between them than between the heaven and
the earth. Thus, in truth, our duty would be, to give glory to
God all together with one accord, by confessing our offences,
every one for his own sin, according to his state and circum
stances. (Dan. ix.) This it is, that on our part we should feel
how grievous a sin it is for us not to receive His grace as it
befits us to do, when He presents it to us, and that we do
not live in higher perfection, considering the knowledge which
He hath given us of His Evangel, and the exhortations which
are daily made to us by His commandment. Let those
who, instead of the Word, follow their own fancies or human
traditions, consider that it is an abomination very displeas
ing to God, that of corrupting His service, as they have done,
of adhering to false doctrine, of attributing the grace of
His salvation to creatures, of reversing the right use of the

1543. MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 343
sacraments, turning them quite upside down, of abusing and
taking His name in vain, and along with all that, of persecuting
the witnesses of Jesus Christ, who dare venture to open their
mouth against such abuses. And if some of them are at pre
sent in prosperity, let them by no means put their trust in that.
For it is ever the fashion of hypocrites, and especially of idola
ters, to glorify themselves when the hand of God does not press
upon them, as if this were because they have so well deserved
of God, while dishonouring Him by their idolatrous mummeries,
and by that they harden themselves in their impiety, flattering
themselves and condemning others. But what says our Lord ?
" I have done them," He says, " all the good which was possi
ble, and they have thought that this was the wages of whore
dom with their idols. Wherefore, I will take away all that I
have given them, to discover their vileness, and constrain them
to return unto me."
Now, even at this very time, when we are seeking and search
ing to find out the misdeeds on account of which God punishes
us, and in what we have offended, you allege against us, that
we have changed the divine service, and the order of the Church,
which had been so well established and observed in this town.
This is not any new reproach, for it was made against Jeremiah
in his time, as he relates in the forty-fourth chapter. It is, that
the hypocrites complain, that since they had left off the adora
tion of the Queen of Heaven, they had had nothing but famine,
war, and all poverty. Lactantius also, an ancient doctor of the
Church, and St. Augustine, demonstrate that in their time all
the afflictions which had happened in the' world were imputed
to the Evangel, because it had brought about the abohtion of
the Pagan superstitions, which were thought to be service to
God. You will reply, that it was not all alike ; we hold that
it was. What then is to be done ? We must ascertain what is
the truth upon the point, in order to pronounce a sound and
correct opinion. Well then, besides that our consciences speak
peace to us before God as touching that, the thing itself can
clearly answer for us before men. For no one has hitherto shewn
us that we had changed anything which was commanded of
God, nor that we had introduced any novelty against His person,

344 MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . 1543.
nor that we had declined from the truth to lay hold on some
evil doctrine. On the contrary, it is notorious that we have re
formed our Church according to the pure doctrine of God,
wliich is the rule to apply and to keep up a healthy state. It
is true, that it is rather an odious thing to alter what has been
hitherto received. But the order which our Lord has once de
livered to us ought to be for ever inviolable. Thus, when it
has been forsaken for a season, it ought to be renewed and
set up again, even should heaven and earth commingle. There
is no antiquity, no custom which can be set up or pleaded
in prejudice of this doctrine, that the government of the
Church established by the authority of God should be per
petual even to the end of the world, since He has willed and
determined that it should be so. The reasons which have
made us change are more than sufficiently urgent. The first
point in Christianity is the true adoration of God. Now, we
have come to know, that the form of adoration which we have
been in the habit of observing was false and perverted, and,
moreover, that it was not in the spirit of truth, (John iv.,) but
in external ceremonies, and even in superstitious practices.
It is certain that then we did not adore God alone, but wood
and stones instead of Him, the pictures, the reliquaries of the
dead, and things of a like kind. To the adoration of God is
conjoined the rule of worshipping Him aright. And in what
manner is it that He is invoked throughout the Papacy, except
with doubt and distrust, inasmuch as they know nothing about
the office of Jesus Christ as our Advocate and Intercessor, by
whom we obtain our requests ? (Eom. viii. ; 1 Tim. ii. ; 1
John ii. ; Heb. iv.) Besides, what are the public prayers but
murmurs and ululations, vain repetitions without understand
ing ? Thirdly, how many blasphemies are there in it, in so far
as the power of the sole Mediator is attributed to saints and
saintesses, to obtain grace in their name and by their merits ?
After the invocation follows the service, as if we were instructed
to serve God by the vain traditions of men. On the contrary,
He wills and requires that we take for our rule His will alone
throughout. (Deut. xii. ; 1 Kings xv.) As concerning the
confidence and firm persuasion of our salvation, which is like,

1543. MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 345
as it were, the foundation of all, instead of relying on His pure
mercy, in order to have our consciences at rest, and give to Him
the glory which appertains to Him, we were taught, like the
rest of the world, to put our trust partly in ourselves, and
partly in other creatures. There is no need, however, to re
hearse all the rest, for there would be no end of that. For, in
Bhort, it has come to this, that the grace of Jesus Christ was,
as it were, buried out of sight to us. When we have under
stood so much, and that it has been clearly proven to us, that
all that was abomination in the sight of God, what could we
have done? Were we to withstand God, and to resist His
truth ? Had it merely been a matter of Church order, if
it had been at all bearable, we might have been content to
remain, but it was such a Babel of confusion and disorder, that
there remained no other remedy but that of an entire renova
tion. What shall we say of the Sacraments, the observance
and use of which had been altogether perverted from the ordi
nance of Jesus Christ our Lord ? How many silly baptismal
ceremonies had been sought out and invented by men, without
the authority of God ? And what is worse, the true and pure
institution of our Lord was, as it were, abolished by such frivol
ous patchwork. In short, they set a greater value upon the
anointing chrism than the water, and at present it seems to be
a settled point with you, that our baptism is null, because we
have only retained what the Lord has commanded, and what
the Apostles have observed and held fast in practice. As for
the holy Supper, it has been much more profaned. Our Lord
has left us that as a pledge, on purpose that (we might be) cer
tain that our souls are nourished from His body and from His
blood, to make us partakers of all His benefits, and pecuharly so
of His death and passion. In order that we may do this, we ought
to distribute it according to the terms of his commandment,
namely, in declaring the worth and efficacy of the mystery. On
the contrary, they have converted it into a sacrifice, to make
reconciliation anew with God by man's work, and not for the
living only, but also for the dead. The priest, to make what he
considers a due use of the sacrament, separates himself from
the Church. The whole is done and spoken in an unknown

346 MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 1543.
language, after the manner of enchanters with their charms.
When Easter comes, again they only give to the people the
half of the sacrament, depriving them of the cup, against the
express command of the Master. To consent to such sacrilege
as that, is not even to be thought of. And yet, nevertheless,
they reproach us with having let down and abased this holy
sacrament. But the thing speaks for itself, that we have re
stored it in complete integrity, where it had been corrupted and
polluted in so many ways. St. Paul, wishing to correct an abuse
which had grown up among the Corinthians in reference to this
sacrament, sends them back to the first institution of the ordi
nance by the Lord himself, as to an inviolable statute. (1 Cor. xi.)
What could we do, then, to correct the infinite abuses with
wliich it had been contaminated, except to follow that same
rule ? Let them shew us, if they can, if there be anything in
the manner of our worship which is not conformable to the
institution of our Lord, to the usage of the Apostles, and we
are ready to amend our fault. But when they accuse us with
out either rhyme or reason, that will not in the least disturb or
excite us, so as to make us renounce the true and settled insti
tution. Wherefore, that which you impute to us as a fault, we
hold and take to be a work of God, the best which we had been
able to attain to. Yet nevertheless, we do not deny that we
have come very far short in many respects, for which our Lord
has good right to punish us, but it is in regard that our life
does not correspond with His holy doctrine of which we make
a profession. In hke manner, where you exhort us to return back to God
in order to appease His wrath, you drive us back to the means
wliich rather serve to provoke and inflame it the more. First
of all, you would have us to present the oblation of the precious
body and blood of our Lord Jesus. We are well aware that it
is a customary practice among you ; but in order to ascertain
whether it is a work pleasing to God, inquiry ought to be made
if it is according to His will. Besides, He does not say that we
should offer His body, but that we should receive it. (Matt, xxvi..
Mark, Luke, Paul.) Take, says He, eat. Instead of receiving
the body of Jesus Christ, if we wish to make God believe that

1543. MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 347
it is a sacrifice which we offer to Him, where shall we find any
approval of our phantasy ? We would pray you seriously to
ponder this reason. You advise us to make an offering of
the body of Christ by a priest, for the purpose of obtaining
grace. We reply, that He never gave us His sacrament for
that end, but that it is in order to receive him, in the intention
of being partakers of that once-for-all and eternal sacrifice
which He alone has offered, according to His office. (Heb.
vii.-x.) We say, moreover, that it is to derogate from His dig
nity, inasmuch as He has been consecrated sacrificial priest,
without successor or companion, to make offering of Himself,
because none other could be worthy to perform an act of such
excellency. For the office of sacrificing is to be Mediator, to
make reconciliation between God and men. In whom shall we
put our trust, — in Jesus Christ, or in you ? seeing that there
is such contrariety. Then after that, you hold forth to us the
beautiful general processions. But what use is there for that,
except that with great pomp and ceremony one would think of
appeasing God ? You will tell us that you would intend that
they should devoutly engage in them. And what devotion is
there, to place reliance in candles and torches, in beautiful and
sumptuous equipage, in images, in reliquaries of the dead ? Such,
indeed, has always been the use and wont of Pagans, as appears
from history. How such things comport with Christianity it is
impossible to explain. We make no question about assembhng
together to make solemn prayer to God. But we ask what there
is in these public general processions, beyond the pompous ac
coutrements, lamps and luminaries, relics, and other things of a
like kind ? AU that sort of thing smells of rank Judaism,
and befits Pagan rather than Christian worship. They shout
well, indeed, and make an outcry, and they sing prettily. But
to what end ? It is in an unknown tongue, and therefore against
the express command of the Holy Spirit, (1 Cor. xiv.,) who wills,
that the common prayers be made in the common language, on
purpose that the rude and uninstructed may take part in them,
and say Amen at the end. You further exhort us to invocate
the Virgin Mary and the saints, among whom you make special
mention of Saint Peter, as our patron. But God calls us to Him-

348 MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 1543.
self alone, forbidding us to have recourse elsewhere, (Ps. xlix.,)
and with good right, for His chief glory hes in that we should
call upon Him alone in the name of Jesus Christ. But even
had there been no such reason for it there, we have many ex
hortations in Scripture pressing our return to God with prayer
and supphcation in time of pestilence, of war, and famine.
(Is. xliv. xlv. ; Jer. iii. ; Hos. ii.) Never does there occur a
single word about the invocation of the saints. It would there
fore be very inconsiderate on our part were we to follow what
you have told us, in turning away from the doctrine of God.
Touching that of your calling Saint Peter our patron, it is the
same thing with what the prophet speaks : Israel, thy gods are
according to the number of thy toivns, (Jer. ii.,) and at that
time the intention of the people of Israel was not to invent
many gods in order to abolish the worship of the true God the
Creator of the world. Forasmuch, however, as each town chose
a patron in whom to trust, they are reproved by the prophet,
for that every town had its own god. You would have us to
do the like at present. But it does not please God that we
should take up with any other patron than Jesus Christ, who
has taken us into His keeping, to recommend us to God His
Father. If we have formerly been in this state of bhndness of
mind, the darkness has passed away. (John x.) There is now
an end of transgression, now that we have the shining hght
before our eyes. But you have known by experience, you say,
how much that has profited you. It is no new thing, as we
have said, to attribute God's benefits to our own foolish and
perverted doings, as if by our idolatry we had merited the good
things which He has sent us. The sorcerers, enchanters, sooth
sayers, and other like, could say as much. But we have our
certain rule, which is, that reason goes before, and experience
follows after. If we do thus, we shall not wander away from
the right path, and shall neither dechne on this side nor on that
from what God commands us. And we shall find in truth and
without deceit, that His help is never wanting to those who put
their whole trust and confidence in Him. On the contrary, in
seeking for other help, we shall sometimes think to profit by it,
but we shall be disappointed in the end,

1543. PHILIP MELANCHTHON. 349
WeU, then, our Lord Jesus wishes to open your eyes to under
stand and to see what it is that He would say, when He calls
Himself the only Saviour, the only life, the only, sanctifi cation,
the only wisdom, the only confidence of men ; that it is in
order that we may altogether acknowledge Him to be such,
that with good accord we glorify Him, as well in heart as with
the mouth, and 'equally in all our works, so that as we have
all received one baptism in His name, we might have the same
confession of our Christianity.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

CL — To Philip Melanchthon.1
Testimony of respect and of fraternal affection — his homage in one of his
hooks — details of his labours at Geneva — survey of the state of Germany
and of Italy. Geneva, 16th February 1543.
You see to what a lazy fellow you have intrusted your letter.
It was full four months before he dehvered it to me, and then
crushed and rumpled with much rough usage. But although
it has reached me somewhat late, I set a great value upon the
acquisition. Howsoever, therefore, I have been, through .the
neghgence of this person, deprived for a season of so much
enjoyment, he, nevertheless, at once obtained my forgiveness,
when I got possession of the communication. Would, indeed,
as you observe, that we could oftener converse together, were it
1 This letter is doubtless one of the first addressed by Calvin to Melanchthon .
United, since the Conferences of Ratisbon, to the German Reformer by the bonds
of affection and friendship, he thenceforth lavished upon him the testimonies of his
esteem and respect, and kept up relations with him which were never interrupted,
notwithstanding the difference of their doctrine and genius. Calvin dedicated, in
1543, to Melanchthon, the publication which he set forth against Doctor Albert
Pighius, the opponent of the doctrine of grace, and he edited, some years afterwards,
the Loci Communes of Melanchthon, translated into French ; thus presenting a
remarkable example of the spirit of union and concord which he applied in its
development to the Lutheran and Reformed Churches, according to that beauti
ful passage of one of bis Letters : " Would that the union between all Christ's
Churches upon earth were such, that the angels in heaven might join their song
of praise ! "

350 PHILIP MELANCHTHON. 1543.
only by a letter. To you, indeed, that would be no advantage ;
to me, however, nothing in this world could be more desirable
than to take solace in the mild and gentle spirit of your corre
spondence. You can scarce believe with what a load of business
I am here burdened and incessantly hurried along ; but in the
midst of these distractions there are two things which most of
all annoy me. My chief regret is, that there does not appear
to be the amount of fruit that one may reasonably expect from
the labour bestowed ; the other is, because I am so far removed
from yourself and a few others, and therefore am deprived
of that sort of comfort and consolation which would prove a
special help to me. Since, however, we cannot have even so
much at our own choice, that each at his own discretion might
pick out the corner of the vineyard where he might serve
Christ, we must remain at that post which Himself hath allotted
to each. This comfort we have at least, of which no far distant
separation can deprive us, — I mean, that resting content with
this fellowship which Christ hath consecrated with His own
blood, and hath also confirmed and sealed by His blessed
Spirit in our hearts, while we hve on the earth, we may cheer
each other with that blessed hope to which your letter calls
us, that in heaven above we shall dwell for ever, where we
shall rejoice in love and in continuance of our friendship. But
that you may not suppose that I have made an improper use of
your name in the Essay1 which I have lately published, I ask
you to recognise or approve of it on the score of my affection
for you, or to yield so far to your own kindly disposition as
to acquiesce in what I have done. Among many reasons by
which I was induced to take this course this was not the least
important, that Pighius had selected Sadolet, under whose
name he might impose upon the world his own frothy conceits.
That there might, however, be no occasion for drawing odious
comparisons, I have held my peace; nor, indeed, shall I here
make any lengthened apology, since I could have avowed at
1 This treatise, first of all written in Latin, and afterwards translated into
French, is inserted in the Recueil des Opuscules, p. 257, under this title, Reponse
aux Calomnies d' Albert Pighius, Contenant la Defense de la Saincte Doctrine contre
le Franc Arbitre, with a Preface to Melanchthon, of February 1543.

1543. PHILIP MELANCHTHON. 351
once that I had taken the course which I felt assm-ed, from
the kindness and good-will which you entertain towards me,
was no unwarrantable liberty.1
As to our own affairs there is nought that I will write. The
sole cause which imposes this silence upon me is, that I have so
much to tell you that my tale would never have an end. I labour
here and do my utmost, but succeed indifferently. And, never
theless, all are astonished that my progress is so great in the midst
of so many drawbacks, the greater part of which arise from the
ministers themselves. This, however, is a great alleviation of
my troubles, that not only this Church, but also the whole
neighbourhood, derive some benefit from my presence. Besides
that, somewhat overflows from hence upon France, and even
spreads as far as Italy. It is not without the bitterest grief
that I hear of the sad condition of your Germany. Nor are the
evils which I dread of a less serious kind than those which I
bewail. For if what is reported be correct, that the Turk again
prepares to wage war with a larger force, who wiU stand up to
oppose his marching throughout the length and breadth of the -
land at his mere will and pleasure ? 2 And as though it were a
small matter, after having disbanded the army under base cir
cumstances, after so much expenditure lavished in vain, after so
much dishonour incurred ; and finally, after having, by the three
years' pestilence, and that which more lately visited us, lost
the very flower of their strength, they are at this present time
suffering even more severely from civil discord. Notwithstand
ing all this, however, our rulers, though so sharply chastised,
are not awakened from their sleep, nor have they learned

1 In his answer, dated the 4th of May following, Melanchthon thanks Calvin for
the Dedication of his book, mingling the expression of his acknowledgments with
high praise of the author. "lam much affected by your kindness, and I thank
you that you have been pleased to give evidence of your love for me to all the world,
by placing my name at the beginning of your remarkable book, where all the world
will see it." — Calvini Opera, tom. ix. p. 175.
2 Faithful to the engagements which he had contracted with the Ring of France,
Solfman in fact invaded Hungary with a numerous army, and took possession of
almost the whole country, while the crescent of Mahomet and the Lilies united,
to the great scandal of Christendom, before the walls of Nice, then besieged by the
combined fleets of France and Turkey. — Robertson, Hist, of Charles V, c. vii.

352 PHILIP MELANCHTHON. 1543.
to give glory to God. This, however, somewhat revives me,
they say that the Archbishop of Cologne and some others
have turned their minds in earnest to set about the work of
thoroughly reforming the churches.1 Nor, indeed, do I consider
it an affair of small importance, that the bishops, from among
whom hitherto not a single individual has given glory to
Christ, now raise their hands, and publicly declare their defec
tion from the Eomish idol. Only, we must now be very careful
and strive diligently to promote their progress, lest from
a divided Christ some still more monstrous form of evil may
arise. Meanwhile, the Pope of Borne already parades the
empty show of a Council at Trent,2 that may amuse the
world, and keep it hanging a httle while longer in suspense.
But God will not suffer Himself to be mocked any longer. I
am deceived if this year does not produce a very great change
of affairs, which may soon take place ; but already I have said
too much.
Adieu, therefore, 0 man of most eminent accomphshments,
and ever to be remembered by me and honoured in the Lord !
May the Lord long preserve you in safety to the glory of His
name and the edification of the Church. I wonder what can
be the reason why you keep your Daniel a sealed book at home.
Neither can I suffer myself quietly, without remonstrance, to be
deprived of the benefit of its perusal. Will you salute Doctor
Martin respectfully in my name ? We have here with us at pre
sent Bernardino of Sienna, an eminent and excellent man, who
has occasioned no little stir in Italy by his departure. He has
requested that I would greet you in his name. Once more adieu,
along with your family, whom may the Lord continually pre
serve. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. copy — Library of Zurich. Coll. Simler, tom. hi.]
1 The Archbishop, Elector of Cologne, had requested the advice of Bucer and of
Melanchthon in endeavouring to reform the churches within his diocese. See
Melch. Adam, Vita Melanehthonis, p, 34.
2 The Council of Trent, so often announced and as often adjourned, only com
menced on the 13th December 1545.

1543. viret. 353

OIL— To Viret.
Ecclesiastical particularities — struggles to maintain the right of excom
munication over the ministers. The day before Easter, [1543.]
I send you the letter of Pellican,1 that you also may consider
it and take counsel along with me whitherward that may tend
about which he writes. As for the books he inquires about, I
have no certain information. I shall wait until William re
turns, after the fair-time. Antony, as you are aware, has been
admitted and received without any difficulty. Thus the bre
thren wisely, so they think, could give no better decision than
to pass over in silence so much wickedness. It cannot other
wise be, than that the Lord, for the punishment of our remiss
ness, will soon take the case into His own hand, and from
His own judgment-seat pronounce a just deliverance. The
aforesaid Antony has given me to understand, through Matthew,
that Sulzer has advised him to make his peace with me ; but
on what ground could I condescend to this reconcihation ?
However, should he once seek to have an interview, the
Lord will open up a way. We have lately had a discussion
with the Council, which, however, was soon disposed of. While
we were met in consistory, the„Syndic brought us word that the
Senate retained in its own hand the right of excommunication.2
I immediately rephed, that such a decree could only be ratified
by my death or banishment. Yesterday I called the brethren
together, by whose advice I have demanded of the Syndics, that
the Senate should appoint an extraordinary meeting. They
assented, but not willingly. There, in a large discourse upon
the weighty argument, I laid the whole question fully before
1 See the next letter.
2 See note 1, p. 292. The ecclesiastical ordonnances had separated distinctly the
domain of religious authority from that of the civil jurisdiction. To the Consistory
belonged the right of private remonstrance, of public censure, and of excommuni
cation. "When the delict was punishable by corporal chastisement or by fine, the
Consistory then referred the matter to the Council, who pronounced sentence, and
enforced the penalty.
VOL. I. Z

354 CONRAD PELLICAN. 1543.
them. Without any difficulty I have got what I asked for,
and, from what I understand, those who have been the means
of raising this question have been sharply taken to task about
it. Who they may be, if you do not know by this time,
you are well enough able to conjecture. Adieu; may the
Lord have you in His keeping, and ever direct you by His
Spirit, dearly beloved brother. Salute Eibitti, Imbert, and
the rest. — Yours, John Calvin.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 235.]

CHI. — To Conrad Pellican.1
Offer of his services — answers the acousations directed against Farel —
justification of Ochino — introduces two young men.
Geneva, 18th April 1543.
I reply somewhat late to your letter, because I wished pre
viously to ascertain somewhat about the books which I sought
for, that I might let you know something certam about them.
I am now given to understand that they have not yet been
printed. Whenever they do appear in print, I will carefully
see to it, that you may receive them by the first opportunity.
I do not proffer my good offices to you in whatsoever they may
be of service with many expressions of forwardness, because I
think that you are quite persuaded that nothing would be more
agreeable to me than in any way to be able to satisfy you by
actual experience of the good-will and respect which I entertain
for you. But because you mentioned in your letter that Bullinger

1 Conrad Pellican, a pious and learned professor of the Academy of Zurich.
Bom in 1479, he evinced from his infancy an extraordinary taste for the study of
the Hebrew language, in which he made rapid progress, and which, at a later period,
he taught at Basle and at Zurich. Called to that latter town in 1526, he acquired
the friendship both of Zuingli and of Bullinger, was a correspondent of Calvin, and
died in 1556. The celebrated Peter Martyr succeeded him. — Melch. Adam, Vitce
Theologorum Germanorum, p. 162, et seq.

1543. CONRAD PELLICAN. 355
had communicated to me by letter what might concern the
pubhc business of the Church, I wonder -how it has happened
that his letter was not brought to me at the same time. Now,
however, as many days have elapsed, and none has come to
hand, I am led to suppose that either what was written had
been lost, or that he had altered his mind. Would, how
ever, that he had done as he proposed at first, that I might not
be deprived of the singular pleasure which I could not but
have thence derived. Will you, however, request him earnestly
in my name, whenever his convenience will admit of it, to do
me this kindness ? For he may have somewhat perhaps to
communicate, upon which it may be both useful and necessary
that I should be admonished.
That which has been reported to you about Farel is to me so
utterly incredible, that I would venture, even at the peril of my
life, to be answerable for it, that no such expression had ever
fallen from him ; for I know that he both loves and reveres
you. And, most assuredly, the very atrocity of the words used
is a good enough argument of itself to prove how little ground
there is for that accusation. If it had been said that he had
made you wince a little, and without any more serious out
rage, I would admit that the report might have been be
lieved, or at least suspected to be true, until he had cleared
himself. But only consider how monstrous it is to suppose,
that he who has always been so closely allied and intimately
connected with you, who at this very time reveres and loves
you, had given utterance to such reproachful expressions as
would be reckoned extreme even among the most deadly
foes. It will be your duty, therefore, most reverend Sir, en
tirely to root out of the hearts of our brethren that unkind
suspicion. Besides, indeed, that it is altogether inhuman, and
utterly unreasonable, that any man should be condemned
unheard; such persons do wrong Farel when they do not
acknowledge him to be such a man as they have ever truly
found him by experience to be. Therefore, do you apply your
utmost endeavour to uproot this noxious weed of malevolence,
(for it has sprung from nothing,) before it breed further mis
chief, and lest that advantage be given to Satan which he is

356 CONRAD PELLICAN. 1543.
always so eager to catch at. Had Farel been now at Neuchatel,1
I would not have allowed him to delay so long to justify him
self carefully, even to your full satisfaction. For the present,
however, until we shall know for certain that he has escaped
in safety out of the jaws of death,2 we will supphcate the Lord
that He would restore him to us as soon as possible, so that some
time or other he may do what he would himself have done at
the very first had he been present.
There is also another subject on which I am requested by
Bernardino to write you. We have been informed as a fact,
that through the folly of a certain brother who was of his
acquaintance, he had become suspected in your eyes, as though
he were not altogether quite sound in opinion either on the article
of the Trinity or of Christ. I shall say nothing further in his
excuse, than simply to state the truth. As I do not place
much reliance on the most of the Italian wits, after that he
mentioned to me his intention to make a more lengthened
sojourn among us, I discoursed with him carefully on the
separate heads of the doctrine of faith, and in such a way
that he could scarcely conceal it, should he differ materially
in any point from us. It did appear to me, and if I possess
any judgment at all, I can bear testimony, that as well
in every other point as upon this important one, he was
entirely of the same mind with us. This, however, I have
remarked, that he did repudiate those over-nice distinctions
and discussions which we meet with in the scholastic writers ;
and certainly, if we weigh attentively how much these subtle
speculations of the sophists differ from the sober and moderate
doctrine of the ancients, we shall be of the same mind. It
seemed, therefore, only what was due, to bear this testimony
to a pious and sincere man, that he may not be undeservedly
aspersed among you, by having even the shadow of a suspicion

1 Farel was then at Metz. See the Letter XCIII.
2 The life of Farel was threatened more than once, by the Roman Catholics of
Metz, as it had been formerly, when he was preaching the gospel in the valleys of
the Jura and the Alps ; but, like the Apostle Paul, nothing could quench his zeal
for the promulgation of the truth. — Hist, des Martyrs, lib. iii.

1543. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 357
thrown over him. He is indeed an excellent person, and a
man of genius, learning, and sanctity.1
But now to make an end of my letter. These two youths
come to you for the purpose of following out their studies.
As they have sojourned some considerable time among us, and
have so conducted themselves that we can venture to engage for
their probity, and do consider them worthy of our recommen
dation, I request of you, my dear Pelhcan, that you would shew
them the same kindness you are wont to express toward all
good men. They have wherewithal to live at a moderate rate,
but they would ask the favour of you to put them in the way
of finding a convenient lodging.
Farewell, respected Sir, and greatly esteemed by me in the
Lord. Salute reverently Bullinger, Theodore, Megander ; may
the Lord continually direct you all for the upbuilding of His
Church. [Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CIV. — To the Seigneury of Geneva.2
Calvin at Strasbourg — expose of his proceedings with the magistrates of
that town for preaching the Evangel at Metz — the news.
Strasbourg, 1st July [1543.]
Bight worshipful and very honoured Lords, — I hope
that Master Peter Viret shall have made my excuses for not
1 Ochino allowed himself to be entangled at a later period in those opinions
which at this time he repudiated. He afterwards became one of the principal
chiefs of the sect of the Anti-trinitarians.
2 This letter, written from Strasbourg, has reference, as well as the following, to
the journey which Calvin undertook, in 1543, for the evangelization of Metz.
A town of the Empire, and the seat of one of the three bishoprics which the
treaty of Cateau-Cambresis incorporated with France, Metz received betimes the
seed of the Reformation. The first missionaries were John Leclerc and John Cha-
telain, who suffered martyrdom, (1523-1524.) The Church which they had helped
to found by their testimony, enlarged under the cross of persecution. She demanded,
in 1 544, the free exercise of religion at the Diet of Ratisbon, but without obtaining
it. The year following, she called Farel. The intrepid missionary answered the
perilous appeal. Driven from the town by a sedition, he retired to the village of

358 the seigneury of geneva. 1543.
having written you from Berne, forasmuch as at the time I was
indisposed. Having arrived at Basle, I presented my letters to
Messieurs of the Council, who gave me letters of recommenda
tion to Messieurs of this town, requesting that they would assist
me with advice, as well as furtherance on my journey.
In this town, as well by means of your letters and those of
Messieurs of Basle, as from the good affection which they bear
towards me, and singularly in favour of the cause, I have met
with good furtherance, as much as I could desire. Messieurs
have very liberally offered to do whatsoever lay in their power.
Only that we must be careful, Master William (Farel) and my
self, as to the means which it would be fitting to adopt. We have
therefore set before them three ways : either to bring us on direct
to Metz, although that was not without danger ; or once more
to call on the Council of Metz to let us have a hearing ; or
otherwise, to send to the town of Smalkald, where the Protestant
League are at present assembled, and there to request press-
ingly the princes and ambassadors of the towns to take the thing
in hand.
As to the first method, they have replied, that willingly they
would send an embassy along with us, to insure our safety and
to solicit a hearing, and that they would spare no pains in
regard to that, were it not that they saw that they could not
do so without endangering our persons, and with but little
hope of advantage. To send letters in their private capacity,
would be labour lost. The reason is, that the Papists wax
more insolent upon the coming of the Emperor, inasmuch
as he has promised, on the occasion of this journey, to
settle all the religious differences, as if he had nothing else
to do at present.1 So, whenever they have written from this
Montigny, where the Protestants flocked together to wait upon his preachings.
The gates of the town were shut upon them by order of the Roman Catholic magis
trates, and thus they perceived they were driven from their country. Received
with kindness by the magistrates of Strasbourg, they had recourse to the interven
tion of the Protestant princes of Germany to obtain free access to their houses and
property, as well as the free exercise of their worship. It was during these nego
tiations that Calvin left Geneva, and rejoined Farel at Strasbourg. — Beze, Hist. Eccl.
torn. iii. p. 431, and following.
1 Charles presided in the following year at the Diet of Spires with extraordinary

1543. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 359
town, for answer and solution of everything, they always refer
them thither.
The third method, therefore, has been found the best, to send to
Smalkald, which they would have done already, were it not that
they have wished to get articles from us to set forth whatever
might seem best to us. But to-morrow, please God, the mes
senger will set out. They have allowed us to proceed in the
affair with so much dihgence, and so thoroughly in earnest,
that we would acknowledge their zeal and courage ; and as I
know them, I have no doubt that they will do yet more than
they promise. It is six days' journey thither, at the rate of
speed their herald will go, for usually they take fully eight
days. Now, while this journey is gone about, seeing that I must
wait here, it seemed to me to he best, my Bight worshipful and
very honoured Lords, to send back your herald, the present
bearer, in order to let you understand how matters were going
on, for I would have hesitated to make so lengthened a stay
only in expectation, without in the meanwhile letting you hear
my news ; and that could be done without being at much more
expense than if I had retained the messenger here along with
me. You will consider, however, about sending him back as
shall seem good. To meet whatsoever may happen, I have
delivered over to him six crowns, that he may have wherewith
to meet his expenses in going and returning, with three testons
which I have given besides. Hdwbeit you can do according to
your own good pleasure. I tell it, that you may know, in case
you should send him back, that, in order to be in time, he must
be here within a fortnight ; for we shall then arrange to set
out for Metz, should it please God to open up the way for us.
As concerning myself, I am well aware that I cannot be so
long time absent from you, without some shortcoming in the
care of your Church. But seeing that one has come so
far, to return without effecting anything whatever, would
have been too absurd, and when there is a reasonable ex-
eclat, but strove in vain to bring the two parties to agreement. All that he ob
tained from the majority of that assembly, was a declaration by wliich the points in
dispute were to be submitted to a Council.

360 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1543.
pectation in waiting yet a httle while longer, I am well in
chned, before my return, to essay whether or not the Lord would
have somewhat accomphshed. Wherefore, I beseech you to
have patience until that interval, which is short, be overpast.
Thereafter, with all possible speed I will hasten to return
thitherward. Meanwhile, Bight worshipful Lords, I beseech you to have
in mind and to aim at the honour of God, as you do,
and to keep the Church together in good order and condi
tion. On purpose that you may see what need there is for
going to Metz to silence Caroli, I send you a copy of his last
correspondence by way of answer, wherein he displays more
fierceness and arrogance than ever, and inasmuch as he relies
wholly upon the presence of the Emperor, we shall never get
him to hearken to reason, for before that arrival he would have
betaken himself to flight.
There has been a great uproar here, burst forth in different
parts of the Netherlands, now that the Duke of Cleves has
recovered a strong town which he had lost, since he was ruined
and dispossessed; but seeing that all as yet is uncertain I
forbear writing you further about it.1 Howbeit, such is the
disturbed state of affairs, that no further off than a distance of
two leagues they have made a raid for two nights running, and
have stolen and carried off fifty horses belonging to the
merchants. And now, Eight worshipful and very dread and sovereign
Lords, after our humble commendations of Master WilliECm and
myself, I pray the Lord Jesus to preserve and uphold you by
the bestowal of His grace, enabling you well to guide and rule
your people happily, and always in peace, to the honour of His
name. — Your humble servant in our Lord,
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. ,— Archives of Geneva. No. 1250.]

1 The Duke of Cleves, the ally of France, was threatened at the time by the
whole force of Charles V.

1543. THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 361

CV. — To the Pastors of the Church of Geneva.1
The preaching of the Gospel encounters difficulty at Metz — intrigues of
Caroli — fraternal exhortations. At Strasbourg, 1st July 1543.
Grace to you from God the Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ. There is at present, my dearest brethren, nothing about
which I have to write, except that up to this time we are kept
waiting in a state of suspense; for my coming hither has
happened very untowardly, and at a most inconvenient season,
seeing that the Papists of Metz wax insolent because of the
near neighbourhood of the Emperor, and pretend his authority
as a cover for their making no concession to us whatever.
They maintain, indeed, that it is not becoming to decree an
alteration in their condition in the presence of the Emperor, and
without consulting him. Therefore, because it is perilous to
proceed to Metz, and would now be of no use, — for that even
the letters of the Senate here would be set at nought and de
spised, the Senate resolved that a deputation be sent to Smalkald,
where the Protestant Confederates are at present met, requesting
them to appoint an embassy in the name of all, who may accom
pany us to Metz, and extort from the inhabitants of that city what
they are not willing freely to grant. Moreover, the journey from
hence to Smalkald requires eight days' travel, which a speedier
messenger will, however, accomplish in six. And that there
may be no delay, the horses have been kept in readiness.
We have resolved to await the result here, that we may
not incur to no purpose the fatigue of so long a journey ;
and it appears to us that we shall have obtained no mean
advantage if the deputies come thither along with us, who,
whether he will' or no, may draw that impious dog to
a disputation, which he not only tries to shirk, but plainly
1 To the godly and faithful servants of our Lord Jesus Christ, the pastors of the
Church of Geneva, my very dear brethren.

362 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1543.
refuses.1 For the present, indeed, under shadow of the Em
peror's presence, — because he has got that convenient hole to
crawl into, he raves more saucily than ever. But the Lord, as
we hope, shall ere long repress the insolence of this sacrilegious
agitator. See to it, I beseech you, while I am absent, that you
are all the more attentive to duty, and even more earnestly
dihgent. There are, indeed, many considerations which ought to
arouse you to take care, that the Church may not feel any change
or inconvenience from my absence. If you only set about this
with hearty agreement, and with a serious desire and sincerely
affectionate zeal, the Lord will vouchsafe a very prosperous
issue. In the meantime, do you commit unto the Lord in your
prayers both ourselves and this His own cause, in which at this
time we are engaged, which is not free from danger or difficulty,
notwithstanding all the help which human foresight can supply.
Farel very kindly salutes you. I not only keep my health much
as usual, but feel as if restored, so that at present it is somewhat
better than ordinary. Adieu, my very dearly beloved brethren,
and do labour diligently in the upbuilding of the Church.
Master Bernardino may also be invited to be present at the
reading of this letter, whom salute most kindly in my own
name and on behalf of Pirrhus.2 Salute all the godly. May the
Lord, indeed, so govern and direct you by His Spirit that you
may serve Him profitably and with advantage. — Your brother, '
Calvin.
[Lat. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

1 The apostate Peter Caroli. Reconciled with the Sorbonne, he went to Metz
to give proof of his zeal to support the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, and
had boasted publicly to confound Farel and Calvin by a public discussion, at which
he dared not even appear. — Beze, Hist. Eccl., tom. iii. p. 431, et seq.
9 It is probable that Farel is here indicated, in allusion to the impetuosity of his
disposition.

1543. VIRET. 363
CVL— To Viret.
Relation of his proceedings at Strasbourg, and the state of things at Metz.
Strasbourg, July 1, [1543,] about mid-day.
As usual it has so happened, that I have found matters far
more forward and advanced than I had expected. But, indeed,
as you are fully aware, I am not very effectively supported.
The Senate neither advises nor permits our at once pro
ceeding to Metz. It is thought to be quite useless to write
thither, since the letter which has already been sent is either
held in contempt, or at least is not so much considered
as it ought to be. For the coming of the Emperor elates the
courage of the Papists, who have obtained the entire direction of
affairs at Metz. Therefore it is that our magistrates are about
to send a deputation to Smalkald, where the Protestant princes
are at present assembled for the purpose of demanding a com
mon embassy, whereby to quicken the motions of those who will
do nothing unless they are driven on and goaded forward. You
cannot imagine how important our magistrates conceive this
to be. They have received us indeed with the utmost
courtesy. Whensoever we shall have an answer, we must then
gird up our loins for action, and we shall call you to our assist
ance. But after all, in this so doubtful and unsettled state of
affairs, what could you obtain ? In the meantime, while the
deputation is gone to Smalkald, our Senate have thought it
was desirable to let them know where I was, and what ex
pectation detained me here. Should the messenger return
hither, as I expect he will, take advantage of him to inform
us certainly about everything. As to the challenge of Caroli
you need have no doubt whatever about that. We have his
own hand for it. Of late he was meditating flight, but
now when the Emperor is nearer at hand he waxes more
audacious and insolent, because he takes it certainly for
granted, that a public discussion cannot possibly be obtained
by us. Bequest from this bearer a sight of his reply, which

364 the seigneury of geneva. 1543.
having read, you can return. You will clearly perceive from
thence the lofty puffed-up humour of the man. Adieu ; salute
all the brethren, and pay a visit sometimes to Geneva. Again,
adieu. May the Lord preserve you. — Yours, John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CVII. — To the Seigneury of Geneva.
Answer from the Assembly at Smalkald — prolongation of the stay of Calvin
and of Farel at Strasbourg — preaching of the Evangel at Cologne — war
like preparations in the Netherlands. From Strasbourg, this 24th July 1543.
Eight worshipful and very honoured Lords, — Only two
days after the return of your herald we have got an answer
from the meeting at Smalkald, that for the present the princes
and ambassadors from the towns could not openly undertake
anything in the affair of Metz ; but before separating they
would come to a settled determination ; that is, to hold another
meeting to finish what has been begun, seeing that those of
Metz will not go forward, unless they are compelled. Now,
for the present, their mind is to demand a safe conduct
for themselves and those whom they wish to bring thither,
and that done, proceed to the place in order to press the busi
ness further. On hearing these tidings, we have gone, Master
William and myself, before Messieurs the Councillors of this
town, to request of them that they would inform us what might
seem to them good to be done, representing to them that we
were afraid it would be too tedious to await the coming of their
ambassadors, and also that I had received letters from you, in
which you required me, in the event of there being no hope of
doing anything for the present, that I would speed forward my
return without loss of time. Albeit, that should it seem good
to them, Master William would be able to wait on still, in case
perhaps the good brethren of Metz might be disheartened if we
should both of us go away together. So thereupon we gave

1543. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 365
them to understand, that our wish would have been that Master
WiUiam had remained, and that I had withdrawn homeward,
until that some fixed resolution had been come to. Their
answer was, that had there been any very pressing occasion
wliich constramed me to return forthwith to you, that they
would not have ventured to hinder me, but if it were possible,
the preferable course seemed to them, that I ought not to stir
until the return of their ambassadors, whom they expected to
see here again in this town within eight days.
As touching the commendations, thankful acknowledgments,
and offers which, on your part, I have made to them, they have
answered, that as up to this hour they have engaged in that
cause, so they are thoroughly determined to follow it up and
persevere for the future ; only they are sorry that matters
are not in a better order, and have charged me to make their
commendations to you, promising without fail to write by me,
for that they were not aware of having so safe a messenger.
Having received this answer, Master WiUiam and I have
altered our purpose ; and we have no doubt you will approve of
my having followed the advice of the Council of this town,
seeing that the course to be followed was somewhat doubtful.
It is quite certain that they would never have wished to detain
me without having some good hope. Would that our Lord
might so order and dispose His work that the issue may be yet
better !
The Metz brethren on their part, also earnestly desire that it
may be so, for the late eschevin,1 with four of the burgesses, was
at the meeting, and there is still a representative there. As
soon as I am able, you need not doubt that I shall hasten my
return ; and were it not that the interval is so short, I would
not have failed to make the journey to offer my excuses in per
son by word of mouth. But seeing how the matter rests, it
would be to no purpose to leave a work so well begun. Where
fore, Bight worshipful Seigneurs, I beseech you yet further, that
you would be pleased have patience for a httle while, as indeed

1 Gaspar de Heu, Seigneur de Buy. It was under the administration of this
magistrate, favourable to the Reformation, that Farel had been called to Metz.

366 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1543.
also I hope you will, which is the reason why I do not make you
more lengthened excuses.
For news, the Archbishop of Cologne is wonderfully stedfast
in planting the Evangel in his country ; x and truly his is a
miracle of zeal, for notwithstanding the resistance he meets with
from the clergy, the university, and the town of Cologne, even,
forsooth, to the extent of openly threatening him with deposi
tion, he does not on that account relax, but perseveres more
stoutly than ever, entreating the preachers who are with him to
make no account of his person nor rank, but that the Eeforma
tion may go forward vigorously, and as it ought, inasmuch as his
conscience urges him to discharge this duty before his death.
He has at present called together the states of the country, to
settle a right form of order and policy over the churches, and
to correct the idolatry ; for as touching the preaching, he had
already been determined formerly, seeing that the whole country,
the clergy and the town excepted, have accepted everywhere the
preaching of the Evangel.
In the meantime the Emperor makes his preparations for the
defence of the Netherlands against the King,2 or rather to
wreak vengeance upon the Duke of Cleves, one cannot tell
which ; howsoever, he is not yet very far advanced, and it would
be rather dangerous were he to be in too great a hurry. For
the Turk approaches with a great power, and is about to enter
Germany on three sides. If that does not compel him to with
draw altogether, it will at least retard his movements. If he
had leisure to apply himself against the Duke of Cleves, every -
one considers that he would get the upper hand.3
1 See note 2, p. 296. This prelate, remarkable for his zeal and for his piety,
had boldly introduced the reformed doctrines into his states, without allowing him
self to be intimidated by the opposition of his clergy, or the menaces of the Pope.
He protested, however, against the title of Lutheran, declaring, that he wished to
order his diocese in manner conformable to the apostolic doctrine. In 1546 he was
excommunicated by Pope Paul III., and deposed after the battle of Miiblberg.
2 That war, which was the last act of the struggle between Charles the Fifth
and Francis I., was fought simultaneously in the Netherlands, in France, and in
Italy. The Emperor was in alliance with the King of England, Henry VIII. ;
Francis I. with the Duke of Cleves and the Sultan Soliman. Peace was re
established by the treaty of Carpy, (18th September 1544.)
B 111 supported by the King of France, the Duke of Cleves was overborne by the

1543. THE AMBASSADORS OF GENEVA. 367
As for the King, he has been hampered for about a month
bypast on account of the continual rain. It has been the news
of the last four days that he was about to march to attack the
Duke of Cleves. But yesterday the news came that he would
withdraw. It is not known whether it is on that account that
the English press forward. Neither is it known for certain that
it is so. The Emperor seeks to borrow the artillery and ammu
nition belonging to the towns ; but he has not so much credit
with them as he would like to have.
To the right honourable and redoubtable Seigneurs: after
having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I pray that
our Lord Jesus would govern you always by His Holy Spirit,
vouchsafing you prudence and uprightness in the discharge of
your office which He has committed to you for His own honour
and glory, and the safety of your people, upholding by His holy
protection your town and Seigneury in happy prosperity.
Your very humble servant in our Lord,
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Archives of Geneva. No. 1250.]

CVIII.— To the Ambassadors of Geneva.1
Expose of the motives which prevent immediate return to Geneva — Cologne
news and of the Netherlands. From Strasbourg, 24th July 1543.
Very honoured Lords, — Having received an answer from
Smalkald, I would, with devoted good-will, have desired to come
to you at Berne on my return to Geneva, had I not been prevented
by Messieurs of the Council of this town. The answer was, that
they must settle some other points in the meeting of the con
vention before they could take the affair of Metz into conside
ration. There should, however, be no remissness on their part,
and they would determine before their departure to hold another
meeting, and in the same place, in order to follow up their pro-
Emperor, reduced to implore pardon on his knees, and dispossessed of a part of
his states.
1 To the ambassadors of Geneva at Berne.

368 the ambassadors of geneva. 1543.
ceedings more vigorously, and that before going to Metz, they
would ask safe-conduct as well for the arbiters deputed as for
such as they might bring in company along with them, without
mention of any person to conduct us thither in greater safety.
Having heard this answer, I was of opinion to return immedi
ately to Geneva, until it were necessary to proceed to Metz,
and that in the meantime Master William could remain
here to keep up the spirits of the Metz brethren and encourage
them to persevere. But Messieurs, the councillors of this
town are of opinion that we should both of us wait until the
arrival of their ambassadors, who, as they expect, will be here
in eight days. I am well inclined to give good heed to their
advice, seeing how faithfully they have engaged in this affair.
Meanwhile, I beseech you to pray the Lord, that He would not
allow me to return without bringing forth some fruit, since I
have waited so long already. I shall also pray to Him on my
part, to guide the affair in which you are engaged, in suchwise
that it may be brought to a good issue, and shall return Him
hearty thanks, when I shall have heard some tidings, such- as I
desire. I have not leisure to write you the news at length, and
besides I have scarcely any that I know of to tell you but
bad, except that the Archbishop of Cologne shews a marvel
lous affection on all occasions to promote the Evangel.1 It
is true that the town and University of Cologne, with the
clergy, made all the resistance thereto which they could ; but
so much the more has he shewn stedfast constancy in going
forward. This is the first day of his meeting with the states of
the country, to consult about setting up an order and pohcy in
the Church : I mean, for their resolving and carrying into exe
cution that which shall have been agreed, for the formula is
already drawn up. If the Lord vouchsafe him that grace to
get the consent of the States, this will serve to dash the rage of
the adversaries.
The Emperor continues always his preparations for a descent
towards Brabant, whether it may be to drive back the King or to
make an onset upon the Duke of Cleves. But he does not make^
1 See the preceding letter, p. 300.

1543. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 369
his approach in any great hurry, and besides, he has not made
out a case. On the other hand, there is some danger that the
Turk will stop him, who is coming down with a great force
to attack Germany upon three sides. Were the Emperor
able to march forward, the Duke of Cleves could not sustain
the attack unless he had the King's aid, who has been pre
vented by the continued rains from approaching. Now of late
he has begun to do so, and was already well advanced, but the
rumour is that he draws back. We do not know whether the
English are forced to withdraw. Howsoever it may turn, it is a
sad thing to see such desolation everywhere throughout Chris
tendom. Would that our Lord, of His infinite mercy, might
consider the miserable condition in which we are, and albeit that
we might very deservedly have been more sorely visited, that it
would please Him to withdraw His hand, vouchsafing to us the
spiritual acknowledgment of our sins, in order to bring us back
to himself.
Wherefore, very honoured Lords, after my hearty commen
dations to your good graces, I pray the Lord to assist you in the
business which you are gone about, upholding you in real pros
perity. — Your servant and good friend,
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Archives of Geneva, No. 1250.]
CIX. — To the Seigneury of Geneva.1
New delay in conclusion of the affair of Metz — Calvin makes arrangements
for his return to Geneva. 13th August 1543.
Bight worshipful and very honoured Lords, — The eight
days which Messieurs of this town had required me to wait
1 The negotiations pending between the Protestant Princes and the Magistrates
of Metz were prolonged to a wearisome length. Tired of a proceeding that seemed
to be endless, baulked in his expectation of seeing a free access open to the preach
ing of the reformed doctrine in that town, Calvin sought permission to depart, from
the Magistrates of Strasbourg, and prepared to return to Geneva. The refugees
of Metz obtained leave that same year to return to their country, with the promise
of a Church, and a precarious toleration of their worship, which, with much ado,
scarcely lasted a few months.
VOL. I. 2 A

370 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1543.
have turned out to be three weeks, and hitherto we have not
gotten any final resolution, for their chief ambassador has not
yet returned from the court of the Emperor ; and it was he
who could explain matters, so that upon his report they might
advise further.
But, nevertheless, my conscience goads me to delay no longer,
for I ought not to be carried away to such a degree by the
longing desire to serve the town of Metz, as to overlook the duty
which I must fulfil toward you.
I am more content to have made the journey to no purpose
than that I should weary you out by my tiresome delay. How
ever, I purpose, once for all, to go for the last time within three
days before Messieurs of the Council, and to state to them that
I could stay no longer, and having done so, to return to Geneva,
unless an entrance has been already obtained into Metz, which
is not to be looked for ; for the Council of Metz, instead of
replying to the Protestants, has sent some one to the Emperor
in order to protract matters, and will take care to create delay
as much as it can. Our Lord, it is true, can easily break up
and frustrate all their devices, and the chief thing is to pray to
Him that He would assist us in the doing of His work, else
we shall be utterly unprofitable, whether it be in counsel or in
action, so far as we are concerned. But I shall make up my
mind to foUow as nearly as possible the path which He shall
point out to me, that is to say, to do my utmost for those of
Metz ; in suchwise, however, that I may not set aside or neglect
your service, seeing that He has specially bound me to you.
After my humble commendation to your Bight worshipful
and redoubtable Seigneury, commending me to your good
graces, I beseech our merciful God to govern you by His Holy
Spirit, for His own glory and the welfare of your town, up
holding you in real prosperity. — Your humble servant,
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Archives of Geneva. No. 1250.]

1543. M. DE FALAIS. 371

CX. — To Monsieur de Falais.1
Exhorts him to quit his native country and to retire where he can make free
profession of the Gospel. [Uth October 1543.]
Monsieur, — How much soever it may be contrary to the
usual fashion of men that I use so much freedom as to address -
you familiarly by letter before being better acquainted, never
theless, since I feel well assured that my letters shall be agree
able to you, it would be hypocrisy in me to make lengthy
excuses as if there were any doubt about that. So, therefore,
my bearing and behaviour in this respect shall be as that of
one of your friends, without any further preface.
The matter in hand wliich I have to discourse with you
would, indeed, almost require that we should meet together to talk
the matter over for at least half a day. And in. good earnest,
for four or five months past, I have often desired that it might
be the good pleasure of God to afford us that opportunity.
1 On the back: " To my good lord and friend Sire Jacques Le Franc." — James
de Bourgogne, Seigneur de Falais and of Breda in Brabant, great-grandson natural
of Philip le Bel, Duke of Burgundy. Brought up at the Court of Charles the
Fifth, this seigneur adopted, in his youth, the reformed faith, and under the
Spanish rule not being able to avow his profession, by the advice of Calvin he
quitted his country, abandoning the whole of his property, which was confiscated
by a decree of the Court of Malines. Thenceforth devoted to perpetual exile, he
dwelt successively at Cologne, Strasbourg, Basle, Geneva, and maintained an
active correspondence with the Reformer, who heaped upon him the tokens of his
friendship, and dedicated to him in 1546 his Commentary on the First Epistle of
Paul to the Corinthians. These kind relations were unfortunately disturbed at a
later period on account of the trial of Jerome Bolsec, in which M. de Falais openly
took part against Calvin. The latter keenly resented that act of hostility on the
part of a friend, which broke up the friendship, without any after healing, in 1552.
The letters of Calvin to M. de Falais have been published in the last century at
Amsterdam from the originals long preserved in that town. — Lettres de Calvin a
Jacques de Bourgogne, Seigneur de Falais, 1 vol. 8vo. Amsterdam, 1744. We
republish them here in more chronological order, revised and corrected from the
originals now deposited in the library of Geneva, with some other pieces appended
which have not hitherto appeared in print.

372 m. de falais. 1543.
And, indeed, up till this time I have been in doubt, whether for
better advice I ought to entreat you to undertake a journey, in
order that after having seen and considered more closely, we
might be able to determine what ought to be done. For had
the question been, to deal with the matter in deliberation as at
all doubtful, there would have been many pros and cons to
settle before being able to solve it ; it would have been some
what silly and inconsiderate on my part to attempt to do so by
letter. But at length, I have thought, on the other hand, that
if our Lord hath already bestowed the courage upon you to
visit us in good earnest, to put your confidence in our Lord
along with us, that it would be trouble thrown away, and show
much besides of shyness and drawing back, to recommend
you to come merely to see what was done there, to advise you
at all upon that head. Wherefore, I would not recommend
you to take that unnecessary trouble, only to have to begin
again afterwards afresh, and that perhaps in less favourable
circumstances than the present.
I understand very well the difficulty in which you are placed
if you look to the world, and those considerations which may
keep you back. But you will need to come to a settled conclu
sion, to cast aside everything which shall come in the .way to
cross you in your purpose. One ought not, it is true, to take
such a step at random, that is to say, without foundation, and
without knowing why or wherefore. But when you have- your
¦conscience assured by a testimony which is better and stronger
than all the world could give you, you ought to acquiesce
therein out and out, and deem besides, that all the obstacles
which interpose to divert or turn you aside, are scandals which
Satan lays before you to block up the way. Howbeit, to my
thinking, there is no great need to allege many reasons to shew
you what to do according to the Word of God. I take it for
granted, that you are already clear upon that point. You have
only the regret of what you leave on the one hand, and on the
other, the fear of not meeting with all that you could desire.
All worldly regrets, however, may be overcome by this consider
ation, that there is no condition more unhappy than to hve in
trouble of mind, and to have a continual warfare raging within

1543. M. DE FALAIS. 373
one's self, or rather without ceasing to be tormented by a hell
within. Consider, then, whether you can have peace with God
and your own conscience, while persevering in the state wherein
you now are. In the first place, if the hope of being better
off still holds you back, you perceive plainly enough that the
opening abyss grows ever wider, and that in the end you sink
the deeper. Secondly, should it please God to repair the dis
order which prevails at present, what delight would it afford you
if you could say, — While my Master was banished from this
country, I was quite willing to be excluded, and of my own
accord to go and serve Him ; and now that he is come again,
I return to give Him praise ? while as yet there is no appear
ance of his being about to do so. Wherefore, the course which
it most befits you to take, is to withdraw before you are plunged
so deep into the mire that you are not able to extricate yourself;
and, indeed, the sooner the better. For in such a case you
must seize the opportunity when it presents itself, concluding,
that when the Lord vouchsafes the means, it is as though he
opened the door for us ; thus it behoves you thereupon to enter
without further trifling or delay, for fear that it may be shut,
while in the meantime we wrangle and debate about it.
Now, the most seasonable occasion, I conclude, is when. He
has broken those heart-ties, as well your own as those of your
good wife, making that easy to you, by the disposedness where
with He has inclined you, to what must otherwise have been so
full of difficulty. In such a case, we ought, according to the
exhortation of the holy apostle, to avail ourselves of the gifts of
the Spirit, putting them to profitable use and into practice, and
never allow them to lie dead and useless, fearing lest they may
be altogether quenched through our own neghgence. Therefore,
since you have every appliance you could wish for at hand, you
ought not to tarry, for should it so happen, what experience of
your faith could you ever have in that ? There cannot be a
doubt, that our father Abraham must have felt great reluctance
when he was obhged to leave his country, and that he had
not aU things to his liking; yet nevertheless, without hesi
tation he hastened forth. If we are his children, it is only
seemly that we do follow him. We have no express revela-

374 M. DE FALAIS. 1543.
tion commanding us to leave the country ; but seeing that we
have the commandment to honour God, both in body and soul,
wherever we are, what more would we have ? It is to us, then,
equally that these words are addressed, Get thee out of thy
country and from thy kindred, whenever we are there con
strained to, act against our conscience, and cannot live to the
glory of God. For the rest, our Lord will vouchsafe you wis
dom to order your steps aright, and you are yourself in the most
favourable position to judge whither your affairs are tending.
I desire, however, that you should be endeavouring to shake
yourself loose, in order that you may feel yourself more alert and
free to act, when you shall have got rid of these entanglements,
with the aid of the good friends whom you have with you there
abouts, who may be helpful to you both in the way of advice
and painstaking on your behalf.
The worthy seigneur whom you have so much desired to lend
some help,1 is about to leave, offering to do, for his part, all that
lies in his power in the way of duty ; and certes, the zealous
interest he evinces toward you, ought indeed to quicken your
motion, and be like a new spur to increase and stir up the good
inclination which you already possess.
Then as for what remains, we cannot so well manage to settle
that by writing. I shall, however, beseech our heavenly Father,
that He would open your eyes yet more and more, that you may
be able to contemplate what He has already in some measure
bestowed upon you, giving you, besides, strength of endurance
to follow the course which He points out to you. Finally, that
He would direct you in everything and throughout all by his
Holy Spirit, keeping you in His protection. Whereupon, I
would commend me humbly to your kindly acceptance, without
forgetting the good fellowship of the worthy Seigneurs who are
along with you.
Your servant, humble brother, and entire friend,
Charles d'Espeville.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]
1 David de Busanton, Seigneur du Hainaut, in retirement at Geneva.

1543. MADAME DE FALAIS. 375
CXI.— To Madame de Falais.1
Christian counsel and exhortations. This 14th October [1543.]
Madame, and well-beloved Sister, — I have no great mat
ter to write you about at present, unless it be to let you know
that I have received your letter, which affords me a suitable
occasion to thank our Lord for the many graces He has bestowed
upon you, and peculiarly on account of His having thus dis
posed you to relinquish and renounce all, to devote yourself
wholly to His service. It is, indeed, only what we ought all of
us to do without murmur or gainsaying, and is even, as it were,
the first lesson in the school of Christ. The greater number of
scholars, however, acquit themselves very badly. On that ac
count, therefore, I praise our Lord, for that He has made you
feel how highly He prizes the glory of His name, to give it the
preference above every other worldly consideration, and even so
to experience what a happiness it is to serve Him with a quiet
peaceful conscience, so that you may reckon that the greatest
treasure you could happen upon. As it is, therefore, quite
superfluous to exhort you very much, when I see that you have
already made up your mind as it appears to me, ah that re
mains for me is to take pains to confirm you in that holy reso
lution. Besides, I do earnestly hope, that our Lord has not
kindled such a zealous desire in you, as not also to give you the
grace to reach forward to the mark whereto He urges you for
ward. And over and above all, He has already shewn by such
considerable beginnings, that we ought to have confidence in
Him, that He will perfect what He hath begun.
1 On the bach : " To Madame and good sister Madame Katerine Le Franc."
Iolande de Brederode, of the ancient and illustrious house of the Counts of Hol
land, aunt of Henri de Brederode, who, in 1566, presented the request of the four
hundred reformed nobles of the Netherlands to Margaret of Austria, and thus laid
the foundation of the liberty of the United Provinces. Of a stoical and generous
spirit, Madame de Falais partook the sentiments of her husband, and she shared
the noble fellowship of the sacrifices which he made for the sake of liberty of con-

376 MADAME DE FALAIS. 1543.
It is true also, that on your part you have great bars which
he in the way to obstruct your progress, and also the gentleman
on his side yet many more. But in putting on the strength of
our Lord, you will not care a straw for them, and skip over
them without difficulty, not, however, so far as the flesh is con
cerned, but in suchwise that you shaU acknowledge the truth to
be fulfilled in you, according to what the prophet says, " The
Lord maketh my feet like hinds' feet." Only, take care not to
let the zeal which the Lord has bestowed upon you grow cool ;
but rather to look upon it as though it were Himself who soli
cits and importunes you to come away. And should there be
some weakness of infirmity about you, first of all, entreat Him
specially in prayer that He would correct it, while on your part
you strive against that weakness to get the better of it. Secondly,
beseech Him when He shaU perceive that you come on too
slowly, that He would take you by the hand, and, as it were,
deliver you in spite of yourself. There cannot be any doubt
but that Sarah was a great solace to our father Abraham, when
he had to set forth upon his journey. Follow you her footsteps
like one of her daughters, for we see from the example of Lot's
wife what is the consequence of looking back. Howsoever that
may be, I do entertain the assurance that you have not put a
hand to the plough, meaning to look behind and turn back
upon it.
If this letter had been presented to you by a messenger who
was altogether a stranger, I would have been possibly some
what more lengthened in my address ; but when the mes
senger can himself supply what is deficient in the letters, we
must not cast such discredit upon him as to write all that we
would have you to know, as if he had not a mouth to speak
for himself. For this reason I shall conclude this letter, after
having commended me affectionately to your kind favour, and
having prayed our Lord that He would carry forward His work
in you, leading you even by His Holy Spirit, both to the know
ledge and the obedience of His good will, giving also strength
and prudence to him who ought to be your guide, to go before,
to urge you by his example, and also that He would be so gra
cious to you as to make you a helpmate as He has ordained. I

1543. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 377
shall await the retm-n of the kind gentleman, the present bearer,
not without having a great desire to see you.
Your servant, humble brother, and entire friend,
Charles d'Espeville.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

CXII. — To Monsieur de Falais.1
Further exhortation to decide him on quitting his country. Geneva, [1543.]
Monsieur, — Although I rely with confidence in our gracious
God, that as He has guided you hitherto, bestowing grace to
overcome many difficulties, which might have turned you aside
out of the straight road, He will also in time coming vouchsafe
you strength to resist all the assaults which Satan can muster
up against you, nevertheless, when I consider the danger wherein
you now are, already harassed by so many temptations, as I see
them arrayed and set in order, I could not refrain from remind
ing you, that the benefits which God hath bestowed upon us,
indeed require that we should prefer His honour to all the world
besides, and that the hope of salvation which we have by His
Evangel is so precious, that we ought readily to forego all
meaner considerations, in so far as they hinder us from reaching
forward to that hope, and that we ought to have such content
ment in conforming ourselves to His will, that whensoever the
question arises of our displeasing the whole world, that we may
obey His pleasure, it is good for us. Not that He does not put
you in mind of this without my warnings ; for I am well
assured, that foreseeing the occurrence of temptations, you have
taken good care to arm and furnish yourself beforehand by
meditation upon these things. And can you not say as much,
moreover, that you have that imprinted on the heart ? But well
do I know how profitable it will be for you to hear a word or
1 This letter is without date ; but Calvin might have written it shortly after
the two which precede it, in order to overcome the last scruples of M. de Falais,
then on the point of abandoning his fortune and his country.

378 monsieur de falais. 1543.
two of exhortation from your friends, for that will serve very
much to confirm you. I have sometimes experienced this my
self. On the other hand, had this only been the point in con
sideration, that in this manner I might express the anxiety
which we entertain about you in this quarter, that of itself were
quite a sufficient reason for me. That, besides, such as it is,
ought to be an argument to persuade you of our desire to have
good accounts of you, that we may have occasion to return
thanks to God, having understood that you are spared, or
rather that He shall so have tried you, that He will, notwith
standing, have given you courage to overcome all the wiles of
the devil. If you have to fight, and that should be the will
of God, reckon that it is but a passing tempest, and that
you can betake yourself to a covering shelter from the storm
— for we have no other retreat than that of our God — let us
then hide ourselves there, and we shall be in security. The
hope of our being able to reform by the instrumentality of
human means is very small. Wherefore, we must not repent
of having come forward, nor of our on-waiting in following
of God, even should the whole world pass on before us. And
even now we must not draw back on that account ; for who
soever shall do so will find himself deceived. Let us firmly
hope that at length the Lord will take pity upon His Church.
But let every one proceed just according as he is called, and
let him who has more grace shew the way to others. This
is what ought to make you bethink yourself, that is to say,
that you are so much the more obliged to run quicker than
many others, on account of our Lord having given you the power,
and having also brought you to the spot, from whence it is not
allowable for you to withdraw to the rear. And in fact, when
a man has once withdrawn himself from that abyss of the spiri
tual captivity, or rather, has been dehvered by the hand of God,
should it so happen him to be engulfed anew, and to depart
from the hberty which the Lord had vouchsafed for him, he is
quite overwhelmed when he finds himself in a state of confusion,
from whence it is no't possible to come forth.
I say this, not because I think it shall happen, or that I
distrust you, for, as I have protested from the beginning, I feel

1544. viret. 379
well assured that nothing will shake your resolution ; but we
must not be wanting in stirring up one another, however well
disposed we may be ; and all the more that we have been deli
berating with ourselves, we are the more glad when our friends
hold out a helping hand to strengthen us. In short, I just do
what I would desire you to do to me were I in your situation,
and I never doubt but that you will take it with the same
heart as that from which it proceeds.
Wherefore, Monsieur, after my humble commendation to
your kind favour and to that of Madame, I beseech the God
of grace always to manifest Himself for your protection, and
to defeat the wiles of Satan, so that having full hope in
Him you may not have any other motive but to glorify His
name, and that He would so strengthen you in constancy
that you may never be disturbed by the fear of man, nor
stunned by the uproar which they shall make, but He would
so sanctify you that Himself may be the place and palace of
your sanctification. Your humble brother and servant always,
Charles d'Espeville.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

CXIIL— To Viret.1
The ministerial office refused to Castalio — The marriage of Bonnivard,
Abbot of St. Victor. 11th February 1544.
Sebastian has set out with our letters to you. Would that
either he might consider more advisedly what was best for himself,
1 Regent in the College of Geneva, Sebastian Castalio sought also to have the
title of minister, as we see from the Council Register, January 1544. " Sebastian
Chatillon, regent. Calvin represents to the Council, that it is very right to em
ploy the Regent, but not in that office of the ministry, on account of certain peculiar
opinions which he entertains." These opinions which were called in question, were
his doubts on the doctrine of election, on the descent of Jesus Christ to hell, and on
the authenticity of the Song of Solomon. Offended at not being able to obtain the
office and functions of a minister, Castalio denuded himself of those of regent, and
prepared to leave Geneva, provided with the most honourable attestations of the
pastors of that town.

380 viret. 1544.
or that we might have fallen upon some method by which we
could have contented him without disadvantage to the Church.
When his old situation with us had been kept open for him,
he refused to stay unless we should add somewhat to his
stipend. This could not be obtained from the Senate. To
me it seemed better to say nothing whatever about the reason
why he could not be admitted to the office of the ministry, or
to hint merely, that somewhat of a hindrance lay in the way,
and thus to prevent all unpleasant suspicions, so that the pub
lic estimation in which he is held should suffer no diminution.
My intention was, that I might spare him, which I would will
ingly have managed, (although, perhaps, not without incurring
displeasure,) if he would only have suffered me. The case,
therefore, at his own request, was discussed in Council, but with
out any difference of opinion. I am truly sorry on his own
account, and all the more so, because I fear that he may not find
in your quarter that which he desires. Do you look after him,
and help him to the utmost of your power. What his opinion of
me may happen to be, gives me no concern whatever. Eay-
mond, assuredly, so far as he could, has lately torn me in pieces
during my absence, by venting the most outrageous invectives.
There is no need, however, of my annoying you by repeating
them over. Depend upon it, however, there is nobody here so
perversely saucy who would venture upon the hah' of what he
said. I bear with it all, notwithstanding, and conceal my know
ledge of it, except that among the brethren, I have complained
that there were some who did not speak and feel kindly concern
ing me. But let us not stop to consider such trifles. Do you
know that the Abbot of Saint Victor, and the mother of
Corne, by their unsuitable marriage, have afforded us plenty of
sport in the way of joking?1 Adieu, my dear brother; salute
1 Francis de Bonnivard, prior of St. Victor, celebrated for his wise and prudent
spirit, his talents, and above all, by his long captivity in the Castle of Chillon.
Restored to liberty on the conquest of the Pays de Vaud by the Bernese, be returned
to his own country, and was charged with the editing of the Chronicles of Geneva.
Having been married previously to Catherine Baunigartner of Berne, he married,
in 1544, Jeanne d'Armeis, herself at that time widow of two husbands, and mother
of the Syndic Amblard Corne. This marriage was not a happy one, and the

1544. BULLINGER. 381
"Ceho, Eibitti, your family, and the rest of our friends. May
the Lord preserve both you and them. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr.— Library of Geneva, Vol. 106.]

CXIV.— To Bullinger.
Conclusion of an arrangement between Berne and Geneva.
Geneva, 17th February 1544.
I have never yet replied to your letter in wliich you admo
nished me of the need there was that those disputes between
the Bernese and our people which were then astir1 might be
settled by friendly arbitration, and wherein you also requested
that so far as was allowable for, me, I would constantly inter
pose to prevent that useless quarrel on both sides from creep
ing on any further at so unseasonable a time. Albeit, however,
that you only spurred me on when running in that direction of
my own accord, it has helped me forward not a httle when I
was almost exhausted in roUing this stone already, to be goaded
forward by this new impulse, that I might not give in before
the matter was finished. And besides, that you may be all the
better aware of how much service your exhortation and those of
others have been to me, I was very nearly ten times over begin-
quarrels of the two spouses drew upon them more than once the censures of the
Consistory. See Notice of Francis Bonnivard, Prieur of St. Victor, by Doctor
Chaponniere. Geneve, 1546.
1 After five years of embroilments and continued struggles between Berne and
Geneva on account of the disputed territories then in litigation, peace was at
length re-established between the two towns by the definitive sentence of the depu
ties of Basle, chosen as arbiters, (January 1544.) This decision, accepted equally
by both parties, divided between them the jurisdiction of the lands belonging to
Saint Victor, and tte Charter granted to the Genevese fourteen cures or benefices
out of the dependencies of the ancient bishopric, with power to place ministers ;
discharged the Bernese from the oath which those of Geneva pretended to be due
to them on account of the occupation of the bailliages of Gex and of Ternier ; and
last of all, stipulated for the free return of the banished exiles of Geneva, after the
troubles of 1540.— See the Chronique de Roset, 1. iv. c. 65 ; and Ruchat, Hist, de
la Rif. tom. v. pp. 240, 241.

382 viret. 1544.
ning to lose courage and to despond. It was not without great
difficulty brought about, that the former judgment which had
been passed at Basle was received here, and the second proved
yet more troublesome to me, for more than ever had been
yielded by it to the Bernese, and our people, because they now
considered that they had fully discharged their duty, became
all the more difficult to manage. Thereupon, it behoved me
all the more to set my whole energies to work, and although
my labour was not far from being thrown away to no purpose,
when I was beginning almost to despair of a happy settle
ment, the Lord, altogether unexpectedly, shone forth mar
vellously upon us. At present, therefore, by the blessing of
God, we enjoy not only peace, but also the most perfect agree
ment, which I trust shall be firm. Adieu, most learned Sir,
and my very dear brother in the Lord. Salute reverently D.
Pelhcan, Theodore, Megander, Gualther, and the rest of the
brethren. May the Lord ever direct you all by His own Spirit.
— Yours, John Calvin.
My colleagues salute you all.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CXV.— To Viret.
Farther details of the arrangements with the Bernese — recall of the refugees
— preparation of several works — disagreements with Castalio.
Geneva, March 1544.
When scarce a day passes in which some messenger does not
set out hence direct for you to whom I could commit my letter,
I shall not throw away time in excusing myself, that you may
not believe it has happened through my neglect, that for so
long I have never written you, when you would not only be de
sirous to know somewhat of our affairs, but had also requested
that I would do so. Howbeit, you must not impute it to neglect,
that I have for a while delayed. For while the deputies were
here, because nought had been settled, I was unwilling to write

1544. viret. 383
to no purpose. Lately, when Nicolas and Wilham went away,
I had scarcely time to write a short letter to Germany. With
the exception of these two, no one else presented an opportunity.
I could have found one if I had made inquiry. In so far I
confess that I was negligent. When, however, I was about
to give the letter to Godfrey's son, in came Eibitti in the
meantime, to whom I have briefly narrated the story of the
agreement. It would be tiresome to enumerate all the details. Let it
suffice that you have the sum and substance.1 The winding-up
of the whole business leads me to hope well for the future.
For the Bernese deputies, having got the business brought to
a settlement according to their own heart's desire, went away
homeward rejoicing. And our own friends, although they
have not obtained all they wished, are nevertheless very well
satisfied. So far as I can forecast in my own judgment, it
will be not only a sure and firm peace, but a lasting friendship.
Lambert, the provost of the city, has married his step-daughter
to the son of Amy Chapeaurouge.2 Thus you have some
prospect of an amnesty.3 Ever since our exiles first heard
that the magistrates are so ready to set open the gates, they
also pant wishfully to return. There is now a stir made about
Vanzy, and, so far as one may conjecture, he will obtain what he
asks, for the prospect of money is pleasant and inviting : and the
more headstrong spirits have already been tamed. One is re
stored already, the son-in-law of Francis Favre, at the request
of Amy Perrin, who wishes to entrust him with the manage
ment of Melchior's tavern, which he holds at present as tutor or
trustee. 1 See the preceding Letter.
2 One of the Genevese refugees at Berne, belonging to one of the most distin
guished families of the republic.
3 In the original : afwnmxs. During the period of Calvin's banishment to
Strasbourg, several parties had arisen at Geneva. The most important was that of
the Articulans, or of the Artichaud, whose chiefs, after having possessed supreme
power for some time, were either put to death or banished, in consequence of a
popular reaction. Several of the exiles retired to Berne, whence, after matters in
dispute had been arranged between the two ^cities, they were permitted to return
to Geneva.— Spon, Hist, de Geneve, tom. i. pp. 281, 282, Note 0.

384 viret. 1544.
I have spoken to the deputies about you ; for I wished to
sound them whether we could draw you thence to ourselves.
They refused, however, but in such a way that it did not look
as if they would be stubborn, if our people were some time to
push the matter. I have offered my service to Girard, if there
should be occasion for it. That the work should be dedicated to
the Bernese, would not be according to my mind,1 unless you
shall have ascertained beforehand from the secretary, that such a
mark of respect would neither be displeasing to them nor hurt
ful to you. I had heard that you were meditating somewhat
against the Sorbonne articles,2 which I earnestly would desire
may be true ; but Eibitti replied, that he had heard nothing of
it. I wish therefore you would do so, and that you would write
me back word that it is done. There are very many indeed in
France who desire to see it. I have been requested by some of
them. You can, if you will, reheve me of this undertaking.
Those of Neuchatel tease me incessantly for another book
against a certain work of the Anabaptists.3
Eibitti also in an offhand way dealt somewhat with me about
Sebastian,4 and seemed to press home, that he ought not to be
passed over by us. When he often repeated the expression,
What would I wish him to do ? I rephed, somewhat roused, that
I would willingly give way, but that I ought not to be so hard
pressed to admit him against the voice of conscience. He objected
to that, that he had been in the office of the ministry. I denied
1 Without doubt the Dialogues of Viret, Dialogi de Confusione Mundi, published
in Latin and French. Geneva, 1545.
2 " It was," says Th. de Beze, " in this year (1543) that those of Sorbonne,
with the connivance of the bishops, usurped the authority of making articles of
faith on the controverted questions of our time in the matter of religion." —
Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 33. It was not Viret who replied to that strange preten
sion of the Sorbonne, but Calvin. The answer of the Reformer, a model of pith
and irony, appeared in 1544, under the title, Les Articles de la Sacree FacultS
de Theologie de Paris, avec le Remede contre le Poison. — Recueil des Opuscules,
p. 71.
8 Brieve Instruction pour armer tout bon Fidele contre les Erreurs de la Secte
Commune des Anabaptistes : Geneva, 1544. Inserted in the Recueil des Opus
cules, with a preface by Calvin to the Ministers of the Churches of the county of
Neuchatel, 1st June 1544.
4 Sebastian Castalio.

1544. viret. 385
that; and added, that he had been sent to preach without any pre
vious examination while I was absent, and without my know
ledge ; it was not fair, therefore, to charge that upon me. I could
not rightly understand whether he was in jest or in earnest when
we came upon the mention of Canticles ; but his opinion seemed
to me not to differ greatly from that of Sebastian. Concerning
the descent of Christ to hell, we exchanged not more than three
words ; for our conversation was broken off by the entrance of
some visitors.
What Sebastian would be at I know not, in boasting that my
friends are surprised and laugh at the thought of my adducing
the forty-fifth psalm for the defence of. the Song of Solomon,
and since the descent of Christ to hell in the Creed is sub
joined to the burial, bringing forward for the confirmation of
my own interpretation, that expression which he uttered while
hanging on the cross — My God, &c. But I can bear his
mockery, as well as that of others, patiently and willingly.
I am not at all alarmed at the conceit of their being able
to overcome me by reasonable argument. This only I would
beseech of you, that you do not interfere with me about
Sebastian. So far as I have been able to collect from his
discourse in conversation, he entertains such an opinion of
me, that it is almost impossible we can ever agree together.
I express myself to you in a way that I would not write to
others. Nor indeed have I any reason to complain of your
having hitherto given me any trouble on that score.
A httle while after his return, I wished to know what those
particular acts were in regard to which he deemed that it would
be of advantage to myself and to the Church that I should be
admonished. I have only been able to extort two. That there
was a certain native of Berne who had been informed by my
self what it was about the Canticle that I so much disapproved
in him. I refuted this calumny. The other offence was, that
my colleagues flattered me. I answered him with a suitable
response. He had nothing more to say. I was sorry for him.
I could wish, that without offence provision were made for him
somewhere ; and willingly to the best of my ability would I
exert myself for that purpose. His learning and genius I highly
vol. i. 2 B

386 THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 1544.
esteem. Only I could wish that it were allied to a better judg
ment — the judgment regulated by prudence, and that overween
ing confidence which he has conceived from a false persuasion
that he has discovered a more excellent [i.e., moderate'] way,
were entirely uprooted out of his mind. ..
Adieu, my very dear brother and sound friend ; kind salu
tation to the brethren, your wife, and your aunt. The Lord
preserve you all. My wife dutifully salutes you and your
family. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CXVI. — To the Ministers of Neuchatel.1
Controversy with Chaponneau regarding the Divinity of Christ.
Geneva, 28lh May [1544.]
It has much grieved me, my very dear brethren in the Lord,
that your letter was not sooner dehvered, for had I received it
in time your wish would have been complied with, if not to
the full extent, yet, at all events, partially. That I did not,
therefore, come to Neuchatel on the day appointed, nor send an
answer, arose from no neglect, but only because John Boger,
the chirurgeon, upon the sixth day after his arrival here, at
length presented your said letter, along with those pretty
articles of Courtois.2 Because, however, the time had gone by,
I did not think that there was any need to be in greater haste,
until an occasion for writing should offer itself. Our brother
Michael now presents himself, who will faithfully bring you
my reply.
1 The Doctor John Chaponneau, ancien moine of the Abbaye of Saint Amboise,
at Bourges, become minister of the Church of Neuchatel, had attacked in some
points the doctrine of the book of the " Institution Chritienne" Calvin answered
his observations in few words. Chaponneau did not feel satisfied, and repeated
his attacks with extreme violence. The subject of debate was the Divinity of
Christ, seriously altered by the rash interpretations of Chaponneau. The reply of
the Reformer, written at the request of Farel, was addressed to the pastors of the
Church of Neuchatel.
2 Son-in-law of the minister Chaponneau, whose opinions he no doubt shared.

1544. THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 387
As for Chaponneau, one may well wonder what would induce
him to disturb the Church, if I had not known, long ago,
fiie nature and disposition of the man. There is, however,
this peculiarity about it, which I cannot but wonder at. I
mean, what can be the cause or pretext why he wishes to dis
pute with me ? If he had done so on provocation, even
then the excuse would not have been sufficient to justify him.
Neither are we caUed to the office of the ministry in order that
we may contend among ourselves, but that with cordial una
nimity, and by common consent, we may wage war under the
banner of Christ. But at this present time, when there is
nothing whatever, so far as I am aware, either of rancour or of
controversy astir among us, the man must be utterly without
brains who sounds the war-trumpet so rashly in the midst of
peace. Moreover, how very senseless is it, on his part, who
has never been well taught the elements of grammar, to put
himself forward and boast of all sorts of learning, although
this is not the first time he has begun to wax insolent with
his empty vapouring ! I remember that when Alciat1 had
upon some occasion reproved the theologasters of Louvaine,
because they had endeavoured to prevent the institution of a
coUege of the three languages in that city, Chaponneau, in a
noisy and intemperate oration, declaimed against the study of
languages and the civil law. Alciat, offended at such dis
tempered folly, but, at the same time, conceiving it to be
inconsistent with the dignity of his station to enter into a dis
pute with such a person, merely gave intimation to the magis
trate, and requested that he would restrain his disorderly
impertinence, which was done accordingly, and not without
disgrace to the offender. Now-a-days, the place of his abode,
and the office which he fills, ought to make him more moder
ate; but because he is so injudicious, so borne along by a
blind and unbridled, impulse, I shall consider not so much
what his effrontery deserves as what is becoming and proper
1 The celebrated jurisconsult, Andrew Alciat, from Milan, whose instruction
Calvin had received at the University of Bourges. He lectured upon Law alter
nately in the schools of France and Italy, and died in 1546, leaving numerous dis
ciples in the various countries of Europe.

388 THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 1544.
on my part. Certainly I shall not so far yield to him the ad
vantage as to enable him to boast that I was drawn into
strife upon his provocation. Would that he might only be
quiet in time, and allow others also to be quiet ; but, if other
wise, it clearly belongs to you, of your own authority, by law
ful process of the Church and of the magistrate, to repress
his violence. It is not without reason that Paul has written,
that he who would be considered as belonging to the kingdom
of Christ must be a new creature ; and yet I think there did
not then exist men of this sort among them — disturbers of
the peace, and without any due regard either of place or per
son, who would be ever prompt and ready, for no cause what
ever, not merely to enter upon a brawl or quarrel, but even to
come to blows. 0 the wretchedness of these our times ! Is it
possible that even in the remotest corner of the Church, there
can be found a place for one who dares openly to boast, as if it
were a noble deed, that he had almost laid violent hands upon
his own colleague, — who unless compelled by the authority of
the civil magistrate, refuses a willing obedience to the Presby
tery, — who makes his house a very hot-bed and nursery of sedi
tion, — who takes counsel apart from all the rest ? — to say
nothing about other matters, which it is of no use, and can
answer no good purpose at present to commemorate.
As for those conclusions, which, as you suspect, he has sug
gested to Courtois, his son-in-law, I know not why you sup
pose that the greater part refer to me. There is one passage,
indeed, in which he plainly approaches near enough to touch
me. I see nought besides which suits me in the application.
In so far as relates to that passage, wherein, as if from the
tripod, he pronounces, oracularly, those persons to be heretics
who say that Christ, inasmuch as He is God, is self-existent;
the reply is easy. First of all let him answer me, whether
Christ is true and perfect God ? Except he would have the
essence of God to be divided, he will be forced to acknowledge
that that exists entire in Christ. And the words of Paul are
express, " that in Him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead."
Again, I ask, has He that fulness of Deity in or of Himself, or
has He derived it from elsewhere ? But he objects, that the

1544. THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 389
Son is of or from the Father. Now, I have not only always
willingly acknowledged that, but, indeed, have also preached
the same doctrine. The point is this, however, wherein these
asses are mistaken; they do not consider that the name of
Son is spoken concerning the Person, and therefore is con
tained in the terms employed in defining the relation, which
relation is not brought in question where the Divinity of Christ
is simply treated of ; on which subj ect, Augustine treats elegantly
upon the 68th Psalm, which writer these same persons make a
boast of, when, notwithstanding, they have never read anything
of his except some rhapsodies or other. The words are — If
any one asks whether the Father may be said to be the same as
the Son ? Reply, As regards the substance, He is the same ;
not relatively, in so far as it is spoken of anything else. Of
Himself, He is called God. In relation to the Father, He is
called the Son ; and again, on the other hand, the Father, in
reference to Himself, is called God; in reference to the Son,
He is called Father. When what is spoken relates to the
Son, the Father is not the Son. When He is spoken of as the
Son in His relation to the Father, He is not the Father. When
what is spoken relates to the Father and the Son as self-
existent, this is the Father and the Son, the same God. So far
Augustine. Now, that distinction being employed, what further
ambiguity, I beseech you, remains about the matter in question ?
Wherefore, the same holy man, in the 39th homily on John,
after he moved this question, In what manner the Father and
the Son are the Beginning? [Principium,] he makes use of
this solution, that mention is here made of number, in so far as
they have relation to each other, not, however, as regards the
essence. Also, on the 109th Psalm : If the Father is the Be
ginning, he says, are there not two Beginnings ? By no means ;
for as the Father is God, and the Son God, so each is the
Beginning. Neither are there tivo, but one Beginning. Now,
let your little masterling go his way, and, with a bold front,
flout at us. The 38th homily also, concerning time, which has
for title, " Concerning the Trinity and the Dove," treats copi
ously of how much importance it is to make a distinction
according as we consider the relations or the essence of the

390 THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 1544.
Godhead. Should, however, his obstinacy not yet be tamed or
broken in, I do not refuse to be called a heretic by such a
wild beast, provided only that I may have Cyril for my com
panion, who makes use of the same expressions more than once.
But how monstrous it is to declare that to be heresy which has
so many illustrious testimonies, both in the Sacred Oracles and
in the writings of the ancient Fathers !
This small particular excepted, I observe nought else that he
could apply to me, although this does not touch me alone, but
apphes to every one of you who have made a profession along
with us, which contains that same doctrine. It is, therefore,
your duty, and common to you all, to follow up this reproach
which is cast upon you and on the truth itself. Which unless
you do, I have determined for my own part never to yield ;
I mean, if there is any one there who confesses himself to
be the author of these fine conclusions. Why should I weary
you, and myself at the same time, all to no purpose in discus
sing the others ?
He preaches a great deal about charity, and frets and fumes
grievously that it has not been weU observed among us. I
would like, however, to know what sort of charity that is, to
cut off from the Church those who, agreeing entirely in the
doctrinal sense with all the godly, merely reject certain forms
of expression : " For what can be more contentious," says
Augustine, writing to Pascentius, Epistle cxxiv., " than
where one is agreed upon the doctrine in dispute, to contend
about the person?" If even yet he must hold us suspect,
I might allow him to do so, but in such an excessive rigour
I cannot discover the meekness of charity.
As regards the essence of the Godhead, how puerile to say
that the Fathers did not see it before the coming of Christ !
I ask, indeed, with what kind of eyes the essence of God can
now be seen by the souls of the dead ? Does he suppose
that the glory of God, infinite as it is, can be seen or com
prehended by them / He will say, that He is to be- seen, not
as He is, but in suchwise as the weakness of our perception
admits of. I then reply, that it was visible, in some degree, even
before the advent of Christ, that now at length He is revealed

1544. THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 391
in greater fulness, and that we shall see Him perfectly, when we
shall have been made like unto Him. He objects, however, that
the whole choir of the saints cry out against this. But where
has he heard that heavenly choir intoning this complaint ? He
opposes my arguments, but on what ground ? Boastingly he
vaunts, that it can very easily be proven: let him, however,
make this easiness of proof quite evident by demonstration.
So far have I deigned to trifle, and to answer him accord
ing to his folly. I may now address you seriously. Consider
well, I beseech you, whitherward these speculations tend. Are
they not of that sort which Paul so highly disapproves ? That
the Spirit was not united to the Dove, so as to be consti
tuted one person as there is one person in Christ, I consider to
be beyond all dispute. That he takes away the perfection of
faith from Joseph and Nicodemus, I am not inclined to ques
tion, provided he does not bestow it on any other. That the
spirit of prophecy has not always continued steadfast even in
the prophets, Saul presents a striking example, I do acknow
ledge. But perhaps he takes another view of it, which I could
not admit. Concerning Ananias and Sapphira, he must
shew that some other crime beyond lying and falsehood was
punished in their case, if he wishes any reliance to be placed on
his comment. It is no way surprising that in such an ani
mated style he defends the Allegories ; for those who have not
an atom of understanding, unless to trifle with frigid and in
sipid allegories, very naturally contend for them as if they were
contending for their family altars and their own firesides.
But I am growing more tedious than I had resolved to be ;
I therefore make an end. Adieu, my very dear brethren
in the Lord. May the Lord increase you more and more
both in wisdom and strength, that you may go forward in
the upbuilding of His Church as you had begun. Amen. —
Your own,
John Calvin.
[Lat. copy — Library of Geneva. Vol. 111.]

392 farel. 1544.

CXVIL— To Farel.1
Struggles and difficulties of Calvin at Geneva — quarrels of the ministers — violent
attacks of Castalio — dissatisfaction of the deputies from Berne — reappearance of
the plague — dangers of the Church. Geneva, 30f7i May 1544.
For the second time, I now begin to learn what it is to
dwell at Geneva. I am, indeed, beset with thousand briars.
These two months bypast we have had serious wTanglings
among my colleagues, and they have even gone so far, that out
of four it is quite evident that two have perjured themselves.
Of which crime, if they who were accused had been given up to
justice, a crying scandal would have arisen. The cases, indeed,
were diverse, also happened at different times, so that the one
party threw back the accusation upon the other. When the
truth could not be got at, either by oral testimony or by home
arguments, I was obhged to commend the cases to the special
judgment of God, and having done so, have settled the dispute
on both sides. For what else could I have done ? Had both
of them been cast out, the innocent party must have suffered
wrongfully, and the example instead of doing good would be of
evil consequence. I was besides afraid lest should the affair
come to be generally talked about, it might be said they were
cast out upon an uncertainty. The infamy in the meantime,
1 The Church of Geneva, set up as a butt for the attacks and blackening defama
tion of her maligners who were unwilling to submit to the authority of her dis
cipline, had also to lament the scandal es occasioned by the conduct of many of her
pastors. Two of Calvin's colleagues, Henry de la Mare and Champereau, were not
ashamed to frequent the taverns and cabarets, and so to expose the office of the
ministry to the mockeries of insolent raillery, and those who took a pleasure in
repeating that the ministers wished to make Canons of them. — Chronique de
Roset, lib. v. c. 2 et 3. Grieved on account of these scandals, hut without the
power of repressing them, Calvin found vent to his sorrow in the intimacy of his
correspondence with Farel and Viret.

1544. FAREL. 393
however, would settle down upon our order. Somehow or other it
fell out crosswise, that one who had also been a monk, a boon com
panion and crony of some of them, and has scarcely ever been here
among the brotherhood, has so traduced their manner of life,
and of certain others, both in writing and in conversation, that
none could be more vile than we if the discreditable impeach
ment should spread any wider. I called together my colleagues ;
complained bitterly of them all, for that the whole of this affair
was to be imputed entirely to them. I said, that indeed I was
quite well aware that that frantic blockhead had been furnished
with the weapons of his annoyance by themselves ; but that
however that might be, they must now combine their wits to
gether for the purpose of extinguishing, as it were, a common
conflagration. I told them besides, that the hand of the Lord
pressed heavily upon us, and that He would avenge the per
juries which attached to us. It would not be at all wonder
ful, if, on account of so much wickedness and cursing,
the wrath of the Lord should begin to wax hot against us,
which of old, because of the sinful conduct of only one indi
vidual, had raged so fiercely against the whole Israelitish
people. I took care also to let them know, that this would
never cease nor come to an end until our presbytery should
be cleansed from those crimes by which it had been defiled.
And in conclusion I exhorted them, each to examine himself
and to look within, in suchwise as to confess that he was
punished deservedly. Yet, forsooth, so far were they from
giving heed to what I said, that forthwith they thought of
nothing else than how they might have their revenge, at
least some of them. That same monk I have mentioned was
employed by these two brethren, of whom there was a strong
suspicion that they had been cognizant, yea, even aiders and
abettors of the accusation. Certain persons reported under
hand of one of them, that he had said many insolent things
against the magistracy, and that a large proportion of the
senators had been sorely wounded by slanderous insinua
tions. Now, you know well enough by experience how sen
sitive and irritable our senate is whenever it is touched. As

394 FAREL. 1544.
soon as I was informed of this, I called all my colleagues
together, told them beforehand what would happen, and also
threatened, that in the event of anything more serious occurring,
I was not going to wait patiently to be involved in such troubles
along with them ; and that when I was gone away, they would
feel whether their own shoulders were broad enough to bear up
under such a burden. Meanwhile, the nobleman I referred to,
has been cast into prison ; to clear himself, he flings back an
accusation upon our colleague Louis,1 which can scarcely have
other issue than in a sentence of death or banishment. The
former has several witnesses who can prove that this latter
person had said, that the Syndics of the former year had been
elected, with the clear understanding, that in the event of their
committing misdemeanours, they should be punished capitally,
and many things to the same purpose. On the other hand, our
friend Sebastian has been raging against us with the utmost
violence. There were about sixty persons present yesterday
when the Scripture was being expounded. The passage under
consideration was : — " Approving themselves as the ministers of
God in all long-suffering," &c. He shrouded his attack under
cover of a perpetual antithesis, in such a way as to shew that we
were in all respects the very opposite of what the ministers
of Christ ought to be. It was much after this fashion that he
played with the subject : — That Paul had been the servant of
God, we served ourselves ; that he had been one of the most
patient of men, we the most impatient ; that he had been a
night- watcher in order to lay himself out for the edification of
the Church, but that we kept watch by playing ourselves ; that
Paul was sober, we were drunken ; that he and the Christians
of his time had been harassed and vexed on account of sedi
tions, while we made it our business to set them astir ; that he
was chaste, while we had been whoremongers ; that the apostle
had himself been shut up in prison, but we got people cooped up
even for an offensive word ; that he used only the power of God,
while we had recourse to that of the magistrate; that he had
1 The minister Louis de Geniston.

1544. FAREL. 395
suffered from the attack of others, we made it our study to
persecute the innocent. What more need I say ? It was cer
tainly altogether a bloody oration. At the time, I was quite
mute, lest some greater strife might be kindled in the presence
of so many strangers, but I laid a complaint before the Syndics.
These were the ominous intimation of the commencement of all
sorts of schism. It was not so much the perverse manner of
his setting about the attack, and the wrong-headed obstinacy of
his ill-minded malediction that has moved me to undertake the
repression of the man's restless and froward temper, as because
he had slandered us by the falsest calumnies. You must now
perceive the kind of straits and difficulties which so downweigh
me. And that nought might be wanting to my misery, or
rather to fill the cup of my miseries, the deputies of Berne,
Negueli and d'Erlach the elder, have lately departed hence in
high dudgeon because they could not arrive at any reasonable
settlement with our authorities here, about the boundaries, which
is all the more ungracious, inasmuch as they were contending
about just nothing at all. And indeed, as I hear, there are
certain busybodies, in the places of pubhc resort, who appeal
to me as if I were in my own person the sponsor and arbiter
of peace, when, themselves, by reason of their obstinacy and
insane pride, as much as in them lies, do break away from all
peaceable agreement.
I now come to your letter : Mar court1 I had so far excused,
that you might not suppose that he had come here upon any
previous arrangement. Indeed, I was aware that his journey
was quite upon another design. There is, however, no denying
that he was delighted on account of the disturbances, and had
done his utmost to increase them. I am no way surprised
that your colleague is somewhat stirred against me ; for I
have discharged freely enough my own bile both on Mar-
court and the others. The arrangement had been gone into as
to Viret, without my being made aware of it, notwithstanding
that I had taken care long ago to point out that what has been
1 Marcourt, senior minister of the Church of Geneva.

396 FAREL. 1544.
done was what should be done. When our deputies, however,
had returned from Berne, all of a sudden and beyond my expec
tation, I have heard that Viret is coming hither to be our col
league for six months. I returned thanks to the Bernese depu
ties because they openly announced that it had been so arranged
at my request. It now remains for the brethren to give their
assent, which, as I expect, will not be very difficult to be had.
The book1 would have been thrown off ere now had not the
press been occupied with the Dialogues of Viret. I was un
willing that the printers should be called away from that job,
that I might not appear to set a higher value on my own work
than was befitting. In a short time, however, it will make its
appearance. Bernard, Geniston, and the rest salute you most
kindly — indeed, and in truth, our own family over and over
again, Textor, also, who was called up hither by Baudry,
who has fallen into a speechless state. The disease, so far as
I can understand, will prove incurable. Textor apprehends
danger from suffocation ; but should he escape that evil he is
stiU hable to be consumed and wasted by atrophy. The pes
tilence again alarms us, and seems to be on the increase. My
httle daughter labours under a continual fever.2 A rumour
has lately been brought hither of the dissolution of the Imperial
diet.3 They said that the Emperor thought of going to Stras
bourg ; now it is reported that he is bound for Metz, but we
have no certam intelligence. In Italy the French have hitherto
carried all before them.4 But whichever shall gain the upper
hand, either way it must prove calamitous and very disastrous
for the Christian world. May the Lord look in mercy upon us.
1 This was the Reply to the Sorbonne Articles. See the note, p. 384.
2 Calvin had already lost a son in the month of August 1542. See note 3, p. 320.
He had afterwards another child by Idelette de Bure, which does not appear to
have long survived.
3 The imperial assembly of Spire dissolved in the month of May 1544. Charles
the Fifth had then obtained considerable subsidies from the Protestant princes in
return for the important concessions which he had made to them in the great con
cern of religion — Hist. Charles V., lib. vii.
4 The French had gained a brilliant victory at Cerisoles, 14th April 1544, over
the Marquis of Guasta, the Imperial General.

1544. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 397
Again, my very dear brother, adieu. Salute all the brethren
and your own household. The Lord preserve you all. —
Yours, John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CXVIIL— To Oswald Myconius.1
Political and military intelligence from France and Germany.
Geneva, 24th June 1544.
Already by this time, you must be caring much less about
the request you made me, that I would inform you more cer
tainly as to the preparations of the French King. For even
the Swiss, you see, are astir ; nor do I entertain any doubt
that even there where you are, the intelligence about his
plans has been spread far and wide. There is a town in
Champagne, which they call Chatillon ; thither he concentrates
all his forces, there to await the approach of the Emperor ;
in the meantime, he has strong enough garrisons in the towns
which are in any degree fortified. If we take into account the
relative strength of the parties on both sides, the kingdom
of France seems at present to be in great jeopardy. The up
shot, however, is in the hand of- God. As the world goes at
present, every one in his senses ought to be desirous that the
overbearing arrogance of the Emperor may receive an effectual
check; for if France should suffer too severely, that must
react upon us. If France shall be discomfited and subdued,
it is quite certain that his victorious arms will then be turned
against ourselves. Were they even to come to some sort of
agreement, I fear lest the King, in order to avenge the injury
1 Gifted with a remarkable genius for politics, which had been formed in the
school of Zuingle, and called more than once, on this account, to enlighten by his
experience the counsels of the republic of Basle, Oswald Myconius maintained »
correspondence with Calvin, which bad not merely the interests of the Church
in view, but those of the whole of Europe, kept at that time in suspense by the last
act of the struggle between Francis I. and Charles V.

398 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1544.
done to himself, may abandon Germany as a prey to the fury
of the Emperor. And should it so happen, who can deny it
would only be according to our deserts?1 And truly, at that
time, God blinded the understanding of our friends so as
to let them rush upon their own destruction, in allying them
selves to the Emperor for the purpose of ruining France,
which has been hitherto both the fortress and defence of
our hberty and safety. Therefore, as though we were in the
lowest depths of despair, let us learn to look upward to the
Lord. As that you would not willingly be without my book,
I send you one copy. Adieu, excellent sir, and right trusty
brother ; may the Lord preserve you with the Church and
our brethren of the ministry, whom you will please salute in
my own and in the name of all our friends. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. minute — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

C XIX.— -To Monsieur de Falais.2
Arrival of Monsieur de Falais at Cologne — the sending of a minister —
pious counsels. This 24th June 1544.
Monsieur, — I shall begin by making our excuses for having
so long delayed to let you hear from us the news. I do assure
1 The Protestant princes of Germany, the steady allies of France against the
House of Austria, abandoned their usual policy on this occasion, and joined the
Emperor against Francis I. They alleged as their motive for this change, the
impious alliance of that monarch with the Turks, whose arms threatened equally
France and Italy, and they wrote to the Protestant Cantons of Switzerland, inviting
them to follow their example, by refusing their assistance to Franeis I. — See
Sleidan, lib. xv. p. 441-446.
2 M. de Falais afterwards left Brabant and went to Cologne with his family, as
we see by his request addressed to Charles the Fifth : " I went indeed first of all
to reside in your city of Cologne, where I abode so inoffensively and beyond the
reach of blame from any one, that no person could justly complain of me." . . .
Immediately on his arrival at Cologne, he had requested Calvin to send him a mi
nister. The war which then wasted the Netherlands, and rendered communication
difficult, had not allowed the reformer at once to meet his wishes.

1544. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 399
you, that if the time has seemed long to you, it has not been
otherwise than wearisome to us, by reason that we could not
discharge ourselves of duty towards you according to your de
sire. Had the communications been open, we would not have
found any difficulty, but we need not tell you what has been
the time elapsed since the return of good Seigneur David. To
send a countryman of your own to you, while matters were in
such turmoil, we did not think was very suitable. On that ac
count we thought best to send to inquire about a person who
resides at Strasbourg, who was your neighbour, considering also
that he would be a more fit person than another by reason of
his country. But having gone upon a journey, we could not
have a prompt reply from him. In writing to us since, he re
fers us to the return of Bucer, who was still at that time at
Spire.1 In this way the time has glided away to our great regret,
forasmuch as it was not in our power to meet your wish. How,
moreover, it has happened that our expectation hath been
hitherto frustrated as concerning that matter, you can perceive
by the letters, and by an extract from Bucer's letter which I
send you.
The present bearer has been sent instead of the other person,
against our mind. Not that we are offended on that account ;
for we hope verily, Sire David and myself, that there will be
no loss by the exchange. He is sound and stedfast in the doc
trine which is profitable for edifying ; for besides that he is
pure and sound, he is weU exercised in ready reply to objections.
Upon the whole, he is modest, so as not to stir beyond his
depth. Moreover, he is not addicted to vain glory, nor to the
desire of shewing off, which is the besetting sin in many. He
manifests zeal for advancing the reign of our Lord Jesus, such
as ought to be set forth in His ministers. He has altogether a
life which approves his doctrine ; as regards his manner of life,
you will find him tractable. Then, that besides I may let you
know what may be defective in him, it is true that he is not
1 Bucer had gone to the Diet which was held in that town in 1544. The Em
peror, pressed by two enemies at the same time, Solfman and Francis I., made
important concessions on that occasion to the Protestant side.

400 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1544.
deeply versed in the knowledge of human affairs, and is not
furnished with skill in languages ; even in the Latin language
he is not the most eloquent, although, he is so far instructed
as he needs in the circumstances, which is sufficient. His
mother-tongue possibly shall not be very pleasant to you at
first, but I feel assured that this circumstance will not pre
vent you taking pleasure in his preaching, the more so as the
substance will quite make up for that defect. He feared that
he might not be sufficiently polished in manner and beha-,
viour, but we have told him that you would not consider that
to be a mortal crime. He has this good quahty that you can
admonish him privately as to whatever shall occur to you, with
out any dread of his taking offence, and I hope that he will be
compliant and guidable. In short, he will much deceive us or
he will so carry himself, that we shall have no occasion to re
pent ourselves of having sent him, and that we shall have no
complaint from you.
As for his entertainment, we have said nothing about it to
him, being well aware that it is not a matter for which he has
much care ; and besides, even should he provide liimself, he
would not better himself much by doing so. There is no fear
of discontentment on his part ; and on yours, I feel more than
certain, that you will give him no occasion. Only, I pray
you, Sir, to receive him as the servant of God, to serve you
in whatever the Lord has bestowed upon him for the good
of your household, so that his ministry may not be unpro
fitable. Concerning the form and order of procedure in preaching and
in the administration of the sacraments, we have consulted
thereanent, but it will be for yourselves to determine together
upon the spot. He will however declare to you, what has been
thought good and desirable by us, in order that you may take
counsel on that matter together. In regard to this we have
our infallible rule, that everything ought to tend to edification.
Moreover, to discern what is suitable for edification, the Lord it
is who must give us wisdom, to whom you will have recourse.
And now, sir, in reply to your letter, I give thanks to our
Lord, that He has strengthened you in constancy, enabling you

1544. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 401
to overcome all the temptations which might prove a hindiance to
you, and hinder you from coming to the place where you could
be able to worship purely, and has not permitted, that with the
most part of those whom He hath enlightened in the knowledge
of His name, you have preferred the world instead of honouring
Him, lying asleep in the mire, which must entirely have choked
you at last. Besides, if that quality of self-forgetfulness, and of
turning away your thoughts from things around you, and serv
ing those ties which have held you bound, has been a special
grace of our heavenly Father, since He has begun the work of
His mercy towards you, in so far, He will follow it out and
perfect it, putting it into your heart to understand, that it was
not enough for you to be drawn forth out of the defilements in
which you were, but that you should daily have His word to
strengthen you in perseverance, and to urge you always to ad
vance farther forward.
We feel by experience our weakness to be such, that if we
were not urged forward from time to time, our zeal would
forthwith cool down. And that is the reason why there are so
many, who, like the crabs, walk backward, because being de
ceived by that false idea, that it is quite enough merely to have
once understood the truth, they slight and neglect it, despising
the daily exercise which is so needful for us all. So that, being
thus instructed and prepared, as well by their example as by
our own experience, how much need have we of holy exhortation
from the word of our God, as a spur to goad us onward, let us
take good heed that we draw not back.
We see how David, when he was among the Philistines, albeit
he did not contaminate himself with idolatry, laments that he
could not have access to the temple in Jerusalem, that he might
receive instruction as well from the preaching of the law ar/d
the holy ordinances of God, as these are confirmations to help
and serve as props to sustain our weakness. I pray then the Lord
to uphold you always in this resolution, so that you may be fully
conformed to our father Abraham, who not only forsook the
country of his birth to follow God, but on his arrival in the
land of Canaan, forthwith raised an altar, that he might exercise
himself in the service and worship of God.
VOL. i. 2 c

402 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1544.
As for your being afraid that I would think it strange, your
change of purpose,1 I would be too unkind, did I not grant you
the free use of such and so good a means of grace, seeing that
our Lord has offered it you there, beyond your expectation.
Not that I would not have wished to see you, to enjoy the com
fort and delight which I might look for from your presence, or
that I am not sorry to be deprived of such a benefit. But, on
the other hand, I consider, that you would be ungrateful to God
in not availing yourself of the advantage which the Lord pre
sents to you rather than men.
For the rest, I do give you my assurance, that were I at
liberty, and that the Lord had not settled me here, or that he
had given me leave of absence for a season, that I would not
fail to come and visit you, to satisfy both your own wish and
mine. As for seeing you, I have not, even now, lost the hope
of that, not that I perceive any great convenience of opportunity
on my part, but because I trust that our Lord will open up
some way. Howsoever that may be, the chief point is, that we
may be always conjoined together in Him who is the Father of
all unity, as I feel myself assured, and not merely for the two or
three days which we have to live in the world, but eternally in
His kingdom.
To conclude, Monsieur, after having humbly commended me
to your kind favour, I pray the God of goodness to have you
always in His protection, together with your family, increasing
the gifts which He has put upon you, until He has brought you
to the utmost perfection of His children.
Your servant, humble brother, and ever assured friend,
Charles d'Espeville.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 1 94.]
1 M. de Falais had intended at first to retire to Geneva. He had afterwards de
cided to fix his residence at Strasbourg, where he indeed established himself the
following year.

1544. MADAME DE FALAIS. 403

CXX. — To Madame de Falais.
Christian congratulations — hope of a speedy meeting. 24th June [1544.]
Madame and well-beloved Sister, — Although I have had a
singular desire to see you, and that I am sorry to be disappointed
in the expectation of seeing you, wliich I had entertained, not
withstanding I am thankful to our Lord for the opening which
He has made for you, that without going to a greater distance
He has allowed you to worship with a pure conscience, and free
from the idolatrous pollutions in which you had been led cap
tive. It is another blessing that you can set up the form of a
Church, to worship in the Christian assembly, to be comforted
by His Word, and to receive the Holy Supper in pledge of His
goodness, making thereby the protestation of your faith. The
less expectation you had of being admitted to the enjoyment of
such a privilege, the more you have occasion to rejoice when it
is presented to you.
I hope that the individual whom we have sent you, the
Seigneur David and myself, shall be according to your mind,
for, as well in doctrine as in morals, he has a true Christian
simplicity. Notwithstanding, however, my desire some time
to enjoy your presence will still continue to linger about
me, and I shall not lose hope. But this, at least, is well, that
although absent the one from the other, we shall not leave off
to converse in spirit, being united in Him who brings together
tilings that are far asunder. Inasmuch as the messenger will,
to some extent, supply the place of a letter, I will not trouble
you with any further details ; and therefore, Madame, and
dearly beloved sister, after my humble commendation to your
kind remembrance in prayer, I beseech the Father of mercies
to open His hand more and more, and to impart His grace to
you, continuing to uphold you as a chosen instrument of His
glory, even unto the end.

404 FAREL. 1544.
I do not know what company you have at present with you,
but if those whom the Seigneur David left there, with him
whom they expected, should be there, I desire to be kindly
remembered, as affectionately as possible. Not that I would
wish to give you that trouble, but themselves can well receive
and take in good part the recommendations which I wish to be
presented to them. Again, I pray our Lord to guide you
always, as He has done hitherto.
Your servant and humble brother ever,
Charles d'Espeville.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

CXXL— To Farel.1
Renewal of the controversy regarding the Sacraments between the German
and Swiss Churches. [10th October 1544.]
What you have been advising of late, I mean, for me to go
to Zurich to admonish the brethren, I do not see what good
that would do. In the first place, I am not aware wherein they
have sinned, seeing that I have never read any either of their
letters or books which have so much enkindled the rage of
Luther. Already I fear the sort of answer they may return.
They will not fail to dwell upon the marvellous patience where-
1 The sacramentary truce which was brought about in 1538, with so much labour,
between Lutheranism and the Reformed, was afterwards broken, notwithstanding
the efforts of Bucer, of Melanchthon, and of Calvin. Full of ill-humour against the
memory of Zuingli, Luther allowed no opportunity of invective to pass, in bis writ
ings, against the doctrines of the Swiss Reformer and the Church of Zurich, which
he likened to the heresies of Munzer and the Anabaptists. Desirous of maintain
ing peace among the Churches, the ministers of Zurich at first abstained from all
reply, in the hope of soothing him by their silence, and avoiding direct collision
with the vehement spirit of Luther. But Luther having on many occasions re
newed bis attacks, they considered it their duty to answer him in an indirect way
by publishing the works of Zuingli, with an apology for his doctrine prefixed. —
See Hospinian, Histories Saeramentarim, Geneve, 1681, tom. ii. pp. 318, 322.
Ann. 1544.

1544. BULLINGER. 405
with they have hitherto endeavoured to smooth him down. For
even Bullinger himself, when he was complaining to me some
months ago, in a letter, about Luther's unkindness, highly com
mended his own forbearance and that of his friends. Besides,
if even I should come thither thoroughly well informed as to all
the particulars of the case, and that I should be able to keep them
within bounds, so as not to give rise to any future controversy,
I should still come but little speed in this business. For at
present the danger arises not so much from them as from
Luther. He must be pacified. Will this be screwed out of
the Zurichers, that they be brought meekly to entreat Luther ?
It ought to have been looked to long ago that they should
not stir that filthy puddle. But who among ourselves had
foresight enough for that? Let us, therefore, make known
our request unto the Lord, who only can apply the healing
remedy to this disease. It will certainly occasion a serious and
ruinous conflagration, but let us await the issue.
You will read what I have written to Scriffius ; and you will
write to Toussain, unless you judge it advisable rather to send
my letter. Adieu, my brother ; may the Lord preserve you.
Salute all friends. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CXXIL— To Bullinger.
New appeal to the Seigneurs of Zurich, in favour of the Waldenses of Pro
vence — Luther's invectives against the Swiss Reformer — remarkable
judgment in regard to his character — his injustice pardoned in considera
tion of the eminent services rendered by him to the cause of Christ.
Geneva, 25th November 1544.
You will receive from this brother who has dehvered to you
my letter, a crown-piece and two silver testons ; for this, if I
remember correctly, was the amount that remained. Excuse

406 BULLINGER. 1544
me, I pray you, for not having sent it sooner. As for the
reason why this brother has been sent to you, by those of
Neuchatel, he will himself tell you. There is, in my opinion,
no difficulty, or very httle, indeed, if any, in the case. But
the perverseness and importunity of one individual, compels
them to be troublesome both to you and to ourselves. They
have in their meeting a man belonging to that class of doctors,
from which, hitherto, not a single good man has ever yet
come forth, one who has never ceased from time to time to
pester them with some troublesome affair or another. There
are two causes which urge him on in this course. For he seems
born to contradict, and because he is not so very highly
esteemed by others as he rates himself, it is after this fashion
that he takes his revenge. Had he been in our Church, he
would easily have been restrained. For we had a means of
breaking him in quite ready at hand. But where he is, he
has the Prince's deputy by whom he is countenanced. For it
is thus, that men of this sort of pretension secure and fortify
themselves with defences, so as to work mischief with impunity.
That you would, all of you, do of your own accord what I am
now about to ask, I am well aware. Nevertheless, I would
entreat of you, that in so sacred a cause you may reach forth a
helping hand to the brethren ; that is, that you would support
them by your authority, and train them by a right method
that they may bridle up that Ishmael. This much have I
written, not because it might be supposed to be needful, but
rather to please our brother.
There is another affair, besides, in which I wish very speci
ally to implore your aid. There are brethren in Provence, for
whom you are aware, that we have always taken much pains.1
Nor were they any way undeserving that we should do so ; for
they are a people so harmless, and withal so piously disposed,
that their peace and safety ought to be the peculiar care of all
1 See pp. 163, 204, 246, 249, 259, 284. Suspended by Letters-patent of the
King, and by the humanity of the President Chassanee, the execution of the
sentence of the Parliament of Aix was furiously demanded by the new President
of that Court, Jean Menier, Baron d'Oppede, supported at Court by the Cardinal
de Tournon.

1544. BULLINGER. 407
good men. It is now three years bypast, since they were so far
advanced as to have presented to the Parliament of Aix a confes
sion of faith, pure and simple as we could have set it forth our
selves. And besides, that you may not suppose that such a step
was taken from some sudden impulse, which might immediately
have evaporated, whenever they have been called to account
concerning it they have constantly stood firm to their profes
sion. In the meantime, however, they were cruelly harassed.
After they had been exposed for some time to the savage
tyranny of their enemies, they obtained at length of the King
that he would appoint a commission, who might hear evidence
and report truly upon the whole case. The King commissioned
two persons, whose duty was to make inquiry ; he wished to
take the entire cognizance of the cause to himself, and so to pro
nounce an award. The tenor of the commission was, that the
persons who were to be sent were to inquire particularly, and
take special knowledge concerning their doctrine and morals,
both in public and private. This the brethren have no dread
or anxiety about. For they have so conducted themselves to
ward all around them as to have an unexceptionable testimony
to their sterhng worth, even from their adversaries.1 As for
their doctrine, they are about to present their confession of faith,
clear and sincere, to the King as he has required, which docu
ment comprises, and that distinctly, far more points than can
be alleged against them. At this present time, both the bishops,
the royal officers, and even the parhament itself, are striving
with all their might to set aside the royal commission ;
if it be quashed, they will then be exposed to the fury of
hons and wolves, that they may spend their rage upon them.
1 William du Bellay, in his quality of lieutenant of the King at Turin,
charged with the duty of making a report to Francis I., renders a very striking
homage to the piety and purity of the Vaudois. — De Thou, Hist, lib. vi. They
obtained the same testimony from the pious Bishop Sadolet, who took them under
his protection, and pleaded in vain their cause at the Court of Rome. — De Thou,
ibidem.-wHist. des Martyrs, lib. iii. p. 140. A doctor of the Sorbonne, having
put some questions to some of the children in one of their villages, upon the
Catechism, was so struck by their answers, that he acknowledged, says Beza,
" never to have derived so much benefit in all the disputations he had been en
gaged in, as he had learned from these little children.'.' — Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 42.

408 BULLINGER. 1544.
Indeed, their adversaries are mainly desirous that they may
have full hcense to discharge all their fury upon these wretched
people. If the commission be received and acted upon, even
in that event they will not have escaped the danger. For in
three small towns,1 and in very many of the villages, they
profess the pure doctrine of the Evangel. In one little town
they have thoroughly cleansed the parish church from all its
defilements, and there they celebrate the Supper and Baptism in
the same manner as we do. The more immediately the danger is
impending over them on either side, they are all the more on that
account to be succoured by us ; in this their wonderful sted-
fastness, especially, to which should we be found wanting, we
would be chargeable with the basest cowardice. You must
also take into account that it is not their cause alone which is
here concerned ; but either a way will be opened by their de
struction to the cruel persecution of the godly throughout the
whole kingdom, or, according to this method, he will assault
and break up the Evangel. What can we do, therefore, but
strain every nerve that these godly brethren may not, through
our short-coming in duty, become the victims of such cruelty,
and that the door may not for a long time be shut against Christ ?
I have desired beforehand to warn you of the likelihood of this
coming to pass, that if sooner or later they fly to you, you may
have inclined the hearts of all your friends to render them all
the help they can. One or other of these two things will have
to be done, either the King must be sought unto, that he may
allow them to enjoy the benefit which has been already granted,
or his anger must be appeased, if it shall have begun to wax
hot against them.
I hear that Luther has at length broken forth in fierce
invective, not so much against you as against the whole of
us.2 On the present occasion, I dare scarce venture to ask
1 Cabrieres, Merindol, et Lourmarin, in the present department of Vaucluse.
2 In a recent publication, entitled, " Short Confession concerning the Supper,"
(Kurzes Bekenntniss vom Abendmahl,) Luther, renewing his invectives against the
adversaries of the Sacrament, had insulted the memory of Zuingli, and had not even
respected that of the learned and pious GScolampadius. — Hospinian, Hist. Sacrament.
tom. ii. pp. 326-331. Grievously annoyed by these violences, Melanchthon would
have fled into retirement to get rid of the sad spectacle of the disorders which rent

1£>44. BULLINGER. 409
you to keep silence, because it is neither just that innocent per
sons should thus be harassed, nor that they should be denied the
opportunity of clearing themselves ; neither, on the other hand,
is it easy to determine whether it would be prudent for them to
do so. But of this I do earnestly desire to put you in mind, in
the first place, that you would consider how eminent a man
Luther is, and the excellent endowments wherewith he is gifted,
with what strength of mind and resolute constancy, with how
great skill, with what efficiency and power of doctrinal state
ment, he hath hitherto devoted his whole energy to overthrow
the reign of Antichrist, and at the same time to diffuse far
and near the doctrine of salvation. Often have I been wont
to declare, that even although he were to call me a devil,
I should still not the less hold him in such honour that I
must acknowledge him to be an illustrious servant of God.
But while he is endued with rare and excellent virtues, he
labours at the same time under serious faults. Would that
he had rather studied to curb this restless, uneasy temperament
which is so apt to boil over in every direction. I wish, moreover,
that he had always bestowed the fruits of that vehemence of
natural temperament upon the enemies of the truth, and that he
had not flashed his lightning sometimes also upon the servants of
the Lord. Would that he had been more observant and care
ful in the acknowledgment of his own vices. Flatterers have
done him much mischief, since he is naturally too prone to be
over-indulgent to himself. It is our part, however, so to re
prove whatsoever evil qualities may beset him as that we may
make some allowance for him at the same time on the score of
these remarkable endowments with which he has been gifted.
This, therefore, I would beseech you to consider first of all,
along with your colleagues, that you have to do with a most
distinguished servant of Christ, to whom we are all of us largely
in pieces the Reformed Churches. He wrote to Bucer, the 28th August 1544, " I
have written to you about our Pericles, who has again begun to thunder most vehe
mently onthe subject of the Lord's-supper, and has written a fierce attack, in which
you and I are beaten black and blue. I "am a quiet peaceable bird, nor would be
unwilling if I may depart out of this prison-house, if our disturber shall constrain
me."— Ph. Melanchthonis Opera, edit, of Breitschneider, tom. v. p. 464.

410 MELANCHTHON. 1545.
indebted. That, besides, you will do yourselves no good by
quarrelling, except that you may afford some sport to the wicked,
so that they may triumph not so much over us as over the
Evangel. If they see us rending each other asunder, they then
give full credit to what we say, but when with one consent and
with one voice we preach Christ, they avail themselves unwar
rantably of our inherent weakness to cast reproach upon our
faith. I wish, therefore, that you would consider and reflect on
these things rather than on what Luther has deserved by his
violence ; lest that may happen to you which Paul threatens,
that by biting and devouring one another, ye be consumed
-one of another, n Even should he have provoked us, we ought
rather to decline the contest than to increase the wound by the
general shipwreck of the Church. Adieu, my much honoured
brother in the Lord, and my very dear friend. Salute reverently
in my name all the brethren in the ministry. May the Lord
preserve you, and more and more increase His own gifts in you.
My colleagues very kindly salute you.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. — Opera, tom. ix. pp. 239, 240.]

CXXIII.— To Melanchthon.1
Explanations relative to the publication of the book ¦' Against the Nicodemites"—
appeal to the authority of Melanchthon and Luther — troubles arising from
ecclesiastical discords — announcement of the Council of Trent — policy of
Charles V. and of Francis I. — convocation of a Synod at Melun.
21st January 1545.
In few words I will explain the reason why this young and
pious nobleman2 has, at my request, undertaken this journey
1 See the two preceding letters. Roused by the Lutheran intolerance, kept up
by a hot controversy, the quarrel about the sacraments disturbed the reformed
Churches, and furnished weapons to their adversaries. While Calvin deplored these
excesses, addressing himself by turns to Bullinger, to Melanchthon, to Luther him
self, he made vain efforts to bring about an accommodation between the parties.
2 Claude de Senarclens, of a noble Savoyard family, which had settled in the
Pays de Vaud, after having embraced the Reformation.

1545. MELANCHTHON. 411
to you. I had published a httle treatise in the French lan
guage, wherein the dissimulation of those persons was reproved,
who, notwithstanding they have been privileged in having the
light of the Evangel, yet nevertheless do not abstain from any of
the Popish rites wliich they know to be accursed and full of
sacrilege.1 You would perhaps rather prefer that I remitted
somewhat of that too precise severity. But you will, recognise
the justice of my treatment of the point when you shall have
well weighed and considered the question. When I heard that
many persons complained about my strictness, and especially
persons of that class, who consider it a proof of superior wisdom
to care for their personal safety, I wrote an Apology,2 which
has made their ears tingle even more severely than did the
former book. Many other persons, with whom religion serves
instead of philosophy, look down with serene contempt upon
the whole of this. Such others, however, who are earnest God
fearing persons, are at least so far advanced, that they begin to
feel dissatisfied with themselves. But since the question seems
to them to be perplexed, they remain somewhat in doubt as to
this point, until they shall be confirmed by your authority
and that of Dr. Luther. And indeed I am rather afraid that
they consult you on this account, because they expect that you
will be more indulgent to them than I.3 Whatsoever may be
their motive for doing so, because I feel thoroughly persuaded
that you will give them faithful and wholesome counsel accord
ing to your sincerity, and in conformity with your singular
prudence, I willingly undertook to do what they asked me,
which was, that I would take the trouble to send a fit person to
you. Because, moreover, I concluded, that it would be of great
importance that you should know accurately what my views are,
but also, that the reasons which have induced me to come to
1 This is the Traite de fuir les Superstitions. Geneva, 1544. Inserted in the
Recueil des Opuscules, p. 758.
2 Excuse aux Faux. Nieodemites. Geneve, 1544. Recueil des Opuscules,
p. 789.
3 The German theologians were indeed less strict. However, says Beze, they
admitted, with Calvin, that it is impossible to serve two masters, and therein con
demned those who were called Nieodemites. — Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 49.

412 melanchthon. 1545!
these conclusions might not be unknown to you, I have taken
care to have the treatises turned into Latin.1 And although
it may have been somewhat forward in me to set about this,
yet, notwithstanding, I would request you as a friend, that you
do not refuse to submit to the trouble of perusing them. So
highly do I esteem your judgment, as indeed is proper, that to
me it would be very disagreeable to set about anything which
you would not be likely to approve. I know, indeed, that with
your benign courtesy, you allow of many things in the prac
tice of others which you do not permit to yourself, but we
must look well to it, that what we do is lawful, and that we
do not set loose where the Lord has bound. Neither, truly,
do I ask you to agree with me in all things, which would
certainly be impertinent ; or that on my account you should
turn aside from the free and simple statement of your own
opinion, but merely that you would not refuse the trouble of
a perusal. Certainly I do desire that we were so entirely
agreed, that not even in the most trifling expression there
may .seem to be any disagreement. But to you it rather be
longs to lead the way, than to have respect to what maybe
pleasing to me. You see how unceremoniously I treat you ;
nor indeed am I under any apprehension that I may exceed
the bounds of due respect ; for by the experience I have had of
your special kindness and good-will toward me, I know how
far I may go.
With regard to Dr. Martin there will be somewhat more
of difficulty.2 For so far as I could understand by report,
and by letters from different persons, the scarcely pacified
temper of the man might, on very slight occasion, break out
into a sore.3 On that account, therefore, the messenger will
1 This is the title : — De vitandis superstitionibus quse cum sincera fidei con-
fessione pugnant, una cum J. Calvini excusatione ad Pseudo-Nicodemos, cum
duabus epistolis ad ministros Ecclesise Tigurinse. Geneva, 1545. The second
edition of this work appeared in 1549, enhanced by the approbations of Melanch
thon, of Bucer, and of Peter Martyr. — Calv. Opera Omnia', tom. viii.
2 See note 2, p. 408.
9 In a letter written at this period, Bucer made a humble remonstrance to
Luther, representing to him, that if the theologians of Zurich had somehow in
curred his indignation, he ought, however, to have had some consideration for the

1545. MELANCHTHON. 413
shew you the letter which I have written to him, that on exa
mination of the contents, you may proceed as you think
advisable, that nothing may be attempted therein either rashly
or unadvisedly, which may hereafter produce unpleasant con
sequences. I am aware that you wiU do all that you can
worthily accomplish to the utmost of your power, in every
thing seemly and befitting. But what may have been the
contentions which have exercised you there, and what may
have been the result of them, I have never been able to
learn with certainty, except that I hear an atrocious libel
hath gone forth, which would prove like a hghted torch to
kindle a new conflagration, unless, on the other hand, the
Lord restrain within bounds the resentment of certain par
ties, who would otherwise be more fierce and fuffy than they
ought to be, as you well know. But what else can we
expect, when they are provoked to such a degree ? When I
reflect how much, at so unseasonable a time, these intestine
quarrels divide and tear us asunder, I almost entirely lose
courage. A merchant of Nuremberg, who was travelling
this way, shewed me lately a certain apology of Osiander,1
of which, on his own account, I felt greatly ashamed. For
what good purpose could it serve to assault the Zuinglians
every third line, and^to attack Zuingli himself in such an
unmannerly style ? and not even to spare QEcolampadius,
that holy servant of God, whom I wisli that he resembled,
even in being half as good, in which case he would cer
tainly stand far higher in my esteem than he does. I do
not demand that he should allow his name to be defamed
with impunity in silence; but I would like that he might
abstain from contemptuous reproaches of those men whose
imperial towns of Upper Germany, and the cantons of Berne and Basle, who
had given him no ground of complaint, and who had always remained faithful
to the thought of a Christian alliance. — Hospinian, Hist. Sacramentar. tom. ii. p.
331. 1 Andrew Osiander, professor of theology at the University of Kbnigsberg, was of
a presumptuous and violent spirit ; he put forth rash doctrines on the nature of
Christ, on justification, and exaggerated, in the Roman Catholic sense, the Lutheran
dogma of the Supper. He died in 1552.- Melchior Adam, Vitm Theolog. Germ.,
pp. 226 240.

414 MELANCHTHON. 1545.
memory ought to be held in honourable esteem by all the godly.
Therefore, for the same reason for which I blame the impudence
of that fellow by whose verses he complains that he has been
slandered, — therefore, also, I desire to see in himself some
moderation and prudence, or rather a more sound and correct
judgment. 0 God of grace, what • pleasant sport and pastime
do we afford to the Papists, as if we had hired ourselves to
do their work ! But I make myself disagreeable by recount
ing these evils to you, and increase your sorrow when you
are not able to get them healed. Let us, notwithstanding,
mourn together, since it well becomes us to take earnestly to
heart the misfortunes of the Church. In the meantime, let us
cheer up our spirits with this hope, that to whatsoever extent
we may be oppressed, and harassed, we cannot be utterly over
whelmed among the great sea billows.
Everywhere throughout France the minds of men are raised
to great expectation from the talk of a Council,1 nor is there
any doubt that the King himself entertained at first some
hope, and some intention of assembling a Council. For the
Cardinal de Tournon,2 on his return from the Emperor, had
persuaded the King that the Emperor had so intended. Mean
while he recommended, in the name of the Emperor, that the
King should call to him two or three theologians of your number,
and that separately, so as thereby to draw somewhat out of each
of them by his cajoleries, or that he might somehow or other
squeeze out of each what he could never be able to obtain from
the whole of them in a body. The Emperor promised that he,
on his side, would do the same. The aim of all this was, that
fettered, as it were, by these flattering preliminaries, you should
have less power whenever you should get the length of a serious
discussion of the question. For because they cannot succeed in
discouraging or defeating us by a direct, straightforward, and
1 Transferred successively from Vicenza to Mantua, and from Mantua to Trent,
the Council opened in that latter town the 13th December 1545.
2 Francis de Tournon, Archbishop of Lyons, and a Cardinal, one of the fiercest
persecutors of the Reformed under the reigns of Francis I., of Henry II., and of
Francis II. He introduced the order of the Jesuits into France, set himself steadily
in opposition to the establishment of religious liberty, and died in 1562.

1545. MELANCHTHON. 415
simple dealmg with the case, they see no more summary method
of going about it, than to have the princes at their mercy, and
that they may hold their hberty captive and dependent upon
them. As this advice was well liked by the King, Chatelain1
declared that it would not do to send French theologians to at
tend the disputation, unless they were well disciplined and trained
beforehand ; that you were men thoroughly acquainted with the
subject and used to this warfare, nor could you be made, so easily
as they supposed, to waste your strength to no purpose ; that by
betraying the ignorance of his theologians, the King ought to be
upon his guard lest he should expose the whole kingdom to de
rision. The vain-glory of the King gave the preference to this
opinion. Twelve French theologues have been commissioned
to dispute at Melun on the controverted points, and to report at
length to the King what they shah have concluded upon. They
have bound themselves by oath to secrecy. But all their
silence notwithstanding, I am thoroughly well assured, that
every thought will be directed to the oppression of the truth.2
Though they may pretend to seek some sort of reformation,
nothing is more certain than that they have only this one
object in view, how to bury the hght of sound doctrine, that
they may establish their own tyranny. It is my belief,
that God defeated the counsel of the Cardinal de Tournon,
that they might not ensnare a single man of us, even when
we had not the shghtest suspicion of such a thing. You
can remember having yourself been tempted by the same
artful policy on the part of Langey. If, however, we look
to the Lord, they shall in vain assault us with all their con
trivances. 1 Chatelain, Bishop of Macon, Reader to the King, Francis I., who partook of
his taste and disposition. Favourable to the Reformation, which, however, he
dared not to profess openly, this prelate, at a later period, betrayed the hopes of the
Reformed by taking up his position among the persecutors of the Gospel. — See
Beza, Hist. Eccl. tom. i. pp. 79, 80.
8 These theologians actually did assemble at Melun : " but there was7' says Beza,
" such division among them, that they only exchanged words and abuse, and
were on the point of coming sometimes even to blows ; the more ignorant who had
been mixed up with the others not being willing to suffer those who were more
learned to touch upon the abuses, however gently." — Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 48.

416 LUTHER. 1545.
Adieu, most excellent sir, and my ever to be respected friend ;
may the Lord be ever present to you and long preserve you
safe and sound for the good of His own Church. — Yours,
. John Calvin.
[Lat. Copy — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

^ CXXIV. To Luther.1
Calvin submits to Luther several of his writings, of which he desires to
obtain his approbation. January 21, 1545.
To the very excellent pastor of the Christian Church, Dr. M.
Luther, my much respected father,
When I saw that my French fellow-countrymen, as many
of them had been brought out from the darkness of the Papacy
to soundness of the faith, had altered nothing as to their pub
hc profession, and that they continued to defile themselves
with the sacrilegious worship of the Papists, as if they had
never tasted the savour of true doctrine, I was altogether un
able to restrain myself from reproving so great sloth and negli
gence, in the way that I thought it deserved. How, indeed,
can this faith, which hes buried in the heart within, do other
wise than break forth in the confession of the faith ? What

1 A peculiar interest attaches to this letter, the only one wliich the French
Reformer had written to the German Reformer. Inspired by the deep conviction
of the unity of the reformed churches, written with as much moderation as respect,
the message of conciliation was not even listened to. Soured by the quarrel about
the sacraments, in which he took too great a share during the latter years of his
life, Luther evinced daily more and more irritation against the theologians of
Switzerland, and Melanchthon did not even venture to present the letter of Calvin,
to whom he wrote in sadness : " I have not shewn your letter to Dr. Martin, for
he takes up many things suspiciously, and does not like his replies to questions of
the kind you have proposed to him, to be carried round and handed from one to
another. . . At present I am looking forward to exile and other sorrows.
Farewell. On the day upon which, 3846 years ago, Noah entered into the ark, by
which God gave testimony of His purpose never to forsake His Church even when
she quivers under the shock of the great sea billows." — Melanchthon to Calvin,
MSS. of Geneva, vol. 106.

1545. LUTHER. 417
kind of religion can that be, which hes submerged under
seeming idolatry ? I do not undertake, however, to handle
the argument here, because I have done so at large already
in two httle tractates, wherein, if it shall not be troublesome
to you to glance over them, you will more clearly perceive
both what I think, and the reasons which have compelled me
to form that opinion. By the reading of them, indeed, some
of our people, while hitherto they were fast asleep in a false
security, having been awakened, have begun to consider what
they ought to do. But because it is difficult either cast
ing aside all consideration of self to expose their lives to
danger, or having roused the displeasure of mankind to en
counter the hatred of the world, or having abandoned their
prospects at home in their native land, to enter upon a life of
voluntary exile, they are withheld or kept back by these difficul
ties from coming to a settled determination. They put forth
other reasons, however, and those somewhat specious, whereby
one may perceive that they only seek to find some sort of pre
text or other. In these circumstances, because they hang
somehow in suspense, they are desirous to hear your opinion,
which as they do deservedly hold in reverence, so it shall serve
greatly to confirm them. They have therefore requested me,
that I would undertake to send a trusty messenger to you, who
might report your answer to us upon this question. And
because I thought it was of very great consequence for them
to have the benefit of your authority, that they might not
fluctuate thus continually, and I myself stood besides in need
of it, I was unwilling to refuse what they required. Now,
therefore, much respected father in the Lord, I beseech you by
Christ, that you will not grudge to take the trouble for their
sake and mine, first, that you would peruse the epistle written
in their name, and my httle books, cursorily and at leisure
hours, or that you would request some one to take the trouble
of reading, and report the substance of them to you. Lastly,
that you would write back your opinion in a few words. In
deed, I am unwilling to give you this trouble in the midst of
so many weighty and various employments ; but such is your
sense of justice, that you cannot suppose me to have done this
VOL. I. 2D

418 AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 1545.
unless compelled by the necessity of the case ; I therefore trust
that you will pardon me. Would that I could fly to you, that I
might even for a few hours enjoy the happiness of your society ;
for I would prefer, and it would be far better, not only upon this
question, but also about others, to converse personally with
yourself ; but seeing that it is not granted to us on earth, I hope
that shortly it will come to pass in the kingdom of God. Adieu,
most renowned sir, most distinguished minister of Christ, and my
ever-honoured father. The Lord himself rule and direct you by
His own Spirit, that you may persevere even unto the end, for
the common benefit and good of His own Church. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat, orig. autogr.— Library of Geneva. Vol. 196.]

CXXV.' — TO AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE.1
Difficulties in the way of a reunion, and doubts of the efficacy of a General
Council under present circumstances — deplorable state of the Church —
motives which prevented him from going to confer in person with the
German Reformers — his proposals to them. January 1545.
And so, just as if the day for holding the Council had been
appointed for the next month, you make already arrangements
for your departure.2 This, however, is of itself a proof how
rashly and at haphazard everything is done among you, and
1 A Letter without address and without date, probably written to one of the friends
of the Reformer in France, — perhaps Louis du Chemiu, or Francis Daniel, — who,
while sincerely adhering to the doctrine of the Reformed, kept up in appearance their
connexion with the Roman Catholic Church. It is to this enlightened but timid
class of men that two writings, submitted by Calvin to the approbation of Luther,
were specially addressed. See two preceding Letters. " These writings," says
Beza, " were the cause of a great blessing, several persons having resolved to devote
themselves to God's service, who had formerly been asleep in their uncleanness." —
Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 49. But we know not who is the individual to whom Calvin
addresses warnings against the seductions of the Court of Rome, and in the absence
of certain knowledge, we are only left to conjecture.
2 See note 1, p. 414.

1545. AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 419
nothing set about prudently or after deliberation, that when the
most able persons in the whole kingdom should be selected, the
matter has been entrusted to such incapables ; except, per
chance, that while on other occasions they are the most slug
gish of all, they are not the less on all occasions but too well
prepared for mischief. Besides, I have an opinion that the
expectation of a council, which is said to be at its height
among you, will prove to have been unfounded. The Diet of
the Empire will meet in February. No serious deliberation,
however, will begin before March. I know by experience the
German method of doing business. Of this I can as cer
tainly assure you, as if I had been actually present. Our
friends will insist from the first that, excluding Antichrist,
they may at length establish somewhat of order among them
selves. On the other hand, those who are enchained in willing
bondage to their Eomish idol, will deny that this is lawful or
allowable for them to do. The Emperor, that he may in part
give some sort of satisfaction to our side, will promise fair,
that he is ready to do everything, and may, perhaps, make
a show of doing somewhat ; but as soon as possible after
having made a beginning, upon some pretence or other, which
is never wanting to men of that sort, he will break away alto
gether. This will certainly be the final deliverance, that it is
not lawful to determine anything in the matter of religion ex
cept by authority of the Pope. As for the calling of a Synod,
when that shall have begun to be mooted, by and by our side
will begin to remonstrate, that it is disgraceful that the settle
ment of religion should be entrusted to the professed enemies
of God. They will cite Antichrist as a criminal and defendant :
certainly, they will never permit him to be the judge. But
by what means do you think they can be induced to come to
Trent ? If even there were to be no let or hindrance on our
side, since there is nothing that would be more agreeable to
the Emperor, than, having turned the attention of every one
to the Turkish war, to leave the state of the Church for a while
in suspense, — will he not then, in this matter which accords so
perfectly with his own views, be only too well inclined to make
concessions which will gratify the Pope ? Even were we to

420 AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 1545.
suppose, for instance, that a council has been summoned, that
already every thing is in readiness and aU prepared, do we
reckon that the idol x will be any way at a loss for some artifice
or other, whereby he may interrupt and throw all into disorder ?
What will then become of religion, torn and rent asunder and
laid waste ; what will become of the wretched Church rushing
forward apparently to destruction; what will become of the
Christian name ; what will become of the glory of God ? As
suredly, we must ask of Him, that himself alone would take
the entire charge of all things, and uphold the Church. Our
friends are drowsy, nor is there any hope of their more vigorous
and cordial action, unless the Lord awaken them from some
quarter or another. Howbeit, the ungodly give them occasion
enough of beginning to think of taldng some heed to them
selves. The canons of Cologne, with the whole rabble of the
clergy, have done their utmost to get their Archbishop de
graded2 from his station. They have called meetings of
the States, that they might have their allowance to substi
tute another in his place. This has been refused. They
made the same application to the Emperor ; his answer was
that he would not be found wanting on occasion, provided they
themselves did their duty. He was unwilling to grant their re
quest openly. However, one may easily prognosticate from these
roundabout proceedings, that he would not be at all unwilling
that they should make some disturbance about it, and should they
proceed to any greater length, war is certain, in which the whole
of Germany throughout, will be much weakened and shaken to
the foundations ; for this also, the Lord will provide and see to.
This to my mind is the only consolation, that death can never
1 It is the same thought confirmed by the events which the Reformer expressed
six years later, in the preface of the Commentary on the Canonical Epistles, dedi
cated to the King of England. — " But although the venerable fathers had begun to
dazzle the eyes of the simple with some Will-o'-the-Wisp stories about the sitting
of a Council, all this shining deceptious appearance having been dissipated by a
secret whisper suddenly mooted by the See of Rome, vanished in smoke, except,
that in order to keep up the excitement, a little cloud hovered for a season over
Bologna." — Dedication to King Edward VI, 26th January. 1551, edit, de Geneve,
1562. 2 See Sleidan, lib. xvi., pp. 455, 456.

1545. AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 421
be a misfortune to a Christian man. In the meanwhile, I
will lament as I ought for the calamities of the Church,
and make myself wretched when I think of the condition
of the godly ; only, however, in so far as not to be in despair.
Were we only well agreed among ourselves, I would be much
less anxious ; but in the midst of those hostile preparations on
the other side, that certain persons should find leisure enough for
senseless quarrelling with one another, looks rather portentous.
Upon the other hand, too, some one or other, in an elegy,
has attacked Osiander,1 a person who is himself rather want
ing in good sense. In desiring to clear himself, he has so
besprinkled his book with rancour, that for myself I was
mightily ashamed of him; but nothing has given me more
vexation, than that he insults the Zuinglians in every third hne.
It is even after such a sort as this that we seem to have hired
ourselves, both hand and tongue, to the ungodly, that we may
afford them sport and pastime by tearing one another to pieces.
Who is there that would not lose heart entirely where so many
stumblingblocks are thrown in the way ? I do most readily
acknowledge, that there is no one so iron-hearted who would
not be utterly cast down, unless he look continually unto the
Lord. And, therefore, I so read the meaning of all this, that
it appears to be the Lord's will, by every possible means, to try
us whether our dependence is placed on men ; and, for my own
part, it is so far from overwhelming me, that, on the contrary,
no slender confirmation thence arises of my faith. For while
I see the Church marvellously steered by the Lord in the
midst of those mighty waves, so that it cannot be overwhelmed ;
while these very tempests are at their height, until everything
would seem as if about to mingle in wild disorder, yet I see
that the noise of the waves is stilled, and in a moment they are
calm ; wherefore, then, may I not thence conceive good hope of
the future ? Let us therefore haste forward in the race of our
calling, leaning upon this confidence, that the Chm-ch, which has
God for the perpetual Guardian of her safety, will at length
surmount these perils ; but because every one has not the same
strength of mind, the more familiarly I repose these matters in
1 See the note 1, p. 413.

422 AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 1545.
your confidence, all the more on that account you will be care
ful as to the few to whom you may communicate them.
With regard to what you asked in your last letter, I felt some
sort of hesitation whether I ought to undertake the matter;
for the journey is long, rugged, and toilsome. The post on
horseback does not reach Wittemberg in less than twenty days.
To send any one, as it might happen, without choosing a fit
person, would be dangerous. On light-headed fellows and
vagabonds one can place no dependence, and few others are to
be found. To a person .unacquainted with the language the
road will prove very toilsome, and there is scarcity every
where on account of the late dearth. I myself am altogether
unfurnished as to money ; besides, although the season is not
inconvenient, I am unable to sustain the burdens which already
press upon me without being entirely exhausted. For in this
time of the dearth, with which for the last two years we have
had to struggle, I found the incurring of debt was unavoidable ;
however, I do not speak of this for the sake of complaining.
God hath dealt very kindly with me, so much so, that I am
quite content with what I have. But I mention it that you
may understand that it is not easy for me to find persons here
from whom I can take up money upon loan : they are indeed
all of them merchants, and themselves almost starving. Add
to this what I have already said, that the time is unseasonable
for consulting Luther, because his anger has scarce settled down
from the heat of contention. Since, however, you insist so ear
nestly, and press me with so many protestations that I would do
so, my first and chief desire was to comply with your wishes. I
have accordingly requested and obtained of an honourable, and
a not unlearned young man,1 that he would take this trouble on
my account. My two treatises I have translated word for word
into Latin, which have been sent along with my letters, that so
they might.be able to form an opinion. Nor have I asked any
other favour, except that they would express freely and without
reserve whatever they may think upon the question : only add
ing, that it would be noway agreeable to me, should they feel
any delicacy in so far as concerned myself. The messenger will
1 See the note 2, p. 410.

1545. viret. 423
scarcely have returned before two months ; for he must be
forty days upon the road : I assign four days for rest, the re
mainder of the time for consultation. — Adieu.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 235.]

CXXVL— To Viret.
Intelligence of France and Germany — Synod of Melun.
Geneva, February 2, 1545.
I have sent the pamphlet of Chaponneau,1 together with
the answer, lately to Neuchatel, to Farel and the rest of the
brethren. You can ask to have it from them if you wish to
read it. I have sent besides to Farel the letter of Bohert,2 in
which he mentioned what was the advice which Cardinal
Tournon had brought along with him from the Emperor's
court, to wit, that he might call forth four or five from our
side, one after the other, and so deal with them separately,
that they might either be wheedled by fair speeches, or might
be moved by threats, liberally to abate somewhat in their de
mands, so as that might be turned to our prejudice. You are
aware that this was in time past the artful policy of Langey.3
There happened to be a messenger very opportunely upon the
spot, by whom I have warned Bucer, as being the person I
was most alarmed about, because he hes more in their neigh
bourhood, and would be among the first to be chosen by our
adversaries. After that, also, I have written particularly to
Melanchthon by Claude de Senarclens, whom I was sending to
1 See the Letter to the Ministers of Neuchatel, p. 386.
2 This was, doubtless, the celebrated printer of Paris, Robert Etienne, who re
tired in 1551 to Geneva.
8 William du Bellay had died in 1543, without realizing the hope which the re
formers of Germany and Switzerland had rested on his character and talents, for the
spread of the Gospel in France. (See note 1, p. 34.) Th. de Beze accuses him
of double-dealing, and stigmatizes him as " rather the servant of the king than of
God." — Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 22. Sleidan is less severe ; witness the fine iloge he
has written of the Lord of Langey, lib. xv. pp. 424-426.

424 viret. 1545.
Germany on another account. For at the request of some friends
I have asked of Luther, of Melanchthon, and of Bucer, that
they would write us their opinion upon that treatise of mine
which treats of a similar question to that upon which you have
written,1 not so much because I was very much set, upon con
sulting them, or that there was any hope of its being successful.
But when the Frenchmen had once got that into their heads,
I knew that they would never rest till they had got it done. I
therefore preferred that they should form a judgment with the
evidence before them rather than without a hearing of the cause.
If, however, the king has not immediately complied with
the advice of the Emperor and Tournon, that has so fallen
out, rather through the ambition than from any prudent fore
thought of Chatelaine,2 although I have no doubt whatever,
but that the Lord hath driven him on thus far, that so He
might thwart this very artful policy, so full of danger, and that
our friends might not be utterly outdone before they were aware
of it. He shewed the king that it was to be feared that if he
should commit his doctors unprepared to cope with men well
trained and exercised in that kind of warfare, he would ex
pose not themselves merely to disgrace, but also the whole
kingdom. That, therefore, it would be better that some
learned men should be named by the king, who, uniting their
efforts, might arm themselves for the onset against us. There
are twelve at Melun, out of which number two are thought
to be passing good;3 I know not whether I ought to admit
that there is a single one of them who answers even this de
scription. Certes, they are meditating no good ; but He who
sits in heaven shall have them in derision, and also make
them a laughing-stock in the earth. Adieu, may the Lord

1 The work of Viret which is here alluded to, is without doubt, the following: —
Deux Discours addresses aux Fideles qui sont parmi les Papistes, in 8vo, Geneve,
1544. 2 See note 1, p. 415, and Hist. Eccl., torn. i. p. 80.
a Of this number was doubtless the learned Danes, Professor of Greek in Paris,
who at that time manifested favourable dispositions towards the Reformation. At
a later period he became the preceptor of Francis II., a bishop, and a persecutor.
— Hist. Eccl, tom. i. p. 48.

1545. viret. 425
preserve you and your family, whom pray salute for me and
mine. — Yours, John Calvin.
[Lot. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CXXVII.— To Viret.1
Election of new magistrates at Geneva — struggles of Calvin.
Geneva, 12th February 1545.
See how I am not even yet ashamed of my remissness ! I
have found out a method by which I can reheve myself from
the trouble of writing. I send you a copy of the letters which
I have written to Luther and to Philip, that you may thence
understand why I have sent Claude to them. I have added a
third, addressed to him who had made the request to me con
cerning that question. The day before your letter arrived,
Textor had brought from Christopher the book of Farel to
Girard: it can be printed in a short time. I have not yet
spoken to Louis Bernard. He has twice already slipped away
from me from the sermon, but to-morrow or next day I shall
make your excuse to him. I can hear about Le Comte when
you shall come ; for as I perceive, my ears are spared for the
present, that they may not be compelled to hear evil of others ;
and certainly I am abundantly tormented when I am thinking
and meditating on our concerns; for, as usual, I have to
wrestle in darkness with hypocrisy. Amblard Corne hath
moved the Senate that he might lay down his office ;2 for he
has discovered to the commonalty matters which had hitherto
lain concealed in the secret counsels of the Senate. They sus
pect, moreover, that this had taken place not without my being
1 Written to Viret in the outpouring of an unconstrained friendship, and pilfered
from his master by an unfaithful valet, this letter became the subject, in 1548, of a
formal accusation brought against Calvin before the Seigneury of Geneva, by
Eremite Defrique Trolliet, one of the chiefs of the party of the Libertines. See on
this affair the Correspondence of the Reformer with Farel and Viret, September
1548. 2 He had resigned the office of Syndic and of Lieutenant of the Police of Geneva.

426 viret. 1545.
aware of it, though, nevertheless, they do not venture openly
to make a noise about it, and do not even shew any token
whatever of indignation. I perceive, however, how evil-dis
posed they are, and already I have broken ground upon the
subject of the internal state of the city, in ten sermons.
Wherefore, however, should I enter into this labyrinth?
Come, then, and see with your eyes those things which you
cannot know by the hearing of the ear. The Syndics have
been appointed — Amy Curtet, Amy Perrin, Domeine Arlot,
Jacques de Tortonne. Louis Bernard, Peter Verne, and two
others, have been induced to enter the Senate. They give us
good hope concerning themselves. I know not, however, what
we may hope, for, under the pretext that Christ reigns, they
wish to rule without Christ. Adieu, my brother and very dear
friend in the Lord. All our friends salute you and your
household. Greet Eibitti and Imbert, from whose wife I
wish you would ascertain whether she has anything she wishes
to send to Perrot, for the good man waits, not without the
greatest anxiety. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CXXVIIL— To Viret.
Mention of Clement Marot's metrical versions of the Psalms — persecutions
in France. Geneva, 15th March 1545.
What alone Hector asked, he obtained of me without any
difficulty whatever, that in reference to his smaller pieces we
would be guided by your decision. Certainly you will pardon
me for having laid this charge upon you, for indeed I could
not otherwise satisfy both of you ; because you wished him to
understand that you had written to me expressly and anxiously.
This, however, was the only method by which I could make that
evident to him, unless I would refuse the one thing wliich he
pressed. For who can seriously beheve, that you had requested

1545. VIRET. 427
anything on my part which I would not grant ? In so far as re
gards himself, if I was wilhng'to comply with his wish, it behoved
him to be made aware of that. I have not yet conferred with
Girard. If they can come to an agreement, there shall be no
delay on our part, although I would have certainly preferred that
he had apphed himself to the translation of other psalms than to
those which had been rendered by Marot ; 1 but neither shall that
stand in the way of the publication. Besides the book which he
shewed me, he mentioned that he had several hymns which he
requested me to submit to you for the same purpose, with a
view to pubhcation ; only I have warned him that he must
not on all occasions handle the princes so roughly, because I
remembered that seven years since something of the kind was
done by him, but you can easily be upon your guard should
you meet with anything which it may not be fitting should
go farther.
Of late we have nothing out of Germany. In some parts of
France the disciples of Antichrist rage at will. There has been
no further rage of persecution at Lyons, except that a few are
detained in prison. Many have escaped by flight. May the
Lord stretch forth His arm of might for the safety of the godly.
When you shall arrive, we will converse freely on all subjects.
Adieu, my very dear brother ; may the Lord have you in His
keeping. Salute Bibitti, Celio, Imbert, and the others respect
fully, together with your own family. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
1 In retirement at Geneva in 1543, the celebrated French poet, Clement Marot,
had been charged, at the request of Calvin, with the translation of the Psalms in
verse. Extracts of Registers of the Council, 15th October : " Calvin offers to
engage Clement Marot to put the Psalms of David in verse." The same year fifty
Psalms were printed at Geneva, with a preface by Calvin, which is found at the
beginning of the subsequent editions of 1551, 1556, 1563. The work of Clement
Marot was finished by Theodore de Beze.

428 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1545.

CXXIX.— To Oswald Myconius.1
Discovery of a conspiracy for the spreading of the plague at Geneva —
punishment of the conspirators. Geneva, 27th March 1545.
Accept my best thanks for your communication about what
you had heard concerning the Emperor and the Imperial Diet ;2
with regard to your opening my letter by mistake, I do not
forgive you for that, since you have been no way to blame.
The Lord is sorely trying us in this quarter.3 A' conspiracy
of men and women has lately been discovered, who, for the
space of three years, had spread the plague through the city,
by what mischievous device I know not.4 After fifteen women
have been burnt ; some men have even been punished more
severely; some have committed suicide in prison; and while
twenty-five are still kept prisoners ; — the conspirators do not
cease, notwithstanding, to smear the door-locks of the dwelling-
houses with their poisonous ointment. You see in the midst of
what perils we are tossed about. The Lord hath hitherto pre
served our dwelling, though it has more than once been at
tempted. It is well that we know ourselves to be under His care.
— Adieu, most accomplished Sir, and my much respected brother.
This nobleman, who is not unknown to you, will explain the
great straits and difficulties with which at present our brethren
1 Oswald Myconius had written on the 6th March to thank Calviu for sending him
the book intituled, " Supplex Exhortatio ad Csesarem Carolum V. et Illustriss. Prin-
cipes aliosque ordines Spiras nunc Imperii Conventum Agentes, ut Restituendse
Ecclesia; curam serio suscipere velint, Geneves, 1543." Translated into French in
1544 ; a writing much praised by Bucer and Beza. See the Letter of Myconius to
Calvin  Calv. Opera, p. 34.
2 The Imperial Diet was then met at Worms. The Roman prelates were pre
paring for the celebration of the approaching Council by a life of gaiety and dissi
pation : — " Larvati ut non cognoscantur domos intrant civium ; ibi edunt^ bibunt,
ludunt, saltant, Libidinantur, &c, prseparationes dignse sive ad comitia, sive ad
Concilium." — Myconius Calvino, 6th March 1545.
3 The plague had then broken out afresh and was raging at Geneva.
* See Spon, Hist, de Geneve, tom. i. p. 283 ;— the details relating to that fearful
conspiracy.

1545. THE QUEEN OF NAVAERE. 429
of Provence are oppressed.1 Because I am aware that, as one
might expect, you have their welfare at heart, I only ask that
when the time for assisting them shall arrive you will be ready
prepared, as we hitherto always found you. But, in the first
instance, as seemed right, I have stated the case to Bucer, that
he may consider maturely whether any seasonable or likely
access wiU be practicable to the King. Salute particularly
your wife and friends. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. copy. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CXXX. — To the Queen of Navarre.2
Calvin vindicates himself from the charge of having intended to attack her
in hiB book against the Libertines.
From Geneva, this 28th April 1545.
Madame, — I have received a letter from a man of this town,
written, as he said, by your command, by which I understand
1 See notes, pp. 406, 407, 4Q8.
2 The name of the Princess of Navarre has already appeared several times in
this collection, pp. 12, 183, 318. Th. de Beze does not hesitate to place her among
the most illustrious witnesses for the truth in the sixteenth century. Endowed
with the noblest and most brilliant qualities both of the head and heart, which
rendered her the idol of her brother Francis I., and an object of admiration to all her
contemporaries, sho was long a steady friend of the Reformation, whose early re
presentatives she protected in the persons of Lefevre d'Etaples, Bishop Briconnet,
and Gerard Roussel, and whose ministry she encouraged in the kingdom of Na
varre. She died in 1549. In the later years of her life her piety gradually dege
nerated into a kind of contemplative mysticism, whose chief characteristic was
indifference towards outward forms, uniting the external ordinances of the Romish
Church with the inward cherishing of a purer faith. We find numerous proofs of
this in her poems, published during her life, as well as in her letters, published for
the first time in Paris by M. Genin, under the following .title : — Lettres de Mar
guerite d' Angouleme ; 8vo, 1841. — NouveUes Lettres de la Reine de Navarre;
8vo, 1842.
Calvin corresponded at different times with this Princess, whose character and
talents he admired, while, with holy boldness, he censured her infirmities. Unfor
tunately only one of these letters has been preserved, and is here presented to the
reader as a testimony of the faithful courage of the Reformer. — Beze, Hist. Eccl.
tom. i. p. 49.

430 the queen of navarre. 1545.
that you are very ill-pleased with me because of a certain book
by me composed, the which I have intituled against the Liber
tines.1 I am sorry to have saddened you, except in so far as it
was for your welfare ; for such sadness, as saith St. Paul, is so
profitable that we have no occasion to repent having caused it.
But I do not know, Madame, wherefore or how this book has
been able to make you so angry. The man who has written to
me alleges as the reason, that it is forasmuch as it is com
posed against you and your servants. So far as you are con
cerned, it has not been my intention to touch your honour, nor
to lessen the reverence which all the faithful ought to bear you.
I mean in addition to the reverence wliich we all owe to you,
because of the royal majesty in which our Lord has exalted
you, the house whence you are descended, and all the ex
cellence that is in you, as regards the world. For those who
are acquainted with me are well aware, that I am neither
so barbarous nor so inhuman, as to despise, nor to go about to
bring into contempt the principahties, the worldly nobility, and
what belongs to human policy. Besides, I know the gifts which
our Lord has put on you, and how He has engaged you in His
service, and has employed you for the advancement of His
kingdom, which affords reason enough for honouring you, and
holding your honour in estimation. Likewise, Madame, I pray
you do not allow yourself to be persuaded by those who excite
you against me, seeking neither your advantage nor my damage,
but rather to estrange you from that good-will and affection
which you bear to the Church of God, and to discourage you from
the service of our Lord Jesus, and of His members, which you
have rendered to this hour. As regards your servants, I do not
think that you value your household so highly as to reckon it
more precious than that of our Lord Jesus, of which one mem
ber is called a devil, yea, forsooth, a servant who had been seated
at his Master's table, and appointed to so honourable a condition
1 This was the treatise, Contre la Seete Fantastique et Furieuse des Libertins
qui se disent Spirituels. 1544, in 8vo. This sect spread more particularly in the
Netherlands, denied the authority of the written Word, and, by a false spiritualism,
overturned the foundations of all Christian truth. Two of the principal leaders,
Quintin and Pocquet, were attached to the household of the Queen of Navarre.

1545. THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 431
as to be ambassador of the Son of God, But although I have
not been so inconsiderate as to name your household, rather,
indeed, concealing that those of whom I have to speak are any
way attached to you, I have spoken in truth, and as before God.
It remains for you to consider whether I have taken pleasure
in casting reproach upon them, or whether I have been con
strained by great and just occasion, yea, even of necessity, to tax
them in this way. Now, Madame, if you have been well in
formed of the whole, I think so well of you, that not only you
will excuse what I have done, but you will reckon my sim
plicity worthy of praise.
I see a sect the most execrable and pernicious that ever was
in the world. I see that it does much harm, and is like a fire
kindled for the general desolation and destruction, or as a con
tagious disease to infect the whole earth, unless some remedy is
applied. Since, then, our Lord has called me to that office, my
conscience constrains me to resist it so far as it is possible for me.
And, more than that, with strong and earnest entreaties, I am
seriously importuned by the poor believers, who see with con
cern the Netherlands of the Emperor altogether corrupted, that
as soon as possible, and without delay, I put my hand to the
work. Nevertheless, even after such requests, I have put off a
whole year, to see whether the malady would be lulled asleep
by silence. If any one should allege that, I could well, indeed,
write against the wicked doctrine, letting the individuals alone,
I have my more than reasonable excuse ; it is that, considering
what ruin Messieur Antony Pocquet has spread in the country
of Artois and of Hainault, according to the relation of the
brethren who have come hither expressly on that account, hav
ing heard the same repeated here, and considering that Quintin
pretends no other object than to draw the poor simple souls to
that more than brutal sect, and not so much by the report of
others as having heard with my ears, understanding that they
are always very bitter in opposing the doctrine of hohness, to
draw poor souls into perdition, to beget in the world a despis
ing of God, judge, Madame, whether it would have been lawful
for me to dissemble ? A dog barks and stands at bay if he sees
any one assault his master. I should be indeed remiss, if, seeing

432 THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 1545.
the truth of God thus attacked, I should remain dumb, without
giving one note of warning. I am quite persuaded that it is
not your mind, that in order to favour you I must betray the
Evangel which God has committed to me. Wherefore I do
beseech you, Madame, not to be offended, if, being constrained
by the duty of my office, under penalty of incurring the offence
of God, I have not spared your servants, without, however, ad
dressing yourself.
As for what you have said, that you would not like to have
such a servant as myself, I confess that I am not qualified to
render you great services ; for I have not the abihty, and be
sides, you do not need my services. It is most sure, however,
that the inclination is not wanting, and as long as I shall hve,
please God, I shall always persevere in this purpose ; and how
soever you may disdain my service, that will not prevent my
being at heart your humble servant, and with a good will.
For the rest, those who know me are well aware that I have
never aspired to gain access to the courts of princes, the more
that I have never been tempted to court worldly honour.
Even had I made the attempt, possibly it might have been in
vain. But I render thanks to our Lord that I have never been
tempted ; for I have good reason to be content to serve so good
a Master, who has accepted me and retained me in His house
hold, yea, forsooth, in appointing me to an office of such
dignity and excellency, however contemptible it may be ac
cording to the world's reckoning. I would be above measure
exceeding in my ingratitude did I not prefer that situation to
all the riches and honours of the world.
As to the reproach of inconstancy which you make against
me, in so far as I have retracted anything, I assure you,
Madame, that you have been misinformed ; for our Lord would
never have brought me thus far without having required the
confession of my faith. Had it pleased himself to try me in
that respect, I do not vaunt about what I would have done ;
but I do not doubt, that since He bestowed that constancy
upon me to expose my life to danger for another, out of respect
solely to His Word, that He would have stood with me in His
strength, had there been any question about the glorifying of

1545. QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 433
His name. Howsoever, He has so preserved and kept me from
this reproach, that never have I unsaid, neither directly nor in
directly. What is more, I have ever contemplated with horror
such faint-heartedness as to renounce Jesus for the saving of life
or of property. I have said the same from the time when I was
in France, of which there are many witnesses. But in order
that you may be more confidently certain, that those who have
made such a report of me have abused your too unsuspecting
confidence, I refer to Monsieur de Clerac,1 who can tell you
that it is a false calumny which they lay upon me, which I
ought by no means to bear, inasmuch as that by submitting
to it the name of God would thereby be blasphemed. For
although I am nothing, yet seeing that it has pleased God to
make use of me, as one of His instruments for the edification of
His Church, I see what consequence such an imputation would
draw along with it, if it should stick to me to the discredit of
the Evangel. But I praise the Lord, who has not so far per
mitted Satan to have his will over me, and has even supported
my infirmity in that he has never proved me either by trial cr
imprisonment. I beseech you to excuse the brevity and the confusedness of
my letter ; for immediately on receiving the news of your dis
pleasure, I have resolved to exert myself with all my might to
satisfy you in so far as I could, were it for no other reason than
to avoid my being the cause of your growing cold, or being
1 Gerard Roussel, preacher to the Queen of Navarre, one of the earliest mission
aries of the Reformation at Paris. Appointed Abbot of Clerac and Bishop of
Oleron, he continued to preach the new doctrines without breaking with the Roman
Catholic Church, and thus he drew upon himself the most severe censure of both
Farel and Calvin. This latter addressed a letter to him in 1536, concerning the
duty of a Christian man in the administration or the rejection of the benefices of
the Papal Church, and urged him in vain to separate from the Romish Church, to
which he remained attached until his death in 1550. " His life," says a Roman
Catholic writer, " was without reproach ; his kennel of dogs and of greyhounds was
a great crowd of poor people ; his horses and his train a flock of young children
instructed in letters. He had inuch credit among the people, upon whom he
stamped by degrees a hatred and contempt for the religion of their fathers." —
Florimond de Remond, Hist, de VHiresie, lib. vii. pp. 850, 851. See especially the
ingenious and learned Biography of Gerard Roussel, by M. Charles Schmidt,
Strasbourg, 1845, in 8vo.
VOL. I. 2 E

434 FAREL. 1545.
turned away from that kind inclination which you have shewn
hitherto toward the poor faithful brethren. And for that,
Madame, after having very humbly commended me to your
kind favour, I beseech the Lord Jesus to guard and guide you
by His Spirit, to uphold you as well in prudence as in zeal to
follow forth your holy calling.
Your very humble and obedient servant in the Lord,
John Calvin.
[Fr. copy — Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.]

CXXXL— To Farel.1
Massacre of the Waldenses of Provence — Calvin entreats the sympathy of
the Swiss Churches in their behalf. Geneva, 4th May 1545.
After those two brothers about whom I had written, on my
suggestion were returned to their friends, the one of them has
returned to us with the melancholy intelligence, that several
villages have been consumed by fire, that most of the old men
had been burned to death, that some had been put to the sword,
others having been carried off to abide their doom ; and that
such was the savage cruelty of these persecutors, that neither
young girls, nor pregnant women, nor infants, were spared.
So great is the atrocious cruelty of this proceeding, that I
grow bewildered when I reflect upon it. How, then, shall I
express it in words?2 On hearing of this dreadful tragedy,
1 Misled by the false reports of the secret agents of the Cardinal du Tournon,
and by the calumnious denunciations, of the Baron d'Oppede, Francis I. at length
was prevailed upon to carry into execution the sentence pronounced by the Parlia
ment of Aix against the Vaudois of Provence, and to give the signal of the dread
fully atrocious massacres of Cabrieres and of Merindol. — Hist, des Martyrs, lib.
iii. ; De Thou, lib. vi. On hearing the sad intelligence, Calvin set out from Geneva
in all haste for Berne, to implore at Berne and Zurich the interference of the re
formed cantons, even at the eleventh hour, in favour of these unhappy victims of
intolerance and fanaticism.
• 2 The Jesuit Maimbourg, in his Histoire du Calvinisme, lib. ii., states the num
ber of these victims as amounting to 3600, and carries the number of the houses

1545. FAREL. 435
and considering what ought to be done, it seemed advisable
to the brethren, in the first place, that we should send a
man to you with my letter, which recommends the cause of
all the churches to the ministers ; and, in the next place,
we asked the advice of the Council, because we were not so
clear among ourselves what measure ought to be taken. It
was the opinion of the Council that I should go in person to
the Swiss Churches. I shall therefore set out to-morrow on the
journey. I can scarcely be able to reach Berne before Thursday.
As soon as I can, I shall urge the consul to grant me an
audience of the Senate. If you approve, you had better come
to Berne on Friday. From thence we shall go together ; but if
otherwise, I can proceed alone. Because Bucer, in his last letter,
has almost entirely cut off all hope, I almost fear that I may
lose my pains by going to Strasbourg. Should the brethren
at Basle advise it, I shall make the attempt for aU that.
It will at any rate be most refreshing to me to have a sight of
you at Berne. Adieu, my dear brother ; salute all. I write,
worn out with sadness, and not without tears, which so burst
forth, that every now and then they interrupt my words. —
Yours, John Calvin.
My colleagues, who are all present, except Geniston who has
gone into the country lately, salute you.
[Lat. copy — Library of Basle. Epist. Apogr. tom. xxv. p. 49.]
pillaged and destroyed as high as 900. According to De Thou, twenty-two bourgs
and villages were reduced to ashes. The whole country, which had previously
presented the aspect of a cheerful pleasure garden, was reduced to a desert and un
cultivated wilderness.

436 viret. 1545.

CXXXIL— To Viret.1
Journey of Calvin in Switzerland — resolutions of the Diet of Arau in favour
of the persecuted brethren of France. Geneva, 25th May 1545.
You wiU pardon my not having returned to Lausanne. For
many reasons I hastened forward, but chiefly because Claude
Farel had mentioned to us that the dwelling of Geniston might
possibly be attacked with the plague a second time. I may
shortly relate the result of our proceedings. The Bernese not
only granted what we asked, but were also encouragers by their
advice to others. The Zurichers appointed immediately an
assembly at Arau, and called others thither by special messen
gers. They ordered intimation to be made by us to those of
Schaffhausen and Basle. After that we set out for Strasbourg,
where I could not even allow myself to spend one day, although I
made the journey with the utmost expedition. At Arau, they
did not pass such a decree as I had wished they might. There
upon, at my request, the Council again took up the question,
but I could not succeed in getting them to forego their first
resolution, and to reconsider it. They resolved, that letters were
to be despatched by a special messenger, in which they might
intercede earnestly with the King, and on receiving the answer,
that thereupon a solemn embassy should be sent ; for they think
that it would be more useful if, after having heard his excuses,
they send an envoy fully instructed. They declare, in the mean-
1 Calvin was already on his return from the journey which he had undertaken in
Switzerland, and which he had accomplished with extraordinary despatch. In suc
cession he had visited Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, Basle, Strasbourg, everywhere
exhorting the magistrates to make energetic intercession in favour of their French
brethren, so cruelly persecuted. Last of all, be had gone to the Diet of Arau, and
had addressed the same entreaties to the deputies of the Cantons. These latter
wrote to the King, Francis I., with much force of language ; but their tardy inter
ference had no influence upon the resolution of the monarch, blinded by perfidious
counsels, and which were not entirely cleared away until two years afterwards upon
a deathbed — Extract from the Council Registers of Geneva, May 1545 ; Ruchat,
Hist, de la Ref. tom. v. p. 253.

1545. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 437
time, that they shall spare neither expense nor pains. Since they
are thoroughly determined, let us await with patience the result
of their epistolary experiment. I am moreover charged, if I shall
hear any further news, to write forthwith to Berne. The Senate
of Berne has promised to make intimation to others. I send
a copy of a writing which, at their request, I presented, after I
had explained all the circumstances more at large. I am afraid
lest anywhere I may have been mistaken ; and I fear all the more
on this account, because it would be very perilous were my faith
fulness to be undervalued or hghtly esteemed among them, if I
wish to be of any use in future. Nicolas can write you a sum
mary of what has been done, or, if you think it fit, do you your
self write to Berne. Adieu, most beloved brethren. The Lord,
may He preserve you. Let us depend wholly upon Himself.
John Calvin.
Nicolas des Gallars, your very loving friend, dutifully salutes
you, and returns thanks for that you bestow such pains upon
him. The affair is going to turn out well, with God's blessing.
[Lat. copy — Library of Zurich. Coll. Simler, tom. lvii.]

CXXXIIL— To Monsieur de Falais.1
Directions for his conduct towards the Emperor Charles V.
Geneva, 31st May 1545.
Monseigneur, — Although I cannot sufficiently thank God
for having withdrawn you so opportunely from a place in which
you were exposed to a surprise of all others the most painful,
and in having conducted you, in a manner exceeding all human
anticipation, to a spot where your mind can find some tempo
rary repose from its anxieties, yet even now you have as much
1 At the approach of the Imperial army, M. de Falais had withdrawn from Cologne
to Strasbourg. When there, he received a visit from the Reformer in May 1545,
when on a tour to Berne, Zurich, and Basle, which he had undertaken in order to
rouse the Protestant cantons in favour of the unhappy victims of Cabrieres and
Mcrindol.

438 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1545.
need as ever of the Divine assistance, as well to enlighten you as
to the course which it will be good and expedient for you to fol
low, as to strengthen your fortitude, so that you be not shaken,
whatever attacks may be made upon you. For, being so near the
place where the principal agent in the hands of Satan for your
affliction1 now happens to be, I do not doubt that you will have
to resist many more temptations than you have yet experienced.
I see no means of further prolonging matters by apologetic
pleadings, since there is nothing which you will put forward
which will serve for a pretext ; at least such is my opinion. I
speak with reference to those to whom you have to give satis
faction ; for however ill you may appear, their minds are already
so much pre-occupied by a contrary opinion, that it will have
no weight with them, while the place which you have chosen
for your retreat will dispel any doubt which they may still
entertain. Besides, I am persuaded that they have kept too
watchful an eye upon your movements not to be able to inter
pret them correctly.
The best thing, then, in my opinion, in such an extremity,
will be to say nothing, and to remain passive, commending your
cause to God, that he may conduct it without either advocate
or attorney. Forasmuch, then, as among other points treated
of in your letters, you express a doubt about the necessity of
going to Worms, I beseech you before undertaking the journey
to ponder it well, for above all, it becomes you to have in your
heart a firm resolution unreservedly to confess our Lord un
flinchingly. It will not avail there, as you well know, to use
courteous phrases and fine words in place of more solid coin.
What is worse, I fear that you may not have an audience to
make the confession which you would desire. As to a safe-
conduct, you will remember our plan in regard to that.
Nevertheless, I expect there will be no great harm in asking it,
for I am persuaded that you will meet with a refusal. One
advantage will flow from it, that you will have declared your
self more fully. On this point, however, I believe there will be
1 Allusion is made to the Emperor Charles V., who was then at Worms, with
the intention of presiding at the Diet, wliich was opened in that town in the fol
lowing year.

1545. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 439
no need of long deliberation, since God will open up the way
before you, if I am not much deceived. Wherefore, the chief
thing is to arm yourself with patience, praying God that it may
please Him to glorify Himself in you more and more, as He
has already begun to do.
It matters httle what we have to endure in this world, con
sidering the shortness of our life. And if length of days should
be granted us, it is well that the Son of God be glorified by our
sufferings, and we be participators in His glory. Since, for the
love of Him, you have begun to die to the world, it will be
necessary to learn henceforth what it is to be buried. For
death is nothing without burial. This is the consolation which
it becomes you to take, that you may not deceive yourself, but
prepare to endure even unto the end. And yet the cross you
bear is very easy compared with that of our Master. When it
shall please Him to impose a heavier burden on you, He will
give you, at the same time, shoulders to bear it.
On my return I found the good Seigneur David in a very poor
state of health, as the bearers will inform you ; and I fear very
much that, after fingering long, he will find his last home here.
We must pray God, nevertheless, to have compassion on him
and on us ; for it would be a great comfort to us all were it to
please the Lord to spare him.1 In conclusion, Monseigneur,
commending myself to your good favour and to that of Madame,
I implore our kind God to support you by His right hand, so
that you may not falter or stumble on account of any obstacle
which Satan may throw in your way.
Your humble brother, servant, and sincere friend,
John Calvin.
[Fr. copy — Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]
1 David de Busanton, a gentleman of Hainault, and a refugee, then residing at
Geneva. He died in July 1545, in the most pious frame of mind, as may be
gathered from a letter of Calvin's addressed to Viret. " When your letter was de
livered to me om- good friend David was just expiring. A short time after
he delivered up his soul into the keeping of Christ with a rare and truly admirable
composure. You will have an opportunity of reading his will when you come. . . ."
July 1545. David de Busanton bequeathed 1000 crowns to the poor of Strasbourg,
and as much to those of Geneva, appointing Calvin one of his executors.

440 john cavent. 1545.'
CXXXIV.— To John Cavent.1
Consolations on the death of his wife and mother. [June 1545.]
Very dear Brother, — I have no doubt that Master Chris
topher2 will have done Iris duty by delivering to you the letters
which contained information of the death of your wife and
mother. If it be hard to bear their loss you have good cause
to find consolation in our Lord, who enabled them to glorify
His name in their death, and who gave them strength in the
hour of need, and who, I do not doubt, will give you grace to
view all these things aright. As to your children, there would
have been some means of sending them to you, through M. de
Falais, and he would willingly have undertaken the charge, for
the honour of God, and at my request; but he himself is
excluded from the country, and is now at Strasbourg, where I
found him in bad health ; for if weakness had not prevented
him he would have come hither. It is, therefore, necessary to
find out some other way of sending them, and, meanwhile, it
behoves you to have patience, anxiously commending them to
God, who will not permit them to remain long in this captivity.
Moreover, I beg you to tell our brother, Master Peter, not to
fail to visit me some day. And now, after affectionately com
mending myself to both of you, and to all our friends, I pray
our gracious God to have you in His keeping, directing you by
His Spirit, so that your labours be acceptable to Him and useful
to His Church, which has great need of them. — Most sincerely
your good friend and brother,
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of the Comp. of Neuchatel.]
1 On the back is written : — " To my brother and friend Master John
deacon of the Church of Lausanne, or to Master Peter Viret, to put into his hands."
Below, in Viret's hand : — " Calvin to John Cavent, deacon of Lausanne." Letter
not dated, but written shortly after Calvin's journey to Strasbourg and his visit to
M. de Falais, that is, in June 1545.
2 Christophe Fabri, minister of the Church of Thonon.

1545. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 441

CXXXV.— To Monsieur de Falais.
Information regarding a house to he sold at Geneva. 22d June 1545.'
Monseigneur, — I write you in haste because not forewarned
in time, but, please God, I shall soon make up for this fault. At
present, I shall only say, that after having considered the sub
ject in which you requested my assistance, I find that a seller
will not be wanting when it pleases you to buy.2 But we see
no great advantage in making any purchase, or even entertain
ing any offer till you are on the spot to judge what will suit
you, in which circumstances, it will be best, in my opinion, to
look about us without committing ourselves till your arrival ;
although, at present, there are two places, one of which may
change masters if we do not interpose at the proper time. But
I have no doubt that when you have made up your mind to
come, you will set out immediately after the hot weather is past,
if God throws no obstacle in your path.
I dare not say how overjoyed I should be if you finally de
cided to come hither, for fear of being suspected by you in the
event of my offering advice. I am, nevertheless, able truly to
affirm that any desire I might have to enjoy the pleasure which
I expect from your presence would not prevent my considering
what would be best for yourself. And, indeed, the chief cause
of my desire to see you here is that you may be among people
who long for an opportunity of doing you service. It had
occurred to me, that if M. de Fromont3 had come, and had
thought of making a pleasure-trip thus far, as he is in better
travelling condition than yourself, his journey might serve as a
guide to you. In the event of his doing so, I should beg him
to come direct to om- house.
1 On the back is written in M. de Falais's hand — " Answered, 18th July 1545, at
Strasbourg." 8 Calvin refers to the purchase of a house at Geneva for M. de Falais.
3 Jean, Seigneur de Fromont and Han-sur-Sambre, brother of M. de Falais.

442 melanchthon. .. 1545.
As to the good Seigneur David, it is all over, if the Lord do
not interpose, and, by a miracle of mercy, deliver him from the
grave. But I shall say nothing more to you on this subject
till God shall have brought it to a final issue.1
Humbly commending myself to you, Monseigneur, and to
Madame, and presenting to you the respects of my wife, I pray
our Lord to strengthen you both, in body as well as in mind, so
that without fainting or failing we may all accomplish the
journey which lies before us. — Your servant, humble brother,
and sincere friend,
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Gen.va. Vol. 194.]

CXXXVI.— -To Melanchthon.2
He complains of Luther's tyranny, and affectionately exhorts Melanchthon
to manifest greater decision and firmness. 28th June 1545.
Would that the fellow-feeling which enables me to condole
with you, and to sympathize in your heaviness, might also im
part the power in some degree, at least, to hghten your sorrow.
If the matter stands as the Zurichers say it does, then they
have just occasion for their writing. Your Pericles allows
himself to be carried beyond all due bounds with his love of
thunder, especially seeing that his own case is by no means
the better of the two. We all of us do acknowledge that we
are much indebted to him. Neither shall I submit myself
1 See note 1, p. 439.
2 Hurt at the new attacks which Luther began to direct against their doctrine
in his Short Confession upon the Supper, (see Letter CXX1I.,) the ministers of
Zurich published in 1545 an Apology, intituled : — " Orthodoxa Tigurinse Ecclesiae
Ministrorum Confessio, una cum sequa et modesta responsione ad vanas et offendi-
culi plenas D. Martini Lutheri calumnias, condemnationes et convitia, etc. . . " —
Hospinian, Hist. Sacrament., tom. ii. p. 354. Provoked by Luther's violence, this re
ply irritated the zealous Lutherans, afflicted Melanchthon, delighted tho adversaries
of the Reform by the unseemly divisions wliich had got the upper hand among them.

1545. MELANCHTHON. 443
unwillingly, but be quite content, that he may bear the chief
sway, provided that he can manage to conduct himself with
moderation. Howbeit, in the Church we must always be
upon our guard, lest we pay too great a deference to men.
For it is all over with her, when a single individual, be he
whosoever you please, has more authority than all the rest,
especially where this very person does not scruple to try how far
he may go. Where there exists so much division and separa
tion as we now see, it is indeed no easy matter to still the
troubled waters and bring about composure. But were we all
of that mind we ought to be, some remedy might, perhaps, be
discovered; most certainly we convey a mean example to
posterity, while we rather prefer, of our own accord, entirely to
throw away our liberty, than to irritate a single individual by
the slightest offence. But, you will say, his disposition is
vehement, and his impetuosity is ungovernable ; — as if that
very vehemence did not break forth with all the greater vio
lence when all shew themselves alike indulgent to him, and
allow him to have his way, unquestioned. If this specimen of
overbearing tyranny has sprung forth already as the early
blossom in the springtide of a reviving Church, what must
we expect in a short time, when affairs have fallen into a
far worse condition ? Let us therefore bewail the cala
mity of the Church, and not devour our grief in silence,
but venture boldly to groan for freedom. Consider, besides,
whether the Lord may not have permitted you to be reduced
to these straits, in order that you may be brought to a yet
fuller confession upon this very article. It is indeed most
true, as I acknowledge it to be, that which you teach, and
also that hitherto, by a kindly method of instruction, you have
studiously endeavoured to recall the minds of men from strife
and contention. I applaud your prudence and moderation.
While, however, you dread, as you would some hidden rock,
to meddle with this question from the fear of giving offence,
you are leaving in perplexity and suspense very many per
sons M'ho require from you somewhat of a more certain
sound, on which they can repose ; and besides, as I remem
ber I have sometimes said to you, it is not over-creditable to

444 MELANCHTHON. 1545.
us, that we refuse to sign, even with ink, that very doctrine
which many saints have not hesitated to leave witnessed with
their blood. Perhaps, therefore, it is now the will of God tjms
to open up the way for a full and satisfactory declaration of your
own mind, that those who look up to your authority may not be
brought to a stand, and kept in a state of perpetual doubt and
hesitation. These, as you are aware, amount to a very great
number of persons. Nor do I mention this so much for the
purpose of arousing you to freedom of action, as for the sake
of comforting you ; for indeed, unless I could entertain the
hope, that out of this vexatious collision some benefit shall
have arisen, I would be utterly worn out by far deeper dis
tress. Howbeit, let us wait patiently for a peaceable con
clusion, such as it shall please the Lord to vouchsafe. In the
meanwhile, let us run the race set before us with deliberate
courage. I return you very many thanks for your reply, and
at the same time, for the extraordinary kindness which Claude
assures me had been shewn to him by you.1 I can form a
conjecture what you would have been to myself, from your
having given so kind and courteous a reception to my friend.
I do not cease, however, to offer my chief thanks to God,
who hath vouchsafed us that agreement in opinion upon the
whole of that question about which we had both been exa
mined; for although there is a slight difference in certain
particulars, we are, notwithstanding, very well agreed upon
the general question itself.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 33.]
1 Claude de Senarclens returned to Geneva loaded with testimonials of affection
from the German Reformers. In the Town Library of Geneva there is an Album
preserved, containing pious inscriptions of several of the Reformers, which he had
brought away with him in the course of his travels.

1545. BULLINGER. 445

CXXXVIL— To Bullinger.1
i
Defence of the Waldenses of Provence — artifices of their enemies — oppression
of that unfortunate people. Geneva, 24th July 1545.
So far as I understand, from the correspondence of friends, the
object which I had obtained through your kind endeavour, and
that of all good men, — I mean that of sending a deputation
to France, will stagnate after all, unless the business is pressed
a second time on their attention. The King's pensioners have
so far attained their object by falsehood, that we, forsooth, must
not judge worthy even of compassion those whom we behold
cruelly slain for the same cause which they maintain in common
with ourselves. It was quite apparent to me, while I was at Arau,
that there were certain of them not so very favourable to us, or,
at least, they were not so warm and friendly as not to be affected
by underhand reports. A most false accusation had been forged,
in order to overwhelm our unfortunate brethren. They are
said to have been treated with such savage rigour, because they
have refused to pay tithe,2 although it is quite certain that this
has never been charged against them, even by their enemies.
Yea, and more than that, it is quite well known that they had
voluntarily promised that they would give as much to the
priests for doing nothing, as they were accustomed to exact
1 The sentence of the Parliament of Aix had been carried into effect, and those
of the unfortunate Vaudois who had escaped the massacre which befell their brethren
were pursued as heretics, buried alive in the dungeons, or condemned to the gal
leys. Some of them arrived at Geneva, and there found a generous refuge and
assistance. 14th May 1545. — "The minister of Merindol, with some others,
arrived in this town, flying from the persecutions, and in great misery. Resolved
to help them." 18th May. — " The refugees of Provence are occupied on the forti
fications, and that in accordance with Viret's request." — Registers of Council.
Calvin, addressing both earnest and eloquent entreaties to the ministers of Zurich,
of Schaffhausen and of Basle, adjured them to employ their whole credit to pro
mote new exertions in favour of their suffering brethren.
2 The intractable savage D'Oppede, and the Royal Commissioners, pursued by
the cry of conscience, tried to give a colour of rebellion, and to represent! the Vaudois
as rebels, those whom they had cowardly assassinated. — See De Thou, lib. vi. p. 215.

446 BULLINGER. 1545.
when they discharged their functions ; for they had always
modest and prudent men among them, by whose sound advice
they suffered themselves to be guided. You can therefore
assert, on my authority, that this has by no means been
the cause of the persecution which has been set on foot against
them. And not even Grignan,1 who is now the King's ambas- '
sador at Worms, has attempted to put forward this pretext for
abating the odium of this atrocious business. And must he
not have known best of all the facts of the case, when it was by
bis own perfidy that the whole of this fire of persecution has been
lighted up ? For when he was summoned by the King him
self from Provence, where he was governor, he promised to our
brethren that he would faithfully plead their cause at Court ;
and yet, to flatter Cardinal Tournon, under whose patronage
he hoped for an embassy, he stirred up the King to a height
of fury hitherto unheard of. Now, it is of great importance
to know correctly what may be the state of matters, and how
it fares with our godly brethren. The King, that he might
give some satisfaction to the Germans, wrote thither lately
that he had sent a Commissioner to make mquiry concern
ing the massacre which had been perpetrated.2 But what
good can be expected to come of that ? There is no one
hitherto who has even dared to mutter a word in favour of suc
couring and defending the unhappy sufferers ; their cause, there
fore, hes prostrate beneath oppression. There are, even at this
present, four hundred and upwards bound in iron ; for even
the lower hold of the ships are also full of prisoners in chains.
They make daily incursions from the Comtat d'Avignon upon
those who yet remain, which, although it is done without the
express command of the King, takes place, nevertheless, as is
quite certain, by his permission. For he would not thus con-
1 The Count Aymar de Grignan, deputy of the King at Worms and governor of
Provence, one of the most savage persecutors of the Vaudois.
2 This Commissary was a creature of the Cardinal de Tournon. The 23d August
1545, the authors of the massacre obtained, by the credit of the Cardinal, letters of
approbation from the King, who afterwards, says Beza, " being at the point of
death, had amazing remorse on account of this business, and charged his son, with
strong protestations, to do justice in the matter."— Ilist. Eccl. torn. i. p. 47 ; De
Thou, lib. vi.

1545. BULLINGER. 447
nive if he did not approve ; and the Legate would not take so
much upon him, if he did not clearly perceive that it was ac
cording to the King's desire. Wherefore, now is the time for
rendering them all the assistance we can, whatever we may have
been able to do aforetime. There are very many, besides, who
have been scattered hither and thither in their flight ; others
he concealed with worthy men, who have not hesitated to place
their own lives in jeopardy by harbouring them, so as to snatch
them away from death. What the King promises secures no
remedy, nor even a mitigation of the evil, but, as it were, a sort
of cavern in whose darkness the misfortunes of our brethren
may be entombed. And shall we thus only look on and
be quiet while innocent blood is shed ? Shall the savage fury
of the ungodly trample down our brethren perpetually ? Christ
will then be held up to ridicule and mockery. All this will
happen, unless you bestir yourself anew along with others who
ought to feel an interest in what concerns the Kingdom of
Christ. I hear, indeed, that at Berne and Basle they have grown
cold, unless, indeed, they now begin again to become more
earnest in the cause. We shall not cease to strive with all our
might. Do you also, with your colleagues, do your utmost, that
your friends may seriously take up the case. Adieu, most ac
comphshed Sir, fellow-labourer in the ministry, and my very
much respected friend. Salute reverently, in my name, the
learned Masters Pellican, Megander, Theodore, Gualther, Collin,
and others. May God preserve you all the day long in safety,
and govern you perpetually by His own Spirit. Amen. — Yours,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Archives of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta, p. 2.]

448 THE PASTORS of schaffhausen. 1545.

CXXXVIII. — To the Pastors of Schaffhausen.1
Calvin exhorts them to redoubled efforts for the deliverance of
their persecuted brethren. Gkneva, 24th July 1515.
Of the energy with which you have espoused the cause of the
brethren in Provence, I am myself the very best witness. Be
cause I have no doubt that you continue still of the same mind
and resolution, I shall not waste words by endeavouring at
greater length to stir you up, that I may not seem to distrust
your promise and your hearty desire to help them. But I shall
merely warn you, and that briefly, that our labour in what we
have been doing hitherto is lost, except you press the matter
anew with fresh energy. For, indeed, I hear the pensioners
of the King have succeeded in estranging the affections of
many from their cause. They charge the brethren with a
crime impudently cooked up by themselves, as if it were not
all on account of the Evangel that they were suffering this
calamity, but because they refused tithe to the bishops. This
is so contrary to the true state of the case, that not even
Grignan, the King's ambassador at Worms, who was the
author of all the mischief, and has incensed the King by
his perfidious counsel, and led him to perpetrate such enor
mous wickedness, has ever ventured to put it forward. I hear,
besides, that others had already begun to cool upon the subject,
so as not to be very anxious to alleviate the miseries of the
brethren. It will, therefore, be your duty to stir up the torpid
or inactive, and to win back to an interest in the cause such as
upon the representation of false informers have become adverse.
Neither let it any way move you from your purpose, if the King
shall now make some deceitful show of moderation. Perchance
he has sent a commissioner. But there is nobody there who
dare speak a word in favour of the wretched brethren. Very
many are pining and wasting away in prison; others are
1 See preceding letter.

1545. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 449
scattered about everywhere in their flight. There is no one
who has ventured to breathe a word about visiting his family.
They also make daily inroads from the Comtat d'Avignon,
not without the King's permission, as if in an enemy's country.
The parliament of Aix, which sanctioned by edict that mas
sacre, has not grown any milder, neither must we only have
their unhappy case at heart, but that of all those who are
everywhere harassed on the same account throughout the
kingdom. They are carried from all quarters bound as pri
soners to Paris, and unless effective means are taken, you will
shortly hear that great fires have been hghted in various
places, nor will it then be the time to extinguish them. Do
you, therefore, set yourselves to work with all your energy, that
an imposing and weighty deputation be sent which may
seriously demand of the King that those who have been im
prisoned be discharged; that the fugitives be restored to their
possessions ; and lastly, that due inquiry in a lawful method may
be had concerning the faith, as well as the morals of the godly.
But let the deputation urge that argument, especially, which we
did not omit to mention when present with you, that it is very
easy to form some conjecture how the King is disposed towards
the Swiss, when we see him persecute with such fury the same
faith which they hold, in the persons of his own subjects. Adieu,
most right-minded and trusty brethren. The Lord, may He
preserve you and bless you in your ministry. — Amen.
Your own,
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CXXXIX.— To Oswald Myconius.1
Pressing entreaty in behalf of the Waldenses of Provence.
Geneva, 24th July 1545.
Now is the time for vigorous measures, so that we may not
have expended in vain so much labour in behalf of our unfor-
1 See the two preceding letters.
VOL. 1. 2 F

450 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1545.
tunate brethren; and now, if never before, they themselves,
though silent, implore our aid. For, though I have learned from
Germany, the King pretends that he will exercise some degree
of moderation, for that a commissary had already been de
spatched to inquire into their affairs, yet that no rehef could be
expected from that quarter. Their most bitter enemies, they
say, will take part in the inquiry. No one dare utter a word
for the truth. Our unfortunate brethren, either are confined in
chains in the holds of vessels, and in subterranean dungeons, or
are dispersed in scattered flight, or are in concealment among
their friends. The king will therefore have to be asked first
to set free those who are in confinement, and to give them all
full restitution. Then to send as commissioners just and
humane men, who may take the inquiry out of the hands of the
furious men who now carry it on. Do you strain every nerve
to attain this end ; see that the accusation which is laid upon
them do not harm them. For it is an impudent fabrication,
and I have some suspicion of the authors of it. I only
wonder that any trust at all is reposed in worthless men, to
whose falsehoods the ears of your people must have long since
grown callous. They pretend that this rumour was brought
hither by merchants. But their enemies have never dared to
allege that, for they would have to do so without a colour of
reason. The King's legate, Grignan, who by his treachery
caused this massacre which took place, does not employ this
futile pretext. As far as you can, therefore, prevent the minds
of good men from being diverted by false information from their
efforts to aid them.
Farewell, my brother and honoured friend ; may the Lord
preserve you with your colleagues, whom remember to salute in
my name. My colleagues also respectfully salute you.
John Calvin.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 33.]

1545. JOACHIM WADIAN. 451

CXL. — To Joachim Wadian.1
Excuses for the long silence which he had observed towards Wadian — allu
sion to the controversy regarding the- Sacraments — lively entreaties in he-
half of the Provenc al brethren. Geneva, 24th July 1545.
Although for some time I have often proposed to write you,
yet I was hindered by this one thing, that after such a long in
terval I felt almost ashamed to begin. Lately, when I was at
Zurich an opportunity offered itself, certainly by no means
happy, hut still convenient. But there again Dr. Bullinger
stood in the way, for owing to the very great hurry of business,
he prevented me from accomplishing it. Then at Arau, when I
had put off writing until I had arranged something definitely
with the legates concerning the business about which I had
set out, so sudden was our departure after the answer had been
returned, that I had considerably less time there than at Zurich.
Only I begged your deputy to carry my salutations to you, and
to promise that I would write on the very first opportunity.
Before I knew you personally, my dear Wadian, I always loved
and respected you ; for you had become known to me by your ex
cellent writings, in which both a wonderful candour, rare among
learned men of the present day, and a pious zeal of no common
1 Joachim Wadian, Burgomaster of Saint Gall, one of the most learned men of
the 16th century. Educated at the University of Vienne, he there distinguished
himself by an extraordinary aptness in the cultivation of literature and the sciences,
and cultivated with equal success, poetry, eloquence, medicine, and mathematics ; he
travelled the principal countries of Europe, and returning to Saint Gall, his native
country, corresponded with some of the most illustrious persons of his time, who
honoured his genius and his virtues. United by the ties of friendship to the Swiss
and German reformers, he powerfully contributed to the establishment of the Reform
in his country. An upright magistrate, a conciliatory theologian, an able states
man, he formed the connecting link of important negotiations between the different
Swiss Churches, and died in 1550, leaving an illustrious name and revered memory.
His books and bis manuscripts, carefully preserved in his native town, form the
principal basis of the Town Library of Saint Gall, called sometimes after his name,
the Library of Wadian. See Melchior Adam, Vitas Germanorum Medicorum.
Edit. 1706, p. 24.

452 JOACHIM WADIAN. 1545.
character, as well as your sohd erudition, shine forth. But
when at Basle, many testified to your astonishing love to me,
and when you, yourself, too, in receiving me, gave me such
abundant proofs of it, how could it be otherwise than that
there should be some accession to my former feelings towards
you ? For, as' before I should have been a wicked man had
I not regarded with love, as well as reverence, one who had
deserved so well of the Church of God, so I should have
been heartless had I not returned the love of one by whom
I had been so courteously and kindly entreated. Add to this,
that I saw that your friendship would be no small honour
to me, and those very virtues, which, when I merely pictured
them to my mind had bound me to you, the more they became
known and manifested by converse with you, the more they
tended to increase my love. This relationship, consecrated, as
it were, by such auspices, I have hitherto religiously cherished.
But how I have so httle fostered it by writing, and attested it
to you by other common offices, I will here briefly explain.
When wicked men drove us out by violence and sedition from
Geneva, and we had set out for Zurich in order to report upon
the condition of this Church, or rather its unfortunate disper
sion, of which some traces still remain, I had no difficulty in
perceiving that you had been induced, by the unfavourable lan
guage of certain persons, to suspect us of something which was
not the case. But neither did I think that your mind was
alienated from us, whatever might be whispered into your ears
by those who endeavomed by every means in their power to
render us odious. But rather I remember that I perceived how
anxiously you wished that our interest should be consulted, nor
have those friendly exhortations of yours, which you employed
in your Epitasis, fallen from my memory. But the event
shewed with what unjust prejudices we were loaded.
But wherefore this old story now ? you will say. In sooth,
just that I may excuse my neglect of the duties of friendship in
the past, and that you may not reasonably accuse me either of
sloth, or pride, or ingratitude, if you think me to have been so
neghgent without cause. Nay, when the same reason, wliich
had led me to withdraw from your intimacy, had induced

1545. JOACHIM WADIAN. 453
me also to abstain from correspondence, because I feared you
might not think very well of our cause, and when afterwards
access to you seemed to be precluded to me by the very length
of my silence until some fresh opportunity should open it
again, now, after such a silence, so far from having nothing
to write about, more subjects offer themselves than could be
easily comprised in a letter. Waiving others, I may surely be
allowed to deplore with you the ruinous mischief of internal
strife1 which has broken out afresh. I know what sorrow you
feel. But since the wound is of such a kind that it can scarce
be touched without being further irritated, what resource have
we but with continual prayers to invoke the aid of the Physician
from heaven ? As regards the alleviation of the French perse
cution,2 there is great danger that I have in vain lately spent
much labour and been troublesome to you, unless those, who
desire the safety of Christ's kingdom with their whole heart,
put their hands to the work afresh. ¦ I am given to understand
that there is not much zeal, not to use stronger language, at
Berne and Basle. For, as the old proverb runs, Tears soon dry
up, so we see many for a moment moved by the calamities of
the righteous, and soon after begin to grow cold. Then a seri
ous report affecting the brethren has got abroad, that the king
is violently inflamed against them, because they refused to pay
the tithes of the bishops. When this was made known to me at
Arau, I boldly, and without any hesitation, asserted that it was
an impudent fabrication. For they never denied their penny to
the priests even when they remitted their former duties. Now,
if the King, to satisfy us, says that he has sent the commissary,
I reply, that he lately cajoled the Germans at Worms with the
same reply ; and know that it is a pure fiction. For our bre
thren are persecuted continually by freebooters whom the Legate
1 Alluding to the quarrel about the Sacraments. While he freely admitted an
interpretation opposed to that of Luther in regard to the Supper, Joachim Wadian
had always shewn great deference for the Reformers of Germany, and, animated by
the desire of bringing about an accommodation between the Churches divided upon
that fetal question, he published in 1536, a book entitled, " Aphorismorum Libri
Sex de consideratione EucJiaristice," which he sent along with a respectful letter
to Luther. — See Hospinian, Hist. Sacrament., tom. ii. pp. 270, 271.
2 See the preceding letters.

454 monsieur de falais. 1545.
of Avignon fosters in his domains. But it is surer than certainty
itself that they are playing into each other's hands. The officials
of the King relax nothing of their usual cruelty. The King may
send commissaries as he will, but there is no one who dares to
open his mouth for the truth, such terror is inspired into all,
and besides, it is not allowed to any one to present himself and
hear what the decree really is. Application must be made for
the liberation of those who are prisoners, and for the reinstate
ment of exiles in their possessions : then let the King begin to
make an inquiry, as he had promised long ago to them to do.
Since, owing to your high authority in your senate, this may be
very easily obtained by you, and I am indeed convinced that
you are of yourself inclined to this cause, I shall be content
with this humble exhortation, lest, if I advised more particu
larly, I should seem to distrust you.
Farewell, most illustrious Sir, most highly honoured friend ;
may the Lord long preserve you to His Church, and continue
to govern you by His own Spirit. I beg you will not think it
too much trouble to salute the ministers in my name.
John Calvin.
[Lat. copy. — Library of Gotha. Vol. 404.]

CXLI. — To Monsieur de Falais.
Report of the near arrival of M. de Falais at Geneva — details relative to
the acquiring of a house in that town.
Geneva, 5th August 1545.
Monseigneur, — I thank our gracious God in that He has re
joiced our hearts with the good news of the restoration of your
health, without permitting us to be made sorrowful by a know
ledge of your illness. If we had been informed of it in time we
would have offered up our prayers to Him as in duty bound.
But since He has cared for you so well without your having re
quired our aid, we have double cause to thank Him. The joy,
too, is increased by learning that this visitation has been almost
like a medicine in rendering you more robust than before.

1545. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 455
However that may be, since we have a God who can in a mo
ment, and without difficulty, call His own from the tomb, He
can also, surely, lead them to the very brink of the grave with
out permitting them to fall into it, till the time has come.
Had I leisure to write Madame, I would tell her that her
letters have taught me that it is well to read to the end before
judging ; for I had allowed myself to be smprised in the
second fine, in which she informed me of the danger in which
you had been, although her prudent consideration helped me to
restrain my feehngs, so that, in truth, I may say, that I was
singularly comforted before I had time to be grieved.
As to the matter to wliich you referred in your letter, your
intention of coming hither has not been divulged by us. But
rumour flies, and we know not whence, or how it comes, unless
" the wind carry it. When they speak to me on the subject, I
let their words pass, without being at the pains to contradict
them. There came a traveller from Strasbourg who spoke as
if he knew your intentions. I therefore thought that it would
be lost labour to deny it, but that the best way was to let
every one think as he pleased. Some one came to me and told
me that a gentleman named so and so, who had retired to
Strasbourg, &c, &c, as if he knew much more about you than I
did. When he asked things which were known to all, as it
would have been barefaced to affect ignorance of them, I as
sented so far as was necessary. " In this way we shall practise
reservation in so far as we shall see it to be profitable. Mean
while, lay your account with this, that people will prattle about
your affairs in your absence without having commission from
you. With respect to the house, Monsieur Nicolas and I shall do
what we promised. There is only one difficulty, namely, what
is to be done if the owners fix the price, not above its proper
value, but above what he is willing to give. We consider that
they might reasonably ask two thousand five hundred crowns ;
Nicolas is unwilling to go beyond two thousand two hundred, or
thereabouts; — not because he thinks the property worth no
more, but because his purse will not admit of his giving more.
This difficulty already perplexes us. If that place should not

, 456 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1545.
suit, there is another under consideration, full two leagues dis
tant. I fear it is too far away, for it is a great convenience to
be near the town, and the place I refer to is pretty hear the lake.
In short, if it were a rational desire, I should wish that some
one here lent you his eye, lest through delay good opportunities
escape us.
I understand from your letters what it is that detains you,
but I am persuaded the difficulty will now be removed. When
I consider everything, my desire is, that, at your very first
arrival, you should be well lodged, and your affairs all well
arranged. But in your absence it is extremely difficult to pur
chase a place for you. Lodgings can be easily hired in the
town ; but the more important matter [of a settled dwelling]
cannot be satisfactorily arranged without your personal pre
sence. For our pleasure may not be yours. May it please God
that you may be here in time to take advantage of the oppor
tunity while it lasts. I expect, however, that if we do not suc
ceed in one case, we shall fall back upon another.
I fear to retard your setting out, if I tell you that our Lord
afflicts us somewhat with a pestilence.1 But I think it better
to inform you of it in good time, that you may come with con
fidence, than to allow you to be taken by surprise. Of other
things you have no doubt been duly informed, for I begged
Maldonad2 and Saint Andre-3 not to withhold anything ; al
though, indeed, you yourself know what it is important to attend
to better than all our warnings and admonitions can instruct"
you. Since we seek Jesus Christ, we must expect to find Him
crucified afresh wherever we go in this world. I hope, however,
that our kind Father will give you as much repose here as will
be needful for your health of body. We shall expect some
definite information from you by the earliest messenger, and
important directions what we are to do.
And now, Monseigneur, humbly commending myself to your
favour and to that of Madame, and presenting to you both the
1 It ceased to ravage Geneva only in 1546.
2 A gentleman of Hanover, a refugee at Geneva.
1 Another refugee, from Besancon. He was admitted to the ministry in the fol
lowing year.

1545. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 457
respects of my wife, I shall supphcate our gracious God to keep
you under His protection, guiding you always by His Spirit, and
sending what He knows to be for your welfare.
Your servant, humble brother, and sincere friend,
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

CXLIL— To Oswald Myconius.
Letter of recommendation for Ochino.
Geneva, 15th August 1545.
The bearer of this letter to you is Bernardino de Sienne,1 a
man not long since of high repute in Italy, and deserving of
high esteem everywhere. Though I did not doubt that straight
way, upon hearing his name, you would, in your kindness,
receive him as his singular piety and erudition deserve, yet I
was unwilling to let the opportunity pass of ^adding my own
recommendation also ; nor would I view it in the light of his
need of it only, but also of my duty. Give him, therefore, to
understand, as I know you will do of your own accord, that he
is beloved by all the servants of Christ. Yet this, too, will be
agreeable to me, if you should shew him that my recommen
dation weighs somewhat with you. Farewell, most reverend
father in God. The Lord be ever with you and your'colleagues,
to whom, and to your wife likewise, convey my salutations.
John Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr. — Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. Ill, p. 1423.] ,
1 From this letter it would appear that Ochino had not yet professed those
opinions which soon thereafter alienated from him the affection of Calvin. Having
retired to Geneva in 1542, Ochino quitted that town in 1545, to go to Basle. The
same year we find him again at Strasbourg, which he left in 1548, to seek an
asylum in England. „

458 MADAME DE FALAIS. 1545.

CXLIIL— To Madame de Falais.
Use of affliction — preparation for the arrival of M. de Falais at Geneva.
Geneva, 15th August 1545.
Madame, — It is reasonable, that after having received four
letters from you, I should send at least one in return. But I
beseech you to treat me leniently on this occasion, as the letter
carrier, who promised to give me notice two days before bis
departure, has been more hurried than he anticipated, and I
have had, consequently, less time than I expected. But I shall
refrain from further apologies, knowing, that to a person of your
good sense, a word will suffice.
Your letters have been a source of double gratification to
me, which, indeed, I need scarcely tell you, since you will
beheve it without a word from me to that effect. It is, be
cause it has pleased our gracious God to restore Monsieur
to good health after so troublesome an illness, and because
he is now more robust than he was previously to this attack.
From this we should learn not to consider it wonderful that
God should bring spiritual good out of bodily affliction, since,
even for the body itself, a disease has become a cure. We must
now pray, that as He has commenced to restore him to health,
He may be pleased fully to confirm it, and give him a body so
vigorous that he may feel disposed to take recreation, and make
up for the weary imprisonment of the last three months.
I send you herewith the letters which the sister of Monsieur
David had written to him, not because they can afford you any
consolation, but because I thought it improper to suppress them.
I expect, please God, that we shall have more certain informa
tion through the servant of Monsieur Bernardin, of your own
health and that of Monsieur, as well as of your affairs, that we
may know when to make provision of wood : as to the new wine,
we are attending to it. It is true, that if you are very much
afraid of the epidemic, that might be some reason for delay ;
and yet I assure you, that you ought not to be influenced by

1545. MADAME DE FALAIS. 459
mere rumour, which gives a very exaggerated account of
the reality.
And now, humbly commending myself to your good favour
and that of Monsieur, I will supphcate our Heavenly Father to
keep you both in all prosperity, filling you with joy through
His grace, and giving you an equanimity of soul which will
raise you above ah earthly troubles, making you worthy to be
the means of glorifying His name more and more. — Amen.
Ever your servant and humble brother,
John Calvin.
[Fr. orig. autogr. — Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

EniNliUKGH : T. CONSTABLE, PRINTER TO HER MAJESTY.

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