SIR MARTIN FROBISHER LONDON : PHINTED BT BPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STKEET SQtJASB AND PABLTAMEKT STBEET SIR MARTIN FROBISHER THE LIFE OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER, KNIGHT CONTAINING A XAERATIVE OF THE SPANISH ARMADA BY THE EEV. FRANK JONES, B.A. LONDON LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 1878 All rights reserved TO THE REV. H. D. M. SPENCE, M.A. VICAR OP ST. PANCRAS AND RURAL DEAN HON. CANON OP GLOUCESTER EXAMKIXG CHAPLAIN TO THE BISHOP OP GLOUCESTER AND BRISTOL ETC. THIS WORK IS GRATEFULLY AMD RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED PREFACE. Fkobishee is a historical figure which has always stood behind Hawkins and Drake, and been hidden by them. Frobisher has come to be considered as an appendage of the other two Admirals ; and to ordinary readers of history is as an item in the multiphcation table which can only be reached after repeating the column. But he had an indivi duahty perhaps more clear and prominent than any of the other great mariners that served the Queen. He was something more than a privateer and a warrior. It is in the hope of bringing Frobisher out of his historical seclusion that this biography is issued. F. J. Forest Hill : 1878. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Frobisher "s ancestors and birthplace — He is sent to London ; thence turned adrift — Becomes a captain — Privateering — He is examined on a charge of piracy — Fits out a ship against the Irish — Sir Humphrey Gilbert .... AutTwrities. — Wainwright's 'Yorkshire;' Hunter's 'History of the Deanery of Doncaster ; ' Miller's ' History of Don caster ; ' FuUer's ' Worthies ; ' Harleian MSS., No. 4,630, p. 190; Cotton: Otho E, viii. fols. 41, 42, 43, 46; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. xl., Nos. 1, 7 ; ditto, vol. Ixxx., Nos. 31, 54 ; Hakluyt, vol. iii. ; Frobisher's Will, Appendix. CHAPTER n. Cathay — The Monk Odoric's account — The search for it by the West — Sir Hugh Willoughby searches for it by the North east — The Company of Moscovia .... Authorities.—^ Cathay and the Way Thither ; ' Pinkerton, vol. xii. ; Hakluyt, vol. i. CHAPTER HI. Frobisher convinced of a passage by the North-west — Endea vours to fit out an expedition — His hopes and disappoint ments — Finds a patron in the Earl of Warwick — A digression to the Earl of Desmond ...... Atithorities. — Hakluyt, vol. iii.; State Papers, Ireland, vol. xxxviii., No. 48. Contents. CHAPTER, IV. FAGB Opposition from the Muscovy Company — Frobisher overcomes it —Michael Lock's liberality— Getting ready for the North west— Dr. Dee and Sir Humphrey Gilbert teach Frobisher . 14 Autliorities,— Cotton ; Otho E, viii., fols. 41, 42; Hak luyt, vol. i. CHAPTER V. The ' Gabriel ' and ' Michael ' set forth — The variation of the needle — A storm, in which the pinnace is lost . . 18 AutJwriUes for the first voyage. — Narratives of George Best, and Christopher Hall, Hakluyt, vol. iii. ; and of Michael Lock ; Cotton : Otho E, vol. viii., foi. 46. CHAPTER \1. The ' Michael ' abandons the General — Owen Gryfiyn's story — Greenland — The ' Gabriel ' goes on alone — Frobisher's promptness and skill save her . . . . .22 Authorities. — The same. CHAPTER ^^I. The ' Gabriel ' arrives on the American shore — The Queen's Fore land — Hall's Island — The finding of the ' black stone ' — The bark sails up Frobisher's Straits . . . .26 Autltorities. — The same. CHAPTER VIH. Frobisher goes ashore — Natives in canoes look threatening — A parley and au exchange of hostages — Description of the Esquimaux — Frobisher's caution . . . .29 Autlwrities. — The same. Contents. xi CHAPTER IX. PAGE Eeasons for thinking the Straits to be the North-West Passage — The English are pursued by the natives and regain their boat — Another exchange of hostages — A native pilot ; native trea chery, and capture of the ' Gabriel's' boat, with a crew of five men. .... .... 33 Authorities, — The same. CHAPTER X. The General's efforts to recover his men — The Esquimaux medi tate an attack on the ' Gabriel ; ' but are afraid of the fal conet — A stratagem, by which a native is captured — Fro bisher's great physical strength . . . .37 Authorities. — The same. CHAPTER XI. Waiting in vain — A council, which adopts a resolution to return — The ' Gabriel ' sails for England — A man overboard saved by Frobisher — Arrival in England . . . .42 AutTwrities. — The same. CHAPTER Xn. The captive savage dies — Frobisher is sinking into oblivion ; when the ' black stone ' proves to be his philosopher's stone — It is reported to be gold — The assays . . .44 Authorities. — Best's Narrative ; Memoir of Sir Philip Sidney ; Holinshed's ' Chronicles ; ' Cotton : Otho E, viii., foi. 45; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. cxii.. No. 25; Fro bisher's letter, given in Chap. XXI. CHAPTER XIII. More rumours about the gold— A second voyage is projected— The Company of Cathay — Frobisher appointed High Admiral inpaHihus — The Queen's instructions ... . .48 Authorities.S>t3,ts Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ex., Nos. 21, 22 ; vol. cxi., Nos. 48, 49 ; vol. cxiii., No. 12 ; vol. cxix., Nos. 31, 32, 33, 41. xii Contents, CHAPTER XIV. PAGB Departure of the ships— The Lord's Supper administered at Gravesend— The Queen's scolding letter at Harwich— Fro bisher avenges himself— The Orkneys— Greenland . . 52 AutTwrities for the second voyage.— Captain Best's Nar rative, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. ; Narrative of Dionise Settle (to be found in separate form and in Hakluyt, vol. iii.). CHAPTER XV. The ' Michael ' distressed — A determined man dies — A theory of the formation of icebergs — The ships enter Frobisher's Straits — A hunt for more of the ' black stone ' — The Queen's sovereignty proclaimed . . . . . .55 AutTwrities. — The same. CHAPTER XM. Traffic with the natives — An English stratagem defeated, and the General wounded — A native captured by a Cornish wrestler — A terrific storm . . . . . .60 AutTwrities. — The same ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., voL cxviii., No. 40. CHAPTER XVn. A fire on board the ' Aid ' — A battle with the ice, in which God is their best steersman — The General and his company come on board — Thanksgiving — Cliffs of gold and a harbour — Security is near destruction — Charles Jackman . . . .63 AutTwrities. — Best and Settle. CHAPTER XVm. More gold mines found ; also a dead narwhal — The Queen's sove reignty proclaimed over the southern shore — Discovery subordinated to gold-hunting — A miracle of deliverance wrought for the ' Gabriel '—The < Michael's ' hairbreadth escape •••..... gg AutTwrities.— The same. Contents. xiii CHAPTER XIX. PAGB Evidences of cannibalism — Dog harness — The Countess of War wick's Sound and Island — All hands at work — An Esquimaux letter— The captive is shown a picture of the captive taken in the first voyage . , . . . .70 AutTwrities. — The same. CHAPTER XX. The ' Aid ' has an experience — The ' Michael ' finds mementos of the five lost men — ^An attack upon an Esquimaux village ; a chase, a fight; desperate valour of the natives — Two women and a babe taken . . . . . .73 AutTwrities. — The same. CHAPTER XXI. The captured man and woman are brought together — Native modesty — The Coimtess's Island fortified — The Esquimaux undertake to deliver a letter from Frobisher to the captive five men ... .... 79 AutTwrities.— Th.e same. CHAPTER XXn. The General exhorts to greater vigilance — Best's Bulwark — Native treachery — The two captives make attempts to escape — A marshalling of natives dispersed by the sound of a cannon — A clever native stratagem . . . .82 AutTwrities. — The same. CHAPTER XXIII. Preparations for returning — The fleet departs — The ' Michael ' parts company with her consorts in a storm — A dream and its sudden fulfilment — The ' Aid ' and ' Gabriel ' part — A season able calm — Arrival in England . . . .87 AutTwrities. — The same. xiv Contents. CHAPTER XXIV. PAGB Frobisher and his officers received at Court — The ore safely , stored — The shareholders heavily assessed ; still others apply for shares . . . . . . .90 Authorities, — The same; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. cxv.. No. 35 ; vol. cxvi., Nos. 14, 24, 25 ; vol. cxix. No. 144 ; vol. cxxii., Nos. 9, 10. CHAPTER XXV. Agnello and Shutz assaying and melting the ore— New furnaces axe built— English assayers cannot find gold in the ore— Dr. Burchard Kraurych determined to find more than all others — The assayers quarrel . . . . . .94 AutTurrities. — State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. cxii.. No. 53 • vol. cxviii.. No. 43 ; vol. cxix., Nos. 8, 12, 46 ; vol. cxxii., Nos. 44, 61, 62 ; vol. cxxiii., Nos. 5, 7 ; vol. cxxxi., No. 52. CHAPTER XXVI. Plans for a third voyage -A colony projected on Frobisher's Straits— The Queen's instructions— She hangs a chain of gold around the Admiral's neck— The fleet gathering at Harwich . 98 AutTwrities.— State Papers, Dom. EUz., vol. cxxiii., Nos. 50, 51 ; vol. cxxiv., No. 1 ; vol. cxxix., No. 36 ; Conway Papers. CHAPTER XXVII. The Admiral's instructions to the fleet-Departure from Harwich -A Frenchman chased-A plundered English ship found- Frobisher s humanity-Gulf Stream-Fii-st white mau on Greenland— A ship kills a whale AutTwrities tor the third voyage.-Narrative of Captain L ;hf; T^^^^T!,"'''^'''' S^'^' ^'^'=' 1^'^b.; Jom-nal kept m the 'Judith,' Har. Ms8., 167, foi. 41 ; Eepoit of ThomL Wiars, passenger m the 'Busse,' Hakluyt vol iii • Vnv^t^ of Thomas Ellis, Hakluyt, vol. iii. ^' ' ^^'""^'^^ 102 Contents. xv CHAPTER XXVin. PAGB Frobisher's Straits found icebound — The Admiral tries to force an entrance — The ice in motion — The ' Dennis ' sunk — A terrible night — Escape and thanksgiving — The fleet is swept south ward through the fog by an unknown current — Difference of opinion .,,..... 107 AutTwrities. — The same, CHAPTER XXIX. Their bearings lost ; a consultation wherein Frobisher and Hall lose their temper — Frobisher is carried away by the lore of discovery — The fleet sails up Hudson's Straits — The Ad miral's reasons for believing that he had found the North- West Passage . . . . . . .111 AutTwrities. — The same. CHAPTER XXX. The fleet returns towards the ocean — New perils are added to the old, and death impends over all — The Queen's Foreland proved to be an island — The perils through which the ' Ann Frances,' ' Thomas AUin,' ' Busse,' and < Francis of Foy ' had . 115 AutTwrities, — The same.CHAPTER XXXI. Discontent bordering on mutiny — Frobisher contents the crew with promise of rest — Another storm makes the fulfilment of it impossible — A desperate project that succeeds; and Fro bisher arrives at his port, in which are found the ' Michael ' and ' Judith ' . . . . . . .120 AutTwrities. — The same. CHAPTER XXXn. Negligence on board the ' Aid '—Edward Sellman covers himself With immortality and ridicule — More security brings more perils to the 'Aid' — Master Wolf all, the missionary-^Fro- bisher issues sanitary regulations .... 123 Authorities.— Va!& same ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. cxxx., No. 17. a xvi Contents. CHAPTER XXXIII. PAGB What the ' Michael ' and ' Judith ' had passed through — Master Wolf all's great spirit and courage.— The scheme of colonisa tion abandoned ....... 127 Authorities, — The same. CHAPTER XXXIV. The 'Ann Frances,' ' Moon,' and 'Thomas of Ipswich' cannot reach their port — Some talk of returning home ; but Captain Best dissuades them — Suspicions of treachery . . 131 AutTwrities. — The same. CHAPTER XXXV. The 'Thomas of Ipswich ' deserts— Best in search of a harbour — ' Best's Blessing ' — The ' Ann Frances ' aground — Best's ingenuity in putting together a pinnace — Hatton's Head land — Capture of a polar bear ... . . 135 AutTim'ities. — The same ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., voL cxxvi.. No. 33. CHAPTER XXXVI. Captain Best sails in the pinnace to seek the Admiral —Gabriel's Island— A curious alarm ends happily— The Countess of Sussex Mine — Best and Frobisher meet . . . 139 AutTwrities. — The same. CHAPTER XXXVH. Ore found on every hand— Deaths in the fleet— Fenton is irate at the Admiral— The difference settled by the council— A fruit less attempt to surprise some natives— Best returns to his ship— A house and oven built— First administration of the Lord's Supper on land . . . -iao Authorities. — The same. CHAPTER XXXVin. The beer falls short— An archipelago discovered— Preparations for returning home— The fleet at anchor ofl! Beare's Sound— Contents. xvii , ,. PAGK A storm and disastrous consequences —End of Best's pinnace . . . . . . . .147 AutTwrities, — The same. CHAPTER XXXIX. Frobisher's ship sails home without him — Wonderful escape of the ' Busse ' — The ' Sunken Land of Busse ' — The arrival in England — Subsequent attempts to enter Frobisher's Straits — Finding of the Frobisher remains in ISeli- . . . 152 Authorities, — The same; ' Life with the Esquimaux,' vol. i., by C. F. HaU. CHAPTER XL. The Queen commands the shareholders to pay off the crews — The accounts of the Company of Cathay — Michael Lock's plaintive appeals — The Indictment of Abuses . .156 AictTwrities.Sta.te Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. cxxvi., Nos. 20, 21, 34, 35, 57 ; vol. cxxvii., Nos. 8, 12, 16, 20 ; vol. cxxix., Nos. 9, 12, 44 ; vol. cxxx., Nos. 17, 18, 19. CHAPTER XLI. The Queen threatens the delinquent shareholders — Rival offers for the ore — William Burrough exhibits an account and brings an action — Lock is thrown into the Fleet — Frobisher in poverty —Isabel Frobisher's painful letter . . . 161 AutTwrities. — Lansdowne MSS., xxx.. No. 4 ; Cotton : Otho E, viii., foi. 41 ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. cxxvi.. No. 47. ; vol. cxxvii.. No. 10 ; vol. cxxix.. No. 11 ; vol. cxlix.. No. 42 ; vol. cli.. No. 17. CHAPTER XLII. Eebellion of FitzMaurice — Down Enoyr, Dingle, and Smerwick^ The fleet under Winter — Frobisher is sent back on an errand — His observations on the victualling of the fleet . 166 AutTwrities. — Diary of Nicholas White in State Papers, Dom Eliz. (Ireland), vol. Ixxiv., No. 56 ; voL Ixxvi., Nos. 64, 71, 72 ; (Ireland), vol. Ixxvii., No. 51 ; (Ireland), vol. Ixxvi., No. 49; (Ireland), vol. Ixxvi., No. 55; Holinshed's 'Chro nicles ; ' Fronde's ' History of England,' vol. xi. a2 xviii Contents. CHAPTER XLin. PAGB The siege of Smerwick — The cowardly surrender and the mas sacre — Frobisher is in great straits and receives an appoint ment from the Crown . . . . . .170 AutTwrities. — Holinshed ; Diary of Nicholas White ; Froude's History; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., voL cli., No. 16 ; Warrant Book, vol. i., p. 118. CHAPTER XLIV. Designs against Spanish commerce — Fragment of a letter of Drake's — An expedition is fitted out — Frobisher's dis appointment ....... 175 Authorities.— Cotton ; Otho E, viii., fols. 87, 97, 104, 119 ; Lediard's 'Naval History,' book ii.; Hakluyt, vol. iii. CHAPTER XLV. Don Antonio fits out a fleet in England — The Earl of Shrewsbury, Frobisher, and TJghtred join in the venture . . .179 AutTwrities.— Cotton : Otho E, viii., fols. 103, 113, 119; Strype's 'Annals,' vol iii.; 'L'Histoire des Franfais,' par de Sismondi, tome xx. CHAPTER XLVL Issue of letters of marque— Equipment of the West Indian fleet under Drake and Frobisher— They sail down the coast of Spaia 183 AutTwrities.— Camden ; Motley ; Barrow's ' Life of Drake ; ' Narratives of T. Gates and Walter Bigges. CHAPTER XLVn.. The fleet arrives at Vigo Bay— Church plunder— The Island of Palma defends itself successfully— Ferro contains nothing but hungry people— The Queen's coronation-day kept at St. Jago — A fruitless march— St. Jago is burned . . i87 AutTwrities. — Gates and Bigges. Contents. xix CHAPTER XLVm. PAGE A grievous plague on board— The fleet crosses to the Leeward Isles and makes a descent on Hispaniola — Carleill with the land forces captures the town gates — An envoy murdered ; Drake revengeful ; monks hung — Spanish deliberations quickened with singeing . . , . .193 AutTwrities. — The same. CHAPTER XLLX. The fleet sails to the mainland — Cartagena attacked by sea and land — The town taken — Here also the Spaniards are helped to a decision with fire — A disastrous affair — The fleet sails homewards ....... 197 AwtTwritAes, — The same. CHAPTER L. St. Augustine, in Florida, is taken and burned — The fleet com municates with the English colony in Virginia — The colony is abandoned — The first tobacco .... 201 Authorities. — The same. CHAPTER Ll. The Catholic and Protestant Powers preparing for a death- struggle- Sluys besieged — Frobisher has a command in the Channel — He writes a letter . . . . .205 Authorities, — Fronde; Motley; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccix.. No. 15 ; Cotton : Galba D, ii., foi. 59. CHAPTER LH. Parma's preparations in Sluys, Nieuport, and Dunkirk — The Armada is ready — Lord Howard's complaints of the Queen — The fleet collects at Portsmouth . . . .210 AutTwrities. — State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccix., Nos. 9, 10, 11, 12, 15; 74 ; vol. ccxi., Nos. 26, 37, 45, 46 ; The Narra tive of Petmccio Ubaldino ; Har. Miscellany, vol. i. ; Camden's ' Annals ; ' Stow's ' Annals ; ' Froude ; Motley ; ' Relacion del Viage la Armada Eeal ; ' Barrow's ' Naval Worthies.' XX Contents. CHAPTER Lin. PAGE The state of the ships at Plymouth— The Armada arrives off the Lizard— The numbers of the Spanish ships— Description of the galleasses ....•¦• 216 AutTwrities. — • Ubaldino, ' Relacion del Viage ; ' Stow ; Camden ; Motley ; list of ships by WiUiam Muxdin, Burghley State Papers ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxii., Nos. 59, 61. CHAPTER LIV. English ships warped out of Plymouth — They gain the weather- gage of the Armada — Model attack by four ships — The Battle of Looe — The Armada puts off before the wind . 220 AutTwrities. — Morgan's ' Phoenix Britannicus,' p. 346 ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxii., No. 80 ; vol. ccxiii.. No. 67 ; Froude ; Stow ; Camden ; Purchas, vol. iv. ; Ubaldino, ' Relacion del Viage.' CHAPTER LV. Drake appointed to carry the lantern — Two galleons disabled — De Valdez abandoned by the Armada — Oquendo's ship blown up — Drake's pursuit of the Easteriings — The plunder of De Valdez' ship . . . . . . .224 AutTwrities. — State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxiii.. No. 89 ; vol. coxv.. No. 36 ; Purchas, vol. iv. ; Ubaldino, ' Relacion del Viage ; ' Speed ; Stow ; Camden. CHAPTER L\l. A day wasted — Sidonia again strengthens his rear line — The wind changes, which brings on the Battle of Portland Bill— Fro bisher fights the galleasses — Sidonia brings up his reserves, but is finally compelled to withdraw .... 229 Authorities,— VhalAino, ' Relacion del Viage ; ' Purchas ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxiii., No. 71. CHAPTER L^II. The English without powder— The galleasses again try a bout with the English— Two Spanish ships are seen unable to keep Contents. xxi PAGE up — Frobisher attempts to capture them : this brings on the Battle of Freshwater — Frobisher in danger , . . 235 Authorities. — State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxiii., Nos. 40, 71 ; Raleigh's Essays ; Camden ; Purchas ; Ubaldino, ' Relacion del Viage ; ' Froude ; Motley. CHAPTER L^^^. A calm, and cessation of hostilities — Sidonia in great anxiety Frobisher knighted — The fleets come to anchor off Calais — The squadron of Winter and Seymour joins the English . 241 Authorities. — Camden ; Purchas ; Ubaldino, ' Relacion del Viage ; ' Murdin's List, Burghley Papers ; State Papers, Dom. EUz., vol. ccxiii. No. 67 ; vol. coxiv., No. 7. CHAPTER LIX. The Duke of Sidonia and the Duke of Parma — The latter is sus pected of treachery — Winter and Howard form a plan — Some English ships run foul — Fire-ships are prepared . 245 AutTwrities. — 'Dbaldino, ' Relacion del Viage ; ' State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxiv., Nos. 7, 43. CHAPTER LX. Fite-ships sent adrift at midnight — Panic in the Armada — The great galleass runs aground on Calais Bar — She is attacked and plundered — The Governor of Calais interferes with the sport ........ 250 AutTwrities. — Camden; Stow; Purchas; Ubaldino, ' Relacion del Viage ; ' State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxiii., Nos. 64, 67 ; vol. ccxiv., Nos. 7, 43. CHAPTER LXI. The pursuit of the scattered Armada — The Battle of Gravelines — Desperate valour shown on both sides — The Armada is slowly driven towards a lee shore — Lord Howard sends another appeal for food and powder ..... 255 Authorities. — Froude ; Motley ; Ubaldino, ' Relacion del Viage ; ' State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxii.. No. 80 ; voL ccxiii., No. 64 ; vol. ccxiv., Nos. 2, 7, 50. xxii Contents. CHAPTER LXII. PAGB The Armada drifting towards the sands of Holland — The English looking on to see the end — The wind providentially shifts and they escape — The Armada resolves to seek for home by the North Sea . . . . . . .260 AutTwrities. — Ubaldino, ' Relacion del Viage ; ' Camden ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxiii.. No. 67 ; vol. ccxiv., Nos. 2, 7, 27, 42, 50. CHAPTER LXHI. The English ships return from the pursnit>— The Armada ex pected back — ^Advice flows in on the Queen and her Secretary — End of the Armada . . . . . .264 AutTwrities. — Stow ; Camden ; Ubaldino ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxiv., Nos. 48, 49, 50, 61, 65 ; State Papers, vol. ccxv., No, 6 (Italian). CHAPTER LXIV. Great want and sickness on board the ships at Margate Roads A scene at Harwich — Frobisher raves against Drake Richard Tomson puts in a claim for a share of the prize - ™oiiey • • • . . . . .268 AutTwrities. — State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxiii.. No. 89 ; vol. ccxiv., Nos. 45, 50, 61, 63, 64, 66 ; vol. ccxv., Nos. 58,' 59, 61, 62 ; Notes of the Warrant, State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. coxxx.. No. 113. CHAPTER LXV. Frobisher sent to cruise in the Channel— The merchants of the Steelyard bring complaints against him— The Queen resolves to strengthen the Channel fleet under Frobisher— The troubles of Hawkins— Parma's condition . . .275 Authorities.— M.o'Ctej ; Stow's 'Survey' in 1589; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxv.. No. 58 ; vol. ccxviii., No. 40 ; vol. coxix.. No. 83 ; vol. ccxxxi., No. 83 ; vol. ccxiii., No. 79.' Contents. xxiii CHAPTER LXVI. PAGE Frobisher writes three letters with his own hand — Some cap tures — The Admiral gives good reasons for holding Ostend . 280 Authorities. — State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. coxxiv., Nos. 12, 16, 26. CHAPTER LXVn. The command of the Chaimel fleet is transferred to Sir Henry Palmer; and Frobisher is sent on an expedition against Spain — Fight at Castle Sagres — A capture — The Earl of Cumberland — Two more Spaniards are taken — Hawkins is greedy 289 Authorities. — Rymer's ' Fcedera ; ' Hakluyt, vol. iii. ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxxii.. No. 96 ; vol. ccxxiii., No, 103 ; vol. ccxxv.. No. 32 ; vol. ccxxvi.. No. 88 ; vol. ccxxx.. No. 92 ; vol. ccxxxviii., No. 171. CHAPTER LXVni. The Plate fleet of Spain — Frobisher's advice on the subject of in tercepting it — ^An expedition is equipped under Frobisher and Hawkins ....... 293 AutTurrities, — Hakluyt, vol. ii. ; Monson's ' Tracts ; ' Cam den ; Barrow's ' Life of Drake ; ' Cotton : Otho E, viii., foi. 266 ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxxxi i., Nos. 13, 15, 24 ; vol. ccxiii.. No. 79. CHAPTER LXIX. The expedition sets sail — Philip sends to stay the departure of the Plate fleet — The English cross to the Azores— Plundering of the Easteriings— The return . . . . .297 Authorities, — Hakluyt, vol. ii. ; Monson ; Camden ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxxxiii., Nos. 113, 117, 119 ; vol. ccxxxiv., Nos. 13, 37. xxiv Contents. CHAPTER LXX. PAGE Thomas Davis brings an Indictment of Abuses against Frobisher and young Martin : The Queen's press is abused ; bribery and corruption ; false muster-rolls ; cowardice ; nepotism, etc . 301 AutTwrities, — State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxxxiv.. No. 43 ; ' Observations of Richard Hawkins,' Hak. Soc. Pub. CHAPTER LXXI. Claimants for the captured ships before the Admiralty Judge — Hawkins's plunder seized under a London writ ; and re captured by force ...... 305 Authorities.— State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxxxiii., Nos. 113, 117, 119 ; vol. ccxxxiv., Nos. 2, 13, 17. CHAPTER LXXH. Frobisher visits his native place — Marries Dame Widmer- poole — Buys the Manor of Whitwood and the Grange of Finningley — Young Martin — The Admiral is called away to London — Raleigh is fitting out an expedition for the West Indies — Contrary winds ..... 308 AutTwrities. — Wainwright's ' Yorkshire,' vol. i. ; Miller's ' History of Doncaster ; ' Monson ; Lediard ; Register of Fin ningley Church ; Frobisher's Will, in Appendix ; Raleigh's letter to Cecil, in ' Life of Raleigh,' by Edwards ; Harleian MSS., No. 4,630, p. 190 ; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., Docquets, vol. ii. CHAPTER LXXin. The Queen will not part with Raleigh — But he eludes her — Fro bisher sent after him— Raleigh hesitates— A storm decides him — The command delivered to Frobisher and Burroughs — Capture of the ' Santa Clara ' — Frobisher leads a Spanish fleet on a wild goose chase ...... 312 AutTwrities. — Camden ; Monson ; HaJduyt, vol. ii. ; St. John's ' Life of Raleigh ; ' Edwards's ' Life of Raleigh ; ' Cayley's 'Life of Raleigh,' vol. i. ; 'Works and Life of Raleigh,' by Oldys and Birch, vol. i. Contents. xxv CHAPTER LXXIV. PAGE Off the Azores — The Earl of Cumberland's ships chase a carrack, which is run ashore — The English ships go to meet the other carracks — The ' Madre de Dios ' attacked and captured — A Spanish fleet in pursuit ...... 316 Authorities. — The same. CHAPTER LXXV. Precautions against recapture of the ' Madre ' — She is rummaged of her jewels — Efforts to regain them — Frobisher goes to Yorkshire again ; and invests his prize-money well — He is made a justice . . . . . . .319 Authorities. — The same ; Frobisher's Will, in Appendix ; Harleian MSS., No. 4,630, p. 190. CHAPTER LXXVI. The coast towns of France — The Spaniards build a fort at Crozon, on Brest harbour — An English expedition sent against it under Frobisher and Sir John Norris — Frobisher makes his will — Norris takes some villages — Frobisher blockades Brest harbour ....... 322 AutTwrities. — Fuller's ' Worthies ; ' Frobisher's Will ; A Diurnal of Thomas Millington; Sismondi 's 'History of France ; ' State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccxlviii.. No. 98 ; vol. ccxlix., No. 128 ; vol. ccL, Nos. 29, 40. CHAPTER LXXVH. Crozon invested — A sortie against the English position — A sortie against the French position — A premature assault — The Queen reproves Norris— A third sortie — D'Aquila on the way to relieve the fort — A mine sprung ; a general assault — Fro bisher and his sailors enter — The Admiral is wounded . 326 Authorities. — Camden ; Sismondi ; Millington 's ' Diurnal ; ' State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccl., No. 28. xxvi Contents. CHAPTER LXXVin. PAGE Famine on board — Frobisher's report of the taking of Fort Crozon —The Queen's letter to Frobisher — The fleet returns to Plymouth — Frobisher's death .... 331 AutTwrities. —Fuller ; Hunter's ' History of Doncaster ; ' Cotton: Otho E, ix., foi. 267; Caligula E, ix., foL 211; State Papers, Dom. Eliz., vol. ccl., Nos. 13, 22, 29 ; vol. ccix.. No. 11. CHAPTER LXXIX. Frobisher's Character ...... 336 Authorities. — His Life : Campbell's ' Lives of the Admi rals ; ' Froude's ' Short Studies,' vol. i. ; Fuller's 'Worthies.' APPENDIX. Frobisher's Will . . . . * i . 343 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. POBTEAIT ...... Frontispiece The Arctic Regions (from Lok's Map). . To face page 17 Map of Davis's Strait .... „ 29 Countess of Warwick's Sound ... „ 71 Facsimile op Handwriting ... „ 281 A RYTHME DECASYLLABICALL UPON THIS LAST LUCKIE VOYAGE OF WORTHIE CAPTAINE FROBISHER, 1577. (From Brydges's Hestitiita, vol. ii., p. 202.) Through sundrie foming fretes and storming streightes That ventrous knight of Ithac' soyle did saile ; Against the force of Syrens baulmed heights, His noble skill and courage did prevaile. His hap was hard, his hope yet nothing fraile. Not ragged rockes, not sinking syrtes or sands His stoutnesse staide from viewing foreign lands. That Poet's penne and paines was well employ'd, His brains bedeaw'd with dropps of Parnasse spring ; 'Whereby renowne deserved he enjoy'd. Yea, nowe (though dead) the Musses sweetly sing, Melodiously by note, and tuned string, They sound in th' eares of people farre and neere, Th' exceeding praise of that approved Peere. A right heroicall heart of Britaime blood Ulysses match in skill and martiall might ; For princes fame and countries speciall good. Through brackish seas (where Neptune reignes by right) Hath safely sail'd, in perils great despight : The golden fleece (like Jason) hath he got. And rich returned, saunce losse or lucklesse lot. 0 that I had old Homer's worthy witt, 0 that I had, this present houre, his head : With penne in hand, then musing would I sitt. And our Ulysses' valiant venture spread Tn vaunting verse, that when his corps is dead ("Which long may live) his true renowne may rest As one whome God abundantly hath blest. Abraham Fleming. FROBISHER'S COAT OF ARMS. ' Ermine on a fesse ingrayled between three griffons heads, erase sable, a grey-hound cursant argent colored gules lyned or.' — Harleia MSS,, No. 4,630, p. 190. LIFE OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. CHAPTER I. The Frobisher family moved from Chirk, in North Wales, to Yorkshire about the middle of the fourteenth century ; the orthography of their patronymic being Furbisher, Furbiser, or Ffourbyssher. In both localities they allied themselves with old county families. The art of marry ing well was one of their accomplishments. In Yorkshire the family centred around Altofts, in the parish of Nor- manton. One John Frobisher, of that place, was farmer of the king's demesne, and married to the daughter of Sir W. Scargell. His grandson, Francis, was Mayor and Recorder of Doncaster. The brother of Francis was named Bernai'd who married the daughter of a knight named York. To them were born John, Davy, Jane, Martin, and Margaret. The last-named was baptised in Normanton on February 10, 1541. Bernard Frobisher was buried at the same place on September 1 , 1 542. From these considerations there can be little doubt that Martin was bom between 1530^0, at Altofts. The mother, to relieve herself of a share of the burden of bring ing up five children, sent Martin to her brother, Sir John York, then residing in London. An additional reason for B Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. this transfer of the boy was that there were no suitable schools in his native place. Sir John observed that his nephew was a youth ' of great spirit and bold courage and natural hardness of body,' which, in our phraseology, would run : brave, high-mettled, and -with a good constitution. Whether his maternal uncle disliked the charge which he had undertaken, or found the ' great spirit ' more than he could guide, or that young Martin would rove like any adventurous boy, mat ters little now, for to sea he went soon after his arrival in London. There happened to be a small fleet of merchant ships on the point of sailing for the Coast of Gruinea. The admiral was John Lock, and father or uncle of a Lock who will appear often in connection with Frobisher later on. This was in the year 1554. Martin was placed on board one of these ships, and sailed away upon what was then deemed a very long voyage and to but half-discovered places. The fleet returned in the foUowing year, ha'\dng oeen very prosperous. This was the first efibrt of the English to establish a permanent trade in African gold and ivory. The youth's first voyage confirmed him in the choice of a calling. To the end of his days he continued a sailor. We hear nothing more of him for ten years ; but there can be no doubt as to what he was doing. The curious reader may permit his imagination to place young Fro bisher on board this or that ship sailing to the Levant, various places on the Coast of Africa, etc., for, by the year 1565, he had risen to be Captain Martin Frobisher. English privateers were abroad on the seas commis sioned to make war upon the French ; but they were not particular as to the nationality of any richly-laden ship< that came in their way. They anticipated Nelson's device Privateering. of putting the telescope to the blind eye when they scanned the flag of the prey. F'lemings and Spaniards were seized as well as Frenchmen. The Spanish Ambassador sent in a complaint, and among sixty-one cases cited is the fol lowing : — ' The " Flying Spirit," from Andalusia, -with a rich cargo of cochineal, was plundered by Martin Frobisher.' In the spring of the next year he was at Newcastle- upon-Tyne, fitting out a ship under circumstances that gave rise to suspicion that he intended piracy. In our day the pirat« is the enemy of the whole human race, having no nationality or humanity, and recognising no law but his own will. Piracy in the time of Elizabeth was quite another matter, though it is very difficult to give any thing like a definition. The privateer of modern times is very like. If no foreign ambassador was keen enough to detect the depredator, no Englishman troubled himself. On the other hand, when it was the Queen's interest to please the nations whose ships had been plundered the privateers were bluntly called pirates and hung out of hand. Holland was then engaged in that war with Spain and the Inquisition which was to last a whole generation with out a breathing-spell. England was throughout the friend of Holland, though blowing cold and hot by turns. In short, the world was divided among three warring hosts. In the East of Europe were the Mahomedans, headed by the Sultan ; then came the Papacy, headed by Philip II. ; and lastly Protestantism,headed by Elizabeth and the Prince of Orange. Between these three, exhaustion must precede peace ; and in that long contest the distinctions recognised by ships and soldiers were not so much those of nationality as of religion. Philip was supplying the Catholics wit). the ' sinews of war ' by denuding America. The Protes- B 2 4 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. tants sought to cut off this stream of wealth by sending out privateers to capture the richly-laden carracks. And any respectable mariner who had the means to fit out a ship generally received a commission or letters of marque. It was by these that English battles were fought, English admirals trained, and English discoveries made. Many of these privateers proved to be ruffians, and some caution was necessary on the part of the Crown in granting commissions. Again, if the ambassador of Philip interfered, a show of indignation was made against the supposed pirate ; for Elizabeth, while sending men and money to Holland, still kept talking peace with Spain. Frobisher was examined by order of the Queen's Coun cil, and in answer to various questions said that he in tended a peaceable voyage to Benin, on the Coast of Guinea. It was true he had many pieces of cannon and some dozens of pikes on board ; it was true also that he had taken in no cargo ; but he intended to load her in the Westem coun try. And it was so dangerous sailing the ocean in those days. Spain had said that no law was of force on the high seas. The consideration of the matter was postponed for awhile. And on its being subsequently resumed he was able to give an account of his ship, which had gone laden with coals under the command of his brother. He now asked for a commission from the Crown. Perhaps his chief fault lay in the fact that he had not done this before. Again there comes a lapse of five years in Frobisher's life. During this time his name must have become some what known in naval warfare, for in 1571 he was at Plymouth, superintending the building of a ship to be em ployed against the Irish. Lord Burghley gave his coun tenance, and perhaps aid, in the matter. But greater schemes than harrying the Irish coasts had already begun Meeting with Gilbert. to grow in the mind of Frobisher, and it is not a far guess as to the beginning of them. The Claverhouse of Ireland under Elizabeth was Sir Humphrey Gilbert. But cavalry raids were only a bye- occupation to him. The search for a North-West Passage to Cathay was the dream of his life. He had been engaged a long time in writing a discourse, that afterwards became historical, to prove that it was practicable. It is more than probable that two such men as he and Frobisher, brought up sailors, of nearly the same age, and engaged in the subjugation of the same country, should have met and exchanged thoughts. The honour of their coimtry would be a common subject of conversation. And the North- West Passage would seem to both as a certain way of furthering that matter and outshining the Spaniard. CHAPTER IL The motive of nearly all the voyages of discovery made for centuries was the search for Cathay. In the thirteenth century missionaries of the Order of St. Francis penetrated to the utmost bounds of the East, establishing everywhere missions now forgotten. Among the various reports which they brought back of their con versions and miracles ¦wrought among the heathen were many descriptions of the wealth and wonders of the great realm of Khitai, since recognised to be China. The monk Odoric says of the island of Sillan that in it is a mountain on which Adam wept for his son, and that the tears of Adam and Eve formed a beautiful lake. ' The bottom of this pool is fuU of precious stones, and Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. the water greatly aboundeth in leeches. The king takethl not those gems for himself, but for the good of his soul once or twice a-year he suffereth the poor to search the water and take away whatever stones they can find. The water which comes down from the mountain issues forth by tliis lake. And the finest rubies are dug there ; good diamonds too are found, and many other good stones. And where that water descends into the sea there be found fine pearls. Wherefore the saying goes that this king hath more precious stones than any other king in the world.' Of the city of Cambalech and the residence of the Great Khan the monk gives a full description. There were an artificial mountain and an artificial lake, on which were multitudes of ducks, swans, and ¦wild geese. Within the walls were thickets full of game. ' His own palace in which he dwells is of vast size and splendour. The basement thereof is raised about two paces from the ground, and within there be four-and-twenty columns of gold ; and all the walls are hung with skins of red leather, said to be the finest in the world. In the midst of the palace is a certain great jar, more than two paces in height, entirely formed of a certain precious stone called merducas, and so fine that I was told its price exceeded the value of four great towns. It is all hooped roimd with gold, and in every corner thereof is a dragon, repre sented as in act to strike most fiercely. And this jar hath also fringes of network of great pearls hanging therefrom, and those fringes are a span in breadth.' The Great Khan's entertainments were attended by ' fourteen thousand barons, with coronets on their heads, waiting upon him at the banquet. And every one of them shall have a coat on his back such that the pearls on it alone are worth some fifteen thousand florins.' The Khan's leeches numbered Cathay. 7 four hundred idolaters, eight Christians, and one Saracen. Another authority says : ' There is as great a difference between that prince and those of Italy as between a very rich man and a beggar.' In this cautious way Friar Odoric speaks of the Barometz : ' Another passing marvellous thing may be re lated — which, however, I saw not myself, but heard from trustworthy persons — for 'tis said that in a certain great kingdom called Cadeli there be mountains called the Caspean Mountains, on which are said to grow certain large melons. And when these be ripe they burst, and a little beast is found inside like a small lamb, so that they have both melons and meat. And though some per- adventure may find that hard to believe, yet it may be quite true, just as it is true that there be in Ireland trees which produce birds.' Such accounts continued to be published in Europe throughout the fourteenth century, for the missionaries had been followed by merchants travelling overland. Later on an embas.sy was sent by the Great Khan to the Pope at Avignon. And the writer of a letter to Columbus says that he had spoken with the ambassador, and leamed many things of Cathay ; how that there were two hundred cities on one river, with marble bridges over it ; more than one island abounded in gold, pearls, and precious stones, and they covered their temples and palaces with plates of pure gold. The same writer states that he had learned a hundred large ships of pepper were loaded and unloaded every year in one part of Cathay, ' besides many other ships that take in other spice.' Columbus was in search of Cathay when he made his great voyage across the Atlantic. He even died believing that the West Indies and the American continent were the extreme eastern regions of the sought-for land. The 8 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. city of Mexico was subsequently identified ¦with the Quinsai of Marco Polo, and Hispaniola with Cipangu. Henceforth it was the dream of almost every voyager ¦ to find a new way to Cathay ; and moreover every newly discovered country was supposed to be a part of, or in some way connected with, that land of wonders. In 1497 — that is, within five years of the first voyage of Columbus — the Cabots sailed ' to the West unto-the East.' They touched at Iceland, and proceeded thence to Labrador and Newfoundland. In 1514, and again in 1517, the Portuguese made trading voyages to China by the way of the Cape of Good Hope. But it was still thought that Cathay and China were not identical. For many years longer Pekin con tinued to be called Cambalech, and the Emperor of China the Great Khan of Cathay. In 1 52 7 John Rut sailed out of Plymouth in quest of the great Oriental Utopia by the west ; but he no sooner touched at Newfoundland and obtained a sight of the icebergs than he lost heart and made haste to return home again. He had the ambition without the courage of a discoverer. In 1553 Sir Hugh Willoughby made an attempt to find a new way by the north-east along the upper coasts of Norway and Russia, hoping to continue sailing east'wards until he came to his destination. Among certain in junctions supplied to this expedition concerning divine service and the banishment of blasphemy, ungodly talk, dicing, carding, tabling, etc., is a direction that marks the beginning of the English policy with respect to religion, and which stands out in bold contrast with that of the Spaniards. While strict in their own observances on board they were to maintain a discreet silence on religious matters when dealing with strangers. Sir Hugh bore with him also a letter from Edward VI. addressed to ' the Preparing for the Search. g kings, princes, and other potentates inhabiting the North- East of the world towards the mighty Empire of Cathay.' The chief result of this expedition was the founding of the Company of Moscovia. Such is a brief account of the popular knowledge of Cathay, and of the efforts made, prior to the time of Humphrey Gilbert and Martin Frobisher, . to find out the shortest way by which ships might reach it with their merchandise to exchange for pearls, diamonds, gold, spice, etc. CHAPTER III. The world is familiar -with the painful picture of Christopher Columbus passing through that which is the crucial test of greatness, -wringing aid out of adverse circumstances, as he went from one great man to another in search of a patron, from one court to another, from one land to another, full of a great vmappreciated purpose, and offering fame, riches, empires for a ship or two. Thus also might one describe the humble mariner Martin Frobisher spending fifteen years planning, inquiring, learning, and searching for help. From 1561 to 1576 he worked at the idea which possessed him, applying now to one quarter, and, being there disappointed, turning bravely to another. His perseverance was never subsequently put to* so great a proof. He found his scheme more than once approved, and his hopes rose ; but, learning that commendation did not bring assistance, and that without aid he was unable to furnish a ship, however small, his heart was again cast down. Some faint ambition to become a discoverer had IO Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. doubtless possessed him when he was arraigned by order of the Privy Council to give an account of the ship so strangely provided in Newcastle. For he says himself that five years before that trial the North-West Passage had become the one aim of his life. His scheme was of even wider scope than that of either Marco Polo or Columbus, for he contemplated the circumnavigation of the globe, a task as yet unattempted. Of the existence of the North-West Passage he had not one remaining doubt ; by it he would sail, and continue in the same course until he returned to England by the north-east. To him that seemed the noblest task that man could undertake, and one that would cause other princes to admire the fortunate state and the great valour of the English nation. Thus Frobisher proposed to himself on behalf of his country to eclipse the achievements of all preceding navigators, Phoenician, Venetian, Portuguese, and Spanish, And this, he said, he was determined to do or never return to his native land. It was a common thing in those days to wager one's life, limb, and liberty on a venture, but events proved they were no idle words in Frobisher's mouth. In all his schemes and proposals there was not one word said of bringing home gold, pearls, valuable cargoes. The capture of Spanish carracks laden with treasure had no place in his heart; t^e only cargo he promised to bring home was honour to his country, fame for himself, and knowledge of new lands to the civilised world^ He was not long in finding out that the capitalists of England were not prepared to venture their money in so purely a scientific expedition. His first formal appeal for help was, naturally, to his friends. They answered that they were fully persuaded of his mastery of the art of navigation, and that he was Hopes and Disappointments. 1 1 rich in experience of land and sea ; they were ready to be persuaded that the North-West Passage was a reality; they had no doubt that such an expedition as was proposed would bring great glory to the country and the venturers. But they did not covet fame and honour ; they preferred more tangible returns, and did not see any likelihood of gain accruing from a voyage through icy seas and along tempestuous coasts, undertaken for glory and the increase of knowledge. If it were a matter of glory for Englapd, that ob^viously concemed the Crown more than it did them. No doubt they met his appeal for assistance with advice to try what the Court would do. At any rate Frobisher's next appeal was made to the Court, deeming it to be the fountain of the commonwealth, from which all schemes for the good of the realm were nourished and maintained. He was not wrong in this opinion, for Elizabeth then reigned in England, and none knew better how to encourage or was more diligent in encouraging great enterprises. Much has been said of the Queen's parsimony ; and though she did, perhaps, inherit some of her grandfather's husbandry of means, one should never forget the many demands upon her pm'se. Elizabeth laid the foundation of the principle now universally recog nised, that the best charity is to help men to become self- dependent, and that voluntary efforts should pioneer the way and establish success before Government adoption. An approving smile from her or a kiss of the white hand of the last of the Tudors has sent many a man foijbh to face danger and attain glory. Frobisher during his services in Ireland had doubtless been brought under the notice of Sir Henry Sidney, then commanding in that island. That knight's brother-in-law was the Earl of Warwick. And such may be the origin of the patronage that the earl now extended to Frobisher. 12 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. The earl was his first patron, and applied the whole of his great influence to set the enterprise on foot. He brought the matter to the notice of the Queen. Though Her Majesty rendered no material aid in ships or money, yet she gave the scheme her approval, which went a long way under the Tudors, when there was practically but one department of Govemment, and the head of it the monarch. While this great undertaking was slowly incubating, the busy mariner comes for a moment out of the vague and uncertain background and makes a single movement on the front of the stage, and then steps back until his turn comes again. In the year 1572 there was in London a notable Irish man living in the condition of a prisoner on bail, kept ever in sight by his surety. This was Garrett, Earl of Desmond, only suspected of treason, but subsequently driven by the dragonnading Malby across the Rubicon that separates treasonable sympathies and open rebellion. To the spectators of the time Frobisher might have appeared in the character of a patriot, but to us his con duct, as that of Sir John Hawkins just before, looks very much like feathering his own nest by defrauding the enemy. We find it hard to accept the then approved doctrine that any act which went to weaken or denude the foe was justifiable. Frobisher was at this time li-vdng in lodgings at Lambeth. His reputation for daring and seamanship was widespread. On a certain evening in August of 1572 one Ralph Whaley, a servant of Desmond, came into Frobisher's lodging and asked if he might trust him with a great secret. The captain was not a man to turn a deaf ear to a secret or to refuse a promise of inviolability. He was a man full of human nature, and to him Desmond was a The Earl of Desmond. rebel. The secret accordingly came out. The earl, wearied with his enforced residence in London, which had now continued four years, was determined to escape. He had, furthermore, a delic^ite reason for hastening his departure : an heir was expected soon, and the earl would not have him born in England. If Frobisher could manage the escape he should be well recompensed. But the captain doubted the earl's capacity to reward any man. Not long before he had sacrificed all his pro perty by an unsuccessful attempt to escape, and had been living since on twenty-six shillings a week allowed him by the Queen out of his o^wn forfeited princely estates. Whaley replied that the earl could never want for a thousand pounds. These interviews continued for a couple of weeks. A ship was to be bought and commanded by Frobisher. The earl was to disguise himself as a fisher man, • enter an oyster-boat, and in this way row down the Thames as making for the Essex oyster-beds ; and when beyond the guard-ships at Gravesend to be picked up by Frobisher. Going overland to the coast was out of the question, for the earl — strangely for an Irishman — was 'an ill horseman,' and not able to mount without assist ance. He proved himself active enough on land a few years afterwards. Frobisher pretended to fall in with the scheme. He was requested, therefore, to provide a bark on the coast to take up the noble oysterman. Frobisher took a trip to Kent ¦with the ostensible purpose of carrying out. this part of the enterprise, and in due time returned to London, reporting that everything had been done according to the plan. Whaley was continually in and out of the Lambeth lodgings. Ormond, he said, had come to town. Desmond and he had been reconciled. Ormond would give the two 14 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. schemers a ship worth five hundred pounds, together with his island of Valentia, should they succeed. A month or six weeks were wasted in other efforts at Court.. Frobisher complained that he could not wait with an empty purse. The captain had to content himself ¦with promises of plenty while the earl was still striving to get his countess a pass port back to Ireland. There was further lingering on the part of the earl, who disliked facing the Channel, for he was very subject to sea-sickness, he said. There was also more grumbling on the part of Frobisher, who hinted to Whaley that he suspected the earl meant to give him the slip and escape by other means. But Desmond was reaUy per plexed what to do with his wife, and resolutely refused to escape imtil she had safely got away from England. That Frobisher was the first to betray the plot is im probable, though he seems to have done it ultimately; for some time after the arrest of the earl and his men the captain made a full declaration of the whole affair to the Commissioners. In that age it was an approved apophthegm that ' all is fair in love and war.' CHAPTER IV. The Earl of Warwick's friends. Lord Burghley, Secretary Walsingham, the Earl of Leicester, PhiUp Sidney, and other illustrious men had now become interested in the success of the Cathayan expedition, and Frobisher's long winter of failure seemed to be thawing in the sun of the Court, when a new obstacle arose. The unfortunate expedition of Sir Hugh Willoughby Conflict with the Muscovy Company. 1 5 to the North-East in 1553 had opened up the coast of Europe to navigation as far as the White Sea. A lucrative trade in furs, tallow, etc., was established between that place and England. Queen Mary had granted a charter to the Musco\'y or Russian Company to carry on the trade and ' the discovery of new trades.' This was understood to confer on them the monopoly of all discovery and adventure by EngUshmen into every part of the world. When, therefore, Frobisher seemed to be likely to set his enterprise for discovering the North-West Passage on foot, the ^luscovy Company objected on the ground that such an undertaking would be- contrary to their privileges. Through the aid of his patrons, Frobisher obtained from the Pri\'y Council a letter addressed to the Company, recommending them either to make the attempt them selves or grant others a license to make an effort in that direction. The Court of the Company, on receiving this epistle, re.solved to hold a conference with the person wishing to undertake such an enterprise, determined to talk as much as might be, but do nothing. At the conference Martin Frobisher represented himself and certain persons who were perhaps mythical. The Company was represented by Michael Lock and three more of their principal men. The conclusion arrived at on the part of the Company was to refuse either assistance or a Ucense, on the ground that the whole affair was full of suspicious features, and evi dently meant for other purposes than trade and "discovery. There was here a suggestion of the charges brought against Frobisher on a former occasion. So they thought to snuff out Martin Frobisher. Had they kno^wn their man better, perhaps they would have gained themselves fame by granting the license and 1 6 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. becoming his formal patrons. But they had thrown away their opportunity. The indomitable captain turned once more to the Privy Council, and, in spite of the evil character which the Muscovy Company would give his enterprise, obtained a second letter, which was no more a recommendation, but a command requiring the Company themselves to attempt the North-West Passage, or grant a Ucense to Martin Frobisher and others for the undertaking of the same. During this controversy with the Company Frobisher had won over Michael LocU, their chief man, and a leading merchant of the City of London. These two now set themselves diligently to work, selling shares in the venture. Lock used his influence in the City, while the captain did the same with the nobles. After some months' toil the result was a paid-up capital of 875/. This was altogether insufficient for carrying out the project, and once again the heart of the great man sank. His friends at Court had not been iUiberal ; many of the most famous of the merchants had contributed ; but it was manifest that everyone viewed his money as a gift to the cause of science, and not an investment that promised any gain. The love of money had not been enlisted, and men were loth to exchange solid gold for honour that comes only to him that is dead. At this point in the affair, when failure seemed to be the only fruit of thirteen years of the most arduous toil — sailing the wintry sea and grappling with dangers are not so arduous to the heroic soul impatient to execute great designs as dancing attendance at the doors of patrons — Michael Lock, with a Uberality worthy of lasting fame, came to Frobisher's rescue, and, in addition to the money which he had already contributed to the venture, undertook aU the obligations that might be incurred over and above THE ARCTIC REGIONS (FROM LOK S MAP) Dr. Dee gives Advice. 1 7 the amount coUected. Such sum proved to be almost equal to the whole of the capital then paid up, viz., 738?. 19s. 3(Z. In the meantime a year had been lost through the want of funds. Now the pro-viding for the enterprise began, and Frobisher was tappy. To work is joy and to wait torture when anything remains to be done. The autumn and -winter of 1575 were spent in consultation and preparation. Ships were purchased, crews enUsted, and, evening after evening, Frobisher and Lock pored over figm-es, plans, specifications, and contracts. At one of these conferences we learn how the two projectors met with Captain Christopher Hall, who afterwards sailed on the voyages with Frobisher ; Captain Stephen Burrough, and Dr. Dee, the famous astrologer and mathematician of the time ; how the charts and books and instruments which Lock had been collecting for twenty years were laid out and examined ; how all their expectations were recounted, and for what purpose the enterprise was set on foot. Here Lock put aside all Frobisher's ideas, for he laboured to show how that by it great traffic of merchandise woidd be procured with Cathay, and this he asserted was his chief object. Moreover, granting that the passage by the north-west should prove a failure, yet the result of Cabot's discoveries in North America abundantly testified that all the coast along Labrador would yield a lucrative trade in furs, hides, wax, tallow, oil, &c. Dr. Dee had been brought there tha^ eveniig to be convinced, for his opinion seems to have been highly esteemed on all matters touching cosmography. He was convinced, and in consequence gave valuable aid to the expedition, for he went down to the docks and spent all the spring of 1576 on board the ships, instructing the masters, mates, and boatswains in geometry, geography, c 1 8 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. and the use of instruments. Besides, he gave the mariners many wise suggestions as to how they should proceed in the case of accidents and in narrow straits of fortune. Sir Humphrey Gilbert also gave them the results of all his studies, helping and advising them. Many great. officers of state residing at Court (then held at Greenwich) came on board, counselling and encouraging. CHAPTER V. The fifteen years' undaunted labours were at last about to bear fruit. By the time the spring of the year 1576 opened, the ships of the expedition were anchored at Biackwall, ready to drop do-wn the river with the first tide. Accustomed as we are to steamers whose measurement is reckoned by thousands of tons, it creates a startUng sensation akin to horror to be told what was the burthen ¦; of Frobisher's vessels. That brave hearts should have been allowed by England's niggardliness to sail in such ' cockleshells ' among Arctic seas, buffeting with tempests and fields of ice, tempts one to condemn his forefathers | while admiring the courage of those who were so reckless of life for honour and country. The two ships or barks lying at anchor opposite Ratcliffe were named the ' Gabriel ' and the ^ Michael.' ., Papists named their ships after saints, the Virgin, the Trinity. The Protestants took the archangels. The measurements of the ships are given, vaiiously ranging, , the ' Gabriel ' from fifteen to twenty tons, and the ' Michael ' from twenty to twenty-five tons. Attached to them was a pinnace, given as from seven to ten tons, whichj The two Barks off" Greenwich. 1 9 was for employment in the examination of new coasts, and to go in advance as a pioneer when sailing along int.icate channels or among any other of the various dangers in cident to passing along uncharted shores. The aggregate of the crews, officers, men, and boys, was thirty-five. An extract from the account of the cost of the voyage may be of assistance in realising the meaning of these facts : — li. For the hull of the new shipp Gabriel . . . . 83 0 0 For the new pynnasse of vij ton 20 0 0 For the shippe Michael, -with old takle and furnyture . 120 0 0 For new takling and rigging them all .... 229 16 10 Of this Lilliputian fleet Martin Frobisher was appointed admiral and pilot. Christopher Hall was master of the ' Gabriel,' and Owen Gryffyn master of the ' Michael.' The latter was an unfortunate appointment. He was, as his name signifies, a Welshman, and exhibited the national characteristics of zeal without perseverance. On June 7 they set sail from Biackwall ' in the name of God ' and departed. But they had not advanced on their way beyond Deptford when the pinnace came into collision with a ship sailing up the river, in which she lost her bowsprit and foresail. The damage having been repaired by the following day, they sailed as far as Green wich. The Queen and her Court were there, so the little fleet came to anchor opposite the palace and fired off their cannon, making the best show they could. The display was of a very humble kind ; for we must bear in mind that the largest of the ships would hardly be considered a fishing smack in our day, and lay so low in the water that a man standing in a boat alongside would have his heaii and shoulders level with her deck. During this display on board the fleet the Queen was standing at an open window of the palace, waving her hand at her adventurous subjects in token of encourage- 20 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. ment and farewell. Presently a messenger from Her Majesty came on board to say that she had ' good liking of their doings,' and to invite the admiral to visit the Court next day, that he might take his leave of her. Pei>- haps the sagacious woman, perceiving what manner of craft they had for braving so many dangers, thought if she would ever set eyes on the captain this was her last opportunity. The same evening came one of the Queen's secretaries and, in the name of Her Majesty, charged the crews to be obedient to their officers and to be diligent in all things, and that their sovereign wished them ' happy success.' Thus Queen Elizabeth used to honour her people, though unknovm and as yet untried in great matters. She recognised great and daring spirits ; and at only the cost of a smile, a wave of the hand, a word of commendation and good wishes sent them forth to brave all the terrors of unploughed seas, feeUng that they had been compensated for all their sufferings. From Gravesend Frobisher sailed northwards along the German Ocean on June 12. Before leaving the mouth of the river, he had taken an observation and found the variation of the needle to be eleven degrees and a halt The apparent waywardness of the magnet was a subject that greatly interested the scientific mind of the captain, who seems to have held regarding this phenomenon that the only sure way of obtaining a rule was by observation. at each point, inasmuch as the mystery passed the reach of natural philosophy. Opposite Harwich they met with violent contrary winds, and were compelled to run into the harbour for refuge. A first attempt to put to sea was unsuccessful ; a second attempt met with the same fate ; a third attempt, and they were again driven back by the violence of the Departure on the First Voyage. 21 tempest. The sailore brought to mind that the day of their departure from Deptford was Friday, that day of evil omen throughout all Christendom ; and some were so far wrought upon by their superstitions as to prognosticate nothing but disaster to the expedition. They found enough before their return to justify their prophesyings. On June 18, the wind having shifted, the admiral successfully got his fleet to sea, and arrived off the Shet lands in eight days. During the day previous to their arrival a fresh gale had been blowing from the north-west. The ' Gabriel ' had been much strained in this gale, and in consequence troubled with a leak. Many hours were spent coasting in search of a roadstead wherein to repair damage and take in a supply of fresh water. The Sound of St. Tronion offered such a refuge, and here they anchored. Having succeeded according to their desires, they departed in the afternoon with a strong favourable breeze, which enabled them to make as much as a league and a half an hour, a rate of speed which the master of the ' Gabriel ' considered very good, and worth mentioning. Their ships were not cUpper-built. This favourable breeze increased in power day by day, and on the last of June had grown to be a furious storm blowing from the south. For nine days and nights the barks drifted under bare poles towards the north, and on the last night of the storm the pinnace was lost sight of. It was a great blow to the expedition. She was the pilot for dangerous waters and searching the line of n^w coasts. They sought for her in vain. And thus four men out of the thirty-five perished. Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. CHAPTER VI. All hope of finding the Uttle pinnace had been abandoned before the gale had altogether passed ; so they put on sail as soon as the weather permitted and shaped their course to the north-west ; but the ' Gabriel ' was saiUng alone. It was now perceived that the ' Michael ' had also dis appeared. For their o-wn sake and for the honour of their country it would have been better had Owen Gryffyn and his men shared the fate of the pinnace. Death is not the greatest calamity that can befall a man. There are worse things than death, and one of them is dishonour. The ' Michael ' had deserted. This stormy cUme and icy sea had affected their weak spirits. ' They mistrusted the matter,' they said afterwards. The love of novelty and the pleasure of being counted valiant men had made as fair a show as courage and honour while they were on the smooth waters of the Thames and free from danger. But when they came to sail unkno-wn seas after a man who, they knew, would prefer the sliips should be sunk to the bottom or locked in everlasting ice to retuming home without accomplishing his purpose, then their hearts failed them. On their return to London, in the beginning of September, they told an apparently fair story. But the fruits of their treachery began already to ripen. No one believed what they said. Their story was that during a terrible storm first the pinnace went down, and then the ' Gabriel,' with Captain Frobisher on board. Being thus left to their own devices, Gryffyn caUed together his men and advised with them as to what was best to do. The determination of this conference, according to their account, • Oivcn Gryffyn s Story. was, that inasmuch as they had nearly the whole summer before them, and could not be far from the coast of Labrador, which Cabot had sailed along, and inasmuch as their com missions were in that direction, why — they would perform their duty as best they could and go forward in the path of discovery. This resolution, if ever made, was another in stance to prove that Gryffyn's nature was unstable as the sea on which he sailed ; was brave in words and good in tentions now that the gale had passed, but would prove unequal to carrying them into effect should any peril intervene. To the performance of duty courage is as necessary as integrity. After this council (so their story ran) they sailed west wards for four days, when they came in sight of the coast of Labrador, but found it so compassed with monstrous high islands of ice, floating with resistless force before the -wind, that they durst not draw near with their ship nor even land with their boat. If this four days' run westward really took place the land which they saw was Greenland. At any rate, and according to their o-wn account, their next proceeding again proved them unequal to the task of discovering new lands, and that the courage which possessed them while resolving did not survive long enough to see the execution. The next day, after sighting the new land, in ' great discomfort,' as they said, they east their ship about and set her course back again to London, hoping doubtless that Frobisher had either reached that port before them or found rest in the ocean's depths, from whence he could not come to accuse them, at least in this world. And so Owen Gryffyn passes out of history. The expedition was now reduced to one bark of from fifteen to twenty tons burthen, having eighteen men on 24 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. board, officers, gentlemen, mariners, and boys. After three days' sail the ' Gabriel ' came in sight of Greenland.' Frobisher did not commit the mistake of supposing it to be any part of the American continent. The admiral having ordered a boat to be lowered, entered it and was rowed in shore by four of his men ; but the ice lay so thick along the land that they failed to carry out their intention, and after many vain attempts to find a landing- place returned on board. They were lying several leagues north of Cape Farewell, on the eastern coast. And now, to their great surprise, a thick fog suddenly enveloped them. The icebergs were beginning to drift down from the Arctic regions, and the little ship was in great danger of being crushed by them. But they had no sooner shaped their course southwards to double the lower extremity of Greenland than a furious gale sprang up, and driving them do-wn among the icebergs, the expedition was nearer being brought to a close than at any time in the fifteen years during which Frobisher had toiled at it. The ' Gabriel ' was open at the waist, and lay so low in the water that in our day she would have been prevented by Act of Parliament from sailing even upon a coasting voyage. The storm came upon them so suddenly that the bark was thrown on her beam-ends, and the water rushing in at the open waist rapidly fiUed her. It was found impossible to steer her or get her head before the wind. The ship, lying in the trough of the sea, began to settle. AU on board were standing at their wits' end and despairing of life. But at this juncture Frobisher came on deck, and, seeing their state, he ran along the channels as the ship lay on her side and cast off the ' It is assumed throughout that the Island of Frieseland mentioned iu the Chronicles was identical with the southern part of Greenland. The latitude given is decisive of the question. The ' Gabriel' on her Beam-ends. 25 weather-leech of the foresails, and in consequence the foreyard broke sharp off. His next movement was to run aft, and seizing an axe he cut away the mizen-mast. As the ship rose with the next wave she partially righted. Some of the crew, seeing the success that came of the captain's actions, would have cut away the mainmast and perhaps all the rigging of the ship ; but Frobisher, perceiv ing their design, confronted them with offer of violence ; and though he stood axe in hand yet he barely restrained these smaU spirits from a base and ruinous imitation of the in spired action of genius. The ship now rolled heavily, but with every roll disgorged herself of the water, which in this manner flowed out of the open waist, carrying with it many things besides. Her head was at length put before the wind. But the storm stiU raged so violently that her mainmast was sprung the foUowing night, and her main top blown overboard. This damage was partially repaired next day, when the fury of the tempest had expended itself. During this time Frobisher had been entertaining some hope of finding the ' Michael ' ; but when the gale had passed and the sea had been scanned in vain he concluded that she and the pinnace had both gone down. The expedition was now reduced to a half-wrecked bark, with a mast and a half, carrying eighteen officers, men, and boys. Something Uke a council was held on board the ' Gabriel ' ; not to discuss, but that one man might ex hort and command the rest. The ' great spirit and bold courage ' never shone more illustriously. Dangers did not affect Frobisher in the same way they did Gryffyn ; for, though the expedition had been reduced to eighteen men and a half--wrecked bark, he declared that he was as ever determined to make a sacrifice of his life unto God rather than to return home without discovering a north-west 26 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. passage to Cathay. Having thus once again made solemn declaration of his firm purpose, he set his water-logged ship, with her mast and a half, on her course towards Labrador. Crews had many times mutinied under less trying circumstances, but Frobisher's men had caught something of the spirit of their commander ; and though it was obviously a matter of life and death to follow so deter mined a leader, yet they proceeded on the voyage with cheerfulness, willing to sink or swim in the company of so valiant a captain. Having rounded Cape Farewell, they sailed away to the north-west, the land they were leaving behind them being ' marvellous high, and fuU of high ragged rocks all along the coast, and some of the islands of ice were near it of such height as the clouds hanged about the tops of them, and the birds that flew about them were out of sight.' In this last sentence the chronicler has undoubt edly indulged in a fig-ure of speech. CHAPTER VII. For ten days they continued on the same course, their voyage being ' by fair and by foul.' There is great diver sity of dates as to the day on which they first sighted the American coast. The log of the ' Gabriel ' gives July 28, and in a matter of figures that must be correct. The morning was foggy, and the sea rough. After waiting some time the fog rose and the coast-line was clearly made out above the ice. Here again, as at Greenland, they foimd on saiUng in towards the land, that the shore was full of high islands and mountains of ice floating and driving Hall lands in America. 27 with the winds and tides and streams, so they dared not attempt to draw nearer with the ship, and failed to land even with their boat. This was the coast of Labrador ; and Frobisher, remem bering the white hand which had waved at the little fleet out of the palace-window at Greenwich, and which he had been privileged to kiss, named this land Elizabeth Fore land. Their course was now ENE., sometimes sailing within a mUe of the shore, sometimes compeUed to put five leagues out on account of the drifting ice. On August 2, Christopher Hall, the master of the ' Grabriel,' was, as on many previous days, toiling in the ship's boat in search of an entrance through the floes to an anchorage, sounding as he passed. Being near a gigan tic iceberg he diUgently sought a passage for the bark in vain. And just as he had ordered the crew to pull away, the iceberg fell asunder with a noise as if a great cUff had fallen into the sea. It was a narrow escape ; but those men recognised throughout that ' the marvellous work of God's great mercy ' carried them through all. Still Hall continued his searching and sounding day by day, for the August sun was slowly overcoming even those great mountains of ice. Some days subsequently to the overturning of the iceberg the master of the ' Gabriel ' attained his desire and reached an island. This was the first land they had set foot upon since leaving the Shet lands, though they had been in sight of land many days together. It was called Hall's Island, after the name of the bold mariner who had first touched there. Frobisher appears, during these vain endeavours to approach the shore, to have entertained some doubts as to the possibility of ever finding a way for his bark through the ice. Two weeks had passed since the American coast 28 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. was first sighted. He had, therefore, commanded his company that, if by any means they should reach the shore, they were to bring to him whatsoever thing they could first find, whether it was living or dead, stock or stone, in token of Christian possession which he would thereby take in behalf of the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, thinking that thus he might j ustify the having and enjoying of the same things that grew in those un known parts. So Christopher Hall, having landed on this island, and having mounted to the highest part of it, perceived that the ship was a great way off. There were also signs of coming fog. For these reasons he and his men made great haste to regain their boat and row away ; but, re membering the captain's strict command, they snatched at such things as first came to hand — one took flowers, one took green grass, and one brought a piece of black stone much Uke seacoal in colour, which by the weight seemed ' to be some kind of metal or mineral. When the boat had regained the ship, Frobisher was greatly pleased to learn that tliey had found a landing practicable, and he took such things as they had brought, but made no account of them farther than of their novelty and of their testimony in proving that he had discovered new lands and taken possession of them in the name of the Queen. And yet that black stone, so lightly esteemed by the admiral, was to become historical. Its fate was to create an intense excitement in England, to stir up the City and the Court, and to be Frobisher's philosopher's stone. Next day they shaped their course more to the west, and discovered that they were sailing up a channel, the land appearing on the east as well as on the west. The day after they found an anchorage, but failed to land. Another day's sail, and they again found an anchorage. ¦y-^ ¦¦ Frobishers Straits discovered, 29 This was August 14. The little bark was open from the wales upwards, and greatly needed caulking. This was now accomplished, a landing effected, and a fresh supply of water obtained. They still continued saiUng to the north-west, passing on the way many islands with good harbours. The channel seemed to stretch uninterrupted in front, and the admiral too readily yielded to the wish of his heart. This was called Frobisher's Straits, the captain bearing in mind all connected with Magellan's Straits. In the same way as the great Portuguese, and, as if by a Providential direction, he also had discovered a new highway connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans ; this, like the other, should be called after the discoverer, and so England should have a passage of her own, but far more direct, to Cathay. The great navigators mind was convinced already and his heart full. So great a weight has the wish over the in- teUect even with the clearest brain. Frobisher himself had not yet set his foot on land ; and so, having anchored under an island which they called Butcher's Island, after the mariner who had first espied it, the captain made preparations for going ashore. CHAPTER VIII. In pursuance of this resolution he entered the ship's boat with eight men, Christopher HaU acting as boatswain, and rowed ashore. It was August 19, the morning fair, and the sea caUn. On landing, Frobisher, having left two men in charge of the boat, with the others climbed a high mountain that rose above them. The first sight that 30 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. astonished them was 'mighty deer that seemed to be mankind,' whatever that expression might mean. But, however vague such a description is, they were very em phatic in declaring that they had to employ stratagem- and woodcraft besides some force to escape from these animals. From the summit of the island they could see the waters all around. On the eastern side far out they saw what at first they supposed to be seals or some kind of strange fish. As they drew nearer and rapidly, Frobisher made them out to be seven canoes fleeting over the waters. Being ignorant of the character of the natives, the captain and his men made use of all the speed they could com mand, Frobisher bearing in his hand a halberd. The natives had in the meantime outsped them. So that when the Englishmen approached the landing-place they found the Esquimaux were so dra-wn up as to cut off their return. Whether the natives meant war or parley Fro bisher did not stop to inquire, for levelling his halberd he soon taught them how to open a way between him and his boat. The conduct of the Englishmen under the circumstances may seem to have been dictated by too much caution for brave men ; but Frobisher had only this one boat left him ; the loss of it were the ruin of his plans ; and out of eighteen men and boys he could not offer up one in proof of bravery. Frobisher, having returned on board, set about densing cautiously for bringing the natives to a parley. Five men were sent in the boat, with orders to row warily towards the strangers, and to wave a white flag- in token of peace able intentions as soon as they should come in sight of them. For the bark was anchored around a headland. No sooner did the natives see the boat returning: around Professions of Friendship. the point than, having recovered from their surprise at the sight of white faces and the threatening halberd, one of their large canoes advanced boldly. The Englishmen, in obedience to order, retreated. The natives, rightly inter preting the movement as e-vidence that the invaders were afraid of them, pursued in hot haste. Presently the point was doubled, and the bark came in full view. This new wonder took away their eagerness for the capture of the boat, so they forthwith landed. HaU, the master, now took charge of the boat. When in sight of the savages on shore he made many signs of goodwill. The others answered in the same spirit, and would have persuaded our countrymen to land and rest themselves. HaU was bold as cautious. So he accepted their invitation and went ashore, but not out of the reach of his boat. Profuse professions of friendship were made on both sides ; and the professions were perhaps then in a fair way of producing a real understanding between the white men and the red. The master of the ' Gabriel,' having gone through the routine of giving trifling presents to each of the natives, so won upon their confidence that thy agreed to a temporary exchange of hostages. Hall took his native on board, having been completely success ful in his mission. Had all the Englishmen imitated the conduct of the master in their subsequent dealings with the savages it would have been better for all engaged. The happy effect of fear had thus far led a long way to wards friendship. Frobisher once more highly commended the conduct of his chief officer, and ordered that the savage should be given to taste of the ship's meat and drink and wine. With the American Indian's imperturbability he showed no pleasure or surprise. But when certain trinkets were presented him, especially a small bell, his self-command 32 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. broke down and his astonishment was great. After this he was taken back to his people, and the sailor whom they held as hostage peacefully surrendered. Frobisher had been attentively studying this new member of the human family, and displayed his keen knowledge of human nature in that he concluded the tribe to be of a kind given to fierceness and rapine. Subsequent events fuUy corroborated this opinion. The savage having shown his people the Englishman^ presents, and related to them the treatment he had received on board, many others came to the ship, altogether nine teen men and women. It was observed that both sexes were dressed alike in costumes of sealskin, the only difference between them being that the women had blue streaks down their cheeks and around their eyes. To these nine teen presents were given ; in return for which they brought; salmon and raw flesh and fish. In explanation of their manner of Ufe they greedily devoured the same uncooked. This had an unpleasant effect upon the EngUshmen, for they at once concluded that the natives were cannibals. Perhaps they were not -wrong even in this conclusion. The savages also displayed great agility in climbing the ship's ropes. It was all good-wiU now between the mariners and the natives. A considerable traffic was established ; bells, looking-glasses, and other trinkets being exchanged for coats of seal and bear-skins. P'robisher shared in none of this confidence displayed: by his men. On first seeing the savages he had begun to put his ship in a state of defence ; now he redoubled his efforts in preparing for an attack ; and as an additional security he moved away from his present anchorage and passed round to the east side of the island. Of his eighteen men several were worn out with toil and others laid up with sickness. Such were the events of August 19. A Hurried Survey. 33 CHAPTER IX. Hoping to be now free from the natives, of whom he had learned enough for the present, Frobisher, together -with Christopher Hall and four men, landed for the purpose of discovery. They cUmbed another high mountain, from which they saw, to the south-east, the two headlands that marked the entrance into the Straits. Looking to the north-west, they saw the sea still extending to the horizon. The tides and currents, too — so the great navigator had observed — set in from that direction ; and thus everything went to corroborate his conclusion that this was another Magellan's Straits. Having enjoyed his grand day-dream for a time, gazing along the north-west passage to the Western Ocean and Cathay, he descended the moimtain-side. The little band of explorers on reaching the lowlands found twelve deserted houses, which they supposed to have been work shops where the natives had been dressing leather, trying- out seal, whale, and other oils. Doubtless they were but the winter residences of the natives, and what appeared to them to be the traces of handicraft were but the foul re mains of the people's food and fuel left to cleanse them selves when the savages emerged from the cellar-like domiciles in which they bad hybernated to live their brief summer in tents of skin. Farther on the explorers, having cUmbed a ridge, saw, as it were under them, in the bottom of a narrow valley, three of the native wigwams or summer houses. By the tents they saw t wo d ogs and other signs of life. Once more the great captain and bis men put inglorious trust in their speed- It was for the boat, not wounds, that they cared- D 34 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher, The courage of the Esquimaux and their speed on the water were to be tested another time ; but in fleetness of foot they were already proved inferior to the English. Frobisher and his men had a long run for it, and re gained their boat. For a moment they thought their haste thrown away, for not a native was in sight. But they had not pulled a dozen strokes before they came in view of a large canoe fully manned. It was too late for the natives. A large low-lying rock separated the two boats, and would have secured for the English a good start in the case of flight and pursuit. The savages, seeing their opportunity gone, at once betook themselves to the old signs of peace ; then they would lay their hands on the sides of their heads and assume an attitude meant to be expressive of sleep. This was understood to be an invita tion to come ashore and rest. The captain was full of curiosity to see the internal arrangements of their houses and their manner of Ufe therein ; but his discretion was as keen as ever. So, employing the same gestures as themselves in token of amity, he added that he preferred they should come to visit him on board his ship. To this the natives demurred. Then Frobisher proposed an exchange of hostages. To this the others consented with a mental reservation. The savages acted as though they had been taught diplomacy by Philip II. Frobisher at once sprang ashore, and the native hostage entered the boat, which the captain com manded should be pulled out to a safe distance. The natives on shore advanced to meet their -visitor in the friendliest manner, and one that seemed to be their chief took Frobisher by the hand and proceeded to lead him towards their dweUings. They had advanced but a short distance when the captain's watchful eye detected ma nifestations of treachery One of the natives walking A Pretended Pilot. 35 with him began to address the hostage in the boat, and made certain signs which were interpreted to mean that the latter should suddenly spring overboard and dive in to wards shore. Frobisher was bearing in his hand, as a sort of combination of sceptre and weapon, a long gilded partizan or halberd. This he instantly levelled at the breast of the native, giving him very clearly to understand the fruit of treachery. Having commanded his men to have a strict care of their charge, he went on with his savage com panions. He entered their houses and saw their food and manner of Ufe, which the chronicler briefly and strongly designates as ' very strange and beastly.' After a time Frobisher came back, the hostage was deUvered up, and all was well. The mariners continued to show such confidence in the natives as to elicit more than one caution from the captain. The traffic of trifles for sealskins was so profit able also that he was continually caUed upon to watch over and restrain his men. As the boat was on the point of putting back to the ship one of the natives came forward boldly and offered to enter. The captain accepted him. On board Fro bisher and the savage held such conversation as any two men could who did not understand a word of each other's language. This ended in a bargain between the two, which was to the effect that the savage should go ashore, get into his skin canoe and row in front of the bark, thus piloting her along the Straits towards the Westetn Sea, which he assured the captain they would reach in two days' ro-wing. Such at least was the Englishman's understand ing of a conversation of which the words and sentences were certain movements and grimaces. For his services the savage was to receive divers gifts which were exhibited to him by the captain. The interview was then brought n 2 ^6 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. to a close ; and the barbarian, having received presents of a bell, knife, and cloth as an earnest of his coming re wards, was placed in the ship's boat to be taken ashore. Frobisher was trying to make up his mind as to the extent to which he might trust his strange pilot among unknown rocks and islands. He thought it time to exhibit less fear of treachery, for he had continued this spirit almost to the verge of cowardice. In the meantime the boat was alongside, making ready to take the savage ashore. Five of his best men formed the boat's crew. And, as he looked over the ship's side, he perceived that his men were taking with them many articles intended for exchange. All his caution returned upon him, and he gave them a strict injunction to abstain from anything of the kind. To ensure obedience to the command-be pointed out to the boatswain a certain rock which ran weU out from the land and was in full sight of the ship, while the landing-place of the savages was farther on, around a point and hidden from view. On that rock the boatswain was to land his passenger, which being accompUshed he was immediately to pull off. This order was literaUy obeyed as far as it went. The savage was dexterously landed on the appointed rock, and the boat went away with the returning wave. But, the next moment, Frobisher seems to have been rendered speechless by astonishment at seeing the boat swiftly rounding the point and dis appearing towards the landing-place of the savages. For a few minutes the boat was lost sight of. After that time, it was seen once more rowing out, ¦with only two men. The others had landed, and thought to secure safety by imitating the captain's precaution of sending the boat out of danger. When these two had reached what they supposed 8 safe distance, they lay on their oars in full view of the ship, waiting while the profitable exchanges Disastrous Disobedience. 37 were being made and a boat's load of sealskins got ready. There was no other boat to send either to their aid or to bring them back to punishment. The loss of the pinnace had never been felt so much as at this moment. Frobisher was standing in the chains. He saw that it was a time for action and not regrets, so he commanded his remaining men to raise a great shout, to draw the attention of the two men in the boat, who were gazing at the landing- place. In this he was successful. Then he made signs that they should instantly return for their comrades and come back to the ship. The two men at once bent to their oars, and as they drew near to the landing-place were lost to view. Frobisher stood waiting for their return in wrathful mood, devising the punishment that was meet for such breach of discipline, by which the possession of their only boat, the lives of five of the most active of his exhausted crew, and the success of the whole expedition had been endangered. But he waited in vain and devised punishments in vain. Such were the events of August 20. CHAPTER X. Eaelt the next morning the ' Gabriel ' stood in for the shore, and, having approached as near as they could with safety, they fired off their falconet, or cannon, caiarying a pound and a half shot, over the Esquimaux village, but not with the intention of doing any damage. Then they blew a trumpet. These things were done that the lost men might know their captain was in search of them, should they be stiU within hearing. Nowhere did they see anything of the boat or her crew, neither did they catch 38 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. sight of any of the natives, though they were heard among the rocks close by the water, laughing and jeering. This insult so greatly enraged the captain that he instantly determined either to carry on war against them or sail away to another village of the same tribe and there capture as many natives as he might, whom he would exchange for his men. But he had no means to do either of these things. Cunning, the strength of the weak, was the only ferce left at his disposal. The place where his captured crew had landed he called ' The Five Men's Sound.' That day was spent in waiting and sounding the trumpet ; but, no answer having been elicited, he drew away late in the evening and anchored some distance from the shore. That night snow fell, and in the morning it was found Ijring on the hatches to the depth of twelve inches. Early in the day they sailed back to ' The Five Men's Sound,' and were surprised to find that the sealskin tents had been removed. Frobisher now admitted that it appeared hopeless to recover his men or boat, and without them any further progress towards Cathay was impossible. The intended pilot who was to lead him to the ocean called Pacific in two days had, perhaps, not disappointed the admiral very greatly in not returning. The moment of giving up is anguishing to a courageous mind, yet that seemed to have come at last. To add to his mortification there came the thought that he should arrive in England -without any evidence of his ha-ying ever discovered new lands. He made no account of the black stone which he had thrown aside among other unconsidered trifles, and which was to become so celebrated. Others before him had impoverished themselves to procure means for saiUng unknown seas and finding undiscovered lands ; had faced many dangers and put their life often in peril of savages A Threatened Attack. 39 only to be doubted on their return and asked to furnish proofs — who were accused of having made apocryphal discoveries and seen imaginary wonders ! All this time the ' Gabriel ' had been lying-to in ' The Five Men's Sound,' with her commander ' more ready to . die than to live.' But hereupon a sudden danger arose, and Frobisher was restored to himself. Fourteen boats fuUy manned were espied paddUng around a point near at hand, and advancing with the evident intention of attacking the ship. In the largest of the boats were counted twenty men. The whole of Frobisher's force, including invaUds and boys, was thirteen. The admiral was more pleased than alarmed with this demonstration. FuU of the 'great spirit and bold courage' of happier days, he made his arrangements for a conflict. Canvas was nailed over the old-fashioned deep channels, over the shrouds, and over every projection which the enemy might take hold of in boarding. It must be borne in mind that the ship lay so low that a native could spring out of his canoe on board with the help of a hand-hold. In the waist of the bark he placed his falconet. F'robisher's mind was fUled -with the happy idea that he need not go in search of some distant village to make captives, for the vQlage was now coming to him. With a view to carrying out his design, he pointed the falconet at the boat which held twenty men, resolved at the first attack to send a shot through her, and then, while her men were struggling in the water, to run the ship among them and make captive of as many as he found aUve. But the natives had obtained a fair idea of the destructive power of the falconet on the previous day, when the piece was fired over their village. So now a ludicrous feature was introduced into the affair. Wherever the falconet was pointed, from that place the canoes paddled away in haste ; 40 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. and thus the fourteen boats were slowly swept back -with that silent threatening muzzle moving from side to side. All the men of the ' Gabriel ' had during this time been mustered at the open waist. The enemy's boats had drawn out of range and were gathered in council. Al though not a shot had been fired, Frobisher feared they had been so alarmed by his little cannon that they would draw entirely away, and thus the opportunity of capturing hostages would be lost. To give the natives courage, he com manded his men to move the falconet and betake them selves to other parts of the ship. Standing alone at the open waist, but with his arms laid ready to hand, he made the old signs of parley. The enemy answered ; and thinking that the English must be entirely devoid either of common sense or the spirit of retaliation, sent one of their number in a small skin canoe to hold conversation at closer quarters. This savage went through the usual pantomime in inviting the Englishmen ashore. He was the native who had come on board with Christopher Hall on his first interview with the savages. Frobisher was more profuse than ever in his manifestations of amity. But it was all duplicity on both sides now. The captain held out various presents for him, but the savage would not come within reach. Frobisher then threw over such things as would float, shirts, cloths, &c. These, being carried away by the current, were eagerly pursued and caught by more than one of the boats. This game was continued until the cupidity of the messenger of the natives was so inflamed that when Frobisher held a small beU in his hand he, heedlessly or with strange self-con fidence, paddled up to the ship's side to receive it. But just as success was about to crown the captain's cunning the zeal of a shallow mind that meddled -without under standing ruined all. For as the savage was reaching out Tfie Captains Grip. 41 his hand for the bell one of the crew of the ' Gabriel ' sprang forward, holding a boathook, with which he hoped to secure the canoe. The native was much too quick for such a clumsy device. Instantly dipping his paddle in the water, he lightly skimmed away. The whole process of exciting the man's greed had to be gone through afresh. Presents were again set afloat, again chased and caught. And when Frobisher the second time offered the bell the savage was not won. But the captain was equal to the emergency. If the Esquimaux would not come nearer, the captain would throw it to him. The savage at once made ready to catch. The beU was thrown so as to fall just short of the native's hands, and so dropped into the sea and was lost. Frobisher forth-with caUed for another and a larger bell, which he provokingly began to ring, by turns stretching it out towards the canoe. The poor savage, however cunning, was quite carried away by this. Life was worth not so much to him now. Sitting as he was in his skin canoe, in which he was to a certain extent fastened, inasmuch as the opening fitted closely around his waist, he allowed himself to drift slowly towards the ship. As he came alongside he held his paddle in his right hand with the end placed against the side of the ' Gabriel,' so that at the first suspicion of treachery he had but to give it a thrust and the canoe would shoot away. The other hand he held forth to re ceive the proffered bell. Frobisher stooped towards him, and just as their hands were on the point of meeting the captain let the bell drop, suddenly took hold of the out stretched hand of the savage with his right and of the wrist with his left, then stepping back lifted him boat and paddle on to the deck of the bark. This feat of physical strength greatly astonished his own men as well as the savages, who were all within bowshot of the ' Gabriel ' ; to 42 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. whom Frobisher now made signs that if they would bring his men he would return their comrade ; but they quickly rowed out of range, and having consulted together, made for the land with all haste, uttering a war-whoop, or, as the chronicler says, ' with great hallooing or howUng shouts after their manner, like the howUng of wolves or other beasts in the woods.' CHAPTER XI. The captured savage, who had, Uke the crew of the ' Gabriel's ' boat, fallen a victim to his own cupidity, was so overcome with impotent rage that he bit his tongue in twain. But that member was, under the circumstances, of little use to him and the loss of it but sUght damage to the EngUsh, since all their intercourse was conducted by signs. The captive either would not or could not give any information of the lost boat and her crew. From that day on he lay moping and sulking, refusing every consola tion till death touched him and bade him go free : which was soon after the return of the expedition to England. That night, the ' Gabriel ' anchored at another island near by ; Frobisher expecting still that the natives would offer his five men in exchange for their captured country man. Three more days were spent idly hoping against hope. Retreat was the only possible course, and yet Fro bisher shrank from it, postponing his departm-e from hour to hour. At the close of those three idle days the admiral turned to his officers under the pretence of consulting them as to what had best be done. He knew their opinion well enough, for it was his own ; still he preferred to have bis unwilling purpose in a manner forced on his own mind. Honiczoard-bound. 43 They ran over each feature of their condition : they had no boat ; many of their men were laid up with exhaustion and sickness ; including all, there were but thirteen left ; the brief summer was evidently on the wane, and the winter coming on apace. Should they be imprisoned in this Strait by the ice of which they already had some ex perience, that were an end of them and all future voyages. Besides, they were surrounded by fierce savages of whom they suspected the worst designs and foulest practices. And as for proofs they had this infidel and his boat, the Uke of which was never seen, read, nor heard of before in England, and whose language was neither known nor understood of any. Therefore there could only be one opinion as to the necessity of immediately returning. On August 26, Frobisher commanded the ' Gabriel's ' head to be put to the south-east. By noon they had pro ceeded as far as Trumpet's Island; the next day they passed Gabriel's Island — names that have long ago lost their place on the maps. At nightfaU they were saiUng outward between the headlands that formed the entrance to Frobisher's Straits. On September 1, they once more came in sight of Greenland, and, as on their first approach, found the land so surrounded by monstrous ice that they dared not draw near. StUl foUo-wing their outward track, they fared prosper ously imtU the 7th, when they were overtaken by a terrible storm. So furious was the -wind that one of the mariners was blown out of the ship's waist. The next moment the ' Gabriel ' roUed in his direction, and the man made a sudden snatch, catching hold of the foresail sheet. Frobisher had seen the accident, and was instantly on the spot. Stretching forth his hand he laid hold of the man struggling with the waves and lifted him bodily into the ship. On the 25th they passed the Orkneys. On October 1 44 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. they sighted Zeeland, and crossed over to Harwich the next day. Here they remained for a few days to refresh their crew, who were all quite exhausted. On October 9, 1576, they returned to London, having been absent just four months. Frobisher had saUed farther to the north-west than any of his predecessors. John Cabot had been farther up the channel now kno-wn by the name of Davis's Straits ; but, except touching at some point which he called ' The Desired Land,' he had added nothing to the world's knowledge of that region. The ' Michael's ' report had been believed so far as the loss of the pinnace and ' Gabriel ' was concemed. So the surprise and welcome were aU the greater when they an chored in the Thames. They became the admiration of the people ; wHle the strange man and his strange leathern boat were the wonder of all the city that saw them and of the whole realm that heard of them, aU men agreeing that so great a matter had not happened -within any one's know ledge. CHAPTER XII. The poor infidel, who on his loss of Uberty had bitten off his o-wn tongue, did not long Uve the wonder of England. He had taken a cold on the voyage, to which he graduaUy succumbed. Very Uttle had been accompUshed by the voyage to wards discovering a north-west passage to Cathay. Fro bisher was satisfied, and so perhaps was Sir Humphrey Gilbert, that the discovered strait was the Passage. But these two were convinced before the expedition set out. A disappointment that affected the future much more The Black Stone. 45 seriously was the fact that no riches had been foimd, and no profit returned to the capitalists. To have brought back the plunder of a Mexican viUage would have secured the captain more ships to come than to have brought back a correct map of all the Polar regions. The interesting infidel was buried. His paddle and ' leathern boat ' were the only curious reUcs left of the voyage. And having received his welcome from the nation, Frobisher was passing into obUvion ; men's minds being turned to the latest battle in that Ufelong struggle between Protestantism and the Papacy which was being fought out in the swamps of HoUand, and in which so many brave EngUshmen were engaged. But Frobisher's star had only passed behind a cloud, not below the horizon, and was soon to shine more bril liantly than ever. Some would say that an accident made the admiral famous, but it was an accident brought about by himself, and which he had fitted himself by study and experience to be ready for. In the course of three months or so after the return of the ' Gabriel,' and when the diminutive ship's famous achievements were falling out of mind, a rumour went abroad that among some unconsidered lumber brought home in the ship's hold was found a lump of gold ore. This was the ' black stone much Uke to seacoal in colour.' The popular account of the discovery of its nature was as fol lows : — By chance a piece of the stone came into the hands of a gentlewoman, the -wife of one of the adventurers in the expedition ; by chance she threw it into the fire, where it remained untU it was red-hot ; and by another chance she took it out of the fire and quenched it in vinegar, where upon it ' glistered -with a bright marquesset of gold.' So many happy accidents foUowing one another in intelligent order throw such a complexion of doubt over the account 46 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. that names and dates should have been furnished. This is not done. Michael Lock, who was Frobisher's chief supporter, and more deeply interested than any other in -wringing projStj out of the expedition, gives a totaUy different account. As soon as the ' Gabriel ' returned, he says, he went on board, and the admiral at once referred to a promise which he had made the merchant on his departure, namely, that he would give him the first thing that was found in the new land ; and in fulfilment of that promise he thereupottl handed him a black stone. This was in the presence of others who had gone on board -with him, several of whom begged small pieces of the stone out of curiosity. Lock spent ' about a month considering of the matter, and by an d priori course of reasoning came to the conclusion that it contained gold ; whereupon he took a piece of it to the Assay Master of the Tower, with what expectation is obvious. ; That officer ha-ving made an assay, returned it as marcasite, < a variety of iron pyrites. The merchant showing dissatis faction at this information, the Assay Master ad^ised him to try another assayer, naming one Wheeler as expert in the art. This ad-vice was foUowed. Wheeler also retumed| it as marcasite. A man self-con-vinced is not easily to be convicted of error even by science. Lock next tried one George Needam, and the result of his proof was that the stone contained none of the precious metals. At this point of his pursuit the merchant rested for awhUe. But his mind was not at rest. Everv time he went over his a priori process he became more and mroe assured that there must be gold in the black stone. In the beginning of January of the following year- he heard of a very learned and skilful Italian assayer, John Baptista | Agnello by name. To him Lock made haste to take a piece of the stone. He said nothing to the assayer as to Agnello s Assay. 4 7 whence the stone came or what it was suspected to contain. The wily Italian may have had other sources of informa tion or gleaned all he wanted to know from the eager merchant in those subtle ways practised by professors of palmistry. At any rate Agnello took the piece of stone, and at the end of three days showed Lock what he had found in it. This was a ' little powder of gold.' Lock at once demanded evidence of the correctness of this return, pretending to doubt the truth of what he had determined should be the truth. Agnello replied that he would try again for the other's greater satisfaction. Fragment after fragment of the black stone was received by him, and each time he exhibited as the result of his smelt- ings, retortions, and triturations a ' little powder of gold.' Lock now asked the pertinent question how he came to find gold where other assayers had found no trace of the precious metals. His reply was — ' Bisogna sapere adulare la natura.' (One must needs know how to coax nature.) It seems that this account was prepared for the Queen, who desired to know the whole story of the black stone, that was being talked of by high and low. There is to be foimd in one of Sir PhUip Sidney's letters to a friend on the Continent proof of the extent and mag nificence of the popular belief in the ore. He writes that Frobisher had been to America rivaUing the achievement of MageUan ; and that there a young man of the ship's com pany 'picked up a piece of earth he saw glittering on the ground and showed it to Frobisher; but he being busy with other matters, and not beUeving that the precious metals were produced in a region so far to the north, considered it of no value. But the young man kept the earth by him, as a memorial of his labour, till his return to London. And there, when one of his friends saw it shining in an extraor dinary maimer, he tested it, and found that it was the purest gold, unalloyed with any other metals.' 48 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. The remark of an old chronicler was, ' Such great quan tity of gold appeared that some letted not to give out for certainty that Solomon had his gold from thence, where with he builded his Temple.' Thus the gold ore had grown to be the one engrossing topic of the whole realm. A general demand was made for a renewal of the expedition to Hall's Island. The search for Cathay became a secondary matter. For why go to the far East, they reasoned, in search of what could be found so much nearer home ? Perhaps no man in Eng land was more astonished at the result of his voyage than Frobisher himself. He went to Lock and asked was there any truth in this extraordinary rumour of gold ha-ring heen brought home by the expedition. The answer was con vincing : Lock placed before him the gold-dust extracted by the art of Agnello. To collect the means for undertaking the expedition to the North-West, Frobisher had toUed, suffered, endured the cold approval of friends, the condescensions of the great, the sneers of the 'practical,' year after year — and now all was changed. He waited to be sought. Science and dis covery had been superseded. The lust for gold dominated men's hearts for the moment. Nobles and merchants who had been unwilling to sow silver or even copper to reap science came forward ready to sow gold in the hope of reaping more gold. CHAPTER XIII. There were rumours floating in tbe air that secret expedi tions were being set on foot to plunder the gold-mines in the North-West. The assayers of London were generally The Cathay Company. 49 suspected of such a design, and none knew better than they the value of the ore. It was generally credited that they had gone privately to Her ^Majesty to procure a lease of aU the shores and islands in Frobisher's Straits. To such a pitch had the pubUc excitement risen. The actual outcome of the matter was the establish ment of a company called the Cathay Company, the charter for which was obtained from the Crown on March 17, 1577. It was gi-anted to Michael Lock and Martin Frobisher, to gether -with all the venturers in the first voyage. To them was given the sole right of sailing in every direction for discovery, except to the East ; the rights of the Muscovy Company being thus protected. They had authority to wage war in behalf of their own interests, and were to pay only half customs for the first twenty years on all goods imported. Whoever infringed the privileges of the Com pany was to suffer forfeiture of ships and goods, one half of the fine going to the Queen, the other to the Company. The charter appointed Michael Lock governor for life, and gave him one per cent, of all goods imported. To these terms the shareholders agreed, except that they Umited the appointment to six years. The charter appointed Martin Frobisher for Ufe the High Admiral of all seas and waters, countries, lands, and isles, as weU of Cathay as of aU other countries and places of new discovery — a sort of admiral in partibus infide- lium. He also was to receive, one per cent, of all imported goods. To this the Company agreed, adding an p,nnual stipend, and appointing him general captain of their ships and navy.' Inasmuch as there had been a loss to the venturers in ' The chroniclers are followed in referring to Frobisher as Admiral and General, designations applied indiscriminately to the chief com mander of a fleet in that age. E 50 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. the first voyage of 800L, every new member admitted was to pay a fine or admission fee of 30L, which was to be applied towards the liquidation of this debt. , Such were the main provisions of the charter and articles of the Company of Cathay. Many new shares were taken. The Queen herself subscribed 1,000L, which was more than the whole amount collected for the first voyage. In a short time the paid-up capital was 3,000L Lock had formed his estimates for 4,400i,, and he soon obtained the l,400i. that lacked by assessments on the shareholders. In addition to the ' Gabriel ' and ' Michael ' there was a third ship, lent by the Queen, of two hundred tons burthen, and named the ' Aid.' Between March and May the pre parations were pushed forward vigorously. The expedi'i-, tion was to be provisioned for seven months, and was to number about 115 souls. Among the estimates sent in as to the price and quantity of the pro-visions necessary for the voyage are some items curious in our day. Tbe beer required weighed more than aU the bread, meat, peas, and rice. The wine weighed nearly as much as the cheese and butter. Of course there is no mention made of tea, coffee, sugar, tobacco, or spirituous liquors. The sum aUowed for furnishing the medicine chest was 6L 13s. 4d. The only other provision for the sick was the expenditure of 4Z. for prunes, raisins, almonds, liquorice, etc. A Uberal aUow ance was made for wooUeu cloth for jerkins, etc. The expedition was furnished besides with a long code of instructions, numbering in all sixteen items, addiessed to ' Martin Frobisher, Gent.,' from Her Majesty the Queen. The admiral was to take with him not more than 120 persons, of whom thirty were to be miners, refiners, &c. He was not to receive into his company any disordered per sons ; yet there should be delivered to him six condemned criminals, whom he was to take to Greenland, and there set ashore, with such weapons and victuals as could be The Adiiiiral's Instructions. 5 1 spared ; whom he was also to instruct to so conduct them selves as to win the goodwill of the natives, and with whom, on the retm'u voj-^age, he was to speak, that he might be informed of what they had learned of the land. His immediate destination was to be Hall's Island, where he would land the miners, and leave tbe ' Aid ' in a safe harbour, to be loaded by them with the gold ore. After that he was to take the two barks and proceed to ' The Five Men's Sound,' examining the coasts and islands, chiefly -with the view of discovering the richest mine in those parts ; and should he succeed in finding better ore than that on Hall's Island, he was to return thither for the ' Aid ' and the miners. Other-wise, and faiUng to recover his lost men, he might continue westward untU he became certain that he had entered the South Sea, but no farther. In no case was he to pernUt his zeal for science to delay the return of the ' Gabriel ' and ' Michael,' but was to be sure to rejoin the 'Aid' in time for her to return with the cargo of ore before the -winter set in. In case the mines should yield no more ore, the ' Aid ' was immediately to be sent home, and the admiral was at liberty to do what he liked and go where he liked with his two barks. The Queen's object in subscribing a thousand pounds and lending a ship is painfuUy obvious. Frobisher was to consider the feasibUity of leaving some of his men to -winter on the Straits. He was to be rather over-cautious of his Ufe than otherwise : an unnecessary injimction. He was to be strict in his discipline : again unnedfessary, for in that quaUty Frobisher was the Queen's equal. He was to give no offence to the aborigines, and to do all in his power to -win their friendship. Nevertheless he was to bring back with him not less than three nor more than ten captive natives, whom Her Majesty minded should not return again to their own land. He was to give very 52 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. strict commands to the miners and others handUng the ore that they should observe the strictest secrecy concerning the richness of the mines. Thus the expedition was transformed from a voyage of discovery into something very like a gambUng venture, entered into by the Crown, the nobUity, and the merchantsi CHAPTER XIV. On May 25, 1577, Frobisher took formal command of the expedition, which was composed as follows : — The ' Aid,' between 175 and 200 tons burthen, having . on board 1 00 souls, among whom were the admiral, his lieutenant, George Best, and thirty gentlemen and soldiers. . Christopher Hall was the master. The ' Gabriel,' between 15 and 25 tons burthen,-,' carrying eighteen persons, under the command of Captain Edward Fenton, the master being William Smyth. The ' Michael,' between 20 and 25 tons, carrying sixteen persons, commanded by Gilbert Yorke, with James Beare as master. There were, besides, the ships' boats and two rowing pinnaces carried on board. On Whit-Sunday, the 26th, they weighed anchor early in the morning, and ran down with that tide from Biackwall 3 to Gravesend. Next morning the vicar came on hoard the ' Aid,' on which all the men of the expedition were assembled, and administered to them the Communion, thus preparing them ' as good Chiistians towards God, and resolute men for all fortunes.' In this way used England's great navigators to set forth, putting their trust in that A Royal Reminder. 5 3 God who ' is as near on sea as on land.' They prepared themselves for either fortune. On Tuesday evening they arrived at Harwich, where they had certain provisions to take on board, which delayed them until the Friday of the same week. The Queen was at that moment the guest of the Earl of Warwick, in Essex, and her extraordinary mastery of details disturbed the expedition slightly, and at the same time taught Frobisher a lesson. He had to do with a monarch whom nothing escaped. It had come to Elizabeth's quick ears that Frobisher had taken in his company more than the 120 which in Her Majesty's instructions he had been forbidden to exceed. During this delay at Harwich a sharp letter arrived from the Queen bidding the admiral not to go beyond his complement. Frobisher avenged himself upon the country for the Queen's sharp meddUng, for among the foui'teen whom he was compeUed to put on shore were the condemned criminals whom he was to have landed on the coast of Greenland. There is a probabUity that he had intended employing them as messengers and hostages in his dealings with the savages, and, should any be left aUve after that hazardous service, with them to test the practicabUity of -wintering within the Straits. On the last day of ]May the fleet put to sea. On June 7 they came to one of the Orkneys for fresh water. WhUe this was being taken on board Frobisher gave leave to the gentlemen and soldiers to go ashore for recreation. They told a sad tale of the condition of the inhabitants. As soon as they landed, they said, the natives fled from their cottages, raising at the same time a cry of alarm to warn their neighbours. The lieutenant, bidding his men hold back, advanced alone, making known who and what they were that came to their island. So he won the people to return ; and they then explained their alarm and 54 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. flight, saying that pirates and other enemies often landed and attacked them. They lived in very primitive style. Their houses had no chimneys. The fire was lighted in the middle of the floor, and a hole was left in the roof for the escape of the smoke. On one side of the cottage ate and slept the good man, -wife, and children ; on the other the cattle. The tax-collector seems to have been the only connecting Unk between them and their Govemment. A little traffic was carried on, and the gold-findere,- discovered a mine of silver. In minerals, as in phUosophy, men for the most part find what they are in search o£ Perhaps they would have considered it contrary to their commission to find gold anywhere short of HaU's Island. Next morning, having set their course WNW., they took their departure. For twenty-six days they beat to and fro against contrary -winds, observing many things that were new to some of them. There were monstrous fish which they did not recognise. Sea-fowl were seen every day, and, being so far out to sea, it was concluded that they alternated their movements between the air and water, never setting foot on land. Three sail of English fishermen retuming from Iceland were spoken, and letters sent home by them. All along this sea large fir-trees were seen floating and drifting to the north-east, from which they concluded a great current set in that direction from the south-west. Night seemed to have given place to a bright kind of twUight, by which they could read easily. At length, as they said, God favoured them with a fair wind in the poop, and, on July 4, the ' ftlichael,' being in advance, fired off a piece of ordnance to announce that land had been sighted. The general, wishing to make sure, sent his trusted companion of the vetu before on board the ' Michael.' The experienced eye of Christopher A Landing Impracticable. 5 5 Hall at once saw that they had mistaken the fog and icebergs for land. Nevertheless there were many indi cations that the coast of Greenland was very near ; and so, advancing with great caution, and the fog lifting, they made out the land about ten o'clock of the luminous night. The ice, the fogs, the blasts were so much Uke what they had encountered here the year before that one might suppose no change had taken place in the interval. One of the voyagers, who was now getting his first experience of Northem latitudes, indulges in a florid description, e-vidently elaborated -with some care. ' Here,' he says, ' in place of odoriferous and fragrant smells of sweet gums and pleasant notes of musical birds, which other countries in more temperate zones do yield, we tasted the most boisterous boreal blasts mixed with snow and hail.' On this approach Frobisher spent three days in the ship's boat trying to make a landing in Greenland, but ¦with the same unsuccessful result as before. Once or twice he touched the land after passing up dangerous and intricate passages among the ice ; but, each time, just as he was about to go ashore, the fog descended, compelliiig him to put back to his ship with the greatest haste. CHAPTER XV. The attempt to land having finally been given up, they resumed their voyage on July 8. Two or three days afterwards, the ' Michael ' suffered almost in the same way as the 'Gabriel' had the previous year in that sea. A 56 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. great storm descended, and in the first breaking canied away the ship's steerage. Presently her top-masts were carried overboard. In the meantime they had lost sight of the ' Aid ' and ' Gabriel,' and had to look to themselves. The gale was blowing from the north-east, and the ' Michael ' had thus far been kept before the -wind. At length, estimating that they were within fifty leagues of the American coast, on which they feared to be cast, and the sea every moment threatening to poop her, they hove- to under bare poles, and so rode out the storm, though in a very damaged condition. On the 17th, to their great joy, they came on the other ships. When Frobisher was enlisting volunteers for this expedition there was one man who feU dangerously ill before the departure from Biackwall. 3Iany tried to dissuade him from attempting the voyage, but he ever answered that he chose rather to die therein than not to attempt so notable a voyage. It seems to have been only a sample of the spirit that pervaded them all. At any rate his resolution met with the commander's approval, and the sad alternative hinted at came to pass during the continuance of these storms — the daring spirit fled, and the remains of the first Englishman were lowered into the depths of the North-West Seas, pioneer of a great and brave company. Soon after the ships were reimited they saw evident tokens that they were drawing near the Straits. Next morning Frobisher sighted the land from the maintop of the ' Aid,' and immediately sent the barks in different directions to search for the North and South Forelands. About noon the ' Michael ' clearly made out HaU's Island lying near the northern headland. To one of the chroniclers who was on board the bark at this time the sight of Frobisher's Straits frozen, and fuU of icebergs, Hall's Island revisited. 5 7 was depressing. It did not fit a theory which he had adopted concerning the formation of icebergs. He had assumed that it was impossible for salt water to be imprisoned by the cold, because he had tasted of the icebergs on the coast of Greenland ; they were a little brackish, but contained no salt, and must have been formed in fresh-water lakes or of the waters of great rivers frozen as they came in contact with the sea. It is not quite clear which he finally adopted — his theory or the fact concerning the freezing of sea-water. On their arrival the ice was breaking up, and only awaited a wind from the north-west to drive out in archi pelagoes. Until that time no harbour was open, and the ships had to lie off and on. Frobisher, to the great admiration of the gentlemen who had no knowledge of these matters, went to and fro among the ice in a rowing pinnace, darting hither and thither among floating masses and speeding through channels in the floes that opened and closed Uke a too deliberate monster, seeking to catch an unwary boat. Next day he took a company of gold- finders to HaU's Island in his rowing pinnace. Chris topher HaU pointed out the spot where he had found the ' black stone,' but there were no more of the same sort left. They could not find any ore at aU, not even one ' piece so big as a walnut.' As far as the ' Aid ' was concerned here appeared the end of her voyage. For did not the Queen's instructions command that in case no more of the mineral could be found she was at once to be sent back ? Frobisher's thoughts were kept to himself. On one thing he was determined, — that he would not, without further effort, returii to the ships with this inteUigence. So putting off from HaU's Island he gratefully accepted the twUight continuation of the day, and commanded the pinnace to 58 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. be pulled through the ice to another island that lay a short distance westward. Here they found abundance of the black stones. Other islands in the vicinity were examined with the same success ; and towards midnight the pinnace returned to the ships, firing a voUey in token of good news. The admiral had brought back eggs, fowls, and a young seal, besides intelligence that there was abundance of ore on the other islands. They had also seen many signs of the presence of the natives, which had brought to their recoUection the loss of the five men, and the Queen's injunction concerning caution. Having thus satisfied the officers of the Cro-wn in the matter of the gold mines, Frobisher turned his attention to other and more congenial objects. His first step was to, take formal possession of the new land, caUed generallyt Meta Incognita, in the Queen's name, and proclaim her sovereignty over it. So next morning, which was July 19, the admiral ordered the gentlemen and soldiers to enter the boats. It was very early ; the sea almost im passable on account of the ice ; the distant islands with their high mountains white with snow ; and all the skill of Frobisher and Hall scarcely sufficed to escape being crushed between the moving floes of ice. They safely arrived at and landed on an island, afterwards called Lock's Land, and left the boats under guard. As soon as they landed the company, by command of the general, knelt down in the snow and with one voice thanked God for their safe arrival. Then they marched in order about two English miles to the summit of a mountain, which, in remembrance of his first patron, Frobisher called Mount Warwick. Here they built a large cross of stones and planted on it the English flag, signifying thereby that the Christian religion and the Queen's sove reignity had been proclaimed. This accomplished, the The Queen's Sovereignty proclaimed. 59 admiral commanded a trumpet to be sounded ; and having ranged his company in a circle around the ensign, he ordered them once more to kneel. Then the general led them in prayer. First of all they besought the Di-vine Majesty to grant the Queen long life, in whose name they now took possession of the country. Next that He would give them grace so to conduct themselves that, by Chris tian study and endeavour, those barbarous people, trained up in paganism and infidelity, might be brought to the knowledge of true religion and to the hope of salvation in Christ our Redeemer. After that they arose from their knees, and Frobisher addressed them, employing those words and sentiments concerning duty which have never failed to find a response in the hearts of English men. They then took up the march with an ensign displayed at their head, and passed on to several lesser eminences, on each of which they heaped up a cross of stones, so that should any future navigator, either from England or other civUised lands, arrive at those parts he would at once perceive the sovereignty of a Christian power had been proclaimed. Before the close of that day, which had begun -with such solemn rites, events took place which once again iUustrate the fact that with the best of men a great gulf separates theory and practice. The invaders displayed conduct that went in no way towards bringing the infidels to a knowledge of true religion. 6o Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. CHAPTER XVI. In the afternoon of the same day, as the company was marching down towards the boats, strange shrieks and cries were heard in the rear, and on looking back they perceived on a ridge, which they had crossed a little before, a number of the natives laughing and dancing for joy. The general was anxious to come to a conference, and ¦with that object in view made the customary signs, then held up two of his fingers, signifying that he would have two of them advance to meet two of his company. The natives responded in like maimer ; whereupon Frobisher, ) taking with him his old comrade Christopher HaU, ad vanced unarmed some distance in front. Two of the savages then came forward -with alacrity and met them midway between the two peoples. The result was that bartering began immediately, and the established method of bargaining between hostile tribes was easily leamed by the English. So nearly aU that afternoon there was a busy scene. One of either side would advance midway," lay down some article which he wished to exchange, and withdraw. Then one from the other side would come for ward to inspect, and, if he desUed the thing, would set down beside it what he was -wilUng to give in exchai^, and then retire. The first party to the treaty now came up once more, and if pleased with the offer took up the thing, leaving his own to be possessed by the second party. Frobidher knew the dangers attending any traffic with these barbarians, and kept a wary eye on both sides. At last, the day drawing towards the close, he commanded his men to fall in and resume their march to the boats. The natives, perceiving this movement, expressed great sorrow. Plot and Counterplot. 6 r at their departure, and the two spokesmen followed them confidently down to the landing-place. Frobisher having embarked his men, and seeing but these two natives, took -with him Hall and went back some distance to where the two savages were making signs of sorrow over their depar ture. The admiral's design was to lay hold of them, and, after keeping them a few days on board, to set one of them on shore -with presents, and retain the other for an inter preter, finaUy carrying him back to England. Though Frobisher could have pleaded the Queen's instructions in defence of his conduct, and though we are to judge men historically by comparing them with the best men and the accepted morality of their own age, still falseness has always been falseness, and doubtless none would have admitted this sooner than the general himself. It is pleasant to know that the wrong was not wholly successful or unpunished. When these four met, some exchanges were made and presents given by the EngUshmen. The infidels having exhausted thefr interchangeable commodities, and wishing to make some return for the gifts received, one of them cut off the tail of his o-wn coat, deemed a great ornament by them, and presented it to the admiral. It was a poor return that he got. At this moment Frobisher gave Hall the signal that he should seize his man, while the admiral did the same with his. The scene of the encounter was sloping ground ; besides, the ice and snow made it very slippery ; and so, wlaen the EngUshmen made their sudden clutch, the natives as suddenly tripped their feet from under them, and in coming do-wn heavUy they lost their hold on the savages, in spite of their great physical superiority. The Esqui maux had prepared for such an emergency, and had perhaps only been anticipated in treachery, for they had 62 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. their bows and arrows in hiding near at hand. So wheft the Englishmen fell on the icy hillside the savages nimbly ran for their weapons, and, showing the most desperatffi courage, boldly attacked the fallen. The long gilded partizan was not now to hand, as on a former occasion, so the admiral and the master of the ' Aid ' ignominiously turned their backs and fled down towards the boats. Their double-dealing had brought them into sudden difficulties. The savages speedily pursued, and soon lodged an arrow in the aidmiral's hip. The two fugitives were making the best use of their throats as well as their legs. And fortu nately the soldiers on board, hearing cries for help, jumped ashore and opened fixe on the pursuers with an arquebus. The Esquimaux advanced within bowshot ; and having delivered all their arrows at the boats, turned to flee^ Their courage had been conspicuous, but their speed was not as great. At this turning-point of the affair one Nicholas Conyer, a servant of Lord Warwick's, who was a Comishman, and celebrated both for wrestUng and running,: gave chase, and soon overtaking one of the infidels, showed ' him ' such a Cornish trick that he made his sides ache against the ground for a month after, yea, even to the day of his death.' Thus one of the natives was taken alive, but the other escaped. By this time a violent storm was blowing from the north-west. The impossibility of regaining the ships during its continuance was ob-vious. The impossibility of remaining where they were after what had taken place that afternoon was equaUy clear. It was now some time of the night, yet they determined to try their fortune, among the ice, and after many escapes succeeded in getting under the lee of a small island about a mile distant from the scene of the late encounter. Here they would have eaten the provisions they had brought with A Cheerless Bivouac. 63 them for the day's dinner, for they had partaken of no food during that long Arctic day. But Frobisher pointed out to them that inasmuch as the wind was from the north-west, and all the ice in the Straits was driving out, the ships must put far out to sea, and fiiight not be seen again for days. He therefore divided their narrow supplies into several rations, though the whole had only been intended for one meal. They knew full well, says one who was of the company, crouching among the rocks and ice that tempestuous night, that the best cheer the country could yield them was golden rocks and stones — a hard food to live withal — and the people more ready to eat them than to give them wherewithal to eat. Having in this antithetical sentence expressed the general belief in the cannibaUsm of the Esquimaux, he adds that they had to keep very good watch and ward over the boats to keep them from being crushed by the grinding islands of ice ; the gentlemen of the company having landed, lying upon hard cliffs of ice and snow, both cold, wet, and comfortless. They had been rowing, marching, trafficking and performing solemn rites for over twenty hours. CHAPTER XVII. ilANT things happened on board during the general's absence. Within an hour of his departure in the morning the cook overheated a chimney which had been very dangerously constructed, and the ' Aid ' was set on fire. And had it not been for the fortunate chance of a boy discerning it at an early stage, and, as the chronicler adds, God's help, the ship would soon have been en- 64 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. veloped in flames. As it was, the work of extinguishing the fire employed them for some hours. As soon as thjs had been successfully accompUshed the storm came down upon them suddenly from the north west, and with it the ice. From nine o'clock in the evening until morning the ships were in momentary peril of being sunk. The gentlemen as well as the mariners were incessantly employed, some hauling at the ropes, others keeping a sharp look-out, while others again stood with poles and boathooks, with which they fended their barks from the on-rushing icebergs. The master's mates left in command had weighed the alternatives left them. Their own safety would be ensured by running out to sea. But there was the admiral with forty gentlemen and sol diers on shore without provisions. They had determined, therefore, to carry on the struggle -with the ice rather than expose the general and his company. All that night they toiled as they had never done before. They would see advancing through the twiUght a huge island of ice, and then would come the quick command to luff. That cleared, a second would loom up ; and nothing but ice being seen in front, the command would come to run large before the wind. In this way they made fourteen tacks in one watch, judging it better to run any risk than to lose their admiral. Some of the icebergs ' scraped them and some happily escaped them, the least of which was as dangerous to strike as a rock, and able to have split asunder the strongest ship of the world.' It was no small addition to Frobisher's anxiety to see with him on the lee of the Uttle island the captains and masters whose place was on board their ships during this extreme peril. But the mates were skilful sailors, and did all that could be done, though they all said afterwards that God was their best steersman, and devoutly thanked An Ilhision dispelled. 65 the Providence of God who had arranged that on seas compassed by so many dangers night should be a pale reflection of the day. Next morning, being the 20th, ' as God would ' the storm ceased. Thus ever was remembrance had and acknowledgment made of higher help and the Stiller of Tempests. Frobisher was greatly surprised, at the break of day, to see the ships, which he had supposed driven far out, almost in the place where he had left them the day before. He and his company, with their captive infidel, quickly came on board. After he had fully related what had happened to them on shore, and they of the ships had told the story of the night, all knelt down and gave God humble and hearty thanks for that it had pleased Him from so speedy perils to send them such speedy deliver ance. Their thanksgiving done, and the Straits having been partially cleared of ice, the admiral gave command to sail towards the southern coast in search of a safe an chorage. The next morning they came in sight of a bay wherein they hoped to find shelter from the stiU drifting floes. The cliffs around the bay glittered brightly in the sun. and the voyagers stared -with open-mouthed astonishment, supposing that they were gazing on a sort of wonderland, and that all those shining rocks were mountains of gold. Frobisher instantly sprang into a boat with a company of gold-finders and rowed in. Towards evening they returned again, and sadly reported that what had seemed to be the precious metal was no better than black-lead. Hope soon reasserted her dominion, and they consoled themselves with the handy proverb that 'All is not gold that gUstereth.' If they had not found the cliffs to be bullion they had found a shelter for the ships, which to them was a more F 66 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. instant necessity than gold. Next morning the toiling ships sailed up the bay and came to an anchorage. The sense of security to which they now yielded was nearer pro-ving the destruction of their chief vessel than aU the fury of the preceding tempest. The worn-out crew having bestowed themselves to rest, and the watch being greatly neglected, a sudden danger beset them. The sleeping'- men wei'e abruptly awakened by a loud crash. Having' rushed on deck, they found that the ebbing tide had brought down the Straits a large floe which had approached unperceived and struck the stern of the ' Aid,' nearly' staving it in. Equal to every emergency, gentlemen and mariners sprang to work. Some took to the boats, and with poles and hooks cleared a passage up the bay. The others took a stout pull at the capstan, hauling in the slack in their cable ; then, having freed the ship from the ice chafing at her steerage, they hoisted their foresail, cut away their cable, and ran up a narrow tortuous channel, cleared for them by the boats, to the upper end of the bay. Frobisher had been greatly pleased -with the mate of the ' Aid,' who had carried that ship through the storm and the ice of the 19th, and who had also chosen the present anchorage, and as a reward named the place after him, calling it Jackman's Sound. CHAPTER XVIII. While at anchor in this Sound the gold-finders were employed in diUgently searching among the minerals on the shores and islands. The samples gathered by Frobisherj: on the northern side were also tested, and gold found in good quantity in most of them. On a Uttle island in the New Territory annexed. 67 Sound a sUver mine was discovered, but they paid no further heed to that. It would seem that Frobisher himself, being deeper in the secrets of the assayers than those who have chro nicled their doings and findings, showed dissatisfaction with the ore. Perhaps it was expected that gold might be found unmixed -with stone or quartz. At any rate they judged it impracticable to sail out of the Sound for a while ; and so, familiarised with the idea of cliffs of gold shining in the morning sun, and islands of silver studding the sea, they turned their attention to other matters. They found here, cast up dead upon the beach, a fish that much astonished thera. Its most curious feature was a horn, wreathed and straight, six feet in length, growing out of its nose. They called it the Sea Unicorn. Frobisher on his return presented the narwhal's horn to Queen Elizabeth, who greatly valued it as a jewel, and commanded it thenceforth to be kept in her wardrobe. The supposition of the voyagers was that the land, of which they had taken formal possession on the northern shore, was a part of Asia or some new continent, and that the southem shore, where they now were, was a part of the continent of America, the Straits separating the two. The next step, therefore, was to proclaim the Queen's sovereignty over this latter. So on the moming of the 24th the admiral went ashore with seventy men, and with ensign displayed marched two or three miles inland. Then were enacted the same solemnities, similar crosses erected, and a like exhortation to duty spokeii, as on the other coast. They added, however, thanksgiving for the dis covery of so great wealth. They did not deem poverty a blessing. Gold was to them a God-given power, and on those icy shores they implored the Divine Grace so to order that this wealth should be safely delivered in their native F 2 68 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. land, and there be made an instrument to set forth God's honour, the result of which, they added, would be the ad vancement of the commonwealth. Their political economy- was as sound as their theology. • ' The gentlemen of the company were so fired with ardour by these ceremonies that they rose above the pursuit of gold, and desired the general's permission for twenty or thirty of them to march a hundred mUes or so up the country for discovery and science. Frobisher's heart was with them, but he remembered too weU the Queen's in structions. He remembered the episode at Harwich, the shortness of the season, the fierce nature of the savages, but nothing more vividly than the lust for riches exhibited by the venturers in the expedition who were awaiting his return to England. He had been sent for a cargo of ore, and not for discovery. So he felt constrained to refuse the spirited request, trusting that, should he execute his present commission with success and satisfy the venturers, he might by their and God's help be enabled to go another summer in search of the North-West Passage to Cathay, and so around the world, — the achievement which had heen nearest his heart ever since he had reached manhood. The Straits were now almost clear of ice, and so, two days afterwards, leaving the ' Aid ' at her present anchor age, he took the ' Gabriel ' and ' JMichael ' across to the northern side. The passage was accomplished the same day. The ore at Jackman's Sound was by no means satis factory. The two barks anchored in an exposed situation ; but no danger was anticipated, and the spot was close to a very rich mine. The miners were set to work, and in two days collected together on the beach about twenty tons of the ore, yet they never succeeded in getting it on board, for once again the contests between the barks and the ice were repeated. Hairbreadth Escapes. 69 The ' Gabriel ' was riding astern of the ' Michael,' and some time during the second day of their coming hither a floe diifting down before a strong wind galled asunder the cable of the former. This was the third anchor the ' Gabriel ' had lost dming the voyage. She now rode by the one anchor left, which was expected every moment to drag, or the cable part by the fretting of the ice. Close under her lee was a sharp-pointed reef, so that either of the dreaded calamities would be certain destruction. While the crew were de\'ising some escape out of this perilous situ ation, a large iceberg was seen drifting steadily and directly upon the 'Gabriel.' Even Frobisher gave up and stood -waiting to see the doughty little craft which had weathered so many tempests, and which was dearer to him than all the others, pitilessly ground to fragments between the iceberg and the reef. But by God's help, as they said, this great iceberg was the best friend of the bark, though advancing in such threatening attitude. It drifted down untU it came -within about thff length of a boathook of the ' Ga briel' and stopped. The great mountain of ice had grounded and formed a little harbour against the wind and the floes. The crew of the ' Michael,' desiring to share in the shelter thus pro-fidentially afforded, sent a boat with an anchor to make fast to the ice and hauled themselves under its lee, but too close for safety. They had yet to learn the dangerous character of icebergs in the latter part of July, though Christopher Hall had had some experience of it on the first voyage. About midnight the grounded iceberg parted and heeled over when distant less than half its own length from the 'Michael.' It was another hairbreadth escape ; and with good reason did they bear in mind the Providence that fenced them in. The tides, ice, wind, and current were again felt, and these, combined with the fearful 70 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. noise which the falling iceberg had made, were so far dis quieting that the barks hastened to weigh anchor and runup the Straits on the next flood, leaving the ore behind them. CHAPTER XIX. The anchorage they were quitting they called Beare's Sound, after the master of the ' Michael.' Frobisher rewarded his companions by putting their names on the map of the world, though subsequent navigators have left but few of the old names first given by the Elizabethan voyagers. Even Frobisher's Straits have become Lumley's Sound. Running up with the flood-tide they came on the lee of a small island, where they landed. Here they found several interesting things. They first of aU came upon a tomb wherein was a skeleton, from which the flesh had obviously been removed. The captured infidel, whom they had brought with them, was questioned if here was not a proof of cannibalism. But he coinbated this inference, making signs that the skeleton was that of a man who had been slain and devoured by wild beasts. They next found great stores of native treasures buried under heaps of stones or hairns. There were dried fish, sleds, knives made of bone, kettles made of fishskins, and also bridles. These latter rather puzzled the Englishmen, and so they demanded of their captive what animals they could be employed in harnessing. On this he nimbly ' caught one of our dogs and hampered him handsomely therein as we do our horses, and, with a whip in his hand, he taught the dog to draw in a sled.' By next day they had sailed north-westerly five leagues, when they came to a bay well fenced in by small islands \C Haven Countess of Warwick's SOUND , "4= a -^opidiiia Lady- i:^ HaU I. I- ?7 ^^Monvunental I. 77/1? Countess of Warwick's Island. 7 1 against the ice drifting down, and by the mainland against the ice drifting up the Straits. This they found to be the best harbour yet discovered on the American coast. The island under which they anchored, as well as the enclosed Sound, they called after the name of the Countess of War wick. This was the farthest point reached by the voyagers that year. On the Countess of Warwick's island they found good store of such gold ore as contented the admiral, who became more and more anxious, as he saw the short , summer advancing, to satisfy Michael Lock and his fellows of the Company of Cathay. Frobisher having received the return of the assayers as to the richness of the ore, and being pleased beyond measure with the harbour after the many narrow escapes they had obtained in their encounters with the ice, at once despatched the ' Michael ' to Jackman's Sound to bring the ' Aid ' across. He then landed all his men, and, as was his custom in going to declare the Queen's sovereignty or advancing to meet an enemy, he put himself at the head of his company and began gathering the ore -with his own hands, setting them an example how they should labour to load the ships with the golden ore. In imitation every man, ' both better and worse, with their best endeavours wilUngly laid to their helping hands.' Having thus set the work a-going, he took a small com pany and crossed over from the island to the mainland of what they called Meta Incognita, having with him the captive for an interpreter and expounder. They soom came upon some of the native winter houses, now deserted, closely observed their construction, their drainage, and the signs of the filthy habits of the people. As they were retuming the captive loitered a little in the rear. The eye of his guard was upon him, who detected him in the act of stoop ing down and placing something upon the path. The 72 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. general was at once informed, and aU the company returned to examine what the native had done. The poor homesick savage had stuck in the ground five small sticks in a circle, with a small piece of bone planted in the centre. Some of* the Englishmen at once saw witchcraft in the device, and were considerably alarmed at the native charm. But the good sense of the commander read the sUent message more intelUgently. The five sticks he made out to be the five Englishmen captured by the aborigines the year be fore, and the bone to signify the savage whom they were holding as a prisoner, and that in this way he sought to convey to his friends intelligence of his condition, as well, perhaps, as to influence them to produce the white men, that he might be restored to Uberty, his home, and his people. Another story told of their captive infidel ran in this way. It will be remembered that the EngUsh had taken a native back to England the year before. A picture of him had been painted, and this Frobisher had in his possession. | In it the native was depicted in his o-wn apparel as well as ' in the dress of civUisation, together -with his paddle and canoe. One day this counterfeit was exhibited to their present cajitive. At first he was suddenly and greatly amazed ; and as two of any tribe of American Indians, though they should be father and son, in meeting after a long separation for awhile contemplate one another in silence and with looks askance, so this poor savage, seeing ; the picture of his friend, and thinking it to be aUve but changed into this diminutive compass by some necro mancy, looked casually and indifferently at it, then away ; again at it, then away, — observing the strictest silence all the time, as though awaiting to be addressed by it. After proceeding in this way for a considerable time he. himself broke silence and began to question the portrait. The BeivildcT^ed Savage. 73 This he repeated more than once ; and finding it still dumb to his appeals, he began to exhibit anger. At this stage the EngUshmen interfered, being anxious about the safety of the picture, and pereuaded the poor savage to handle it. This he did, and with a pitiful result altogether unexpected. He now beUeved that instead of the physical frame of his friend it was his spirit. As this conviction possessed him he broke out into loud cries, showing intense alarm and fear of the white men, believing that they were able to make men Uve or die at their pleasure. Thus persuaded, he seems to have thought it useless to try to hide anything, and for the first time confessed that he knew of the capture of the five Englishmen the year before. Being questioned further, he said he could give no information. Being asked as to whether they were slain and eaten or not, he made signs in the negative, and emphaticaUy denied the truth of the insinuation. The Englishmen understood that he repudiated both the slaying and eating, while the captive seems to have only thrown back the charge of cannibaUsm. CHAPTER XX. The story of the 'Aid' was that, after the admiral's de parture -with the two barks, some of their men had gone ashore on a small island in Jackman's Sound on tfte last day but one of July. In one of the coves they saw a large native boat -with eighteen or twenty men in it. They made all the haste they could to return to the ship, which was anchored near by ; and while they were relating what they had seen the natives appeared on a hill of the island wa-ving a flag and making noises ' Uke so many buUs.' The 74 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. ensigns planted on the crosses of heaped-up stones were duly economised by the natives instead of being stripped bare to the poles by the fury of the Arctic winds. A light swift skiff, with seven men in her, was sent forward from the ' Aid,' and a heavier boat well equipped sent after for protection. The skiff was intended to open communication with the natives ; but the latter seeing tie white men approach took to their boats and fled, — whethei; from fear or to draw the skiff away from the neighbour hood of the larger boat was not clear. The men in the skiff did not wait to settle the question, but took up the pursuit. The affair became a rowing match, which con tinued for two mUes out to sea, and in which the English were badly beaten. After pulling manfully for those two miles and seeing the distance between them and the canoes slowly but steadily widening, the boatswain passed the word to give up the chase and return to the ship. The story of the 'Michael,' saUing under Captain Gilbert Yorke, was that, having come off the southem shore of the Straits, and being unable to make up their leeway, they put into a small bay four leagues distant from Jackman's Sound. (The little bay was afterwards named Yorke's Sound.) On landing there they found some seal skin tents pitched. The natives seem to have hidden at their approach. At any rate the captain, seeing nothing of them, made bold to enter their dwellings. Besides the native food and other domestic property they found a canvas doublet, a shirt, a belt and three shoes of different sizes and for contrary feet, all being of English manu facture. It was clear that these articles had belonged to the five captured Englishmen ; and Captain Yorke more over concluded that they were held captives by the tribe of Esquimaux upon whose village he had so imexpectedly come. The men of the ' Michael ' were, therefore, filled Search for the Lost Seamen. 75 with hope of regaining their countrymen, and at once began to devise a plan by which that happy result might be brought to pass. Wisely and kindly they set about the execution of it. Captain Yorke sent off a boat to the ' Aid,' which retm-ned in the course of the night, bringing back Hall and Jackman. A letter was then written to the lost men in which they were informed of the condition and anxiety of their friends. This was taken to one of the tents, and pen, ink, and paper placed beside it, in order that the men might have the means of sending an answer. In addition various small presents were placed in the tent. When this had been done they took with them only a native dog and departed. The wind being now favourable, they ran with the ' ^Michael ' to Jackman's Sound, intend ing to employ the men of the ' Aid ' in the further prose cution of their plan. An expedition was immediately organised. George Best, being the general's lieutenant, commanded in the absence of Frobisher. The two rowing pinnaces, contain ing between thirty and forty men, pulled away for Yorke's Sound. On arriving there Jackman, with a portion of the company, landed. Their orders were to march inland to where the tents had been seen and visited, sm-round them, and seize all the occupants — both natives and the English captives. In the meantime the pinnaces would row around the point to intercept any attempt at flight by water. That they knew was the favourite resource of the savages, and would be still more so since they had found the superiority of the speed of their canoes over that of the ships' boats. Jackman accordingly advanced with his men to where Captain Yorke had shown him the Esquimaux village the day before. But on their arrival they discovered that the tents had been removed. The mate of the 'Aid' deter mined now on proceeding in the direction of the point 76 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. where the pinnaces were to be on the watch. They crossed one tedious mountain range, and then another loomed up in front. This also they ascended, and then perceivectii a third barring their advance. Here was as weary a climb ¦ as could be ; but when they had reached the summit they saw a number of tents pitched in the vaUey beneath. The native village was situated near the upper end of a long narrow creek which opened into the sea at a considerable distance. Jackman, who was the very leader for such an enterprise, having commanded silence, and arranged his men in a sort of skirmishing order, crept do-wn s-wiftly and secretly on the tents. The natives were taken by surprise, for not untU the English had reached the outskirts of the village were they aware of their danger. Then a sudden alarm was raised, paddles were snatched up hurriedly, but not all. A rush was made for the canoes drawn up high on the beach. In spite of the Englishmen's quick pursuit the Esquimaux succeeded in launching one great and one small canoe, into which they sprang, and easily paddled out of range. Jackman ordered those of his men who carried arquebuses to fire on the natives, not so much -with a hope of doing any damage as to give the alarm to the men in the pinnaces, should they be within hearing. In the meantime the fugitives, much crippled for want of paddles, were proceeding leisurely do-wn the creek and drawing near to the mouth. This proved their destruction, for the pin naces, having heard the sound of firearms, now rounded the point. Instantly the Esquimaux bent to their work, and the English to theirs. It was a question of speed, as it had been with them before. But the English were in possession of the mouth of the creek and cut them off from the open sea, where pursuit would have been useless* The natives, seeing their flight intercepted, on the instant turned and ran their canoes ashore on the side opposite to The Esquiinaitx at Bay, 77 that on which their village was pitched, and Jackman with his men were standing as spectators. Their first action was something similai- to that of modern artillerymen when they spike their guns ; for as soon as they set foot on land they broke all their paddles, thus thinking to prevent cm' countrymen from carrying away their boats. They then advanced boldly to oppose the landing of the pinnaces, for these had speedily foUowed on thefr retreat. The natives fought desperately as long as their arrows and darts lasted. Then a strange spectacle of valour was ex hibited by them, for they ran to and fro gathering the arrows which our men had shot, while others plucked the arrows out of their bodies, and thus replenished, advanced once more to the contest, continuing it until both weapons and strength failed them. At this crisis desperation followed on valour. Those of the dauntless savages, who had been wounded and found flight beyond their ability, cast them selves from the cUffs headlong into the sea and were drowned. The others made thefr escape among the rocks. One EngUshman had been dangerously wounded in the abdomen. Sis natives were found dead. The pur suit was continued some distance, and one of our men took captive an old woman. Another, seeing what he supposed a native warrior hiding among the rocks, fired. A scream betrayed that she was a woman. She was carrying a babe in her arms, and the bullet had passed through her hafr and the child's arm. Witj^ her, as with thousands of mothers before and since, it had been a choice between the desertion of her chUd and captivity. The surgeon quickly appUed some salves and bandages to the babe's wound; but the mother, naturaUy suspecting that no kindness could be meant by her enemies, tore off the leech's ligaments as soon as her chUd was restored to her arms ; then, with a brute's instinct and a mother's love, licked the 78 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. wound. Her surgery was successful, for she continued her treatment until the little one recovered. The mother and child were kept as prisoners ; but the fate of the old woman was different. Her ugliness was so great that the more ignorant of the EngUshmen feared they had captured a devU or witch who might prove to them an evil possession. They looked carefuUy aU around her for some token of her nativity or of an unholy affiance with the powers of darkness ; and at last took off her buskins, to see if she were cloven-footed. Although they found none of the signs for which they were looking they still considered her ' uncanny,' and, thinking it better to lean to the side of caution, they let the poor old woman go and rejoin her people. The skirmish had heated the EngUshmen's blood and, as they themselves confessed, awakened the baser passions of their nature ; so, contrary to thefr wont, they went up to the viUage and made a spoil of everything they found. The articles of English make that were in the tents they took away. On closer examination the canvas doublet was seen to have many holes in it made with arrows, from which it was concluded that the lost men were dead. They also found a new argument for believing that the lost men had been eaten as well as slain in the fact that the natives- devoured their food not only raw but in the carrion state : an inference that might have a sinister construction if carried out to the end. ' .^ As the evening came down they entered the pinnacef to return ; but a sudden tempest was near proving their destruction. Towards morning Jackman's Sound was reached ; and the next day the two ships set saU for the Countess of Warwick's Sound, where they rejoined Fro bisher and the toiling gold-miners. The Prisoners' Interview. 79 CHAPTER XXI. There was great curiosity among the voyagers to see what their captives would do when brought together. The manifestation of feeling was very similar to that already witnessed when the picture was displayed- They looked at each other ' very wistly ' for a long time, neither utter ing a sound; thefr faces going through a great play of emotion, as if expressing grief and disdain. At length the sUence was broken by the woman turning away and sing ing monotonously to herself. Some of the gentlemen who were not satisfied with this issue once more brought them face to face. In a Uttle whUe the man began to speak in a stem manner and as if relating a solemn tale. She Ustened attentively, with face averted, speaking never a word. When the man had finished his discourse she quietly began to busy herself in such things as appertain to a good housewife, and they henceforth seemed to grow very fond of one another. But though closely watched they never once crossed the Umits of the strictest modesty. All the three ships were now anchored under the Countess of Warwick's Island, on which a considerable store of the mineral had been collected. Frobisher saw signs of danger along the mainland, and therefore com manded George Best, his lieutenant, to disembark all his soldiers upon the island and fortify the place, for the better protection of the miners. While this was being carried out, a large number of the savages was seen on a cliff of the mainland waving a flag and uttering loud cries. As far as Frobisher could make out, it appeared that the remnant of the tribe of Yorke's Sound had crossed over to their friends of the 8o Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. northern shore, and now were complaining of the capture of the woman and child. So the admiral commanded her to be placed on a lofty part of the island where she might be seen by her people ; then himself entered a boat, taking, besides the crew, his male captive for interpreter. When the poor savage came near and recognised the faces of his friends on shore, he fell into great grief and shed tears abundantly. For a long time he was so overcome as to be unable to speak a word. At length, mastering his emotion, he talked with his friends at large, and afterwards with pretty generosity distributed among them the various trifles which he had received from the English. Subsequent events would furnish another explanation of this conduct. He might have been transferring his wealth to his friends' keeping, intending to follow secretly ; and if he perished in the attempt a dying man could afford to be Uberal. When the show of affection on both sides had been indulged, Frobisher instructed the interpreter to demand the return of the five Englishmen, and to teU his people that such was the only condition on which he and the woman should ever be liberated. Should, however, his men be restored large gifts would be given to the savages as well as the friendship of the white men. The answer of the Esquimaux was that three of the captured sailors were still alive, and that they should be surrendered. Their interpreter had formed some idea of the use of writing from seeing our men employ that art in putting down the words which he had been trying to teach them of his lan guage, and which they repeated next day from a look at' the paper. So now a letter was demanded from Frobisher to the captives. The admiral returned to the island to write it ; and it being then late, the letter was not de livered until next morning. With it were sent pen, ink, and paper, that an answer might be returned. A Characteristic Letter. 8i This was the general's letter : — ' In the name of God in whom we al beleve, who, I trust, hath preserved your bodyes and souls among these infidels, I commend me unto you. I will be glad to seeke by all meanes you can devise for your deliverance, eyther with force, or with any commodities -within my shippes, which I -will not spare for your sakes, or anything else I can do for you. I have aboord of theyrs a man, a woman, and a childe, which I am contented to deliver for you ; but the man I carried away from hence laste yeare is dead in England. Moreover you may declare unto them, that if they deliver you not, I -wyU not leave a manne aUve in thefr countrey. And thus unto God whome I trust you do serve in haste I leave, and to him we will dayly pray for you. This Tuesdaye morning the Seaventh of August, Anno 1577. ' Yours to the uttermost of my power, 'Martin Fkobisheb. ' I have sent you by these bearers, penne, incke, and paper, to write backe unto me agayne, if personally you can not come to certifye me of your estate.' This letter, written in haste and intended for common mariners, exhibits the admiral as a true lover of the humblest of his men as well as a trustful Christian. The gathering of gold found no favour with him. For the three saUors whom he was informed were stUl alive he was -willing to sacrifice all the merchandise he had on board ; at the same time he devoutly hoped that in their captivity they had not forgotten their God. Frobisher's conduct in this matter contrasts in a remarkable manner with that of sdme of the commanders of expeditions to Virginia, who deserted scores of their countrymen, leaving them a prey to G 82 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. famine and savages for the chance of capturing a Spanish West Indiaman. When the natives received the letter they made signs, pointing to the sun, which was understood to mean that they would return within three days. So the pretended messengers made beUeve to depart in haste. CHAPTER XXII. The Esquimaux were still loitering along the cUffs in the neighbourhood ; and Frobisher suspected that treachery was meditated, for which the late transactions, apparently so peaceable, might be only a cloak. He determined on increasing the -vigilance of his men, and so the trumpeter was ordered to sound the call. The soldiers, numbering about forty, assembled around the ensign planted on the top of the island and were addressed by the general, who pointed out to them the danger in which they stood ; that they were far from home ; that a tribe of savages, of whose numbers they were ignorant, but of whose fierceness and valour they knew enough, was lurking among the rocks opposite ; and that at every ebb of the tide they could cross over to the island almost dryshod. Every man, therefore, was to be ready at aU times for any sudden alarm. During the two days of waiting for the return of the messengers the natives assumed a stiU more threatening attitude, and the general ordered a fort to be constructed, which was to cover the shaUow passage between the island and the mainland. For this pm-pose the lieutenant chose a cliff fenced on three sides by the sea ; the fourth side A Parley. 83 they fortified with casks of earth, which the men called 'Best's Bulwark.' By way of coimterblast the natives sent a messenger, who, standing on the outermost reef, shouted across that their king, whose name was Catchoc, a man of greater statm-e than any of the English, and whose state chair was the shoulders of his subjects, was coming with a great force. Fearing to be taken by surprise and overwhelmed with numbers, the Ueutenant had at midnight a false alarm sounded, to discover the readiness of his men, and the succour which in a real emergency he might count upon from the ships. The result was such that confidence was restored. On August 11, being the third day after the delivery of the letter, some of the savages approached as near as they might and called, across to the men on the island. Frobisher at once rowed over to a spot where three only of the natives appeared to await his coming. These mani fested great joy and friendUness, making signs that those in the boat should row around the point to a cove out of view of the ships and island where the captive white men were. This reminded the admiral of the manner of the taking of his men ; so he at once commanded the boat to stand clear of the shore. The conference still continued ; and the natives .showed a great bladder which they desired shoiUd be given to their countryman. The boat was deftly thrust in, and a sailor leaped ashore, seized the bladder, laid down a little mirror in exchange, and sprang on board again. Their captive, on being asked the use of the bladder, said that it was for holding drinking-water. The EngUsh suspected this explanation. Events justified them, for subsequently both the man and woman were more than once caught in the act of untying the painters of the ships' boats. And on one occasion they aU but o 2 84 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. succeeded— the boats of the ' Aid ' had been cast adrift, and the captives were on the point of leaping overboard with the inflated bladder for a buoy. While Frobisher was still parleying, the look-out on the island espied the main body of the Esquimaux creeping down from rock to rock towards the boat. The alarm was given, and Frobisher immediately ordered the boat home.- -J With a view of overawing the English, or as a decla ration of hostilities, the savages marshaUed their fuU force in ranks of twenty along the ridges of the mainland, moving together as if performing the war-dance, holding their hands above their heads and singing what was doubt less meant as the war-song. The English watched this diversion until nightfaU, and then Frobisher, intending to amuse them with a display of his power, ordered the heaviest cannon to be fired. The sound of it echoing among the cliffs and mountains damped aU the ardour incited by the war-song, and so startled the natives that they immediately lowered their hands and took to their heels. An attack had undoubtedly been meditated that night. The method of exciting the courage previous to an assault is very much the same with all the aboriginal ' tribes of North America. But, as always, the sound of the ' cannon did more than its missile could ever have accom plished. StiU the miners diligently pursued the work of loading the ships, while the soldiers and gentlemen made warhke display. A sham fight was carried out. Sudden saUies were made against imaginary foes. Fictitious assaults were resisted. And on August 14 Frobisher took out his two rowing pinnaces. His purpose was to more closely examine the coast to the northwards, as he expected to find tracts free from savages, whom he supposed to be now all gathered to the vicinity of the ships. But the natives False Colours. 85 had kept strict watch, and rapidly ran overland to meet him at whatever point he might land, and to play upon him a pretty stratagem which they had evidently been long time preparing. With great pains and some skill they had made a white flag such as they had seen the English employ as a signal of peace. This they had con structed out of bladders cut into square pieces and sewed together ; and it was given to three of their own people who had whited their faces with some colouring matter, to wear the appearance of Englishmen. These were to be the decoys. The two pinnaces having passed up secretly into the northem parts of the Countess of Warwick's Sound, the admiral was greatly surprised at seeing three white men vigorously waving a white flag as though in the extremity of fear and momentarily expecting to be over taken by pursuers. It was short work to pull the pinnaces to the spot, and the deception was all too manifest. The Englishmen stopped short and rested on their oars, fearing some ambuscade. The natives seem throughout either to have formed too high an opinion of their o-wn strategy or too low an opinion of the Englishmen's sagacity. So it was on this occasion. The three whited savages, though detected in their treachery, had the further simplicity to suppose that by fair professions they could induce our men to come ashore and take rest, while the remainder of their force, though presumably invisible, was plainly seen by all creeping do-wn towards the landing-place. It struck the EngUsh as a sort of theatrical fiction of invisibility, or as the hiding of the ostrich in the desert sands. Frobisher in the meantime had ordered the pinnaces to be thrust close in shore, stern on, and the rowers to be ready for instant flight. The simplicity of the natives seemed to have no bounds. For at this point their spokes man, observing no disposition on the part of the boats' 86 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. crews to disembark, brought ' a trim bait of raw flesh ' with which to tempt their appetites. This one of the sailors standing in the boat's stern took deftly -with a boathook and brought in, hoping it would prove a deUcacy for their captives, who had not yet leamed to digest English food. The Esquimaux had not exhausted their strategy. One more device remained. As soon as the savage perceived that the piece of raw flesh had been fished out of his hands he went back some distance, and -was seen presently re turning with a cripple companion leaning on his arm. At every rough place he considerately took the halt man on his back and bore him over it. When these two had reached the beaeh the cripple was placed reclining on the strand, while the other retreated. Frobisher was now beset with a new danger, and from his own men. But his manner of meeting it showed that he had the highest qualification of a general, viz., the power of refusing a battle and standing unmoved under the urgings and suspicions of his own followers. For when the cripple had been set down within a boat's length of them, all on board were so enraged, not only at the re peated treacheries of the savages, but at this last insult to their common sense, that they clamoured to be instantly set on shore and led against the foe. There was no ad vantage to be gained by such a course. Pride might be allayed and Uves lost, which would in no way further his plans or instructions ; so he firmly put thefr demand aside. Then he laughingly told them that he was not averse to curing the poor infidel of his impotency if that would content them. This pleasantry suited the rough humour of the soldiery ; and the general at once ordered one of his men to fire off his arquebus just in front of the cripple's face, giving him a graze. It was instantly done; the A Parting SkirTiiish. 87 feigning infidel gave a great boimd, and in a moment was safely hidden behind a rock. The EngUshmen indulged in a great roar of laughter ; but their laugh was cut short at seeing the savages rise from behind every rock and with one mind rush down towards the landing-place. The pinnaces were quickly pulled away; and though the caliver which they had on board opened a retreating fire the natives showed no incU- nation to hide or shrink from the contest. Still they stood on the rocks hurling darts and arrows though the boats were out of range. AU the way back to the ships the savages foUowed along the cliff. Ever abreast of the pinnaces, and running out to the furthermost rocks, they poured upon them a shower of arrows as they passed, our men replying with a desultory fire fi-om their arquebuses. Several of the natives were seen to faU, but none of the Englishmen were even wounded. And so they returned in safety. CHAPTER XXIIL Five miners, assisted more or less by a few gentlemen and soldiers, had been now three weeks engaged in collecting the ore and lading the ships. Two hundred tons had been placed on board. These men were now weary, their clothes wom out, the ore baskets were bottomless, their tools broken, and the vessels reasonably well filled. Several of the men besides, through over-exertion, had brought on, some lameness, others hernia. Ice had latterly been forming every night around the ships, and men were em ployed each day in breaking it. AU these things pointed 88 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. to the necessity of returning home. So on Thursday,. August 22, the tents were struck, bonfires were lighted on the highest point of the island, a voUey fired in honour of the Countess of Warwick, and then all embarked. Next day the wind played them false ; and after pro ceeding down the Sound a few mUes they were forced to anchor for the night. On the 24th the wind changed and the ships made good way down the Straits ; but the wind increased so that by midnight the signal was given to he a-huU or heave-to under bare poles. Next moming there was half a foot of snow on the hatches. Exceedingly rough weather was experienced for the next five days, and the ' Michael ' was lost sight of. They had been sailing in a south-easterly dfrection ever since leaving the Straits, and for several hours previous to the disappearance of the ' Michael ' the two barks had heen unable to carry any sail at all. The next day, being August 30, a sad calamity hap pened on board the ' Gabriel.' While the storm was still beating down in all its fury, and the bark, lying a-huU, was shooting up into the wind's eye, WUUam Smyth, the master, a young man and sufficient mariner, stood hy the side of Captain Fenton, the boatswain being close beside them, and in a very gay, pleasant manner related a dream he had had the previous night. He dreamt, he said, that he was cast overboard, and that while struggling -with the waves the boatswain took him by the hand, but was unable to save him. So, his grasp relaxing, himself was carried away. He had just finished relating his dream in a jocular way when it came true in all its horrors. The ship fell off into the trough, gave a great lurch, and a terrific wave sweeping the decks carried the master and boatswain over board. The latter grasped a rope -with one hand as the ship rolled towai'ds him, and with the other laid hold on The Dreatn fulfilled. 89 the master. What Captain Fenton was doing in the mean time is not told, but one regrets that Frobisher with his rescuing grasp was not on the spot. The boatswain strug gled with his double hold for some time. At length, his strength faiUng him, he let go of the master, who was carried away and drowned. Some men caU such things coincidences. Hamlet's words furnish a more humble commentary : — There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, Than are dreamt of iu your philosophy. On September 1 the ' Aid ' found that she was out stripping her consort, and hove-to in a terrible storm to await the ' Gabriel.' The Uttle bark was not able to carry any sail, and the ' Aid,' standing so much higher out of the water, soon drifted out of sight. The admiral, seeing that he was only endangering his own ship without benefiting the ' Gabriel,' let out a bunt and ran before the wind. That was the last they saw of the bark. The three ships being now separated, each supposed the others lost. Next day, the ' Aid ' having cleared the track of the storm, came upon a calm, which proved the salvation of the ship. For in looking about them to estimate the amount of damage done by the storm they discovered that the heUn was torn in twain and on the point of faUing away. Taking advantage of the smooth sea, a dozen of their best men were slung over ; and what with swimming, diving, driving of planks, and binding with ropes, the damage was in a great measure repaired. When the work was accom plished the men were drawn out of the water more dead than aUve. It pleased God, says the chronicler, that the sea should continue calm imtil their task was finished. With indifferent winds they continued their voyage until September 17, when they made out the Land's End. 90 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. They tacked again and again to double the point and so sail up the English Channel, but the weather was so foul and the ship driven in so close to shore that they finally : gave up the attempt and ran northwards in search of shelter. They tried the lee of Lundy, but were driven % thence ; and then they shaped thefr course for Milford' \ Haven, which they reached on September 20, 1577. Fro bisher immediately went ashore and rode to the Court, announcing that the two barks had been cast away. Within a month an order came do-wn from London to take the ' Aid ' to Bristol ; and on her arrival in that port they found, to their great joy, the ' Gabriel ' already there. After the loss of William Smyth she had suffered much for the want of a master mariner. But fortune seems never to have deserted the ' Gabriel.' As soon as they came into the neighbourhood of the western coasts and feared to advance farther, from ignorance of the land, they fell in with a Bristol ship, which had conducted the bark safely to that harbour. : They also learned that the ' Michael,' ha-ping retraced her outward course around the Shetlands, had reached! Yarmouth, much battered, but without the loss of a man. She subsequently sailed up the Thames and safely arrived in London. CHAPTER XXIV. Frobisher's return from the first voyage had caused gi-eat joy ; his retum from the second, wild excitement. On his departure for the first voyage the Queen had waved her hand at him ; on his second return he was received at the Court in Windsor. Her jMajesty gave him great thanks;. TJie Ore. 91 and, addressing the gentlemen who had taken part in the enterprise, commended them for the dangers they had braved, but specially because the discipline of the ships had been so void of offence. The gentlemen so commended, as well as others who wished to emulate their conduct, with great energy Set about organising a third voyage, and spared neither ' labour, limb, nor Ufe ' to bring it about successfully. While they were so engaged others were busying them selves with the ore. The Queen at once issued an order that forty tons of it should be so handled as to return some profit to the shareholders, of whom she was the heaviest owner. Having so well played the monarch in receiving and honouring her brave subjects, she readily changed into the prudent merchant looking after her in vestments. But she had to wait some time for any return from the thousand pounds. With respect to the ore brought in the ' Aid ' and ' Gabriel ' it was ordered that this should be stored in Bristol Castle ; and that it should be carefully weighed and placed imder four locks, the fom- keys whereof were to be given in charge, one each, to the Mayor of Bristol, Sir Richard Barkley, Martin Frobisher, and Michael Lock. The ore brought in the ' Michael ' was in Uke manner stored in the Tower of London, the keys in this instance being given in charge to the Warden of the Mint, the Workmaster of the Mint, Martin Frobisher, and Michael Lock. The Queen also appointed Special Commissioners to take in hand the examination of the ore and report on the value of the same. Thus the ' black stone like unto sea-coal ' had become a matter of state, and interested the whole realm. While the others were so employed and millionaires in expectancy, Michael Lock was being closely pressed by 92 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. demands which he had no means for meeting ; and while the nation was rejoicing in a discovery which should pro duce more of the precious metals than the Spaniards had ever ground out of the inhabitants of Mexico and Pern, Michael Lock was penning a pitiable statement to the Queen's Majesty's Most Honorable Privy Council, in which . he represented that though he had been appointed Treasurer of the Company of Cathay he had had but little treasure in his keeping ; and that now the wages of the voyagers were due — the several items of which run thus : — ' In primis for the wages of an hundred mariners in all the three ships at several rates from 1 0 shiUings to Ql. 13s. 4d. for a man the month, amounteth to the siun of 14:01. the month, which from the first of June unto the last of October being five months amounteth in the whole to the sum of 7001. 'At 10 shillings the man. Item for wages for 26 soldiers for the said five months, as it shall please your honors. 'Item for recompense for 14 gentlemen during the time aforesaid, as it shall please your honors to consider of some reasonable portion of the adventure. ' This money cannot yet be found to be taken upon interest nor exchange.' Either accounts were very loosely kept by the Company of Cathay or some of the voyagers were entered in more than one category and so were counted twice ; for though Frobisher had been compelled to limit himself to one hundred and twenty men, .Michael Lock computes for the wages of one hundred and forty. In this petition the treasurer suggested two ways of procuring the money: either that Her ^Majesty should advance the necessary amount, refunding herself from the proceeds of the ore, or that the Privy CouncU should Levies upon the Cathay Company, 93 order an assessment to be made upon the shareholders. It need hardly be told which alternative was adopted by the Queen. This le^•y was at the rate of twenty per cent, on the capital, and brought in eight hundred pounds. The men had ho sooner been paid their wages than it was discovered that, in addition to a small deficit, about eight hundred pounds were needed to build furnaces for melting the ore. There was another appeal to the Privy CouncU, and another order by retum to collect the amount out of the shareholders. Some of the members of the Company of Cathay would, perhaps, have been thankful for limited liabUity. Y''et new members were coming forward to take up shares. They doubtless accepted the popular rumour that two hundred tons of pure gold had been brought over, but knew nothing of the assessments. Their appUcations for a part in this or the next voyage were made to the Lords of the Privy CouncU, and subject to their approval. Thus the Government controlled the whole matter, and left to the Company of Cathay only the office of levying upon themselves cess after cess as it was ordered. Portions of the ore were fi'om time to time charily and carefully dealt out by the Commissioners, under cer tificate, and official returns began to be furnished. But there arose such a quarrel among the assayers, and it con tinued so long, that the Privy Council lost their interest in it, the admiral his temper, and the Company of Cathay thefr profits. 94 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. CHAPTER XXV. Agnello — he of the cunning saying,* ' Bisogna sapere adulare la natura ' — had recommended to the Company a German assayer, Jonas Shutz by name. It was he who had been ever with Frobisher during the second voyage, trying, approving, or rejecting, as the case might be. He was, therefore, almost solely responsible for the value of the ore brought home. And now Shutz and Agnello made one trial after another, giving the ore as worth forty pounds the ton. These had their furnace at the house of Sir William Winter, the Chief Commissioner. Jonas pointed out to the witnesses of his working that much precious metal was left in the slag, which, he said, could not be extracted but by building larger and more perfect furnaces. So a patent was granted him to go to Bristol and build such furnaces as he thought requisite; the assayer affirming that he was confident ten ounces of pure gold would be yielded from every ton over and above the charges. Thereupon he and Frobisher stai-ted for the western city. The Lords of the Privy Council did not Uke so much waste in the slag ; moreover, they had received other returns of the ore, which led them to disbelieve the story of Jonas altogether. Foreigners were more fortunate in their treatment than the English. Perhaps they were not versed in Agnello's ' coaxing of nature.' The goldsmiths and assayers of London, to whom portions of the ore had been delivered, made return to the Lords that they could find no whit of gold in it. They vouched the correctness of the proofs upon ' gage of their life and goods.' Fro bisher on his reappearance at Com-t saw these returns, The Rival Assayers, 95 and at once sent word to Jonas directing him to stay the building of the furnaces. During this time a certain other German assayer, named Dr. Burchard, had been trying the ore at the command of Secretary Walsingham. He seems through out to have been determined on two things : first, the extracting of a greater quantity of gold per ton than Jonas ; and, secondly, the filling of his own coffers. The building of the furnaces at Bristol having been stopped, Jonas was called to have a consultation with Dr. Burchard. Within three days there was a quarrel, Jonas accusing his countryman of ' e-vil manners and ignorance in divers parts of the works, and handling of the ore.' Frobisher, Lock, and Jonas now began building furnaces at Dartford, in connection with certain water-mills, which they adapted to their purpose. But Dr. Burchard did not intend to be thrown over board in this manner. He wrote to Frobisher, and by indulging in commendations of his own skill and cunning won his way back into the great man's confidence. Bur chard outdid the assayers of London in asseveration, for he warranted the ore to contain as much gold as he. said upon gage of ' his land, goods, and life.' Jonas replied that Burchard did everything in secret, while himself wrought in the presence of the Commis sioners. Frobisher proposed, therefore, that Burchard should be allowed to melt a hundredweight of ore in the furnaoe at Sir WUUam Winter's. Jonas objected, and removed those parts of the furnace which he considered his secret, adding that if Burchard wanted the furnace he might rebuild it after his own manner. Lock had now joined the party of Jonas ; and the building of the furnaces at Dartford still went on. 96 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. Burchard and Frobisher said that Jonas's bellows were too high, and in a few days changed their objection, saying that Jonas's bellows were too low. Jonas and Lock declared that they had evidence that Burchard employed, in his working of the ore, a certain additament which was rich in the precious metals. Burchard, having thus been betra,yed by his own ser vant, showed to the Commissioners and Lord Treasurer his proofs made of a hundredweight of ore, and that it contained half an ounce of gold and two ounces and a half of silver. He also showed them with apparent ingenuous ness a piece of antimony which was his additament. Jonas said that it was his friend Denham who had told Burchard of the use of antimony a short time previously j-, that Burchard did not know troy weight, counting 23 grains to the pennyweight, and 23 pennyweights to the ounce, and that his friend Denham had pointed out to the Doctor his mistake ; that Frobisher, being present with other witnesses at Jonas's workings, always went straight thence to Burchard and revealed to him everything ; and that the admiral supported Bm-chard in his false proofs, that he might be sent on his third voyage ; and did furiously run upon Jonas, being in his work at Tower Hill, and threatened to kill him if he did not finish his work out of hand ; whereupon Jonas had made a solemn vow that he would never sail with him again. On the other hand, Burchard corresponded dfrectly with Secretary Walsingham, and in the most confident manner said that he would abide by it of his credit and honesty to extract twenty times as much out of the ore when he had his new melting-house, and hoped Her Majesty would be a good lady to him, as he was like to lose much by that business; and urged that the general be sent again speedily to the mines. He also challenged| A Specimen Return, 97 Jonas and his friend Denham, who had been the cause of aU these charges against him, to meet him at the works on Tower Hill, where he would mend Jonas's furnace and show him what he could do. Dr. Burchard had suggested that an official assayer should be appointed by the Crown, who should teach the captains of ships a breviary of assays : that if such a skilful man could be found he should be allowed some yearly consideration : that there was an old man much troubled with the gout, who, were it not for his age and sickness, would undertake such an office, and who signed himself Burchard Kjaurych. He obtained the office and the yearly consideration. But Jonas kept his vow and never went again to sea with the admiral as master of the miners. The quarrel had one serious consequence : it prepared the way for the painful misunderstanding which accorn- panied the disintegration of the Company of Cathay. An average example of the returns made of the ore is gfiven below. It was made by Jonas, assisted by three EngUshmen, and signed by the Queen's Commissioners and Martin Frobisher : — Of the said two hundred weight of ore so molten and tried aforesaid there proceeded in silver 6 ozs. 7 pwts. 13 grs. which valued at 5«. the oz. maketh in money 31«. \(>\d. And of the same ore proceeded in gold 5 pwt. 5 grs., which at is. the pwt. maketh in money . . 15s. l\d- Sum Vis, 6d. So at that rate one cwt. of the said ore will make in money ......... 23s. 9d. And a ton of the said ore by like accoimt will make in money ......... ^3 15s. Od, The charges of getting and setting the said ore into the realm as by particulars delivered by Mr. Frobisher doth appear will not exceed the ton , £8 Os. Od. H 98 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. So upon view of this account for every 8Z. defrayed the venturers shall gain 5/., which ariseth upon every hundred pounds above £60 Os. Oi The accounts of the Company of Cathay were not very closely and accurately kept, if this be taken as an example. The simple additions in the above would not pass with a modem accountant ; and the deduction drawn in the last item is incomprehensible. From what goes before, bl. ISs. would be the profit on the ton. The assayers had shown a fine example of greed, though Burchard scarcely lived out the year, while Fro bisher and Lock were rapidly drifting towards bankruptcy. CHAPTER XXVI. While these unhappy dissensions had been going on, while hopes and doubts concerning the value of the ore had been alternately swaying the minds of the venturers, while Burchard with his Falstaffian diction had been assailing dignities, and Jonas with his ruder accusations was having recurrent escapes of his Ufe through the smoke at his smeltings, the general, his captains and master mariners, who had been so highly commended by the Queen at Windsor, had ever since that day been sparing neither ' labour, limb, nor life ' to set on foot a third voyage. They were determined this should so far ecUpse the two which had gone before that men should no longer think them of any account. But posterity, having so far outstripped its ancestors in mere magnitude, is not given to consider greatly that feature in thefr enterprises. It is The Third I'oy age projected. 99 the startUng inadequacy of the means for bringing about the results actually accomplished that makes the voyages of the Ulyssean navigators of Elizabeth's reign so great. Perhaps the solitary voyage of the Uttle ' Gabriel ' will always stand foremost in simple grandeur. Two thousand tons of ore were to be brought home. Her Majesty was to furnish two ships of four hundred and two hundred tons, manned with one himdred and fifty mariners, and carrying one hundred and twenty pioneers. The ' Aid ' and ' Gabriel ' were to carry eighty men. Other ships, carrying two hundred and fifty men, were to be chartered. The expedition was to be armed with heavy guns. A colony of a hundred men was to be planted on the Straits, furnished -with a frame house, and provisioned for eighteen months. Such was the outline of the plan. As for the profits — (and now another estimate of the value of the mineral was adopted) — two thousand tons at thirty pounds the ton would produce sixty thousand pounds, the net profits on which would be forty thousand pounds. In this way the projectors played with rows of ciphers, Ulustrating once more what magical fabrics can be constructed out of figures when all the elements which teU against one's desires are excluded. For the purpose of initiating the colony, a fort or house of timber was constructed and fitted ready for erection. The greater part of this was put on board the bark ' Dennis.' Captain Fenton, who had been in command of the ' Gabriel ' on the second voyage, and who had be^ so inefficient during the casting away of Master William Smyth, but who seems to have had some influence at Court, was appointed lieutenant-general of the expedi tion, and named for master of the colony. Of the hundred colonists forty were to be mariners, thirty miners, and thirty soldiers. Among the latter were many gentlemen H 2 TOO Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. volunteers, whose fame is that they regarded not ease or riches in comparison with the commonwealth of their country. That is the spirit which has made England the missionary and mother of colonies of the world. Instructions more numerous than ever were the last article of furniture supplied to the fleet. Frobisher was by them appointed captain- general of the expedition, and addressed as ' our loving friend Martin Frobisher, Esquire.' Should any disordered person by chance be found in the enterprise, he was to be landed at the first point touched. The captains of the ships were to be dealt with sharply - if they showed any negligence, especiaUy with regard, to keeping in sight of the admiral's ship. Upon arrival in the Countess of Warwick's Sound the miners were to be set to work under armed protection. Others were to be sent in search of richer mines and a convenient spot to plant the colony. When the lading of the ore had been provided for, the admiral was to take his two little barks, the ' Gabriel ' and ' Michael,' and proceed up the Straits fifty or a hundred leagues until he was certain he had entered the South Sea. Very emphatic commands were given that no amateur assays were to be made, lest the secret of the exact locality and the richness of the ore should get to foreign lands. No one was to keep any stone or other trifle to his own use. Strict accounts were to be kept of every parcel of ore ; and the ships were to return in company, a fear being implied that the captains of the chartered ships might transfer the ore. An attempt was to be made to learn somethinsj more of Greenland. A minister or two was to go with the expedition to use ministrations of divine service according to the Church of England. Previous to his departure homeward, the admiral was to write full and particular instructions to Captain. Fenton how the exploration of the coast north and south The Muster at Harwich. loi for two hundred leagues should be performed, and was also to leave for the service of the colony the ships « Gabriel,' ' Michael,' and ' Judith.' The chief interest to the modern reader in these instructions is the exhibition of the Queen's mastery of details, and how vain a thing it is to plan without the facts. The Queen appointed five gentlemen with whom the general was to confer in all matters appertaining to the land ; and another council of four masters, who were to be his ad-visers in everything that concemed the ships. The prospect on the surface was fafrer than ever before. Though the gold ore still held a prominent place, the project of the colony was foremost, and exploration was not forgotten. Yet, the disagreement of the assayers, which had drawn into its coils all the venturers, ranging Burchard, Frobisher, and the Court on one side, with Jonas, Lock, and the City on the other, had reached the master mariners of the expedition and sowed seeds that would ripen into in subordination later on. In the beginning of May the various ships of the fleet commenced moving towards Harwich, which was the port of departure. The ' Aid ' and ' Gabriel ' sailed out of Bristol on the 2nd, under Christopher HaU, now appointed chief pUot of the fleet. At Plymouth they took on board the Cornish miners; and, accompanied by four of the chartered vessels, proceeded on their way, arriving in due time at Harwich. Frobisher and his captains had another reception at Court, then held at Greenwich. At the same place he had been received and countenanced three years before, solely because the Queen recognised in him a great spirit ; now Her Majesty threw a fair chain of gold around his neck and held out her hand to be kissed by all the captains. 102 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. Having been honoured with many promises and words of brave exhortation from Elizabeth, who knew so well how to speak them, they took their departure and proceeded ' to the point of meeting. On May 27, 1578, there were anchored off Harwich fifteen sail of ships, named and commanded as foUows :— The Aid, being Admiral Captain Frobisher. The Thomas Allin, "Vice-Admiral . . . . „ Yorke. The Judith, Lieutenant-General . . . . „ Fenton. The Ann Frances „ Best. , The Hopewell „ Carew. The Bear , Philpot. J The Thomas of Ipswich Tanfield. The Emmanuel of Exeter „ Conrtney. ¦ The Francis of Foy „ Moyles. ^ The Moon „ TJpcot. '"* The Emanuel (or Busse) of Bridgwater . . . „ Xewton. Salomon of -Weymouth „ EandaL The bark Dennis „ KendaL The Gabriel „ Harvey. The Michael „ Kinneislef.;' CHAPTER XXVIL As soon as Frobisher had taken formal command of the fleet he issued certain articles of direetions, a copy of which was delivered to each of the captains. They were to banish swearing, vice, and card-playing, and filthy communication, and to serve God twice a day with the ordinary service usual in the Church of England, and to clear the glass according to the old order of England — the ' clearing of the glass ' being the old method of marking time on board ship, and answering to the modern ' bells.' They were not to undertake the chase of Strange Sail chased. 103 any passing ship without the admiral's permission. Should any man of the fleet come up in the night and hail his fellow without recognising him, he was to give this watch word, * Before the world was God.' To which the other should answer, ' After God came Christ His Son.' They were also divided into three squadrons, to act under Frobisher, Fenton, and Yorke, in case of a fight. TNTiether the fleet should sail to the north, or by the English Channel to the west, was to be decided by the dfrection of the -wind prevailing at the time of departure. Everything being in readiness for setting out on the 31st, and the wind blowing from the north, they shaped their course for the Straits of Dover. Next morning they came athwart of Folkstone, and there had sight of a French man-of-war. The admfral's instructions were at once forgotten, and chase given to the Frenchman, which rapidly sailed away and disappeared under her own forts. In this way French and Spanish ships were openly at tacked and captured in the Channel while the Govern ments were at peace ; the depredators knowing that for poUtical reasons the authorities would limit themselves to protests. Arri-ving opposite Plymouth, the fleet saUed into the Sound, and Frobisher went ashore. Next day they weighed anchor and resumed the voyage. On June 7, having passed Clpe Clear, they had sight of a small vessel which they supposed to be a pirate. On this occasion the admfral joined in the chase. But the intended victim made no attempt to escape: the vessel rolled helplessly with the waves, and was found to be a Bristol ship which had been attacked by a Frenchman, many of the crew slain, all the survivors wounded, and the ship plundered even to its provisions. Thus the sea- hawks were not aU Englishmen ; and thus, too, motives for I04 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. piracy were laid up to be fanned by the sight of the first foreign ship. Frobisher, like most men of irritable temper, was exceedingly humane, and the condition of the survivors on the Bristol ship appealed strongly to the latter side of his character. He commanded his surgeons to dress the wounded, and their starving condition to he relieved with all the food and drink necessary for their return to port. Having generously attended to their needs, he bade them farewell, and sailed away before a favourable wind. In his navigation of this sea the phenomena of the Gulf Stream were closely studied by the admiral, who adopted the theory that this must be the current which strikes from the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan, and finding no passage there, on account of the narrowness of the Straits, runs along the Carribbean Sea, and, still hemmed in by the land, is forced back again towards the north-east. The year before some attention had been paid by the voyagers to the Gulf Stream. Thefr theory would not have been so far out if they had not, as usual, gone out of their way to draig in the Straits of Magellan to parallel Frobisher's Straits in the north-west. On the evening of the 19th the coast of Greenland was made out by the ship in advance, and a piece of ordnance was fired off at midnight to announce the fact to the remainder of the fleet. Early next morning the admiral entered his pinnace, taking with him Christopher Hall, Captain Fenton, and Luke Ward, and went on board the ' Gabriel.' The Uttle bark that had so stoutly borne the violence of these seas was sailed towards the land as near as the ice would permit. Once more they entered the pinnace and rowed in among the broken ice. Of many attempts made to land on the coast of Greenland during the three voyages, Ashore in Greenland. 105 this was the only one that was successful. The general and his companions went ashore, ' being the first known Christians that we have true notice of that ever set foot upon that ground.' Frobisher's first act was to pay one of his companions the pretty compliment of calling the bay Luke's Sound, after his name. He next took pos session of the country for the use of our Sovereign Lady the Queen's ^Majesty. It was found to be a good harboUr, ' where there may ride a hundred sail at twelve or twenty fathom and streamy ground.' In it were many small boats of the country. On shore they saw a native village of sealskin tents ; the inhabitants gazing on in astonish ment, ' supposing there had been no other world but thefrs.' But our countrymen no sooner landed and sounded a trumpet than the Greenlanders fled in alarm, leaving everything behind them. Frobisher and his com pany entered the tents, and were surprised to find among other things a box of small nails, some red-herrings, and boards weU cut, whence it was inferred that the natives either had traffic with some civilised country or were themselves artificers. The voyagers would perhaps have found the true account in the thought that the Green- landers reaped the harvest of the ocean's wrecks. Another erroneous inference drawn from some observations made of the customs of the people was that Meta Incognita and Greenland formed one continent. With the desire of winning his way into the confidence of the natives, the admiral gave strict orders that nothing should be taken away, excepting one white dog, which he himself took from among forty whelps found in the viUage; and as. a recompense for this he left behind him pins, points, knives, and other trifles. But either discipline was lax or honesty loose in the Uttle company, for a second white dog was taken, and without recompense, by io6 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. the trumpeter Jackson, ' unknown to my general or to any man there.' The intention was to make further discovery of the country on the morrow, but the pinnace had barely returned to the ' Gabriel ' when a dense fog came down and hid the ships of the fleet both from the land and one another. The drums were beaten and trumpets sounded on board every ship all that day and foUo'wing night. The next day the fog lifted, and Frobisher gave the signal to sail away from the inhospitable coast. The country he had named West England, and the last point in sight, on account of a certain resemblance, he called by the familiar appellation of Charing Cross. And so the fleet sailed away, having seen only craggy rocks and the tops of high mountains covered with snow, to which were cUnging foggy mists, and the shores whereof were guarded hy an infinite number of icebergs great and small. For the next eight days they had the old experience of gales, ice, and fogs. On the ninth day the fleet feU in with a large number of whales, which played as if they had been porpoises. As the ship ' Salomon ' was sailing, with every stitch of canvas spread, a huge whale suddenly rose under her bows. The shock was so -violent that the ship came to a standstill, while the whale ' made a great and ugly noise,' casting up his body and tail, and then dived into the depths. Two days afterwards a dead whale was seen floating with the waves, and this they supposed to be that which the ' Salomon ' had struck. A Pa-ilous Channel. 107 CHAPTER XXVIII. The ' Thomas AlUn,' being in advance of the other ships, sighted Lock's Land and the Queen's Foreland on July 1. A large flock of giuUemots and other marine birds gathered around the ship and aUghted upon her rigging. One of the crew cUmbed to the topmast and took three of the birds with his hand. Christopher Hall saUed his ship to the mouth of the Straits, and found the ice so thick that he hastened back to inform the admiral and warn the other ships against attempting to reach their port for the present. The first of the fleet spoken by the ' Thomas Allin ' was the bark ' Dennis ' ; but her captain was only partly per suaded of the impracticabiUty of entering the Straits. Hall was more successful with Andrew Dyer, master of the ' Hopewell,' and won him over to his own opinion. While they were making ready for lying-to, they saw the remain ing ships of the fleet some distance to -windward, saiUng in among the ice, and felt themselves constrained to foUow. This was on July 2. Ha-ving advanced as far as the open water extended, the pinnace of the ' Aid ' was lowered, and went in advance, seeking out a channel ; the ships following in line as best they could. The ice was all in motion, and the intricate channel opened and closed so rapidly that a ship would suddenly find the way barred between her and her leader, and thus be brought into imminent danger of striking' before her sails could be taken in. It was blowing a pleasant breeze, and many of the ships ran, but not violently, against the icebergs among which they were advancing, ' so as it were making way through mighty loS Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. mountains.' The 'Michael' and -Judith,' being shorter than the most, made more rapid progress and were lost sight of in advance. The ' Thomas Allin ' was plying to and fro with a sail in a pleasant lake in the ice, and in rear of the fleet. The other ships were still toiling in the wake of the admiral's pinnace, dexterously evading the masses of ice that moved upon them, .when they were all brought to a standstill by a block in front. It was re ported to be only a narrow isthmus of ice that delayed them, and that open water lay beyond. Boats were at once lowered and men sent forward to break through the impediment and clear a way. At this time the -wind, which was blowing from the SSE., suddenly increased to a gale. At once the ice began to grind and fly in every direction. The fleet as quickly altered their course and made back for the open sea ; but the ice had closed in and imprisoned them. The bark ' Dennis ' was in a Uttle bay under the lee of an iceberg, and whUe flatting off with her foresail was suddenly driven on the ice. A signal of distress was hoisted, and the boats which had been sent to break down the crystal isthmus took off the crew but a moment before the bark sank. A great part of the colonists' frame house or fort was on board and sank -with her. Thus a fatal blow was given to the first English colony ever projected. Various devices were employed, according to the in genuity of each master, for the salvation of his ship. Some made fast under the lee of an iceberg;. Some could find no such shelter, and were so severely nipped that the vessels were lifted bodily out of the water, breaking their knees and timbers within board. All strength* ened their ships with cables, beds, masts, and such Uke, which, being hung overboard, acted as fenders against the outrageous strokes they were continually receiving. An Anxious Night. 109 And having partially unrigged, employing their top-masts and capstan bars in warding- off the icebergs, they received very serious injury, for the blows which they got were so great that planks three inches thick and other thingfs of still greater size were shivered in pieces. The men were ranged, some on the channels, with oars and pikes, some on the ice, with their shoulders against the ships' sides, and thus aU night long fought against the enemy, expecting death each moment. During the thirteen hours of extreme peril the captains, with invincible mind, encouraged each his company, while of the latter some laboured for the safety of their ship and sought to save their bodies, and others of milder spirit sought to save thefr souls by ' devout prayer and meditation to the Almighty, thinking, indeed, by no other means possible than by a miracle to have their deUverance, so that there were none that were either idle or not weU occupied, and he that held himself in best security had (God knoweth) but only bare hope remaining for his best safety.' Another quaint chronicler makes the pious reflection that God ' never leaveth them destitute which fearfuUy call upon Him, although He often punisheth for amendment sake.' At nine o'clock next morning the miracle of deUverance was wrought, for the wind veered round to the west, and swept away the barrier of ice between them and the open sea. The pleasant weather of that day, says Thomas ElUs, was ' as after punishment consolation.' Four ships of the fleet, among them the little ' Gabriel,' had escaped some hours before thefr companions made their way out of the pack. At noon next day, seeing nothing of the others, the crews gathered around their main masts and knelt down, giving thanks to God for their deUverance out of so great perils. Then they highly besought Him for their friends' deliverance. In the mean time the westerly wind was blowing and ' did drive the 1 IO Life of Sir Martin Fi'-obisher. ice before them, and also gave them Uberty of more scope and sea-room.' By nightfall of the same day all the ships of the fleet, excepting the ' Dennis,' ' Judith,' and 'Michael,' had joined company once more amid great re joicing. After the joy came the activity rendered neces sary by their sad plight. The next two days were spent in making repairs ; some mending their sails and tacklings, some setting up their top-masts, some stopping leaks, some lamenting over the loss of their false st,em ; while others recounted the dangers and ten thousand hair breadth escapes of the night past. For better safety the twelve remaining ships of the fleet put out to sea, pro posing to ply to and fro untU the westerly winds had cleared the Straits of the broken ice. Four days were spent in this way; the ships drifting on an unknown current towards the south-west. At the end of that period, though a thick fog enveloped them, the admiral gave the signal to make a second effort to enter the Straits. On July 7 or 9 they made out the land once more, the mist clearing for awhUe at noon. To the north of them was seen a promontory winch the majority sup posed to be Lock's Land or the North Foreland. Far to the south they made out what was supposed to he the Queen's Foreland, lying about twenty leagues distant. To find themselves thus soon -within the Straits greatly sur prised all, and some doubts were felt as to the correctness of their observations and of their locaUty. The land marks were closely scanned. Mount "\^'arwick, where the first cross had been erected and the ensign planted with such solemnities the year before, was identified. Some took this to be conclusive in favour of their opinion that they were within the Straits. Others said that no depend ence was to be placed in this, inasmuch as the air was so thick no landmark could be made out with certainty, and Conflicting Opinions. \ 1 1 that the only safe course was to remain where they were until the fog cleared and the sun's altitude was taken. Moreover, they said, the dead-reckoning clearly negatived the supposition that they could have entered the Straits. They of the contrary opinion pointed to the current which was now observed for the first time to be sweeping them rapidly towards the south-west, and made the dead- reckoning of little value. They had all been greatly as tonished at the rushing and noise of the tides at this place. WhUe the ships were hove-to, they would suddenly be caught by the stream and turned round about as in a whirl pool. Captain Best makes the comparison which Master John Davis repeats when saiUng this sea subsequently. ' The noise of the stream,' he says, ' was no less to be heard afar off than the waterfall of London Bridge.' CHAPTER XXIX. While the fleet was thus lying-to among chafing ice and swift currents, with the fog so dense that the sun was in visible and the shore-Une dim, the admfral determined to end the uncertainty as to thefr locality by calling a council of aU the masters and pilots. There can be Uttle doubt that Frobisher was the first to perceive the tme state of affairs, namely, that they were now lying to the south of the Queen's Foreland, while the entrance to the true Straits was north of that Fore land ; but he had reasons of his own for hiding this fact. The pinnace of the ' Aid ' was sent to each of the ships to gather the opinions of the masters and pilots, and espe cially that of James Bear, master of the ' Ann Frances.' 112 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. The admiral placed great confidence in his knowledge of the matter, inasmuch as he had made a chart of the coast on the previous voyage. Master Bear coincided with the admiral, as did, indeed, all those consulted, with a single exception. Hall says that he took the pinnace of the 'Thomas AUin' and went himself on board the 'Aid'; that he pointed out to the admiral how none of the land marks tallied with those of Frobisher's Straits. The dis cussion became warm. There can be no doubt that Hall felt some chagrin at Master Bear's opinion being deemed " of greater importance than his own, and the more so since he was chief pilot of the expedition. At last Fro bisher lost his temper, and, according to HaU's account, ' presently was in a great rage and swore by God's wounds that it was it, or else take his life.' HaU immediately returned to the ' Thomas AUin,' and kept that ship along side the ' Aid ' all night, stiU endeavouring, but in vain, to persuade the admiral of his error. Such is Christopher HaU's account. He alone makes mention of the quarrel; and since it was told with the evident intention of laying the foimdation of a charge against the admiral, it may be taken for what it is worth. At the worst, it was only a temporary outburst of fury in Frobisher ; but in HaU the altercation stirred lower depths, for he seems to have never forgiven his general, and sought subsequently to injure him. On the 10th the weather thickened, and the 'Aid,' ac companied by six or seven ships of the fleet, advanced up the Straits opening in front of them towards the west Frobisher saw now that he was in new waters ; hut the old lifelong passion for original discovery was once more aflame. The ore was forgotten and Frobisher's Straits set aside. The North-West Passage, Cathay, and the circum navigation of the globe filled his imagination. These were The Old Love revived. reasons enough in his estimation for hiding his real con victions. If they would transform a discoverer into a digger of gold they must take the consequences when the old nature got the mastery. So he continued persuading the masters of the few ships which accompanied him that they were on the right course, though he himself afterwards confessed that had it not been for the Company of Cathay, his instructions, and the freighting of his ships, he would have pushed through and finally solved the question of the North-West Passage to the rich East. As they sailed away from the coast and advanced up the new Straits, they found themselves leaving the region of fogs and ice behind them. They had land on their star board, and, after a while, land was seen in the distance to the south of them also. After they had pursued this westerly course for about six days, the fog cleared away sufficiently to enable them to approach the land. A certain bay was made out and entered. All the masters, save two, agreed that it was the Countess of Warwick's Sound ; but inas much as the sky was still overcast the admiral was able for a while yet to continue the deception. They found the land more fruitful than any they had yet seen on the American shores. There were deer, partridges, larks, owls, falcons, bears, hares, foxes, plentiful pasturage, &c. Many natives also were found here, who had great boats holding twenty persons. Luke Ward, after whom Frobisher had named the Sound where a landing had been effected on Greenland, obtained permission to go ashore and trade with the aborigines. A considerable exchange of looking-glasses, knives, bells, etc. for fish, fowl, seal and other skins took place without any misadventure. After this diversion tbe voyage was resumed towards the west ; the admiral no doubt delighted that the masters had recognised the Sound I 114 Life of Sir. Martin Frobisher. for themselves. But next day his hopes of making any further diseovery in this direction were suddenly quenched. The sky cleared for. the first time in twenty days. An observation was taken, and then all doubt vanished from every mind. They were fully sixty miles south of their iport; and Frobisher regretfully gave the word to shape their course eastward once more. Through the accidents of a thick fog and unknown current, Frobisher had made the greatest discovery of his life. He had un-wittingly sailed up Hudson's Straits, and was close on the entrance to the great inland sea of North America, when the sunshine turned him back. Thus he had lighted Henry Hudson on his way. Henceforth Frobisher held the old Straits in no estimation. In his mind every fact pointed to the present channel as the North-West Passage to Cathay. As they had advanced they had found the sea wideninffii -and tbe ice no more troubling them. That a very great indraft was setting in towards the west was singularly .confirmed by the discovery of fragments of the wreck of the ' Dennis,' that had sunk among the ice at the mouth of the old Straits. Some say that they found the tide here running nine hours flood to three ebb ; and this they made tell in favour of thefr theory, though a different inference might be drawn from the fact. This current was, curiously, assumed to be a part of the Gulf Stream, They had only to continue one step farther the theory mentioned in a preceding chapter, and all was easy. The gTeat ocean stream that had gone to Magellan's Straits in search of an outlet, and had then wandered wearily to the Isthmus of Darien, and being baffied once more had taken a journey across the Atlantic to the coast of Norway, was only to encounter its usual rebuff at that point. What, then, could it do but sweep westward once Captain Besfs*Theory. 1 1 5 again, and, finding itself met by the inhospitable and unbroken front of Greenland, come over to Meta Incognita and joyfully pass through the newly-discovered Straits to the long-sought-for haven in its native and genial Southern Sea? Captain Best is not satisfied with an unsupported theory. He props it up -with a philosophical argument after the manner of Humphrey Gilbert : ' Inferiora corpora reguntur a superioribus,' he observes ; ' then, the water being an inferior element, must needs be govemed after the superior heaven, and to follow the course of primum mobile from east to west.' Still more had the faithful and brave captain to say in favour of the theory which he had heard from his general, for he had not been up the new Straits himself. There was a great downfaU of water towards the west, he informs us : not so great that the ships could not return, though that was only done with much ado ; for it was found that a greater distance could be sailed over in one hour, going westward, than could be retraced in three. They had, indeed, discovered a North-West Passage to Cathay ; but not a short, open, easy channel, as they sup posed, and one that was paraUel with Magellan's Straits. Little did they imagine how long and intricate was this way to the far East along Fox Channel, the Gulf of Boothia, Barrow Strait, Melville Sound, the Arctic Ocean, and Behring's Straits. CHAPTER XXX. In retuming down Hudson's Straits they found that fijgs and ice still held sway along the coast,. as when they I 2 II 6 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. were there before. By July 21 they reached the neigh bourhood of the Queen's Foreland and became entangled among a number of rocks, islands, and icebergs. The wind was in their favour, but the current was against them, and the latter was the stronger of the two. While toiling to and fro in these unknown waters they would at one moment be scraping their keels on a hidden reef, and, the next moment, be in 120 fathoms of water. It was evermore from peril to perU -with them. For, desfring to anchos, they would find too great depth of water; moving on a little, they would find themselves in danger of being stove in, the fog stUl enveloping them. On one occasion they took in their sails, determined to anchor among the rocks until the fog cleared. But just as they were making ready to let go their anchors a puff of wind carried them away from the rocks on which the current was driving. While they were in the act of thankLog God for this speedy deliverance, the man in the chains announced but seven fathoms. They turned at once from thanksgiving to regretting that they had not fulfilled their intention of anchoring. The current carrying them into still shallower waters, the boats were manned and the ships taken in tow untU 120 fathoms were marked. Here they lay-to for the night. The saUs had been furled, and the men were disposing themselves to rest, when the cry was raised that they were on the rocks again. The current had been at work. On sounding eighty fathoms were found, and a double bent of cable had to be employed for instant anchoring. This was no sooner done than the fog partially cleared for a space. The anchors were weighed, the boats manned, and the ships taken in tow; every means being employed to double the Queen's Fore land. ' Many times,' says one, ' God lent us at the veiy pinch one prosperous breath of wind or other whereby to The ' Gabriel's ' Exploit. 1 1 7 double the land and avoid the peril ; and when that we were all without hope of help, every man recommending himself to death, and crying out, "Lord, now help or never ; now. Lord, look down from heaven and save us sinners, or else our safety cometh too late," even then the mighty Maker of Heaven and our merciful God did deliver us ; so that they who had been partakers of these dangers do even in thefr souls confess that God even by mfracle hath sought to save them, whose name be praised evermore.' Next day they succeeded in rounding the point, and arrived at the entrance to Frobisher's Straits. Two or three days pre\ious to this tbe admiral had observed an opening in the coast-line just west of the Queen's Foreland, and he had commanded the ' Gabriel ' to sail up and try to force a passage by the channel into the true Straits. So the first sight that gladdened the remnant of the fleet on arriving in the Straits was the Uttle ' Gabriel ' saiUng in to the westward of them. Thus the Queen's Foreland was demonstrated to be an island. The bark, having had orders to make for the Countess's Sound, went gallantly forward among the ice. Frobisher commanded the ' Aid ' to be saUed after her ; but owing to the greater length of the flag-ship she was unable to wind along the devious openings among the floes, and was forced to put back to sea again. Less than half the fleet had accompanied the admiral up the mistaken Straits. Christopher HaU, in the ' Thomas AUin,' had persuaded Captain Yorke that the admiral was in error as to his supposed locality ; and on HaU's return from the ' Aid,' where he had left Frobisher in that towering rage, he determined on something like mutiny. He took advantage of the first thickening of the fog to part from the fleet and shape his course to tbe north-east. 1 18 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. Captain Best, in the ' Ann Frances,' had made an honest endeavour to keep bis admiral's company, but had been parted by the mist. Their story was, that finding them selves out of sight of every sail, they had of their own resolution determined to put out to sea untU the sky cleared for an observation — a remark that shows few of the mariners, if any, were really mistaken as to their position, after the first hesitation, but were rather hiding their convictions in deference to the admiral's wish. When the ' Ann Frances ' undertook to carry out their resolution it was found to be no easy matter. The never- ceasing repetition of the contest -with ice in a be-wUdering fog recurred. Their danger was, many times, so great that the men sprang out into the chains and along the channels ready to leap on to the island of ice that threatened to overwhelm them. In the intervals between each such escape they busied themselves in making buoys out of their chests. And since the boat would not hold half their company they constructed a raft out of the hatches, which they proposed to lade with their goods and themselves and tow ashore by means of the ship's boat. Had they been forced to that extremity, the captain of the ' Ann Frances ' remarks, ' they should either have perished for lack of food to eat or else should them selves have been eaten of those ravenous, bloody, and men-eating people.' For twenty days this struggle with momentary peril had been carried on. But when Frobisher returned to the mouth of the true Straits on July 23 the ' Ann Frances ' fell in with his reduced fleet of seven ships, and ' hailed the admiral after the manner of the sea, and with great joy welcomed one another with a thundering volley of shot.' Next day the ' Francis of Foy,' after having been for some time enclosed in the ice, fought her way out and The Stragglers Return. 1 19 joined the fleet. She too had a long story of dangers passed. She had left the ' Thomas Allin ' with the ' Gabriel ' farther up the Straits in danger of ice on a lee shore ; whereupon the narrator introduces a prayer for their safety, saying, ' God deUver them, for his blessed Son Jesus Christ's sake-' In the meantime Christopher Hall, in the ' Thomas AUin,' had been plying to and fro at the mouth of the Straits. He had sho-wn Captain Yorke and Mr. Gibbs all the landmarks of the southern headland ; then he had sailed across and done the same with respect to the North Foreland, convincing them of what everybody believed. He had made three attempts to reach his port, but each time had been compeUed to beat a hasty retreat for the open sea. The fourth attempt, accompanied by the ' Francis of Foy,' he made along the southern shore, and was just entering the Straits as the ' Gabriel ' emerged from the newly-discovered channel behind the Queen's Foreland. The master of the ' Gabriel ' conveyed to them the inteUigence of the admiral's locality, and so the ' Francis of Foy ' made the best of her way to the fleet. The ' Busse of Bridgwater,' so she reported, had been in their company many days, but was now missing. When last seen she was in extreme necessity ; but they of the ' Francis of Foy,' owing to their own dangers and the ice intervening, could render her no help ; so they greatly feared her fate was sealed. 1 20 Life of Str Martin Frobisher. CHAPTER XXXI. When this inteUigence concerning the state of matters up the Straits became kno-wn in the fleet, there was general discontent bordering on mutiny. It was only about a month since they had spent that awful night in this very place ; and from that time until the present moment they had been living on the very brink of eternity. And at last their courage broke down. With the majority of them it was only physical and nervous exhaustion. When therefore the general proposed another encounter with tbe ice many ' considerate men ' exhibited fear, and murmured against their commander. Some pleaded for delay, so that they might partially repafr thefr ships ; and in the meantime there was the probability of the wind shifting and driving out the ice. Others yielded to abject terror, and broke out into open mutiny, saying ' that they had as lieve be hanged when they came home as -without hope of safety to seek to pass and so perish among the ice.' It would have amounted to the same thing in the end had they reversed their ignoble speech and said they had as lieve perish in the ice as get hanged when they returned home. Frobisher was leaming the difficulty of dealing with the crews of chartered ships. Comprehending the danger to the expedition, he said little. He professed to be per suaded by those who had craved a short season of rest in some harbour where repairs might be done and his men's energies refreshed. So he took up with a report which tbe ' Francis of Foy ' had brought him, and which was to the effect that Christopher Hall during the period of waiting had discovered a gold mine and a harbour in one of the The ' Busse of Bridgwater! 121 islands off the Queen's Foreland. The admiral's pinnace was got ready to go and examine the mine and harbour, wherein he promised his nine ships they should anchor until the Straits were clear. \Miile the fleet was Ipng off and on awaiting the re tum of the admiral, a sudden gale sprang up from the SSE., sweeping in the ice from the outer sea, and once again there was a hurried race for open water. Those ships that were caught and enclosed in the floes fared best this time, for they escaped the fury of the storm, which broke farther out to sea. The chief peculiarity of this gale was that a heavy fall of snow came down, so thickly that no man could hold his eyes open to handle the ropes or to keep a look-out. The alternate heat and cold during the snow-storm wetted the sailors through, so ' that he that had five or six shifts of apparel had scarce one dry thread to his back.' The wetting and freezing bred much sick ness and greatly discouraged the- crews. Next day, the admfral and those ships which with him had been caught in the ice escaped and rejoined their friends out at sea. The day foUowing, being July 27, the ' Busse of Bridgwater,' reported in a hopeless condition by the 'Francis of Foy,' struggled out of the ice and joined tbe fleet. She too had a dismal tale to tell ; but, what was of more immediate importance, her master reported her to be so leaky that she must at once be taken to harbour or sink. Her bows were stove in, and all thefr labour had barely succeeded in keeping her afloat so long. The crew were making three hundred strokes an hour at the pumps, and were now in so exhausted a condition that they craved help from the other ships. It was clearly impossible, they said, to reach thefr port at the Countess of Warwick's Sound. About this time Frobisher formed a desperate project. 122 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. He was determined to overawe the mutinous creWs and reach his port speedily, for he perceived that the summer would soon be gone. ' The general, not opening his ears to the peevish passion of any private person,' cast away all thoughts of safety and regard for the life either of himself or of any man in the fleet, and made ready for the exe cution of his desperate resolve. He ordered all the cannon on board to be loaded with shot. Then the command was given to every ship to shape her course up the Straits, the general gi-ving it out that, in case they came to the worst and must needs perish in the ice, he would open fire and sink every ship of the fleet ; ' and -with this peal of ordnance ' he would ' receive an honorable kneU, instead of a better burial, esteeming it more happy so to end his life, rather than himself, or any of his company, or any one of Her Majesty's ships should become a prey or spec tacle to those base, bloody and man-eating people.' On the 29th, therefore, Frobisher led the way in the ' Aid,' and pushed on desperately all that day, ' in at one gap and out at another,' stiU calling on the fleet to follow. ' We,' says Thomas Ellis, ' mutually consented to our vaUant general once again to give the onset.' They had come to look upon it as a hand-to-hand conflict between a Christian band of Crusaders and diabolicaUy enchanted fogs and floes. The admiral's determined valour was crowned with success. Next day the entrance into the Countess's Sound was reached. But the wind at that moment dying away, the fleet became stationary, and Frobisher, having entered his pinnace, rowed in towards their old anchorage under the Countess's Island. As he drew nigh his long-foughtr for port the masts of two ships came in \'iew. They were there before him. Drawing still nearer he made them out to be the ' Michael ' and ' Judith,' which had been given A Careless Watch. 123 up as lost a month before during the first great battle at the mouth of the Straits. There was much burning of powder, to serve the double purpose of expressing joy and announcing to the stationary fleet in the offing that some of the missing ships were before them in port. Those on board the fleet, having given up the ' JMichael ' and - Judith ' for lost at their first disappearance, supposed the ships to be the ' Thomas Allin ' and the ' Gabriel.' CHAPTER XXXII. As soon as the admiral had come on board the • Judith ' he sent back Charles Jackman in the pinnace to pilot the fleet into port. M'Tien he reached the ships it was a dead caUn. While waiting for the wind the officers of the ' Aid ' took the pilot into the cabin, to partake of their hospitality, giving strict injunctions to the boatswain to keep a sharp look-out for drifting ice. Frobisher's ship usuaUy fared worse in calms than in the tempest ; the feeling of security giving rise to negligence. The watch took the order as a matter of course, and within a few minutes a large fragment of a floe drifted down and lodged on the hawse of the anchor cable. All hands were at once engaged in remo-ving the ice ; but for a quarter of an hour it resisted all their efforts and chafed at their hempen cable, placing the ship in imminent peril of falling on a lee shore. The floe having been eventually removed, the officers once more retired to the cabin ; and then occurred on board the ' Aid ' a little controversy sufficiently ludi crous to have been passed over silence ; but since it is recorded by the chief actor in t, his conduct doubtless 1 24 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. appeared dignified in his own eyes ; and since it afterwards had some bearing on the charges brought against the admiral, it is mentioned here. A certain Edward Sellman was a gentleman passenger on board the ' Aid ' — a man who evidently thought himself possessed of some Uterary abiUty, but whose capacity with the pen was justly estimated by Frobisher when he subse quently appointed him Notary of jNIeta Incognita. Master Sellman was striding it solitarily on the quarter-deck of the ' Aid ' at this particular moment. The officers having retired and left him alone in his dignity, he took it upon him to give Holmes, the quartermaster, and HiU, the boat swain, a sound lecture on thefr neglect of duty. The two petty officers Uked this meddling very little, and showed small patience with the amateur captain. So when he was done they recommended him to meddle with his own affairs. When he would have retorted they demanded to see his commission to command the ship. Having bantered Master Sellman thus, they assumed authority which they did not possess, for they ordered him to his cabin. In this, he says, he defied them, adding bravely that he would retire to his cabin when he saw fit. They then abused him very much ; and this upbraiding he was compelled to hear, since he had not yet seen fit to draw out of ear shot. Master Sellman thus paid the penalty of engaging in a quarrel with men who had a vocabidary at their command which, for various reasons, he could not employ. The notary's narrative was dedicated to Michael Lock on the return from the third voyage, and the -writer doubt less knew what the merchant wanted. So in this part of his story he is able to give Lock a foundation for some of the items in the Indictment of Abuses and at the same time to show that his o-wn interference with the warrant officers was necessary. ' The captain of the " Aid," ' he The Meddlesome Notary. 125 adds, ' can bear no rule amongst them, because he is not countenanced by the general, and therefore all things hath faUen out the worse with us, and that hath caused me to speak more earnestly in this cause ; for whether the boatswain nor any officer yet hitherto hath been obedient to the master, and the disobedience of the officers doth cause the company also to disobey and neglect their duties.' If these charges were true, then Master Sellman was possessed of a singular amount of self-confidence to suppose that he could succeed where the captain and master had failed. The fleet had now been lying at anchor about two hours, and the future notary was still pacing the deck, when the expected breeze sprang up, and the ice began to get in motion. The master's mate came up and joined him, to whom the amateur mariner now volunteered his ad-vice. ' I said to him it were good to weigh our anchor to prevent the danger of the ice.' What the mate thought of this meddUng or what answer he made is not told. Perhaps he felt the annoyance which comes of being counseUed to do what one has already determined on doing. The -wind gradually increased, and Jackman, the pilot, was caUed on deck. He at once ordered the anchor to be weighed and sail made. The anchor was hanging a-cock-bill, as the sailors term it — that is, from the cathead and almost touching the water — but, before it could be catted or properly secured on board, the ship was under way. The next moment a considerable iceberg drifted across her course and drove the fluke of the anchor through the bows of the ' Aid ' just below the water-line. The water at once rushed in, and so great was the leak that ' we had water in hold four feet above the ceiling within an hour or less.' The notary seems to have derived much pleasure from recording this grievous consequence of ne- 126 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. glecting his advice. Into the leak were thrust ' beef and other pro-visions,' while the crew toiled at the pumps and also with buckets from midnight until nine in the moming, when the anchor was let go in the port of the Countess's Sound. The 'Aid' was presently tilted and the hole mended with lead. There were now nine ships of the fleet anchored to gether under the Countess's Island, and a general thanks giving to God was proclaimed, ' and aU together upon thefr knees gave Him due, humble and hearty thanks.' Master Wolfall, who had been appointed by the Privy CouncU to be tbe minister and preacher of the fleet, deli vered a sermon in which he exhorted them to gratitude to God ; then he reminded them of the uncertainty of human life, persuading them to be ready to receive with joy what ever Divine Providence should appoint. Captain Best draws us a picture of the Elizabethaa missionary, who by two centuries anticipated any orgar nised Protestant effort for the conversion of the heathen. ' This Master Wolfall being weU seated and settled at home in his own country, with a good and large living, having a good honest woman to wife, and very towardly children, being of good reputation among the best, refused not to take in hand this painful voyage, for the only care he had to save souls, and to reform those infidels, if it were possible, to Christianity; and also partly for the great desire he had that this notable voyage so weU begun might be brought to perfection ; and therefore he was con tented to stay there the whole year if occasion had served, being in every necessary action as the resolutest men of all. Wherefore in this behalf he may rightly be caUed a true pastor and minister of God's word, which for the profit of his flock spared not to venture his own life.' In that early age Englishmen had recognised that to make Wholesome Ordinances. 127 voyages of discovery perfect there must be provision for evangeUsing the natives. And subsequent experience has proved that the most productive investments ever made have been the sums expended on missionary efforts, since Christianity brings civiUsation, civilisation creates com merce, and the commerce of the Christianised natives has always gone to the land of the missionaries. While remembrance was had of a kind Providence, Frobisher was not forgetful of police and sanitary regula tions. On August 2 instructions were published with sound of trumpet that none were to go ashore without leave, and those who had leave were to have no dealing -with the natives without informing the general. No private assay was to be made of any ore. No one, by sea or land, was to make use of any ' discovered speeches,' swearing, brawling, or cursing, upon pain of imprisonment ; no one was to draw his weapon in quarrel, on pain of losing his right hand. No one was to wash his hands or any article in the spring upon the Countess's Island ; ' and for the better preservation and health of every man ' detailed dfrections were given as to the observance of cleanliness, upon pain for the first offence of being ' imprisoned in the bUbows ' fourteen hours, and for the second offence of pay ing twelve pence. And among other fit instructions was included an order that no person should cast into the road stead any ballast or rubbish that might impair the same. CHAPTER XXXIII. The 'Michael' and 'Judith,' under Captain Fenton, lieutenant-general, had their own story to teU. From the time they were locked in the ice, about July 1, until 128 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. the 25th they never saw one day or hour during which they were not in continual danger and fear of death. For twenty of those days they were, almost continuously, frozen firmly in the ice. The ' Judith ' had been stricken through and through on both sides. The false stem of the ' Mi chael ' had been carried entirely away. In their utmost extremity thefr brave minister, Master Wolfall, proved their deliverer ; for when both ships had been, as was thought, completely crushed and on the point of joining the 'Dennis' at the bottom of the Straits, the men gave up in despair, whereupon JNIaster WolfaU called them all to prayer, setting before them thefr danger and their duty towards God in such extremity. Then he ex horted them to hope and good courage. This exhortation was acted upon by the captain and master, who caUed upon thefr crews to man the channels once more with pikes and oars against the ice that pressed upon the ships like a Uviog foe. The words of the minister and the example of the officers reanimated aU, and in a few hours they had fought their way into a temporary opening. While they were enclosed they found they could walk from island to island of ice for mUes on either side, and even as far as the land. When not altogether fast their favourite device was to run under the lee of the largest ice berg available and make fast to it. When this showed signs of breaking up they would hasten to hide under another. Whenever the ice was much broken they would allow their ship to drift slowly do-wn, until her bows touched ; then they set all sail. The floe thus acted ks a fender in front and swept the water clear of the lesser fragments. They thus formed as it were a lake in which temporary sea-room was found; and then they would Ue-to among 'sundry moun tains and Alps of ice.' One of these they measured and found to be sixty-five fathoms above water. Thefr esti- Best 's Tale of Wonders. 129 mate was that icebergs extended eight times as much be low water as above, so that this would be nearly three- quarters of a mile perpendicularly. From a certain imagined resemblance they called this ' Solomon's Porch.' Captain Best seems to fear that his readers will throw some doubt over the accm-acy of this story, and therefore supports it -with certain experiences of his own. He had seen men walking, running, shooting upon the sea forty miles from land. Still more strange, there were some among his company who had got on the ice and amused themselves in running races, shooting at bolts, and killing seals with their calivers. They had seen the melting ice come do-wn in sundry streams, which, meeting together, made a pretty brook able to drive a mill, and flowed into the salt sea a hundred mUes from land. Captain Fenton had brought the two vessels into the Countess's Sound ten days before the arrival of the admiral. As soon as some repairs had been made on his sinking ship he had gone ashore searching for ore. His success was great, and the mine on account of its richness was caUed ' Fenton's Fortune.' He had made a journey ten miles up the country and found no signs of natives or habitation. He had next made an examination of his provisions, and determined upon the necessity of depart ing homeward after seven days, should none of the fleet appear. On August 2, the ' Gabriel ' arrived in the Sound, having Christopher HaU on board, and told how they had companied with the 'Thomas Allin ' for eight days making fruitless efforts to cross over the Straits from Mount Ox ford, where they had been anchored ; how they had seen the fleet passing up towards the Sound, but had been unable to join it ; and how tbe pilot had left his ship at anchor on the southem side. 130 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. The admiral had now with him all his ships save the ' Dennis,' ' Thomas AUin,' ' Moon,' ' Thomas of Ipswieh| and ' Ann Frances.' He saw not an hour was to spare. All the gentlemen, soldiers, and miners, with their victuals, tents, and tools, were landed on the Countess's Islandi Consultations were continually held between the admiral and his council. A muster of all the men and a close survey of all the provisions were made, and everybody set to work. The mariners plied thefr task of repairing, the captains sought out new mines, the gold-finders made trial of the ore, and ' the gentlemen for example sake laboured heartily, and honestly encouraged the inferior sort to work.' A week after their arrival, and while the work of get ting- in the ore was progressing rapidly, the admiral brought the subject of the colony before his council. They first of all perused the bills of lading, and found that, o-wing to the sinking of the ' Dennis,' the north and west sides of the fort were lost. Of the other two sides many parts were missing, the timbers having been used as fenders in their battles with the ice and shivered in pieces. In the next place they leamed that there were not sufficient food and drink to provision the fort for a hundred men. On this Captain Fenton, who was to have command of the colony, offered to inhabit the fort with sixty men. The carpenters and masons were now called before the coimcil, and asked how long it would take them to so alter the timbers and set them up as to contain the reduced company of sixty. Their answer was, eight or nine weeks, ^^'hereupon the admiral pointed out that twenty-six days more must be the extreme limit of their stay on that coast. The de liberate resolve of the council on learnina: these facts was that no colony could be established there that yeai- and thus sixty brave men were beyond doubt saved from un- The Notary a Partisan. timely death. Master Sellman, the notary, was instructed to set down this decree ' for the better satisfying of Her Majesty, the Lords of the Council, and the adventurers.' There is no evidence that the meddlesome notary ever obeyed the council's command, for no decree appears in his narrative. Such a document would have disproved two of the abuses charged against the admiral : namely, how that he had become jealous of Captain Fenton and would give no jot of assistance to establish the colony even for fifty men ; and how that he had refused all conference during his stay in Meta Incognita, laughing at the notion that the Queen had appointed him a council. Day by day, new mines were being explored and 0l. A large item for interest on money which he had borrowed to invest in the Company was cut out, and a hint given that he was seeking to make others pay his debts. In the course of a few weeks Lock wrote another and much humbler letter to the Secretary. In it he says that the Commission and auditor had dealt very hardly with him, but he hopes his honor will stUl stand good to him, and still give him his favour and good countenance. With this letter was sent a large declaration of particulars which had been handed to the Commission, but which those persons had declined to read. Apparently nothing came of this appeal to the Secretary, and so Lock took another The Receiver s Lament. 159 step and sent a petition to the Privy Council, in which he' recited the refusal of the auditors to allow the charge of l,200f., adding that he had spent 400Z. on the Company not claimed, besides having invested 2,250Z. in the stock of the Company, which was all his property, and that now ' himself, his wife, and fifteen children are left in state to beg their bread henceforth, except God turn the stones. at Dartford into his bread again.' Nothing came of this appeal either. Thomas Allen, day by day, gained a clearer conception of the tempestuous sea he had embarked upon when he accepted the appointment of receiver. About a month later — that is, in January of 1579, and while he was still engaged on the accounts of Mr. Lock — the storm chopped round to another quarter. In a letter of this time to Walsingham he writes : ' ilr. Frobisher doth much misuse me in words, saying I have complained to the Council of him,' and that the receiver had affirmed that the ore at Dartford was nothing worth, and that the admiral had received money and done what he pleased with it. Allen had brought this tempest on himself, for he admits having charged Frobisher with receiving 153L, of which there was no other account than that it had been distributed as rewards to those ships which had stood by him in his extremity. ' Sfr,' quoth the receiver in this letter, ' he will weary us aU, and he have the bridle too much.' Thomas AUen had not had enough of his office yet, and so he recommends that the accounts of Frobisher be taken in hand and audited. The letter closes with the pining sigh of injured incorruptibility — ' I would I were discharged, rather than I will be thus railed at for my pains.' Michael Lock was in pursuit of the same quarry. From the dissatisfied captains, masters, pilots, and notary he was now gathering together the materials for the i6o Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. composition of the document which has so often been referred to, and which was entitled ' The Abuses of Captain Frobisher against the Company.' The accuracy of several of the counts of this indictment has been already tested. Some of the others may be seen through without evidence, — such as that Captain P'robisher had made lying promises because the second voyage found no ore on Hall's Island, where the ' black stone ' had been picked up by Christopher Hall, and unknown to the captain. Again, Frobisher had said the ore was worth 80Z. the ton, which was not so found. This was another instance of lying. When it is borne in mind that no two men in the kingdom were yet agreed as to the value of the ore, and that all had indulged in exaggerated estimates, one is surprised to find a charge based on so fraU a foundation. Again, the admiral had taken out four ships and a hundred men on the third voyage beyond his complement, and foi his own purpose. What such a purpose could be, unless it is intended to suggest that the admfral meant to steal the ore, it is hard to understand. So the charges ran, some trivial, some of the greatest heinousness. The admiral had been extravagant in his ex penditures ; he had bribed Burchard to make false assays, he had filched the money given him for victuaUing the ' Aid,' in consequence whereof many men died, also the advance wages of the miners ; he had led the ships this year to a wrong place ; he was arrogant : he drew his dagger on Jonas ; he drew his dagger on Captain Fenton 5; he was so full of lying talk no man could credit him ; he had lately raised slanderous reports against Mr. Lock, etc., etc. Since there is no doubt ]\lichael Lock was the author of this document, the last item is sufficiently ludicrous. The Cathay Company's Difficulties. i6i CHAPTER XLI. The Queen was sending order after order to the venturers commanding them to pay their arrears and assessments. At last they were informed that if they did not give heed they should forfeit all their interest in the Company. It proved that nearly every one of them was possessed of sufficient fortitude to face this extremity. The Queen went further and hinted that more serious consequences might foUow disobedience. Still there was no disposition manifest to throw good money after bad. The City had gro-wn incredulous. The merchants had no faith in proofs, and alchemists, and additaments any longer. The last thing known to the pubUc concerning the ore was that rival propositions had been received, one from Lock and one from Jonas, for a lease of all the works at Dartford, and a Ucense to work all the ore. Lock, hoping to trans form the stone at Dartford into bread, offered to pay bl. the ton for the ore, provided he received a clear discharge and quietus est of all his debts incurred in the business of the Company. He evidently aimed only at getting a certificate of discharge in bankruptcy. Had his offer been accepted he would have been saved much suffering. Jonas offered something Uke lOl. the ton. And yet the money so urgently needed for paying- off the crews could not be procured. The answer of one shareholder might, perhaps, have been applicable to many. William Bur rough writes to Secretary Walsingham that he had re ceived the notice to pay his arrears, by which it was made to appear he was debtor to the amount of 571. 10s. But the facts would show the indebtedness was on tbe other side. He had sold the ' Judith ' to Michael Lock for the M 1 6 2 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. third voyage. The price agreed upon was 320L From this sum was deducted %7l. lOs. for his share in the venture. Later on Michael Lock had paid him 90Z. So that, after deducting the 571. lOs. due for assessments, he was still the creditor of the Company in the sum of 106Z. This statement of facts was followed up by an attack on Lock's honesty. And the letter ended with a demand that he be paid his money rather than pay anything to the Company. William Burrough was thoroughly roused, and turned to the Courts for an enforcement of his rights. An action was entered against Michael Lock, which re sulted in the unfortunate, if not dishonest, treasurer being thrown into the Fleet. On June 16, 1581, Michael Lock addressed a letter from prison to the Privy Council in which he says : ' 1 have been now committed to the Fleet at the suit of William Burrow for the sum of 200Z., which hepretHidetk to be o-wing to him for a ship for the last voyage of Capt. Furbisher to theNorth-West parts, which ship the Company of Adventurers have and for the which they do owe him 95Z. and no more, which is not my debt, as appeareth by the certificate of the Auditors.' He claims that his ac counts have been audited four times by four several com panies of auditors and Commissioners appointed by the Privy Council. He has endured 'great troubles, many imprisonments, extreme losses,' to his 'utter undoing.' He has been so occupied with the Company's affairs that he had no time to earn a penny towards his Uving to maintain his great family of fifteen children. He be seeches the Council ' for God's sake ' to call up WiOiam Burrough and command him to discharge his executioBj- The fallen treasurer's final request throws new light over the Queen's liberality in lending tbe ' Aid ' and taking so large a share in the Company of Cathay. His last prayer The End of the Gold-fever. 163 is that his bonds of 4,000Z. which are in the Court of Exchequer, given for Her ^Majesty's adventure in the voyages, may be canceUed, and that he have a warrant of protection for the future. With this letter ilichael Lock disappears from this story ; but not from history. He had done much for geography afready, and did more afterwards. The Com pany of Cathay fell with its treasurer. The belief in the ore Ungered awhile longer in some minds and localities, but the City would have nothing more to do with the gold mines of the North-West. From the provincial towns came occasional inquiries about the ' new found riches of ]\Lr. For})isher.' And in the following year the inhabitants of Dover sent up a petition to the Privy Council full of unwavering faith in the new riches. They said that their harbour was much decayed, and, among other exceptional remedies suggested for their necessities, they solicited a license to fetch two himdred or three hundred tons of the ore discovered by Captain Frobisher. That was tbe last note of confidence in the ore. As far as material profit was concemed, Frobisher had fared even worse than Lock, though his friends at Court protected him from the same disastrous consequences. Thomas Allen, writing to Walsingham with respect to the sale of the ' Gabriel ' which had been ordered, says that tbe bark had been appraised, and that he had offered her for %0l. <¦ j\Ir. Frobisher hath bidden for her ; but I think ready money is out of the way with him.' The admiral was willing as ever to undertake res- ponsibiUties and load himself with obligations which he hoped the future would carry off, but was cot to be trusted by men of ready money. It may have seemed a small thing to him to give his note for 80L when the Ti 2 164 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. world was still waiting to be circumnavigated. Nevertheless his bid was declined and the world encircled by another. While the first voyage was being projected in 1575 Frobisher appeared as a man without means. During the second and third voyages he becomes a large shareholder, and is always forward to put down his name as a sub scriber. These were not all mere empty promises to pay in the vague undated future. Probably after his return from the first voyage ' with his strange man of Cathay, and his great rumor of the passage to Cathayi' when he had been 'caUed to the Court and greatly embraced and Uked of the best,' the great captain married. The bride was an aged lady, the widow of a wealthy man named Thomas Riggatt, of Snaith, in the county of York, not far from the admiral's native village. She had children and grandchildren ; and there is no doubt that the ample provision made for them by their father went to supply the incessant needs of the Company of Cathay. She could have had no sympathy with her second husband's greatness of mind. Asa mother, she was content to look within the narrower circle of her children's happiness. Frobisher's schemes and the welfare of her ofi'spring were soon in antagonism. What went to feed the great achievement contributed poverty to her children. A long continuance of wounded love wrought its natural •effect. During the third voyage, or thereabouts, while her husband was away gaining glory for his country, the wife was at last face to face with abject misery. It is no wonder that the following letter addressed by her at that time to Secretary Walsingham, around whom this Cathayan eddy whirled as around a centre, is full of bitterness as well as pathos, in spite of the hired scrivener's cramped and formal style. The letter tells all that is known of Thomas Riggatt's widow, called otherwise Isabel Frobisher: — Isabel FrobisJter's Petition. 165 ' In her most lamenta'ble manner sheweth unto her honor your humble oratrix Isabell Frobusher the most miserable poor woman in the world, that whereas your honor's said oratrix sometimes was the wife of one Thomas Riggatt of Snathe in the County of York, a very wealthy man, who left your oratrix well to live and in very good state and good portions unto all his children. Afterwards she took to husband ^Ir Captain Frobusher (whom God forgive) who hath not only spent that which her said husband left her, but the portions also of her poor children, and hath put them all to the wide world to shift a most lamentable case. And now to increase her misery she having not to releive herself her children's chUdren of her said first husband are sent unto her having a poor room within another at Hampstead near London for her to keep at which place she and they are for want of food ready to starve to your poor oratrix intolerable grief and sorrow. Your oratrix humble petition is that whereas one Mr Kempe Gent dwelling in the Wool Staple at Westminster gave his promise to pay her 41. for the said Mr Frobusher (which he will not now pay) that without delay he may pay the same or that it would please your honor to help her -with some relief until Mr Frobusher's return to keep them from famishing — and she according to her bounden duty will daily pray to God etc.' It would have been pleasant to discover that she had received some reUef for her necessities, and lived long enough to enjoy some of the sunshine that came later on to her husband, and to hear herself called Dame Isabel ; but, whatever may have been the immediate effect of her letter, there are reasons for believing that she broke do-wn under her adversity and died not long after. Thus Widow Riggatt no sooner comes in than she goes out again. 1 66 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. having paid the usual price for marrying a younger man tlian herself, and one who was full of great schemes. CHAPTER XLII. By the time Frobisher had emerged, in whatever destitute condition, out of the Cathayan chaos there arose a sudden demand for brave, resolute men to put down one of the infinite series of Irish risings, and this a memorable one. While the scattered ships of the third voyage were undergoing the thumping and battering of the ice oi the North-West, one Piers Ryce, an Irishman, having a certain scheme brooding in his unquiet brain, purchased a smaU rocky promontory or peninsula on the south-western shore of his native Kerry. The aspect which he presented to his neighbours of this purchase was that it would be a good investment, for the profits to be derived by a prudent trader from the fishing-boats frequenting the adjacent waters were considerable. A house erected on the peninsula' rapidly developed into ' a pretty castle.' Next the penin sula was transformed into an jsland, by cutting a trench across the neck. It was now the autumn of 1578 ; and Ryce, having finished his fortress, was, with parental fondness, devising a pretty name for it. He knew before hand what purpose the stronghold was to serve : ships laden with Spaniards were to land their men on the sands. The word Spaniard suggested naturally the gold-laden carracks that were transporting the treasiu-es of the New World into the coffers of His Catholic Majesty. By visions of his own creating he had become intoxicated to a degree beyond the power of the brightest reality, when a Dowfi Enoyr. 167 storm swept a disabled ship towards the shore, and cast her into the cove beneath his walls a total wreck. It was one of the fleet returning from Meta Incognita with 'Captain Frobisher's new found riches.' There is no account of any of the ships of the thfrd expedition having been cast away ; but Nicholas White, the Lord Justice of Ireland, says he saw the planks and staves of the wreck. At any rate, Piers Ryce had come to a decision : his new possession should be caUed Down Enoyr, or Golden Haven. Next year the rebel Fitzmaurice landed, with the Pope's legate and a Spanish force, at the neighbouring port of Dingle, marched across, and was welcomed into possession by Piers Ryce. The expedition was to restore to Ireland its ancient faith and liberties. Fitzmaurice soon feU in battle, and a greater leader stepped into the gap. This was that Earl of Desmond whom Frobisher had met and misled when a prisoner in London. The man who could not endure sea-sickness or mount a charger without assistance proved himself a capable rebel or patriot, as the case may be. But in the meantime Ryce's romantic name for his possession had been set aside by the Spaniards with thefr saintly names for everything warlike and destructive. Down Enoyr became Smerwicke, or St. Mary Wick, and together with Dingle formed the base of operations of the rebels. Here an occasional ship arrived from abroad -with supplies; a powerfiU fleet being promised, and hourly expected, from Spain. To prevent the landing of a Spanish army on the coast of Kerry, the Queen issued orders that the fleet under the veteran admiral Sir WiUiam Winter should at once be got ready and despatched to Dingle. Sfr WiUiam had been a considerable subscriber to the 1 68 Life of Sir Martin Frobisher. Company of Cathay, and stood the friend of Frobisher throughout. To Dingle, therefore, the fleet sailed; Martin Frobisher being in command of the ship ' Fore sight.' The Queen's parsimony had crippled the under taking. And in April, while the land forces facing tbe front of rebellion from Cork to Limerick were compelled to pause in their victorious march towards the west, that the Queen might examine some doubtful items in their pay-rolls. Sir William and the fleet moved away from Kerry in search of provisions for the crews. As they were cruising off Kinsale, a convoy loaded with supplies was met, with which the fleet sailed into the harbour of Cork, to transfer the provisions and ammunition. Frobisher was despatched to England with the retuming and unladen victual-ships, bearing a hasty letter to Walsingham, in which it was said, ' The bearer hereof, jNIr. Furbisher, being a painful companion of ours in the voyage, -wUl and is able to advertise your honor of all that has happened in our time of being here.' This Frobisher seems to have done very emphatically, especially setting forth the de ficiencies in the victualling of the fleet. Sir William went back to his post off the coast lying between Dingle and Limerick. But the supplies newly sent out were soon exhausted. The Queen's view of the matter was, as usual, of a commercial character. The work was not performed with economy. Perhaps an amnesty would cost less than extermination. While Elizabeth was indulging in this see-saw hesitation between two policies the fleet again fell shoi-t of food. The admiral had witnessed the destruction of Dingle and Smerwicke, and saw no likelihood of the arrival of the Spanish fleet. Besides, the seat of the rebeUion had been transferred from Kerry to Wicklow ; and his ships were so foul with weeds that he could neither pm-sue a fleeing Victualling Problem. 1 69 eaemy nor escape from an over-match. He therefore sailed away for Plymouth in search of provisions. This was towards the end of July. Either by an unhappy coincidence or because the enemy was kept informed of the movements of Sir William, the admiral had no sooner sailed away than the long- expected fleet arrived. Piers Ryce's destroyed castle was again occupied and made ready for defence ; the channel between it and the land cleared of the sand which the tide had washed in, and the rebellion brought back to its old base in Kerry. The foreigners, mostly Italians, were about eight hundred strong ; they had brought with them six months' provisions and four thousand stand of arms to put in the hands of the peasants. On receipt of this intelligence the Queen's parsimony gave way to a burst of rage. Everybody had been to blame except Her Majesty. Sir William must immediately return. And yet not so immediately but that time was found to haggle at Richmond over a little bark of twenty- four tons called the ' Merlin.' In the meantime Frobisher was pursuing the subject of the meat and drink of the men — to deal with which he had been sent back from Cork. Her Majesty's allowance per man per diem, and that of the best sort, he says, was — In bread one pound . . . .id. ^ In beef ii pound ..... \\d. ob > v