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G^2^. C (^. Claiborne.

MISSISSIPPI,

AS A

PROVINCE, TERRITORY AID STATE,

WITH

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF EMINENT CITIZENS,

BY

J". IF. H. CXi.A.ISOE,IsrDEl.

VOLUME I.

JACKSON, MISS.:
POWER & BARKSDALE, PUBLISHERS AND PRINTERS.

l8ao.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1879, by Poaver & Barks-
dale, Jackson, Mississippi, in the office of the Librarian of Congress,
"Washington.

'^¦"»'* /vi ¦ / 3

DEDICATION.

TO THE YOUNG MEN OF MY NATIVE STATE, AND TO THE WIDOWS AND
DAUGHTERS OF THOSE WHO DIED IN ITS DEFENCE, THESE
VOLUMES ARE RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED.

INTRODUCTION.

In writing this work, I have not been prompted by a desire for
fame or profit, but to preserve the time-worn papers and documents
confided to me by those who have long since passed away. I should
have executed this trust earher, but have been prevented by the vicis
situdes of war, and the demands of every-day life. I have written
these volumes in dechning health, in pain and suffering, and hope
that this may plead for many imperfections.
Diodorus Seculus, one of the Fathers of History, introduced in his
work, minute details of remarkable events, and individual adven
tures and incidents, which some critics consider inconsistent with the
dignity of the historic muse. I adopt his view, and have aimed to
collect facts, to illustrate even the most obscure periods. Most of
these facts are derived from the MS. of the prominent actors in the
scenes described. I have striven to be truthful and impartial in my
narrative of events and estimate of men, discarding personal or polit
ical bias, in the past or the present. I have long been disconnected
with parties, have maintained friendly relations with the best men on
all sides, and most of those whose actions I have discussed have
gone before a higher tribunal.
In newspapers, in books, and on the records of the government,
much has been written in disparagement of Mississippi, our people
and institutions, but the facts here recorded will be their vindication.
For seventy years, and more, some of these calumnies, originating
with the first civil officers sent here by the United States, have stood
on record, and have been received and adopted as true. They are
now, for the first time, examifted and refuted.
In tracing our history for twenty years preceding the civil war, I
have called to my aid some of our most distinguished statesmen, whose
reminiscences embrace all the material facts. This constitutes the
most attractive feature of the work.
The portion devoted to the Indians, who once occupied our soil,
has been derived from citizens who resided among them, and from
my own observations when officially associated with them.

VI. Introduction.
The biographical notices are, mainly, drawn from my own impres
sions, for it has been my fortune to have grown up, from boyhood,
among those whom I have described.
I had meditated a detailed account of the civil war, to enable me
to do justice to Mississippians, who won renown in so many battles.
With this view, I have read most of the books that have appeared,
particularly General Sherman's, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston's, Gen.
Albert Sidney Johnson's — the highest authorities — and most of the
magazines devoted to the subject. I find them interesting, but con
flicting ; controversional, not conclusive; positive assertion and per
emptory denial; full, in short, of discrepancies that must be adjusted
before either can be adopted as history.
A competent military critic might now write a work of intense in
terest, on the errors of history in regard to the civil war.
The reports of battles and campaigns, accepted in the current liter
ature of our times, are, in numerous instances, grossly erroneous, and,
in some, mere coinage of the brain. But the world clings, with the
grip of a drowning man, to these pet historical lies.
Men, who know better, continue to rehearse them, and would
crucify the bold sceptic, even though he held in his hand the sacred
torch of Truth ! When a favorite falsehood gets firmly planted, the
conservative public does not care to have it uprooted, and, sometimes,
even the author of it, when the proof is brought home to him, will
not take the trouble to repair the wrong. When the Abbe Vertol had
finished his work on the famous Siege of Malta, a friend furnished
him the proof of material errors ; but he merely shrugged his shoul
ders, and said: '^ Mon siege est fait!" The MS, went, as he had
written it, to the press, although known to be a historical romance.
There are many Abbe Vertols in our days.
The conflicting narratives of great military operations in our times,
may be traced, primarily, to the correspondents that followed the
National and Confederate armies. Some of these aimed to be, and
were, as accurate as possible, under the circumstances. Some were
merely sensational; some were paid to make false reports, in the
interest of stock-jobbers and fanatics.
The reports of European battles, and the wonderful achievements
of Clive, Hastings and Wellington in the East Indies, were written
by the commanding general, or an officer of his staff, and accepted as
authentic. But in the Crimean campaign, and in every war since
the newspaper correspondents became an organized corps, moving
with the army, in familiar intercourse with the officers, sending off
their bulletins in advance of the official reports, and forming a public

Introduction. vii.
sentiment often not authorized by the facts, but very difficult to eradicate.
Thus, the received opinion is, that we won a great victory at the
first Manassas, and that Johnston and Beauregard might have marched
into Washington, captured President Lincoln, and ended the war, but
were culpably supine, and lost the opportunity.
The facts are, that we fought there an army three times stronger
than ours, with superior equipments. When the retreat commenced,
as we had no cavalry, it was impossible to pursue with infantry, ex
hausted and bleeding. "President Davis," says Gen. J. E. John
son, "was present, and gave no orders to pursue, because he knew
that it was impracticable."
The battle of Shiloh, on the first day, was won by the Confederates
against a superior force, which, notwithstanding its valor, and the
ability of its generals, would probably, have been withdrawn or de
stroyed the next day, but for the arrival of a powerful re-inforcement.
Confronted by fresh troops and vastly superior numbers next morn
ing, our diminished and exhausted army fought heroically, but not
compactly or in masses, as it should have done, six hours, and was
then withdrawn by Beauregard, without losing a straggler or a gun —
one of the most difficult achievements in war ! Yet historians, on
both sides, have given erroneous accounts of the battles, and the
retreat! "Sherman was completely surprised" — "Grant routed"
— " Grant victorious without Buell" — " Beauregard utterly defeated"
— " His army demoralized— a mere mob ; everything lost."
The actions of Gen. Bragg in Kentucky, Tennessee and Georgia,
have been subjected to versions not at all to his credit. And in re
turn. Gens. Polk, Hill, Hindman and Buckner, have been accused by
him and his friends of conspiracy, disobedience and incompetence.
Gen. Albert Sidney Johnson, at Bowling Green and at Nashville,
was neither a soldier nor a hero, if the critics are to be credited, yet
the same shot that killed him at Shiloh, killed the Confederacy, if we
credit other statements.
Gen. Joseph E. Johnston has been eulogized as the master strate
gist of the war, and condemned as a timid and wavering officer, who
might have relieved Vicksburg, and by his^ want of pluck, opened
the way for Sherman's march to the sea.
Pemberton is charged with a want of generalship in not fighting
Grant, with his whole force, at Bruinsburg or Bayou Pierre; with
positive disobedience in fighting the unfortunate battle of Baker's
Creek, thus superinducing the fall of Vicksburg; and with a cowardly,
if not treasonable, surrender of his army when he might have cut his
way out and formed a junction with Johnston. On the other hand,
Pemberton insists that if he had concentrated his army at or near

VIII. Introduction.
Bruinsburg, the iron-clad fleet of the enemy would have seized the
city he had been ordered to defend; that the fight at Baker's Creek
occurred under circumstances neither to be avoided or amended ; that
his little army enacted prodigies of valor in the trenches ; that a coun
cil of general officers, with only one dissentient (Stephen^D. Lee,) de
termined that to attempt to cut- through Grant's lines was impractic
able, and finally, that Gen. Johnston had it in his power to relieve
him, and by his inaction and timidity occasioned the surrender.
Gen. Lovell, as true a soldier 'as ever carried a sword, signalized
for his personal courage in the war with Mexico, was charged with
cowardice and treason for the evacuation of New Orleans, though
Gen, Beauregard, and other eminent engineers, are of opinion, that
the forts below were not competent to prevent the passage of iron
clads, and that once passed, the city was at their mercy.
Gen. Hood was called into command as the man of action and
movement at a critical period of the war, who was to repair all the
blunders of his predecessors, and lead his victorious arms across the
Ohio. But he was soon represented as a mere dragoon ; rash, hair-
brained, impetuous in the charge, with no faculty for command, who
criminally failed to attack at Spring Hill, when he should have attacked,
and slaughtered his army in the insane attempt on Franklin !
Longstreet ascribes the terrible defeat at Gettysburg to Gen. Lee's
obstinacy, and want of precaution, and, in return, some military
critics attribute it to his own disobedience of orders.
The parties to these conflicting representations, arguing from their
own stand-points, and summoning only their own witnesses, have
made a plausible showing. But it is obvious, that a true and impar
tial history of that tremendous conflict cannot be written, until further
and complete testimony has been collected.
I, therefore, limit myself to a few details and incidents, to illus
trate the services of the volunteers from Mississippi.
I am indebted to so many friends for aid and counsel, that I can
only, in this way, express my grattiude to them all, and to the Press,
throughout the State, and in many other quarters, for generous sup
port, I trust that there will be found, in these modest volumes, materials
for more comprehensive history, especially in reference to the great
social, 'political and commercial changes resulting from the war. My
aim has been to supply a repository of facts.
Sith sails of largest size,
The storm doth soonest tear,
I bear so small and low a sail.
As freeth me from fear. — Southwell.
Natchez, April, I879.

CONTENTS,

CHAPTER I.
Influence of ^ America ou Europe— England and Prance— The Spanish explor
ers — Prince de Leon — Narvaez— DeSoto— His march through Mississippi—
His battles— Where he died, CHAPTEE II.
Frenchexploration— LaSalle— Tonti— Canadian voyageurs— Missionaries— In
dian tribes on the Mississippi— Discovery of the mouth of the Great Eiver
— Impressive ceremonies— LaSalle returns to France— Sets out to colonize
the Jlississippi — His disaster.^ and death.
CHAPTEE III.
From the death of LaSalle to the arrival of the first French expedition, iu
1697, under D'Iberville— His illustrious family— A fillibuster of that per
iod, Capt. DeGraff— Ship Island — Boat expedition to the Mississippi Eiver
— Eelios of LaSaUe — Journal of D'Iberville — Ascends to the villages of
Bayou Goula's and Houma's — Discovers and descends the Manchac and
Amite into the lakes — Journal of Penicault — First visit of the Biloxi In
dians — The Pascagoula's, Choctaws, Chickasaws and Maubilians — Bien
ville's exploration — Bay St. Louis — Heron Bay — Isle au Pois — The Eigo-
lets — Point Reserve — Lake Pontchartrain — Lake Maurepas — Taleatchee or
Pearl Eiver — Bellefontaine — First arrival of Missionaries at Biloxi —
Their route from Eoche a Davion, or Fort Adams.
CHAPTER IV.
The English Turn— Strategy of Bienville — The Canadians at Biloxi— First post
on the Mississippi — DeTonti — Iberville, Bienville and Tonti visit Natchez
— Father St. Cosme — Grand reception by the Sun and his warriors — The
Great Temple — Peculiar customs — The Grand Chief and his courtiers —
Morals, laws and government — The law of succession — Death of the Great
Female Sun — Funeral ceremonies — The Tensas Indians — Conflagration of
the Temple — Horrid sacrifice of children.
CHAPTEE V.
Great scarcity in the Biloxi Colony — Sickness — Death of Sauvolle, brother of
Iberville and Bienville — First case of yellow fever — arrival of a fleet
from France — Bienville builds Fort St. Louis de la Mobile and transfers
the capital from Biloxi — Dauphin Island — Indian troubles — Supplies from
France — Arrival of Priests, Sisters of Charity and young women — The first

X. Table of Contents.
white child— The Chickasaws and Choctaws— Massacre of the Chicka
saws — They become enemies of the French and allies of the English
Arrival of the Grand Vicar of Quebec— Death of Iberville— His character
and services— The yellow fever— The Canadians superior to the French
soldiers— Eaid on Dauphin Island— High water— DeMuys appointed Gov
ernor of the Colony- Its transfer by the King to Crozat— Eesources and
population in 1711 — Names of the Mississippi — Crozat's appointees — Fac
tions—Seat of government re-established at Biloxi— First war with the
Natchez — Bienville's expedition— Journal of Capt, De Eichebourg —
Seizure of the Natchez warriors— Capitulation — Arrival at Natchez —
Grand ball— Fort Eosalie— M, Pailloux, first commandant,
CHAPTER VI,
Arrival of a nev/ Governor and Staff — Hurricane — Ship Island fixed upon as
a place of anchorage and deposit — Crozat surrenders the Colony and the
King transfers it to the Western or India Company — Company bind itself
to introduce 3,000 African,? — Bienville re-appointed — Fourids New Orleans
— Pascagoula settled — Grant of Lands — Slave Trade inaugurated — Values
— First Coast Survey — War with Spain — Pensacola capitulates to the
French — Ee-taken by the Spaniards — Attack on Dauphine Island — Defeat
and execution of Jayhawkers — Pensacola again invested by Bienville and
the French fleet — It capitulates — Intrepidity of the Choctaws — Rivalry
between New Orleans and Natchez for the Seat of Government — Hubert
the advocate of Natchez — Council decides to remain at Biloxi — First cargo
of negroes — Arrival of women from Paris — First plantations at Natchez
— The first Drunkard — Dreadful conflagration of a slave ship — Culture
and price of tobacco — Census — Land grants — Death in the Colony — Fort
Conde — Mandeville de Marigny — First Coinage introduced^Desertion at
Fort Toulouse — Lt, Villemont — La Harpe'e expedition — First shipment
from Illinois — Negro murderer burnt — Seat of Government transferred to
New Orleans and Colony divided into military and ecclesiastical districts
— Choctaws bring in 400 Chickasas' scalps — Gambling — Hurricanes — The
Black Code — Indigo — First shipment of lumber — Second war with the
Natchez — Bienville sails for France — His services — Is coldly received —
Perier appointed Governor, CHAPTEE VII,
Arrival of Perier — Discontent of the Indians — The French and the Natchez —
Tiie French vindicated — Massacre of the French — Father du Poisson — The
massacre at Fort St, Peter — Father Doutreleau's escape — Loubois' expedi
tion—Mission to the Choctaws— They attack the Natchez— Capt, Mesplex
and five soldiers burned by the Natchez — Their insolent demand — The
French besiege the Natchez— Journal of a FroncU officer- Narrative of
Col, Hutchins— Eetreat of the Natchez— Trinity, their first halting
ground — They slaughter the Tunicas.
CHAPTEE VIII,
Perier's expedition against the Natchez— They retreat to Sicily Island, their
battle ground— Statements of Judge Taliaferro, Dr, Kilpatrick, Major
Doniphan and Dr, Peck— Perier's attack— Eetreat of the Natchez— They
attack the French in their fort in Nachitoches — Desperate fighting  Pinal
dispersion of the Natchez,

Table of Contents, xi,
CHAPTEE IX,
Bankruptcy of the Western Company — Eeversion of the Colony to the King —
Bienville re-appointed Governor — Arrives in New Orleans — The Chicka
saws — Under British influence hostile to the French — Arrest of Capt,
Young — Bienville's first expedition against the Chickasas — Ascends the
Tombigbee — March to Chicka,sas' Old Field — The French repulsed — Valor
of the officers — Eetreat to their boats — Capture and burning of D'Arta-
guette and his party.
CHAPTEE X.
Bienville organizes a second expedition — Concentrating his forces at the mouth
of Wolf river, (Memphis.) Builds Fort Assumption, Reinforced by Can
adians and Indians from Illinois posts — Journal of a French gtafi' officer,
CHAPTER XI.
Bienville superseded and returns to France — De Vaudreuil, the new Governor,
arrives — Difficulty with the Choctaws — Insurrection of Red Shoes — Civil
war among the Choctaws — The French and English factions — De Vau-
dreuil's expedition up the Tombigbee against the Chickasas — His precip
itate retreat — Transfer to Canada — Arrival of Kerlerec, the new Governor
— Horrible incident on Cat Island — Louisiana transferred to Spain by
secret treaty — Spain cedes West Florida to Great Britain — The sea-board
of Mississippi — Biloxi, the sepulchre of the chivalry of France — The
Creoles of the coast — Defects of French colonization,
CHAPTER XII,
The flag of England — British possession of Canada, the Illinois and Florida —
Boundaries of West Florida — Boundaries and conflicting claims and grants
of Great Britain, Spain and France — Action of Georgia — She establishes
the county of Bourbon — Dispute between South Carolina and Georgia —
They appeal to Congress — Commissioners appointed — Amicable adjust
ment — Georgia negotiates with Congress — State legislation — Georgia sells
a large portion of the disputed territory to three associations or companies
— Opposition of the United States Government — Sale subsequently rescind
ed — Noble conduct of South Carolina — Georgia compromises with the
United States — Bad faith of the latter — Spain holds the Natchez district
— Builds Fort Nogales (at Vicksburg) and places garrisons at Natchez, New
Madrid, Manshac and Baton Eouge — Mississippi Territory created by act
of Congress — Its boundaries — Georgia and Spain dissatisfied — How the
matter was settled, CHAPTER XIII,
Arrival of Capt. Johnstone at Pensacola as Governor of British West Florida —
Garrisons the ports at Mobile, Manshac, Baton Rouge and Natchez — Seat
of government and courts at Pensacola — Common laws of England intro
duced — Liberal grants of land — These grants and the troubles between the
Colonies and Mother Country draw many immigrants to West Florida —
These immigrants loyalists, not Tories — Many of them educated and
wealthy — Gov. Farmer — Major Loftus' expedition — A fugitive slave pro
tected by the British flag — The retreat — The British at Pensacola cut off

XII. Table of Contents.
from communication with the posts in Illinois and Canada — Great council
of Choctaws and Chickasaws in Mobile— Path opened for the immigrants
—British traders on the Mississippi— The slave trade— Manshac in 1777—
Hon. Mountford Brown appointed Governor— Daniel Clarke, senior— Hon.
Peter Chester appointed Governor — Active immigration — Large grants in
Natchez district— The Ogden mandamus— Richard and Samuel Swayze—
The Jersey settlement— The Lyman grant— Gen. Phineas Lyman— The
Connecticut Colony— Their sufferings on the Mississippi — Capt. Mathew
Phelps— His Journal— Severe afflictions — Loss of wife and children-
Noble conduct of a Virginian. CHAPTER XIV.
Pensacola in 1776 — Mobile — Natchez— Plantations on St. Catharine under
French rule — Memoranda from Hutchins' MS. — How the immigrants came
to British West Florida — How they lived — What they exported — Contrast
between British and French colonization — High character of the immi
gration — Natchez in 1776 — Direct trade with London and Jamaica — Louis
LeFleur. CHAPTER XV.
lames Willing, the Jayhawker — Is sent on a mission of peace — His speech at
Big Black — The oath of neutrality — Reception and speech at Natchez —
Lands at White Cliflfs — Raid on the planters — Seizure of Col. Hutchins —
Robberies on the river — Statement of Sir William Dunbar — Debaucheries
in New Orleans — Plans another marauding expedition — Col. Hutchins
escapes and warns the inhabitants — They assemble in arms — Capt. Phelps'
statement — The citizens apply to Gen. Campbell at Pensacola for aid — A
company of Tories or refugees sent to Natchez — No better than the Jay
hawkers — Confiicts between them and the volunteers — Gallant exploit of
Felt, a volunteer — His heroic resistance and death — England, France and
Spain at war. CHAPTEE XVI.
Governor-General Galvez — Attacks the British fort at Baton Rouge — Col. Dick
son capitulates — Surrenders the fort at Natchez and other posts — Galvez
lays siege to Fort Charlotte, Mobile — It surrenders, and with it the whole
district from Perdido to Pearl River — besieges Pensacola — Journal of
Sergeant Matthews — Gen. Campbell surrenders the fort and the entire
Province — West Florida thus passed under the Spanish flag — Spanish gar
risons sent to Mobile, Baton Rouge, Manshac, Natchez, Nogales, and New
Madrid — Revolt of the inhabitants of Natchez district during the seige of
Pensacola — Col. Hutchins, Capt. Lyman and their friends — Get possession
of Fort Panmure by stratagem — Sudden appearance of Spanish re-inforce-
ments — Citizens prepare to fight them — News of the fall of Pensacola and
surrender of the Province — Consternation of the citizens — Dispersion and
flight — Dreadful journey of the fugitives — Famine and thirst — Heroism
of Mrs. Dwight — Narrow escape of Col. Hutchins — The faithful slave
— Six of his party slain — Reaches Savannah and sails for London — Col.
Grand-pre, the Spanish commandant — Panton & Co., of Pensacola — Mrs.
Hutchins goes to New Orleans — Lenity of Don Pedro Piernas — His uoble
dispatch — Arrest of prominent citizens — Subsequent pardon.

Table of Contents. xiii.
CHAPTEE XVII.
The Spanish Governors— Mild administration of the laws— Protect the fami
lies of the fugitives— Generosity to the Lymans— Measures to encourage
immigration— The Highlanders— Scotch-Irish— Eeligious freedom— No
persecution— Administration of justice— Sir Wm. Dunbar's testimony-
How debts were collected — Relief measures— Interest on money — Memo
rial of the planters — Response of the merchants— How lands were obtained
—Tobacco — Why its culture was abandoned— Cotton— The Rot— The green
seed— Mexican or Petit Gulf seed— Dr. Rush Nutt— Cotton on the sea-
coast — The Eoller-Gin — Price of cotton — First shipment from Natchez —
Greenleaf and Carver, the first gin-wrights — Public gins — Cotton receipts
the currency — The first cotton-press— Sir Wm. Dunbar— First suggestion of
cotton seed oil — Negro labor— Price of slaves— Their condition and treat
ment — Sir Wm. Dunbar on slavery — Laws for the protection of slaves —
Public opinion — The patriarchal relation between the planter and the slave
— Who is responsible for slavery iu the South — Who reaped the largest
profit from his labor — The North arraigned and fouud guilty — The North
ern clergy — Their relentless hate and fanaticism — Degradation of the
Northern pulpit — God's ministers in the South — Eetribution.
CHAPTEE XVIII.
Gov. Miro — His great popularity — France hostile to the United States — Her
outrages on American commerce — Mission of Genet — Eeal object recovery
of Louisiana and dismemberment of the Union — President Washington —
His proclamation of neutrality — Western people demand the free naviga
tion of the Mississippi — Are anxious to fight^he Spaniards for it — Willing
to join Genet until they discover his real design — A British intrigue — Wil
liam Blount, U. S. Senator from Tennessee — Action of the Senate — His
great popularity in Tennessee — May have been indiscreet, but no traitor
— Georgia asserts her claim to the Natchez district and establishes it into
the county of Bourbon — Magistrates and other officers appointed — High
character of the appointees — Many of them old loyalists — Distinction be
tween loyalists and tories — Spain in possession of tlie district — Her offi
cials greatly annoyed — Zachariah Coxe — Dr. James O'Fallon — To coun
teract the action of Georgia Spanish emissaries sent to Kentucky and Ten
nessee, to propose a union with Louisiana — Thomas Powers — His subse
quent career — The Georgia land sales — Territory covered by these lands —
Effect of this transaction on Spanish jiolicy — Brings long protracted
negotiations to an end, and Spain surrenders the Natchez district to the
United States, and the free navigation of the Mississippi.
CHAPTER XIX.
Andrew Ellicott — His antecedents — Is appointed commissioner to run the line
between the United States and Spain under the recent treaty — Descends
the river — Low trickery at Bruinsburg — Arrival at Natchez — Assumption
of authority — Quarrels with Gov. Gayoso — His suspicions and intrigues —
Organizes factions — Instigates a mob — His Journal a false record — His
reported interview with a nameless stranger — Perfect peace in the district
until Ellicott came — Only one person in prison — No occasion for patrols or
police — Conciliatory policy of the United States disregarded by Ellicott —

XIV. Table of Contents.
He declares that war is impending— Tries to provoke a conflict— Arrival
of Lt. Pope— Ellicott attempts to bully him— Expects to be Governor-
Contrast between Ellicott and Gayoso— Mobs— North and South Penn
sylvania against the United States— Gov. Snyder and Gen, Bright— United
States Marshal driven off' with the bayonet— Citizens of the Na,tchez dis
trict alarmed by the mob, and the movements of Ellicott, organize a Com
mittee of Safety— Action of the Committee— Its proposition to Gov. Gayoso
—His response — Tranquility restored— Committee applies to him for the
privilege to nominate their magistrates, and recommend that criminals
shall be tried where the crime may have been committed — His liberal
response — Having obtained these two great securities for civil liberty, the
Committee of Safety dissolve — A permanent committee elected at the sug
gestion of Ellicott— United States officers, Gen. Wilkinson, Maj. Guion,
Lieuts. Pope and McOleary, Gen. Mathews, agent for Georgia, and Maj.
Freeman, Uuited States Surveyor, hold Ellicott in contempt — The Perma
nent Committee and Col. Hutchins — Falsity of EUicott's Journal — His
slander of United States officers — They sustain Col. Hutchins — Gov. Gayoso
transferred to New Orleans — Don Stephen Minor Governor — Col. Hutchins
to Gov. Minor, for the election of an agent to the Congress of the United
States to represent the views and interests of the district, and the election
of a Committee of Safety — Gov. Minor's reply — EUicott's opposition —
Military interference by Lt. Pope — His letter to Landon Davis — His or
derly at the polls — Col, Hutchins' scathing letter to Pope — Committee of
distinguished citizens elected — Their memorial to Congress — Their mes
senger robbed by an emissary of EUicott's — Copy of the same sent by
Daniel Burnet — Its recommendations adopted — Narsworthy Hunter elected
agent to Congress — EUicott's slander of Mr, Hunter — His attacks on Gen.
Mathews and Gen, Wilkinson — His treachery and meanness — The National
flag — Lt, Pope's testimony, CHAPTER XX,
Military occupation — Gen, Wilkinson's instructions to Capt. Guion — Caronde-
let to Wilkinson-;— Voyage of Capt. Guion — Halts at lower Chickasaw
bluff and builds Fort Adams — The Chickasaws — Col. Howard, of the
Spanish army — Guion's letter to Secretary of War — Private letter to
Daniel Carthy — To Lt. Pope — To Gov. Gayoso — First American troops —
Letters from Secretary of War — Policy of the United States — Capt. Isaac
Guion — His career and character — His contempt for Ellicott — Official cor
respondence — Wilkinson to Guion — The Duke of Orleans (Louis Phillippe)
and Marquis de Mountjoye — Wilkinson predicts that he will be King of
France — Sensation in New Orleans — Ellicott leaves Natchez — Defence of
Capt. Guion against Ellicott — Guion's wise and firm administration — Col.
Hutchins' testimony— Maj. Freeman on Ellicott — His testimony before
the Court Martial— Mr. Walker's statement— Don Stephen Minor— Gov.
Gayoso— arrival of United States troops— Gen. Wilkinson, Col. Ham-
tramck, Maj. Kersey— Maj. Butler— Headquarter.s at Loftus Heights —
Sketch of Don Stephen Minor and Sir Wm. Dunbar.
CHAPTEE XXI.
President Adams recommends that the Natchez district be organized into a
Territory— April 8, 1797, Territory created— Slavery sanctioned, but the

Table of Contents. xv.
importation from foreign ports prohibited — John Henderson — First move
ment in favor of education and the support of religion — Winthrop Sar
gent — John Steele — New England Ohio Land Company— Dr. Cutler, the
pioneer lobbyist — Extract from his Journal — Capt. Thomas Hutchins —
Liberality of the Virginia members of Congress — Sargent as Secretary of
the Noi th-Western Territory — is unpopular — Nominated Governor of the
new Territory — Nomination not acceptable, but confirmed — Prejudiced
against the Territory — Maj. Guion exercises civil and military powers —
Perfect order in the district — Sargent arrives at Natchez, with instruc
tions to conciliate the good will of the people — Delivers a speech which
is well received — Visits Ellicott, then on the boundary survey— Ellicott
obnoxious to two-thirds of the people — Sargent's appointments — His com
missions scornfully rejected — Coalition with Ellicott fatal to Sargent —
His ill-temper and unpopular measures — The opposition — His official cor
respondence — Misrepresentations and calumnies — Denounces the Territory
and the people — Maj. Thomas Freeman, first Surveyor General — Sargent's
arbitrary conduct — His measures adapted to a, penal Colony, not to a
Territory of freemen — The people aroused — They petition to Congress —
And are allowed to have a Legislature — Au agent appointed to represent
their grievances to Congress — Narsworthy Hunter — His credentials — Elli
cott and Sargent denounced — The Territory vindicated — Their scathing
letter to Sargent — Col. Cato West — Mr. Hunter's first letter — Defends his
constituents, points out resources of the country and exposes Gov. Sargent —
Action of Congress — Abstract from the Journals — Sargent's laws and ar
bitrary regulations rescinded — The opposition sustained — The Guvernor
departs for Boston. CHAPTEE XXII,
Thomas Jefferson elected President — Appoints Wm. C. C. Claiborne of Ten
nessee, Governor of the Mississippi Territory — Gov. Claiborne's letters —
Capt. Sparks — The Territorial Legislature — Its high character — General
harmony and union — The Governor's recommendations and appointments
— James Ferrall, the only printer — Mason, the highwayman — Little Harp
— Mason killed and two of the gang executed — Swaney's narrative — Capt.
Harper's account — The Choctaws — Seat of Government located at Wash
ington — Death of Narsworthy Plunter — Thomas M. Green appointed — Con
flicting land claims — James Madison to Gov. Claiborne — Attorney Gen
eral Lincoln's opinion — Economical administration — Stationary then and
now — People of the Territory want rifles, not muskets — Appqintraents —
Gov. Claiborne to the Chickasaws' Agent — The true Indian policy — James
Madison on land claims — The Governor's reply — The old Choctaw line —
Gov. Claiborne proposes to seize New Orleans — Designs of Napoleon on
Louisiana — First information given by Gov. Claiborne — President .Jefferson
contemplates a British alliance — Memorial of the Mississippi Legislature
— Napoleon's change of policy — Cedes Louisiana to the United States —
Lausset appointed to deliver it to Wm. C. C. Claiborne and James Wil
kinson, Commissioners — Eobert Williams, of North Carolina, appointed
Governor. CHAPTEE XXIII.
James Wilkinson — His father's last injunction — Enters the army — Canada cam
paign — becomes aid to General Gate.? — Conducts the negotiations for the

XVI, Table of Contents,
capitulation of Burgoyne at Saratoga— Carries the news to Congress-
Eulogized by Gates — Breveted by Congress — His controversies and indom
itable spirit— Services on the North- Western frontier— Death of Gen.
AVayne — Wilkinson becomes Commander-in-Chief of the army — Contro
versies with Daniel Clark and Andrew Ellicott— Clark's charges examined
— Demands a court of inquiry — Unanimously acquitted — Approval of the
President — An eventful life — His memoirs — Dies in New Orleans — W. C.
C. Claiborne — Clerkship in Congress — Eeads law in Philadelphia — Set
tles in Tennessee — Elected to the first Convention — Appointed Judge by
the first Legislature — Elected to Congress — Appointed Governor of Mis-
sissipjji Territory and Superintendent of Indian Affairs — His Administra
tion — Appointed Commissioner to receive Louisiana from the French Pre- ¦
feet — Appointed Governor and Intendant of the Province of Louisiana —
At same time Governor of Mississippi Territory — Territory of Orleans
organized — Appointed Governor thereof — Difficulties of his position — His
successful administration — Territory admitted into the Union — Elected
first Governor of the new State — Ee-elected — Annexes West Florida to
Louisiana — Receiving the St. Domingo refugees — Co-operates with General
Wilkinson and General Jackson in the defence of the city, but opposes
martial law and suspension of Habeas Corpus — Elected to the Senate of
the United States — Died before taking his seat — James Wilkinson appoint
ed to receive it — Review of Claiborne's administration — Is appointed to
administer the Province of Louisiana with the powers and authority of the
Spanish Captain-General, retaining at same time his commission as Gov
ernor of Mississippi Territory — Orleans Territory organized — Claiborne
Governor — Eobert Williams appointed for Mississippi.
CHAPTEE XXIV,
Gov, Williams — Cowles Mead, Secretary for the Territory — Judge Eodney —
Thomas H. Williams — Washington, the Territorial capital — Its social
attractions — Jefferson College — Eev. Joseph Caldwell — The Maryland
settlement — Gen. Covington — Dr. Eawlings — Wm. B. Shields — The Grav-
sons — The Kemper imbroglio — The three brothers — Marquis de Casa Cal-
voto Gov. Claiborne — Wm. Lattimore elected delegate to Congress — His
character and career — Indian treaties — How mails were carried — First
wagon road — The Spaniards on the Sabine — Action of Gov. Claiborne
— His arrangement with Cowles Mead, Acting-Governor of Jlississippi
— Mississippi troops under Maj. F. L. Claiborne march from Natchez —
List of officers — Gen. Wilkinson takes command — His correspondence
with Gen. Cordero — Spaniards retire to Nacogdoches — The American
troops dissatisfied— Wilkinson suspected ot treachery— Col. Cushing's
statement — Wilkinson influenced by a communication from Aaron Burr
—Col. Smith's deposition— Col. Walter Burling's deposition— Geo. Poiii-
dexter's statement— Gen. Wilkinson warns Gov. Claiborne of the designs
of Burr— Wilkinson and Don Steven Minor— Gov. Mead's proclamation
—Sketch of his career— Approach of Aaron Burr- Great excitement-
Governor Mead's orders to Col. P. L. Claiborne— Mississippi troops con
centrated near mouth of Cole's Creek— Burr's flotilla— He surrenders to
Messrs. Poindexter and Shields, aids of t!ov. Mead— Interview.s at the
house of Thomas Calvit— Burr surrenders to the civil authority- Trial at
Washington— Put under bond and escapes— His affaire de coeur at Halfimy

Table of Contents. xvh.
HiU — Alarm and excitement in the Territory — Blennerhassot in Mississippi
— Gov. Williams' proclamation — Letter from Hon. W. B. Shields— Col,
O.smun — Burr's conversation with Plenry — His flight to the Alabama river
— His arrest — His plans, character and career^Devotion of the people to
tlie Union — Parallel between Wilkinson and Burr,
CHAPTER XXV.
Conflicting Land Claims— Review by Hon. W. P. Harris— Division of the Ter
ritory — Various Plans — Parties Created and Affected by it — Views of Hon.
Wm. Lattimore — Ship Island Harbor — Currency — The Bank of Missis
sippi — David Holmes appointed Governor — His Antecedents and Char
acter. CHAPTEE XXVL
Insurrection in West Florida — Capture of Baton Eouge— Death of Grand-Pre'
— Convention — Declaration of Independence — The Commonwealth of West
Florida — their proposition to the President — His Proclamation — Gov. Clai
borne ordered to take possession of the District — Natchez Eifles and Adams
County Dragoons — National flag hoisted at Baton Eouge — Declared a por
tion of Louisiana, and the whole District, including the Sea-board, organ
ized into Parishes — The inhabitants harrassed by jay-hawkers, claiming
to act under the Convention or Commonwealth of West Florida — Depreda
tions on the Sea-board — Collins' and Farragut's statements — Action of
Gov. Claiborne — Dr. Flood's report — Kemper's expedition against Mobile
— Frontier excitements — The Creek Indians on the east fillibusters in the
west — Judge Toulmin — Capt. Magee, U. S. A. — Eesigns and heads the
fillibusters — Kemper, Percy and Eoss — the patriots in Texas — Eetreat of
, Salcedo — Slaughter of the Spaniards — Gov. Claiborne to President Madi
son — Spanish officers, prisoners, massacred — Kemper, Eoss and other Am
ericans, throw up their commissions in disgust — Gen. Toledo in qommand
— Defeated by Arredonda — Dispersion of the Patriots — Natchez and the
Liberators — Her sympathies and motives illustrated by Daniel Webster
— The South in the Civil War — The verdict of posterity.
CHAPTEE XXVII.
Indian troubles — Tecumseh among the Choctaws — Grand Council at Tooka-
batchie — Ceremonials — Teoumseh's speech-^Col. Hawkins — Inefficiency of
the War Department — Madison, a feeble President — Gov, Holmes orders
a draft — Claiborne appointed Brigadier-General — March to Baton Eouge
— To the Alabama river — Gens. Wilkinson and Flournoy — The SpaniaiSs
surrender Mobile — Mississippi and Louisiana volunteers — List of officers
— battle of Burnt Corn — Gen. Flournoy to Gen. Claiborne — Letter from
Gen. Wilkinson — Gen. Claiborne's movements for the protection of the
settlers — Maj. Beaseley — Fall of Fort Mims — Dreadful massacre — Alarm
all over the Territory — Noble action of Tennessee Legislature — Energy ot
Gov. Holmes — Col. Hinds — His splendid command — Unpleasantness with
Maj. Gen. Flournoy — Correspondence — Col. Nixon — George S. Gaines, John
Pitchlyn and Simon Favre — Fort Claiborne — Expedition to the Holy
Ground — Destitution and suffering of the Volunteers — Gen. Claiborne's
C-2

XVIII. Table of Contents.
tribute t6 their patriotism and gallantry — Arrive at the Holy Ground
Battle— Defeat of the Indians— Address of the volunteers to Gen. Claiborne
— Distress in the Territory — Experimental Legislation — Eelief laws —
Patriotism and valor of the Mississippians.
CHAPTEE XXVIII.
Gen. F. L. Claiborne— Enters the United States army as Ensign— Ordered to
Wayne's command — Great battle with the Indians — Promoted for gallantry
— Eesigns in 1805 and removes to Natchez — Elected to the Legislature —
Speaker of the House — Major of volunteers — Leads expedition to the
Sabine — 1813 appointed by President Madison Brigadier General of Vol
unteers — Ordered to Baton Eouge — To the Alabama — Bad management
of the WarDepartment — Provides money and provisions for his men —
Ordered to defend Mobile against the Spaniards — The real trouble with
the Indians — Battle of Burnt Corn — Measures to defend the settlements —
Strongly garrisons Fort Mims — Cautions officer in command — Eepairs to
the weakest and most advanced post — Fall of Fort Mims — General panic
— Excitement in the Territory — Patriotic action of Tennessee — Secures
co-operation of the Choctaws — Col. Hinds and Gen. Flournoy — Gen Clai
borne asks orders to attack the Creeks in their strongholds — Eef used — Asks
permission to attack Pensacola — Eefused — Builds a fort and collects sup
plies for Jackson's army — Gen. Jackson's letter — Battle of the Holy Ground
— Suffering on the march — Our brave volunteers — Expiration of service —
Death of Gen. Claiborne — Gen. Jackson in the Creek Nation — Bravery of
the Indians — Jackson's victories — At Pensacola — Marches for New Orleans
— Trimble's narrative — Mississippi dragoons — Col. Hind's achievements —
Leaping the ditch — Eeconnoissance of British line — Death of Col. Lau
derdale — Major Chotard — Capt. Sam Dale — Valor of the British — Capt. S.
C. Wilkins — Natchez rifles — The victory.
CHAPTEE XXIX.
Earthquakes — Mr. Poindexter, Delegate in Congress, proposes the admission
of Mississippi as a State — Opposes its division unless the Florida parishes
and the sea-board, both then included in Orleans Territory, be added to
Mississippi — Evils of Territorial Government — Population of the Terri
tory — Territorial parties and politicians — Cowles Mead and John W.
Walker to Poindexter — Love of the Union predominant in Mississippi —
William Lattimore elected to Congress — Division of the Territory — Con
vention to form a Constitution — List pf Delegates — Sketches of prominent
members— Judge Simpson — James C. Wilkins — John Taylor — Christopher
Rankin— Edward Turner— Joseph Sessions— John Steele— H. J, Balch—
.Joseph E, Davis— John Ford — Dougall McLaughlin — Noel Jourdan —
Amos Burnet— Gen. James Patton— Clincli Gray— :McKay, McRae and
McLeod— Thomas Bilbo— Col. Harman Runnels- Walter Leake— Thomas
Barnes— Joshua G. Clarke— IL D. Downs— Anthony Glass— Girard C.
Brandon— Abram M. Scott— Gen. Joor, Joseph Johnson— Messrs. Hanna,
Batchellor, Torrence, Burton and Wilkinson— Gen. David Dickson— Louis
Winston— The first Legislature— Walter Leake and Thomas H. Williams
elected United States Senators— Judge Turner to Poindexter— Lyman
Harding first Attorney General— His duty to attend the General Asseiably
-Thomas B. Reid-Wm. B. Shields, John Taylor, J. P. Hampton aad

Table of Contents. xix.
Powhattan Ellis, the first Judges— State officers— Memoir of Lyman
Harding. CHAPTER XXX.
George Poindexter— His ancestry— Studies law — Becomes involved— Sails from
New York to New Orleans— Settles in Natchez— Is appointed District
Attorney — Elected to the Legislature — Marriage — Delegate to Congress —
Ee-elected— Appointed Judge— Separation and divorce- Affair with
Abijah Hunt— Controversy about his conduct on the field — How duels were
then conducted — Letter from Maj. Shields— Duel between Farrar and Clai
borne— Poindexter and Gen. Minor- Controversy with Marschalk — Letter
to Hon. Langdon Cheves— Judge Leake's statement — Testimonial from the
bar — Controversy with Brown and Percy — Charged with cowardice at New
Orleans — With an attempt at rape- His vindication— Gen. Cocke aud
family — Letters from Gen. Jackson— Elected to the first State Cot^vention
— Master-spirit of that body — First Representative in Congress — Dis
tinguishes himself in defence of Gen. Jackson — Elected Governor — Domes
tic griefs — Letter from his son — Codifies the laws — Second marriage — Euns
for Congress — Defeated hy Christopher Eankin — Slavery question — Eeli
gious sentiment — Cause of his defeat — Emancipation in the South — Evils
of outside interference — Eev. Dr. Williams — Maryland Colonization Society
— Hon. J. H. B. Latrohe — Wills of James Green and Isaac Eoss — Import
ant decision of Court of Appeal — S. S. Boyd — the Montgomery family —
Freeman's Chancery Eeports — Gen. John D. Freeman — Poindexter in re
tirement — First movement to make Jackson President — Letter from Wm.
B. Leyis — Declines appointment of Chancellor — Writes to Gen. Jackson
— Becomes a candidate for U. S. Senator — Defeated by E. H. Adams — Let
ter from Wm. Burns — Death of Senator Adams — Poindexter elected — Let
ter from Lt. Gov. Scott — Elected as an anti-hank Jackson Democrat — Takes
his seat in the Senate — Joins the opposition — Singular letter to Mr. Liv
ingston — Correspondence with J. F. H. Claiborne — Quarrels with President
ab()ut appointments — Letter from Col. Sam. Gwin — The cry of State
Eights — Personal sketch of Poindexter — His quarrels — Becomes the cham
pion of the U. S. Bank — Makes pecuniary arrangements — Correspondence
with Nicholas Biddle, President of the Bank — Biddle's instructions —
Shameful conduct of the Bank — Distress and ruin it occasioned — Statement
of Mrs. G. Hewes — Menace of the panic makers — More arrangfements with
the Bank — Poindexter warms up in its defence — The Bank a gigantic swin
dle — insolvency and explosion — attempt to assassinate President Jackson
— His opinion — Singular lettersuto Poindexter — Becomes a candidate for
re-election — Conference between George Adams, Wm. M. Gwin and Eol^rt
J. Walker — He takes the field against Poindexter — Endorsement of Gwn.
Hinds and Gen. Jackson — The canvass — defection of Black, Cage, Lynch,
Wilkins and Plummer — Hugh L. White for the Presidency — fiesult of the
election — Poindexter defeated — Termination of his political career — acci
dent at Natchez — His latter days — The shadows of the past — Death.
CHAPTEE XXXI.
EoBEKT J. Walkee — Personal appearance — Nominates Gen. Jackson — Immi
grates to Mississippi — Lawyer and land speculator — Abandons the Jack
son party and goes over to the Bank — Practical repudiation — Bankruptcy

XX. Table of Contents.
, of the Banks— Eeturns to the Jackson party— Whitewashing— Hon. Geo.
Adams and Wm. M. Gwin-A. J. Donelson— Walker and Poindexter—
General H. S. Foote— Franklin E. Plummer— Walker in the canvass—
Elected United States Senator— Becomes an extreme Southern ultraist
Champions Texas annexation— Denies the right of petition— Separates
from the Democratic party and unites with Mr. Calhoun on the slaveiy
question— More ultra than native Southerners— Becomes intimate with
President Tyler— Their mutual intrigues— Walker and his master— Van
Buren and Clay— Their attitude on Texas question— Nomination of
Polk— Cabinet intrigues— Walker, Secretary of the Treasury— His great
ability— George Bancroft— How he was confirmed— Polk's duplicity
—How Franklin Pierce was nominated— Walker re-sumes his prof ession—
, President Buchanan— Eefuses to give Walker a Cabinet appointment, but
sends him to Kansas as Governor— A dead failure— Deceives both parties
— Eeturns to Washington — Denounces Buchanan — Creeps over to the
fanatics — Becomes violent against the South— Seeks employment from Lin
coln—Sent to Europe to defeat Confederate loan— Denounces President
Davis and Mississippi — His ingratitude.
Fkanklin E. Pltjmmbk — A Yankee boy — Works his passage to New Orleans
— Goes to Pearlington— Settles in Copiah — Schoolmaster and man of all
-vpork — Eemoves to Simpson — Turns lawyer — Eapid rise at the bar — Elected
to the Legislature— His great popularity— Candidate for Congress— No
money — Pays his way with practical jokes — Electioneering tactics— Hunt
ing red-bugs— At the cow-pen— Plummer and Cage— Triumphantly elected
— Eunnels and Plummer — Plummer hand-billed as an abolitionist — How
he treated his enemies— Gen. Fox— Judge Ellis— Bull-dozing *n Natchez
— His wonderful popularity — Is courted by aspiring men and by the Banks
— Yields to the temptation — Becomes speculator and banker — ^Political
, dictator — Nomimites State ticket — His efforts in the canvass — Elects the
Governor, but loses his other nominees — Becomes embarrassed and in tem
perate — Dies in poverty and obscurity.
William M. Gwin — Comes to Mississippi as United States Marshal — Favor
ite of Gen. Jackson — Col. Sam. Gwin and Poindexter— How their quarrel
influenced parties — Party puddle stirred up — Bob Walker rises to the sur
face — Pitted against Poindexter — The canvass — Walker's election due to
the Gwins, and the influence of Jackson — Duel between Judge Caldwell
and Col. Gwin — Large operations in land-;— How they influenced the an
nexation of Texas — Gen. Sam Houston — Dr. Sam Puckett — How Walker
got a residence in Madison county — W. M. Gwin becomes a candidate for
the Senate — Why he declined — Democratic party demoralized by the
election of Gen. Harrison — Re-organized by Gwin — His great faculty for
organization — Arranges a ticket — Becomes a candidate for Congress —
Whole ticket elected — Death of President Harrison — His character — Silas
Wright, of New York — Tucker and Shattuck — John D. Freeman — Judge
Thacher — Judge Winchester — Gwin and Calhoun — Intrigues for the Pres
idency — How Calhoun killed himself — R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia — Gen.
Jackson and Calhoun — Characteristics of Old Hickory — A Presbyterian
but no saint — Tom Marshall's portrait of him — Francis P. Blair — The
Globe newspaper — Thomas Ritchie and A. J. Donelson — Mr. Gwin declines
a re-election — Attends Baltimore Convention — How Van Buren was de-

Table of Contents. xxi.
feated and Polk nominated — Clay and Van Buren on Texas — Their
patriotic and unselfish course — Characteristics of Polk — ^Magnanimous
course of Silas Wright — His letter — President Polk's ingratitude — Walk/
er's intrigues — Bancroft set aside — Walker in the Treasury — -How he got
there — The "lost commission" — Letter from Hon. Jacob Thompson — Sen
atorial canvass of 1845 — Gov. McNutt — Gwin and Quitman defeated —
Gen. H. S. Foote winner — Gwin removes to New Orleans to build the new
Custom House — Eesigns — Immigrates to California — Is elected to the Con
vention — United States Senator 12 years— His wonderful career in Wash
ington, in France and Mexico.
Jacob Thompson. — Born and educated in North Carolina — Moves to Missis-
ippi — Opens a law office at Pontotoc — The Chickasaw district organized into
Counties — Exciting issue on the right of representation — Mr. Thompson
distinguishes himself in the debate — Nominated for Attorney General —
Defeated by a small majority — His success at the bar — Mississippi con
tested election — Is nominated for Congress — Elected — Re-nominated and
re-elected — His influence and standing in Congress — Great popularity at
home — The Presidential election — The Texas question — Its effect on Van
Buren and Clay — Intrigues of Robert J. Walker — Honesty and firmness
of Van Buren — Noble attitude of Mr. Clay — Nomination of James, K.
Polk — His characteristics — His nomination due to Walker, Gwin and
Thompson — How Walker got into the Cabinet — The lost commission —
Thompson re-nominated for Congress and declines a seat in the Senate —
Ee-elected by a large majority — Serves twelve years continuously in Con
gress, holding the high position of Chairman of the Committee on Indian
Affairs and Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands — Mr. Buchanan
elected President — Mr. Thompson appointed Secretary of the Interior —
The Eussell and Bailey affair — Great excitement — Prompt action of Mr.
Thompson — His vindication^Election of Mr. Lincoln — Attitude of Mis
sissippi — Delicate position cf Mr. Thompson — Eesigns his position — Cor
dial reception at home — Enters the Confederate army on the staff of Gen.
Longstreet — Aid to Gen. Beauregard — Battle of Shiloh — Eetreat from
Corinth to Tupelo — Enters Ballentine's regiment as Lt. Colonel — His nar
row escape — The battle of Coffeeville — On the staff of Gen. Pemberton —
Plans the great cavalry raid— Siege of Vicksburg — With the army at En
terprise — Elected to the Legislature — Called by President Davis to Eich-
mond — Important confidential mission to Canada — Extraordinary dis
closures — Hi" masterly plans — How defeated — Romance of the war — The
St. Albans affair — Assassination of President Lincoln — Is charged by' Pres
ident Johnson with complicity — Characteristics of Abraham Lincoln — Mr.
Thompson appeals to the public — Is menaced with impeachment and I|pos- >
ecution for the Eussell and Bailey affair- Challenges investigation 'and
trial — The matter dropped. CHAPTER XXXII.
Jurisprudence of 'the Territory and State— Conflict of laws and titles — Yazoo
fraud — Fletcher vs. Peck — Congressional compromise — Mississippi Terri
tory established— Sargent's Code— Second grade of Government— Toul-
min's Code — Common law acknowledged — Turner's digest— Convention of
1817— Admission of Mississippi as a State — The first Constitution — Poin-

XXII. Table of Contents.
dexter's Code— First Supreme Court— Walker's reports— Decisions reversed
—Montgomery vs. Ives— Decker's case— Liberal views in regard to slaves
—Eights of the colored man always protected in Mississippi— Lord
StoweU, Lord Mansfield and Judge Story— Bills of exchange— The Judges
of the old Supreme Court of Mississippi- Judge Stockton— Judge Win
chester—The common law— High character of the Judiciary of Missis
sippi-Judge Hill, of the United States District Court— Convention of 1832
—Peculiar features of the Constitution— Introduction of Slaves prohibited
—American Colonization Society— Pray's digest— Why it was not satisfac
tory—Howard and Hutchinsons' digest— Sharkey, Ellett and Harris' digest
—The High Court of Errors and Appeals— Judges Sharkey, Smith and
Wright — Fisher vs. Allen — Eights of married women first recognized by the
Chickasaws and Choctaws — How introduced into the laws of Mississippi-
Mrs. Hadley — Conflicting State and Federal decisions on the introduction
of slaves— The State Court right— Opinion of Mr. Webster— Questions
growing out of the admission of the Chickasaw counties — Vice Chancery
Courts — Banks — Inflation, speculation, bankruptcy and litigation — The
Briscoe bill — Important decisions — Union bank bonds — The true policy of
the State — The Appraisement law — Limitation of estates — How settled —
Shelly's case — Conflicting legislation and decisions — Able review by Judge
A. M. Clayton — The criminal law in Mississippi.

CHAPTEE XXXIII.
The Choctaws — Early traditions— The mysterious pole — The brothers — They
separate — The two tribes — Pontotoc and Nanauy-ya — The Na-hon-la or
giants — The Mammoth — Origin of the prairies — The Choctaws allies of
the French — The Chickasaws allies of the English — Extinction of the
Chocchumas — Great Ball Play and battle between the Choctaws and Creeks
— Eeseutment of the Choctaws — Exemplified many years thereafter in a
conference between Tecumseh and Pushmattaha — Social condition of the
Choctaws — The wife — Criminal code — story of Pi-in-tubbe — Homicide and
witchcraft — funeral ceremonies — The doom of the dead — Tribal divisions
— Chiefs and Captains — How councils were convened — Ceremonies — At
tachment to country — Aversion to removal — The half-breeds and full
bloods — The two parties in arms — Interview between Folsom and Ne-ta-ca-
cha — Treaty of Dancing Eabbit Creek — Pressure on the Indians — How their
consent was obtained — How they were deceived — Puk-sha-nubbee — Push
mattaha — His birth — His military exploits — His death — His last words —
His defence of polygamy — Greenwood Lefleur — His reforms — The Musco
gees— Their origin and power — Their towns — Peculiar customs — Visit of
?'Captain Eoman to the Choctaws and Chickasaws — Their villages — The
Missionaries and their labors — Early marriages — Cheap house-keeping —
Indian Cookery— Superstitions — Witches — The rain-maker — Medicine Man
— Characteristics of the Choctaw warrior — Of the women — Their interest
in the story of the Cross— Public worship and the Sabbath— Ancient cus
toms. APPENDIX.
Eecollections of Natchez in early times. The settlement and Pioneers of
Vicksburg. The first steamer on the Ohio and Mississippi— Nicholas J.
Eoosevelt— His preliminary reconnoisance— Discovery of coal on the Ohio

/ Table of Contents. xxiii.
— Builds the steamer at Pittsburg — The voyage to Louisville — Bold and
perilous passage of the Falls — The Mississippi— Earthquakes— Frightful
eff'ects — The boat ou fire — Arrival at Natchez — First shipment of cotton
by steam. ,

CHAPTEE 1.

F it be yet a mooted question whether America ma'y not
claim an older settlement and civilization than Europe,
it is certain that its wars, its alliances and political com
plications have often been occasioned and influenced by.
events in this hemisphere. For quite a century, Eng
land and France were engaged in laying here the foundation
of new empires, each aiming at exclusive dominion, and
their collisions frequentiy involved all Europe in war. Between
these two great powers, each asserting and fighting for their title
to this country, stood the natives of the soil — a patient, brave,
untutored people — regarding, with amazement, these conflicts for a
territory to which neither had a right, but which, with their consent,
would be more than enough for both.
These three parties, and what grew out of their conflicts and enter
prises in the Valley of the Mississippi, will be treated of in these
annals. Nor must Spain, the grandest and most heroic of the mediseval
powers, the pioneer in maritime enterprise and discovery, be over
looked. It was one of her sons — the gallant Ponce de Leon — who
first discovered and gave name to Florida. In 15 13 he there unfurled
the banner of the King. This was an assertion of sovereignty that
even the Indians understood. They drove off the Spaniards, and the
brave de Leon afterwards died in Cuba of his wounds.*
In 1528 Pamphilo de Narvaez — the same cavalier v/ho, eight years
before, had been sent by the Governor-General of Cuba to Vera Cruz
to arrest the march of Cortes — obtained from Charles V. a grant of
Florida, with orders to subdue and rule it as a Spanish province. He
landed in Florida with five hundred soldiers. Every foot of his progress
was contested, and on the 12th of April, in a pitched battie at the
village of Apalache, he was severely handled and retreated to his
ships, being continually harassed on the route. He, and most of his
men, perished by shipwreck, near the mouth of the Mississippi, it is
conjectured, from the account of the few survivors who coasted along
to Mexico.
Thus, it appears, that it was not by a band of social outcasts, driven

«-The epitaph on his tomb is preserved by the Spanish Historian, Herrera :
" Mole sub hac fortis requiescunt ossa Leonis,
Qui vicit factis Nomina magna suis."

2 Mississippi, as a Province,
from their country for their crimes ; not by obscure adventurers for
the lust of gold ; not by a company of self-constituted saints, flying
from religious intolerance, to establish laws still more exacting and
prescriptive ; but a troop of cavaliers who had shivered lances with
the most approved soldiers of Christendom, and had planted the Cross,
with their victorious swords, on the bloody altars of Montezuma, and
in the temples of the Incas. These were the men who first trod the
soil of Mississippi, and dipped their oars in the waters of our imperial
river. A race of heroes, bold, arrogant and generous, who believed
it their mission to carry the religion of Christ, by conquest, into the
territories of the Infidel, If the age of chivalry had passed, the
spirit of the Crusaders yet survived, and wherever the Spanish war
riors unfurled their banner, they displayed, at the same moment, the
symbols of their faith. Side by side, with the noblest of their knights,
stood the consecrated priest, patient of suffering, fearless of danger,
sublime in his enthusiasm. When they dragged a barbarian prince
from his throne they overthrew his idols, and substituted the mass and
the sacrament. If carnage and devastation attended their miraculous
march, they subdued a dynasty the most despotic, released a people
ground to the dust in bondage, and extirpated a worship whose altars
perpetually flowed with human blood. They seized upon treasures,
but they were the spoils of tyrants, who had coined them from the
sweat and labor of the poor. They fired palaces and tore down gor
geous fanes, but they never burned the granaries of the peasant or
destroyed the palms that supplied food' for the family. This achieve
ment of modern warfare, illustrated in the "march to the sea," and
the wanton devastation of the Valley of Virginia, was unknown to the
Castilian chivalry. Cruel and remorseless they may have been, but
they were above all meanness. If they loved gold and scrupled not
to seize it, it was not for sordid speculation, monopoly and usury, but
because it supplied resources for magnificence, for princely expendi
ture, for the endowment of cathedrals, and the equipment of expedi
tions for other fields of glory.
Of this gallant race of men was Ferdinand DeSoto.* He was
the son of a Squire of Badajoz, in Spain. He went to Cuba when
Peter Arias was governor, with no endowment but his sword and tar
get. His good conduct soon placed him at the head of a troop of
horse, and he accompanied Pizarro to the conquest of Peru. In that
campaign — in the capture of the Inca, and in the assault on the city
of Cusco, and at every post of peril, his valor was pre-eminent. He
amassed immense treasure, a part of which, on his return to Spain, he
loaned to the Emperor. Attended by a retinue of officers, who had
served with him in Peru, he presented himself at court, where his high
bred manners, his grave demeanor and lavish expenditure* recom-

*The most that we knoiv of DeSoto is from the chronicle written in 1577, by "A
Portuguese Gentleman of Elvas," who accompanied him on his expedition and was
with him when lie died. This was translated and publislied by Kichard Haklot,
London, 1609 ; and from a work written by La Vega, who conversed with surviv
ing ofi-icers of the expedition, and had before him the diaries of Alonzo de Car-
mona and Jules Coles, followers of DeSoto. Irving, Monette, Pickett, Flint and
Meek had no other data for their narratives. They all conflict, more or less, in
their tlieory as to his route. Without adopting their views, I base my coniecture
ot his line of march on the received opinion of the people who now inhabit the
district he is supposed to have traversed.

Territory and State. 3
mended him to majesty. After his marriage with Donna Isabella de
Bobadilla, daughter of Governor Arias, he was appointed governor of
Cuba and Adelantado or President of Florida — a country then only
known by the disastrous expeditions of Ponce de Leon and Narvaez.
Inflamed by the spirit of adventure, he at once proclaimed his inten
tion to invade and evangelize the territories that had been placed under
his jurisdiction. Eight hundred veterans, numerous cadets from the
noblest famihes in Spain, and a detachment of priests ready for mar
tyrdom, repaired to his standard. On the 30th of May, 1539, he
landed at Tampa bay with the strongest force and better equipped than
any that had appeared in the new world.
Remembering their victorious achievements in Mexico and Peru,
they anticipated an easy conquest. But everywhere on their route —
on the surf-washed sands of Florida, in the cane-brakes of the Tom
bigbee, amidst the hills of the Coosa, on the prairies of Chick-a-sa, and
in the swamps of the great river, they encountered a race of men as
patient, subtle, remorseless and intrepid as themselves. Their march
was one protracted conflict, interrupted only bj battles as obstinate and
bloody as any recorded in history. No soldiers ranked in those days
with the iron-clad cavaliers of Spain. The savages who fought them
at Maubila and Chick-a-sa, opposed their naked breasts to the shining
armor and terrible lances of veterans, and died as nobly as the men
of Thermopylse and Marathon. Then, and ever since, in conflict
with trained armies, this heroic race of southern red-men have resisted
the invaders of their country with a constancy and courage "above all
Greek, above all Roman fame."
Numerous historians, in their narratives of DeSoto's expedition,
have graphically and with much research followed him on his march,
but they all conflict in their view of the localities.
ABSTRACT PEOM THE JOUENAL OP THE PORTUGUESE GENTLEMAN.
DeSoto left Tampa bay June, 1539. Twenty-six horse and sixty foot the
advance guard. Marched westerly, then N. E. to an Indian village. Marched
across swamps and rivers to the village of Etooole ; halted eight days. Went
west toward the coast and arrived at Aquacaleum ; halted six days. Journeyed
seven days, crossed a river, and entered the province of Veachile. Marched to
x?Lquile on the frontier of Apalachie ; crossed a river and arrived at a village
called Ivalachuco. Traveled 110 leagues to Iniahaco, and then towards the
sea to the place (St Marks) where Narvaez built his sloops, which we recognized
by the remains of smithery and workshops, horses, bones, etc. Here the brig-
aritines arrived with Donna Isabella. DeSoto ordered them to return to Cuba.
Marched, north, from the sea, and after five days crossed a rapid river' and
entered the province of Acapacheque. Extensive swamps. Marched five days
to the province of Otoa ; several large villages. In six days entered the pro
vince of Chisi. Three days to province ot Atapaha ; large villages. At the
towns of Ocute and Cofaque the chiefs detailed 800 men to carry our baggage.
A party of our men dispatched to explore the river up N.N. E., and to descend
S. S. E" After ten days set out for Cofitachique, on river St. Helen, 30 leagues
from the sea. Eeraained there twelve days and marched for province of Xuala,
Land sterile. Ascended river St. Esprit to its source. In five days reached
Guanta. The town of Chisca is built on an island in river St. Esprit. Ee-
mained there twenty-six days. Moved along the river to province of Estohee,
then to province of Coca, one of the best in Florida. Halted six days and
then marching W. and S.W., entered province of Italese.
From this province marched to province of Tuscaluza, and crossed a river
to Mauvila, which is built on a plain, and is defended by walls. Fought a

4 Mississippi, as a Province,
great battle. Remained twenty-eight days. Indians said it was forty leagues
from the sea. Marched north twelve days. Suffering from cold. Reached the
province of Chicasa; passage of river obstinately disputed; severe battle in
which we lost 4 men, 57 horses and 300 hogs. (Here if the Indians had not
suspended the fight, DeSoto would probably have perished.) Marched for the
province of Alabama; entered the village of Quis-Quis, built on the bank of
St. Esprit river and tributary to the chief of Pacaha. Halted twenty-eight
days to build pirogues, the river being a league wide and twenty fathoms deep.
Passed up to Pascaha, reached a village in a plain surrounded by walls and a
ditch filled with -^vater. Returned south towards the sea, and south-west tothe
province of Qusgata, ou one of the arms of the great river. Halted eight
days. Set out for tlie province of Colequa. Crossed swamps, plains and
high mountains, and reached the town of Coligoa. Went S. S. \V. to some vil
lages, and there found a large river said to empty into Eio Grande. Ascended
the river to province of Cayas and to province of Tula, crossing mountains
and very cold. Marched, in a southeast direction, to province of Quipana,
situated at the foot of high mountains. Thence, crossing the mountains, we
went east and descended into a plain and to a village on a river which is said
to empty into the Rio Grande. This province is called Vicanque. Very cold,
snow. Went into winter quarters. Resumed our journey in March ; passed
through several inhabited provinces, and arrived at Anicoyanque. A cacique
called Guacheyunque came to see us on the banks of the great river. We set
out for his town and found it surrounded by walls and other defences. Here
DeSoto died.
Moscoso (his successor) set out for Mexico ; we marched westerly twenty-
seven days ; reached the province of Chavite, where we made halt ; thence
marched three days north to Aguacy. Thence through the provinces Nissone,
Naponis, Nandaco and Lacarme. The country becoming more barren, and
water more scarce, pushed on through the province of Hais to province of
Xacitan, southward and S. S. E., and returned to Guaehe^-unque, aud then
went further up the great river to two villages thereon, where we consumed six
months in building brigantines. On the second day after we set out we were
attacked by savages who continued to pursue us to the sea which we reached
in twenty-nine days."
On this digest of the narrative the ingenious historians referred to
have constructed their programme of the march of DeSoto. They
differ materially in their conclusions.
Pickett, in his history of Alabama, has an elaborate and intensely
interesting account of this extraordinary march, after a careful study
of all the authorities, comparing them with the traditions of the
Indians. DeSoto landed at Tampa bay. May 30th, 1528. From
Tampa to the modern Tallahassee. Thence entered the present State
of Georgia, crossed the Okmulgee, Oconee and Ogechee, and halted
on the Savannah river opposite what has since been known as Silver
Bluff. Marched up that river to a town, in the present county of Haber
sham, then due west until he struck the waters of Coosa river ; thence
through the present Murray county to Chiaha, (the present Rome) the
most important town he had met with. After a halt of thirty days,
and a week's march, he entered the town of Coosa, on the river Coosa,
in what is now Cherokee county, Alabama. Thence to the capital of
the province of Coosa, which embraced the present counties of Cher
okee, Benton, Talladega and Coosa, the most populous and opulent
district they had yet seen. After a halt of twenty-five days he. march
ed on through numerous villages, and arrived at Tallase, on the Talla
poosa river, the capital of a very rich district. Here he was waited on
by a young warrior, the son of Tuscaloosa, who had been sent by that
great chief to invite him to his capital. Passing through the modern
counties Montgomery and Lowndes, and the south-western part of
Dallas, they arrived at Piache, a strongly fortified town on the Ala-

Territory and State. 5
bama. Crossing this river they proceeded through the present Wilcox
county, a populous and productive country, and on the iBth October
found (1540) themselves before Maubila, the capital of the great Mau-
bilian chief Tuscaloosa. It stood on the north bank of the Alabama
river at a point since known as Choctaw Bluff, Clarke county, twenty-
five miles above the confluence of the Alabama and Tombigbee. The
town was not built in the usual style, but was an extensive barrack of
sixty or eighty buildings constructed of clay, strongly fortified by a
palisade of trunks of trees, deeply planted in the ground, supported
by cross timbers, with towers on the wall at intervals of fifty feet.
Here occurred the great battle which has been described by many
writer/, but more graphically and minutely by Pickett, in the History
of Alabama. This great battle, though it ended in the destruction of
Maubila and the flight of the Indians, was disastrous to the Spaniards,
and the general sentiment was for proceeding to Ochus. the modern
Pensacola, with the view of returning to Cuba. Suddenly, on the
I Sth November, DeSoto gave orders to march, turning his steps to
the north, and denouncing death to any one who hinted at retreat.
Passing through the modern counties of Clarke, Marengo and Greene, he
struck the Black Warrior near the present town of Erie. Here a
severe conflict occurred which lasted several days and nights before
the Spaniards could cross the river, and effect a lodgment on the west
ern bank.
This was their last battle in what is now the State of Alabama.
After a march of five days, they reached the little Tombigbee, in the
present county of Lowndes, Mississippi. The country between the
Warrior and Tombigbee was occupied by the Choctaws, but they were
much more numerous west of that river. DeSoto probably entered the
present State of Mississippi at Columbus, and followed an Indian trail
or buffalo path some five miles up to Lincacum's shoals, just above
the mouth of the Tibbee and a little below the present town of Wav-
erly. The Tombigbee here is bifurcated by an island, the first
obstruction below Butahatchie. The gravel discharged from this
Stream lodged against the island and rendered both channels fordable
a great part of the year, and this is the only point where the Spaniards
could have forded in December. It was the crossing used by the
Choctaws when going to their villages and hunting grounds east of
the Tombigbee. The trail struck here a stretch of prairie, between
Tibbee and Hanging Kettle creeks, and crossed the present Mobile &
Ohio Railroad at Lookhattan, thence a little west of the railroad by
jNIulden, Prairie Station and Egypt.
The early settlers of this portion of Missis-sippi remember the well
worn, beaten trail, long disused but distinctly defined, and can to this
day trace it from plantation to plantation.
On leaving Egypt the trail tended northwest up the ridge known as
Featherstone's ridge, through a series of glades three or four miles west
. of Okolona, and up the second bottom on the east side of Suckar-
tonchee creek. There it struck Pontotoc ridge, four milSseasfof
the ancient Chickasa Council House. Near this point stood the first
Chickasa town, and in this vicinity the Spaniards went into winter
quarters. At that period a portion of the Chickasas still resided in the mountain

6 Mississippi, as a Province,
region of East Tennessee, but a large body of them had taken posses
sion of the territory where DeSoto found them, and their principal set
tiement or town, or series of villages, was on the ridge from the ancient
Council House (near Redland) north fifteen miles (near Pontotoc) and
northwest, on the "mean prairie" eight or ten miles, within a fewmiles
of Tallahatchie river. On the southern bluff was the Alabama fort or
town, the stronghold of the tribe of that name, in alliance with the
Chickasas.* Four miles east of the ancient Council House, on the Pontotoc
ridge, near the source of Suckartonchee creek, are the vestiges of a
fortified camp, evidently once strongly entrenched, after the European
style of that day, with bastions and towers. Leaden balls aAd frag
ments of metal have been often found in these ruins. The enclosure
was square, and the whole area, as evidenced by the remains, would
have afforded shelter to the Spaniards and their live stock.
The ancient chronicles describe the Chickasa town near which De
Soto halted, as containing two hundred houses, shaded by oak and
walnut trees and with rivulets on each side. These requisitions are
filled in the locality referred to. Beautiful groves of oak and hickory
(which the Spaniards called walnut) abound, and living streams run
ning west to the Vazoo and east to the Tombigbee.
For a winter encampment, to recruit their exhausted energies after
severe battles and a tedious march, no place more appropriate could
have been selected. Water at hand, abundant mast for their hogs, cane
for their horses, game in abundance, and the Chickasa towns near by
well stored with corn, beans, pumpkins, nuts and dried meats.
The Chief of the Chickasas resided about two miles southeast of
the present town of Pontotoc, on the head-waters of Coonawa, now-
called Pontotoc creek. Here was then, and for many years after
wards, a large town.f
The Pontotoc Chief often visited DeSoto, and, on one occasion,
asked his co-operation in subduing a rebellious neighbor — no doubt
the leader of a Tennessee band who had located, with his followers, as
described in the note, in what are still called the Chickasa Old Fields.
The Spaniards gave him the desired aid, and his village was burned.
The chronicles relate that DeSoto was in the habit of regaling
his visitors on fresh pork — a flesh they had never before tasted. They
soon commenced stealing his hogs, no doubt by order of the Chief,
and whenever the thieves were caught the Spaniards chopped off
their hands and let them go; a punishment the Chickasas deeply
resented. 1541. The winter was unusually severe, and it was not until March
that DeSoto thought of leaving his comfortable quarters. He then
demanded two hundred men to carry his baggage. This ended the
¦•^'Information derived from J. N, Walton, Esq., a much respected citizen of
Aberdeen, Miss,, who in early life was secretary of Levi Colbert, head chief of
the Chickasas, familiar with their language and with all their traditions,
fThis was an old town, and one of the brothers Colbert resided there afterwards
with a stock of goods. This town must not be confounded with the Chickasa Old
Fields, some ten or twelve miles ea.st, settled bv the Chickasas when they finally
left East Tennessee, BienviUe found a large town there, which he attacked. It
was some five miles northwest of Tupelo, on the Mobile and Ohio K, R., and on
the old Natchez trace, which crossed the railroad about one mile south of Saltillo
station aud north of Tupelo.

Territory and State. 7
truce. One dark, tempestuous night, his camp was suddenly attacked.
The Chickasas rushed upon it, in four detachments, on each side of
the square, with j'ells and clamor that rose above the fury of the ele
ments. With burning arrows they set on fire the thatched huts within
the walls, and the roofs of the stables where the horses were sheltered.
It was a complete surprise. DeSoto was the first to mount. He
charged, attended by a solitary soldier, but they were soon followed
by the rest, and it was difficult to distinguish the roar of the tempest
from the clamor of the battle, a lurid light streaming from the burning
camp over the wounded and the dead. At length the Indians with
drew, pursued by the Spaniards as far as they could see how to "slay
them by the blaze of their burning fortress. Day dawned upon their
disasters. Forty cavaliers and troopers lay dead. Fifty horses had
been burned or killed. The swine had mostly perished in the flames.
The remnant of their baggage, saved at Maubilla, and most of their
clothing, was here lost.*
The exact position of this entrenched camp is still indicated by the
vestiges that remain. Some persons contend that DeSoto left this
stronghold, advanced to Chickasilla, one mile northwest from where
Pontotoc now stands, and commenced the attack on the Chickasa
towns. This would reverse the detailed accounts of the writers that
accompanied him, who must be accepted as the best authority where
their statements can be reconciled with probabilities. It is not prob
able that DeSoto would have sought a battle with the warlike Chicka
sas, in the heart of their territory, where they could concentrate their
entire strength against him. He had no intention to continue in their
country ; was, in fact, preparing to leave it ; they had nothing to tempt
his ambition or cupidity; and he had no motive for seeking a battle,
which, whether victorious or defeated, must materially cripple him.
His terrible fight at Maubila, and on the Black Warrior, where the
Indians attacked him three times in his intrenchments, was sufficient
proof of their prowess, and beyond a doubt he was preparing to get
peaceably out of their country, when they assaulted his camp. History
records no bolder enterprise. A fortified camp, defended by the best
soldiers of Europe, armed with what the Indians called "thunder and
lightning," attacked by naked savages, with bows and war clubs! All
honor to this noble race of warriors — these native Mississippians —
who, subsequentiy, in defense of their homes and firesides, defeated
"For these interesting details, specifying the localities and tracing the Spanish
march, I am indebted to my correspondence with W. B. Wilkes, Esq., of Aber
deen, Miss., whose tastes incline him to archseological studies, and fortunately has
the means to pursue them. He has contributed many valuable papers on this
subject to the Aberdeen Examiner, all which he generously placed at my disposal,
and which I would gladly introduce into this work if my limits permitted. From
one of his letters to me I extract the following :
Historiansaredecidedly wrong when they report DeSoto as spending the winter
on the Yazoo. The Chickasas never claimed as far south as the confluence of tlie Yal
obusha and Tallahatchie. The line between the Chickasas and Choctaws left the Tom-
ligbee at the mouth of Tibbe, up that stream and Trim-Cane and Line Creek, then
due west to the Mississippi river, passing near Grenada. Before the introduction
ot firearms among them, their only town, or towns, was on the present route of
the Mobile & Ohio Eailroad, commencing five or six miles north of Tupelo and
extending to Red Land, on Pontotoc Ridge, and was called Long Town. There
was a path from Long Town to Natchez, long known as the " Old Natchez Trace."
After their war with the French, the Chickasas ceased to trade at Natchez, and
extended the trail to Nashville, crossing the Tennessee river at Colbert's ferry.

Mississippi, as a Province,
and disgraced three French armies, sent to subdue them. And may
this ever be the fate of the invader of the territory of a free people !¦
Thus far the route of DeSoto has been traced, in conformity with
the prevailing opinions in the district traversed. The geographical
features accord with the narratives of the writers who were with him.
The jury of the vicinage, the early settiers, those that resided among
the Chickasaws since 1775, particularly the Colberts, who were so
long the rulers of the tribe, substantially agree as to the route from
the ford at which he crossed the Tombigbee, until he went into winter
quarters near the present Pontotoc. And this judgment tallies with
the account of his own chroniclers. Some writers insist that the Span
iards wintered on the Yazoo; others say in Tallahatchie county.
The Chickasa district never, at any time, extended to the Yazoo river,
and as far as tradition runs, they never had a town or village in that
quarter. Nor is the " open, champagne country" he traversed, to be
found there. After the concentration of the tribe by the last migra
tion from Tennessee, the bulk of the people resided in their towns in
what have been long known as the " Chickasas' Old Fields," in
Lee county. There Bienville attacked, and was defeated by them,
in 1736. The town, or chain of villages, extended from the Old
Fields, along the old Natchez trace, some fifteen miles, to what is
now known as Red Lands. The English traders called this Long-
town. The Indian name was Chick-wah-fallaha. After the destruc
tion of their camp the Spaniards moved three miles to the village of
Chickasilla, where they were annoyed by desultory attacks.
1541. April 25, "^DeSoto resumed his march in a northwesterly direc
tion, through a populous country, and, after traveling some twelve
miles, halted in a plain near the town of Alibamo. Pickett, following
LeClerc Milfort, who wrote a book on Indian history in 1802, places
this town on the Yazoo or Tallahatchie river. It was strongly fortified
after the Indian manner. When the advance guard approached the
town, the savages presented themselves in force, in their war paint.
DeSoto appeared at this moment, and the Indians came rushing through.
their three gates to the attack. They were driven back and after an
obstinate resistance, effected their escape by scaling the walls in the
rear. This fort was a quadrangle, 400 paces long on either side,
constructed of pickets. It wis divided into a number of compart
ments, to enable the besieged to retreat, when hard pressed, from one
to the other. It was the strongest fortification encountered since they left
Maubila. The site of this town or fortress, is a matter of dispute. The
Rev. Dr. Patton, in his learned and eloquent Centennial discourse, places
it in Lee county, near Tupelo. It was DeSoto's last battie on the soil
of Mississippi, Still shaping his course to the northwest, he struck
the great river at the lower Chickasa bluff, just below old Fort Pick
ering, in May, 1541, Any route from the Chickasa Old Fields south
of the one assumed, would have carried him into the impenetrable
swamps of the Yalobusha and Tallaliatchie and their tributaries, where
there were no paths and no footing for men or horses,
_ From the Mississippi river we follow him no farther. A hundred
historians have recorded his melancholy story, and eulogized his valor
and military talents. That he was personally brave to audacity, per
severing even to obstinacy, and a stern disciplinarian, is unquestionable.
But the record shows no extraordinary military abilities. He had ther

Territory and State. 9
experience of Indian warfare in his Peruvian campaigns, and yet he
allowed himself to be deceived by the Maubilians, and was surprised,
and near being destroyed in his intrenchments, by the Chickasas.
In their conflicts with our Indians, the Spaniards had the advantage
of discipline, skilled and veteran officers, defensive armor, cavalry,
swords and firearms. The Indians were naked, with bows and clubs
for weapons, fighting, not compacfly under trained leaders, but as
individuals, without concert, or knowing when to charge or when to
retreat. At first they regarded the Spaniards as demi-gods or centaurs,
armed with thunder and lightning. But when they discovered that
they were subject to infirmities like themselves; that they were more
susceptible to suffering from exposure or wounds; that they were
mean, lustful and sordid, they recovered their manhood and deter
mined to fight them. In three pitched batties, though thousands of
Indians were slaughtered, the Spaniards were virtually defeated.
And at last, the wretched remnant, under Moscoso, were only saved
from extermination by the rapid current of the Mississippi river. The
natives, from Florida to the Mississippi, were divided into separate
and hostile tribes, too jealous to combine against the invader. Had
any two of them united before he crossed the Alabama, or had the
Choctaws reinforced the Chickasaws, the Spaniards would have
perished. The whole march of DeSoto exhibits an eccentricity, a want of
design, a dilatoriness, not characteristic of military ability. If he was
searching around for an El Dorado, or for de Leon's fountain of life,
his wanderings may be understood. But even with these objects, a
wise leader would have cantoned his army in some well-provided and
healthy position, and dispatched scouts and experts for information.
No military man, in ancient or modern times, no explorer, ever con
ducted his followers through an unknown country, in the circuitous
style adopted by DeSoto, and few marches, over such a vast distance,
and occupying so much time, have been so barren of results. Had
he been a Roman general and lived to return, it is quite certain the
Republic would have decreed him no triumph !
Tlie fame he acquired in Peru, he lost in Alabama and Mississippi,
and neither as general or explorer, has he a title to be classed among
the great. His accidental discovery of the Great River, and his sub
sequent death upon its shore, and burial in its waters, have associated
him with it forever, and it is this, and not his talents as a soldier, that
makes his name historic.
1542. After wandering about, in what is now Arkansas, without
any results, DeSoto returned to the Mississippi at the place, it is
probable, where Helena now stands. Here he determined to build
a flotilla to transport his troops to the mouth of the river, with the
hope of reaching Cuba. Learning that on the east side of the river
there was a rich and cultivated country, he dispatched a detachment
to procure supplies. They were driven back. Ascertaining that this
people worshipped the sun — no doubt a branch of the Natchez family
of Indians — DeSoto sent a message to the Chief, that he and his men
were children of the sun. The haughty savage thus replied :
" That whereas he said he was the Child of the Sunne, if he woidd drie vp ihe River
he would beleeue him : and touching the rati, that hee was wont to visit none; but rather
that all those of whom he had notice did visit him, serued, obeyed and paid him tributes

10 Mississippi, as a Province,
willingly or perforce: therefore if he desired to see him, itioere best he should come
thither : that if he came in peace, he would receiue him with speciall good will ; and if m
warre, in like manner hee woidd attend him in the tovme where he was, and tliat for him
or any other hee would not shrink one foote backe."
This review of DeSoto may be appropriately closed by an account
of his death, June sth, written by one of his followers, the " Portu
guese Gentieman of Elvas," translated and printed by Richard Hac-
luyt, London, 1609:
Chap. 30. Of the death of the Adelantado Fernando de Soto : and how Luys
Moscoso de Aluarado was elected Gouernour in his stead.
The Gouernour felt in himselfe that the houre approached, wherein hee was
to leans this present life, and called for the King's officers, Captaines and
principall persons, to whom he made a speech, saying :
That now he was to goe to glue an account before the presence of God of all
his life past : and since it pleased him to take him in such a time, and that
the time was come, that he knew his death, that hee his most unworthie ser-
uant did yeeld him many thankes therefore, and desired all that were present
and absent, (whom he confessed himselfe to be much beholding vnto for their
singular virtues, lone and loyaltie, which himselfe had well tried in the trauels,
which they had sufiered, which alwaies in his mind he did hope to satisfie
and reward, when it should please God to glue him rest, with more prosperitie
of his estate,) that they would pray to God for him, that for his mercie he
would forgiue him his sinnes, and receiue his soule into eternall glorie : and
that they would quit and free him of the charge which hee had ouer them,
and ought vnto them all, and that they would pardon him for some wrongs
which they might haue receiued of him: And to auoid some diuision, which
vpon his death might fail out vpon the choice of his successour, he requested
them to elect a principall person, and able to gouerne, of whom all should
like well; andjwhen hewas elected, they should sweare before him to obey him:
and that he would thanke them very much in so doing ; because the griefe
that he had, would somewhat be asswaged, and the paine that he felt, because
he left them in so great confusion, to wit, in leaning them in a strange Countrie,
where they knew not where they were.
Baltasar de Gallegos answered in the name of all the rest: And first of all
comforting him, he set before his eies how short the life of this world was, and
with how many troubles and miseries it is accompanied, and how God shewed
him a singular fauor which soonest left it : telling him many other things fit
for such a time. And for the last point, that since it pleased God to take him
to himselfe, although his death did iustly grieue them much, yet as wel he, as
al the rest, ought of necessitie to conform themselues to the will of God. And
touching the Gouernour which he commanded they should elect, he besought
him, that it would please his Lordship to name him which he thought fit, and
him they would obey. And presently he named I/injs de Moscoso de Aluarado
hia Captaine generall. And presently he was sworne by all that were present
and elected for Gouernour. The next day, being the 21. of May, 15i2. de
parted out of this life, the valorous,virtuous, and valiant Captaine,i)o«FeTOa)idode
Soto, Gouernor of Cuba, and Adelantado of Florida : whom fortune aduanced,
as it vseth to doe others, that hee might haue the higher fai. He departed in
such a place, aud at such a time, as in his sicknesse he had but little comfort:
and the danger wherein all his people were of perishing in that Countrie, which
appeared before their eies, was cause sufiicient, why every one of them had
need of comfort, and why they did not visit nor accompanie him as they ought
to haue done. Luys de 3Ioscoso determined to conceale his death from the
Indians, because Ferdinando de Solo had made them beleeue. That the Christians
wereimmortall ; and also because they took him to be bardie, wise and v.aliant :
and ifthey should know that he was dead, they would be bold to set vpon the
Christians, though they lieued peaceablie by them. Iu regard of their disposi
tion, and because they were nothing constant, and beleeued all that was tolde
them, the Adelantado made them beleeue, that he knew some things that
passed in secret among themselues, without their knowledge, how, or in what
manner he came by them : and that the figure which appeared in a glasse,
which he shewed them, did tell him whatsoeuer they practised and went about ¦

Territory and State. ii
and therefore neither in word nor deed durst they attempt anything that might
be preiudiciall vnto him.
As soone as he was dead, Luis de Jfo.<co?o commanded to put him secretly iu
an house, where hee remained three dales : and remoouing him from thence,
commanded him to bee buried iu the night at one of the gates of the towne
within the wall. And as the Indians had scene him sick, and missed him, so
did they suspect what might bee. And passing by the place where he was
buried, seeing the earth moued, they looked and spake one to another. Luy^
de Jlo^cnfo vnderstanding of it, commanded him to be taken vp by night, and
to cast a great deal of sand into the mantles, wherein he was winded vp,
wherein hee was carried in a canoe, and throwne innto the middest of the
Eiuer. The Cacique of Guachoya inquired for him, demanding what was
become of his brother and Lord, the Gouernour : Xmj/s de il/oscoso told him,
that hee was gon to heauen, as many other times he did : and because hee was
to stay there certaine dais, he had left him in his place.
Monette places the village of Guachoga, where DeSoto died, at a
point twenty miles below the mouth of the Arkansas. Martin, in his
history of Louisiana, indicates the mouth of Red River. None of
the historians concur. Col. Dupre, well known in Southern literary
circles, who has closely studied the antiquities of the Mississippi
valle)', says : " When DeSoto returned to the Mississippi, he camped
at the base of the high lands and commenced to build his boats."
"The river is constantly moving eastward from Cairo to the sea.
Fort Pillow, Randolph, and every point fortified by the Confederates,
have gone down into the depths of the river. Skipwith's Landing,
Rodney, the old Fort at Natchez, and the White Cfiffs below. Fort
Adams, and other points, are rapidly receding. The great prison
at Memphis is nearly gone, and the Navy Yard has disappeared. The
only point at which the river touches the hills, such as those under
which DeSoto was encamped, is ten miles below Helena, along the
shore of "Old Town Lake." This lake was the bed of the river some
three centuries back. The main channel is now leaving Helena, and,
in a brief geological period, Yazoo Pass and Yazoo river will consti
tute the bed of the river, and Helena will stand on a lake. When I
learned that Old Town Lake, below Helena, had been the channel
of the INIississippi, I went to see it, with Irving's "Conquest of
Florida," in my hand. I found that the embers and calcined earth of
blacksmith's forges, old musket barrels, fragments of saddle-trees
and oxydized bullets had there been picked up, and the cruciform
handle of a dagger with a cornelian in it. DeSoto built his boats at
the base of a range of high hills, that ran to the water's edge. This
ridge is now known as Cravrley's. Helena is at its base, and at the
farthest projection of these hills toward the east. The depth of the
lake to-day is that of the river in the time of DeSoto."

CHAPTEE II.

ROM the death of DeSoto, 1541 to 1608, the vast
district lying southwest of his line of march, and now
known as Mississippi and Louisiana, remained unex
plored, and nothing more was known of the great river
in which he had found his tomb. In 1608, Champlain,
. French navigator, had founded Quebec. It was environed,
n every quarter, by powerful and hostile tribes, and his
nson was feeble ; but he introduced a more potent instru-
r mentality for conquest and civilization — the Jesuit fathers — who
faced famine and the wilderness, fagot and fire, exposure and
solitary death, in their missionary vocation. One of these, Fatiier
Allonez, having penetrated to the farther shores of Lake Superior,
heard, for the first time, (i66g) of the existence of a great river called
the Mec-a-she-ba.
In 1673, by order of the Governor of Canada, a trader of Quebec,
M. Joliet, and Father Marquette, a missionary greatly beloved by the
Indians, set out from Michilin:^ckinac to search for the unknown
river, and on the 17th June, 1673, they stood upon its bank, at the
mouth of the Wisconsin. They descended as far as the mouth of the
Arkansas, concihating the savages, announcing the one true Faith,
planting its sacred symbol, and publishing to their astounded and cred
ulous hearers the glory of their King, and the power of his represent
ative at Quebec.
1678. Five years afterwards, the Sieurde la Salle, a Norman, born at
Rouen, and originally intended for the Jesuit brotherhood, arrived at
Quebec. He embarked extensively, in traffic with the Indians on the
lakes, during which he conceived the theory of a northwest passage to
Asia, by ascending the sources of the Mississippi, and of a direct
trade with France and the West Indies liy following it to its mouth.
Europe had long dreamed of this mythical route to China and Japan,
and in 1525 Gomez, a Spanish navigator searching for it, had reached
the 46th°, north latitude. In 1534, Cartier, the French navigator,
dropped anchor as far north as the parallel of 51 degrees. And in
1576, the English Capt, Frobisher, got to the straits that bear his name.
In furtherance of his conception. La Salle sailed for France.
Frontenac was, at this period. Governor of Canada, and Colbert
Prime Minister of Louis XIV— two men capable of comprehending
and appreciating the inspirationof La Salle. He returned to Canada

Territory and State. 13
invested with honorable privileges, and accompanied by the chevalier
De Tonti, an Italian soldier of fortune, specially recommended by
the Prince of Conti. He had lost an ann in the service of France;
and in many batties, in his devotion to La Salle, in his long and
dangerous voyages, and in the services he rendered to Bienville, he
maintained, to the hour of his death at Biloxi, his high character as
an able, honest, inflexible and gallant leader.
After innumerable difficulties and losses. La Salle and his party
reached the site of the present town of Peoria, in Illinois, and erected
Fort Creve-coeur, or the Broken-heart, thus typifying their desolate
and despondent condition. Leaving this post in charge of Tonti, he
determined to return to Quebec, a winter voj^age of twelve hundred
miles, in a frail pirogue and with only two companions. He found
his vessel shipwrecked and a valuable cargo of French goods lost;
his flotilla of pirogues, laden witii furs, destroyed in the rapids of the
St Lawrence ; his confidential clerk absconded, and his effects all in
the hands of creditors. Making the best arrangements in his power,
with undaunted spirit, he once more bid adieu to civilization, and in
May, 1681, he rejoined his men at Creve-cosur. On the 6th Febru
ary they floated on the Mississippi, and on the same day passed the
mouth of the Missouri. On the 26th they reached Chickasaw bluff.
About a hundred miles farther down they landed, invited by the demon
strations of hospitality made by the Arkansas villages. La Salle planted
the arms of France and Father Zenobe erected a cross and celebrated
mass, amidst profound silence.* March 20th they arrived at the villages
of the Taensas, a tribe more advanced than any they had met with ; wor
shippers of the sun, with appropriate temples and comfortable huts.
The chief, it was understood, exercised absolute sway over the tribe.
"Two hours," says Father Zenobe, "before the time appointed for the
chief to visit the Sieur La SaUe, a master of ceremonies appeared with
six men, who cleared the way over which the great chief was to pass,
and erected an awning of mats to shield him from the sun. Pie came
in a white robe, beautifully woven from the bark of trees, preceded
by two men bearing fans of white plumes. A third carried before him
two plates of copper brightiy polished. His demeanor was stately and
grave, but complaisant and engaging, and throughout the interview he
manifested tokens of satisfaction, confidence and friendship,"
"On the 20th of March, 1682," says De Tonti, "we arrived at the Tjensas, by
whom we were exceedingly well received, and supplied with a large quantity
of provisions," M, de Tonti passed a night at one of their villages, where
there were about 700 men carrying arms, assembled in the place. Here again a
peace was concluded, A peace was also made with the Koroas, whose chief
came from their principal village two leagues distant from that of the Natchez.
The two chiefs accompanied M. de la Salle to the banks of the river. Here
the Koroa chief embarked with him to conduct him to his village, where peace
was again concluded with this nation, which, besides the five other villages of
which it is composed, is allied to nearly forty others.
On the 22nd of March, an observation gave 31° of latitude. We left on the
22nd and slept ou an island ten leagues off. The ngxt day we saw a canoe, and
M. de la Salle ordered me to chase it, which I did, and as I was just on tho
point of taking it, more than 100 men appeared on the banks of the river to
defend their people. M. de la Salle shoated out to me to come back, which I
did. We went on and encamped opposite them. Afterwards M. de la Salle
*0n his return the pious fatlier was much afi'ected to perceive that the cross not
only remained inviolate, but that the Indians had enclosed it with a palisade.

14 Mississippi, as a Province,
expressing a wish to meet them peaceably, I offered to carry to them the calumet,
and went to them. At first they iqined their hands, as a sign that they wished to
be friends ; I, who had but one hand, told our men to do the same thing.
I made the chief men among them cross over to M. de la Salle, who accom
panied them to their village, three leagues inland, and passed the night there
with some of his men. The next day he returned with the chief of tbe village
where he had slept, who was a brother of the great chief of the Natchez ; he
conducted us to his brother's village, situated on the hill-side, near the river. We
were well received here. The nation counts more than 300 warriors. Here
they cultivate the ground, hunt and fish, like the Taiusas, and their manners
are the same."
On the 6th April, they arrived at the passes, where the river divided
itself into three channels, that debouch into the Gulf. And now for
the first time, at the mouth of this mighty river, was heard the voices
of civilized men rejoicing over the success that had crowned their
daring enterj^rise, and mingling their solemn hymn of praise with the
grand anthem of the billows. A column was erected on which they
affixed the arms of France, with this inscription :
Louis LE Grand,
Roi de France et de Navarke, Reigne;
Le Neuvieme Avril, 1682.
"The whole party," says the biographer, chanted the Te Deum, the Exaudiat,
the Domine salvamfac Begem ; aud then after a salute of fire arms, and cries of
Vive le Boi, the column was erected by M. de la Salle, who, standing near it,
said with a loud voice in French : "In the name of the most high, mighty, in
vincible and victorious Prince, Louis the Great, by the grace of God, King of
France and Navarre, fourteenth of that name, this ninth day of April, one
thousand six hundred and eighty-two, I, in virtue of the commission of his
Majesty, which I hold in my hand, and which may be seen by all whom it may
concern, have taken and do now take, in the name of his majesty, and of his
successors to the crown, possession of this country of Louisiana, the seas, har
bors, ports, bays, adjacent straits ; and all the nations, peoples, provinces, cities,
towns, villages, mines, minerals, fisheries, streams and rivers, comj^rised in the
extent of the said Louisiana, from the mouth of the great river St. Louis, on
the Eastern side, otherwise called Ohio, Alighin, Sipore, or Chuckagona, and
this with the consent of the Chaonanons, Chikachas, and other people dwelling
therein, with whom we have made alliance ; as also along the Eiver Colbert or
Mississippi, and rivers which discharge themselves therein, from its source be
yond the country of the Kious or Nadouessious, and this with their consent,
and with the consent of the Motantees, Illinios, Mesigameas, Nathes, Koroas,
which are the nlost considerable nations dwelling therein, with whom also we
have made alliance, either by ourselves or by others in our behalf ; as far as its
mouth at the sea, or Gulf of Mexico, about the twentv-seventh degree of the
elevation of the North Pole, and also to the mouth "of the River of Palms ;
upon the assurance which we have received from all these nations, that we are
the first Europeans who have descended or ascended the said River Colbert ;
hereby protesting against all those, v.lio may in future undertake to invade any
°v. '^^^ °K ^h^^''- '^o""ti'i<^s, people or lands, above described, to the prejudice of
the right of his Majesty, acquired by the consent of the nations herein named.
Ot which, and of all that can be needed, I hereby take to witness those who
hear me, and demand an aet of the notarv, required bv law.' To which the
whole assembly responded with shouts of Vive le Boi, and with salutes of fire
arms Moreover, the Sieur de la Salle caused to be buried at the foot of the
tree to which the cross was attached, a leaden plate with the arms of France,
and the loilowing Latin inscription :
^LVDOVICVS MAGNVS KEGNAT.
„ ^ NONO ApEILLIS CIO IOC LXXXII.
S?^''^ir Cavemee, cvm Domino de Tonty, Legato, RP. Zexobio mem-
ll^^^^r^]:^''''''"' '''' ^'°''''^' ®^™'' ^^™^S HOC FLVMEN, INDE AB ILLI-
InnTcio Ko'lXX™'''''' ""'^"^^^ °'^'^^' ™°" PERVIVM NONO APEILIS,

Territory and State. • 15
This was the first notarial act in Louisiana, and it was executed by
notary Jaques de la Metane.
On their return Tonti was left in command of Fort St. Louis, Father
Zenobe was sent to France to announce their discoveries, and La SaUe
himself soon followed, to encounter the opposition which superior merit
and success usually provoke. But, aided by Frontenac, and the son
of the illustrious Colbert, he triumphed over his enemies.
On the 24th July, 1684, with a frigate under the command of M. de
Beaujeu, and several small vessels, with a detachment of soldiers and
a number of priests and women, he sailed from Rochelle, via St. Do
mingo, for the Mississippi. The expedition, as in many similar cases,
was badly organized. Beaujeu was jealous, treacherous and mean.
By bad seamanship they steered too far to the west, and made land
on the ist January, 1685, near the river Magdelene, in the present
state of Texas. Beaujeu rejected the proposition of La SaUe to return
to the eastward, and secretiy weighed anchor and sailed for France,
carrying with him the cannon balls and other military stores. Having
posted his men, on the river Vaches, near the bay of St. Bernard, now
INIatagorda bay. La Salle set out with the remaining vessel and a few
men, to search for the Mississippi. The vessel was wrecked, and
most of his crew perished. He returned with the survivors to the fort,
where, still undismayed himself, he found the whole command in des
pair. The loss of their last vessel cut off every hope of escape. La
Salle resolved to cross the vast country that intervened, to Fort St.
Louis, whence the Chevalier Tonti might be despatched to France for
succor. He set out with twenty followers, and reached, it is conjec
tured, the head waters of the Sabine, where finding themselves out of
ammunition and provisions, his companions insisted on returning to
the fort. Placing himself again at the head of a small party
he struck out towards the northeast, determined to find Tonti, or
perish in the effort. On the waters of the Brazos, near the present
town of Washington, Robert, Cavalier de la Salle was treacherously
assassinated by his own men. They first killed his trusted followers
who were in advance, and on his coming up, wan from hunger and
staggering with weakness, one Duhant, concealing himself in some
high grass, shot him through the head. The faithful Father Anastase
gave what burial he could to his remains, and planted a rude cross
over the grave. "Thus perished," says the good father in the journal
which he afterwards published, our wise conductor, constant in adver
sity, intrepid, generous, engaging, adroit and capable of everything.
He who, during a period of twenty years, had softened the fierce tem
per of a vast number of savage nations, was massacred by' his own
people, whom he had loaded with benefits."
But great crimes seldom go unavenged, even in this world. A Ne
mesis dogged the footsteps of the assassins. They fell to slaughtering
each other. The Spaniards made the whole party prisoners and con
demned them to the mines, but the Father, and thefriendsof LaSalle,
were permitted to depart, and after six months of wandering struck
the Mississippi, at the mouth of the Arkansas, and finally reached
Fort St. Louis.
The generous Tonti, alarmed by the prolonged absence and silence
of La Salle, with whose plans for a colony on the lower Mississippi he
was fully acquainted, had descended the river to its mouth in search

1 6 Mississippi, as a Province,
of him. After fruitiess inquiries, he set out again for his distant post
on the Illinois river, leaving with the Indians a letter, which, fourteen
years afterwards, was recovered by Iberville. "It gives me great un
easiness," says Tonti, "to be obliged to return underthe misfortune of
not having found you. Two canoes have examined the coast, thirty
leagues towards Mexico and twenty-five towards Florida."
What iron souls and bodies these voyagers must have had in those
days! Winter journeys from Quebec to Illinois, in pirogues on the
stormy lakes, and by portages over a frozen wilderness ! To be fol
lowed by a voyage, under a blazing sun, down the river to the Gulf
of Mexico, aggravated on the return trip by the contest with the raging
current ! No stores, no tents, no stimulants, no medicines. Yet for
fifty years this was the only mode of communication between Canada
and the western posts, and the settiements of Biloxi and Louisiana.
Soldier and priest alike exposed themselves in these expeditions, and
in their numerous journals, so did they reconcile themselves to the
inevitable, we hear no whisper of complaint. Bienville twice
invaded the Chickasaws, from New Orleans, and reinforcements
from Canada and the Illinois descended to the Chickasaw bluff —
all voyaging in pirogues and open boats. The French sickened,
but the Canadians suffered little. In 1809 several regiments of
United States troops were stationed at Terre au Bceuf, near New
Orleans under the command of General Wilkinson. He was order
ed to transport them up the river to Natchez. The movement
began about the ist September. Gun boats and barges were
used for transportation. Surgeons and an ample supply of stores and
medicines, were provided. But the men died daily by dozens ; one
hundred were left, under shelter at Point Coupee, and sixty at Fort
Adams, with competent physicians and attendants. Nine-tenths of
them died. About the 30th October the troops cantoned on the hills
near Washington, six miles east of Natchez. The mortality was quite
as great as it had been in the vicinity of New Orleans.

CHAPTEE III,

ROM the death of La Sahe, 1687, France and her
colonies were engaged in war with the British, the
Spaniards and the Indians. Canada was threatened
with annihilation, but was preserved by the energy and
military talent of Frontenac, and the posts on the Illinois
were maintained by the Judicious management of Tonti.
But it was merely a struggle for existence. France could
make no farther efforts for colonization until these exhausting
r"' wars were terminated by the treaty of Ryswick, September,
1697.
On the loth December of the same year, M. Argoud, who held an
influential office under the crown, in an elaborate memorial to the
minister, Pontchartrain, urged the expediency of a colony on the
Mississippi. He fortified his application with the views and opinions
of the Sieur de Remonville, a man of character and fortune, who had
been intimate with La Salle, whose information was minute, and whose
plans were eminently wise and practical. Not an expedition for
conquest, for metals or for peltries, but an agricultural colony, with
trained farmers and artisans, masons, carpenters, smiths, sail makers,
ship-wrights, seeds, vegetables and cocoons — these were the means he
wisely recommended. At that early day he seems to have foreseen
the vast agricultural resources of Louisiana, but, unfortunately, his
views were not carried out.
The French government soon after dispatched an expedition under
the Sieur Lemoyne d'Iberville, a Canadian by birth, who, in 1686,
had signalized himself in the capture of the British settlements at
Hudson's Bay, for which he was appointed governor. In 1694 he
had successfully attacked British ships of superior metal to his own ;
and the following year he captured Fort Bourbon, and achieved more
naval triumphs. He had been received in France with distinguished
honors, and decorated by the king with the Cross of St. Louis. He
was the third of the eleven sons of Charles Lemoyne, Baron Longueil,
of Canada, all of whom held commissions in the French service.
1. Charles Lemoyne, Captain of Marines, wounded in the attack on Quebec
1690. 2. Jacques Lemoyne de St. Helene, Captain of Marines, killed in an attack
on the English in Carolina.
3. Lemoyne d'Iberville, first Governor of Louisiana, died at St. Domingo,
July 9th, 1706, while planning an attack on Charleston, S. C.
3

1 8 Mississippi, as a Province,
4. Paul Lemoyne de ilarioour. Captain of Marines, killed in an expedition
against the Iriquois.
5. Lemoyne de Sevigny, died Governor of Rochester, 1734.
6. Charles Lemoyne Bienville, Officer of Marine, captured and burned by the
Iriquois. 7. Lemoyne de Chateaugue, Officer of Marine, died Governor of Cayenne,
8, Lemoyne d'Apiguy, Officer of Marine, died in St. Domingo, 1701.
9. Antoine Lemoyne Sauvolle, Governor of Louisiana, died at Biloxi, 1700.
10. Lemoyne Bienville, second Governor of Louisiana, served nearly forty
years, died in Paris, March 7th, 1767.
11. Jean Baptiste Lemoyne de Chateaugue, Captain of Infantry, killed on the
Tombigbee by the Indians.
There were two sisters, wives of de Noyau and de la Chassaque, distinguished
officens, who served in Louisiana.
The modern representative of the family is Grant, Baron Longeuil of Canada,
who inherited the title and estates, through the maternal line.*
This family of soldiers is closely identified with the history of Mis
sissippi, and the bones of several of the brothers lie buried in our soil.
On the 24th September, 1698, two frigates, Le Badine, of thirty guns
and two hundred men, commanded by M. d'Iberville, and Le Marin,
of thirty guns, commanded by M. le Compte de Surgere, with two
store .ships, sailed from Rochefort for the Mississippi. On their arri
val at St. Domingo, they found Le Francois of fifty guns, commanded
by M. the Marquis de Chateaumerant, who was instructed to accom
pany them. He brought with him Capt. Laurent de Graff,"]" a cele
brated buccaneer,or filibusteer, who had stormed Vera Cruz in 1683,
at the head of fifteen hundred men. The details of this expedition
are briefly given by d'Iberville himself, in a report made to the Min
ister of Marine, on his return to France, dated Rochefort, July,
1699. We took the route of Cape St. Anthony, Cuba, which we doubled on the
15th January, and on the 24th made land, near a Spanish settlement, called
Apilachacola. We continued our route westwardly to the bay of Pensacola,
where we found two ships at anchor near a settlement recently made by
Spaniards from Vera Cruz. On the 30th we weighed anchor, and next day
anchored, in eight fathoms water, in the bay of Mobile. Twelve or fourteen
leagues westward, we found a place, sheltered by islands and the main land,
where there is good anchorage aud refuge against storms.j Leaving my ships
here, we set out on the 21st for Malbouchia, (the name given by the savages on
this coast to the Mississippi,) with two long boats, some bark canoes, and fifty-
three men. We entered the river March 2d, 1699. I found it obstructed by
mud banks and logs of vrood, partially petrified. There wae twelve feet of
water. I resolved to ascend as far as the Bayou Goulas, a party of whom we
had^ met at Biloxi. On the 7th, some thirty-five leagues up, I met some
Indians called the Mougoulaches, and ou the 14th, reached their village, where
"*French's Historical Collections.
fAs a type of a class conspicuous, at various periods in the history of the South,
we give the portrait of this noted adventurer,as drawn by a contemporary writer :
_ " Capt de Graff was tall and straight; his countenance" handsome, butnot eft'em-
inate. His hair was of a golden blonde, aud a moustache after the Spanish
fashion that admirably became him. A better canonier was never known. He
could tell exactly where a ball would strike, when he directed the gun. He was
prompt, bold and determined. To resolve, undertake and execute were to him the
same. He was perfectly intrepid in danger, but impatient, passionate, and swore
too much. He was well acquainted with the Spanish mode of fighting, and knew
them intimately, having lived a long time among them. He was a proficient in
music, with a niost melodious voice. Thus he distinguished himself bv his polite
ness and refined tastes,^ no less than by his audacity, and wherever he went crowds
gathered around to satisfy themselves whether he was a man or a demi-god."
JSince known as Ship Island.

Territory and State, 19
we were kindly received. The chief had on a cloak of blue serge, which, he
said, was presented to him by Tonti, companion of LaSalle, They exhibited
also axes and knives. I found no other signs of the French having visited
this river. Finding myself so far up wit^iout positive proof that this was the
Mississippi of LaSalle, and that it might be said in France that I was deceived,
I determined to visit the Onamas, (Houmas,) among whom I knew Tonti had
been ; moreover I would meet with that branch of the river, spoken of in the
narratives, which I proposed to explore. The village of the Houmas is two
and a half leagues in the interior. Was well received, but obtained no addi
tional information. The King exhibited some presents made to him by Tonti,
whom tliey often spoke of. Retracing my course, I arrived, on the 24tli, at a
small river, some five leagues above the Bayougoulas on the east side of the
river. I dispatched my chaloupes, with jM. de Sauvolle, down the main river,
with orders to sound the Passes, and with two canoes and four men, I deter
mined to descend this fork or outlet. (Manshac, henceforth called Iberville.)
It was very narrow and some five feet deep in low water. It was full of logs,
so that in many places we were obliged to make portages. After awhile it
connects with other streams, and the navigation becomes good. It terminates
by emptying into a lake. The lake I crossed was about three leagues wide and ¦
twenty-five long, parallel with the Mississippi, and in many places they are
separated only by a narrow strip of land.'*
This Pass, which I descended, is the most convenient route to reach the
Indian villages. There is but little current, while that of the main river is
strong and rapid, and balteaux cannot ascend it without felling trees and
making long detours. In descending the Mississippi M. de Sauvolle observed
a place, thirty leagues from the sea, that was not inundated. Another, some
twenty leagues up, where the high land extended back, but could not explore
it owing to the dense growth of cane. There are from eighteen to twenty fathoms
in every part of this river, from the Houmas to the head of the Passes. My
brother, in returning, procured from the Mougoulaches, the letter whicli Tonti,
after a fruitless search for La Salle, had left there for him. It was dated at the
village of the Quinnippesas, April 20th, 1685. By this name, it seems, he
designated the Bayougoulas and Mougolouchas. I do not see for what reason
he did so, unless it was to conceal the fact from the Spaniards and other adven
turers, that the Malbouchia was the veritable Mississippi of La Salle." (Quin-
apisse, meaning Collepisse, a tribe of which the two others named were off
shoots, as will be found in the Journal of the French officer of the Chickasaw
expedition.) I reached the ships on the 31st, finding them some forty-six leagues east
southeast from the mouth of the river.
After having visited several places well adapted for settlements, I fixed on
the bay of Biloxi, four leagues north of the place where the ships were
anchored. We made choice of this point on account of the sheltered bay or
roadstead where small vessels can come and go in safety, at all times. A place
for permanent "settlement can be selected at leisure. I erected a wooden fort
with four bastions ; two are made of hewn timber, placed together, one foot
and a half thick, nine feet high ; the other two of double pallisades. It is
mounted with fifty-four pieces of cannon, and has a good outfit of ammunition.
I left M. de Sauvolle in command ; DeBienville, King's Lieutenant ; Levasseur,
Major ; DeBordenac, Chaplain ; Care, Surgeon ; two Captains, two Pilots,
four sailors, eighteen filibusters, thirteen Canadians, ten mechanics, six masons,
thirty sub-officers and soldiers.
The journal of Perricaul,t an officer of the frigate Le Marin, gives
some other details of this first expedition :
" Cat and Deer Islands were so named from the prodigious number of those
*It was on this occasion that he gave names to the lakes aud streams they still
bear. Amite, in token of the friendly reception he there had from the Indians;
Maurepas and Pontchartrain, after two French ministers.
fPerricaul was a ship carpenter, very ingenious and intelligent. He was at
Natchez when the massacre of the French occurred. His life was spared on ac
count of his skill in making boats. They spared, likewise, the tailor of the gar
rison.

20 Mississippi, as a Province,
animals we there killed. While building our fort we saw, for the first time, a
party of Indians. With great difficulty they were, after a long delay, pre
vailed on to approach us. They called themselves Biloxis. M. d'Iberville
gave them awls, knives, mirrors, beads, rings and vermillion. They were
shown how to use these articles, which they carried away to their villages.
Very soon the rumor of our arrival — of a people who came on the backs of
great black birds with white wings, and who struck the tallest -trees and made
them fall — circulated through the country and large delegations came, with
their chiefs, to smoke the pipe, and sing the song of peace. The pipe, or cal
umet, is a tube, about a yard long, ornamented with the feathers ot the paro
quet, hawk and eagle. At one end of the tube is a bowl, made of stone or
earth, and sometimes of carved wood. Calumet is derived from the Norman
word chalumeau, whicli is the name given to the reed or rustic pipe used by the
Norman peasants. They carried the name to Canada, and in their wide inter
course with the Indians, it was soon adopted by them. In all the Indian tribes,
no matter how remote from each other, there are analogies of language and
customs, and they know a good deal of each other. Tbe Pascagoulas, Chick
asas, Pensacolas, Biloxis and Choctaws visited us. As a mark of honor they
rubbed the face of M. d'Iberville and his brothers, with white earth. The
feast and dance of the calumet continued three days. Their music consisted
of large gourds filled with small shells, and a sort of drum made by stretching
a dressed deer skin over a deep earthen pot. We supplied them with many
useful articles, and among others, with leggings and breechings, which our
Canadians taught them how to make and how to wear.
We shortly afterwards found a beautiful bay, about one league in width, by
four in circumference, which M. Bienville named Bay St. Louis, because it was
on the day of St. Louis we arrived there. We hunted there three days and
killed fifty deer. Sailing westward we passed a, small island and shallow
body of water, which we called Heron Bay, from the vast number of those
birds we found there. Leaving the sea on the larboard side we landed at an
island which we called Isle au Pois, because we left our sack of peas there, as
we had to decamp in a hurry on account of the small flies or cousins, which
the Indians call Marangouins, ( musquitos ) which puncture the skin very
savagely. We shortly after entered a Pass or strait which we called the
Eigolets, where at some places there were vast quantities of shells. We called
it Pointe aux Coquilles, and the broad lake it conducted us to had already been
named by M. D'Iberville, Pontchartrain. At a distance on the left you see a bold
projection of land covered with long grass and sbrubberv, which we named
Pomt aux Herbes,* where we found comfortable shelter from a high wind.
Six leagues further on is a small river, called by the Indians, Choupieatcha,
about one league from where the city of New Orleans has since been built.t
Five leagues beyond, keeping always to the left on the lake shore, we found a
c ove ot still water, which the Indians call bayou, which is a kind of drain
through which the waters from the higher grounds are carried oflf. We camped
here, as our Indian guide told us we could cross over to the Mississippi. Leav
ing our boats we passed through a cypress forest, then through a heavy cane-
brake, and at length stood on the bank of the great river. We gazed in silent
admiration.^ Its banks were covered with splendid trees, and its soil seemed
the richest m the world. We camped there that night, and by moonlight killed
many wild turkeys that roosted, in vast numbers, over our heads, and did not
seem distuibed by our guns. I never saw any in France so fat and so large.
We contiuuecl our route along the shores of the lake to make the circuit of
it and at some five leagues encamped on the borders of a manchac, which sig-
nihes a strait or pass. 1 his manchac flows from the Mississippi river. Throiigh
this you enter another lake which M . d'Iberville had named Maurepas. It is about
ten leagues in circumference, and two across. Next day wc came to a pretty
river, with clear, cool water, called ly our Indians Tangibaho, (white corn.)
of the nnfr' "^ ^^ ±ound a limpid stream, called Castei^ bayou, or the place
falli^lCn ;;, f 1 ""t^' i^V^ ^^''.^."'^ °* «°"^^ fi^'5 l^^'g"^^. ^^e found a river,
falling into the lake, which the Indians called Taleatcha, or river of pearls.
*Corrupted into Point Reserve.
tBayou St, John,

Territory and State. 21
Here we found the shells used by the Indians to scrape out their canoes after
burning them. Beautiful pearls are often found iu these shells. This river is
about three leagues from Pointe aux Coquilles. At this place we left lake
Pontchartrain, and ascended the river about half a league, to another of its
branches, which passes Pea Island. We camped here for a supply of fresh
water. Next day we camped at the entrance of Bay St. Louis, near a fountain
of water tl>at flows from the hills, which M. de Bienville named Belle Fontaine.'-'
We hunted several days around this bay and filled our boats with venison,
buffalo and other game."
Father Davion and Martigny arrived at Biloxi in a pirogue. Father
'Davion had originally settled at Natchez for a year, but making'no
converts he went to the Tunicas, and erected a cross on the highest
bluffs, where he said mass every morning. It was called Roche a
Davion until 1764, when it became known as Loftus Heights, and
afterwards and ever since as Fort Adams, f To this remote chff, con
ciliating the various tribes as he traveled, the devoted priest had come
bearing upon his shoulders the sacred symbols, with no hope of earthly
reward, sustained only by the sublime faith that triumphs even over
the terrors of death. J Father Martigny had come from the posts on
the Illinois to inquire for him, and to take his place if he had
perished ; and hearing from the Indians of the colony at Biloxi, they
journeyed thither — down the Mississippi — down the Manchac — along
lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain— through the Rigolets and along
the Mississippi Sound, under the burning sun and profuse dews of
July — camping on the desert shores at night amidst myriads of mos
quitoes — with no refreshment but a calibash of tepid water and a littlfe
dried meat or parched corn ! Ten days only they allowed themselves to
commune with their countrymen, and then these devoted men set out,
as they came, the one to resume his labors among the Tunicas, the
other to establish a mission on the Yazoo, or river of death.
*The present beautiful residence of W. A. Whitfield, Esq., known as the
¦"Shelly Nurseries."
fFort Adams was constructed by Maj. Isaac Guion, who had been sent by Gen
Wilkinson, with a detachment of American troops, to occupy Natchez prior to
its evacuation by the Spaniards. About the same time the Americans occupied
Nogales, (Walnut Hills, near Vicksburg,) and the Bluffs of Margot, ("VVolf,) near
Memphis ; the ofiicers at Margot were Capt. Pierce, Capt. Lewis, Lieut. Steele,
Ensign Fero. At Nogales, Major Kersey, Capt. Eichard, Capt. Wade, Lieut.
Marschalk, Lieut. Davidson. At Natchez, Capt. Guion, Capt. Heth, Capt. Dern
ier, Lieut. Pope, Lieut. Bower, Lieut. Gregg, Ensign Clary, Ensign Scott, Surgeon
Pfeifer, Qr.-Master Evans, Commissary Quin.
Col. John F. Hamtramck, 1st regiment U. S. infantry, soon after arrived, con
centrated the troops at Fort Adams and assumed command.
tin 1701, Father Francois Joliet de Montigny had visited the Natchez and
Tunicas, but making no converts, returned to Quebec.

OHAPTEE IV

^3X|^^^ BOUT this time Bienville, on a reconnaissance in one
!^i^m)S'S of the bends of the Mississippi, fell in with an Enghsh
ship. Captain Barr, who had been sent to explore the
river and make a settiement. The Frenchman very
coolly informed the Englishman that the Mississippi lay
much further to the west, that this stream was a dependence
of Canada, and that it had been for some time occupied
by the forces of the King of France, Capt. Barr thanked him
for the information so politely given, and sailed westward in
search of the great river ! To this day the bend is known as
" the English Turn."
1699, December 7th, M. d'Iberville and M. de Surgere, with two
frigates, arrived for the second time at Biloxi, bringing supplies and
reinforcements, including sixty Canadians, who, nothwithstanding the
cold climate in which they had been bred, seem to have been alvvays
relied on here, for all service demanding exposure and privation.* ^
The moment Iberville was informed of the visit of the English
ship, he dispatched Bienville to ascertain from the Indians the point
most exempt from inundation. He was conducted to a ridge some
eighteen leagues above the Passes, and there they built a fort.
1700. On the i6th February, while engaged in its construction, the
French were surprised and cheered by the arrival of the veteran de
Tonti, from his distant post on the lUinois. He had been here with
the illustrious La Salle. He had returned here in search of him.
And now, hearing a rumor of a French settiement, he had made his
third voyage.
No character in the romantic history of French exploration in North
America, is so uniformly perfect and admirable as Henri de Tonti.
His coolness and constancy, discretion, courage, fertility of resource
and devotion to duty, never failed. His influence over the fierce
tribes of the northwest, which he maintained in his remote and isolated
post, even when the government at Quebec had lost its control over
them, exhibits an extraordinary faculty for command, aided by great
moral and personal qualities. In early life he had lost one of his
hands in battie. On one occasion, when some savages were about to
kill him, he expressed his surprise that they should slay one who car-
•*-Thia is a practical refutation of the notion that white labor is not available in
the South,

Territory aniJ State. 23
ried their images in his heart. Throwing open his bosom, where a
small mirror was concealed, they beheld their own faces and were
subdued. The one-handed chief was ever afterwards obeyed not only
as a great warrior, but as a great " Medicine-man," or magician, whom
it was dangerous to offend. This distinguished officer was induced to
remain on our coast, and was constantly employed on important ser
vice until his death at Biloxi, in September, 1704.
1700. Iberville, Bienville and Tonti ascended the river to the
Natchez villages, where they arrived February nth. They were
charmed with the country. It was determined to post a garrison
there, and lay out a town which should be called "La Ville de
Rosalie aux Natchez." They found here Father St. Cosme, recently
arrived from Canada.*
The great chief or. "Sun," with a train of six hundred followers,
received the visitors. They had been, according to their own account,
a numerous and powerful people, holding in subjection many other
tribes. Father Le Petit, Superior of the Jesuits, who was a long time
stationed in New Orleans, says :
"They inhabited a beautiful country, and were the only tribe that seemed to
have an established worship. Tney had a temple filled with idols, rudely
carved. This temple resembled an earthen oven, or the back of a tortoise, and
was one hundredfeet in circumference. They entered it by one small door and
there was no window. Above, on the outside of the roof, were three wooden
eagles, painted red, yellow and white. In front of the door was a shed where
the guardian of the temple kept watch. All around was a circle of pointed
pickets, capped with the skulls of their enemies who had fallen in battle. The
interior was lined with shelves on which were baskets holding the bones of
their most renowned chiefs, while beneath these were piled the bones of their
favorite followers, who had been strangled, to attend their masters in the spirit
world. In the temple they kept a small, but perpetual fire, made of bark, pro
vided by the patriarchs of the tribe. No woman, except the mother and sis
ters of the Great Sun, was allowed to enter the sacred edifice. The common
people dared only approach the threshhold. The sun was their deity ; their
great chief was called by the same name, and he, in turn, called the sun his
brother. Every morning at dawn, attended by his retinue, the chief ascended
a mound to converse with his celestial brother. As soon as the sun appeared in
the heavens, the chief saluted with a long howl, and then waved his hand from
east to west, and directed what course he should traverse ! "
Chateaubriand, in his charming romances, and some of the early
French writers, who often drew upon their fancy for their facts, have
thrown an interest around the Natchez, as a semi-civilized and noble
race, that has passed into history. We find no traces of civilization in
their architecture, or in their social life and customs. Their religion
was brutal and bloody, indicating an Aztec origin. They were per
fidious and cruel, and if they were at all superior to the neighboring
tribes it was probably due to the district they occupied — the most beau
tiful, healthy and productive in the valley of the Mississippi — and the
influence of its attractions in substituting permanent for temporary
occupation. The residence of the grand chief was merely a spacious cabin, of
*Killed by the Chittimaches, three years afterwards, on his way to the fort on
the Mississippi. Three Frenchmen were murdered at the same time. One of
these Indians was subsequentiy captured and carried to Bienville at Mobile. He
was tied on a wooden horse and beaten to death with clubs. The Chittimaches
lived on the Lafourche and the murder took place where Donaldsonville now
stands.

24 Mississippi; as a Province,
one apartment, with a mat of basket work for his bed and a log for
his pillow. In the middle of the room was a square stone. Those of
his courtiers who entered to pay their compliments, made the circuit
of this stone three times before they dared to look towards the royal
couch. Then they saluted by howling three times. The chief
responded with a grunt, and the degree of his favor was measured by
the emphasis of his response. The gratified courtier acknowledged
the royal courtesy by another prolonged howl. Whenever the chief
condescended to ask a question, the etiquette was to howl before an
swering. When retiring the visitor howled at every step, until he
crossed the royal threshhold. From this "hnked sweetness long
drawn out," Campbell, many years afterwards, probably derived his
musical hne, "the wolf's long howl on Oonalaska's shore." He who
howled longest and loudest stood highest in the favor of the great
chief of the Natchez ! *
"When this personage dies," says Father Petit, ' 'they demolish his house
and throw up a mound, and on that they build a dwelling for the new
brother of the sun."
Their notion of a future life — one of the best tests of civilization —
was as low as the rest of the barbarian tribes. They believed that
the good would enjoy a perpetual feast of green corn, venison and
melons, and the bad be condemned to a diet of aligators and spoiled fish.
What their notion was as to the distinction between the bad and the
good, does not appear.
¦ Their government was an absolute despotism. The supreme chief
was master of their labor, their property, and their lives. He never
labored, and when he needed provisions he issued invitations for a feast,
and all the principal inhabitants were required to attend, and to bring
supplies sufiicient for the entertainment and for the support of the
royal family, until he chose to proclaim another festival. He selected
his servants from the highest circles, and when he came to die, they
felt it an honor to be strangled by their nearest relatives, to howl for
him in the other world.
When an heir presumptive was born, each family that had a new born
infant appeared in the royal presence, and a certain number vsere select
ed to be his attendants. When this heir died, Avhether in infancy or in
manhood, the persons thus selected were strangled. The same cere
mony was observed in the families of the brothers and sisters of the
chief The government was hereditary, with, however, this remarka
ble peculiarity. It was not the son of the supreme chief who got the
succession, but the son of his eldest sister, or, in default of a sister,

*This singular conrt etiquette was not more absurd than that which prevailed in
France and Spam at the same period. In the former the honors of the Fauteuil,
or elbow chair, at the king's receptions, was the ]irime object of ambition among
ministers and marshals. And in Spain the privilege of the Chapeau The dis
tinctive privilege of a grandee of the first class was the right to put on his hat, in
the King s presence, Je/ore he spoke. The second class could not put ou their
hats untd the King addressed them. The third class of grandees remained bare
headed until the Ivmg had spoken and lliey had ansu'ered him. This old etiquette
IS still traceable in Spam, in the civility shown to tlie hat in all circles of society.
A -visitor IS not permitted to hold his hat in his liand even for a moment, nor to
put it down. It IS the privilege aud the duty of the best to recieve it reverently,
and deposit it in a conspicuous place. On rising to go the same etiquette prevails.
The host takes It up daintily and with a profound obeisance presents it to his
guest. '

Territory and State. 25
the son of the nearest female relative of the blood royal. This custom
implies a rooted want of confidence in the virtue of the royal ladies.
The most rational custom among them — one peculiar to the Natchez —
was one prohibiting a princess from inter-marrying with a member of
the blood royal. No mingling of kindred blood, no husband brought
up in indolence and effeminacy, but one chosen from the ranks of the
people for his vigor and courage. The princesses were thus restticted
in their choice from motives of state, but they had the right to dismiss
him and choose another as often as they pleased. If the husband,
poor fellow, had indulged a f enchant for one fairer and fonder, the
noble dame very coolly ordered his head cut off" ! She herself, how
ever — and in this the Natchez, perhaps, exhibited the nearest approach
to civilization — was not subject to the same retribution. She inight
have as many lovers as she fancied, and the husband had no right to
complain. In the presence of- his wife, and even of her lovers, he
was required to exhibit the most profound respect and satisfaction ;
never dared appear at her table, and howled with all his might when
ever he met her ! Penicault, whom we have already quoted, was at
Natchez, in 1703, when the Great Female Sun died:
"She was really the Great Sun, in her own right. Her husband, who was
not of the blood royal, was strangled by their eldest son, so that in death, as in
life, he might be her submissive attendant, and howl to her ghost ! On the
outside of her house they placed all her eflects on a scaflbld, and on these they
deposited the two corpses. They likewise put there the bodies of twelve chil
dren whom they had just strangled. These children had been brought by their
parents, by order of the eldest sou of the deceased, who had the right, as her
successor, to put to death as many as he thought necessary to wait on her in
the land of spirits. Fourteen other scaffolds were erected decorated with vines
and rude paintings. These were intended for the bodies of the victims, whose
nearest relatives, dressed in festive robes, surrounded them, with looks and ges
tures expressive of satisfaction. They then in procession marched to the great
square in front of the temple and began to dance. Four days thereafter
they again formed in procession and began what is called the "March of Death,"
from the square to the house of the deceased. The fathers and mothers of the
strangled children held the bodies in their arms. The oldest of these did not
appear to be over three years. The relatives of these infants, with their hair
closely shaven, began to howl in the most frightful manner. But the adults,
who were about to die, danced around the house of the dead princess, until
finally it was set on fire by her eldest son and successor. All then marched to
the great temple. The parents who carried their strangled infants, then threw
them on the ground and began to dance. When the body of the deceased prin
cess was deposited in the temple, the intended victims were undressed and seated
on the ground. A cord with a noose was passed around each of their necks,
and deer skins thrown over their heads. The relatives who were the execution
ers, then stood to the right and left of each victim, and at a given signal all
were strangled. The bodies were placed on scaffolds, and the bones when dry
were deposited in baskets in the temple, and this constituted a sort of patent of
nobility. It was a privilege and an honor to die with the Sun."
The Natchez consisted exclusively of two classes — the Blood Royal
and its connexions, and the common people, the Mich-i-mioki-quipe
or Stinkards. The two classes understood each other, but spoke a dif
ferent dialect*
*In 1771 Bartram, the naturalist, describing the several towns that composed the
Creek or Muscogee confederacy, notes that they spoke diii'erent dialects. Two of
these towns on the Talladega waters had been founded by fugitives from the
Natchez — (Abecouche audNatche) when they fled from the Chickasaw country on
the second invasion of BienviUe. Bartram refers to several of these confederated
tribes as speaking the "Stinkard tongue."

26 Mississippi, as a Province.
Their customs of war, their treatment of prisoners, their ceremonies
of marriage, their feasts and fasts, their sorceries and witchcraft, differed
very littie from other savages. Father Charlevoix, who visited Natchez
in 1721, saw no evidences of civilization. Their villages consisted of
a few cabins, or rather ovens, without windows and roofed with mat
ting. The house of the Sun was larger, plastered with mud, and a
narrow bench for a seat and bed. No other furniture in the mansion
of this grand dignitary, who has been described by imaginative writers
as the peer of Montezuma ! The people were all off at a feast, and the
door of the palace was open. There was no fear of thieves, since
there was nothing to steal. No chimneys and no windows to any of
the dwellings. Even the temple itself was without a guardian. He
had thrown aside his bark, and put three substantial logs, end to end,
and gone off, doubtiess, to the feast. The 'boasted temple' was a rude
structure ; the eagles looking like rough weather-cocks — no ornaments,
only a few baskets of bones. In one corner was a rickety board table
which romance writers have called an altar. A dirtier place the rever
end father had never seen. In their outward appearance, dress and
manner, there was nothing, says this shrewd observer, to distinguish
them from other barbarians.
1700. February 13th, Iberville and his party left Natchez for the
villages of the Tsensas, near lake St. Joseph, in the present parish of
Tensas, Louisiana, an offshoot of the Natchez, with the same customs
and faith. They had been visited by La Salle and Tonti twenty-eight
years before. During this second visit, as though foreshadowing the
doom the pale-faces were to bring upon the red-men, their temple was
struck by lightning and consumed. To appease the Sun God the
women threw their infants into the flames. Perricaul, who was of the
party, thus describes this horrible incident :
"We left the Natchez and coasted along to the right, where the river is bor
dered with high gravelly banks for a distance of twelve leagues ; at the extrem
ity of these bluffs is a place we called Petit Gulf, on account of the whirlpool
formed by the river for the distance of a quarter of a league. Eight leagues
higher up we came to Grand Gulf, which we passed a short distance above on
the right hand side. We landed to visit a village four leagues in the interior.
These Indians are called the Tensas. (They were a portion of the Natchez
nation, were never converted by the Catholic Fathers, but scrupulously observed
all the religious ceremonies of the Natchez). We were well received, but I
never saw a more sad, frightful and revolting spectacle than that which hap
pened the second day, 16th April, after our arrival in the village. A sudden
storm burst upon us. The lightning struck the temple, burned all their idols
and reduced the whole to ashes. Quickly the Indians assembled around, mak
ing horrible cries, tearing out their hair, elevating their hands to heaven, their
tawny visages turned towards the burning temple, invoking their Great Spirit,
with the howling of devils possessed, to come down and extinguish the flames.
They took up mud, with which they besmeared their bodies and faces. The
fathers and mothers then brought their children, and after having slrangled them
threw them into ihe flame.'!. M. d'Iberville was horrified at seeing such a cruel
spectacle, and gave orders to stop it, by forcibly taking from them the little
innocents ; but with all our efforts seventeen perished in this manner, and had
we not restrained them, the number would have been over two hundred."
1701. Soon after the party returned to Biloxi. Bienville was sent to
command the fort on the Mississippi. Sauvolle was left as governor
of the colony. Iberville himself sailed for France.

OHAPTEE T.

|UCH distress in the colony, owing to the failure of
supplies expected from St. Domingo. The French had
not learned to look to the soil for subsistence. D'Iber
ville had been specially instructed, on his second voy-
[age, "to breed the jBiiffa/o at Biloxi;* to seek for pearis;
to examine the wild mulberry with the view to silk ; the timber
for ship-building, and to seek for mines ;" but not a word
said about planting grain.
The colonists were almost famished and much sickness pre
vailed. The accomplished Sauvolle died August 22d, and his
dust now lies among the ruins of old Fort Maurepas, on the eastern
extremity of the Bay of Biloxi. His brother Bienville took com
mand. f
In December news came that two ships, commanded by his brothers
Serigny and Chauteaugue, had anchored off" Dauphine Island, and
brought orders to Bienville to evacuate Fort Maurepas, at Biloxi, and ,
remove to Mobile river. Leaving M. de Boisbriant in command, he
* In the 9th Annual Report of the U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey,
published in 1877, there is appended an elaborate and interesting memoir on the
American Bison, or Buffalo, by Prof. J. A. Allen, in which it is assumed, not from
actual testimony but from the absence of testimony, that this species never inhab
ited the lower or seaboard portions of the Southern Gulf States, the principal
reason assigned being, that the animal did not incline to a densely wooded or
swampy country. Tlie existence of vast meadows, salt marshes and prairies, ex
tending from Florida to Texas, covered, the year round, with succulent grasses,
and abounding' with saline and brackish water, would seem to be the true pasture
of the buflalo. Besides, a large area of the entire pine district in this quarter
was very thinly timbered, abounding in grass and shrubs.
Capt. Eoman, a British oflicer who explored Florida in 1776, says that at the head
of the Manitee river he saw the foot-prints of buffalo. Perricaul, an officer who
came with Bienville to Biloxi in 1701, says, in his journal, that he camped with a
party several days on the east shore of Bay St. Louis, near a beautiful stream flow
ing from the hiUs, which Bienville named Bellefontaine, and tliat they laid in a
large supply of bufl'alo meat and venison.
CThe instructions to D'Iberville, quoted in the text, would seem to be conclusive.
If he was to " breed the buftalo," it is apparent he must procure the stock in the
district he occupied at Biloxi. He could not transport them from Missouri.
t Sauvolle and others most probably died of yellow fever. The colonists kept
up a frequent intercourse with St. Domingo, then a colony of France. Every
ship for Biloxi touched at St. Domingo, and brought its fevers to the healthiest
coast in the world. At a later period, a direct intercourse was opened with
Africa, equally pernicious. Ignorant of the nature and treatment of these fevers,
but for the extreme salubrity of the sea-coast, the whole colony would have per
ished.

2 8 Mississippi, as a Province,
proceeded to Mobile. His brothers were constructing a magazine on
the island for the stores from France, and he laid the foundations of
the new Fort, St. Louis de la Mobile, at the mouth of Dog river.
This continued to be the official centre of the colony for nine years,
when, owing to inundation, the fort was removed to the present site of
the city of Mobile.
1702. Fathers Davion and Limoge, missionaries, brought word that
M. Foucalt, a priest and three Frenchmen, had been murdered near
the mouth of the Yazoo.
1703. The Enghsh traders, from Carolina, were busy fomenting jeal
ousies among the Alabama and Muscogee Indians against the French. The
Alabamas induced Bienville to send a boat expedition after corn. The
men Avere all massacred, save one, who was badly wounded, but escaped.
He then engaged a party of Choctaws to make war on the Alabamas,
thus introducing a practice which has been fatal to the red race.
1704. Great scarcity of provisions in the colony and much sickness.
An arrival from France brought rehef, and on the 22d July the frigate
Pelican arrived, bringing a detachment of soldiers, and a large cargo
of supplies. Father la Vente, who proved to be an intriguer and
mischief-maker, came out as Vicar-General of the colony, and with
him four priests, four Sisters of Charity, and twenty-three young girls
certified by the French minister, in a dispatch to Bienville, to be of
irreproachable character. They were specially under the charge of
Sister Jeanne Morbe, and were all married soon after their arrival.
As their descendants are yet on the seaboard of Alabama and Mis
sissippi, their names are here recorded :
Francoise de Boisrenard, Jeanne Catherine Bereuchard, Elizabeth le Penteau,
Marianne Decoudreaux, Marie Noel, du Mesnil, Gabrielle Sanart, Marie
Therese Brochou, Angelique Fayard, Marguerite Fayard, Marguerite Tavenier,
Elizabeth Deshays, Marie Philippe, Louise Housseau, Madeline Duane, Marie
Dufesne, Marguerite Geuchard, Eeine Gilbert, Francoise La Fontaine, Gabrielle
Binet. 1705. The first white child born in the colony, says Mr. Gayarre, in his
Colonial History, was named Claude Jousset, the son of a Canadian
trader in Mobile.
On the same ship came the Sieur Etienne Buree and family, five
families of laborers and the first sage-femme, Madame Catherine de
Mouthon. About this time the Chickasaws seized several ChoctaAv families and
sold them to the English traders, to be carried to Carolina as slaves.
This caused a rupture between these tribes. There happened to be a
party of some seventy Chickasaws in Mobile when this news arrived.
Being afraid to undertake to pass alone through the territory of the
Choctaws, they begged Bienville for an escort. He dispatched M. de
Boisbriant with twenty-five Canadians. On arriving at the first village
of the Choctaws, the chief said he would not oppose their passage
through his country, but he desired to reproach them for their
treachery, in presence of the French. He then took his stand in the
centre of the square, having in his hands a pipe and a plume of
eagle feathers. The Chickasaws were invited to sit around him in a
circle. A cordon of Choctaws formed around them. The chief then
said, " the^ French, who are proctecting you, are certainly not aware
how perfidious you have been, and what injuries you have inflicted

Territory and State. 29
upon us. You have raided into our country — murdered our kindred
— burned their dwellings and sold their wives and children into slavery.
Instead of permitting you to pass as peaceful strangers or as honored
guests, you deserve to die" He then dropped his plume, which was
the signal to strike. Most of the Chickasaws were slain before they
could rise. Boisbriant was accidentally wounded. He was carried
on a litter to Mobile, attended by three hundred warriors, to manifest
their regret.
1706. The war continued between the two tribes, the Choctaws in
vading the territory of their enemy, burning several towns, and carry
ing off many prisoners. Notwithstanding this, the warlike Chickasaws,
under the lead of an English trader, sent a party against the Tunicas,
on the Mississippi, below Fort Adams, allies of the Choctaws and the
French. The Tunicas not finding themselves strong enough to fight,
abandoned their villages and sought refuge lower down among the
Houmas. While there enjoying their hospitality, these refugees rose
upon their entertainers, seized the village and killed more than half
the tribe. The survivors fled to the shores of Lake Pontchartrain,
and we see their descendants now in the markets of New Orleans,
where they carry on a small traffic in herbs, roots and berries.
The Chickasaws, after this massacre of their warriors in presence of
a military escort, and as they believed with its connivance, became
the deadly enemies of the French. They were encouraged by the
English traders from Georgia and Carolina. They watched the river
and murdered numerous voyagers, descending from the Illinois to the
lower colony. Nor was the internal condition of the colony satis
factory. Relying entirely on the mother country and on Mexico for
bread, they were often in want. La Salle, the commisary general, an
ill-tempered and jealous man, occupied himself chiefly in denouncing
Bienville and his brothers, to the minister, and in this he was backed
by Father La Vente, a cunning and malignant malcontent.
1707, January ist. The Grand Vicar of Quebec arrived, and
brought news of the jnurder of Father Cosme, of Natchez, and three
Frenchmen, by the Chittemaches of La Fourche. Bienville induced
the Natchez, Biloxis and Bayou-goulas to attack them, and they were
nearly exterminated.
The sad intehigence came of the death of Iberville, father of the
colony, and by far the ablest man that had appeared in it. Neither
exposure, which had cut off many, nor famine, nor Indian hostilites,
nor opposition or apathy at home, discouraged this great man. His
energies never drooped. He had sounded the passes and personally
explored the Mississippi as far as the Tensas ; coasted and measured
the bays and lakes ; had erected forts on the river, at Biloxi and Mo
bile; had explorations made, by Bienville and St. Denys, of the La
Fourche, Achafalaya, Red river, Ouachita, Arkansas and Yazoo ; had
opened communication with the posts on the Illinois by the new route
of Manchac ; and by the most indefatigable exertions, had organized
a system of supplies and re-inforcements for the colony, without which
it must have perished, from hunger and its enemies.
Soon after his last return from the colony, (1702) war was declared
by England against France and Spain, and her cruisers swept the
ocean. But he dispatched his brother Chateaugue, a skillful seaman,
who succeeded in landing large supplies at Dauphine island. In 1704

30 Mississippi, as a Province,
he made preparations to sail from Rochelle, but was disabled by severe
and protracted illness. In 1706, in command of a formidable squad
ron, he sailed for Mobile, intending first ta attack Charleston. He
touched at St. Domingo, to take a number of soldiers, and there died
of yellow fever on the 9th July. About the same time it was announc
ed that M. de Noyan, brother-in-law of Iberville and Bienville, com
manding the frigate Eagle, had died at Vera Cruz, of the same fatal
disease. In his dispatches to the minister this year, Bienville complains that
his French soldiers are too young ; that they sink under exposure and
often desert, and he insists that his Canadians "are the pillars of the
colony" — a striking illustration, that should be noted, of the ability of
white men, nurtured in northern latitudes, to endure exposure and
hard service in this climate. They were, too, it must be remembered,
a temperate race, of primitive habits, simple in their diet and rarely
given to excess.
1708. An English privateer made a descent on Dauphine island,
the chief depot, and carried off and destroyed valuable stores. This
year the fort was inundated, and it wsls decided to move it eight leagues
higher up. It vras built according to a plan of Bienville, a bastioned
square, containing the governor's house, the king's warehouse, the mag
azine, the barracks and the prison. Outside there was a hospital, a
school, a cemetery, and a house for the priests. Near by were
quarters for the principal officers, M. de Bienville, M. de Chateaugue,
de Boisbriant, Marigny de Mandeville, de Blondel, de Valaguy, de
Pailloux, de St. Denis, de Chilen ; M. Duclos, commisary charged
with the sale of land and the administration of pofice ; M. Jean Mache,
armorer. There were other residences for people in the service, and
a house for the accomodation of strangers.
At this period inundations were frequent, and it was customary to
seek temporary refuge on Massacre and Dauphine islands. These
islands aremere sand banks on which grow a few dwarfish pine trees,
creeping vines and stunted palms. Dauphine is about seven miles in
length, averaging a mile in width. The harbor in those times was at
the east end, formed by a sand bank known as Spanish island. The
depth of water was four to five fathoms, and afforded excellent anchor
age. On approaching this harbor it was necessary to pass a bar,
where M. de Iberville found, on his first visit, from twenty to twenty-
one feet water. In 1706, owing to hurricanes and shifting sands, it
had shaUowed to fifteen feet. This anchorage could also be reached
by a smaller class of vessels, by steering for Mobile bav, and crossing
the bar, where the depth was about twelve feet.
^ The port of Dauphine was defended by a fort, under whose protec
tion the government Avarehouses, and a number of private dwellings,
had been built. There were some two hundred small houses enclosed
in an entrenched camp surrounded by palisades. These buildings
were subsequentiy destroyed by fire about the same time that the old
fort at Biloxi burned.
^M. Pouissin, formeriy French Minister at Washington, says :
""When I visited this island in 1817, it was a perfect desert. It had become
what nature intended it to be, the rendezvous of sea birds, and the resort of
fr^^?, /if' '° .='^'^"/?"' °" tlj^it <^oa''t- A single individual had built his hut
among the rums of the old fort. He was an old pilot, brave and intelligent

Territory and State.

31

whose heart was the seat of those noble sentiments of French honor, which one
is always happy to speak of wherever they are exhibited.
In the year 1814, during the last war with England, Damour, the Mobile
pilot, had been sought after by the commanding officer of the English squadron
then on the coast. His reputation was well known from New Orleans to Pensa
cola. He alone was able to pilot the ships of this squadron through the wretch
ed islands and difficult channels that abound along the coast of Louisiana.
The party in pursuit of him. searched the whole of Dauphin Island. They
found his hut, turned his humble furniture upside down, and, after having
despaired of securing their object, set fire to his property. In the meantime,
Damour, his hatred of the English unmitigated, remained concealed in the foul
water of one of the ponds on the island, in the midst of rushes and crocodiles,
his head alone above its surface. Iu this position, he witnessed the destruc
tion of his dwelling, debarred the means of vengeance. But the brave French
man was afterwards revenged, for, at the attack of Fort Boyer, on the very
point of Mobile Bay, the English met with a shameful defeat before the feeble
bastions of a eand redoubt, defended by a handful of brave Americans under
their intrepid commander. Major Boyer.
1708. The Chevalier de Muys was appointed to supersede the inde
fatigable Bienville, and Diron d'Artaguette commisary general in place
of La Salle, with special instructions to investigate the conduct of
Bienville. The new governor touched at Havana in July, and died
there of yellow fever. D'Artaguette, a man of sterling character,
after a thorough inquest, reported that the charges against Bienville
were false and malicious.
1709. In his correspondence this year with the home government,
Bienville insisted that the supplies of the colony should be made on
the rich soil it possessed ; but that it was impossible to make the
French work, and the Indians, whom they had subjected, deserted to
their villages. He proposed to send Indians to the West Indies, and
exchange them for slaves. This the minister pronounced impractica
ble, and recommended a direct importation from Africa.
1 7 10. On the return of D'Artaguette to France, although he vindi
cated the veteran Bienville, he did not present a flattering report of
the colony. It had thus far been a heavy charge to the crown, with
out contributing either revenue or glory, and the king was glad to
turn it over to Antoine Crozat, an eminent merchant. The grant was
for fifteen years, with exclusive right to the commerce, navigation and
occupation of the whole colony of Louisiana, from the sea to the Illi
nois, inclusive of what is now Missouri and Texas. He conceded
likewise to Crozat forever all the lands he might open and cultivate,
the proceeds of the mines he might discover, and stipulated to pay
50,000 livres per annum for the maintenance of troops in the colony.
Crozat, in return agreed to pay to the king one-fourth of the proceeds
of his mines, and to bring annually a cargo of slaves from Africa, and
two ship loads of emigrants from France, and, after the first nine years,
to pay the salaries of the king's officers and employees in the colony,
reserving to himself the right to nominate these officers to the King.
In the proces verbal making this grant the name of the Mississippi
was changed to the "river of St Louis," the Missouri to the "river St.
Phillipe," the Wabash to "St Jerome."*
¦*The Indians of the sea coast called the Mississippi, Mal-bou-chia, according to
Iberville. DuPratz says the Indians of the west called it 3Ie-ac-cha-si]}pi, Me-she-o-be and

,2 Mississippi, as a Province,
1712. The colony consisted of about five hundred persons, of whom
there were about fifty white women and children and some eighty In
dian slaves. They had a few cattie, hogs, goats and poultry.
The colonial expenses for the year 171 1 are thus reported m the
archives : MVKES.
Workmen on public buildings  _  |i480
Twenty-three naval officers, marines and cabin boys  lonao
Superior officers  1^'°°°
Medicine chest  °"^
Wax candles in Chapel  f'i^
Presents to Indians  *.^""
Military companies  ... .J/,o»s
Total  ^'^'^^
In the instrument transferring the colony to Crozat, who, like all
successful merchants, was a man of comprehensive views, we find the
first conception of that great center of trade which New Orleans has
since become, but, owing to adverse circumstances, not to the extent
that belongs to her unrivaled position, combining more_ natural re
sources than any other in either hemisphere. Crozat's main object in
accepting a grant of the colony, was to inaugurate a trade with Mex
ico, Pensacola, Tampico, Vera Cruz and the coast of Campeachy— a
projet full of profit, and entirely practicable had it not been defeated
by an unexpected commercial treaty between England and Spain, whom
Crozat had calculated on as beligerents. This treaty, and the compe
tition it opened, was the prime cause of his ultimate failure.
1713. Early in May the frigate de la Fosse arrived off Dauphine
island, bringing N. de la Motte Cadillac, the new governor, M. Du
clos, Intendant Commisary, de Richebourg, Le Bas, Dirigonin, and
d'Ursins, directors, all the nominees of the great merchant. _ Cadillac,
like most of the French officers in the colony, had served in Canada,
and had been commandant of Detroit ! He now styled himself "An
toine de la Motte Cadillac, seigneur of Davaguet and Monderet,
Governor of Dauphine island. Fort Louis and Biloxi, and of the pro
vince of Lomsiana."
The first party organization known in this country sprung up after
the arrival of Crozat's appointees. They were jealous of the popular
ity of Bienville, and of the enterprising officers he had about him,
who were chiefly Canadians, like himself and his distinguished brothers.
"On one side," says Gayarre, the brilliant historian of Louisiana,
"was the new governor, the Agamemnon of his party, backed by
Mandeville de Marigny, Bagot, Blondel, Latour, Villiers and Terrine,
scions of noble houses, and the fanatic curate de la Vente, who stim
ulated them to the contest. On the other side was Bienville, the
Mcc-n-she-be, all signifying the "Father of waters." By some tribes it was known
as Chi(-ca-fiiuf, Mal-bok-a and Namese-sipon, river of fishes.
By the S|ianiardsit was known, at different tinies, as Bio Grande, Bio dclEspir-
ito Santo, Kio Eseonnido.
By the French as i(( Palisade, from the number of upright snags and young
cotton-wood trees on the bar and passes ; subsequently as jiio Colbert, after the
great minister, and then as the river St. Louis, after the King. Coxe, in his map
published in London, 1741, designates it as Mec-a-she-ba.

Territory and State. 33
Hector of the opposition, Duclos, Boisbriant, Dutisme, Chateaugue,
Serigny and others, fully a match for their antagonists."*
The new governor, chiefly because Iberville and his brothers prefer
red Mobile, determined to transfer his official residence to Biloxi and
to make Ship Island his place of deposit. The old fort had been
burned. He built another fort at what was thenceforth called New
Biloxi, upon the point of land to the right of the bay, immediately
fronting Ship Island. He seems to have been greatly soured and dis
appointed, and his whole correspondence was in disparagement of the
colony, his predecessor and friends, and must have been very discour
aging to Crozat. He said he found priests without a church, officials
without integrity, military men without experience, women without
beauty or virtue, a people who preferred Indian mistresses to Euro
pean wives, and a country without mines, without commerce, improve
ments or capacity for production !
1 7 16. When Bienville was superseded he retained his commision as
King's Lieutenant, and was directed by the minister to place a garrison
of eighty men at Natchez, where M. de Ursins had the year before
established a trading post in the interest of Crozat. Frequent robber
ies and murders of Frenchmen on the river had occurred. The
governor interposed objections, and Bienville set out with only thirty-
four soldiers, commanded by Captain Richebourg (whose unpublished
journal we follow) and fifteen marines. Arriving at Bayou Tunica,
Father Davion, the Missionary there, warned him that the Tunicas
could not be relied on. He therefore took position on an island and
erected a palisade. He dispatched a pirogue with orders to pass
Natchez at night, and proceed as far as the Illinois and give notice
that there was war between the French and the Natchez. April 24th
a deputation of Natchez warriors approached and offered the calumet.
He haughtily told them to share their pipe with his soldiers, that he, the
great chief of the French, would only smoke with the Great Sun and
his brothers. They retired and a few days thereafter four large
pirogues appeared. Eight gigantic warriors stood up and chanted the
song of peace, and three chiefs, richly dressed, landed from the boats.
Bienville conducted them within his defences, where they were instantiy
seized and bound. The Grand Sun and his brothers, the Angry Ser
pent and the Little Sun, were the prisoners. He informed them that the
surrender of the chiefs who had instigated the murder of his country
men, would secure their release and their lives. He allowed them
that night to deliberate. Next morning they represented very plausi
bly that, in their absence, there was no one of sufficient authority to
enforce such a demand, and they entreated that the Angry Serpent
might be liberated for that purpose. Bienville allowed the Little S#n
to go, and sent him with a guard, who landed him six miles below the
town. In five days he returned with three heads, two of which were
identified as chiefs who were parties to the murder, but the third was
the head of an unoffending man, brother of the murderer who had
*The Governor, in one of his first dispatches, reports the colonists as "a miser-
ble collection of the scum of Canada, fit only for the hangman, insubordinate,
without religion, addicted to all sorts of vice, and to the Indian squaws, whom
they prefer to the French."
This is almost as bad as the dispatches of Governor Sargent, 86 years afterwards,
about the people of the Natchez district.
3

34 Mississippi, as a Province.
fled. Bienville reproached them for this act and sternly demanded the
head of the guilty chief. White Earth. He dispatched the High Priest
of the Temple, and two warriors, for the head of that chief. The
High Priest returned and reported that White Earth had fled the coun
try. High water and sickness intervening at this juncture, the French
general determined to release his prisoners on condition that they
would capture and execute the refugee ; return all the goods they had
taken, or the value thereof; and by the first of August, cut and place
at a point to be designated, 2500 pickets, and furnish the bark of cy
press trees, to cover the fort and barracks to be erected at tiieir vil
lage. M. Pailloux, and two soldiers were sent with the Great Sun and his
attendants to Natchez ; the Angry Serpent and the Little Sun being
retained as hostages. Four of the warriors in custody had been iden
tified as parties to the murder of the Frenchmen. Two of these he
executed forthwith and the other two a few days later. They died, as
the American savage always dies, chanting their death-song _ and yell
ing defiance. The Grand Sun, on his return, convened his people,
and they approved the compact, and proceeded, in masse, under the
direction of de PaiUoux, to supply the timber, and labor on the earth
works. Bienville arrived August 2d, .and his men soon completed the
fort. He then liberated his prisoners, and was welcomed by a grand
dance in which 60® warriors and 300 women took part — a grander ball
than the proud city of the bluffs has ever witnessed since, even in her
palmiest days of opulence and splendor.
Thus ended the first war with the Natchez — ended by the strategy
of the French leader dealing with a perfidious enemy.
The fort was placed on an eminence, some 670 yards from the river,
overlooking a beautiful country of hills and dales. It was an irregular
pentagon, without bastions, built of durable timber. Within the in
closure there was a magazine, store-house and barrack, the whole
enveloped by a deep ditch and earth work. It was called Fort Rosa
lie, in honor of the wife of the Minister of Marine, the Count de
Pontchartrain. M. Pailloux was left in command.*
Bienville returned to headquarters where he learned that a new
governor, L'Epinay, had been appointed and that until his arrival, the
administration of the colony was confided to him. Thus the mills of
the gods, that grind slowly but surely, had, at last, crushed Cadillac, his
inveterate enemy, and the persistent reviler of the colony.
*He had early come to the colony with the rank of Aid-Major. Returning to
France he came back in 1702 as Sergeant of a company raised by M. de Chateaugue,
Jgpther of Bienville. In 1718 he was commissioned Major. In 1719 he was sent
jTOTa Biloxi to prevail on the Natchez and Yazoos to make war on the Chickasaws.
In 1721 he was in command of the post of New Orleans. In 1722 he was again
sent on a mission to the Natchez; before the great massacre, to quiet the distur
bances between the French and the Indians.

OHAPTEE Tl

D'EPINAY, the new governor, Hubert of St. Malo,
commisary general, three companies of infantry and
a number of laborers, with three ships loaded with pro
visions, merchandise and military stores, arrived at
Dauphine island, which it was determined to fortify. But
towards the last of August, 1717, a hurricane swept over
^' the island and choked up the harbor with sand, and Ship Island
was selected as the future place of anchorage and deposit, and
there a fort and warehouses were built. Headquarters re-estab
lished at Biloxi.
Crozat, finding himself unable to conduct the colony any longer,
was permitted to surrender it to the king, who transferred it- to a new
association called the Western, or India Company, with extraordinary
and exclusive privileges, for a term of twenty-five years. In this char
ter the company bound itself to introduce 3000 Africans. The famous
John Law, the director of the Bank of France, D'Artaguette, Re
ceiver-General of France, Duche of Rochelle, Moreau of St. Malo,
Pion of Nantes, and Costaignes and Manchard of Rochelle, were the
first directors. They immediately dispatched a fleet with merchandise
and emigrants, and with a commission reinstating Bienville in his old
position as governor. His first act was to carry out his long cherished
design, to transfer the capital of the colony to the bank of the Missis
sippi, and in March, 17 18, he selected the present site of New Orleans,
between what are now Canal and Esplanade streets, and set fifty men
to clear away the timber. He likewise built and garrisoned a fort on
St. Joseph's bay, in a district claimed by the Spaniards.
Ships from France continued to arrive in rapid succession, bringing
large parties of immigrants, sixty of whom settled in the old Indian
village of Pascagoula, which had been granted to M. Paris Duvernet.
Grants of land were made and plantations opened upon the Yazoo, at
Natchez, on Red river, at Baton Rouge, on the lower Mississippi, and
on the Arkansas. The slave trade was inaugurated and the company
fixed the value of negroes. One from seventeen to thirty years,
free from bodily defects, male or female, was worth 660 livres,
Three children, from eight to ten, 660 livres. Two over ten and un
der fifteen, same price. Half in cash and the remainder in twelve
months. The wages of good laborers were ten to fifteen livres a day.

36 Mississippi, as a Province,
1 7 19. M. de Serigny, brother of Bienville, arrived with instruc
tions to make a thorough survey and soundings of the sea board of
the colony. This work was well done, and the charts of that day are
still remarkable for their accuracy, except where the channels have
been affected by hurricanes. He brought the startiing intelligence that
France had declared war against Spain. Bienville was emphatically
"a fighting man," prompt and energetic, and fond of glory. He im
mediately convoked the Council, and decided his plans. He despatch
ed Serigny, with two vessels and one hundred and fifty soldiers, for
Pensacola bay. He ordered the Canadians and Indians to rendezvous
on the Perdido river, whither he went by water with a detachment of
fifty men, and marched for Pensacola. The Spanish commandant
capitulated, and was sent with his garrison to Havana, where the
Spanish governor perfidiously seized the ships and threw the officers.
and crews into prison. He manned the ships with Spaniards, and
sent them with fifteen hundred soldiers and a man-of-war, to recapture
Pensacola. Chateaugue was in command and preferred to resist, but
at that juncture the garrison, seeing the overwhelming superiority of
the enemy, refused to obey his orders. Fifty of them marched out
of the fort. The commandant was allowed to surrender with
the honors of war, and was sent to Spain. The Spanish
general then sailed for Dauphine island where the French ship,
St. Phillipe, was anchored. Serigny commanded the fort, and,
refusing to surrender, the Spaniards opened a furious cannon
ade which they continued several days, but finally bore away for
Pensacola. A marauding party sent up Mobile bay, was severely
chastised by a party of Canadians and Indians, en route for the relief
of Serigny. Eighteen of the French who, deserted at Pensacola were
here captured. Seventeen of these were beheaded in Mobile, and the
other gibbeted on Dauphine island.
1719, September 2nd. Three. French men-of-war escorting a large
convoy for the colony arrived. Bienville and Serigny induced the
admiral to join them in an attack on Pensacola. They followed the
.former route, and on the 17th invested it by sea and land. Admiral
Champmeslin, after a well fought engagement of three hours, cap
tured the entire Spanish squadron of four ships and six gunboats, and
the fort on Santa Rosa island. Simultaneously Bienville stormed the
defences of Pensacola. His Choctaws acted like veterans, and boldly
tore down the palisades that encircled the fort. In two hours the
commandant capitulated and the flag of the silver lilies was again
(hoisted on the fortress. The sword of Don Alphonso, the Spanish
Admiral, was returned, with many compliments upon his valor, but
the military copimandant, Matamora, was denounced for his perfidy
at Havana, and was disarmed by a common soldier. Forty of the
French, who had mutinied the year before, were here captured.
Twelve were hung at the yard-arms of the fleet, and the others were
condemned to servitude.
_ The Supreme Council of the colony did not support the governor in
his policy, as to the seat of government. Bienville and Hubert both
favored a change, with the view to agriculturaladvan tages, but differed
in their choice. The first was wedded to New Orieans, but Hubert
urged its liability to overflow, and recommended Natchez, as free from
this objection and combining all the other advantages claimed by Bien-

Territory and State. , 37
-ville for his favorite site. The fact that Hubert owned there the valu
able concession of St. Catherine, detracted from his argument, when
really it should have given force to it. He was a merchant of St.
Malo and strictly a man of business, with all the qualities that the name
implies — shrewd, sensible, discerning. He had the whole vast col
ony to choose from for his private grant, and after balancing all the
advantages and drawbacks, commercial and agricultural, he gave the
preference to Natchez, and obtained a concession on the St. Catherine's,
three miles from the river. The same considerations recommended it
to him as the proper site of the colonial capital. In the heart of the
richest agricultural district in the world, based upon a stratum of marl,
and therefore inexhaustible — elevated, healthy, picturesque, contiguous
to the alluvions on the west of the river, and offering the best and
nearest approaches to the highlands beyond, sufficiently removed from
the sea to be inaccessible to an invader when its own position, and the
Tiluffs below, are properly fortified — near enough for all commercial
purposes, and three hundred miles nearer the posts of the Illinois !
These were the recommendations that presented themselves to his
practical and comprehensive mind, and it is a great misfortune that
they did not prevail. The proudest city of the new world would now
have stood on the ancient vihage of the Natchez. Bienville was ob
stinate. Hubert would not surrender his conscientious convictions,
formed after long consideration and personal reconnoisance. The
¦deliberation resulted in a compromise — a term that implies many things,
but which really means a concession of right, in a greater or less de
gree, and generally ends in successful fraud. The Council decided to
continue at New Biloxi. They, at the same time, passed ordinances
forbidding all vessels, not sailing under the permits of the company,
from entering the colonial posts ; fixed the price of peltries and produce,
and the price of merchandise at the different posts by a sliding scale
proportioned to the distance of transportation. In other words, the
¦colony had the worst government on earth — an odious monopoly of
absentee speculators with a subservient council and soldiery at hand to
enforce their regulations.
1720. The Chickasaws massacred several Frenchmen, and, under
the influence of English traders, took up the hatchet against the colony.
In July the first cargo of negroes arrived ; several French vessels
.appeared, bringing with them the fever of St. Domingo.
Chateaugue, the brother of Bienville, liberated from a Spanish prison
in consequence of peace between the two countries, now returned.
Numerous immigrants arrived for the plantations at Natchez, Pasca
goula, Red river and Arkansas.*
¦*The first planter who settled at Natchez was M. de la Houssaye, who with fif
teen laborers opened a farm on St. Catherine, in 1718, some two years after fort
iosalie had been built. He subsequently obtained a concession on the Ouachita
and sold this farm to Perricaul, who was residing there when the massacre occur
red, but whose life was spared on account of his skill as a boat builder. In 1719
Messrs. Pellerin and BeUecourt, with a number of laborers, opened a plantation
on St. Catherine. In 1720, M. Hubert, Director-General of the colony, arrived
with sixty hands to improve his concession. Perricaul says, "he took lodgings
with M. de la Loire des Ursines, director of the "Western Company, and after ex
amination located his plantation on St. Catherine, about a league from the fort,
and there built a large dwelling house. There was some prairie land on this con
cession, which he plowed and sowed in French wheat. He erected a grist mill,
forge and machine shops, to manufacture arms and implements. He allowed M.
de Montplaisir to locate on land about a league from his settlement, to plant to-

38 * Mississippi, as a Province,
Thirty girls from the Saltpetriere in Paris, arrived in the colony.
The priests complain of the propensity of the colonists, and especi
ally the Canadians, for Indian wives. The dusky maidens of Missis
sippi, with their flashing eyes, and their voluptuous forms, and their
delicate hands and feet, and their merry laugh^ and their raven hair
that brushed the dew-drops as they walked, modest, chaste, drooping
their glances at the approach of a warrior, were preferred to the pale-
faced, conventional women of Paris, and the simple minded fathers
were astonished !
As a general rule the French officers were abstemious and temperate,
but this year several of the diaries record that two officers of infantry,
Macarty and Maisonnoeuve, died at Ship Island, soon after their arri
val of excessive intemperance. The first victims !
1 72 1. The slave trade, with all its horrors, was under full headway.
A ship of war arrived with one hundred and twenty, having lost one
hundred and eighty on the voyage. Three other vessels followed.
They were half starved on the passage and put on short aUowance
after their arrival, there being a great scarcity of provisions in the
colony. The ship St. Charles, with a cargo of slaves, took fire sixty
leagues from the coast. The crew took to the boats, leaving most of
the negroes to burn with the vessel.
The Council promulgated an ordinance that a negro, a good subject,
should be rated at 680 livres ($176,) and sold for tobacco and rice,
payable in three annual payments. In default of payment the com
pany seized the negro, and sold the effects of the planter to make up
the deficiency. The price of leaf tobacco, delivered at New Biloxi,
New Orleans or Mobile, was arranged at twenty livres per quintal ;
wine, one hundred and twenty livres per cask. Merchandise sold at
New Orleans and Mobile at fifty per cent, advance on the original
cost; seventy per cent, at Natchez and Yazoo, and one hundred per
cent, in Arkansas.
By census taken this year there were 5420 whites and 600 negroes
in the colony. Its expenses were 474,274 livres.
The exportation of negroes from the colony was prohibited.
The principal concessions at this date were held by John Law, 12
miles square on the Arkansas, 30 miles above its mouth. One on the
Yazoo by Le Blanc and others. One at Natchez by Hubert and
Colly. One on Red River, above Na-tchitoches, by M. de la Harpe ;
at Pointe Coupee by de Meuse ; at Tunicas by St. Reine ; at Baton
Rouge by Dirond d'Artaguette; at Bayougoula by D. Duvernois; at
Tchopitoulas by de Muys ; at Cannes-brule by d' Artagnac ; on Black
river by d' Villemont; at Pascagoula by Madame d'Chaumont; at Bay
St. Louis and Old Biloxi by Madame d'Mezieres; on Ouachitta by
de la Houssaye ; at the Houmas by M. de Ancenis.
1722. The chevalier D'Arembourg, a Swedish officer of distinction,
bacco, which succeeds admirably after the first year. In 1721, Hubert sold his.
concession to M. Colly, whose' agent was M. Dumanoir. They retained all the
hands. All afterwards perished m the general slaughter."
Hubert found that his ownership of a large and valuable grant at Natchez, im
paired the force of his recommendation of that point as the proper site of the
colonial capital. He therefore sold out, and afterwards sailed for France to ad
dress his recommendation in person to the Ministers. Being a man of wealth,
energy and talent, and Bienville's influence being on the wane, this early friend
of Natchez would probably have succeeded, but,"unforunately, he died soon after
his arrival, and with him perished the scheme of transferring the capital.

Territory and State. 39
with a colony of Germans, arrived, who were soon followed by other
immigrants of the same race, constituting the best element of the
agricultural population.
Fort Conde, at Mobile, was substantially built of brick, and Ma
rigny de Mandeville returning from France with the Cross of St.
Louis, took command. The same mark of distinction was conferred
on Boisbriant, St. Dennis and Chateaugue.
The news of the failure of the Bank of France, and of the famous
I^aw and all his financial enterprises, created consternation in the
colony. Provisions became scarce and Bienville was compelled to billet the
garrisons at Biloxi and Mobile, upon the Indians of Pearl river and
Pascagoula — a striking illustration of the unaccountable neglect of
agriculture by the French, and of the absolute control they exercised
over the natives.
A ship arrived from France bringing a consignment of copper
money, coined expressly for the colonies the preceding year.
At Fort Toulon, on the Coosa, which the French occupied as a
garrison and trading post, the troops, pressed by famine, attempted to
desert to the British settlements of Carolina. While the officers were
at breakfast the mutineers attacked them. Captain Marchland was
killed. Lieut. Villemont and Ensign Paque escaped through a port
hole, and fled to a Creek village that stood on the lower limits of the
present city of Wetumpka. The mutineers having plundered the fort,
marched in the direction of Charleston. Villemont* having enlisted a
number of warriors, intercepted and attacked them while they were
fording Line creek. Eighteen fell in the conflict; two escaped, the
rest were captured, taken to Mobile and executed.
This year, in September, a violent huricane swept along the coast.
M. de la Harpe, one of the most enterprising and intelligent officers'
iij the province, was sent on an exploring expedition. He arrived at
Natchez, January 20th, (1722,) and found M. de Barnaval in command
of Fort Rosalie. La Harpe did not consider the fort judiciously
located. Near the mouth of the Yazoo he met two large pirogues,
from the Illinois, with 5,000 pounds of salted meat — the hardy prede
cessors of our western boatmen ! He ascended the Yazoo as far as
the villages of the Karoos and Chocchumas, who built their cabins
upon mounds. There was every indication of there having been a
numerous population, but reduced by contagious diseases and perpetual
war. A negro who had killed a Frenchman was publicly burned in New
Orleans. August nth. A violent hurricane along the coast that sunk a
number of vessels. Those in Ship Island harbor rode out the gale in
safety. 1722. Bienville, at length, induced the council to declare New
Orleans the seat of government.
The colony was divided into nine civil and mihtary districts. Ala
bama (Fort Toulouse,) Mobile, Biloxi, New Orleans, Natchez, Yazoo,
Illinois, Wabash, Arkansas and Natchitoches. A commandant and
judge were appointed for each district, with an appeal to the Supreme
Council. Three ecclesiastical divisions were organized. The first
¦^Ancestor of the Villemont family at Point Chicot, Arkansas.

40 Mississippi, as a Province,
extended from the mouth of the Mississippi to the Ilhnois, and was
confided to the Capuchins. The Jesuit fathers filled the missions from
the Ilhnois to the Wabash. The Carmelites were stationed at Biloxi,
Mobile and Fort Toulouse.
Pensacola was restored to Spain.
War between the Choctaws and Chickasaws continued. The former
encouraged by the French. Bienville, in one of his dispatches, states
that his allies had burned three Chickasaw towns, and brought him
one hundred prisoners and four hundred scalps.
1723. Gambling was carried to such an excess, that an ordinance
was passed prohibiting games of chance and betting.
A dreadful hurricane, the last of September, that overthrew the
hospital, church and thirty buildings in New Orieans, swept away the
crops on Mobile river and Pearl, and occasioned general distress.
On this, as on all previous occasions. Ship Island harbor was found a
secure refuge.
A company of Swiss soldiers, ordered from Biloxi to New Orleans,
seized the brig and compeUed the Captain to steer for Charleston.
1724. The famous " Black Code" was promulgated in the name of
the king. It expeUed the Jews from the colony; required that slaves
should be brought up in the Roman Catholic faith; that no other
rfeligion should be tolerated ; that if the owners were not true Catholics
their slaves should be confiscated for public use, and that no amalga
mation of races should be aUowed. It was made death to maim or
kUl any horse or cattie belonging to another.
On several of the plantations indigo was being successfully cultivated.
The first saw mUl on our sea-board must have been in operation about
this time. A vessel loaded with pine plank, was dispatched from Ship
Island to Cape Francois, and was ordered to bring back a full supply
of indigo seed for the planters. From the same port many vessels
now clear for our eastern cities, for Vera Cruz, Central America and
the West Indies, Europe and Australia, with sawed and square
lumber. 1725. M. Dutisme arrived from Fort Rosalie; reported that a
French sergeant, in an altercation, had kUled a son of one of the
Natchez chiefs. Next day the Indians attempted to seize a wagon of
prisoners, but were repulsed by the guard. They then attacked the
French settiements on St. Catherine's, (Look-fe-a-koola), but were
driven off. They ambushed and shot M. Guenot, superintendent of
the plantation, and kOled a number of horses and cattle. A temporary
reconciliation was had, but Bienville determined on sterner measures.
He repaired to Natchez with all practicable dispatch, with five hun
dred men, attacked the savages wherever he could find them, burned
their villages and wasted their fields, until they sued for peace. He
granted this on their surrendering one of the Suns, who had been
prominent in the insurrection. His execution terminated the second,
Natchez war.
1726. And now this devoted friend of the colony took leave of the
people, whom he had served so long, and sailed for France, to con
front his enemies and vindicate his official conduct.* He had assisted
-*Thus far, in this record, I have relied mainly on the journal of La Ilarpe, a
French oificer of education and.^talents, who came to Biloxi in 1718 mainly to

Territory and State. 41
his illustrious brother at the very foundation of the colony. Fie
had been busy in the work of exploration until the death of his gifted
brother Sauvolle, when he became head of affairs. He had concili
ated the savages by his diplomacy, or conquered them with his sword.
He had established numerous posts, and opened therewith regular
routes of inter-communication. Fie had constantly, but vainly recom
mended the cultivation of the soil as the basis of colonial prosperity,
and it was in reference to this policy that he so persistently urged the
establishment of the capital in the rich alluvions of the Mississippi.
He spent liberaUy in the service of the king, but accumulated no
wealth for himself During his whole administration he had been
more or less embarrassed, sometimes paralyzed, by a factious, jealous
and incompetent council, and was feebly supported, and often
censured by the authorities in France, who cherished mean suspicions,
and attached undue weight to the calumnies of his enemies. But
under all these drawbacks, he left the colony in a better condition
than it enjoyed under any of his successors. He was coldly received
at court, and was soon notified that his services were no longer needed.
M. Perier was appointed his successor. Chateaugue, his brother, who
had fought with Bienville on so many fields, was removed from his
position as royal lieutenant, and his two nephews. Captain and Ensign
Noyan, gaUant officers, were excluded from the service. The anti-
Bienville faction had a complete triumph, and the veteran soldier
went into strict retirement.
establish a colony on Eed Eiver, then called La Sablioniere. In 1719 he built a
fort near the present Natchitoches; subsequently another one in north latitude
33°, 30\ to mark the territory and jurisdiction of the French. France then
claimed the whole of Texas, and St. Dennis was instructed to build a fort on the
Colorado, but his force was too feeble for the enterprise. In 1723 La Harpe's health
failing, he returned to France and there published his Journal. His statements
are always reliable, and generally sustained by the ofiicial dispatches of the
period, but there are some inaccuracies and confusion of dates.

OHAPTEE VII.

I HEN Perier reached the colony, (1727,) he found the
Indians discontented and threatening. The absence and
removal of BienviUe, whom they dreaded, encouraged
this feeling. The new governor found himself com
pelled to urge, at once, the pohcy recommended by his
"predecessor, of incessant vigilance, stronger garrisons and
prompt retaliation. The Natchez had never forgiven the
severe but proper reprisals of BienvUle in 1716 and 1722. The
Chickasaws, ever the enemies of the French, and much under
the influence of the Enghsh, artfully fomented these discontents
and projected a general confederation of the tribes, such as was sub
sequently conceived by Pontiac and Tecumseh, to exterminate the
French from the Illinois to Biloxi.
1728. These discontents, on the part of the Natchez, have been
attributed, by most writers, to the harsh and oppressive measures of
the French, including the planters as well as the military. Du Pratz,
a pleasing writer, who even reports, at length, the speeches made by
the Natchez chiefs in their several councils, though not within three
hundred miles of the theater of action, takes this view of the case.
We have found no evidence to authorize such a conclusion. It is
probable that the commandant, Chopart, was exacting and brutal, es
pecially when under the influence of liquor.* But generaUy the
¦*'Chopart, the French 'commandant, it is charged, determined to seize their
village, to convert it into a plantation, and menaced the Natchez with vengeance
unless they removed by a certain day. The chiefs replied that their corn, at that
time, would be in the milk and not fit for harvesting, and supplicated for more
time, but he refused, and they determined on revenge.
A parallel case, (if this be true,) occurred in the early settlement of Tennessee.
In 1797 a number of families, under grants from North Carolina, had settled in
Powell's VaUey, and, in the uncertainty of boundaries, some of them had opened
farms and planted their crops ou land to which the Cherokee title had not been
extinguished. Some had settled there iu ic;norance ot the true boundary, but
others believed that by the 31st article of" the Bill of Eights of the State, the
people re,5iding south of French Broad and Holston, between the Tennessee and
Big Pigeon, had the right of occupancv, and that Congress, (having admitted
Tennessee as a State, without exceptions to that bill of'rights,) would not dis
turb them. The Senators, and Ropreson tative (Gen. Andrew Jackson) made an inef
fectual eflbrt for their relief. The Governor and Legislature of Tennessee remonstra
ted in their favor, showing the extreme hardship of the case and deprecating the mili
tary intervention then threatened. The settlers were summarily removed. Col.
Butler, in command of United States troops, and three United States Commis
sioners, were then appealed to by the State authorities, to allow the settlers to
return simply to gather their corn, to feed their sufl'ering families, but this was

Territory and State. 43
officers were kind and conciliatory. The French, above aU other
people, succeeded in fraternizing with the Indians. Singly, and in
companies, they penetrated the wilderness among the most savage
hordes, and seldom failed to win their confidence. They adopted the
habits, customs and costumes of the tribes — acquired their language
and taught them their own — ^joined them in their sports and on their
.expeditions — became as expert and Is daring on the water, in the
chase, and on the war-trail, as the best of the warriors — intermarried
with their daughters, and exerted, everywhere, extraordinary influence.
A gay, obliging, amiable people, instinctively brave and liberal,
cruelty is no part of French nature. The atrocities perpetrated by
the Natchez were, doubtiess, prompted by their own vindictive resent
ment of the punishment, inflicted by BienviUe, for their crimes. The
universal maxim of the savage races is, blood for blood, and they
never forgive.
Cruelty and oppression uniformly create hatred on the part of the
oppressed, and suspicion and precaution on the part of the oppressors.
But the French, at Natchez — a very feeble and helpless band in com
parison with the Indians — maintained only a small garrison, and the
planters were living on isolated farms, with no suspicion of hostility —
a condition whoUy irreconcilable with the assumption of cruelty or
the fear "of retribution.
The accounts given of the origin of the trouble, by contemporary
writers, none of whom were present, and who had not even the op
portunity of interrogating either the whites or savages who were
present at the massacre, are, no doubt, in a measure, sensational and
fictitious, but most historians have adopted these romances as the
basis of their narratives. Very few whites escaped to tell the story ;
the savage actors in the tragedy afterwards fled and were kiUed or
dispersed, and all the facts, as they really occurred, can never be
known. 1729. From the numerous accounts and legends of the bloody
affair, it seems propable, but is by no means certain, that an under
standing had been come to between the Natchez and the Chickasaws,
for a joint attack on the French, on a given day, and an equal distri
bution of plunder. But on the 26th November several barges arrived
at Natchez with provisions, liquors and merchandise for the garrison
and the planters ; and the appropriation of these without a division with
their allies, no doubt tempted the Natchez to anticipate the day agreed
on for the attack.
On the morning of the 28th, before daylight, the Natchez divided
themselves into three bands, and just as the French drum was beating
the reveille, one of these bands appeared at the fort, one in the con
tiguous viUage occupied by the whites, and one at the concessions or
farms near by. Each band represented that they were going out on a
grand hunt, and had come to exchange their corn, vegetables and
poultry for guns, powder and lead. Having thus introduced them
selves in the fort, and in the dweUings and store-houses of the French,
obtaining arms, and seeing no one on guard, at nine o'clock the pre-
peremptorily refused. And these settlers were the men who had fought at Kings
Mountain, and who defended the frontiers of Virginia and Carolina from these
same murdering Cherokees ! What difference is there between the conduci of
the U. S. authorities and the conduct imputed to Chopart?

44 Mississippi, as a Province,
concerted signal was made and the massacre began. More than two
hundred and fifty perished, including Chopart, de Corderi, comman
dant of Fort St. Peter on the Yazoo, then at Natchez on a visit, M. de
Ursins, CoUy, father and son, d'Longrenil, des Noyers, BaUlie, etc.
Father Du Poisson, who resided among the Arkansas, had arrived
at Natchez on the 27th. Next day, the first Sunday of Advent, he
had said mass and preached in ike absence of the Cure. He was to
have departed in the afternoon, but was detained to administer the
sacrament to some sick persons. On Monday, the 29th, while going
to administer the sacrament to one whom he had confessed during the
night, he was seized by a chief, who threw him to the ground, and
cut off" his head by repeated blows with a hatchet* M. de Corderi,
commandant of St. Peter, drew his sword to assail this chief, but was
instantly shot through the heart. They spared but two white men ;
most of the women and half grown children, and the negroes, were
reserved for slaves, but they ripped open those that were pregnant,
and killed all the infants.
While the slaughter was going on, the Great Sun took his place
under the tobacco shed of the Company, and the heads of the victims
were piled at his feet. Their bodies, after being mutilated, were left
to the dogs and buzzards. They next proceeded to seize and appor
tion the spoils. While the liquors lasted, the whole body of the
Indians were helplessly intoxicated. A band of the Karous or
Yazoos chanced to pass at this time. They had long been affihated
with the Natchez, and a portion of the plunder was allotted to them.
When they reached their viUage, it was determined to attack fort St.
Peter. December nth, the missionary priest. Father Souel, returning from
a visit to the chief of the Yazoos, while crossing a ravine, was shot
dead. The savages rushed to his cabin to plunder it, but his faithful
negro bravely fought them at the door; he wounded several, but was
finaUy killed. "Fortunately," says Father Petit, Superior of the
Jesuits, whose journal we mainly follow, "this brave man had received
baptism a month before, and was leading a most Christian life."
Early next morning the Indians presented themselves at the fort,
and were received without suspicion by the temporary commandant,
the Chevalier des Roches. In a few moments the whole garrison was
butchered, except a few women reserved for slaves.
Father Doutreleau, missionary among the lUinois, his Indians being
•on their winter hunt, had set out in a pirogue for New Orieans, to
consult Father Petit, the Superior of his Order. January ist, 1730,
he landed with his crew, at the mouth of the Yazoo, to say mass. A
party of Indians approached who said they were Yazoos, friends of
the French. At this moment his men fired the only two muskets they
had at a flock of geese that were passing over, and did not re-charge,
"»In Kip's book on the "Early Jesuit Missions," there is au extract from the
Journal of Father Du Poisson: "June 13th, 1727," says he, "we arrived at
JNatchez. We immediately made our visit to Father Philibert, a Capuchin, who
IS tne cure, lie IS a man of good education, who was not frightened at seeing
me as some of his brethren had been, in New Orleans. (There was rivalry and
jealousy between the orders.) He was a man of worth and very zealous.
ine i rench settlement here has become important. They raise a great deal of
JnnLf'P''""'' /"/'SO. The excessive heat and the necessity of repairing our
^^UoZ' .P"""^"'^*! "'^ ,f™m goiiig to the concessions or to the Indian village. This
"Ullage IS distant one league from that of the French "

Territory and State. 4.5
because mass was about to commence. Just as the Father was saying
the Kyrie Eleison, the treacherous savages fired. The missionary,
perceiving himself wounded, one of his followers killed, and the four
others flying, feU upon his knees to receive the fatal blow, which he
regarded as inevitable. But they stood at a distance and fired on him
twice. He then fled, and plunging into the water reached the boat in
which were two of his men. Turning to look for his pursuers, he
received in his mouth a discharge of small shot that flattened against
his teeth. One of his men had his leg broken by a musket ball
Making their escape with difficulty, they expected to obtain relief at
Fort Rosalie, but perceiving no flag flying and several houses smoking,
and no persons visible, they hurried by to the French post at Tunica.
Several Frenchmen on the Ouachita, and a number of traders de
scending the Mississippi, were ambuscaded and slain.
This dreadful massacre spread consternation throughout the colony,
and roused the authorities to the necessity of action. Gov. Perier
dispatched couriers to aU the posts, even to the Illinois, not by the
direct and ordinary river route, which was too hazardous, but on one
side by Red River, and on the other side by MobUe. He armed the
planters and exhorted them to incessant vigilance. He stationed twa
ships, the Due de Bourbon and Alexandre, at the mouth of Bayou
Tunica, to serve as fortresses, and, in case of emergency, as asylum.s.
for women and children. He caused a ditch to be dug around New
Orleans, and erected block houses at the four angles. He organized,
for its defense, several military companies, who mounted guard every
night. Block houses, well manned, were erected at Tchopitoulas,
Cannesbrule, AUemandes, Bayougoulas and Point Coupee. A general
insurrection of the Indians was apprehended. The home govern
ment was urgently appealed to for reinforcements. M. le Seur, one
of Bienville's most trusted agents, was dispatched to the Thacta (Choc
taw,) villages to solicit their co-operation. Having taken these pre
cautions, Perier intended to lead his army, in person, against the
Natchez, but an outbreak among the negroes, and the general appre
hension of an attack upon the city, determined him to confide the
command to the Chevalier de Loubois, a veteran trained in the wars
of France, and an approved officer in the colonial service. While
Loubois, with his command, was pursuing his way by the river to
Natchez, Le Seur, with seven hundred Choctaws, was marching
through the country for the same point. His scouts reported that the
Natchez seemed ignorant of the movement against them, and were-
chiefly occupied in feasting and dancing. Le Seur considered it pru
dent and proper to await the arrival of Loubois, but the Choctaws
could not be restrained, and on the 27 th January, before daylight,
they surprised the Natchez in their principal village. They slew and
scalped sixty warriors, and rescued fifty-nine women and children,
and one hundred and fifty negroes, all of whom had been held as-
slaves since the massacre, and subjected to extreme ill-usage. But
for Le Seur's injunction to make the rescue of the prisoners the m.ain
object, this attack would have been still more disastrous to the Natchez.
The Choctaws lost but two killed and seven or eight wounded. They
encamped, after the battie, on the farm of St. Malo, on St. Catherines,
in an open field enclosed with stakes.
The Natchez, awakened by this unexpected and bloody assault, to-

46 Mississippi, as a Province,
the perils gathering around . them, retreated to their forts and passed
their nights in dancing the death dance.
Three days before this surprise, Loubois had dispatched the Sieur
Mesplex, and five soldiers, to ascertain the temper of the Natchez,
and submit overtures for the captives in their hands. At the landing,
while in the act of leaving their boat, they were fired on and three of
the party fell. The survivors surrendered; one of these the Natchez
dispatched to Loubois, offering to return all their prisoners on the
receipt of two hundred muskets, two hundred barrels of powder, two
hundred barrels of baUs, two thousand flints, two hundred knives,
two hundred hatchets, two hundred pickaxes, five hogsheads of brandy,
twenty casks of wine, twenty barrels of vermillion, two hundred
shirts, twenty pieces of linen, twenty pieces of cloth, twenty laced
coats, twenty plumed chapeaux and one hundred overcoats. They
required, likewise, as hostages, M. de Brontin, ex-commandant of
Fort Rosalie, and the chief of the Tunicas, then with the army of
Loubois. On the same day that this impudent demand was made,
with every preliminary of torture, long protracted, they burned the
unfortunate Mesplex and his comrades.
We now quote from the MS. journal of a French officer, who ac
companied the expedition from New Orleans to Natchez :*
1730, February Sth. This morning we arrived at Natchez with one-half of
the army, and landed on the western bank of the river. Dispatched a captain
and thirty men to reconnoitre the landing opposite. Some Choctaws presented
themselves and reported that on the 27th January, before day-break, they had
surprised the Natchez, who had ever since been shut up in their forts. Upon
this news we crossed over, and camped with them on the concession of St.
Catherine, a league inland, and not far from the strongholds of our enemy.
The Choctaws declared that they meant to assault the forts that night, but no
movement took place. Pleavy rain all night.
9th. — Moved our camp fifty yards above on the bank of the creek. The
Choctaws asked of us ten men to aid them in seizing the great chief of the
Natchez, with whom they proposed to hold a parley. A band of the Natchez
came out for the conference, but a Choctaw recognizing among them a warrior
who had killed one of his kinsmen, instantly shot him down. They returned
the fire and retreated into the fort. In this melee one of our men w"as slain.
10th. — This afternoon the other division of the army arrived, with two pieces
of cannon.
_ Returning to camp, had the pleasure of finding the head chief of the Choctaws
in full possession of my tent and very drunk.
Went with a detachment to superintend the landing and removal of the ar
tillery. 12th.— Eejoined the command .and skirmished with the enemy all day. In
cessant rain all night.
13th.— A parley, but without results. Eeconnoitered the ground and selected
the so-called "grand temple," as a post. Have thrown up au entrenchment
and mounted our cannon.
14tli.— Opened on the fort, whieh they returned with a heavy fire.
During the night charged my pieces ;with grape, and trained them on the
cane-brake. Soon afterwards the Natchez came stealthily forward, under cover
ot the cane, intending, doubtless, to drive us from our position. Drove them
back with my grape shot.
15th— 19th.— Frequent parleys. Our'men making gabions for assault. Four
more cannon put in position.
20th, 21st.— Mining.

n,L^;^a?^ I? ¦" "Vl^y ^°}- ^- ^- French, of New York, who copied it from the
rlafo^ti r 'I' , }>as been translated as literally as the old Trench of that
date can be rendered, by Fernand Claiborne, Esq., of New Orleans.

Territory and State. 47
22d, — Mining continued. Last night, for four hours, we resisted a desperate
attack. Two hundred men advanced, under cover of the cane, and a band of
one hundred, a forlorn hope, made a rush at our battery. They penetrated our
works, overthrew the mantelets and got as far as the last retrenchment. The}'
carried guns covered with wool — " convertes de laine el pedes."" They attacked
the battery and the temple at the same moment. We received them -with
musketry and grape shot.
After a sharp combat, we drove them from the retrenchment, and they re
treated into the canes. We repaired our works during the night.
23d. — The Choctaws informed us that they desired to withdraw. We have
erected a battery within eighty yards of the fort, and put in position three four-
pounders ; have opened the trench fifteen yards further, and have there put two
mantelets, and a gun charged with grape. Opened fire upon Fort de la Valeur,t
which was promptly returned, and our cannoneer, and three men at the battery,
were wounded. Our fire being so ineffectual, that of the enemy so spirited, our
ammunition failing and our allies having withdrawn, it was deemed expedient
to take position on the bank of the river. I set out, with two engineers, to
make a reconnoisance. Reported in the afternoon. I found our commander
holding a parley with the Natchez of Fort de la Farine,; which had hoisted a
white flag early in the forenoon, and had kept it flying while we were firing
upon them. They offered to release the captive women and children and
negroes, on the condition that we should withdraw our batteries. A suspension
of arms was agreed to.
24th. — In the morning we dismantled our batteries and the captives were
delivered. Recognizing among the negroes three that had united with the
Natchez in the night attack on the 22d, I ordered them to be tied. Two "vvere
seized, but, as we were in the act of binding the third one, he placed a knife
between his teeth and leaped into the river, when he was shot."
Father Petit, Superior" of the Jesuits, referring to this campaign, says, the
impatience and impracticability of the Choctaws, who, like all other Indians,
strike one blow and then disperse; the small number of French, who found
themselves rapidly diminishing from sickness and fatigue ; the scarcity of pro
visions, which our allies wasted and pilfered ; the failure of ammunition, which
the Choctaws wasted, one-half in useless firing and the other half in hunting ;
these considerations, with the stubborn resistance of the Natchez, who were
fortified after our own models, with the guns and ammunition of the former
garrison, decided M. Loubois to listen to their overtures. They threatened, if
we persisted, to burn all the prisoners, while, on the other hand, they should be
liberated if our batteries were demolished. These, for the want of good artil
lerists, had in fact, proved very inefficient. We accepted the proposal to save
the captives, and a truce of five days was agreed upon. The batteries were
withdrawn and the prisoners delivered. But on the morning of the 26th it was
ascertained that, during the night, the entire body of the Natchez had with
drawn from their defences. They had crossed the river or sought the cover of
swamps and cane-brakes, and were beyond pursuit."
Loubois then constructed a strong earth-work on the bluff, garrisoned
it with a hundred and twenty men, and returned to New Orleans. ||
In this the last struggle for their beautiful country, the Natchez
made a heroic resistance, as the red men of this continent always have
made against the invader. No race in modern times, nor Greek nor
Roman, in the grand old historic days, have more bravely defended
*This must mean that, as it was raining, they protected their fire-arms with
skins with the wool or fur on them.
fName given by the French to the fort occupied by the Natchez.
JName given by the French to the fort occupied by the Natchez.
IIThis was the earth-work, long visible and known as "the old fort," until it went
down in the great land slide, commemorated in a series of brilliant historical
sketches by the Hon. J. D. Shields, of the Natchez bar. Itmustnot be confound
ed with the original Fort Rosalie, built by Bienville, in 1716, and occupied by the
French when the massacre occurred.

48 Mississippi, as Province,,
their homes, and exhibited more constancy and fortitude when driven
from them. Had the Chickasaws united with the Natchez, as seems
at one time to haYe been contemplated, all the interior posts and set
tiements would have been destroyed and the capital itself been in
jeopardy. For some unexplained reason the Chickasaws, who had
used aU their arts to stimulate the Natchez against the French, and
perhaps promised their co-operation, faUed to appear. It is probable
they were wiUing to see both the French and the Natchez perish. The
Choctaws advanced under the banner of a French officer, and struck
an unexpected and terrible blow.
These defections have occasioned many conjectures, and many
legends. We adopt the version of Father Petit, that the seizure of
the richly laden barges on the 26th November, to divide the spoils
among themselves, induced the Natchez to precipitate the day agreed
on for the massacre. But we give, among many simUar narratives, the
foUowing from the notes of Col. Anthony Hutchins, who visited the
district in 1772. He selected a settlement on St. Catherine creek. Soon
after he fell in with, and secured the attachment of an Indian, who
claimed to be of the Natchez tribe. He advised the Colonel to give
up his settlement, and offered to show him "a sacred place, guarded
by good spirits, where the water was always sweet." He conducted
hhn through the cane, over hills and slopes timbered with magnolia,
walnut, sassafras and mulberry, treUised with grape vines, to the White
Apple vihage, the hereditary residence of a chief of that name. It
stood twelve mUes south of Fort Rosalie, three mUes east of the river,
on a beautiful stream new known as Second creek, on what is now caUed
the Homochitto or WoodviUe road. A large field had been cultivated
by the Indians, and on a spacious and commanding mound had stood
the wigwam of the chief The Indian then conducted him to the
White Cliffs, (since known as Ellis' cliffs) on whose lofty brow, frown
ing over the whirling waters beneath, had been the village of the noted
chief, Terre Blanche, or White Earth. "When the French first came,"
said the guide, ' 'they were welcomed; and the white and the red men
were brothers. But after a while the French, not content with the use
of what land they desired and a liberal share of the crops, coveted
even the fields where these crops were grown. They ordered the
chiefs to abandon their villages and fields, that the white people and
their slaves might occupy them. Dreading the power of the French
and frightened by their menaces, our chiefs consented to go, but beg
ged for tirne to harvest their crops, then not matured. The command
ing officer granted only a month. Finding that they were to be starved
as well as exiled, my fathers resolved on resistance. They dispatched
runners to the Chickasaws and Choctaws, to invite their co-operation
against a common enemy. Twenty days were to transpire before the
three tribes, having united, were to make a simultaneous attack. That
no mistake might be made a quiver of twenty arrows was sent to each
tribe. One was to be withdrawn and broken every morning before
they resumed their march. At day-break on the morning when the
last of the twenty arrows should be broken, the three tribes would
commence the attack, and equally share the spoils.
The quiver of the Natchez was deposited in the Temple of the Sun,
and it was the duty of the guardian to withdraw an arrow every morn
ing and consume it in the sacred fire. Only the great chiefs and the

Territory and State. 49
princesses of the blood royal had the privilege to enter this consecrated
edifice. One of these princesses, Stel-o-na, the beautiful daughter of
White Apple, loved the Sieur de Mace, a heutenant of the French,
and hoping to save his life and not dreaming of the destruction she
was bringing upon her people, she disclosed to him the fatal secret.
He communicated it to the commandant, who rejected the story, and
put de Mace under arrest. The Princess then entered the temple, and
clandestinely abstracted two arrows from the quiver. This precipitated
the attack before the Choctaws, who were on the march, could arrive
at the point of rendezvous. A general massacre of the French en
sued. The Natchez monopolized all the rich spoUs themselves. This
disgusted the Choctaws and they united with the French to exterminate
the Natchez."
Bartram,^ the naturalist, in his travels through Florida, says that in
1777, he visited an [aged French planter at Point Coupee, who said
he was residing on a plantation, near Natchez, when the massacre com
menced, and was one of the few that escaped. His narrative coin
cides with the one given to Col. Hutchins. Bossu, an early traveler
in Louisiana, mentions the incident of the young Natchez girl and
her French lover, de Mace.
Du Pratz professes to have had an interview in New Orleans, with
the female Sun, "Stung Arm," an aged woman, who told him what
she had done to save the French, and that, at the risk of her life, she
extracted two arrows from the quiver in the temple.
A young girl, like the princess Stel-o-na, might have done this for
such a lover as de Mace, but not an old woman with one foot in
the grave ! Du Pratz was a man of influence, and if he credited the
story of the "Stung Arm," it is singular he did not report it to the
Governor, and prevent her being deported and sold, with her brethren,
into slavery.
It is not at all probable that the Choctaws ever entered into an alli
ance with the Natchez. There was no affinity between these tribes, and
they were jealous of each other. The Choctaws had been always the
allies of the French, who had encouraged them in their wars with the
Chickasaws. Delegations of their warriors constantly visited Fort
Toulouse, Mobile, BUoxi and New Orleans, and were kindly enter
tained. And the first step that Perier had taken, when he determined
on war with the Natchez, was to dispatch Le Seur, a favorite with the
Choctaws, to solicit their co-operation. The Natchez had an exagger
ated notion of their own prowess and felt themselves able to contend
with the French, without allies, at least none other than the Chicka
saws, whose assistance, it is probable, had been promised.
The sudden retreat of the Natchez cannot now be explained. They
had succesfuUy resisted the French, who having obtained the prisoners'
had dismantled their batteries and withdrawn from their position on
the hill to the bank of the river. They had been, in fact, defeated,
and were preparing to retire, when to their astonishment, it was
found that the Natchez had fled.
The flight of 'the Natchez and the surrender of their country, by no
means subdued their animosity against the French. They assembled
near what is now known as Trinity, in the parish of Catahoula, La. , just
above the junction of Littie river with the Ouachita, which is then
styled Black river. There stands an imposing mound, regularly ter-

50 Mississippi, as a Province.
raced, monument of the pre-historic race, environed by smaller tum
uli, by whom built or for what purpose was not known to the fugitives
•who halted there, nor is it known to us of the present day. There
are no ditches, no circumvallations, nothing to indicate a battle-ground,
only these mysterious remains of an unknown people. The fugitives
halted there because it was the first high ground sufficientiy remote
from the French ; it was a pqint accessible to the scattered remnants
of their tribe ; and convenient to retreat from in the event of pursuit.
Most writers assign this as the place where they were, subsequently.
beseiged and defeated, but no evidence of such a battle has ever been
found there. On the battie-fields of BienvUle and De VaudreuU in
the Chickasaw country, and on the trail of De Soto, from Florida to
the Mississippi, fragments of armor, copper breast-plates, lance-heads,
broken swords, balls of iron and lead, have been frequently found,
but no such relic hasbeen discovered at Trinity.
The Natchez remained there, however, long enough to make a
descent on the Tunicas, the allies of the French, and nearly extermi
nated them. They likewise closely watched the Mississippi and Red
rivers, and ambushed many Frenclimen going to and from the different
posts. Governor Perier had been steadily making arrangements for a deci
sive campaign against these unrelenting enemies, and was only waiting
for re-inforcements from France. He occupied this interval in a war
upon the Choacas, a tide water (and now forgotten) tribe, whom he
strangely suspected of complicity with the Chickasaws ! Very injudi
ciously he organized a battalion of slaves, and led them to the slaugh
ter of the Indians. Having tasted blood these Africans, like other
carnivora, relished the flavor and plotted an insurrection, which Perier
summarily suppressed by impaling the leaders.

CHAPTEE Till.

I ITH 650 men, collected from the several posts, and 180
French marines, Perier set out, November 15th, 1732,
from New Orleans, to pursue the Natchez, whose bloody
onslaught on the Tunicas had revealed their hiding
place. He was joined on the route by 400 Choctaws.
The Natchez, duly apprized of his movements, abandoned
Trinity, and retreated to what is now known as SicUy Island,
in the present parish of Catahoula, La. In locating the battie-
ground on Sicily Island we adopt the views of Judge J. G. Talia
ferro, of Louisiana, a close observer who had studied all the
authorities on the subject, and personaUy inspected the ground We
are indebted to his son, D. W. Taliaferro, Esq., for the foUowing
interesting paper :

THE NATCHEZ INDIANS — MISTAKES OE HISTORY.
It is a commonly received opinion, based upon the conjectures of several
authors, that the Natchez tribe of Indians, on leaving the eastern side of the
Mississippi, established themselves at the mouth of Little river ; that the an
cient works, such as mounds, ditches, levees, etc., seen at that point, were made
by the Natchez to serve as a fortification by which to protect themselves against
their deadly enemies, the French.
The accounts w-e have of the war of extermination waged reciprocally against
each other by the early French settlers of Louisiana and the Natchez Indians, are
in the main no doubt correct. From these accounts we suppose it true that at no
great period of time after the taking of the French fort Rosalie, on the eastern
bank of the Mississippi, where the present city of Natchez stands, and the
butchery of the French, a large portion of the Indians retreated west of the
Mississippi, upon the appearance of a reinforcement on the part of the French.
Their departure, it is stated, occurred on the 25th February, 1730; that about
two years after, in January, 1732, they were attacked by the French in their
strongly fortified position at the mouth of Little river, and completely routed,
many of them being taken prisoners, and afterwards made slaves. We may
bear in mind that before they left the eastern side of the Mississippi the Natchez
had been weakened by a bloody war against the French and Choctaws combined ;
that a part of the tribe did not cross the Mississippi, but joined the Chicka
saws who were friends of the Natchez.
Now, it is exceedingly improbable that a fragment of an Indian tribe, ex
hausted by a war they were unable to maintain, without means of any kind,
and dependent upon hunting and fishing for a subsistence, could, in the short
space of two years perform works of the magnitude and extent of those at the
mouth of Little river. No indications, we believe, have ever been discovered
.at that point making it probable that a battle was ever fought there. True, a
mass of human bones lies on the margin of Little river, within the supposed

52 Mississippi, as a Province,
fortification, but human bones are frequently found in masses in small rnounds
making it evident that it was a custom of the mound builders to deposit num
bers of their dead in the same spot.
Monette, in his "Valley of the Mississippi," following Martin and Stoddard,
has propagated pretty widely this statement of the fortification and battle at
the mouth of Little river. The account is entirely erroneous. It was not at
the mouth of Little river that the Natchez made their stand. They posted
themselves on the elevated table land of Sicily Island, on the spot now included
within the plantation of Dr. Henry I. Peck, on the margin of the bluff, about
three miles from the upper end of Lake Lovelace (or Lake Louis). It was there
that the Natchez had their encampment, and as we believe, without any forti
fication, as nothing now exists that indicates that they had an intrenched camp.
It was there that the battle was fought ; for there grape-shot, and cannon balls
and leaden bullets have been picked up. These indications have been numerous
and are still found there. That the place last named is the spot where the
Natchez were encamped, and where the confiict between them and the French
occurred, we have long been satisfied.
This view is confirmed by "The History of Louisiana, or of the Western
Parts of Virginia and Carolina," translated from the French of M. le Page Du
Pratz, published in London, in 1774. This work is embellished with two maps,
one of a large portion of the Continent, the other of Louisiana alone. The
author, it seems, was a resident planter in Louisiana for sixteen years, about the
period of the war between the French and the Natchez Indians ; he was moreover,
an owner, or director, of the public plantations in Louisiana during his resi
dence here. Pie states, specifically, that he was continued in the inspection of
the Natchez colony, post or plantation, in 1730, "as before." This man's posi
tion gave him an intimate acquaintance with the stormy events that occurred
in that colony at that time, and afterwards.
A few extracts from this work will tell the story as to the place of the battle.
In his account of the Ouachita he calls ii. throughout its whole extent "Black
river." He says, "it is called the Black river because its depth gives it that
color, which is moreover heightened by the woods which line it. It is some
times called the river of the Ouachita's because its banks were occupied by a
nation of that name who are now extinct. I shall continue to call it by its
usual name."
"After we had gone up the Black river about thirty leagues, we find to the left
a brook of salt water, which comes from the west. In going up this brook about
two leagues we meet with a lake nf saltwater which may be two leagues in length
by one in breadth. A league higher up to the north we meet with another lake
of salt water, almost as long and broad as the former."
This "brook, about thirty leagues up Black river, coming from the" west," is
clearly Little river. The lake about two leagues up it is the Catahoula Lake,
which the indistinct knowledge of that day described as two lakes. The water
at times may have been brackish, as it is well known there are saline springs on
Little river above the lake.
The author proceeds :
"Ten or twelve leagues above this brook is a creek, near which those Natchez
retreated, -(vho escaped being made slaves with the rest of their nation, when the
the Messrs. Perier extirpated them on the east side of the river, by order of the
Court. "
In his account of the retreat of the Natchez, the pursuit of them by the
French, etc., he says :
"M. Perier, Commandant General, zealous for the service, neglected no means
whereby to discover in what part the Natchez had taken refuge. And, after many
inquiries, he was told they had entirely quitted the east side of the Mississipni,
doubtless to avoid the troublesome and dangerous visits of the Choctaws ; and'in
order to be more concealed from the French, had retired to the west of the Mis
sissippi, near the Silver Creek, about sixty leagues from the mouth of Red river."
And afterwards he continues :
"The Messrs. Perier set out with their army in very favorable weather and ar
rived at last, without obstruction, near the retreat of the Natchez. To getto that

Territory and State. 53
place they went up the Red river, then the Black river and thence up the Silver
ereek, which communicates with a small lake at no great distance from the fort
which the Natchez had built in order to maintain their ground against the
French." This Silver creek is Bayou Louis. The "small lake it communicates with,"
is Lake Lovelace (or Lake Louis) — and the fort "at no great distance" from the
lake is Dr. Peck's plantation, where the Natchez were encamped and where the
battle was fought. We may add that upon both the author's maps the place of
encampment of the Natchez is conspicuously marked and designated "Ft. of the
Natchez destroyed." And this "fort destroyed" on the map is on the east side of
the "Wachitas," or Black river, and by the apparent ^scale of the map, about
.twenty miles from it.
The following letter, written by the la^e T. A. S. Doniphan, of
Natchez, in 1859, gives some interesting detaUs, as to SicUy Island:
I have made some inquiry as to the settlement of this comparatively old
country. I find that at the time of the surrender of the Spanish government
.at Natchez, to that of the United States, there was a large American population
already settled and living upon this island. This pioneer community was com
posed of gentlemen of respectability, easy fortunes and cultivated tastes and
manners. They were the Holstiens and Lovelaces from Virginia; the Kirk-
lands from South Carolina, and the Leightnors from one of the New England
States. They came here with many negroes, and large grants of land from
Governor Gayoso. The descendants of these people are still here occupying the
places their fathers died on and own nearly the whole landed property of the
Island. The manner of immigration hither was over the mountains to the head
waters of the Ohio and down the Mississippi, in the ancient "broad horn," to
the Natchez country.
The eastern margin of the island is an abrupt bluff bank about ten feet above
the spring floods, washed at that season by the turbid waters of the Mississippi,
which find their way here through Bayous Magon, Tensas and Fool rivers; and
pass off by Lake Louis and Bayou Louis to the Ouachitta and thence to the
Mississippi again. Upon this bluff bank, at a point where the waters of the
Mississippi first strike it, there are the evidences of a great battle or a large
military encampment. These evidences consist of the remains of arms, accou
trements and projectiles scattered, within the recollection of many now living,
in great profusion over quite a large area. Bomb shells from fifteen to sixteen
inches in circumference, cannon balls and grape-shot, ounce leaden balls, flints
of large sizes, broken swords, ^muskets and pistols, with various other imple
ments of war, have from time to time been picked up. This encampment or
battle ground is on the land of Dr. H. I. Peck, who has many of these relics,
among them a bomb shell fifteen and a half inches in circumference. Large
¦quantities of broketi bomb shells are still to be found, and in early times it was
so prolific in lead that but little was bought by the citizens here, most of them
preferring to pick it up from the battle ground. Those now picked up are so
•corroded by time and weather as to leave, on being melted, a shell like that of
an egg. DR. KILPATRICK'S STATEMENT.
Dr. Kilpatrick, now of Navasota, Texas, a close observer, visited
the pla,ce in 1851, and says :
"When the Lovelace family first settled up Sicily island in 1802, they found
ihe remains of an entrenchment on the border of King's lake, at the foot of ihe
hluffs. The breast-work was about four feet high. Dr. Kilpatrick found there
ihe remains of a gun lock, some gun flints, a number of ounce balls, all more
«r less flattened and battered, a piece of iron rod, u, copper arrow barb having
a socket to fit on, a large arrow, with many of the ordinary Indian flint arrow-
points. Many gun and pistol barrels, fragments of bomb shells, and some can-
"non balls have been picked up on the same ground. Pigs of lead, two feet long
were found there in digging a ditch, and several bars of iron, which Mere sub-

54

Mississippi, as Province,

sequently used by Edward Lovelace in building the first gin erected in the-
parish. The musket balls were coated with a thick oxide, and were so plentiful
that the early hunters used to resort there for a supply of lead. A spherical
ball was found, having a loop for a handle, and a rattle inside. Its tone was
very clear. Musket balls were found imbedded in an aged cypress tree that stood
within the entrenchment. The Indian tradition was that their fathers said a
great battle had been fought there, between the white and red men many years
before.

(Catahoula should read Catahoula ; Tenas R. should read Tensas R.)
statement of dr. henry i. peck, a. b.

Battle Ground Plantation, 1^
Sicily Island, Catahoula Parish, La., March 0th, 1S78. j
The last stand of the Natchez was made here, on the south-west end of a
small lake, which makes part of tho eastern boundary of Sicily i.sland. The
bluff, at this point, is some thirty feet above the level of the lake, with a deep
ravine on the south and west. They threw up an entrenchment which could be
traced as late as 182.5, The position is just forty miles from Natchez across the
swamp. To reach them Perier asci'iided the Mississippi to the mouth of Red
river; up it to the mouth of Black river. Up Black river (which is really the
Ouachita) to the mouth of bayou Louah, twenty-three miles above Trinity and
three above Iliirrisonburg, Up bayou Louah to lake Louah now styled Love
lace's lake. He disembarked his troops at the present steamboat landing on
Lovelace's lake, and marched due north, up the bluff' of the island, to the Indian
entrenchment. From their strong position, and the skill they had acquired.

Territory and State. 55
from the French, in the construction and defence of fortified positions, he found
he could only carry it by regular investment or by strategem. By a shameful
act of perfidy he got possession of the Natchez chief, and then opened n furious
attack on the camp. The details of the fight and its sequel have often been re
corded. It is to identify this point as the last great battle ground of the Natchez
to which you have directed j'our inquiries. The war material found here is
conclusive as to its having been the scene of a great conflict, in which European
soldiers took part. Fragments of shells, indicating a diameter of from four to
six inches, were profusely scattered over the field ; the outer plates of gun locks,
almost destroyed by oxidation ; fragments of pistol barrels, great numbers of
gun flints of very fine silex ; a chain shot that still weighs three pounds, eleven
ounces, and musket balls so numerous that our early hunters obtained their
lead on the premises. These balls were so encrusted with oxide that when
melted each one left a white shell like an egg-shell. Many irons resembling
mill irons, fragments of crockery and pottery, ordinary Indian arrow-heads."
Dr. A. H. Peck, of Claiborne county. Miss., a gentieman of
culture, who has often examined the field, has many of these relics in
his possession. Some writers, who contend that DeSoto died near the
mouth of Red river, conjecture that Sicily island was on..; of his battle
fields; but the few fire-arms he had were matchlocks; and on this field
were found very many musket flints, not in use in the time of DeSoto,
nor for many years afterwards.
In this stronghold, about the 20th January, 1732, M. Perier found
the Natchez. He planted his batteries, and for three days kept up a
regular fire. On the 25tli the besieged proposed terms which were
declined, unless they first surrendered the Great Sun and the principal
war chief This was, in their desperation, acceded to, not at all in
consonance with that devotion to his person, and his authority, they
have been accredited with. Perhaps he was a second Curtius, and
foreseeing the butchery that would follow the storming of his camp,
offered himself a sacrifice to save his people. Surprised at this con
cession, Perier, with bad faith, demanded more ; and they agreed to
surrender to him sixty men and two hundred women and children, on
condition that their lives should be spared, and that he withdrew his
artillery. This proposition was answered by a renewal of the cannon
ade, which was vigorously kept up, until terminated at nightfall by a
terrible storm of wind and rain. Under cover of this, the Natchez
abandoned their position. The Indian auxiliaries of the French captur
ed a number, but the greater part escaped into the adjacent morasses.
Perier returned to New Orleans, with numerous prisoners, who, by
instructions from Maurepas, prime minister, were shipped to St. Do
mingo, and sold. He wrote to Perier that there was no other way to
pay the expenses of the expedition. Those that escaped, and many
who were scattered through the country, assembled, in the course of the
year on Red river and soon after attacked the French post of Natchi
toches, then under command of St. Denys* — Fort St Louis de Car-
borette, built 17 19, (under the American dominion known as Fort
Claiborne). For three hours they assailed the defences, but, after a
bloody fight, suUenly withdrew and took possession of the village of
the Natchitoches Indians, who had sought shelter in the fort. There
¦¦•¦St. Denys came to Biloxi from France in 1699 ; was sent to explore the Ou.i-
chita, Red river, Yazoo and Arkansas, and to watch the ojierations of the Span
iards and Mexicans to the westward. His adventures in Mexico; marriage, im
prisonment, escape and return to Biloxi iu 1719, have the interest of romance. He
was a man of liberal culture, brave, enterprising, gallant and gay.

5 6 Mississippi, as a Province.
St. Denys, in turn, attacked them before they could complete their
preparations. They resisted, with all the fury of despair ; the French,
with a determination to conquer or perish. Not until the houses were
all on fire, and most of their warriors had fallen, did the Natchez think
of retreat, and then they plunged into the swamp, this remnant of a
once powerful people. Their story has been perpetuated by many
historians, and in the romances of Chateaubriand, and their peculiar
name by the historic city that sits in sadness and beauty on the site of
their ancient capital.*
"*"The Natchez were at the head of a confederacy which, at one time, embraced
the Tensas, Yazoos, Kourous aud other tribes. They claimed to have had sixty
villages, eight hundred Suns or princes, and flve thousand warriors. But these
had greatly diminished before the advent of the French. The few that escaped
found refuge among the Chickasaws and the Muscogees or Creeks, where they
could be traced for many years, and produced the "great Natchez chief," (so styled
in various treaties,) and other renowned warriors.

OHAPTEE IX.

Cy\^-;:— 1^ BOUT this time (1732) the Western Company, which
/5-?^^/S)"S had controUed the colony since 17 17, having become
bankrupt, surrendered its franchishes, and the King
took it under his charge.
1735. The veteran Bienville, who had been residing
in retirement in France, was reappointed civil and military
fy^ governor of Louisiana, and early in the fall he arrived in
New Orleans. Though old and infirm he still coveted glory,
and came resolved to strike an effective blow against the Chick
asaws, the prinle instigators of the Natchez massacre.
British traders from Charleston and Savannah had penetrated their
country at a very early period. Their villages extended from the
Cumberland to the Tennessee, and thence to the Mississippi, and the
head-waters of the Yazoo and Tombigbee, then abounding in game,
now one of the finest agricultural districts in the world. They were
an aggressive and martial people, frequently at war with the Choctaws,
Cherokees and Creeks, their neighbors, and occasionally undertaking
expeditions against the Shawnees, and other remote tribes. They were
not so numerous as their neighbors, owing to their incessant conflicts,
but as warriors they were most renowned. Though ostensibly at first
friendly with the French, and occasionally sending delegations to Biloxi
and Mobile, they early fell under British control, and may be almost
claimed as a British colony. British traders, chiefly Scotchmen, who
had served in the army at an early day, estabhshed there depots of
merchandise, which they exchanged for peltries carried on pack horses
to Charleston. These traders usually married into the famUies of the
chiefs, and soon established a controUing influence. In 17 15, Captain
Young, a British officer, visited the Chickasaws, and had a grand
council with the chiefs, in the interest of the king, his master. He
passed through the territories of the Chocchumas, Tchulas, Kourous or
Yazoos. to the Natchez villages, where he halted a week. During that
time M. de Ursins receivetl orders from Gov. Cadillac to arrest the
traveler. Perricaul says, M. de Ursins dared not execute this order
in the village of the Natchez, for fear of giving offence, and it was
determined to ambuscade him on the river.
Before leaving the viUage, M. de Ursins resolved to have an inter
view with him, in order to discover his designs. Having approached
him, he asked him, if he had come to make any purchases among the

58 Mississippi, as a Province,
Natchez. He replied, very frankly, that he with two other EngUsh
men, had visited the Natchez for the purpose of purchasing peltries,
and that it was his intention to go among the Colapissas on his way
down the river, thence among the Choctaws, where he had a depot
of merchandise and peltry, and from thence would return by land
into Carolina in company with the other Englishmen, who were, like
himself, engaged in traffic with the Indians.
Perricaul further relates how M. de la Ursins said nothing to the
unsuspecting Englishman at the time, but allowed him to take his de
parture unmolested, after which he stealthily descended the river, and laid
in wait for him at Manchac, where, with the assistance of some Tensas
Indians, he overpowered and arrested him. He says : ' 'We found him oc
cupied in sketching, and he was much surprised to see us approach, armed
with muskets, and yet more when M. de Ursins informed him that he
had an order to arrest and conduct him to Mobile. He observed that
the two countries were at peace ; that they could find nothing to re
proach him for ; and that if it were exacted of him to go, it must be
done by force. M. de Ursins, who had orders to take him dead or
alive, replied that he arrested him in the name of the King, and at the
same time seized hold of him. He endeavored to make some resis
tance, but uselessly. We embarked him in one of our canoes, and
gave up the merchandise found in his canoe to the Tensas. Then we
conducted him to Mobile without stopping, where we delivered him
up to M. de Bienville."
The hapless English officer was after three day's detention liberated
by the French authorities, and on his return trip to Carolina, while
passing through the country of the Ahbamions, was slain by the Indians.
"I found among the Natchez," Perricaul further says, "some Indians
belonging to the nation of the Chaounons (Shewanees,) who had been
captured by a strong party of Chitachas, Yazoos and Natchez, "ivho
under the pretext of visiting their viUage for the purpose of dancing
the calumet of peace, had attacked them in the most base and treach
erous manner, and killed their Grand Chief, with most of his family,
took eleven prisoners, among whom was the wife of the chief, and
brought them to the Natchez, where they were treated as sla-^'es. I
used all the efforts in my power to have them liberated but was unsuc
cessful. I was very much astonished to meet three Englishmen there
who had come with the intention of purchasing them as sla-ses. They
are the cause of exciting these savages to war with each other, as it
enables them to purchase a large number of slaves, whom they con
vey into Carolina to work on their plantations."
A few years afterw-ards the Chickasaws made a persistent effort to
organize a coalition of the tribes against the French, which culminated
in the massacre at Natchez, and on the dispersion of that tribe they
received the refugees, and united with them in pillaging and murder
ing every Frenchman they could intercept on the river.
The Chickasaws, on their part, complained that the French had
instigated the Choctaws to attack them, and strongly suspected them
of comphcity with the Choctaws in the treacherous murder of their
party in 1705, when under a French escort; and they insisted that in
giving asylum to the Natchez refugees they had only exercised a cus
tom universaUy practiced by Indian communities.
Six days after Bienville landed, he dispatched an agent to the Chick-

Territory and State. ^g,
asaws, to demand the delivery of the refugees. The noble answer
was : "They have come to us for shelter, and cannot be surrendered."
1735. The French commander instantly determined on war. Hi&.
plan was to penetrate the heart of the Chickasaw nation by the Tom
bigbee river, and to caU a co-operative force from the posts of the Illi
nois, to form a junction at a point to be agreed on. He dispatched
Capt. de Lvsser with sixty men to (what is now caUed) Jones' bluff
on the Tombigbee, to erect a fort and depot and to coUect supplies
for the expedition. And he sent Capt. Le Blanc Avith orders to M. d'
Artaguette, commandant of the Illinois, to descend the river with as.
many French and Indians as he could muster and meet him on the
I Gth May.
1736. BienviUe left New Orleans, March 23d, with an army by no
means well organized, including one company of negroes commanded
by Captain Simon, a free mulatto. After many delays he reached
Jones' bluff His force consisted of some six hundred whites and five
hundred Indians. He set out both by land and water. May 4th, and
halted on the 23d at what is now known as Cotton Gin on the Tom
bigbee river. Here he erected a stockade and threv/ up some en
trenchments.* A temporary halt at Cotton Gin was perhaps necessary, but it was
too protracted, and gave the Chickasaws ample^time for preparation.
He finally advanced in two column.s, in a north-easterly direction with
the Choctaws on his flanks. The weather was wet and the nature of
the prairie soU made his march slow and fatiguing. May 20th he
found himself near an Indian town, caUed Ackia, strongly fortified.
with palisades and earthworks and the British flag displayed. He
camped that night on a small lake near the mouth of Yahnubbee
creek, in the present county of Lee, where he threw up an entrench
ment, which may still be traced. Early next morning the Choctaws,,
eager for plunder, made a rush upon the town without orders from-
Bienville, but were driven back by a galling fire and so demoralized
that they rendered no further assistance.
The French general seeing the strong character of the works, and know
ing that the Indians were directed by English traders who had experience
in war, was disinclined to attack until reinforced by d'Artaguette, but
he reluctantly yielded to his young officers, and particularly to his
nephew, the Chevalier de Noyer, who thought not of hazard but of
-•¦ Jlr. J. H. Bailey, of Monroe county, Mississippi, informs me that Cotton Gin
was called by the Indians Tollama-ioxa, signifying where "he first strung the bow,"
and in reference to Bienville there beginning his expedition. The name of Cot
ton Gin was given to it from a gin having been erected there by the U. S. for the
Chickasaws. The vestiges of three fortified positions may yet be seen at this point
on the Tombigbee, erected doubtless by Bienville and Vandreuil. One on the
left bank, one oa the right bank and another on the right some three hundred
yards to the southwest and about the same distance from the bank of the river.
it stands on what was probably an ancient mound, some seventy feet square, and
.still three or four feet above the general level. The entrenchment might be dis
tinctly traced a few years since, though large trees were growing on it. The fort
on the right bank has caved iu, though it is within the recollection of the early
citizens that the entrenchment enclosed an area of some six acres. The fort on the
east bank has suffered in the same way. About a mile south of this entrench
ment there was found, in 1833, two large boxes of ounce balls imbedded in the
mud. Near by is a deep place in the river called the Cannon Hole, into which, it
is said, the French threw several pieces of heavy cannon. Northwest of the fort
is a place known as the Boneyard, from the human bones found there when the
country was first settled.

6o Mississippi, as a Province,
glory. At two o'clock the assuaUing party, consisting of fifty men
from each of the companies, fifty Swiss, a company of French gren
adiers, and thirty volunteers, led by de Noyer, advanced to the assault
with loud cries of "Vive le Roil" The Indians had enclosed their
building with a palisade of stakes driven deeply down. Inside of
this palisade was a pit deep enough to protect the men who stood there
to defend it. Loop holes to fire through were cut in the stakes. The
tops of their houses were plastered with mud, to prevent the French
firing them. Thus each house constituted a separate fortress, and they
were so placed as to throw a converging fire. The advance was made
under the protection of a sort of portable breastwork, called mantelets,
carried by negroes, who at the first fire seeing several of their number
fall, fled in dismay. The chevalier de Centre Coeur waved his sword
and placed himself at the head of the grenadiers, but was instantly
kUled. Capt. de Lusser fell about the same time, and the dead and
wounded lay thickly around. The troops, panic-struck, sought shelter
in two houses they had taken. The officers having vainly attempted
to raUy them, formed themselves into a forlorn hope, with a small
party of grenadiers, and rushed within the works. They were met by
a terrible fire. De Noyer, Grondel, D'Hautrive, De Velles, Ville
mont, Montbrun, were severely wounded. De Juzan, aid to de Noyer,
was killed. A party of Chickasaws rushed out to scalp Grondel.
Five grenadiers dashed forward to defend him, but were instantly
killed by a volley from the nearest Indian cabin. But at the moment,
and before the smoke of the voUey cleared away, Regnisse, a French
sergeant, had siezed the wounded officer and carried him to a place of
safety. The French now fell back under cover of the few cabins they had
seized, and De Noyer despatched an officer for reinforcements to
carry off the wounded, while he kept the enemy at bay. The Chev
alier Beauchamp came with two companies, and rescued many of the
wounded, but owing to the severe and concentrated fire from the for
tified houses was compelled to leave a nuinber behind. The conflict
had lasted from noon till sunset ; only four of the houses had been
stormed, and more than one hundred and fifty brave men had fallen.
Bienville, notwithstanding this disastrous repulse, did not forget the
gallantry of Regnisse. In his own tent, in the presence of his surviv
ing ofiicers, he applauded his intrepidity and offered him the commis
sion of lieutenant. The gallant fellow modestly declined. He said
he could not read or write, and was therefore not fit for an officer, and
had only done what all of his comrades were ready to do.
Next morning a ghastiy spectacle was seen. The dead and wound
ed left on the preceding evening had been quartered and their man
gled members hung on the points of the palisades. The French offi
cers clamored for vengeance, but BienviUe, having left his heavy pieces
on the Tombigbee, and finding the Choctaws unreliable, ordered an
immediate retreat, but they made only four mUes that day, May 27th.
They had neither wagons nor ambulances, for their provisions, and
there were many wounded to be carried by the soldiers. The Choc
taws, who had precipitated the attack and done littie of the fighting,
complained of this dilatory march, and refused to assist in bearing
burdens or the wounded. In this they were encouraged by Red
Shoes, a chief of the Six Towns, one of the most treacherous leaders

Territory and State. 6i
of the tribe, with a strong inclination for the British alliance. By ex
erting his personal influence to the utmost, Bienville prevailed on the
head chief of the Choctaws to remain and assist his wounded. Had
the Chickasaws pursued at this juncture, the French would, in all
probability, have been annihilated.
May 28th, when the fugitives reached the Tombigbee they were
dismayed to find the river so reduced by a rapid fall that it would soon
apparently cease to be navigable. They cast their heavy cannon into
the river, hurried on board, and about the 2d June reached Fort Tom-
becbee at Jones' bluff.
Thus closed this ill-planned, ill conducted and inglorious expedition,
only redeemed by those acts of personal gallantry for which the French
in all ages have been distinguished. The most distressing portion of
the story is yet to be related.
D'Artaguette had set out from Fort Chartres, on the Illinois, with
one hundred French and Canadians and a strong detachment of In
dians and arrived at the Chickasaw bluffs on the 9th May, one day
before the time designated.* He had expected to be reinforced there
by Grand-pre, from the post of Arkansas, but by some inadvertence
this junction did not take place. Hearing nothing from BienvUle,
and his Indians becoming impatient and threatening to withdraw, and
being in want of supplies, he advanced into the nation, and on the
20th May attacked a village supposed to be occupied by Natchez refu
gees, and to be well stored with provisions. WhUe assailing the ene
my in front a detachment of five hundred Chickasaws, supported by
thirty Englishmen, attacked him in his flank and rear so suddenly and
fiercely that most of his Indian aUies fled from the field. His gaUant
officers, D'Essarts, St. Ange, De Conlanger, De la Graviere, De Cour-
tigny, Langlois and Levieux, fell at the first fire, and orders were given
to fall back to camp. But the enemy, in vastiy superior numbers,
rushed upon them with their tomahawks. D'Artaguette fell severely
wounded, and Capts. Dutisme, Lalande, Vincennes, Father Senac,
their chaplain, and fourteen soldiers were captured. The few that
escaped were led by Voisin, a youth of sixteen, who having bravely
fought until the retreat was ordered, now took command of the fugi
tives and succeeded in reaching the boats.
The Chickasaws treated their prisoners kindly, intending to use
them to secure terms with the great French general then advancing
into their country, from whom they had everything to fear. With the
arms and ammunition captured on the field and in the camp of D'Ar
taguette, they fought and defeated BienvUle six days later. This seal
ed the fate of the prisoners. Ten days afterwards, all but one, who
was permitted to go to BienvUle to relate the horrid event, were strip
ped and pinioned to stakes and roasted to death by a slow fire. _ They
chanted the miserere, and Father Senac to the last moment of his mar
tyrdom whispered the consolations of religion. ' 'The ashes of these

"»A11 the writers on this subject assign the lower Chickasaw blufl' as the point
where D'Artaguette landed and from which he marched. But the Rev. Dr. Pat
ton, a distinguished scholar, in his centennial address at Tupelo, Miss, says : "He
landed at the mouth of Bear creek, a tributary of the Tennessee." Dr. Patton
resided in Lee county, has made the Chickasaw traditions a study, and is a recog
nized authority in all such matters.

-62 Mississippi, as a Province.
young heroes, and of this devoted priest," says Dr. Patton, "now
-mingle with the soil of Lee county."
Bienville's battle occurred on what was afterwards known as the
¦Chickasaw Old Fields, thirty miles northwest of Cotton Gin and about
three mfles northwest of Tupelo, only a few mUesfrom the Great Council
House of the tribe. When repulsed his troops retreated along the
ridge, where Tupelo now stands. A fragment of cannon, and of
•other weapons, have been found to indicate the line of retreat. "The
Chickasaws," says Dr. Patton, "pursued them as far as Chiwappa
creek."

CHAPTEE X,

AD he been wise, with this disastrous campaign, the
veteran BienviUe would have closed his military career.
But, if his energies were impaired, he had retained his
tenacity and pluck, and he forthwith applied for leave
to organize another expedition.
1737. The Chickasaws, on their part, sought a close
alliance v.-ith the English, and sent a large delegation to
Gov. Oglethorpe at Savannah, with the bloody credentials of
their recent victory.
¦y 1738. The year was chiefly spent by BienviUe in organizing
his forces for the coming campaign. His plan was to ascend the
Mississippi to the mouth of the St. Frances, which was to be the gen
eral rendezvous and depot of supplies, and thence cross to the Margot
(Wolf) river, and attack them in the heart of their country. The jDlan
was exceUent, but no proper estimate seems to have been formed of
the difficulties of transportation in open boats, of the sickness sure to
follow exposure, and an imperfect commissariat.
1739. Towards the last of June, BienviUe landed at the depot at
the mouth of St. Francis, the best point and period he could have
selected for malarial fevers, which soon decimated his army. Soon
afterwards the Chevalier de Boursoniere, commandant at Fort Chartres
(St. Louis,) with a troop of Canadians and Indians, arrived, foUowed
by M. Celeron and M. Laurent, with a detachment from the Illinois.
" His force," says Martin, " was about 1200 whites and 2,500 Indians
and negroes;" an array, properly directed, sufficient to expel the
Chickasaws from the country they occupied. It was the last of
August before the French general concentrated his army near the
mouth of the Margot, and where he built a rough structure called Fort
Assumption. And by this time sickness and death were mowing down
his men. His provisions failed, and new supplies had to be obtained
from New Orleans and from Natchitoches before a movement could be
made. There were scarcely well men left to guard the fort and the
hospital. 1740. About the 20th March, whUe the army stiU lay inactive at the
fort, M. Celeron, an enterprising officer, was sent out with a strong
detachment of Canadians and Ilhnois Indians, ostensibly in search of
the enemy, but, doubtless, with secret instructions to make terms, if
practicable. The Chickasaws, considering this merely the advance

64 Mississippi, as a Province,
guard, estimating the strength of the army by the strength of the
advance, and that its whole force would be hurled against them in a
few days, made overtures for peace. Upon the invitation of M. de
Celeron, a delegation of war-chiefs accompanied him to the fort, where
a formal treaty was made.
We insert here the journal of an officer who arrived from France in
1739, with the troops under M. de Nouaille, and accompanied the
expedition to the Chickasaw bluffs, which has been translated from a
MS. obtained in Paris by Col. B. F. French.* It gives interesting de
tails of the tedious voyage up the river, and an inside view of the
management (or rather mismanagement) of an army at that period,
and sheds much light on the customs of tlie savages and their conduct
in war. JOURNAL OF THE CHICKASA WAR.
Monday, June Sth, 1739, the fourth day of our arrival at the " Balize," at
the mouth of the Mississippi, the companies of Pepiret, Poulcury, Vileon and
Frederre embarked in different conveyances at the bar.
Tuesday, the 9th, Mons de Nouaille also set out in a separate transport; the
sick, together with the commands of Tremigon, Gouyon and du Theafant next
embarked for the city of New OrleanSj the point of rendezvous, distant about
forty leagues from the Balize. The same day, at three o'clock in the afternoon,
we moved just above the Bayou Marogue, where we experienced a most awful
rain squall.
Wednesday, the tenth of June, we set out at break of day and moved with
might and main to stem the terrible current of the Mississippi; a storm coming
up from the northwest at about 7 A. M., we made a second landing, having gone
three leagues of our route. At 9 o'clock we again set forth on our journey, nor
stopped till six of the evening when we moored our vessels ashore.
'Tliursday, the 11th, we pursued our course, starting at half-past five in the
morning, and. having encountered several boats descending the , stream, we
enquired where they were going ; to which they answered they were going after
such of the. troops as were still on the " Athlas." We proceeded and finally
landed, at six in the evening, one league above the small prairie on the port
side of .the river.
Friday, the 12th inst., we crossed the river at two in the morning to avoid
the rapidity of the current, and to seek a less strong one. At 9 in the evening
we moored our vessels at the first plantation yet seen, belonging to Mr. Pinot.
Saturday, the 31st, we cast off at 4 A. M., and passed by the Royal Transport,
the same which we found a little above the plantation of Mr. Robin, having
previously been summoned to arms and hoisted our flags, the compliment being
returned by the royal vessel and the troops placed under arms. At 10 o'clock
at night we stopped at the plantation of Mr. Barre.
Sunday, the 14th, we set out at half-past three in the morning, when j\Ion-
sieur de Nouailles, having directed us to take the lead along the left bank of
the river, we arrived by 8 A. M., at the plantation of Mons. de la Pomeraye,
Royal Treasurer, where all the |troops were rallied !in obedience to a signal
from the Colonel. The entire force having been under arms since half-past 9,
Mons. de Nouaille, the Colonel in command, passed it in review. At 10 o'clock
we re-embarked and proceeded on our course as far as the Brewery, which is
within cannon reach of the city. There we landed, it being a quarter past
twelve, and having been drawn up in line of battle, marched forthwith toward
the city, where we arrived at 10 o'clock and were sent to the barracks to estab
lish our lodgings and repose from the fatigues to which we had been subjected,
both by the heat and the swift currents of the river which we had been com
pelled to stem. At four in the afternoon our detachment was dispatched with
the colors to the residence of Mons. de Nouaille. Our two companies from
•^Translated by Fernand Claiborne, Esq., of New Orleans.

Territory and State. 65-;
Rochefort, which had arrived before us, having informed us they were detailed,
for guard duty, it was not until the 16th that we furnished six men per com
pany for that purpose, the balance of the command being in the meantime
reviewed togetherwith the troops of the colony, the Swiss being on the right of
all. On the evening of our arrival, we transferred our sick, at least such as
were taken with the scurvy, and numbering about thirty, to the hospital on.
the opposite side of the river, to which they were transported in such boats as
were destined for the general use of the army. After pushing off from the
bank, we lost our third surgeon, wlio was knocked overboard by the tiller. He-
was never more seen, and was regretted not only by the officers, but generally
even among the privat;.s. The rest of the ill were'carried to the city "hospital.
They numbered about twenty, but about fifteen dav.s afterwards, the number
had increased to 84.
_ On Saturday, the 2,5th of July, Messrs. de Nouaille and Bienville, seeing that
sixty of the soldiers had died, and that more were falling sick every day,
resolved todispatch the first convoy to the fort called Assumption. It was-,
composed, in all, of eleven boats, in which were distributed three companies
commanded by Mr. de ^'ieuchatel, Lieutenant of Artillery, who, himself, was.
in charge of a vessel pverdecked and loaded with powder and other munitions.
The crew consisted, in part, of slaves and of Indians belonging to various
petty tribes iu the neighborhood of New Orleans.
The 11th boat (Note — The translation here is faithfully preserved — from
which it would appear there were more than nine boats as before mentioned.)
manned by Colonial troops and in command of Mr. Tavrot, Lieutenant of the-
said troops, was placed in the lead. On the day of the departure of this convoy,,
the three companies composing it were reduced "from fifty to forty -one men each,-,
the total sick now amounting to one hundred and forty."*
On the 22d July, intelligence was received that a number of travelers,,
amounting to sixteen, and six negroes, who had started in pirogues one month
since, had been attacked by a body of twenty-five or thirty savages, supposed
to be Tchatchoumas, Natchez or Chycachas, encamped four leagues away from
the post of the Tunicas. Three of the party only escaped to bear the news to
the latter, who set out to avenge the deed if possible.
On the Sth of xVugust, the 2d convoy, consisting of four of our companies, of
thirty-two men each, distributed on S boats, started at S in the evening, under
the command of Mr. de Belugard, Captain of Artillery, who was in charge of
a ninth boat which contained the munitions. A tenth was occupied by the
troops of the colony, commanded by Mr. Chaouas, Lieutenant and " chief ot"
route." Of this convoy, four officers and fifteen privates were left sick at the
post of the Chapitoulas, twenty-four miles from the city.
On the 12th of August, we lost one officer of artillery and four soldiers after
a day's illness.
On the first of September, the rest of the battalion was placed under arms,,
preparatory to leaving, but the boats being overloaded, we were compelled to
defer our departure until the next day.
The recapitulation of our losses during our stay in New Orleans shows r
casualties, seventy men, and left behind, on account of sickness, fifty-eight
soldiers, four artillerists, five cannoneerp, one surgeon, one armorer and six
private servants.
On the 2d of September, our convoy of nine boats was, in part, manned by
our troops to the number of one hundred and thirty-nine men, including those
in a state of convalescence. To these were added six negroes for each boat,,,
besides that for the scout manned by savages. Mons. de Nouaille, in command-
of the battallion, was in a large canoe, in the centre of which had been con
structed a room capable of containing from eight to ten persons. For crew he
had ten negroes before, and six of our soldiers rowed behind. Our convey ance-
for powder, etc., was provided with eighteen negroes with an artillerist for boat
swain. That same evening we landed and slej^t at post Chapitoulas, on the-
right bank of the river.
On the 3d, we cast loose at break of day, and encamped on the .same side of
the river two leagues from the " Allemands."
•*By a strange fatality the French always selected the sickly season for their ar
rivals in Louisiana and their expeditions up the river.
5

66 Mississippi, as a Province,
On the 4th, we moved up, and disembarked to dine with Mr. d'Arem-
bourg, commander of the post " des Allemands." Here we left nine soldiers
and buried one. At two o'clock we again set out, but being overtaken by a
storm, stopped to encamp about three miles from the spot where we had dined.
On the 5th, at day-break, we decamped and dined that day at the Colapissas
village. AVe sailed at one o'clock and proceeded on our way to stop among the
Bayougoulas, distant from the former about six miles on the right bank.
On the 6th inst., we started at sunrise and dined at the first settlements of the
Houmas, a distance of four leagues from the Bayagoulas. Thence we set out
and slept at a small French habitation one league distant, on the left bank. It
being still early in the day, we had the soldiers to clean and load their arms, as
we were beginning to enter into the territory of the enemy, and especially as we
were informed that the "Chics, ""¦¦¦" had since eight days been seen on the banks of
the river between the places called "Baton Rouge" and "Pointe Coupee."
On the 7th September we decamped at daybreak, and at nine o'clock arrived
at the headquarters of the Houmas, where we procured twenty barrels of vege
tables. Shortly after leaving we were compelled to make a landing owing to
the leaking of one of our boats, which had struck a concealed snag. I quickly
dispatched my boatswain to its assistance, who reached it in time to remedy the
damage, and rejjlace several ribs which had been broken in. There was lost
but one barrel of salt, which had been left without a bung. Two hours after
wards we reloaded and pushed on, but were soon overtaken by a rain storm
which lasted four hours. We therefore concluded to go no further that day, and
slept on a sand-bank at three-fourths of a league from the last named nation on
the right shore of the river.
The Houma.s, Bayagoulas and Colapissas, are but one and the same nation in
different settlements, and may be all classed as Colapissas, the first two being
distinct in but one respect, their chiefs being great grandsons, the one of a
Houmas, the other of a Bayagoulas, which accounts for their preserving those
names, although the original tribes have long been extinct. The above united
nations can furnish from ninety to one hundred warriors, as many youths and
as many women. Before falling in with these we had encountered two other
nations near the post "les Allemands," on the left-bank of the river, being the
Ouachas and Chaouachas, numbering together thirty warriors or thereabout.
These and several others are called the ".small or petty nations" owing to their
very small number, and the character of their settlements which they are ever
transferring from one spot to another di.stant sixty to seventy-five miles, accord
ing to their caprice or the wars which they are forced to carry on.
On the Sth September we set out at sunrise and passed the night opposite the
first villages of the Chetimachas on the right bank of the river, having made
fifteen miles. This nation is small in number, owing to the fact that the larger
portion dwell with the Atatapas, who reside ou the sea-shore in summer
especially and live on fish.
The 9th inst., we set out at daybreak with a moderately fresh breeze and
encamped at 6 p. M., on the left shore upon a sand-bank. AVe had that day
buried two soldiers.
The 10th we departed before day, and the wind being favorable, sailed part
of the way to encamp near the right shore of the river on a large sand-bank
lying half a league beyond the bend called Baton Rouge. It is only upon
arriving here that the first "cliffs" are seen, they not exceeding eight or nine feet.
The bend Baton Rouge is so named from tlie fact that the Houmas after a vic
tory won by them over the Tonicas, planted upon that spot a baton rouge or
red stick (lit. translated) to signify that they the Tonicas were never to cross it
under arms or on the war-path.
On thellth inst., having embarked all the troops before daylight we set out
after having resolved henceforth to place an officer on guard every night, agree
ably to the advice we had received on the 6th of the month. We set sail at
daybreak, the weather being very threatening, and experienced a heavy rain all
day without intermission, which compelled us to land and camp for dinner.
We passed the night on the same spot on the N. N. W. point of D'Iberville
Island, upon a large and high sand-bank, having taken the channel on the right
side of the island.
*Chickasaws.

Territory and State. 67
On the 12t,h inst., at daybreak, we started, and dined at the extremity of the
bend called the " cliffs of Davion," whence we pursued our way to spend
the night on a plantation on the left bank of the river, half a league
from Pointe Coupee. Here we encamped preparatory to spending a whole day.
On the 13th, at 7 A. m., the troops were placed in line of battle for inspection,
in order to release from service such as were unfit to take the field. "We buried
one soldier of our company. The sick amounted to thirty-six, including seven
servants, one boatswainj and six Swiss.
On the 14th September we set out at two in the afternoon to spend the night
at the fort on "Pointe Coupee," where we arrived with all our sick. At four
o'clock we made the necessary arrangements to leave behind such as might be
in condition to proceed with the last convoy, and to have conveyances provided
for those whose health rendered it urgent that they be sent back to New
Orleans. On the 15th we decamped at seven in the morning. The savages threatening
to waylay us, we deemed it more prudent, after having gone but three and a
half leagues, to pitch our tents upon an extensive sand-bank on the right of the
river. _We set out on the 16th, at four, in the morning, and having taken to the left
of the island, found the current to be extremely violent, which delayed our
reaching the large settlement of the Tonicas until six in the evening. We
were unable to land, owing to the damp and muddy condition of the ground, and.
contented ourselves merely with placing the customary guard. This nation is
the first of any considerable size which is found in stemming the river, being
capable of furnishing from ninety to one hundred warriors. They have been
at all times much attached to the French, although they had been compeUed
four months before to send us the heads of their two principal chiefs, who had
been accomplices in the assassination of several of our travelers. We observed
that this nation had much degenerated in the qualities which they had origin
ally possessed for war.
On the 17th the roll was beat at half-past four, and we set out on our cour.se
a little before five o'clock. At a distance of three-fourths of a league from our
last stopping place, we discovered the mouth of Bayou La Croix, which is only
navigable during the high water season, when a net saving of two days of travel
may be accomplished. Some few settlements of the Tonicas were still appear
ing at intervals on the left b'ank of the river. At half-past seven we encamped
at the lower extremity of a sand-bank, one league in length on the right bank
of the river, having gone five leagues that day.
On the 18th we decamped before day to take the channel nearest the right
bank, it being the largest of the three which form tv/o islands in the centre of
the river. "We slept one league from Red River, on the extreme end of the
grand bank which is near the right shore of the river.
On the 19th we proceeded at break of day, and at seven o'clock had reached
the entrance of Red River. The mouth of this stream is large and fine and
extends towards the north. It is known to run from the directions of W. N.
W., three hundred leagues inclining towards the Spanish possessions and passes
through the land of the Nakitoches. Our nearest post upon it is distant twelve
leagues from one of their villages and forty leagues from the mouth of the
river. At six in the evening we pitched our tents one league from "Davion's
Rock," on a lengthy sand-bank on the right of the river, having had headwinds
from the east and E. S. E. all day.
On the 20th at break of day we continued on our course, and by seven o'clock
had reached the place called "Davion's Rock.""'* Although we had had favora
ble winds, the current had been so strong that we traveled but five and one-half
leagues during the whole day. We slept in our boats (having established a
guard in each) and having merely secured them on the extremity of a bank to
the right, where we had discovered several shirts stained with blood, and the
remnants of an Indian encampment. We set out thenextday, and took advan
tage of a fresh breeze, although much delayed by the unusual strength of the
current, and camped that evening no further than the upper extremity of the
"Grand Bank," which is above the three channels. Here we found some aban
doned "Chicachas" huts.
"*Fort Adams.

68 Mississippi, as a Province,
On the 22d we set sail before day, and encamped at night on a bank on the
left of the river, having gone near five leagues that day. At noon the officer in
command of the Swiss had one of his soldiers whipped for theft.
On the 23d we "decamped at daybreak and found ourselves engaged at the
dinner hour among the three cliannels of the river which are comprised within
the limits of the "Natchez" settlements. We took the middle one, fearing the
currents in that on the left. We found here from three and one-half to four
feet of water, and so fierce a current that half our boats were driven aground,
the rest in the meantime having proceeded to encamp at the head of the chan
nels on the right bank of the river.
On the 24th, at daybreak, we dispatched a detachment of twenty musqueteers
and all our ncgrucs, led by a native oflicer, along the bank to lend assistance to
two of our boats which had remained aground. They joined us four or five
hours afterwards only the worse for some fatigue, which determined Mons de
Nouaille to allow them until three in the evening for rest, when we set out to
encamp at six o'clock on the left bank of the river, opposite the "White
Cliffs."- On the 2,5th we set out before day, and having dined at the head of Bienville
Island, slept that night at the foot of Fort Natchez, where we pitched our tents
proposing to remain several days in order to allow our troops to recuperate to
some extent from the fatigues of the journey thither. This fort is in the shape
of a pentagon, each side of which measures fifty steps, tolerably secured against
assault by its situation, being placed at a sufficient elevation to command the
surrounding country. Its glacis is of green turf and its parapet of thick oaken
planks, and the inner fortification and ditch well stockaded. It is provided
with some few small cannon. Its garrison consists ordinarily of fifty men and
three officers. The nature of the soil seems such as to justify the settlement
which we had established here in 1729, at the end of which year two hundred
and fifty inhabitants were massacred by the nation, wliich gives its name to this
part of the country, a portion of which tribe have become wanderers and the
rest taken refuge among the Chicachats.
This last is the cause of our war against the latter, and induces them to
extend their expeditions to this very fort against the Ossogoulas, a small tribe
of fourteen or fifteen warriors who have settled here within a short time.
On the 26tli and 27th, until five o'clock of the latter day, Ave were engaged
altering and arranging the stowage in the holds of" our boats, after which we
were summoned to arms for inspection, and to release the sick from further duty.
On the 28th and 29th we stored away some biscuit and a small quantity of
fresh bread. During our stay here we had lost four soldiers.
On the 30th, and in accordance with instructions received the day previous,
we decamped before daybreak and had not gone more than about two leagues
when we heard the firing of cannon, proceeding from the fort, which made us
conjecture that Mons. de Bienville was just arriving, having learned during the
previous night through one of his officers, that he was encamped at a distance
from the fort not exceeding one and one-half leagues. We passed through the
left channel formed by the islands called "de la Pome." We camped on the
shore on the side of one of the islands, having traveled nearly four leagues
that day.
On Thursday, the first day of October, 1739, we set out half an hour before
day and dined at "Couellard's" cypress swamp, M-ith the expectation of meet
ing some friendly Indians hunting the buffalo, whence we proceeded to encamp
two leagues further on a bank to starboard.
On Friday, the 2d October, we decamped before daylight and the winds being
south and S. S. E., and favorable, four of our boats, including that of our com
mander, succeeded iu making their way past the island called Dog Island
through the channel on the lett of the same and without detention on the right
-of the island called "Little Gulf." Here and in the last named pass especially,
we encountered for a quarter of a league extremely violent currents.f At four
in the afternoon we encamped on the left shore at the head of these passes to
await the remaining eight boats which had taken another channel, and had
encountered currents so much stronger that flve of the eight succeeded in join-
"-i'EUis' tlifis. ~ "
fPetit Gulf.

Territory and State. 69
ing us only at midnight. The three others, although having had the misfortune
to run aground at the head of one of the islands, reached the camp at 9 olclock,
thanks to the efforts of a boat-load of negroes which we had dispatched to their
assistance. Saturday, the 3d October, "\ve embarked at dawn of day, and meeting with
strong currents, encamped on a small islet near the right shore two leagues from
"Grand Gulf." We had that day stopped for dinner at a spot which we had
reason to believe, had recently been used as a camping ground by the "Chics,"
as several trees had been cut at man's height from the ground, and besmeared
with various red figures.
Sunday, the 4th, we set out one hour before day and by 11 o'clock had passed
by the "Grand Gulf" without finding the swift currents which we had been led
to believe existed here, but a sudden and violent eddy, which threatened to run
our boats upon the snags or crush them against the logs and rafts which floated
on every side. At six o'clock we encamped on the edge of the first sand-bank
to the right distant two leagues from the "gulf." At 9 of the evening we had
an alarm which caused us to place the troops in line of battle at the head of the
camp. It was caused by various shouts and noises, believed to have been heard
in the woods, which were suspected to proceed from the enemy, as our hunters
had for the past few days discovered by the tracks of four or five men, that our
movements were being watched.
On Monday, the 5th, we had a north wind accompanied by a heavy rain, which
delayed our departure until twelve at noon, when the weather cleared up. We
encamped ou the shore at the extremity of the 2d island which we passed, and
there the roll was beat to announce that no soldier would henceforth be allowed
out o'f range from camp, under pain of death.
Tuesday, the Gth October, we set sail at four in the morning, but having failed
to stem the current, were compelled to land and tow our boats through the
•channel on the right to the N. W. end of the island, where we embarked and
at nightfall found ourselves encamped on the point of an islandon the left bank
of the river.
Wednesday, the 7th October, we embarked at daybreak and encamped just
before night at the nearest point of one of two islands, where we were alarmed
by a sentry, who, terror-stricken by the cries of the buffaloes and bears, which
abounded there, fired at them thinking they were an enemy, without, however,
touching any.
Thursday, the Sth, we set out before daylight, and being joined by our hun
ters at dinner time, we divided four cows and one calf which they had killed,
and which having occupied considerable time, we encamped on the right bank
of the river at but two and three-fourths leagues from our starting point.
Friday, the 9th, we decamped one hour before day, and having encountered
but little current, landed on a sand-bank to starboard, three leagues from the
"Hyazous" river (Yazoo.)
Saturday, the 10th, we set out at daybreak and dined half a league from the
mouth of the "Hyazous." This river appeared to me to run towards the S. E.,
judging from its mouth. It bears the name of several nations under a common
appellation who formerly resided upon its banks, and are now greatly reduced,
owing to the continued warfare which we have waged against them, which has
caused them to become wandering tribes. This river extends considerably in
the interior and might have brought us to within ten or twelve leagues from the
"Chicachats," but being unfortunately difficult of navigation owing to drift
wood, etc., we were compelled to proceed on our course up the Mississippi. _ At
7 in the evening we encamped one and one-fourth leagues beyond it on the right
bank on an extremely slimy shore.
Sunday, the 11th inst., we embarked at daybreak to take advantage of a
favorable wind, and observed that the river was widening considerably, a fact
unprecedented at this season of the year, and which seemed much to increase
the violence of the current and compelled us to pass the night in our boats, not
being able to proceed further to land on some sand-bank which we had expecta
tions of meeting.
On the 12th October we proceeded at daybreak and continued to encounter
very rapid currents, which placed several of our boats under the necessity of
hauling themselves up along the shore by means of ropes. We found the

70 Mississippi, as a Province,
stream particularly rapid when crossing the port channel, which forms two
small islands, but finally encamped on the opposite or right shore of the river
on a bar at the extremity of an island which shapes the course of the river.
The 13th found us aboard at daylight, when we took the channel to the right,
having on our left a small isle which lies at its head, and along which we were
compelled to be towed owing to the strength of the current. After much diffi
culty we were compelled to sleep in our boats two leagues above a channel
called "Couroit," or "Kourois," so named from its being frequently visited by
that nation.
On the 14th we disembarked at daylight to take breakfast at the foot of a
small cliff'. Each of the boats here provided itself with some ash wood, with
which to shape some oars, which we all were more or less short of. Plaving
after dinner taken up our route in the channel of a bank on the left, we found
at the end that there was not sufficient water to proceed and were compelled to
retrace our course. Having then succeeded in clearing the bar we crossed to
spend the night ou the opposite side of the river, having merely landed a strong
guard. On the loth took all aboard as soon as there was sufficient light to permit it,
and having gone three and three-fourths leagues that day, slept in our boats at
the lower end of the island farthest towards the north, it being one of three
which we had found on our course, and where we were joined by a boatcoming
down from our depot to meet Mons. de Bienville.
On the 16th, having gotten aboard at the usual hour, we proceeded. One hour
afterwards one of the boats sprung a considerable leak, a hidden stump having
stove in the starboard bow. I immediately went to its assistance with another of
our boats. We passed .several hawsers beneath it to keep it afloat, and having dis
charged it of its load, I directed my boatswain to replace its side planks by new
ones, which being done with but little delay, we reloaded it and pursued our
course. We encamped in a grove at the extremity of a lengthy island opposite
that called "Isle a la tele des morts," (the island with the heads of the
dead.) On the 17th Oct., all being embarked at dawn, we spent the subsequent night
in our boats near the first island we had encountered that day, having made
four leagues.
On the 18th, we set out with the early morn, and in the afternoon were com
pelled to make use of the tow-lines whilst rounding an extensive sand-bank in
a southerly direction, owing to the fierceness of the current. Wc crossed the
end of the bar at sunset towards the right, and again passed the night aboard,
at a distance of half a league above what is called "the small Pointe Coupee."'
On the 19th, we set out before day, and having passed to the left of the islands,
we encamped ux^on a large bank on our left for a short stay.
On the 20th, being stationed on a bank over which there flew a large number
of geese and ducks, we despatched a large number from daj'-break until 7
in the morning, at which time we were met by a conveyance going down to
New Orleans from the depot. From it we learned that our first convoy had
arrived there on the 12th, the day after the arrival of the Canadians who,
including the Indians among them, were to the number of four hundred men.
We also learned, from the same source, that the second convoy had lost six
soldiers and one ensign.
The 21st, after roll-call, wc embarked one hour before day, and having passed
to the left of the first island on our route, we slept in our boats that night one-
half league beyond the island, no one having landed owing to the fact that the
landing was muddier tlian any previously met. We had observed during all
that day, that the waters having gone down from nine to ten feet, had caused
a large diminution in tbe force of the current.
The 22d, we departed one hour before day, the river still falling, and en
camped five iu the afternoon on u bank to tlie right. Here we discovered the
Xiirogue of four Arcancas Indians, who were on a hunting expedition, such
being the sole occupation of all the nations in this vicinity.
On the 23d, we decamped one hour before day and ivcre joined soon after by
a pirogue belonging to the convoy of Mons. de Bienville, from which we learned
that the latter was only two leagues distant, on his w.ay up to ArcancaS, in the
centre channel ol the three which we had discovered and was now ascending.
We finally moored our vessels ashore, one-half a league further up to the left,.

Territory and State. 71
each boat arriving separately and at intervals owing to the violent currents
which we had encountered. At lO o'clock at night we were joined by several
boats belonging to the convoy of Mons. de Bienville, which soon left us to
regain the latter on the opposite shore and a little above us.
On the 24th we continued on our journey at five of the morning, and overtook
Mons. de Bienville at 8 o'clock. The wind being north, and the weather rainy
and very threatening, both convoys set out together only after twelve. We
slept two leagues further, in our boats near each other, with a separate guard
on shore, of which our own was to the right.
On the 25th, at three of the morning, the roll was beat separately, and
Mons. Bienville having started, we embarked, but half au hour afterwards,
taking to the channel ou the left of the first island on our cour: e, we encamped
to the number of twelve boats at the first mouth of Arcancas river.
On the 26th, we were overtaken at five in the morning by one of our boats
which had been unable to keep up with the rest on the preceding day, and
were, consequently, unable to proceed before 8 o'clock. We p.issed the mouth
of the Arcancas river on our left. This river appeared to me to run in a
N. N. W. direction. The lodges of the Arcancas nation sr : distant seven
leagues from the Mississippi. It is of considerable size, and can furnish four
hundred warriors, who have ever been much attached to the French. Passing
to the left of two islands, we encamped on a bank on our left, one quarter of a
league from the last of the two.
On the 27th we embarked one hour before day and at nine o'clock of the
morning we had reached opposite the north fork of the Arcancas river, which
runs towards the W. and W. N. W. We passed it on our left, as well as two
islands which lie at its mouth, and encamped upon the shore of the first.
On the 28th, we set out with the two first islands on our course to our left,
and passed the night in our boats on that side at one-quarter of a league from
the last island encountered.
On the 29th, having had heavy rains during the previous night, we were de
layed until 7 o'clock, at which time the weather had slightly cleared up. We
were, however, again wrested at about nine o'clock to await more favorable
weather.- At twelve o'clock we were enabled to proceed, and finally encamped
on a bank to our right, having passed an island on that same side.
On the 30th, a storm which arose at 3 o'clock in the moraing, prevented our
setting out befare seven a. m. We passed to the right of an island on our
course, and then on the left of a second where we spent the night without, how
ever, having slept ashore.
On the 31st, several of our boats having been delayed by the severe currents,
and joined us only at seven in the morning, we could not depart before eight.
Being favored by a stiff breeze from S. S. W., we took the left-hand channel of
the first island which we encountered and slept on a bank to its right.
On the 1st November, the wind being from the same direction, we decamped
one-half hour before day, and rounding one sand-bank, passed to the left of a
small island. Taking a middle channel we passed another island to our right
and running along the bank at its head, regained the bed of the river for fear
we might not find sufiicient water to the left. We passed the night at the end
of " Eels" point.
On the 2d, we embarked at daybreak and passed the night in our boats one
league from Fort St. Francis which lies ou the edge of the " little prairie."
This fort is opposite the " Chicachat" to the left, garrisoned by only ten or
twelve French soldiers.
On tlie 3d November, we embarked at six o'clock only, and by eight had
reached a point opposite St. Francis, which is distant one-half the quarter of
a league from the Mississijipi, upon some stream. It is a slight work with
four bastions constructed with rails, and has been established one year ago to
serve for a depot during the war. It is now to be abandoned, as there has been
another established at the mouth of the Margot river. We learned that seven
teen of our soldiers died here, having been left sick by our convoys. We, our
selves, left here seven of our convoy. We procured fresh bread to last us
four days, and a little fresh meat, after having, in the delay, experienced most
atrocious weather. On the 4th inst., at one o'clock in the afternoon, we em
barked agreeably to the orders of the previous night, and having passed to the
left of the two islands which are found at the mouth of the river, we spent the
night in our boats to starboard, having nowbegun to increase our picket-guard.

¦^2 Mississippi, as a Province,
The 5th November, we embarked the guard at break of day and rounded the
bar which extends out from St. Martin's Isle. This island derives its name
from a post whieh had been established upon it two years since, to facilitate
the discovery, of the haunts of the Chicachat. We were overtaken by such a
violent rain, that we were compelled to moor our boats to a point on the left,
after having passed that island. Here we doubled the guard, having heard
through a fleet of eight boats which had left the fort called Assumption for
iort St. Francis to procure biscuits, that several bodies of our enemies were on
the war-path, and that about fifteen canoes, capable of containing three or four
persons, had been found, which gave us to believe that about fifty of the enemy
had crossed to the left bank of the river.
On the 0th, notwithstanding the threatening aspect of the weather, we em
barked at day-break ; but the rain having come on -^ve moved our boats in tho
.channel to the first island we met, where we were exposed to the whole fury of
the weather, joined to a friglitful thunder storm until four o'clock in the even
ing. Thence we proceeded to tie up at eight o'clock at the opposite end of the
same channel, having had to round the bars of two i.slands.
On the 7th we embarked at seven in the morning, having experienced during
the whole night, rains similar to those of the previous day, and which lasted
until our departure. Taking advantage of a breeze from the S. S. E., we en
countered violent currents and encamped on a sand bank to the right.
The Sth November we embarked at break of day, the vrind being still S. and
•S. S. E., and rather favorable, and made three and a half leagues against for
midable currents. We slept in our boats upon the left shore. In the afternoon
oi that d-ay, we had met the "Grand Chacchocima" and one of the Avoyelles
on a hunting expedition, and had pierced three pirogues along the shore which
we su.spected belonged to the Chics.
On the 10th we had embarked one hour before tlay and pas.=;ing through the
'Grand Channel, we arrived at long intervals, owing to the violent nature of
the current, at Fort Assumption. I, myself, arrived only at midnight, having
a very poor crew, sixteen of my soldiers being too sick to rise. On this account
the commander complimented me on my safe arrival, as he had feared I might
have perkshed on some shoal or snag. The garrison of the fort was placed
under arms and the drums were beaten when Mons. de Nouaille had landed.
This fort has been constructed at the foot of the steeps of I\Iargot river three-
fourths of a league to the right, and in the middle dnys of August, which lat-
.ter circumstance has been the origin of its name Assumption. It is constructed
of piles, three bastions bearing on the plain and two half bastions on the river,
which is reached by seven different and wide slopes of one hundred and forty
ieet each. In the center of these slopes have been constructed bakeries and
ovens scooped out of the walls of earth. The right -was occupied by the bat
talion of Regulars, anel the left by various stores and the Colonial and Swiss
troops. The remainder of the forces were encamped on the exterior, including
the Canadians and savages, who encircled the whole of our left to the river.
Since the 11th October, 1739, had arrived with IlIons.deLongucuil, from Can
ada, 190 Frenchmen aud savages as follows :
Iroquol.-;, from the falls of St. Louis  126
Iroquois, from the lake of the two mountains  36
Onabenakays  18
Zounontonas  13
'Onnontagues  13
Onnoyots  4
Goyagnouens  .'  4
Napyzenguez  29
Algonking  3
Pontonatamis  40
Ounataona  3
'.Saultow  •.  1
Maskonliiig  1
Ouiatomon  1
Miamis  2
Maoenons  2
Total of savy!;e,-i, about  300

Territory and State. 73
We learned upon our arrival that on the 13th October, there had been found
in the pirogues of the Illinois two letters, one of ancient date and the other
dated during the current month, which the Chicachat had caused to be written
by a Frenchman whom they hael made prisoner at Davion's Rock. They re
quested in these letters the surrender of Courcerac, one of their chiefs whom
we had captured by .surprise, and proposed to return us the said Frenchman in
exchange, who performed the office of their secretary, and who although a mere
saddler by trade, had palmed himself off' as a French chieftain. In the seconel
letter, placed near the piles of the fort, and which had been discovered the next
day, they sued for peace, asserting that all the nations were leagued against
them, and the Tcliactas, with whom they had concluded peace, were destroying
some of their people every day. They proposed as conditions of the treaty to
deliver up the ten prisoners which they had captured in the last pirogues plun
dered by them, on which occasion they had likewise burned three men, one of
the latter having been a deserter from the company of the Chevalier de Coetlo-
gon, of the marines, and whom we had transferred to this post to serve among
the colonial troops. The answer to this proposition was delayed to av.-aitthe ar
rival of Mons. de BienviUe, who subsequently expressed his desire to accede to
it, provided they gave sufficient sureties, and who nevertheless appeared in
some measure embarrassed, though several savages had been offered him as hos
tages. On the 24th of November, at about two in the evening, we had the arrival of
Mons. de la Buissonniere, commander of the Illinois, with forty soldiers and
some settlers. The next day the the following Indians, all under his orders,
likewise arrived :
Kaskakyags  28
Metchigarmias  25
Petits Ossaguez  8
Missouris  56
Total  117
The Iroquis received them with the accustomed ceremonies, presenting them
with the calumet to smoke, and then marked out for them the spot where they
were to camp. The Missouris can furnish one hundred to one hundred and ten
and the Petits Ossaguez seventy warriors. On the 26th those newly arrived
regaled the Iroquis. The invitation to the feast is in the following man--
ner : Certain small chips of wood are sent to the most considerable men of
the invited nation, with the request that they distribute to whomsoever they
please. Each guest upon his arrival casts his piece of wood to the ground.
These are picked up and counted, and thus the number of the guests is verified.
The repast begins by a harangue from the chief host, who also sings war-song
after war-song, after which each receives his share of the meats.
On the 27th there was found at a distance of one-fourth of aleague from our
camp a reed, through which had been passed a piece of English cloth in the
shape of a pouch, and filled with tobacco. At the top was an ear of corn, and
beneath a bear-skin, the whole encircled by a ring of some kind. Five Chic
savages had recently brought these enigmatical emblems which signified peace,
both'according to the interpretation of our savages and the people of the col
ony. Bv the ear of corn they mean that they desire to eat of the same bread ;
by" the tobacco, smoke together, and by the bear-skin within a circle, sleep
under the same roof. This is a sufficient indication that they are much im
pressed with their own weakness, although we must give them credit for much
hardihood and intrepidity, for not fearing to approach a spot about which
five hundred savages are continually roaming.
On the 12th November a pirogue containing Iroquois out hunting was at
tacked four leagues from the fort, on the opposite side of the river, by^ a band
of Chicachats. The former were fired upon five or six times; one of their num
ber was sUghtly wounded in the thigh. They replied with three volleys, and,
supported by some of their friends who were coming up behind, allowed their
boat to drift, when being reinforced and, to the number of fifteen in all, they
landed, but merely found the tracks of six men, who had doubled upon them
and used other ruses to avoid pursuit. They found the canoe in which they
had crossed the river, and discovered on the other side a large body of the ene-

74 Mississippi, as a Province,
my, forty strong, who had despatched the small detachment mentioned above
on a scout.
On the 3rd November there departed one hundred Iroquois in an eastern
direction, fifty Missouris along the river, and twenty-five Illinois in the inte
rior for intelligence of the foe. The Iroquois returned some days subsequently
without having obtained the whereabouts of the enemy.
On the 5th November Mons. de St. Pierre aud Mons. le Blanc arrived from
the post of the Illinois, without, however, having had any intelligence of the
detachment of that nation who had left us two days before. Many supposed
they had returned home, owing to the ungraceful reception they had received
at the hand of the other savages because they had taken to flight and aban
doned Mons. d'Artaguette, who had recently been burned alive in the "unfor
tunate expedition."
On the 11th of November, Mons. de Nouaille was harangued by every sav
age chief upon the subject of his arrival in good health, with protestations of
being rather willing to die than abandon the nation. They are very particular
to reiterate these mark.s of attachment upon the arrival of any considerable
chief among us, inasmuch as the ceremony never is concluded without strong
liquors and other presents.
At five in the evening the following reinforcements of savages arrived from
up the river, :
Chaonanons  26
Anniez  10
Mecissaguez  10
Zornontaons  6
Iroquois, from the falls of St. Louis  4
Kaskakias  30
Total  86
On the 14tli, in the afternoon, arrived the fleet of Mons. de Bienville, which
was saluted by the musketry of the savages.
The following days were employed by the savages in loud and emphatic pro
fessions of fldelity, cemented on our part by a large distribution of spirits, and
on theirs by long and tedious harangues, in which at last the whole tribe would
join with dancing and singing, or rather bowlings and whinings, as an endorse
ment of the orations of their chief.
On the 24th November we dispatched a party of fifty men upon the tracks of
the "Chicachat." On the same day, at 7 in the evening, we received a courier
from a body of our Indians, who had fallen upon the "Chics" and captured one
man and two women, (one of the latter being quite young) and killed another
man, whose scalp, ears, tongue and a portion of the heart they .lent us, the
courier in meantime having eaten a small piece of the heart, w"hiist announcing
the arrival of his comrades in the course of the next morning.
On the 25th the latter brought their prisoners to the fort, whom they had
decked and daubed, as they do themselves on any great holiday. At one hun
dred steps from the fort they placed, them in the hands of the "Iroquois," who
had gone forth to meet them. The latter led them into the fort, holding the
man in leash at the end of a line, which bound his arms yet permitted him to
hold within his hands a rod garnislied with the down of swan, as a token of
servitude; whilst the women were led by the hand, the •\^ bite flag being borne
before them. The first visit of the prisoners v.as to the cabin of their captors,
who were the "Poutouothnmis," numbering eighteen. These were then har
angued liy their chiefs, when the prisoners were made to dance several times
and finally led to jNIons. de Bienville to whom they were presented. The cap
tors then assured hira they \vere indeed sorry to present him with such bad
meat, that even the carrion-crow would not fea.st upon tbem, since they were so
thin and wan, but they hoped that sonie time in the future thev might be able
to furnish him with such good meat as he might make his soup of. The pris
oners were then made to dance and sing for the whole assembly. Jlons. de Bien
ville accepted them, but returned them the man aud one of the women, retain
ing the younger one to present her to M'dmc de Noyant, the wife of tho colon
ial mayor. The Iroquois now in possession of two of the prisoners, assembled
in the afternoon to deliberate what should be done with them. The Missiona-

Territory and State. 75
^ !fj ^^Y^°S interposed (with prayers and representation as though they were
addressing christians) in behalf of the prisoners, obtained their promise that
they would not burn them. They kept their word but turned them over to the
''Missouris," who after having accepted them held a council which soon after
decided as to their fate. From that moment they took the necessary care to
exclude them from their lodge, which is divided in two parts, that of peace and
that ot war. For that reason, as they had decided firstly to put the man to
death, they placed him opposite their cabins upon a couple of deer-skins, and
between three fires to shield him from the coldness of the night, during which
time they sang and danced around him, occasionally throwing themselves upon
him like rabid dogs and biting him in the tiiighs to keep him awake, assuring
him in the meanwhile that as soon as the sun appeared he would be tied to the
stake. Notwithstanding the awful treatment to which he was subjected, he
neither complained nor spoke one word, being in a half-insensible state from
such horrible cruelties, and having in his flesh the stone point of an arrow
which had pierced his side.
During this ceremony, he was frequently questioned concerning the doings of
the "Chics, "_ but refused at first to answer, pretending not to understand the
tongue of his captors, but being forcibly made to swallow a large quantity of
liquor he soon began to talk. He affirmed that the "Chis" were awaiting us
with firm foot, and even intended to set out to encounter us, so that falling them
selves upon their own soil, we might not be able to corrupt it."*" He also declared
that there were eleven Englishmen at their fort with merchandise and muni
tions of war. The old woman was questioned apart, and corroborated what the
latter had said, but their accounts were not in accord with the relation of the
young woman, who stated that there were families already beginning to retire
among the '¦Natchez" and "Cherakis" or "Flat-heads," and that they themselves
to the number of ten (two of whom had escaped) were going thither when sur
prised. The man confessed that he was with the "Natchez" who had burned
Messrs. de Levy and d'Artaguette eighteen months before. The fear of fire induced
him to say that he had always regretted the death of these French, but his com
passion for us in no wise excited the sympathy of the "Missouris" in whose
hands he had fallen.
On the 26th, at nine in the morning, he was tied to the stake, which consists
of two poles or trees four feet apart, to each of which is fastened one arm, and
a cross piece below on which rest the feet. They then applied bars of red-hot
iron upon all the most sensible parts of his body. He was exposed to these
atrocities for three hours, at the end of which time he expired.
Several officers, and others, affirmed that before starting on their expedition,
the nation had addressed the following prayer to the Lord : ''O Master of life,
forgive us if we shed the blood of any man, but he who has prostituted it
by his evil deeds." Hence they may be said to recognize a Supreme Being.
There are many others who share the same belief, anel who even admit and ap
pear to have knowledge of a good and evil spirit ; they, however, but rarely if
if ever appeal to the good one, being persuaded that on account of his goodness
he is ever disposed to pity and forgive, and when they address the evil one, it
is privately, as among them there are no public prayers.
The Chaonanons restored their female prisoner _ to the Iroquois, who pre
sented her to the Zornontonans. The latter consumed her just as the man had
been treated, with the exception that the wrists were tied to a vine which fell
from the top of a tree, and the limbs were free. It appears that among them
the women are more courageous than the men, inasmuch as she never com
plained and suffered much longer, which caused the savages to lose patience.
They consequently scalped her alive, and subsequently quartered her to throw
her body piecemeal into the fire. At nine in the evening we had an alarm
caused by loud cries, and volleys which the savages were firing about their
camp. Upon enquiries being hastily made we learned that it was a ceremony
among them used to drive away the Evil Spirit of those they had burned, and
which they practiced each time an enemy was put to death.
On the 27th of November, Mons. de la Houssaye, oflicer in the Colony, ar
rived with his command. Their return had been hastened by the desertion of
their guide, who was a Chicachat and a slave since the age of seven or eighty
"Mark the nobility of this sentiment.

76 Mississippi, as a Province,
and belonged to a French settler from Illinois. Being considered almost as one
of the family, he had no reason to desert, which causes us to believe he will
return. Indeed, the same thing had occured five years before. Upon the route
which Mons. de la Houssaye had taken, and in the space of four and three-
fourths leagues he found seven bayous or small rivers, across which it would be
necessary to construct bridges, so that, it being out of the question, it has been
determined for future ejieditions to take a more northerly direction with the
hope of finding fewer obstacles in the way.
On the 29th November the Chicachat guide returned and informed us that
he had missed his waj*.
On the 1st of December, being more than ever at a loss regarding the proper
course to take in the interior, owing to the contradictory reports made by ex
ploring parties on their return, we despatched on a tour of discovery forty-five
Canadians and one hundred and twenty savages belonging to the various tribes
in our friendship. The Grand Chaccoux, since a long time chief of the friendly
Indians, left this morning to embark at the mouth of the Hyazous river in
order to proceed to the headquarters of the Tchactas to treat with them.
On the Sth December, five Illinois who had left with the above party returned.
They reported having left the expedition at the fork of Hyazous river. They
had found the roads thither very bad and exceedingly swampy in some places.
They reported that they had strayed from the rest of the expedition in the pur
suit of a "Chic," whom, however, they had not succeeded in capturing, and that
lacking provisions, they had been compelled to return to the fort.
On the 11th a letter was received from Mons. de St. Pierre to the effect that
fearing the want of provisions he had constructed a small fort at the fork of
the Hyazous river, and had sent thirty savages to hunt the buffalo. The In
dian guide having told them that it would be necessary to cross a river at a
distance of two leagues from the fort, Mons.de St. Pierre had proceeded thither
with Mr. de Levy, a young engineer. They reported the river to be eighty feet
wide, and that it would be necessary to drive piles to construct a bridge across
it, as there were no trees in that section sufficiently long to reach from one side to
the other. They make no mention of the roads and have been unwilling to
confide a detailed plan of their route to the Indians lest they might mislay it.
They say there are twelve of their Indians who left them to join the Chicachat,
and that an expedition sent against the latter by Mons. St. Pierre had stopped
five leagues from them and returned for want of supplies.
On the 13th December, and in accordance with nev.'s received on the previous
day, we were informed that the beeves and horses which we were expecting from
the post on Red river, had arrived to within three leagues of the fort, and that
a large number had been lost on the way. We dispatched twenty men as a re
inforcement to bring them to the fort. We likewise on that day sent eleven
savages with supplies for the expedition which had set out on the discovery of a
road to the Chicachat, and had halted on the first fork of the Hyazous. On
the 13th the beeves to the number of eighty pairs, and horses numbering forty,
arrived. Ou the 16th a party of the Chaonanons, who had set out against the "Chic,''
returned. They reported having discovered a bodj' of the enemy twenty-five
strong, on horseback, which they forbore to attack owing to their superiority in
numbers, they themselves not being more than eight or ten. A short distance
from the fort they discovered two "Chic," one of whom, upon perceiving them,
escaped in a canebrake, while the other placed himself behind a tree and made
a stout defense. One of ours having approached to capture him was shot and
wounded in three places. (Jne ball struck him under the right nipple and
glancing off without entering his body wounded him next under the shoulder-
blade, another struck him the thigh. Having fired, the "Chic" attempted to
escape by crossing the river, but was killed in entering it. They brought back
his arms .and ii number of necklaces much esteemed among them, and left three
of their party to care for their wounded comrade and bring him back.
On the 17th Messrs.de St. Pierre and Delery arrived. They reported having
been very near the Chicachat fort, without, however, having seen it, it being in
tercepted by a small mountain. But they judged it to be but a short distance
away, from the frequent volleys and cries which they distinctly heard. Our
savages having killed a horse belonging to the Chichachats, brought us

Territory and State. 77
hack its tail as a voucher that they had not been far from the dwellings of the
enemy. They do not agree as to the distance. Some place it at fifty or sixty
leagues in the east southeast. Mons. de St Pierre makes it from forty to forty-
eight leagues. There are five bayous or rivers over which it will be necessary
to build bridges. They found the roads in a sufficiently good condition except
near the Hyazous river, where there lies upon this side a marsh five hundred
steps in length, in which one sinks to the knees, and on the other side another
six hundred steps long. We that day led our beeves and horses at the end of
the cliffs, and established a sort of park in some small ravines grown with cane
on the banks of ^largot river. Here they are enclosed every evening. We also
erected a small retranchment for a guard of thirty men under a command of
two officers who were relieved every two days. We also sent to St. Francis fort
in quest of the beeves to the number of thirty-two which had been lost on the
way. Several days since the last of the king's property had reached us from
there, and the guard turned over by Mons. de Berac to a sergeant and twenty
soldiers. On the ISth December and during the night a large number of the savages
became intoxicated, causing great excitement. One of them, who was chief of
the Poults, went to the cabin of a Canadian and requested with much persistence
to be given some spirits. The latter becoming impatient at the importunities of
the savage struck him three or four blows with a hatchet on the top of the bead
which placed it in a jelly, and he fell as dead near the lodge. He was thence
taken to the hospital, but with little hope, although he lived for two days.
This murder caused a sort of revolution among the drunken savages, so far that
the whole nation was for several days on the point of attacking the French to
avenge their comrade, but the young men took possession of their arms and
carried them to the missionaries. 'The murderer was arrested, which fact in
duced the savages to demand that he be delivered into their hands, threatening
at the same time to scalp some of our chief officers. As it was feared they
might rise upon us iu the night the soldiers were ordered to keep their arms
in their tents, and to hold themselves at all times in readiness for the first sign
of alarm.
On the 19th, a large number of presents was made to the wife of the mur
dered man; such as articles of clothing ornamented with gold and silver
linings, three porcelain necklaces, estimated at thirty " pistoUes" each, and
several " calumets," much esteemed among them. The Iroquis, a nation much
attached to us, also bestowed presents to console the family and nation of the
Poults for the loss which they had just experienced. In the afternoon he was
buried with great ceremony, and fifty soldiers of the colony were placed under
arms to do honor to the dead. Before depositing the bier in the trench, the
savage master of ceremonies harangued the departed, having previously
offered him to smoke, and then exhorted him to lead a good life in the country
to which he was going, with Mons. Artaguette and all the Frenchmen of his
acquaintance who had gone before him, and although the latter might be one
of those who had brought him to the grave, he should forget what had taken
place. This nation, (the Poults,) is not Catholic, but they addressed li sort of
prayer to the Great Spirit, and then came to ask of Mons. de Bienville the
grace of the guilty man. The latter replied that in accordance with our laws,
we were compelled to try him by court-martial, and that he would subsequently
be taken to their camp or before their cabins to have his head broken. So fa*-
this adventure has cost the King more than one thousand crown pieces.
On the 20th December, upon the strength of a report of a Canadian who
was with Mons. d'Artaguette when he was killed, we resolved to senda party
with him and by another route, which he asserts is a shorter one, against the
Chics. All this delay was annoying us considerably, and the savages even more.
Seventeen Missouris have just left, bound homeward. About two in the after
noon all the chiefs of the various tribes proceeded to the quarters of Mons. de
Bienville and threatened to leave unless he fixed a day for our departure, say
ing that they had been put off from moon to moon and trifled with ; that they
saw no appearance of a near departure, which state of things wearied them
much ; that they could well perceive we desired to set out, but that he was
afraid and was a squaw. Mons. de Bienville promised them that by the end
of the present moon, we would all be off for the Chics. _
On the 21st, thirty Iroquois set out to attack, they said, the Chics, and in

78 Mississippi, as a Province,
case they failed to find them, to strike at the Cherokys and Tete-platte or Flat-
heads, nations with which they are at war, and which lie on their way in their
journey to Canada.
The Poultouatamis went this morning to renew their prayers to Mons. de
Bienville for the pardon of the Canadian, and to influence him in his favor,
jiresented him with a porcelain necklace. He replied that the next day a court-
martial would be helcl to take action upon the same.
On the 22d December the court met and declared that if the criminal had
any accuser they could not but find him guilty, upon which both the offfended
nation and criminal were summoned. The former were then assured that upon
their representations, the court was willing to be merciful, and that although
the murderer was exceedingly culpable, they were free to restore him to liberty
by taking off his irou.s, which the wife of the dead chief immediately did.
Before freeing him, however, the court condemned him to a fine of thirty
pistoUes, payable in merchandise for the benefit of the Nation. At twelve
o'clock Mons. de Mouchervoux, commander of Arcancas, arrived. He reports
that the expedition from Natkytoches, consisting of the long expected beeves
and horses, had stopjaed at the village of the Kadoudakionx broken down with
hunger and fatigue ; anel that out of two hundred horses it is barely probable
that eighty reached Arcancas, in very bad condition, the rest having been lost
by death or otherwise.
On the 23d December the Poultouatamis left with all their baggage and
even their women, which made us conjecture that they had entirely taken leave
of us. During that day and night one hundred savages, of various nations,
deserted us.
On the 24th December, Mons. Saucier, engineer, left with a detachment of
Arcancas and some Canadians, to endeavor to discover the road by which Mons.
d'Artaguet had reached the Chicks. Messrs. de Bienville, Nouaille, Longueil
and de Noyant, having met, decided that we would set out against the Chics
towards the end of next week. The plan adopted was to direct all moverc^ents
in two bodies. Our first five companies have orders to hold themselves in read
iness to march, as also our grenadiers.
On the 26th, at half-past four of the .afternoon, Mr. Saucier arrived and re
ported, as did also the savages, that at a distance of six and seven leagues in
the N. N. E. and N. E., according to the route they had pursued, the lands
were being overfiowed, which fact had caused him to hasten his return, in order
to notify Mons. de Bienville. On that day we lowered to the fool of the cliffs
our eight, two and four-pounders, and a nine-inch mortar, with the intention
of _ placing them on board a ves,5el bound for the city, as we did not expect
using them during the campaign. This manoeuvre did not please the savages,
who suspected that we had no intention of making the expedition by way of
the heights of Margot river, as the season was already too much advanced.
On the 27th, we had the arrival of a boat with two pirogues loaded with
flour and coming from the Illinois.
On the 28th the flve Iroquois, who had left Mous. de St. Pierre, and for whose
scalp there had been some anxiety, returned and reported having been as near
as was practicable to the villages of the Chics. They had remained in a ravine
or cane-brake without finding one opportunity to strike a blow, and had seen a
party of the enemy but on one occasion, when, being discovered and not being
in force to resist, they had been compelled to fly and return to the fort.
On the 30th December, we observed that the i-iver was rising fast, which com
pelled us to embark at once the cannons and mortar which we had taken to
the base of the cliffs. These are to leave within a short time for New Orleans.
The present rise may be caused by the continuous rains which we have had for
the past few days, which occurrence is rather frequent at this season, the rise
being further increased by the melting of the snows towards the end of Feb
ruary. On the 31st December, Mons. Broutin, engineer, and Mons. Celorou, Canadian
onicer,_ left with one hundred men, including thirty savages, to ascertain the
condition of the roads as far as the Hyazous river. Many people pretend that
it is impossible to reach it at this season, particularly with wagons.
On the Ist of January, 1740, at two in the afternoon, there arrived a band of
thirteen Chaouarons, bringing with them a Chick slave and two scalps. One

Territory and State.

79

hour afterwards, there also arrived twenty-three Illinois with one scalp and
two prisoners, of whom one was a slave. The other, who was much younger,
and whom they proposed adopting, walked with the troop unfettered, as other
wise the other -nations mistaking him for a slave might have maltreated him.
These two nations were unknown to e.ich other in the same part of the enemy's
country, and as, when they are at war they have two men as an advance guard,
the latter finally met upon the same Chic trail. They followed it up together
until they observed the enemy's camp-fires, when it was agreed between them
that, having shared the discovery, they should likewise share the glory. The'
main bodies of each having been acquainted with this agreement and approved
it, they fell upon the Chics together and killed two of them, making three
prisoners. One of those captured by the Illinois is aged forty and is chief of
war and of a village among his nation. He was considerably bruised upon
his arrival, by blows received at the hands of different savages, who being for
the most part drunk, were disputing concerning the ownership of the prisoner ;
and this fact joined to the jealousy and contempt of the Iroquois for the
victors, gave us apprehensions of something worse than a drunken row among
them. This fate, however, was not shared by the prisoner of the Chaonarons,
who comprise a nation much esteemed among them. The slaves were taken to
Mons. de Bienville, who refused to return them to their captors, lest, in their
present intoxicated condition, they use them ill during the night, but he
promised to deliver them to their masters by the next morning at sunrise.
They were placed in the guard-house with irons upon their feet. On their
being questioned, they replied that they were at war with the Chaquetas, who
frequently carried some of them home as slaves ; that they had eight forts, of
which six were slightly dilapidated, the two others in good condition, and all
newly built. In one of the forts were enclosed all of their women ; that they
had but one hundred and eighty warriors to defend them, the others being on a
hunt, and that they were even surprised at our not capturing many more of
their people. They reckoned it would take them eight days for them to reach
home with their arms, baggage and families ; that the road was so much better
the nearer north we went, and that there resided with them but about twenty
Natchez, whom they treated no better than slaves; the rest having taken
refuge among the Cherakys and Tetes Plattes, (Flat-heads.)
On the 2nd of January, the savages made a second request for their prisoners,
who were immediately turned over to them. They led them to their cabins, where
they daubed them over in black and red. Then they compelled them to dance
before their doors, and next went to present thera to Mons. de Bienville, who
requested them to take them back immediately. The Chaonanons adopted their
prisoner by attaching at the end of his nose a thread to which was suspended a
piece of polished ivory. The Illinois adopted the younger of theirs, aged fifteen
or sixteen years, and made present of the other to the Iroquois. The latter have
among them two Chics, adopted by them since several years, one of whom is
found to be the nephew of the prisoner, which leads one to believe that with
such a nation as its protector he will suffer uo harm. I do not believe the
prisoners, however, free from all danger, as I have observed that they were
closely watched, and that at sunset one of their feet was placed in a sort of
clog or shoe, dug in the earth between two stout sticks and securely fastened
there. On the 3rd of January, Mons. de Mouchervan, who had gone several days be
fore to meet the Arcangas, arrived with seventy of these warriors. They at
once set to dancing and haranguing Mons. de Bienville, and then established
their cabins a quarter of a league from the camp of our savages. This nation
refused to occupy quarters with the others, owing to their various superstitions,
besides which they appear suspicious of the Iroquis, who are allied to the
Eurons, since a long time at war with them.
On the 4th of January, the rains continuing produced a considerable rise in
the river, setting adrift on its bosom a great number of large trees. The Mis
souris sought an interview with Mons. de Bienville to assure him that three of
their tribe had taken to the woods on the previous night, but that those who
were now on the war path had attacked the enemy and would return by the
second day.
On the 6th, in the afternoon, the Missouris who had been out returned with
six horses taken from the Chics, having unfastened their bridles from near the

8o Mississippi, as a Province,
forts. On the same night they heard considerable dancing and they indulged
in similar noise themselves without being able to induce the Chics to come out.
They assured us that the road which they had taken was very bad, which had
compelled them frequently to take to swimming. They do not give a very defi
nite idea as to the distance or the shape of the forts, which we infer, however,
are round and furnished with occasional fortified outhouses.
On the 9th of January we dispatched twenty savages with supplies for the
party of Mr. Brouten, On the same day the Iroquois presented their Chic
slave to the Abenakis. During the night he came near escaping. There was
found upon him a knife, some bullets and powder, the whole concealed about
his waist. His Iroquois nephew is suspected of having thus assisted him, which
caused the Chic's new masters to observe him more closely.
On the 10th, and at nine in the evening, a boat arrived from the Illinois with
twelve thousand pounds of flour as well as other necessaries of life.
On the 11th Messrs. Brouten and Celeron returned, and reported that having
taken a more northerly direction than any other expedition they had found the
roads in good order and interspersed with small mounds. They had reached
Hyazous river and estimated the distance at twenty-five leagues. They had
even taken cognizance of the pine forest which is three leagues from it, and
from which they were separated only by the Plaquymines river, which they es
timate being distant from the Chics only eight or nine leagues. They had dis
patched fifteen of their savages and two Canadians to carry to tbem a letter from
Mons. Bienville.
On the 12th we fired four bombs, two of six and two of nine inches, in order
to make an impression on the Arcangas and other savages who doubted what
they had heard concerning us. From this moment they were thoroughly con
vinced, and agreed unanimously that we were not men, but Great Spirits. They
proposed if we marched against the Chics to carry on their shoulders the shells
amd six inch mortar, which caused us to determine upon landing the artillery
which we had resolved sending to the city.
On the 13th one of the Chic slaves stated that by the full of the moon, two
bands of Chics would arrive in this neighborhood to endeavor to ascertain what
was going on at the fort and to see if we were making preparations to set out.
He also assured us that they would certainly make themselves heard from.
On the 14th the Iroquois party and the two Canadians who had gone to carry
u, letter to the Chics, returned and reported having delivered it stuck in the end
of a reed covered with bear-skin, and -ftdiich they had planted in the belly of a
horse, slain by them near the Chic's forts. Judging from the noises which they
had overheard at night on their way back, they had had cognizance of a body
of one hundred men to the north of our fort in the direction of the Prud-
homme heights, and of another party of seven or eight. Towards nine in the
evening a Canadian j'outh having gone into the wood for some purpose per
ceived a savage coming near him, and dragging himself on his belly, and who
being observed concealed himself behind a tree. The youth returned to his
quarters immediately, and advised six or seven of his comrades of the fact, who
returned with arms to the spot but found nothing, but a dog who had followed
them took up a trail and begun barking. The savages were warned of the fact
and they detached a guard of one hundred men for duty during the w"hole night.
Their manner of mounting guard is this : They sit doivn upon their heels, and
naked so that the cold may prevent them from falling asleep, and keep their
weapons within their arms. They were given a countersign so that in case of .
need we might not be deceived by their resemblance to the enemy.
On the 15th the battalion was reviewed. Its ten companies were found re
duced to an average of fourteen men each and the grenadiers to twenty-eight
men, although there were besides about fifty men in sufiicient liealth to fol
low us.
On the 16th work was commenced ou the roads and thirty men were ordered
to support the workmen, the two officers in command being relieved every day.
On the 17th a boat was dispatched to the Arcs to procure salt beef. The Chaon
anons departed homeward, after having sold their slave to the king. They
were unable to remain any longer with us as it is ordinarily in January and
February that the Cherakis and Tetes-plattes, their neighbors, fall upon them.
On the ISth we dispatched three boats for New Orleans, containing'fifty men
on the sick list of the battalion, and Mons, de Tremigon, captain, attacked with

Territory and State. 8i
paralysis. In the afternoon two Mioissaguez arrived with a female scalp.
They had been several days in the brush near a Chic fort, and had seen several
parties of the enemy, whieh, however, they had not dared to attack.
On the 19th were sent two boats to the Illinois for flour.
On the 21st the Arcangas left for their homes pretexting that they were all
attacked with dysentery, but the truth is they are too inconstant to be delayed
by the length of time which we employ in our prepajations for departure. It
is a long time, however, since all the other savages have given them that exam
ple, notwithstanding that they are sure to find the upper country submerged
and freezing. And yet the Iroquois went to-day to see Mons. de Bienville and
to warn him that since he had not yet set out they were going themselves
against the Chics, that they would await us there for eight days, at the end of
which time if they heard no news from us they would attack. He replied to
them that the inclement weather having interrupted his preparations, prevented
him from marching within two or three days as had been expected. The Mi-
cissaguez, complaining that they were being overflowed in their c[uarters, also
threaten to go and await us on the road to the Chics, and say they will camp
and hunt on the prairie until our arrival. >,
A band of Iroquois, who had been in search of a pirogue, said by the Chic
slave to have been left on the bank of the river in the direction of the Prud-
homme heights, arrived and reported having found it, and discovered the tracks
of ten men suspected to be Chics, as they also discovered a letter, a sack full of
corn, a bundle of sticks and two hatchets, which they brought back. The
letter was written in English with powder dissolved in water, which causes the
characters to be so indistinct that it is impossible to decipher them ; after hav
ing dried it thoroughly all that can be ascertained from it is that its date is
very ancient. This letter and another which had been taken to the Chics a few
days before gave occasion to a good word from an Iroquois chief, who said that a
gun shot was a brave, but a letter was a fraud.
On the 22d one of our boats which had left three days before for the Illinois
was compeUed, so we were informed, to put ashore owing the disorder existing
among the crew.
On the 23d about flfteen Canadians escaped with one of our conveyances
during the night. They are suspected of having gone to join the boat which
had continued on its route to the Illinois.
The Missouris danced all night the dog dance around the female Chic slave,
and requested the gift of her from the ihaster, saying that they desired to eat
meat and drink the soup which they would make of her. It is a law among
the savages that when a nation or village desire a slave, they should spend the
night in dancing around it. The chief of the Abenakis consequently replied
to them that they could not dispose of her in such a manner, as the Missouris
should reflect that the Iroquois had presented her to them and the French them
selves appeared anxious to obtain her. It is believed that to avoid such future
occurrences Mons. de Bienville will purchase the slave, especially as she is not
too safe in the hands of the Abenakis, she having been found twice with her
bonds unloosened. The weather having cleared up, work on the roads was re
sumed with the ordinary guard, which, however, owing to the distance from
camp, was to be relieved only every ten days.
On the 25th such of the Poultouatamis to the number of nine or ten, as had
not followed the discontented upon the death of their chief went to estab
lish themselves upon the road at a league from the fort, as also the Miciesaguez
and Nepyzinguez.
On the 27th all our workmen and their guides returned, having,
they counted, made six leagues of road, and reached a ground of such a
nature as to be easily overcome. That which they have cleared consists merely
of a road, the trees and plants upon which they have cut in a width of thirty
to thirty-five feet, to within one foot of the earth. This evening we began dis
tributing to the savages their supplies for one month, as the Iroquois, in the
name of all the nations, have obtained, by dint of importunities, liberty to set
out against the Chics, The whole Canadian force accompany them. Their
plan is to reach one of their forts before day, to conceal themselves full length
upon the ground with a large front and to engage the eighty Chics who at that
hour make the rounds of their fort. At the noise of the combat they do not

82 Mississippi, as a Province,
doubt but that the rest of their warriors will issue from the fort to assist their
friends, when the center will maintain the combat whilst the wings will con
verge to seize and enter their fort, where they promise to take advantage of the
situation to strike as hard as they may, after which they will endeavor to secure
a peace as it appears we are wishing to obtain, although it does not seem im
possible for us to reach the enemy's country ourselves. They are to take the
slave chief, with whose assistance they hope, and we likewise, that the peace
negotiations will be much advanced.
On the 2Sth a Canadian having ill-used a negro belonging to an officer of
the colony, took upon himself, when the master was about, to chastise him, to
cry "Canadians to the rescue," which occasioned a rising among them. Several
officers who were upon the spot caused eight or nine of the most vexatious to
be ironed. The Iroquois having heard of the occurence went on the .spot to
Mons. de Bienville to demand their being placed at liberty, saying that they
were their brothers and warriors like themselves, and that if he desired to
chastise any one it should be such lazy soldiers as did not go to war (that wae
addressed to us,) and that as far as they were concerned they would refuse to set
out unless their remonstrances were heeded. Mons. de BienviUe replied that if
they were found guilty they could not escape punishment. They were, how
ever, all released with the exception of two of the most criminal. On the same
evening the savages were treated in view of their intended departure. They
were given a barrel of wine, a fine beef and several pounds of bread.
On the 30th the battalion took up arms to review the Commissariat.
On the 31.st the Colonial troops did likewise. There arrived three pirogues
of hunters coming from the Ouabache with seventeen thousand pounds of salt
meats which had been purchased there by the king.
On the 1st of February a large portion of the savages and Canadians began
to file past on their way to a spot a half league from the fort where they are to
await the rest of their people, so as to set out all together.
On the 2d, the Iroquois, who were among the last to go, departed in the
morning, leaving five of their people to tend their sick to the number of nine
or ten. The Aberakis also left with them and placed their prisoner in our
guard-house to be ironed. His comrade had heen imprisoned there before him.
The Missouris did not leave with the above, as they "were in doubt concerning
the fate of a , dozen of their comrades who were out hunting since fifteen days
and had not returned. The latter, however, having arrived in the afternoon,
they set out with the Canadians, who were supplied with a small quantity of
grenades. Their arms, as well as those of the savages, consisted of a gun and
hatchet. This whole body had set out under the command of Mons. St. Pierre,
Lieutenant of a Canadian company, but it is generally believed that Mons. de
Celeron, who had been indisposed, will leave shortly to assume command.
There exists no doubt but that it is among the least of their designs to attack
the Chicks. Two days before we had received a party of six Iroquofs, all of
them youths, the oldest having but seventeen or eighteen years, who reported
having been five weeks wandering around the viUages of "the Chics, without
having been able to see one man. They reached us Ijy one of the branches of
the Margot river, which they estimate having found eight leagues from the
Chics' villages. This induced us to make an attempt to take cognizance of it,
and Mi. Broutin, first engineer, consequently left in the morning accompaniecl
by the company of grenadiers of the colony and some negroes in four pirogues,
with provisions for nine days, to see for himself, and have confirmed the report
we had received.
On the 3d, the whole body decamped from the point of rendezvous. Before
leaving they planted a post five feet in height, painted red, to which
they attached a hatchet turned toward the Chics, with two small bows whose
strings were broken, two arrows without points, and two arrow heads which,
together with the bows, were painted red; also a small leather bag fiUed with
tobacco. The post signifies that they are setting forth on the war-path, and
the rest that they are preparing to accord peace to their enemies, if they will
sue for it.
On the 4th of February, at four in the afternoon, there arrived a soldier from
among the Chaquetos, bearing several letters from New Orleans. From these
we learned the death of four of our ofiicers and fiftv members of the battalion.

Territory and State. 83
The soldier informed us that the Grand Chatchouma, with a body of sixty
Chaquetos, was distant only two leagues.
On the 5th, at two in the afternoon, the latter arrived with the Grand
Chatchouma at their head, and bearing three white flags. They proceeded to
harangue Mons. de BienviUe, and demanded of him the two Chic prisoners,
that they might burn them to revenge themselves of the massacre which their
nation had practiced against them and which precludes the possibility of a
reconciliation. Their hostility is of as long a date almost as ours, but having
sent, two months ago, eighteen of their people to treat for peace with the Chics,
the latter and several Englishmen, who were trafficing among them, invited
them to enter a cabin to fill their powder-horns. They even told them to help
themselves to balls and flints as much as they desired, giving them to under
stand that they would not confine them to a strict measure as the French were
accustomed to do. They entered accordingly, leaving their guns at the door,
which the Chics took advantage of to fire among them so effectually, that out
of eighteen, there escaped but two, thanks to the agility of their limbs, who
carried the news of their dire reception to their chief. The Chaquetos nation,
which counts three thousand warriors, was, and with reason, indignant at this
proceeding, and in consequence had sent the present large deputation to Mons.
BienviUe to inform him that it was their design to attack the Chis forts in
twelve days with a force of one thousand, two hundred men, who, striking
simultaneously, were well bent on giving no quarter. Their method of reckon
ing the number of days past in similar circumstances, is peculiar. They
entrust their chief with a certain number of sticks, and keep a like number.
The former is instructed to cast one away every day, which they verify by
doing likewise themselves, and when there remains but one, it is the day on
which they are to act.
Mr. Broutin and the grenadiers returned from their exploration. They esti
mate having gone up the river (Hyazous) six or seven leagues, following a
winding course which led them to the eastward. They would have proceeded
further, having found eleven feet of water, but were annoyed by the quantity
of drift wood, which they had had much difficulty to rid themselves of. This
they attributed to the low stage of the Mississippi, but they believe that dur
ing hi.gh water in April, May and June, it might be possible to go much
further, inasmuch as judging from appearances, the river must rise twelve or
thirteen feet.
On the 0th, Mons. de Celeron left with Ihe rest of the Canadians and savages
to join the main body, which will make its total strength reach two hundred
Canadians and three hundred savages. His instructions are secret, but it is
believed that the Natchez, who are the cause of the war, are all located in the
same fort, and that he has orders to attack them; at any rate, to make terms
with the Chics if possible. But we believe that the good or ill will of his sav
ages will determine his line of conduct. It would be a most fortunate circum
stance if he could arrive simultaneously with the Chaquetas. A boat from
Arcancas arrived and brought us eight thousand pounds of salt meats, and three
thousand of tallow, or bears' oil.
Ou the Sth, the Chaquetas departed to rejoin their people in the neighborhood
of the Chics. Their departure was announced by a discharge of musketry, as
is their wont when they arrive or take leave.
Ou the 9th, the council assembled to deliberate whether it would be politic
to undertake to take the field, but after many adverse arguments, nothing was
decided. This morning there arrived eight or nine Canadians, on behalf of
Mons. Celeron, to procure munitions of war, as he had expended a large quan
tity on the game which they had encountered since their departure. They
reckon having left the main body of the expedition ten leagues distance, carry
ing meat during their absence, which they proposed concealing in " caches," to
consume on their return. These savages also recjuested one of our small mor
tars, together with a few bombs, flattering themselves that they would use it
properly, but we refused to accede to their wish.
On the 10th, this small succor departed to rejoin our forces. They carry
away one hundred pounds of balls, two hundred of powder, two dozen hoes and
a half-dozen shovels.
On the 15th, the same council met and decided that it was utterly impossible

84 Mississippi, as a Province,
to take the field, in consequence of which, Mons. de Bienville commanded the
departure of eight boats for N6w Orleans.
On the 18th, seven boats left for the city, containing five officers and
forty of our soldiers sick, besides a portion of our artillery and some supplies.
On the 19th, there left a boat for the city and a pirogue for Arcancas.
We have now dispatched, by various conveyances, nearly forty sick soldiers,
besides a large number of officers and soldiers of the colony, as well as all the
negroes of the settlers, nearly two hundred in number, keeping about thirty
only, who belong to the king.
On the 20th, our company of grenadiers, sixty strong, left under the orders
of Mons. d'Aubigny, Lieutenant of Marines, with provisions for ten days, and
accompanied by four savages and several negroes, to reconnoitre the course of
Margot river.
On the 21st, and in the evening, one of the grenadiers who had strayed from
his command in the pursuit of a buffalo which he had wounded, arrived at the
fort. Such an imprudence deserved a punishment, and he was, consequently,
ironed on both feet.
On the 23d, Mr. Broutin advised us by a savage that he estimated being
distant eight leagues from this place, and that he was in need of four days'
rations for his return. We are to send the supplies to-morrow by ten men,
although he had forgotten to state where they might overtake him.
On the 24tli, two conveyances left for New Orleans.
On the 20th of March, Mons. de Celeron returned with his whole force, after
having treated with the Chics for peace, bringing with him three chiefs and
three. Englishmen, the latter having accompanied the expedition with the in
tention of claiming damages for their horses which our savages had killed
during the war. As sickness had compelled me to return to the city with
several of our officers, I have been unable to learn the results of the expedi
tion until after the return of all the troops.
On the 22d of March, Mons. de Bienville summoned a council to make the
conditions of peace with the three Chics, deputed by the "Bed Shoe," their
great chief. They were asked to surrender all the Natchez who had taken
refuge among them, to deliver up the ten prisoners, black and white, Avhich
they had captured from us, and thirdly to break off all commercial and friendly
relations with the English. We, on our side, w^ould return them the three
Chick slaves in our possession.
The three deputies not daring to fake upon themselves to make a definite
reply to these propositions, were given eight days to confer with and bring
back an answer from their Great Chief. Ten or twelve days having elapsed
without any intelligence from the Chics, Mons. de Bienville directed Mons. de
Nouaille to set out for the city with all the troops and to take with him the
three Englishmen whom he would take good care to have imprisoned upon his
arrival thither.
On the 31st of March, Mons. de Nouaille departed with ten boats, manned
by all our troops. Pie took eight days to reach New Orleans, and upon his
arrival executed the orders of Mons. de Bienville with respect to the three
Englishmen. They were thrown in prison and have now remained there two
months, which leads me to believe that it is possible we shall take them with
UB to France, inasmuch as they are suspected of having been the first to insti
gate the wars we are waging w-ith different savage nations.
Intelligence received from Mons. de Bienville, under date of the 2d April,
gave us information that the Chics had sent him a deputation to assure him
that they ardently desired peace, that it Avas the Natchez and one of their chiefs
¦who were the cause ot all their difficulties ; that they recognized their brothers
in the French, and were willing to live and die for them ; "but that they were
unable to fulfill the conditions exacted, as the Natchez had escaped from their
forts, and there remained but one family, composed of ;i, man, a woman and
three children, whom they had now brought with them to deliver into their
hands with permission to do with them what they chose. They promised,
however, if ever, in the course of time, they fell in with the Natchez who had
escaped, to capture them and carry them down to the great village. On the
other hand they prayed that the "French should appease all the neighboring
nations and even those of the North, who had kept them enclosed so long

Territory and State. 85
within their forts that they were dying with hunger, not having a single day
to hunt, and who slaughtered them if they strayed even within gun-range of
their forts.
Mons. de Bienville replied that he would speak to all the nations which he
had assembled for the war, but that as far as the Chaquetas were concerned,
whom they, the Chics, had offended with so much impunity, far from inviting
them to treat for peace, he would be the first to furnish them with powder and
balls, until they had taken ample revenge for the affront they had received,
after which only would he struggle to appease them. The Chics replied that
they were, in no wise, accomplices in the assassination of the Chaquetas ; that
the criminals were twenty or thirty Englishmen who were trading among them,
but that since the blame was thrown upon them, they would await the
Chaquetas with a firm footing. They then took leave of him, requesting him
at the same time, to furnish them with an escort lest they might be attacked
by some savages who might be ignorant of the treaty just concluded. This
was accorded them.
On the 9th of April, Mons. de Bienville reached this place with all the
troops of the Colony, bringing with him the five Natchez which the Chics had
turned over to him. He informed us that the English who had remained
among the Chics, had demanded the surrender of their comrades, and com
pensation for sixty or eighty horses belonging to them which had been killed,
and whose loss was the source of great harm and annoyance to them, as they
had not another left to carry their merchandise or pursue their trade. Mons.
de Bienville was deaf to their demands, especially as he suspects their pass
port to be false, which leads me to believe the prisoners will not be set at
large.

OHAPTEE XI,

lENVILLE thus terminated (1741), his mUitary career
under a cloud*. In a few months he was super
seded by the Marquis de Vaudreuil, son of a former
governor-general of Canada, an accomplished gentle
man and courtier, who brought with him, to the colonial
capital, the fashions, ceremonies andgaUantry of his coimtry.
He was generous, gay and addicted to pleasure, but by no-
means deficient in vigilance and energy. The relations of the
Chickasaws with the colony engaged his immediate attention.
When their chiefs had visited Bienville at Fort Assumption, at
the invitation of Celeron, and feasted with him and accepted amicable
terms, they had the sagacity to perceive that it was the broken-down
condition of his army, and not good wUl, that influenced the
French general. They accepted his overtures for the time, but with
increased confidence in their own invulnerability, and suppressed con
tempt for the French. They continued their marauding expeditions
on the river. French voyagers were frequently murdered or captured,
and carried into their country. But the arrival of a new governor,
with the reports that reached them of his military talents, and the great
resources at his command, induced the Chickasaws to send a delega
tion to New Orleans. Vaudreuil declined to treat unless the Choctaws,
his allies, upon whom the Chickasaws had so often inflicted wrongs,
were parties to the treaty. The Chickasaws then, in a very artful way,
sought to draw the Choctaws into an alliance, under English support,
against the French. This overture the adroit Vaudreuil detected and
defeated by suborning Red Shoes, a famous chief of the Choctaws, who
had long been inclined to the English, and had but recentiy been sup
plied by their traders with merchandise and liquors.
If the Indians of North America had retained their primitive habits,
and ceased their incessant tribal wars, they could not have been con
quered by colonists without trained and powerful armies. But in their
contact with civilization, they acquired tastes and appetites that could
only be gratified by traffic with, and subordination to the whites. Thus

"*-The Court coldly ond unjustly received Bienville ou his return to France. He
had given forty years of his life'to the service of the king, and most of his broth
ers had died in amis. He died in Paris, March 7,1767, and was buried in the
cemetery of Montmartrc. No one family in the annals of France supplied so-
many brilliant officers. Eleven. brothers in the army, two brothers-in-law and
several nephews in the navy. Half of these fell in battle or died at their posts.

Territory and State. 87
they were induced to sell their lands, thus they enlisted under the ban
ner of the invader, and fought against their natural allies and country
men. 1745. Red Shoes belonged to the clan of the Six-town Choctaws,
and resided near where GarlandsviUe, in Jasper county, Mississippi,
now stands. He was a very audacious, troublesome fellow, and a
great rascal. After bleeding the gallant Marquis very freely, and per
ceiving that his stock of printed stuffs and strouds, blankets and beads,
tomahawks, knives and vermUlion, powder and lead, sugar, rum and
tobacco, was exhausted, and not replenished as fast as he expected, the
long-headed chief regarded him as a sham and again went over to the
English. He carried with him the great Mingo of the Alabamas, mem
bers of the Creek and Muscogee confederacy, who had generally been
friends of the French. Vaudreuil visited Mobile, where twelve hun
dred Choctaws met him, received their annual presents and renewed
pledges of friendship. Red Shoes refused to attend, and with his own
hand tomahawked a French officer, Chevalier de Verbois, and two
French traders, who chanced to arrive in his village.
1748, The factions in the Choctaw nation, fomented by the Chick
asaws and the English, had been gradually growing more violent, and
now broke out into civil war. The English party was the smaUest but
the most indefatigable and vindictive. They penetrated to the
German settlement above New Orleans, committed several murders
and occasioned general consternation. The defences of New Orleans
were strengthened, and all the houses at Mobile were enclosed with
palisades. Some Frenchmen were murdered in the swamp between
the city and the lake, and a detachment of fifty men, under one Trix-
erant, on getting sight of three Indians fled without firing a shot,
Shortiy afterwards the French met the Choctaws on the bayou St. John,
(the water approach from the lake to the city,) and after a sharp en
counter defeated and dispersed them. This was the last rencontre
with the Indians in the vicinity of New Orleans. They linger now in
these same recesses, on the shores of their favorite lake, chanting
their dirge-like songs, in tones as low and sweet as the ripple of its
waters — the feeble remains of a once numerous and martial race !
WhUe these incursions were being made by a few daring marauders,
the jayhawkers of the English party, the war in the vUlages of the
Choctaws, between the two factions, still raged. The Mingo, who
led the party to the German settiement, was killed immediately on his
return by his own brother, a chief in the French interest. A brother
of Red Shoes, on his way from the Carolinas, was attacked and eight of
his men slain. At last a pitched battie occurred in which the English
faction was badly defeated, v/ith the loss of one hundred and eighty
warriors killed and wounded. This brought the parties to a parley,
and it was agreed that there could be no peace whUe the arch-intriguer
lived, and it was determined that Red Shoes must die ! He was set
upon and kiUed, while convoying to his village a train of English
goods. The English traders, however, saved the goods, and by dis
tributing them, revived the war, placing a brother of the deceased
chief at the head of the partisans. They were soon after defeated and
dispersed by Grand-Pre, a very active and efficient officer, who com
manded a post on the Tombigbee.
1750. Of the thirty-two vUlages in the Choctaw nation, only two

88 Mississippi, as a Province,
remained avowedly under English influence, but many outcasts and
stragglers, the vilest marauders, were in their interest, and made it
formidable. In a desperate battle about this time, refusing to fly, and
not expecting or being offered quarter, they lost one hundred and
thirty men; who fell where they fought. Shortly afterwards Grand-
Pre, at the head of a party of Choctaws, and a few French, gave them
the finishing blow, and they sued for peace. It was granted, on con
dition that any Choctaw who kiUed a Frenchman should be surrender
ed for punishment. That he who introduced an Englishman into the
nation must die. That incessant war should be waged against the
Chickasaws. That the vUlages of the English party, or rebels, should
be destroyed and they should not be permitted to live in separate com
munities.* Upon this the wily Chickasa-ivs, who had covertly taken part in aU
these troubles, dreading a concentration of arms against themselves,
made overtures, and as a peace-offering sent down some women and
children captured in Arkansas. De Vaudreuil diplomatized. He,
and his people and his government, still remembered with chagrin and
mortification, the abortive expeditions of 1736 and 1740. So he received
a wUling response from the French minister, when he applied for per
mission to invade the Chickasaws.
1754. Collecting some seven hundred white troops at ^Mobile, and
strongly reinforced by his Indian auxiliaries, he followed the route of
BienviUe in 1736, and ascended the Tombigbee to Cotton Gin, where
he reconstructed and enlarged the fort built by his predecessor. His
Canadian scouts soon ascertained that the Chickasaws had abandoned
their fields, and shut themselves in stockades, strongly entrenched.
De Soto, as we have seen, found their forefathers in 1541, strongly
fortified, and it is presumed that, in later years, they had learned some
thing from the Scotch and English traders, many of whom -were re
tired soldiers, who had served in the wars of Europe. The Marquis
de Vaudreuil was too good a soldier, and particularly with the disas
ters of his predecessor in his memory, to attack such works "without
suitable artillery, and discovering that he could dra-\v them out neither
by stratagem or bravado, he destroyed their fields and burnt their vil
lages, inflicting much damage and suffering, by a method of war rarely
justifiable, and which all civilized nations should interdict.
1753. The Marquis was soon after transferred to Canada, and the
government of the colony was bestowed on Kerlerec, a veteran officer
of the royal navy. In one of his earliest dispatches he says of the
Choctaws : "lam satisfied with them. They are true to their plighted
Tor most ot these details, occurring during the administration of Vaudreuil,
I am indebted to the Hon. Charles Gayarre, the distinguished historian and civ
ilian of Louisiana, (who wrote from the official correspondence in Paris,) whose
works have all the interest of romance and authenticity ot history. He is re
markable for his industrious research, severe scrutiny, impartial eominent, and
judicial calmness, while investigating facts and discussing motives, and he throws
over all this the charm ot fancy iu a style piquant and picturesque. In modern
literature there are no books that provoke more interest from the first line to the
last, than his various volumes on the historv of Louisiana. This eminent man
has filled the high offices of legislator, Seeretnry of State, Reporter of the Supreme
Court, Senator of the United States, He is still iu the maturity of his pow
ers, iiu orator, writer, linguist and juris-consult, a citizen without stain or re
proach, lie would adorn any position, but is particularly fitted for diplomatic
service.

Territory and State. 89
faith. But we must be the same in our transactions with them. They
are men who reflect, and who have more logic and precision in their
reasoning than is supposed." This was a true estimate of the Indians,
and had it been acted on by the whites in their transactions with that
unhappy race, our history would not be the bloody record that it is.
1754. About this time, under the administration of Kerlerec, a
horrible incident occurred at Cat Island, on the sea-board of Missis
sippi, where the French maintained a small garrison. The comman
dant, Duroux, was cruel and exacting. He frequentiy punished his
men by stripping them naked and exposing them all night to the
mosquitoes and sand flies. They finally kiUed him and fled to the
mainland, with the hope of making their way to the English settie
ments. They were pursued by the Choctaws in the interest of the
French, arrested and carried to New Orleans. Two were broken on
the wheel, and one, a Swiss, vi'as, by his own countrymen, in the
service of Kerlerec, placed alive in a coffin, and his body was then
sawed in two pieces.
Baudrot, a private citizen, residing at the time on Cat Island, a
famous hunter and courier, had been compelled by the mutineers to
pilot them in their flight, after the murder of the commandant.
Kerlerec, a stern disciplinarian, had him tried as an accessory ; he
was convicted, notwithstanding his producing an attestation from the
mutineers that he had acted under coercion; wa^ broken on the wheel
and his body cast into the river, as unworthy of sepulture.
Louisiana was much neglected by the mother country during the
administration of Kerlerec, owing to her own exhausted condition and
feeble government; and the Choctaws, had they been hostile, could
have overrun the colony.
On the 3d November, 1762, a secret treaty was signed at Paris, by
which the king of France, without any consideration or reservation,
donated the whole country known as Louisiana to the king of Spain.
There had been no negotiation whatever — no overtures on the part of
Spain. It was an absolute gift, tendered through the Spanish ambas
sador, and only accepted by him on the condition that his royal master
should approve the act. Given by one king, from sheer inability to
maintain it out of his treasury or to defend it against his enemies, and
accepted by the other without any demonstrations of satisfaction.
By this secret treaty, the present sea-board of Mississippi and Ala
bama, as far as the Perdido, and all the country embraced in the
province of Louisiana, was transferred to Spain.
1763. February i6th, a treaty of peace was agreed to at Paris,
between Great Britain, Spain and France. By this treaty, France
ceded to Great Britain all that portion of Louisiana lying on the east
side of the Mississippi river, from its head waters to the Manshac or
IbervUle, and from thence by a line in the middle of that stream to
the river Amite; thence down the middle of that river through lakes
Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to the sea. France, likewise, ceded the
fort and river of Mobile. And Spain ceded the whole country lying
between the Perdido river and the St. Mary's river, then known as
Florida. Thus France divested herself of her entire claim, and
Spain retained, on the east of the Mississippi, only the island of New
Orleans, embraced between the River Manshac, the Amite, the lakes
and the Mississippi river, as above described.

90 Mississippi, as a Province,
By this tri-partite treaty, it will be noted that France ceded to Great
Britain a portion of territory that in the secret treaty had been ceded
to Spain, but as both parties signed the last treaty no impediments
were offered.
Thus all Louisiana, including the sea-board of Mississippi, passed
from the dominion of the French, All traces of her occupancy of
that coast, since Iberville first landed there, February 6th, 1699, have
long since passed away. The forts at Biloxi, Mobile, Dauphine
Island and Tombigbee, where the cadets of the noblest famUies of
France resided, have disappeared. The bones of the gallant SanvoUe,
Tonti, Loubois, and many of the knights of St. Louis, moulder in
our soil at Biloxi. The story of their occupation has become a dim
tradition. But the colonists she planted on our sea-board — especiaUy
the hardy Canadians — still live in their descendants, preserving their
provincial dialect and primitive habits — their fondness for hunting —
their skill with the lasso and the oar — their songs and dances — and in
many instances, the physiological peculiarities of the races with whom
they intermarried.
During the many years that the French had held Louisiana, they
exhibited a surprising inaptitude for establishing colonies. They
brought with them from France the national energy, enterprise, fertility
of resource and vivacity, with as much of science and intelligence as
existed at that day. They received frequent and generous supplies
from the mother country, particularly while the colony was adminis
tered by Crozat and the Western Company; they had assistance from
Canada and the Illinois — the best of their soldiers and all their voy
ageurs came from that quarter. But their administrators do not seem
to have comprehended the first principles of colonization. There was
but one predominant feeling — jealousy of the Spanish and English, on
a vast continent of wilderness, wide enough for all the nations of
Europe to colonize. Instead of concentrating their physical force at
one or a few prominent points, they divided into insignificant garrisons,
stationed at posts five hundred and fifteen hundred miles apart, tiie
inter-communication being carried on by couriers in pirogues! They
frittered away their time in frivolous negotiations with the Indians,
and exhausted their resources in abortive and inglorious expeditions.
With some of the richest land in the world in the immediate ^¦icinity
of Mobile, with tracts of productive soil on every bayou that empties
into the Sound, from Mobile to Pearl river — and the soil on the sea
board itself capable of generous production — they w ere, while they
resided there, frequentiy on the point of starvation.
In 1722, the troo]>s stationed at MobUe and Biloxi, were tempo
rarily dispersed among the Indians, to live on their scanty crops of
corn and beans. A humiliating confession for a civUized people, the
subjects of Louis, the Magnificent! The delusion of mining contrib
uted to this impoverishment. A Director-General was appointed, and
more than five hundred miners and assayers were employed at remote
posts, not one of whom earned his rations.
The civil officers of the colony, from the beginning to the close of
the Frenchregime, were divided into chques, and accused each other
of peculation and fraud. And even the military, in violation of
every rule of subordination, took an active part in these disgusting
intrigues.

Territory and State. 91
The settiement on the sea-board was thus practically a failure.
After the transfer of headquarters to New Orleans, with the exception
of feeble posts at BUoxi, Mobile and Tombigbee, the country was
abandoned except by a few Canadian hunters, who had intermarried
with the Indians. New Orleans, notwithstanding every ship from
France brought new immigrants, notwithstanding the addition to her
population by colonies of Germans and Acadians, progressed slowly,
and was alternately frightened by negro insurrections and by a few
marauding Choctaws.
Father Charlevoix, who was at New Orleans in 1722, seems to have
properly appreciated the misgovernment of Louisiana. "The author
ities," he says, "are at present engaged in seeking, to the west of the
Mississippi, a place fit to make a settiement which may bring us
nearer to Mexico, and they think they have found it a hundred leagues
from the mouth of the river, in the Bay of St. Bernard, where La
Salle landed when he missed the Mississippi. There is something
much more pressing and better to be done than this. I know that
commerce is the soul of colonies, and that these are of nO use to a
country like France but for this end, and to hinder our neighbors from
growing too powerful. But if they do not begin hy cultivating the lands,
commerce, after having enriched some few persons, Avill soon droop
and the colony will fail. T^he neighborhood of the Spaniards may
have its use, but let us leave it to them to approach us as much as they
will. We are not in a condition, and we have no need to extend ou?--
selves fafiher." These words of wisdom came from a traveling Jesuit,
but they were never comprehended, either by the ministry at home or by
the colonial authorities. At the very moment of the cession to Spain,
Abadie, the last of the French governors, writing to the minister,
says: "If the inhabitants of Louisiana had turned their attention to
anything else beyond jobbing on the king's paper and merchandise,
they would have found great resources in the fertility of the land and
the mildness of the climate. The facihty offered by the country to
live on its-natural productions, has created habits of laziness. The
immoderate use of taffia (a poor rum) has stupified the population.
Three-fourths, at least, of the inhabitants are in a state of insolvency.
The colony is in a state of destitution; it is a chaos of iniquities; and
to re-establish order, extreme measures must be resorted to, and offi
cers, appointed from J^rance, must be sent to my assistance."
No wonder that the king was willing to make a free gift of Louisi
ana. It had proved, says Gayarre, a dead weight in the hands of the
great merchant Crozat, who had buried many millions in her
wilderness. The India company lost over twenty, miUions. And then
the king sunk, perhaps, fifty millions of livres in the same enterprise.
Charlevoix attributes all these losses, and the "condition of the col
ony, "to the negligence or incapacity of those who had the care of
settling it."
In the judgment of the French, the sea-board of Mississippi was
classed as a mere sand bank, and the sufferings accruing from their
own mismanagement and want of industry, were ascribed to the pov
erty of the soil. On those same "sandbanks" at Biloxi, and along
the shore, and far in the interior, where the French starved and had
to be billeted on the poor Indians for subsistence, luxuriant gardens
and farms may now be seen, where ffowers, fruit, vegetables, cereals,
cotton, sugar-cane and tobacco flourish under a more thrifty people.

OHAPTEE Xil.

t

HE red cross of St. George, that had "braved the bat
tle and the breeze" for a thousand years, had now been
planted on the heights of Abraham, at the posts of the
Illinois and on the savannas of Florida. All the vast
dominions acquired for France by Champlain, LaSalle,
Frontenac, Bienville and VaudreuU passed, after the fall of
Montcalm, into the hands of Great Britian. Under the
treaty of 1763 she now took possession of Florida, and, with
characteristic energy, prepared to develop its great agricultural
and commercial capabUities. It was divided into two provinces.
1763. By an order in council West Florida was declared to be
bounded to the southward by the gulf of Mexico (including all islands
within six leagues of the coast, from the river Apalachicola to lake
Pontchartrain.) To the westward by said lake, lake Maurepas and
the river Mississippi. To the northward by a Une drawn due east from
the Mississippi river, along the 31'' north latitude, to the river Apalach
icola. To the eastward by said river. Martin, Monette and other his
torians say that soon after these limits were proclaimed, the British
government, being informed that important settlements on the east side
of the Mississippi Avould be excluded, issued a second order extending
the northern boundary as follows : A line to begin at the mouth of the
Yazoo, and run due east to the Chattahoochie, thence to the mouth of
Apalachicola river : thence westward along the gulf of Mexico, through
lakes Borgne, Pontchartrain and Maurepas up the river Amite and
IberviUe to the Mississippi, and thence along the middle of said river
to the mouth of the Yazoo.*

"*"\'Vho were the settlers on the east side of the river between the Sf^ north lati
tude and the Yazoo in 1763, that induced Great Britain to extend the northern
boundary of West Florida? "We have no account of settlers at Natchez after the
massacre. The French on the Yazoo had all been murdered. At every settle
ment within those limits the inhabitants had been killed or had fled, and we have
no evidence of their return. Emigration from the Atlantic colonies had not com
menced. "We know when the Americans first came, who they were and where they
•settled. But the settlements that induced the extension of the line, where were
these? "^Vho were the settlers? "Whence did they come? The report made, which
induced the order for extension, most probably -\vas th.it the district left out had
been occupied and cultivated and would form an important settlement.
There is no evidence that Fort Rosalie was occupied as a French post after
Perier's expedition against the Natchez in 1732, until A'audreuil's time. He posted
:a small garrison there, but reports no inhabitants. "We know that after the treaty of

Territory and State.

93-

But it appears from late authorities that there was only a commission
issued in councU authorizing the governor of West Florida to make this
extension, and no proof has been found that the order was ever exe
cuted. (See 12 Wheaton, 527.)
To understand how these conflicting boundaries and jurisdictions, sa
long the source of controversy and litigation, originated, it is proper to
recapitulate in detail, the several grants and charters, running as far-
back as the reign of Charles I, of England.
A contest between England and Spain, respecting, the boundaries
of their territories, in this part of America, commenced with the earli
est settiements or colonies which the English attempted in Carolina,
and the Spaniards in Florida. At that period England claimed as far
south as the 29° of north latitude. Charles I, in the fifth year of his
reign, granted to Sir Robert Heath, Carolina and Florida, extending
from the river Matheo in the 30"^ to the river Passa Mayena, in the
36° of north latitude.
In 1662 Charles II granted the same country with some small differ
ence of boundary, that is fixing its southern boundary as "within one
and thirty degrees of north latitude, to Lord Clarendon and others,.
(called the Lords Proprietors, ) and established it as a province by the
name of Carolina ; and a subsequent charter by the same prince in
1663, confirming the last mentioned grant, extended it southward to-
the 29'^ of north latitude inclusive.
In 1670, by the seventh article of the treaty of peace then conclud
ed between Great Britain and Spain, it was declared, that the King of
Great Britain should remain in possession of what he then possessed
in the West Indies and America. It is understood, however, that the
boundary between Florida and Carohna continued to be a subject of
contest and a disputed jurisdiction between those powers.
The original English province of Carolina comprehended the pres
ent state of Georgia, the Floridas and Louisiana, and the entire pro
vince was long claimed by one Coxe, an Englishman, under a grant
from the crown. In 1722, his sort, Daniel Coxe, published an elabor
ate description of the country, and, among other evidences of his
father's title, appears a report dated WhitehaU, December 21. 1699,
signed by seven members of the Privy CouncU, and the law officers of
the crown, in which they concede that Coxe is the legal proprietor..
In that same year he dispatched Captain Barr with an armed vessel
to take possession of the country and establish a colony on the Missis
sippi, and we have related how this enterprise failed by a strategem of
BienviUe, and no further attempt was made to colonize under Coxe's-
claim. In 1726, seven of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, (Lord Carte-
1763, M. de Ville, commandant at Mobile, surrendered the fort there to Maj. Robert
Farmer of the British army. Captain Chabert, commandant of fort Tombecbee,
surrendered it to Capt. Thomas Ford. Chevalier Launeau surrendered fort Tou
louse ; but there is no record of fort Rosalie, and the inference is that it and the
country around had long been deserted. If this district, or any portion of it, was
occupied by any but Indians after the massacre at Natchez and Yazoo, we have no
means of knowing. If occupied, we have no knowledge who they were, or
whence they came. They could not have been sufficiently numerous for self-pro
tection against the savages on all sides, without leaving some record. And a few
scattered families would have been massacred. Besides, no claim for settlement
rights or grants was ever made by these reputed settlers to either the British or.-^
Spanish authorities.

94 Mississippi, as a Province,
ret retaining his share,) relinquished and surrendered to George II,
then king of Great Britain, seven-eighth parts of the proprietary, and
their rights under the charters aforesaid, and this surrender was accept
ed by act of Parliament. About this time Carolina was divided into
South and North Carolina; and after the surrender a part of the latter
province was assigned to Lord Carteret, for his share in the original
proprietary. In 1732, George II granted and established within the boundary
of South Carolina, the colony of Georgia, bounding it from the north
ern branch of a river called the Savannah, all along the sea coast, to
the southward unto the most northern branch of a certain other river
called the Altamaha, and westward from the heads of the said rivers
respectively, in direct lines to the south seas. South Carolina, after the
establishment of the province of Georgia, continued to claim and ex
ercise jurisdiction over the territory lying to the southward of the Al
tamaha, and in 1758, particularly, the governor of South Carohna
encouraged a settlement which had been commenced by one Grey and
his adherents, and granted them patents of land, in that territory.
Subsequently, the trustees for establishiug the colony of Georgia
surrendered their charter to George II, and in 1754 John Reynolds
was appointed governor of Georgia, then constituted into a royal pro
vince by the same boundaries which had been given to the colony
in the original charter.
In 1763, by the treaty of peace concluded between Great Britain
and Spain, his Catholic Majesty ceded and guaranteed in full right to
his Britanic Majesty, Florida with fort Augustine, and the bay of Pen
sacola, as well as all that Spain possessed on the continent of North
America to the east or south-east of the river Mississippi. In the
same year the King of Great Britain, then possessing entirely the right
and control of this part of America, estabhshed by his proclamation the
provinces of East and West Florida. The northern boundary of the
former was declared to be, a line drawn from the junction of the
Chatahouchee and Fhnt rivers to the source of St. Mary's river, and
by the course of that river to the Atiantic ocean. The northern
boundary of West Florida was declared to be a line drawn due east
from that part of the river Mississippi, which lies in 31° of north
latitude to the river Chatahouchee. By the same proclamation all the
lands lying between the rivers Atiamaha and St Mary's, were annexed
to Georgia.
By letters patent, dated in the fourth year of George III, James
Wright, who is recited to have been appointed governor of Georgia in
the first year of George III, was again constituted governor of that
province, of which the southern boundary was described to be, by the
most southern stream of the river St. Mary to the head thereof, and
thence westward as far as our territories extend by the north boundary
of East and West Florida.
In March, 1764, a representation was made by the board of trade
lo the King of Great Britain that, upon the information of the gov
ernor of West Florida, the northern boundary of that province as
lately estabhshed, had been found, by actual surveys, to exclude some'
considerable settiements on the Mississippi, and the town of Mobile
itself; and therefore it was recommended and proposed that an in
strument might pass under the great seal, in like manner as was

Territory and State.

95

directed in the case of the extension of the south boundary of Geor
gia, declaring the province of West Florida to be bounded to the north
by a line drawn from the mouth of the river Yazous, where it unites
with the Mississippi, due east to the river Apalachicola.
It appears, that by letters patent dated 21st Novt-mber, fourth )'ear
of King George III, George Johnstone, Esq., was appointed governor
of West Florida, described to be bounded on the north by a hne
drawn due east from that part of the river Mississippi which lies in
thirty-one degrees of north latitude, to the river Apalachicola; and
that by other letters patent dated 6th June, in the same year, so much
of the last mentioned commission to Governor Johnstone as related to
the bounds and limits of the said province was revoked, and he was
appointed governor of West Florida, bounded to the northward by a
line drawn from the mouth of the river Yazous, where it unites with
the Tilississippi, due east to the river Apalachicola.
In 1765 an act was passed by the Legislature of Georgia, confirm
ing, on certain conditions, the grants which had been made by South
Carolina to Grey and others, of certain lands lying south of the Al
tamaha. It appears, also, that by letters patent dated July, 1767, John
EUiot was appointed governor of West Florida, comprehended within
the limits and bounds which had been established by the commission
granted to Governor Johnstone June, 1764; and that the commission
and instructions, which were issued to Peter Chester, Esq. , on the
2d of March, 1770, constituting him governor of West Florida, gave
the same extent to his authority as had been given to Governor
Elliot. In 1777, the Natchez district, so called, described to be on the
Mississippi, and to extend from Loftus Cliffs up the river to the mouth
of the Yazous, being one hundred and ten miles, was purchased by
the British Superintendent of Indian Affairs from the Choctaws.
In May, 172;!, the province of West Florida was conquered by
Spain. It appears that from June, 1764, until this conquest, when
this province was surrendered by Governor Chester, patents and loca
tions of lands within the Natchez -district, were granted and made by
the authority and under the protection of the British governor of
West Florida.
In November, 1782, by the provisional articles of peace between
the United States and his Britannic Majesty, the southern boundary
of the United States is determined to be a line to be drawn from the
Mississippi due east in the northernmost part of the thirty-first degree
of north latitude to the Chatahouchee, thence to its junction with the
Flint river, and thence to the head of St. Mary's river, and by that
river to the ocean, thereby adopting and coinciding with the northern
boundary of East and West Florida, as estabhshed by the proclama
tion of the King of Great Britain in 1763, and his commission to Gov
ernor Wright, as before mentioned.
In February, 1783, the State of Georgia, by an Act entitied "An
Act for opening the land ofiice, and for other purposes," declared the
southern boundary of that State to be a line drawn from the Missis
sippi, in the latitude of thirty-one degrees, in a due east course to the
river Chatahouchee ; and in other respects, according to the southern
boundary of the United States, as settied by the provisional treaty
before mentioned.

96 Mississippi, as a Province,
The definitive treaty between the United States and Great Britain,
concluded on the 3d September, 1783, confirmed the same southern
boundary to the United States. The treaty of peace concluded on
the same day, between Great Britain and Spain, declared an entire
cession, in full right, of East and West Florida, to Spain ; but without
expressly defining the boundaries of those provinces.
In February, 1785, the legislature of Georgia established into a
county, by the name of Bourbon, a district declared to be within that
State, and described within the following lines, viz: Beginning' at
the mouth of the river Yazous, where it empties itself into the river
Mississippi; thence by a line to be drawn along the middle of said
river Mississippi, until it shall intersect the northernmost part of the
3 1 ° of north latitude ; south by a line to be drawn due east from the
termination of the line last mentioned, in the latitude of 3 1 ° north of
the equator, as far as the lands reach which, in that district, have
been, at any time, relinquished by the Indians ; then along the line
of such relinquishments to the said river Yazous, and thence down
the said river to the beginning. By the same act, the said legislature,
considering it as not then proper to grant the lands within the said
district, declared that whenever that measure should be determined on
by any future legislature, there should be a right of preference re
served to occupants of the said lands, who s'aall be citizens of the
United States or the subjects of any power friendly to the United
States during the war ; provided, such j)ersons do actuaUy live on,
and cultivate such lands, or a part thereof, and shall apply and present
themselves on equal terms with other petitioners. It is also thereby
enacted, that when it shall be determined to grant the said lands, the
price thereof shall not exceed one quarter of a dollar per acre. By
the same act, certain persons therein named were appointed justices
of the peace for said county, and provision was made for qualifying
them upon such appointments; and the same justices, and any two of
them, were authorized to administer to any inhabitant in said district,
not proscribed by that or some other of the United States of America,
the oath of allegiance to the State of Georgia; and persons who
should be qualified by such oaths, were declared to be entitled to vote
for, and serve as members of assembly, or militia officers, in and for
said state of Georgia.*
•*Thi3 act was passed chiefly on the representations of Col. Thomas Green. He
and Cato West -\vere Virginians, who lived several years in Georgia, and then with
the Harrisons and other families, set out from Georgia to the Holston ; there built
boats and went down the Tennessee river, intending to join Gen. Geo. Eogers
Clarke. But not being able to ascend the Ohio, they concluded to descend to the
Natchez country. Here they obtained large grants "of land iu what is now Jeii'er-
son county. Col. Green soon got into a dispute with the Spanish governor, was
arrested and sent to prison in New Orleans. His devoted wife followed him and
there died. lie was then released. Being a man of indomitable resolution, he
made the overland journey to Georgia, and was mainly instrumental in getting
the Legislature to pass tho Act asserting the jurisdiction of Geors^ia over the
Natchez district and organizing it into a county named Bourbon, 17Sj. He left a
large family. His son, Thomas M. Green, was our second delegate to Congress.
Their connections aud alliances, at one period, largely controlled the Territory.
The Justices appointed bv the Bourbon Act were Thomas Green, Cato West, Tac
itus Gilliard, Sutton Banks, Nicholas Long, "Wm. Davenport, Nathaniel Christmas,
Wm. Mcintosh, Benj. Farrar, Thomas M. Green, "Wm. Anderson, John Ellis and
Adam Bingamin. Abner Green, Register of Probates. All men who, at any stage of
our history, would reflect honor on the highest station.

Territory and State. 97
In INIarch, 1785, a petition in behalf of South Carolina was pre
ferred to the Congress of the United States, setting forth the difference
and dispute which had arisen, and then subsided, between that State
and the State of Georgia, concerning their respective boundaries.
By that petition the State of South Carolina claimed, as within their
charters, all the lands lying between a line to be drawn from the head
of the river St. Mary, the head of Altamaha, the Mississippi and
Florida; and because the State of Georgia contended for the same tract
of country as a part of that State, it was prayed that Congress would
proceed to have such dispute determined agreeable to the articles of
confederation. Georgia ^vas accordingly notified, appeared by her
agents, and commissioners were appointed.
In 1787, this dispute of boundaries between Georgia and South
Carolina was amicably concluded by their respective commissioners.
By that convention the northern boundary of Georgia was distinctly
ascertained, and it was agreed that the State of South Carolina should
not thereafter claim any lands to the eastward, southward, southeast
ward, or west of the boundary then established; and South Carolina
thereby relinquished and ceded to Georgia " all the right, title
and claim which the said State of South Carolina had to the gov
ernment, sovereignty and jurisdiction in and over the same; and
also the right of pre-emption of the soil from the Indians, and all
other the estate, property and claim, which the State of South Caro
lina had in, or to the said land."
In February, 1788, the legislature of the State of Georgia author
ized the delegates of that State in Congress to cede to the United
States all right, title and claim, as well of soil as of jurisdiction, which
that State had to the territory, or tract of country within the limits of
Georgia, comprehended within these boundaries, viz : beginning at
the middle of the river Chatahouchee or Apalachicola, where it is in
tersected by the 3 1 ° of north latitude, and from thence due north, one
hundred and forty British statute miles, thence due west to the middle
of the river Mississippi, thence down the middle of that river to where
it intersects the 31° of north latitude, and thence along said degree to
the beginning, upon certain conditions recited in said act, to be per
formed on the part of the United States. By the same act the State
of Georgia repealed the act before mentioned, establishing the county
of Bourbon, within that territory.
A cession in the terms of the said act of the State of Georgia was
accordingly proposed to the Congress, and was rejected by their res
olution of the 15th July, 1788, the terms of such cession being de
clared inadmissible. Congress, at the same time, declared "that in
case the said State shall authorize her delegates in Congress to make a
cession of all her territorial claims to lands west of the river Apalachi
cola, or west of a meridian line running through or near the point
where that river intersects the 31° of north latitude, and shall omit
the last proviso in the said act, and shall so far vary the proviso re
specting the sum of 171,428 dollars and 45 cents, expended in quiet
ing and resisting the Indians, as that the said State shall have credit in
the specie requisitions of Congress to the amount of her specie quotas
in the past requisitions, and for the residue in her account with the
United States for moneys loaned, Congress will accept the cession."
In a representation made to the court of Spain, on the subject of
7

gS Mississippi, as a Province,
boundary, by the commissioners for the United States, on the 7th of
December, 1793, it is stated that the southern boundary of Georgia
-was fixed by the proclamation of the King of Great Britain in 1763,
at a time when no other power had a claim to any part of the country
through which it run, to begin in the middle of the Mississippi river,
in latitude 31 north, and running eastwardly to the Apelachicola. A
like representation was made in the course of the same negotiation,
in August, 1795 ; and by the treaty which was concluded in that year,
between the United States and Spain, the southern boundary of the
United States was finally agreed to be as it is described in the defin
itive treaty before mentioned with Great Britain. It appears that,
after the acquisition of West Florida by Spain, the Spanish governor
of that Province granted patents and permitted locations of lands
within what was afterwards known as the Mississippi Territory, until,
and even subsequent to, the relinquishment of it by Spain, in its
treaty with the United States.
The Legislature of the State of Georgia, by an act passed December
22d, 1789, in which it is recited that divers persons from the State of
Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina, had made application
for the purchase of certain tracts, and parcels of land, lying and bor
dering on the Tennessee, Tom or Don-Bigby, Yazoo and Mississippi
rivers within the State of Georgia, and had offered to settle the same,
and that a part of such territory had been already settled on behalf
of some of the applicants under and by virtue of the act before men
tioned for laying out and establishing the county of Bourbon, granted
and engaged to reserve as a pre-emption for certain companies which
are named in the said act, distinct tracts of the said territory for the
term of two years thereafter and to be conveyed to them respectively
in case certain payments of money, as a consideration of such grants,
should be made within that term.
The settlement of the right to this vast territory was attended with
many difficulties. It was occupied by the Creeks, Cherokees, Choc
taws and Chickasaws, numerous and wSrlike tribes, who claimed it as
theirs by conquest and inheritance.
The United States claimed the British title, and Spain claimed, as
parcel of West Florida, all south of the east line from the mouth of
Yazoo river, and, as part of Louisiana, a large district east of the Mis
sissippi, and south of the 31° north latitude, which had not yet been
more strictly defined.
To strengthen her titie, in June, 1784, Spain made a treaty, at Pen
sacola, with the Creeks, Choctaws and Chickasaws, by which they
conceded the Spanish titie, and engaged to support it. And subse
quentiy the famous Alexander McGillervay, head chief of the Creeks,
and special agent of the Seminoles, Talapoosas, Alabamas, Cowetas,
and other towns of the Muscogee confederacy, acknowledged himself,
land those he represented, subjects of the Spanish crown.
¦Georgia, in the meantime, asserted her undeniable right to the terri
tory in question, and made several treaties with the Creeks and Cher
okees. The United States entered into treaties with the same tribes, more
or less conflicting with the treaties made by the State.
In 1795, the Legislature of Georgia, annoyed by federal interfer
ence, and to assert her claim and draw population to her frontiers, sold

Territory and State.

99

•:to four companies the greater part of the territory in dispute between
the State and the United States.
To the Georgia-Mississippi Company it conveyed most of the terri
tory west of the Tombigbee river, comprehended in the second article
of the pro^"isional treaty of 17S2, ceded to the United States as part
of West Florida. This tract was about two hundred miles long and
¦eighty-two in breadth, being about one-fourth of the present State of
Mississippi. To the Georgia Company it conveyed another portion of the ceded
part of Florida and alarge tract above the limits of that province, being
a parallelogram three hundred miles long and one hundred wide,
besides a triangle fifty mUes in length at its base, and one hundred
miles from the base to the opposite angle.
To the Tennessee Company and to the Upper Mississippi Company
¦were ceded two tracts, one about one hundred and fifty mUes long
and fifty miles wide, the other about one hundred and twenty-five
miles long and twenty-five in width — being about two-thirds of all the
¦territory claimed by Georgia under the provincial charter of 1732, and
under the proclamations of the king of Great Britain, after the treaty
of Paris, February 10, 1763, which annexed "to Georgia all the terri
tory, thus acquired, between Florida and 35° north latitude — compris
ing perhaps 35,000,000 acres.
The purchasers began at once the work of colonization, and disposed
¦of numerous parcels, and would have sold many more but for the op
position and interference of the United States.
This famous act, known in history as the Yazoo Fraud, was gener-
.ally condemned in the United States, but no where as strongly as in
Georgia itself, whether upon the ground of bribery or merely for in-
-adequate consideration, has not been determined. The ensuing Legis
lature, without any division, declared the contract void. The legality
•¦of the grant, and of the repealing act, was tested before the Supreme
Court of the United States in the celebrated case of Fletcher vs. Peck,
6 Cranch, 87. The court, however, did not go deeply into the title
'Of Georgia, but limited itself chiefiy to the question as to the right of
the legislature to annul the contract, so as to deprive innocent pur-
¦ chasers of their vested interests. The decision was in their favor.
Poth South Carolina and Georgia, it has been shown, had claims to
the domain now constituting the States of Alabama and Mississippi.
In 1787 the former, with a generosity which has not been reciprocated,
ceded her claim without further consideration than "her desire to adopt
every measure to promote the honor and dignity of the United States
.and strengthen the federal union" — noble words that should be always
remembered. Georgia, in 1785, had organized the vast territory — much of it then
¦ occupied by the Spaniards — into a single county, appointed its civil
officers and was meditating to hold it by military power. In 1802, in
a spirit of deference to federal authority, she repealed this act, and
¦ceded the whole district, outside her present limits, to the United
States on certain conditions that have not been honestiy complied
with :
I. The United States shall pay to Georgia $1,250,000 out of the
¦first net proceeds of the land ceded, on account of expenses it had
iincurred in the disputed territory. 2. That aU persons settled before

loo Mississippi, as a Province,
October 27, 1795, within that territory, under British or Spanish
grants, or claiming under an act of the Georgia legislature, passed in
1785, laying it out into a county styled Bourbon, shall be confirmed in
their possessions. 3. That the lands ceded shall be a common fund,
excepting 5,000,000 atres, which the United States, before twelve
months liad elapsed after the assent of Georgia to the agreement, might
appropriate to satisfy the Yazoo claimants. 4. That the United States
shall, at their own expense, extinguish for the use of Georgia, the
Indian title to all the lands within the State, as early as the same can
be obtained on reasonable terms. 5. That the terrritory ceded shall
be admitted into the Union as a State as soon as expedient, and that
it shall be governed as the North-western territory, with the exception
that slavery shall not be prohibited.
Upon these terms the claim of Georgia was ceded to the United
States. On its part it ceded to Georgia all claims to the territory east
of the boundary line described in the above agreement, not lying
within any other State, and $5,000,000 were subsequently paid to the
Yazoo purchasers upon their relinquishment of their claims both to
the land, and to the money paid by them into the treasury of Georgia.
After this agreement the State of Georgia had good right, as her
archives will prove, to complain of the exactions and intermeddling,
and bad faith of the federal authorities. She had expressly stipulated
for the extinction of the titie of the Indians, and their removal from
her limits, but the United States disregarded the agreement, and by
its accredited agents actuaUy counteracted the exertions of the State
authorities to get rid of the nuisance. More than once she was
menaced with mUitary coercion. In 1793, by a decision of the Su
preme Court of the United States, the sovereignty of the State had
been ignored. It was held, by the court, that "a State" was a mere
"contrivance," which could be dragged before that imperial tribunal, on
the demand of any complainant, alien or otherwise. Chisholm's
Ex'ors vs. State of Georgia, 2 Dallas, 419.
In 1832, by a decision of the same court, with only two dissentients,
the Cherokees, within her chartered limits, hostile to her people and
constantiy disturbing her peace, were adjudged to be "a nation," and
the -whole power of the federal government was arrayed against a State
which, with a subUme patriotism, like Virginia and Carohna, Jiad
relinquished her immense territory, embracing the richest agricultural
country on the globe, for the sake of harmony and union !
The southern boundary of the United States, it should be remem
bered, by the treaty of 1783 with Great Britain, was to start from the
Mississippi river at the 31° north latitude. But by her treaty with
Spain of the same date. Great Britain ceded to her West Florida, in
its integrity as she had promised it at the time of the cession. This,
as we have seen, would carry the boundary of AVest Florida to the
mouth of the Yazoo river, including the whole Natchez district, Spain
was then in possession of the disputed territory, under the conquest
of Galvez, and she refused to surrender it to the United States, She
erected forts at Nogales, (Walnut HUls, now Vicksburg,) and New
Madrid, and strengthened the garrisons of Manchac, Baton Rouge
and Natchez,
Both powers had equitable titles, and it is difficult to determine
which was the strongest. But there is no question that the titie of

Territory and State. ioi
"Georgia, and of those claiming under her, was better than either.
While she was still asserting this claim, and Spain and the United
States in a diplomatic wrangle about it, the former being in possession,
by an act of Congress, approved April 7th, 1798, the Mississippi Ter
ritory was created with the following boundaries : On the west by the
Mississippi river ; on the north by a line to be drawn due east from
the mouth of Yazoo river to the Chatahoochie ; on the east by that
river; on the south by the 31° north latitude. This embraced all
that is now within the limits of Mississippi and Alabama. This act
was a casus belli for Spain, and Georgia had just grounds for resent
ment. Both were powerless. The Mississippi river settled the matter
just as it settled the late civil war. The warlike people of the west —
trained to arms in the revolutionary war, and in their conflicts with
the Indians — had discovered the mighty commercial resources of their
country, and resisting the overtures of Spain and their sympathies
with Georgia, they determined that the Mississippi river, their only
highway to the_ markets of the world, should be owned and controlled,
in its whole- length and breadth, exclusively by their own national
government. They disregarded the equities of both Spain and Geor
gia, responding only to the suggestions of expediency and necessity.
Had the federal authorities faltered one moment in their policy, so
persistently and successfully pursued, the western people, with the
American settlers in the disputed territory, would, unquestionably,
have armed «j masse, and driven the Spaniards into the Gulf of
Mexico. The conflicting boundaries, and the conflicting grants of land made
by the British and Spanish authorities of West Florida, one grant
very often saddling the other, have been often and elaborately dis
cussed by the State and Federal courts, and the Spanish grants have
generally prevailed on the ground that the British grants were made
subsequent to the Declaration of Independence which, foUowed by
successful war, extinguished the British title to the public domain.
See the case of Harwpod vs. Gaillard, 12 Wheaton, 523; Henderson
vs. Poindexter, Lessee, 12 Wheaton, 530; Nevitt vs. Beaumont, 6
Howard, Miss. Rep., 237; Johnston vs. Mcintosh, 8 Wheaton, 579;
Fletcher vs. Peck, 6 Cranch, 142 ; Danforth vs. Weir, 9 Wheat, 676;
Hickey vs. Stewart, 3 Howard S. Court Rep., 756. And particularly
the case of Montgomery, et al, vs. Ives, et al, at the November term
of the High Court of Errors and Appeals of Mississippi, 1849, ^.nd
the very learned and exhaustive opinion of the Court, delivered by
Mr. Justice Clayton.

OHAPTEE XIII.

*^S^'

T IS important to bear these conflicting boundaries im
mind, as they occasioned much diplomacy, discontent
and litigation. By the provisional treaty of November
2oth, 1782, between Great Britain and the United
States, the southern boundary of the latter was fixed at
the 31° north latitude. Great Britain, by her treaty of the-
same date, with Spain, ceded to that power the province of"
fWest Florida, which, under the British government, as "\ve have
seen,, extended as far north as the mouth of the Yazoo. Under"
this conflicting grant, Spain took possession of the Natchez dis
trict, and held it untU 1798, when she evacuated it, and the United.
States entered upon it ; not, however, without a protest from the State
of Georgia, which rightfuUy claimed the whole district under the
original charter of 1732. It is weU known that Oglethorpe's colony
was established at Savannah, under the auspices of George_ II,
speciaUy to obtain a footing on, and west of, the Mississippi _ river.
Georgia sent her commissioners, to assert her rights, to the Spanish au
thorities, and as has been shown, she organized it into a county and
appointed civil officers.
The extension of the boundary placed the northern line of British
West Florida at 32° 28' north latitude. AU of what are now Missis
sippi and Alabama south of that line, made a part of AVest Florida ; ,
all north of it belonged to the British province of lUinois, which in
cluded, likewise, the western portions of what are now Tennessee' and.
Kentucky.* 1764. Capt. George Johnstone, a Scotchman, a distinguished naval
officer, arrived at Pensacola, with the commission of Governor. He
brought with him a British regiment of Highlanders, and numerous.
persons foUowed in his train to settie in the province. He appointed
commandants, and sent garrisons to Fort Conde at Mobile which- he
called Fort Charlotte, after the Queen ; to Manshac, which was caUed
Fort Bute ; and to Fort Rosalie at Natchez, called Fort Panmure,
after two of the British ministers. He appointed civil magistrates,
and organized a superior court at Pensacola, whose jurisdiction ex
tended over the whole province, and where it administered justice
-*This line, from the mouth of the Yazoo, traversed the present State of Missis
sippi and struck the Tombigbee below Demopolis; crosseel the Alabama river
near the junction ot the Coosa and Talapoosa, and terminated on the west bank.
of the Chatahoochie, between Columbus and Fort Mitchell, in Georgia.

Territory and State. loj
under the common law of England, from its inauguration to the close
of British rule in 1782. All cases, over a magistrate's usual jurisdic
tion, were tried before it. Persons charged with murder at Natchez,,
and other remote points, were sent to Pensacola for trial.
The Governor had liberal instructions in regard to public lands, and
was authorized to make grants, without fee or reward, to every retired
officer who had served in America against the French and Indians,,
and to any private soldiers, disbanded in America, who should apply.
A field-officer was entitled to five thousand acres ; a captain, three
thousand ; every subaltern or staff officer, two thousand ; non-com
missioned officers, three hundred; privates, one hundred acres.
This generous provision on the part of the crown was the nest-egg
of our population. It attracted a class of enterprising and intelligent
men who, after the peace of 1763, had been drifting about. Immi
gration rapidly set in, consisting, at first, of disbanded officers and
soldiers. The troubles and dissensions between the c^jlonies and tiie
mother country were growing serious. Great diversity of opinion
existed among the colonists, and especially in the Carolinas. Many
jDersons loyal to the Crown, but unwiUing to take part against the
people among whom they lived, embracing, in numerous instances,
their kindred and even their own households, sought refuge in West
Florida from the distractions at home. It has been the custom ta
denounce these men as tories, and enemies of their country. Such
censure would be proper when applied to men who drew the sword
against their countrymen, and waged upon them a savage and relent
less war. But the same sentence should not be pronounced on those
whose sense of loyalty and of duty forbade them to fight against the
king; but rather than stain their hands with kindred blood, renounced
home, comfort, society and position for an asylum in the wilderness.
The right of conscience and of opinion is sacred, and at this distance of
time these men, once generaUy condemned, may be properly appre
ciated.* *Three remarkable cases occur to me, to show that when the conflicts and col
lisions of the .war were still fresh, and many of the actors still survived— there was
much toleration in relation to the loyalists, even for those who had fought for the-
king, 1st. The case of Philip Barton Key. A native of Maryland, he entered the
British army in 1778, and held a commission in a provincial or loyal regiment
He was at Pensacola when Gen. Campbell surrendered it to Galvez ; was sent to
Havanna, whence he was allowed to go to England on parole, but was not ex
changed until the peace of 1783. "When this took place his regiment was dis
banded, and the officers retired on half pay. In 1785, he returned to Maryland.
1794, was elected to the Legislature and served for several years. He continued
to draw his jiension until 180.5, when he formally resigned his rank and pay in the
British army. In 1808, he was elected to Congress, and his seat was contested
mainly on the ground of non-residence in the district, but the above facts were
shown (and not denied) as an additional objection. The committee reported in
his favor, and expressly added that the suggestion of his being, or having been,,
a jDcnsioner or half-pay officer would not authorize them to alter their opinion.
The report was sustained and Mr. Key became a distinguished member. He was
the father of the Hon. Francis Key, author of the "Star Spangled Banner."
2d. Edward Tifiin came over as surgeon with Gen. Burgoyne, and was on duty
at the time of the surrender. He remained in the country; went to Ohio; took
an active part in the opposition to St. Clair and Sargent; was elected by the anti-
administration or Jeffersonian party to the first Legislature; continued in service
until 1802 when he was elected governor and served until 1808.
3d. Elihu Hall Bay, of South, Carolina, followed the British authorities to Pen
sacola and held ofiice under Gov. Chester during the revolutionary war. He re-

104 Mississippi, as a Province,
Many of this class from Georgia and the CaroUnas, and some from
colonies farther north, foUowed the British flag to Pensacola, and
thence made their way to the shores of lake Pontchartrain, to Man
chac, Baton Rouge, Natchez, Bayou Pierre and Walnut Flills.
1764, Robert Farmer, under a commission from Governor Johnstone,
took possession of Mobile. Farmer was a man of fortune, highly
educated and a humorist. Aubry, the last of the French governors
of Louisiana, in one of his dispatches, says :
The English commandant at Mobile is an an extraordinary man. As he
knows that I speak English, he sometimes writes to me in verse. He speaks
to me of Francis I, and Charles V. He compares Pontiac to Mithradates.
He declares that he goes to bed with Montesquieu. When there occurs some
petty difficulties between the inhabitants of my province and his, he quotes
Magna Charter and Coke upon Littleton. It is said the British ministry sent
him to Florida to get rid of him, because he was equally troublesome as a
friend and as an opponent. He pays me extravagant compliments which I re
turn to him. He is a man of parts," but a dangerous neighbor. He had barely
set foot in Mobile before he demanded the return of the artillery, which our
garrison brought away when they evacuated Fort Conde. He claimed the
guns at Fort Tombeckbee, and at the posts in the Illinois, and insisted like
wise that we are bound to defend the English from Indian incursions.
Very shortiy after Governor Johnstone established himself at Pensa
cola, he dispatched Major Loftus, with three hundred and fifty men,
to take possession of the lUinoisposts, Under that clause of the late
treaty which secured for the English the free navigation of the Missis
sippi, the detachment took the river route, and left New Orieans
February 27 th. The French governor had taken the precaution to
admonish the Indians along the river to keep the peace, and placed
his interpreter at the service of the British officer. Between New
Orleans and Point Coupee they lost fifty men by desertion. At the
Point they came near a collision with the French. A slave took
refuge on one of the barges, where he was discovered by his master,
who applied to the commandant of the French post for his arrest.
Maj. Loftus would not allow the arrest, declaring, in advance of the
great jurists of England, that the fugitive on his barge stood on
British soil, under the protection of the flag ! And he ordered his
men to stand to their arms. The French commandant prudently
desisted. Soon after the interpreter took his leave, but warned the
Major to be on his guard against the savages. On the 19th J\larch, as
the boats approached Davion's bluff, (now Fort Adams,) they were
fired on by some Indians in ambuscade, probably the Tunicas, the
allies of the French, who resided in that vicinity. Half a dozen men
were kiUed, and seven or eight wounded. The flotUla immediately
fell back, the Major and his officers concluding that, under French in-
oeived a large grant oE land in the Natchez district, and became owner of large
bodies on the Homochitto and at the "Walnut Hills by purcha.-ic.
After the war he returned to Carolina and was placed on the bench, a position
he held many years.
Philip Livin.i^-.ston, of New York, was a loyalist in the king's employment at
Pensacola, during the British occupation of West Florida.
A striking evidence of this burial of ancient animosities occurred recently in
Connecticut, in celebrating the birth-day of Gon. Israel PiKnam. On a well-
rcmerabercd occasion lie was pursued by a troop of New York tories and nar
rowly escaped capture by riding down a rocky precipice which they were afraid
to attempt. At this celebration, Mr. Merritt, of Canada, son of the tory captain,
^yas tlie special guest, and sat vis a vis with the great-grandson ot the General,
He was toasted and made a humorous and efl'ective speech.

Territory and State. 105
stigation, all the Indians on the river were in arms, and to continue
the voyage was impracticable. On his arrival in New Orleans, the
irascible Englishman accused the French governor of treachery, and
would accept no disclaimers. He carried his command to Mobile
and Pensacola, and no farther attempt was made from that quarter to
take possession of the posts of the lUinois ; and the Pontiac war
then raging, effectuaUy barred aU communication with British head
quarters in Canada. These remote posts and settiements which, as
we have seen, had long maintained a constant intercourse with the
French at Mobile, Biloxi and New Orleans, had often brought down
timely supplies, and had sent strong detachments to aid them in the
Chickasaw wars, were, after the retreat of Maj. Loftus, left in a state
of isolation, governed by their former magistrates and customs, and
it was some two years before the British authority was regularly in
stalled. 1765. Governor Johnstone invited the Chickasaws and Choctaws to
a general council in Mobile. The details of the trade to be carried
on between them and the British traders were agreed upon, and regu
lar prices fixed on merchandise and peltries. Another, and the main
object of the governor in assembling the tribes, was to make the path
safe for the immigrants, who were pouring into the province, and neces
sarily had to traverse the Indian territory. Many families came by
way of the Ohio, the Holston and the Tennessee. They had to run
the gauntlet of the Cherokees, who committed frequent murders.
While this tide of immigration was flowing into West Florida, spread
ing from Pensacola to the Tombigbee and the Mississippi, the British
merchants carried on a brisk free trade on the Mississippi, very much
to the annoyance of the Spaniards who had succeeded the French.
Ships loaded in London with assorted cargoes suitable for the trade, were
consigned to British agents at the British post of Manchac* These
vessels sailed by New Orleans, and slowly ascending the river gave
the planters the opportunity of purchasing at prices far less than the
current prices in New Orleans. A brisk trade likewise, in contraven
tion of the laws and policy of Spain, was carried on in negroes. These
were usually brought by British slave dealers directly from Africa to
Jamaica, and thence shipped to Pensacola, whence they were trans-
"'¦The Manchac, or Iberville, river was the dividing line between the English
province of West Florida and the Island of New Orleans now in the hands of
Spain. The English and Spanish each maintained military posts on their respec
tive sides of the Manchac. The English post grew to be quite a village ; English
agents of London merchants lived there and carried on a brisk business in mer
chandise and negroes, with the Louisiana and Florida planters.
This route by the lakes, up the Amite to bayou Manchac, and up that bayou to
the Mississippi, as we have seen, was first explored by Iberville. It became the
main thoroughfare between the French settlements on the seaboard and the Illi
nois posts. The English used it, while they held West Florida, as the most direct
line of communication between Pensacola and Natchez. Bartram, in 1777, thus
describes the route :
•'Ascending the Amite to the forks where the Iberville (bayou Manchac) comes
in on the left hand, and proceeding briskly we soon came to the landing, where
there are warehouses for depositing merchandise, this being the head of schooner
navigation. From this point to Manchac, on the Mississippi, just above the out
let of the bayou is nine miles by land, the road straight and level, and passing
through a grand forest. The buildings established by the English, particularly
those of Swanson and Co., Indian traders, are spacious and commodious. Over
Fort Bute floats the British flag, while just across the bayou, on the bank of the
river, is a Spanish post. There is a foot bridge between the two fortresses."

io6 Mississippi, as a Province,
ported, by the lakes, to Manchac, and there exchanged with planters
for indigo, tobacco, staves, peltries, etc., and a credit of one or two
years, with a lien on the crops was usually given. Negroes rated
according to the districts they came from. The Eboes, were consid
ered savage and intractable, and could not be disposed of except at
very low figures.
The French, as we have seen, introduced this traffic, and the British
prosecuted it with great activity, as long as their flag floated over West
Florida. The trade subsequentiy fell into the hands of the New Eng
land dealers, of whom the wealthy and aristocratic D'Wolf's, of Rhode
Island, were most conspicuous.
1770. Governor Johnstone, who had shown himself energetic and
capable, was, probably owing to political changes in England, recalled
about this time.* His successor was the Hon. Montford Brown, who
owned a large district of land at the cliffs, (now Port Hudson), and in
1777 was promoted to the government of the Bahamas. The first
grant he made was for five thousands acres to Daniel Clarke, (uncle of
the more notorious personage of the same name), an Irishman, who
had commanded a Pennsylvania regiment in the ro)'al service. This
grant covered a part of the old Hubert-CoUy concession on St Cath
erine, near Natchez.
1771. Hon. Peter Chester was appointed Governor, with Phillip
Li^-ingston, of New York, secretary. The records show that immi
grants StiU poured into West Florida. Lands in the vicinity of Mobile,
Manchac, Baton Rouge, Bayou Sara, Natchez, Bayou Pierre and Wal
nut HiUs, were particularly in demand. In the Natchez district there
was granted to the Earl of Eglinton 20,000 acres, on what is now
known as Pine Ridge ; Earl Harcourt, 10,000; Admiral Bentinck,
10,000; heirs of Thomas Conryn, 10,000; Elisha Hall Bay, 16,-
000; Admiral Rodney, 5,000; Sir Wm. Dalling, 5,000; Gov. Phillip
Barbour, of Virginia, 5,000, near Grand Gulf; Admiral Onslow, 5,000;
Col. Anthony Hutchins, several large tracts, including the White
Apple vUlage, the residence of the Natchez chief of that name.
As far back as 1768 the king had issued an order, or mandamus,
¦-Governor Johnstone did not lose his influence with his ofiice. In 1776-7 he
was in Parliament taking an active part in the American debates, and only siding
with Ministers after the French alliance with the colonies. In reply to Lord
Howe, who had sneeringly said "that he. Admiral Howe, would never apply to
Captain Johnstone for instruction," the governor said :
"Although he was no more than Captain Johnstone, he would not give up his
experience to Admiral Howe or any other admiral whatever ; he had seen as much
service as the noble lord, and had been in more battles. What he had oft'ered rela
tive to the affair between the fleets he submitted to the House as his opinion, an
opinion not theoretically formed, but founded on professsonal knowledge.
Nothing that had fallen from the noble lord had aftorded him the least reason for
altering his sentiments; and he so far diftered from him, that instead of refusing
to serve in this time of public exigency, he would take any command that should
be offered him. Many gentlemen knew that at the commencement of the Amer
ican war he would not have accepted of any employ against that country, because
he thought the war unjust in its end, and oppressive in its principle and mode of
carrying on. The case was now materially altered. This country had done every
thing which became her to convince America of her readiness to act with modera
tion and justice. France had perfidiously broken her treaties, and seduced America
into an ofi'en.sive league against Great Britain ; in such a crisis it behooved every
man who felt for the injured honour ot his country to step forward. He for one
Avas ready to exert his utmost abilities in any capacity that government might
tliink proper to employ him. So far from attempting to" prescribe the conditions
on which he would serve, he would accept even the command of a lanm-boat.

Territory and State. 107
to the governor of West Florida to have surveyed and aUotted to Amos
Ogden, of New Jersey, a retired naval officer, 25,000 acres in one
single tract. In 1772, Captain Ogden sold 19,000 acres of his claim,
to Richard and Samuel Swayze, of New Jersey, at the rate of twenty
cents per acre. They made a reconnoisance of the district, and located
the claim on the Homochitto river, in the present county of Adams.
In the fall of the same year the two enterprising brothers, with their
famihes and a number of their kindred and friends, sailed from Perth
Amboy for Pensacola ; thence, by the usual lake route, to Manchac ;
up the Mississippi, and then up the Homochitto to what is now known
as Kingston. Samuel Swayze had been for a number of years a Con
gregational minister, and most of the adults who came with him were
communicants. The faithful shepherd, as soon as he had provided a
shelter for his wife and chUdren, and planted corn for their bread,
gathered up his fold and organized his society, undoubtedly the first
Protestant pastor and congregation in the Natchez district. Under
many drawbacks, growing out of Indian depredations, and discourage
ments after the county passed into Spanish hands, this pious teacher
and his kindred met together on the Sabbath, often in the swamp and
cane-brakes, for divine service. In 1780 the Indians became so trou
blesome and exacting that most of the settlers abandoned their homes
and moved to the vicinity of Natchez. The venerable pastor settled
on the east bank of St Catharine, on what was long afterwards known
as "Swayze's old field," on the left of the road from Washington to
Natchez, and there he died in 1784. The Jersey settlement, begun in
1772, bymen of intelligence, energy and high moral character, became
prosperous and rich ; densely populated ; highly cultivated ; distin
guished for its churches and schools ; its hospitality and refinement.
And, in the course of years, it sent its thrifty colonies into many coun
ties, carrying with them the characteristics of the parent hive. The
Farrars, Kings, Corys, Montgomerys, Pipes, Foules, Colemans, Jones,
Callenders, Fowlers, Luses, Griffings, Hopkins, Nobles, Ashfords, and
many others in Mississippi and Louisiana, are descended, in one branch
or the other, from the brothers Swayze.
The only other grant direct from the crown was issued February 2,
1775, in favor of Thaddeus Lyman, for himself and brothers, in
consideration of the services of his father. Gen. Phineas Lyman, then
recently deceased. This grant was for 20,000 acres and was located
on the Bayou Pierre and Big Black in the present county of Clai
borne. Gen. Phineas Lyman was an eminent lawyer and statesman of Con
necticut. In 1755 he was commissioned major-general of the royal
provincial troops, and distinguished himself in the campaign against
the French in Canada. At the battie of Lake George the command
devolved on him soon after it commenced. His conduct recom
mended him to both the British and colonial authorities. In 1762, he
conducted four thousand provincials to the West Indies to co-operate
with the Earl of Albemarle at the seige of Havana, and upon its capit
ulation was appointed military governor. At the close of the war,
wrecked in fortune and finding most of his comrades in the same posi
tion, they formed an association, underthe name of "Military Adven
turers," to establish a colony in the Natchez district, which by the
treaty of 1763 had passed into the hands of Great Britain, and com-

io8 Mississippi, as a Province,
prised a part of the British province of West Florida. General Lyman
repaired to London to solicit a grant, but soon after his arrival a change
of ministry occurred and the friends he relied on were divested of
power. Unaccustomed to importunity, perhaps deficient in audacity
and tact, he found himself overlooked in the whirlwind of parties.
He lingered through several years of disappointment and neglect, and
graduaUy sunk into despondency and inaction. His faithful and ener
getic wife, having ascertained his condition, dispatched her eldest son,
Capt. Thaddeus Lyman, to bring his father home. He was a man of
address and talent, and with the aid of John MiUer, an eminent mer
chant of London,* he obtained a royal order to the governor of West
Florida for 20,000 acres. f In December, 1773, with a large party,
they embarked at Stonington for New Orleans.
Captain Phelps, in his journal, gives a list of the party, many of
whom have descendants now in Mississippi and Louisiana, General
Lyman, Thaddeus Lyman, with eight slaves; Sereno Dvyight, Jona
than Dwight, Harry Dwight, and three slaves ; Moses and Isaac Shel
don, Roger Harmon,  Hanks, Seth MUler, Elisha and Josiah Flowers,
Moses Drake, R. Winchell, Benjamin Barber,  Wolcott, D, and
R, Magguet, Thomas Comstock,  Weed, Capt, Silas Crane, Robert
Patrick, Ashbel Bowen, John Newcombe, James Dean, Abram Knapp,
Gibs, and Nath. Hull, James Stoddart, Thaddeus Bradley, Ephraim
Case, Hezekiah Rew, John Fisk, Elisha Hale, Timothy and David
Hotchkiss, John Plyde, Wm. Silkrag, Jonathan Lyon, Wm. Davis,
Hugh White, Thomas and James Lyman, Captain Elsworth, Ira Whit- ¦
man, ¦  Sage, Major Early, James Harmon, Elnathan Smith, Wni.
Hurlburt, Elijah Leonard, Benjamin Day, Joseph Leonard, John Felt,
Rev. Jedediah Smith, Daniel Lewis, Sr. , and a number of others not
recoUected. J Some of these had with them their wives and chUdren.
*Col. Anthony Hutchins was the agent of Mr. Miller at Natchez.
tGeneral Lyman died before the patent, in pursuance of the royal mandamus,
could be issued. In 1775 it was issued in the name of Thaddeus Lyman for the
use of himself and the two other sons and two daughters of General Lyman.
jThe Lewis family came originally from Wales. Daniel Lewis, Sr., was born in
Connecticut, but inoved to Sheffield, Mass., in 1746, where in 1771 his eldest son,
Daniel Lewis, Jr., married a Miss Fairchild, of a prominent family of that place.
Their first child was Archibald Lewis, so well known in after years, in this terri
tory. In 1773-4, Daniel Lewis, Sr., his son with his wife and boy, and others of
the family, accompanied the Lyman's to Natchez, and settled on theLym'an man
damus, on the Big Black. In the following autumn Daniel Lewis, Sr., and wife
died. Daniel Lewis, Jr., with his wife, brothers and sisters then went to Manchac,
a fiourishing settlement, but soon after when the notorious jay-hawker, WiDing,
was raiding that neighborhood, he moved to Plaquemines, and was soon afterward
drowned while descending the river to New Orleans. In 1739, his widow married
Eichard Carpenter, Esq., aud after his death married Gen. George Matthews, of
Georgia. She died in 1803, near Washington, Miss. Seth Lewis, one of the sons
of Daniel, Sr., was born in Sheffield in 1766. In 1790 he was in NashviUe, as a
teacher, and was there induced by Gen. Andrew Jackson and Col. Josiah Love, to
study law, and about the same time he married a daughter of Col. Thomas Har
deman. In 1790, he appeared in the first Legislature of Tennessee as representa
tive from the county of Davidson. President Adams, at the instance of General
Jackson, appointed him one of the judges for the Mississippi Territory. Finding
the salary inadequate he resumed his profession, and in 1807 was appointed at
torney-general. In 1810 lie removed to Opelonsas, La., where he was prevailed on by his old
friend. Governor Claiborne, to accept the then responsible and lucrative commis-
l^"V- °.^ Ri^V^sh judge. In 1813 Governor Claiborne appointed him judge of the
fifth judicial district of Louisiana, a position he held with great dignity and

Territory and State. 109
Rev. Mr. Smith had long been a Congregational minister in Green
ville, Mass. He had ten chUdren on board, among whom were
Joseph, Philetas, Israel, Philander and Calvin, all of whom settied
near Natchez, and founded large and influential famUies. Luther and
Courtland settied near Bayou Sara, and left many descendants.' The
venerable minister sickened on the river and died soon after he reached
Natchez. He was buried on the bluff, not far from the old fort.
1775. Procuring barges and open boats, General Lyman and party
slowly made their way from New Orleans to the Bayou Pierre and Big
Black, where the grant was to be located. His son soon died, and
not long after the war-worn veteran closed his career. About a year
afterwards the general's widow, accompanied by a son, and by Maj.
Timothy Dwight and others, sailed for New Orleans. Pursuing the
same fatal route they were overtaken by sickness. Major Dwight and
a number of others died at Natchez, and the venerable widow expired
soon after she reached the ' 'improvement" on the Bayou Pierre.
A brief skerch of Capt. Mathew Phelps and his adventures, from
his journal, will show the difficulties encountered by the early immi
grant to Mississippi.
Being in delicate health he determined on a sea voyage, and as a
party was then making up for the Natchez country he concluded to
join it. They sailed from New London, December 17, 1773. After
having narrov/ly escaped shipwreck on the Dry Tortugas, they arrived
at New Orleans and proceeded up the river to examine the lands on
the Big Black, which seems to have been tiie point of destination for
a number of the immigrants.
"From Fort Eosalie,'' says Captain Phelps, "to Petit GoufFre (Eodney) is ten and
a half leagues. There is firm rock on the east side of the Mississipj)i for near a
mile. The land near the river is high, very broken, very rich, and several plan
tations have been opened. From Petit Gouffre to Stoney river (Bayou Pierre)
is a league and a half. From its mouth to what is called the forks, is com
puted at several leagues. In this distance there are several c[uarries of stone,
and the land has a clay soil, with some gravel on the surface. Ou the north
side the land is generally low and rich ; on south side much higher and broken
into hills and vales ; but here the low lands are not generally overflowed and
the timber is heavy and valuable. At the fork the river parts almost at right
angles, and the land between them is said to be clay and marl, and not so un
even as the lands below.
From Stoney river to the Big Black (Chittaloosa) is ten miles. This river at
its mouth is usually about thirty yards wide, but widens to forty and fifty yards,
and is said to be navigable for small boats thirty or forty leagues. About a
mile and a half up, on tbe right, the lands are high and much broken. A mile
and a half further the high lands appear again to the right, where there
are several springs of water, but none have been yet discovered on the left.
About eight miles further there are high lauds near the river on the left, appar
ently the same as run from the Yazoo cliffs. Six miles further the laud is high
on both sides of the river for two or three miles, broken, and numerous springs.
This land, on the left, was chosen by General Putnam, General Lyman, Cap
tain Enos and other New England adventurers, as a proper site for a town, and
by order of the governor and council of West Florida in 1775, it was reserved
for the capital."
honor twenty-seven years. He died in 1848, in his eighty-fourth year, leaving an
unblemished name, a high reputation for learning, ability and usefulness, and
several sons worthy of such a father.
From Daniel Lewis, Sr., and wife, who came here with General Lyman, are
descended the Guions, Mellens, Peytons, Sages, and many other prominent fami
lies in Mississippi and Louisiana, maternally of the same stock with Sir Wm.Pep-
Serrell, General Prescott, of Bunker Hill; Prescott, the historian ; Chief. Justice
[eUen, S. S. Prentiss, Judge Parsons, etc., etc.

no Mississippi, as a Province,
Being pleased with the outiook, Captain Phelps, for fifty dollars,
bought a smaU improvement or settiement right. While doing some
work on it one John Storrs and son, recentiy from Virginia, applied to
him for assistance. They had expended their last shiUing on the journey,
having nothing left but their axes and guns, and were suffering from
ague and fever. Phelps generously supplied them v/ith a littie money
and from his stock of provisions, taking their promise to do some work
on his claim in his absence. He returned to New Orleans June loth,
1774; arrived at home after a tedious voyage, and with hisfamUyand
a number of others sailed from Middleton, Connecticut, May i, 1776.
Crossed the bar of the Mississippi July 30th, and on the iSth August
started up the river. Besides his wife and children, his companions
were Joseph Leonard, wife and six children, and Josiah Flowers,
wife and one chUd, from Springfield, Mass. Mrs. Flowers sickened
soon after they left New Orleans. The weather was intensely hot, and the
current of the river very strong. It was the 6th September when they
reached Point Coupee, where Mr. Flowers was left, in consequence of
the extreme iUness of his wife, and where she died. In twenty-four
hours afterward Captain Phelps, his wife and children, all became ill and
were compelled to tie up their boat. Mr. Leonard hired another boat
and proceeded with his family, but his wife sickened and died at
Natchez. September i6th, one of Captain Phelp's daughters expired
and he was obliged to bury her himself, rising from his sick pallet to
dig the grave. On the 23d his son died, and the wretched parent dug
another grave. A few days afterwards the widowed Mr. Flowers,
with his child, came up in a skiff, and on the ist November they
resumed their voyage, Mrs. Phelps getting worse. At the house of
PhUip Alston, near Petit Gulf, she breathed her last on the 14th.
November 24th he arrived at the mouth of Big Black, on the bank of
which, a short distance above, lay the improvement he had purchased.
"I was at this time," says hia journal, "in a small boat with one Abram
Knapp, whom I had hired to assist me, and a lad some fourteen years of age,
for sickness and fatigue had so reduced me I was unable to manage the skiff
alone. On making the mouth of Big Black I went ashore with the boy, having
a rope for a tow line, and by pulling this along shore while Knapp steered, we made
way slowly against the current. The river was very high and rapid, and to add to
our difficulty, soon after we entered it we came to a lage willow tree which pro
jected horizontally from the bank into the stream, and the top of the tree being
half submerged a large drift had collected about it, and occassioned a whirl
pool to set under the trunk of the tree between its sunken top and the bank, a
space of thirty-five or forty feet. AVhen we got to this fatal tree the boy and I
were towing on tho bank and Knapp steering. My two lovely children — all
that were now left me, a girl in her tenth and a boy in his sixth year — were
sitting on some blankets in the bow of the skiff, when, in an instant, it was
drawn into the eddy under the tree, and the stern sank. Knapp jumped over
board and swam round the head of the tree. I prevented the instant sinking
of the boat by making my line fast to a willow, and then rushed out on the tree,
calling to my daughter to sit still until I could help her brother on the tree.
I was holding on to it with my left hand, lest we should all perish, I being un
able to swim. But, dreadful to rel.ate, at that moment the roots of the fallen
tree gave way and floated from the bank ; the boat broke loose, filled and turned
bottom upwards. I clung to it as long as I could, and amidst the boiling waters
heard, for the last time, the voices of my dear babes crying, 'Father ! Father !' "
Captain Phelps sank several times trying to recover his lost darlings,
and was nearly gone when Knapp succeeded in dragging him ashore.
Knapp went to the settiement at Grand Gulf, which they had left that

Territory and State. in
morning, to get help to recover the bodies. When he returned with
Ira Whitman and Nathaniel Hull, who lived there, they found Captain
Phelps naked, half-frozen and frantic.
After a week or two with these kind people he went to his improve
ment. He found that the man who engaged to reside on it in his
absence had moved away, so that by the usage of the coimtry his claim
was regarded as forfeited, and new comers, finding it vacant, and no
owner or representative in the district, had taken possession. It was
at this moment of afflction and abandonment the poor Virginian, whom
he had befriended when sick and destitute, came to his relief John
Storrs carried him to his cabin,' nursed and comforted him and insisted
that he should dwell there until Providence opened a way for him.
"At that time," says Captain Phelps, " I had not whereon to rest my weary
head, no family, no liome, no money, a heart heavy with many .sorrows, and even
hope was dead. Nothing that Storrs and his son could -do to console and
encourage me was left undone. After I had been with them a week he informed
me that, by the blessing of God, and their own industry, he and his son had
prospered. They were doing well, that to me he held himself indebted for it
all, that he and his son had rendered the work they agreed to do before my
agent deserted the place, and that they now desired to aid me in return, and
would not expect compensation until Providence should bless me with abundance.
These kind friends enabled me to purchase another claim, on which there was a
small house and field. They brought me a cow, a horse, farming utensils and
stock hogs. The season was propitious, and my prospects grew brighter.

CHAPTER XIT,

URING Governor Chester's administration of West
Florida, Bartram, the naturalist, visited Pensacola, 1776.
The Governor and his officers, he says, maintained
considerable state. He invited the traveler to become
a member of his family, recommended a thorough explo
ration of the province, and proffered to pay all his expenses.
Pensacola was, at tliat early day, a considerable place.
" There are," says Bartram, " several hundred houses. The governor's
palace is a large stone building with a tower, built by the Spaniards.
The town is defended by a stockaded fortress, a tetragon, with salient
angles at each corner, where is a block house or round tower, one story higher
than the curtains, mounted with cannon. This is constructed of wood. Within
this fortress is the council chamber, the record office, lodgings for the officers,
barracks for the men, arsenal, magazine, etc. The Secretary resides in a neat
building, and many professional and mercantile gentlemen have handsome
dwellings." MobUe, at that date, he describes as being environed, for twenty
mUes, on the island and river banks, by well-cultivated and extensive
farms. Maj. Farmer, the military governor, had an extensive and
beautiful plantation on the Tensas, cultivated chiefly by French tenants.
His mansion stood on the site of the ancient Tensas village, where
there were many tumuli.
" 1777. "The city of Mobile has been nearly a mile in length, though now
chiefly in ruins — many houses vacant and mouldering away. There are a few
good buildings occupied by French, English, Irish and Scotch gentlemen and
immigrants from the northern colonies. Messrs. Swanson and McGilliway
have here very large improvements and buildings devoted to the Indian trade,
which they control. Fort Conde, near the bay, towards the lower end of the
city, is a large, regular fortress of brick. The principal French buildings are
of brick, one story high, but on an extensive scale, embracing a square or court
yard. The ordinary buildings are a strong frame, built of cypress, filled in
with brick or clay."
The settlements in the Natchez district, under the dominion of the
French, were chiefly in the vicinity of Fort Rosalie. There were
several extensive and weU improved plantations on St. Catherine. As
far back as 1720, La Harpe notes the arrival of the frigate St. Andre
• at Ship island, with two hundred and sixty persons, in charge of M.
Dumanoir, for the plantations on St. Catherine. Numerous grants
were made, as is evident from contemporary journals, but we have no
official record of them, and the British and Spanish governments,

, ' Territory and State. ' 113
when they came into possession, treated these plantations and conces
sions as pubhc domain and disposed of them to other grantees . Had'
any of these grants or settiements been occupied when the country
passed to the English, the occupants would have been protected in
their rights. We have no evidence of any grant having been made
by the French after the massacre ; and no knowledge of any settie
ment or immigration untU 1763, when Great Britain took possession,
and the Natchez district became a part of the province of West
Florida. The foUowing year she garrisoned Fort Rosalie, which they
called Fort Pahmure. They found it a mere ruin, covered with forest
trees, and a few old French cannon lying around. The probabUity is '
that Perier, in his expedition against the Natchez, summoned the gar
rison at Fort RosaUe to join him, and that they were not sent back,
but accompanied hii"n to New Orleans. From that period (1732,)
untU the British accession, (1763,) we hear nothing of the famed dis
trict — the garden of Louisiana and the favored point that had been
recommended for, and should have been, colonial capital.
The Natchez district was about ten miles wide at the mouth of the
Yazoo, and about forty miles wide on the line of north 31°. But
there is no reliable record of its purchase by French, British or Span
iards from any Indian tribe ; no data upon which to base our title, as
there is in other acquisitions of Indian territory. When, with whom,
and by whom was the negotiation made ? Who were those who occu- ,
pied it, if it was occupied at all, after the massacre ? What govern
ment .protected them ? If they were on their lands in 1763, why is
there no record of the recognition of their rights? We know that the
whole district was shingled over with British grants under the seal of
Governor Chester. From the visit of Iberville down to 1730, we
have authentic records of the people of the district, and of all that
transpired therein. But there is a hiatus between 1730 and 1763.
It seems incredible that the French, after its abandonment by the
Natchez, and their permanent dispersion, should entirely desert so
fine a coimtry, where so much labor and capital had been invested,
and which promised to be so profitable. But there is no record of
any settlement.
The following memorandum, found among the papers of Col.
Anthony Hutchins, an early immigrant to the district, sheds some
light on the point :
"The King in Council, sometime after the peace of '63, in consequencci of a
representation from Gov. Chester, of West Florida, extended the jurisdiction
of said province to the Yazous, and empowered him to procure from the In
dians a purchase or surrender of the land. In consequence of which a Con
gress was held at Pensacola, about 1770, between the Governor and Council
and John Stewart, Superintendent of Indians Affairs, with the Indians who, for
a certain sum, sold a district of land, to be set apart from their territory by a '
line to be drawn from a certain point above Mobile, and running nearly north
until it should strike the mouth of the Yazous, About 1778, the surveyors
commenced running this line, according to agreement, but arriving at the
Stony Spring, (Eocky Spring, in Claiborne county,) about twelve miles east of
the Grind-stone ford on Bayou Pierre, the Indians preceived that the course
they were going would take from them their favorite ball ground on the bank
of the Yazous. They refused to proceed any farther. The surveyors sus
pended the work. And after both parties made representations to Gov. Ches
ter, he agreed that the Indians should have their way. They took the sur
veyors to the Yazous, and made them set their course from the point they

114 Mississippi, as a Province,
selected, (about six leagues up the river,) to strike the former line at the Stony
Spring where they had left off.
The goods to pay for this land arrived and were delivered to agents who,
taking advantage of the war that broke out between the English and the
Spaniards, gave but a small part to the Indians, who have ever since' com
plained," "*
In pursuance of this arrangement the province of AVest Florida was
held to extend from the Yazous back to the point above mentioned,
and jurisdiction over the same given to the governor. In 1783 Great
Britain surrendered West Florida to Spain, and the subjects of the
former were aUowed, by the treaty, eighteen months to sell their pro
perty and retire,
' This time having almost expired, application was made to the Court
of Spain for a prolongation of the time, which was conceded.' In
1786 the king by proclamation required all British subjects, and others,
who elected to remain in the province, to take the oath of allegiance
or in default thereof to retire. From the moment, however, that the
British flag was hoisted over these remote territories, the tide of immi
gration set in ; an immigration very different from the French. The
French had come, for the most part, in public vessels, with free trans
portation, under special charters, with soldiers to protect them, and
with constant succession of ships, year after year, bringing reinforce
ments and supplies. They .devoted themselves to exploration, to hunt
ing and trapping, to the establishing of isolated posts and to a fruitless
search after silver and gold, starving on a soil capable of supporting
"¦¦•In 1802, some doubts having arisen as to this line and the Indians complaining
of encroachments upon their teritory. Gen. "Wilkinson was ordered by the Sec
retary of "War to perambulate and re-mark it, attended by certain leading men
among the Choctaws.
In a letter to Gov. Claiborne, dated Camp, November 11th. 1802, Gen, "Wilkin
son says: "The month of the Yazoo, which is called for as the beginning of the
old boundary, has, by a break of the Mississippi, made through its banks, and
the consequent desertion of its ancient bed, been shifted about six miles, which
circumstance devolves some difficulty with the Indi.an commissioners. And to
this one more serious is added : The British surveyor left his east line entirely
ipen, and it appears likevrise five or six miles at the beginning of his south line.
The Choctaws expect to see the old line, and nothing less will satisfy them. It,
consequently, has become necessary for me to proceed to the Big Black, in order
to show them the marked trees, and from thence to retrace the line back as far as
it can be discovered, after which I shall propose, on the ground of mutual accom
modation, to continue the line to the first blufl' on the Yazoo, above inunda
tion of the Mississippi, and there to fix our beginning.
PROM THE same TO THE SAME.
National Boundary, January 23d, 1803.
Last eveninpr I completed my labors, having been greatly perplexed to ascer
tain the boundary, whicli was obscure as an Indian trace. To ascertain my dis
tance from the Mississippi, I shall measure EUicott's travers-, until I find some
evidence to satisfy me iu this particular, and if not delayed by high water will
reach Fort Adams by the 28th. "Will vou be good enough to order for me, from
the Indian goods at Natchez, the articles named below'," which I have promised
to the Choctaw commissioners add guides. I will have them made up by the
regimental tailors:
Three full trimmed long-skirted coats, blue and buflf; capots, red cuffs and
capes; five hats; three white watch-coats; six fine white shirts; four calico
shirts ; five pairs scarlet leggings ; five blue flaps.
[It will be noticed from this memorandum that the Choctaw dignitaries did
not patronize pants in 1802. They were in full court dress, with a uniform coat,
hat and feather, shirt flap and leggings !

Territory and State.

115

fifty miUions of people. The French consisted either of the cadets of
noble famUies who came to seek military distinction, or soldiers of fortune
who followed the profession of arms and were capable of no other voca
tion ; of a non-producing class, the civil employees of the Company ;
and a few peasants and Acadians, poor, ignorant and contented with
their condition. The priests and the Canadians were the only ener-
.getic class. The first were devoted exclusively to the reclamation of
the Indians ; the last were satisfied with their fowling pieces, and their
pirogues. The very women that were sent out by the government to
furnish wives for the colonists, instead of being selected from the
farms and viUages, had been, for the most part, picked up in the streets
¦of Paris and from the houses of refuge.
The only inducement the British authority held out for immigration
was a liberal dispensation of land to those that had rendered service
to the crown. No transportation was furnished ; few military posts
estabhshed ; no vain search after metals. Those that came, came at
their own expense. They crossed the mountains to Pittsburg or to
the head waters of Tennessee, where they often made a crop of corn
and wheat the first season, and then buUt their boats and brought down
with them to their point of destination, their famUies, their slaves and
.stock, and a year's supply of provisions. Or they came from Georgia
and Carolina, the overland journey on pack-horses, through the Creek
and Choctaw territories. Or by sea, from more northern posts, to
Pensacola and New Orleans, and then by boats to their respective sta
tions. Nine-tenths of them came to cultivate the soil; they brought
inteUigence and capital ; and they embarked at once into the produc
tion of supplies for home consumption, and selected indigo as their
crop for exportation. Tobacco was next introduced, and subsequently
•cotton. All the necessarises of life were in abundance and cheap.
The corn crib had no lock upon it. Bacon, beef, butter and poultry
were plentiful. Orchards were on a large scale and the fruit better
than at present. It was a common sight to see one hundred bee hives
in a farm yard, and both buckwheat and clover were then grown especi
ally for the benefit of these epicurean manufacturers. Beeswax and
honey were articles of export. The medicinal herbs and roots, rhu
barb, ginger, pimento, madder, saffron, hops, the opium poppy, and
many others which we now purchase from the apothecary, were grown
in the gardens. Many planters tanned their own leather. Shoes were
almost always made on the plantation, either by a workman belonging
¦to the place or by a man hired to do the work. Gentiemen and
ladies were clad in home-spun. Even the bridle reins, girths and sad
dle-cloths were made at home.
Contrast this with the condition of Louisiana which, in 1763,
D'Albadie, the last (but one) of her governors, reports as " in a state
of complete destitution ; a chaos of iniquities ; and to re-establish order
extreme measures must be resorted to." Aubrey, the last French gov
'ernor, depicted its condition in still stronger terms.
The war between the American colonies and the mother country
stimulated immigration. Many families of wealth and distinction, and
who were either loyal in sentiment, or desired to be neutral, sought an
asylum in West Florida. Settiements on Bayou Pierre, Big Black and
the Walnut HiUs multiphed. The majority of those who came were
men of intelligence and character. Bad men, outiaws and fugitives

ii6 Mississippi, as a Province.
from justice, came likewise, but they were outnumbered and restrained.
by the better class ; and there was generally peace and order and
security for property. The land-holders were, for the most part, edu
cated men ; many of them had held commissions in the British and
provincial army ; others had held civU offices under the crown or the
colonies, and had been accustomed to the administration of the laws of
England, now, and for ages past, the great security of social order
and public Uberty. Such a population is a guarantee against anarchy
and mob rule, and though remote from the provincial government at
Pensacola, and no court of record nearer, the Natchez district^ was;
proverbial for its immunity from crimes and criminals. There is no
British record of judicial proceedings in the Natchez district; and as
there was considerable wealth in land,' slaves, cattie and merchandise,
the good order that prevailed must be ascribed to the superior char
acter of the eariy immigration. The intelligent and cultivated class
predominated, and gave tone to the community.
-1776. Natchez, at this period, was buta smaU viUage, and the build
ings were aU on the batture under the bluff, some twenty ordinary frame
and log houses. There were four merchants, viz : Hanchett & New
man, Thomas Barber, Captain Blomart, (a half-pay British officer) and.
James Willing from Philadelphia.
1778. Such was the prosperous condition of the Natchez district,
and of the province of West Florida generally, under British adminis
tration. Plantations rapidly multiplied, the planters established credits
in London, Pensacola and Jamaica, and received their merchandise
and negroes direct from those ports.* The Atiantic colonies, from which
most of the inhabitants had migrated, were then in the crisis of the
Revolutionary war. Washington and his army had passed the dread
ful winter at VaUey Forge, the cities of PhUadelphia and New York
were in the hands of the enemy, and Carolina and Georgia "were
wasted and harrassed by the British and tories. But profound peace
and good order prevaUed in West Florida, and no colony in the British
empire, or elsewhere, was in a condition more happy and prosperous.
-*Panton & Co., McMin, Miller & Co., a branch of the great firm of Swanson &
Miller, of London, had extensive establishments at Pensacola. The wealthy in
habitants of the Natchez district sent their orders once a year, very often ordering
their merchandise direct from the London house. I have before me sundry in
voices footing np £300, £500, and in one instance, £1000, sterling. This included
a cask of London Particular madeira, a cask ot sherry, a cask ot porter, and a
barrel of French cognac. These goods were usually sent, on their delivery at Pen
sacola, in a keel boat to Natchez, by the lake route and up the Amite and Man
chac. Occasionally the Natchez planters made the trip to Pensacola in their own
boat and witli a negro crew. Louis Le Fleur, father of Greenwood Le Fleur,
(after whom we have named a county, improperly spelled Leflore,) owned one of
these boats, and in this business laid the foundation of his large fortune. "When
I knew him, in my early life, he had established an extensive jolantation and cat
tle ranche in the Yazoo prairies, in the present county of Holmes, where he died
a few years after the last treaty with the Choctaws. He had one hundred slaves and
as many Indians, living about him. He was a small man, a Canadian, speaking a
singular patois of provincial French and Choctaw, and though over eighty years
old, was an indefatigable hunter, spending whole days in the overflowed prairies
and swamps. He told me that he had been a great dimcer in his youth, in Cana
da, and was called thu flower of the fete. Hence the name Le Fleur, and the sobri
quet superseded his original name.

OHAPTEE XY.

^*^[j URING the previous winter, (1778,) one'James Willing,
who had been an unsuccessful merchant at Natchez, a
man of education and inffuential famUy in PhUadelphia,
but of ruined fortune and licentious habits, visited Lan
caster, where Congress then sat, and through Robert
Morris, and other inffuential friends of his family, obtained
a commission to visit the Natchez district and secure, if
practicable, the neutrality of its inhabitants, and then to proceed
to New Orleans and obtain any military supplies that could be
had and transport them to Fort Pitt.* He represented, very
"truly, that many of the inhabitants sympathized with the Americans;
that_ others, though loyal, had emigrated to the province expressly to
avoid taking part against their friends and kindred in rebellion ; that
these constituted the wealthy and ruling class in the district, and that
-Iiis long residence there, and intimacy with the loyalists, would enable
him to secure their neutrahty, if not their support.
These representations were plausible. The moment was favor
able for concihation. George III, the most stubborn king that ever
sat upon a throne, had yielded at last to public opinion and to his
ministers, and Lord North had come forward with two bUls, which
"virtually conceded all that had been the cause of controversy between
England and the colonies. These were promptly passed, and received
the royal sanction, though they conceded more than the colonies had
demanded. Immediately afterwards the Earl of Carlisle, Governor
Johnstone, late of West Florida, and the Hon. Wm. Eden, three states
men of liberal politics, came over as commissioners to effect peace
and reconciliation.
At this juncture Willing was sent on his mission down the Missis
sippi, to a people without military organization, strictly agricultural,
'separated by a thousand miles of wilderness from the seat of war,
and perfectly passive in the great struggle.
1778. March 7th, he landed at the mouth of the Big Black, with a
small armed party, and visited the settlements, sending messages to
"*In the fall of 1777, Col. Gibson, an American officer and agent, went from
Pittsburg to New Orleans with a keel boat, and had been allowed by the Spanish
authorities to purchase powder, etc., from the king's magazine, and he returned
!up the river, being everywhere treated by the planters with hospitality and kind-
Jiess. He was an honest and wise man.

ii8 Mississippi, as a Province,
the people on Bayou Pierre to meet him. Upwards of a hundred
men assembled. Capt. Phelps, an eye-witness, says :
Our settlers were, with very rare exceptions, well disposed to the American-
cause. Willing was a good speaker, and he represented the case for the colo
nies, and the certainty of their ultimate success, in very persuasive terms. He
assured us that five thousand American troops, under Gen. Clarke, were on
their way to this quarter, to take possession and bring us under their jurisdic
tion, and all that Congress and he, their agent, required of us, was the oath of
neutrality ; which oath, when he concluded his address, was duly administered
and freely taken ; our people not being disposed to compromise themselves at
that period of uncertainty and transition, by any overt act, on one side or the
other, which might, in certain contingencies, be construed to their disadvan
tage." Most of these settiers, it should be remembered, were Americans,
who had removed to this remote province to avoid the calamities of
civil war. Many, in that contest, were loyal from conviction, and
had abandoned their former homes rather than forfeit their allegiance,
or fight against their kindred and friends. But they were all ready to
give the pledge of neutrality.
Capt. Willing next proceeded to Natchez, where he was received as
a former citizen, and as a peace-maker. The citizens very generally
assembled and took the desired oath, pleased with the liberal views of
Congress, as disclosed by the speaker, and encouraged by his assur
ances of the approach of an American army of occupation. The
most confirmed loyalists of the country cheerfully took an oath which .
promised security for personal liberty and property, without any in
fringement of conscience or duty. In this class was Col. Anthony
Hutchins, who had served in the British army before the revolutionary
war, but had removed to the Natchez and was, at that date, an exten
sive planter, exerting much social influence in the country. A severe
contusion prevented him from attending in person on the day ap
pointed, but he sent his sons to take the oath, with the assurance of
his acquiescence. Capt. Willing, during his residence at Natchez,
had often been the recipient of this gentleman's hospitality ; he had
known him and his brother, a distinguished citizen of PhUadelphia,*
before the war; and he also knew, and had often been the guest of
the EUises, Mclntoshes, Bingamans, Percys, Rapalies, and other
leading inhabitants in the same neighborhood, who were all loyalists,
but determined to be neutral.
Leaving Natchez in the role of pacifactor, with the good wishes of
the community. Willing landed at night at EUis' Chffs, and dispatched
an armed party to the residence of Col. Hutchins, three miles from
the river. They plundered the house of its plate, money and other-
valuables; insulted the famUy, carried away twelve negro men and
dragged the Colonel from his sick bed, a close prisoner. Other par
ties sent out by WiUing had plundered and arrested several of the
planters. These he released by exacting from them an oath, but
refused to return the property he had seized. At Manchac, on his
way down, he surprised an English merchantman at anchor, which he-
carried to New Orleans and sold.
We here quote from the private journal of Sir Wm, Dunbar, who
"*Capt, Thomas Hutchins, Geographer General under the Crown, and after
wards Surveyor General under the Congress,

Territory and State. 119
then resided on a plantation owned by John Ross, an eminent mer
chant of Philadelphia, and himself, near Baton Rouge :
May 1st, 1778,
About the end of March, we were alarmed, late of an evening, by a report
from Manchac that a party of Americans had arrived there and taken an
armed merchantman that lay there, and that many more were hourly expected.
Upon this intelligence I instantly determined to send my negroes for protection
to the Spanish side, whieh was effected before the sun rising next morning.
Same day I made a jaunt to Manchac to learn news; upon my arrival there I
found the ship had been taken by thirteen men by surprise, and that they had
dropped down below the town to be more safe. With regard to the numbers ex
pected, nothing certain could be obtained. It was given out that 50Q0 were a
coming, some made them 8000. I immediately returned and set out for Point
Coupee, that I might gain the earliest possible intelligence of the numbers and
intent of the Americans, not suspecting that any mischief wns intended to the
inhabitants; therefore, though I considered it prudent to semi my negroes to
the Spanish side, I took nothing out of my house but what v as necessary to
my voyage to Point Coupee. Upon my arrival at Mr. Me, hod's, at Point
Coupee, about a league below the fort, I there found Mr. Alexander, with his
negroes, having just made his escape from the English side ; he informed me
that he had learnt that the intention of the Americans was to rob and plunder
every English subject who had property of any value, some few excepted, and
that several obnoxious people were to meet with particular marks of their dis
pleasure. In this latter black list were Mr. Alexander, myself, Mr. Poussett,
Williams and several others; and further I was informed that the party was
commanded by James Willing, of Philadelphia, a young man who had left
this country the year before; perfectly and intimately acquainted with all the
gentlemen upon the river, at whose houses he had been often entertained in the
most hospitable manner, and had frequently indulged his natural propensity of
getting drunk. This was the gentleman, our friend and acquaintance, who had
frequently lived, for his own convenience, for a length of time at our houses.
I say this was the man who, it seems, had solicited a commission by which he
might have an opportunity of demonstrating his gratitude to his old friends.
Several of his boats were already arrived at the fort, where they made no
secret ot their intentions. They had taken from the Natchez, Col. Hutchins,
with his negroes ; they plundered Harry Stuart's house, and seized the negroes
and other property at Cuming's plantation; they divided the property at
Castle's, taking one-half for his partner's share, but leaving the other unhurt
for himself. Presently two of the batteaux pass and land at Mr. Walker's
plantation, where above one hundred shots were discharged in half an hour's
time, which we afterwards found were employed in wantonly killing the hogs
and other stock upon the plantation. In the afternoon the rest of Willing's
boats pass down, and lastly, about sunset, the. General himself dropt down and
put ashore at Walker's, where the scene that followed marks well the nature of
the man. The houses were immediately rummaged and everything of any
value secured for the Commodore's use, after which the Heroic Captain ordered
his people to set fire to all the houses and indigo works, which was accordingly
done and they were quickly consumed to ashes. 'Twas not enough to pillage and
plunder the man at whose house he had been often most hospitably entertained,
his will must be completed by a piece of wanton cruelty, from which the mon
ster could derive to himself no advantage. The day following, this Troop of
Rascals proceed downwards : a party is sent to the plains who seize Dutton,
his wife and all his negroes, and at the same time burn all his staves at the
river side, by which the poor man is reduced to the lowest ebb of poverty, with
a family of small children. From hence they proceed to Baton Rouge, where
they find no negroes on the English side but those whom, at that time, they
considered as friends. There the villains grow bold ; finding small game on
the English side, they pass over the Spanish Territories, and seize the negroes
of Poussett and Marshall. Mine had been put at a considerable distance from
the river side, by which means they could not discover them ; the houses of
the British gentlemen on the English side were plundered, and among the rest,
mine was robbed of everything that could be carried away — all my wearing

120 Mississippi, as a Province,
apparel, bed and table linen ; not a shirt was left in the house — blankets,
pieces of cloth, sugar, silverware. In short, all was fish that came in their net.
They destroyed, also, a considerable quantity of bottled wine, though they car
ried away no liquor ; the party which robbed my house landed at Francis', im
mediately below ; the orders given by their head were to drive down my
negroes, and if opposed by any one to shoot 'em down. They returned with
information that the negroes were gone, but that much property remained in
the house, which they were ordered to carry away, and accordingly made three
or four trips, carrying at each time a large blanketful of the ware above men
tioned. In the whole I was plundered of £200 sterling value. About this
time it was discovered that Willing had left Fort Pitt with a batteau, and only
2-5 men, with orders to proceed to New Orleans and take charge of such stores
as were prepared for him by Pollock, and return with the same up the Ohio,
and also if he found himself able, to make capture of British property on the
river, but no directions were given to disturb the peaceable inhabitants on
land. Notwithstanding of these orders, Capt. Willing conceived the design of
making his fortune at one coup upon the ruin and destruction of his old
friends and intimates. His chief reason was that he had, by his folly, squan
dered a fortune upon the river, and 'twas there he ought to repair it. In order
to effect this, his hellish purpose, he recruited and collected together on his
way down all the vagabonds and rascals he met with, of which kind the river
is always full ; engaging them upon the alluring expectation of enriching them
selves by plunder, and his numbers upon his arrival in this settlement amounted
to 200, much more than sufficient to accomplish his design, if we consider that
perhaps one-half of the inhabitants were in the American interest, which cir
cumstance being well known to the loyal part of the people, was the means of
tying up their hands, and preventing their attempts to oppose the banditti, not
to mention the report of their great numbers, which were at first much exag
gerated. Upon learning that the party had reached Manchac, I made a trip
from Point Coupee down to our settlement, and found upon my arrival a letter
for me from Willing, enclosing a passport of safety for myself and negroes
until further orders, the three latter words taking from it every idea of security.
I placed no confidence in the words of the mighty Captain, hut immediately
made the proper dispositions for removing my negroes to Point Coupee, where,
being in the neighborhood of a Spanish post, I judged our security would be
greater. This point being accomplished, I set out for New Orleans in order to
see what was likely to be the end of all this plunder, and to be better able to
judge what plan I ought to follow. On my way down of an evening, I met
two of the American boats, on their way up again for more plunder, in which
they were but too fortunate. A small party of forty men had been left at
Maushee by Willing, commanded by Elliot, which was attacked in the night
by Mr. Chrystie. The Americans lost three or four people and the rest were
dispersed and taken prisoners. Chrystie's party being small and h.aving many
prisoners, he thought it prudent to retire, by which the coast became again
clear for the Willingites. The two boats under the command of Harrison and
flat-nosed Elliot, at length reached the settlement of Baton Rouge, and sur
prised Messrs. Williams, Watts and Dicas, made them prisoners, with all their
negroes, notwithstanding that these gentlemen had had every assurance of pro
tection and safety, and in consequence had taken oaths of neutrality. (Vil
lains, rascals, 'twould be a prostitution of the name of Americans to honor
them with such an appellation.) They were all brought to town soon after my
arrival, and a public vendue soon commenced of the plundered efiects.
With the spoUs thus acquired Captain WUling plunged into excesses
in New Orleans, and when his funds were exhausted he sent a maraud
ing party to Manchac, and plundered the peace^tble inhabitants.
Colonel Hutchins was then a prisoner in his hands. He had ob
tained the freedom of the city by giving his parole, and pawning a
thousand doUars which he had procured from a commercial friend, Mr.
James Ma.ther. Learning that Willing and his freebooters (whom he
had recruited from the most desperate characters, attracted by plunder)
were organizing an expedition against the Natchez settiements to repeat

Territory and State. 121
the atrocities they had perpetrated there and on the river below. Col
onel Hutchins determined to escape. Not regarding as binding an
engagement made with a man who had changed his mission of peace
into the raid of a jay-hawker, a brigand and not a soldier, a robber
then deliberately organizing his plans for rapine and slaughter, he
resolved to forfeit his money and hasten to Natchez to apprize his
friends of their danger. He traveled with dispatch, and spread the
alarm as he went. The inhabitants flew to arms. Captain Phelps, in
his journal, says :
"On receiving this news we formed an armed association of some three hun
dred men, and determined to stand firmly on the defensive, let the consequences
be what they would. Learning that the. banditti had left Manchac and were
approaching the While Cliffs, where they would necessarily cross over to the
eastern shore to avoid the impetuous current, our party took position and
awaited their coming. At length they appeared, and sent a skiff' over with a
flag which we received in a friendly manner, and we agreed that if they came
as friends we would receive them cordially, if not we would not permit them
to land. If they meant peace they must fire three guns immediately on the
return of the flag to the barge, which we would answer with an equal number
if we inclined to receive them ; that the associated volunteers would not per
mit hostile operations of any kind at and in the Natchez, and if such were
attempted, though most of us were friendly to the American cause, we would
hold ourselves totally absolved from our oath of neutrality. After some time
spent iu consultation, they fired the three guns, to which we responded, and imme
diately broke up our military order, and scattered ourselves along the shore.
We soon found, however, that no dependence could be placed in a banditti of
villains. One of their boats, under a Lieutenant Harriman and thirty-five men
headed for our shore, and the Lieutenant, as we were afterwards informed, tak
ing up a bottle, drank to this sentiment: "I'll reign king of the Natchez hills this
night, or sleep in hell." When within ear-shot we distinctly heard Harriman
order one Canady, (who had formerly been a resident at the Natchez) to load
the gun in the bow of his boat with musket balls.
Not even yet divining his intention, we continued sitting on the bank until
we heard him give the order to fire. On this we seized our arms and shouted
to Canady he was a dead man if he fired, but Plarriman, putting a pistol to his
head, and threatening to blow his brains out, Canady discharged the gun and
wounded a number of our inen. Upon this murderous business we immediately
returned their fire. Harriman, Elliot, Canady and five others were killed, and
a number wounded. Our balls riddled their boat, and not a man could have
escaped but for their lying down in the bottom of the boat. ^ The survivors
begged for their lives and were spared notwithstanding their villainous inten
tions. We subsequently held a consultation upon the unhappy condition of our
affairs, and the course it had become necessary to pursue. Under the advice
of Colonel Hutchins, a British subject who resided among us, and still retained
his commission and had not taken with us the oath of neutrality, we formed
ourselves into a military body, and agreed to turn out as often as needed
to protect ourselves and the settlements generally from such banditti. Their
depredations, so contrary to the declaration of Willing, had absolved us from
the oath we had taken, and thus the sympathy with and friendship for the
American cause, in these remote settlements, were smothered by these unprin
cipled buccaneers." ¦-"
*That a good understanding existed, during the revolutionary struggle, between
the Spanish authorities in Louisiana and the United States may be seen from the
following unpublished letter from Governor Galvez to Oliver Pollock, agent of the
United States in New Orleans, from which it seems that the Spanish settlements
and commerce on the lakes were, actually, for a time, under the protection of an
American privateer. It appears likewise, that the Spaniards were concerned in
Willing's expeditions against the Manchac and Natchez settlements, and must
share a part of the infamy :

122 Mississippi, as a Province,
Had Gen. George Rogers Clarke descended the river from the Illi
nois at that juncture, as there was some reason to expect; or had any
American officer, duly commissioned, and of proper character and con
duct been present, the people of the district, without a dissenting voice
would have taken the oath of allegiance or of absolute neutrahty. But
seeing no representative of the United States but the infamous WUling,
who was then reported to be recruiting banditti in New Orleans for
another raid, they determined, in their extremity, to apply to the
British authority at Pensacola for assistance. At the same time the
men able to bear arms volunteered for garrison duty, and repaired fort
Parmure, which, for a long time, had been neglected. They likewise
sent a company of volunteers to the relief- of the inhabitants of Man-
TO OLIVER POLIiOCK.
Dbak Sik : Together with your communication of the 15th inst , I have received
the two copies of the letters addressed through Capt. Felipe Barber, to the inabi-
tants of Natchez, and I am gratified to learn that notwithstanding General Camp
bell's intimation to them to arm themselves against us, they should produce the
desired effect as Captain Barber informs you ; and I thank you very much for the
part which, with your influence, you have contributed on behalf of the common
cause. As I have actually no craft with which to substitute in the lakes the privateer,
""West Florida," I shall ask you, that, notwithstanding the orders yon have re
ceived from the honorable Congress, and, provided always, that you should derive
no prejudice from your action, to issue orders, as well for the security of this
colony as for the welfare of the "common cause," to the effect the said privateer
shall remain in the lakes until I shall be able to send another in her stead.
I herewith annex, conformable with your request, the.report of the expedition
which you have witnessed against the British settlements on the river.
God grant you long life,
Bdo. de Galvez.
New Orleans, October 21, 1779.
I am indebted to the Department of State for the preceding letter, and for the
following, from which it appears that an American armed vessel, commanded by
Captain Pickles, was at that early day cruising on Lake Pontchartrain, and had
there captured the British privateer West Florida, the same referred to by Galvez
in the preceding letter. This was doubtless the first vessel under the fiag of Con
gress that appeared on our coast. And the conduct of Captain Pickles was just
the reverse of "Willing's. Captain P. gave protection and encouragement to the
inhabitants and they cheerfully took the oath of allegiance.
"We whose names or marks are hereunto sett and subscribed, beingsettlers and
inhabitants on Lake Pontchartrain between the Bayou La Combe and the Eiver
Tanchipaho, do hereby acknowledge ourselves to be natives as well as true and
faitliful subjects to the United Independent States of North America.
And whereas, on the tenth day of last month, William Pickles, captain in the
navy of the said States, did arrive in this lake and made prize of the English armed
sloop West Florida, who had kept possession of the lake for near two years before,
and the said "William Pickles, Esquire, did, on the twenty-first of the same month,
land some of his people and take possession of this settlement and gave us all
the protection against Indians and others that his force would admit of, and suf
fered us to remain on our possessions till further orders ; we, therefore, consider
ourselves belonging to the said States, and are willing to remain here and enjoy
our property and privileges under them, the said United States.
October 16, 1779.
Gerard Brandon, Jacob Ambrose,
Alex. McCollougii. Frederic Spell,
James Mosely, Benj. Curtis,
Mary Smith, Wm. Fishek,
Samuel Smith, Paul Pigg,
James Farko, Baniel Tuttle,
Able Goffegon, Matt JIcCollough,
Edward Foreman, Francis Fishee,
Wm. Dakimoke, John Spell,
AVm. Steel.

Territory and State. 123
chac, who were then being plundered by some of WUling's marauders.
They repaired the old fort there, and garrisoned it with a party of asso
ciated settlers.
_ General Campbell, with a regiment of Highlanders and some pro
vincial troops, then commanded at Pensacola, but the affairs of the
frontier posts and settiements were chiefly confided to Charies Stewart,
British Superintendent of Indian Affairs. In response to the apphca
tion from Natchez, one Capt. Michael Jackson, who had enlisted a
company of refugees, neither officer nor men much better than Wil
ling and his crew, was sent to garrison Fort Parmure. He was recog
nized, by at least one person, as a man who had absconded from Con
necticut, and by another as a sergeant of the Continental army, who
had deserted from his recruiting station, and carried off all the funds.
But his orders from Pensacola gave him precedence over Capts. Lyman,
Blomart and McIntosh, who were in the fort with their volunteers when
he appeared. Jackson, by his oppressive and arbitrary conduct to
officers and men, and to the citizens generally, occasioned general dis
content, untU at length, Col. Anthony Hutchins, a retired British offi
cer, and magistrate, at the head of citizens and volunteers took the
responsibility of arresting Jackson, when Captain Lyman assumed
command. Jackson was released, on his obligation to resign his com
mission and quit the country. But during the night, coUecting some
thirty deserters and brigands, he seized some mUitary stores, and two
pieces of artillery, and posted himself under the bluff at the landing.
Dispatching runners to the Choctaws, with information that a mutiny
had occurred in the fort, and soliciting their aid for the king, three
hundred of their warriors soon joined him. But these untutored men,
seeing the British flag upon the ramparts of Fort Panmure, refused to
fire upon it, and immediately withdrew. Jackson then proposed to
return to the fort with his party, and submit to orders until the matter
could be communicated to their superiors at Pensacola. Captain Ly
man indiscreetiy accepted the offer, but on the third night Jackson and
his party seized the guard and put Captain Lyman under arrest. A
number of soldiers and volunteers left the fort. Lieutenant Pentacost
and Lieutenant Holmes were sent by Jackson in pursuit, when com
ing up with them, they cocked their rifles and ordered them to surren
der. At the same moment one Felt fired upon Pentacost at five paces,
and shot him through the body. He then sprung upon Holmes and
forced him to surrender. They permitted him and his party to return
to the fort, with the body of the dying Pentacost*
*Felt was one of the party that came out with GeneralLyman. Aftershooting
Pentacost he fled into the Spanish territory below Manchac dreading tbe ven
geance of Jackson ; but after his flight Felt returned and was considered to have
acted in self-defence. He established himself and family on a small farm on
Coles' Creek. When the Spaniards came to Natchez after the revolt of 1781, and
many persons concerned in it had fled the country or were hiding in the cane-
brakes and swamps, a premium was offered for the capture of the rei^ugees. This
gave license to the Indians and others, and numerous outrages aud several mur
ders were perpetrated. Many settlers, who had taken no part in the revolt, for
security abandoned their farms and got temporary homes in the immediate vicin
ity of Fort Eosalie.
One of these marauding parties, presented themselves in front ot Felt's house,
and summoned him to surrender. He immediately closed the door. His family
consisted of his wife, three children and a hired man. The Indians fired several
shots, which he returned killing two of them. They then fired the house. The
woman and the children perished, but Felt and his companion rushed out and

124 Mississippi, as a Province.
After this Captain Lyman, having contrived to confer with his friends
in the garrison, made a sudden coup de main, and was reinstated. But
instead of putting Jackson in irons, or dispatching him under guard to
Pensacola, permitted him to pass in and out of the fort under parole,
and in a few days he fomented a mutiny and again seized the command,
putting Lyman in close confinement, and permitting no communica
tion with either Pensacola or Manchac, except in his own interest.
Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson then commanded the British fort at Man
chac. On hearing of the disgraceful condition of affairs at Fort Pan
mure, he dispatched Captain Foster to assume command. Jackson
secretly decamped, with a squad of his followers, carrying with him aU
the portable public property he could lay his hands on. The officers
and men, who had acted with Jackson, were sen,t under guard to Pen
sacola, where several were ordered to be shot.
1779. The Enghsh in West Florida had taken no pains to concihate
the Spanish rulers of Louisiana. They floated by New Orleans with their
vessels loaded with British wares, which they disposed of on the river
without license, to the ruin of the Spanish merchants, and by superior
energy their traders monopolized almost the entire Indian trade. Nor
did a better feeling exist between the two governments at home. Eng
land was at war with France, on account of the part she had taken
for the colonies, and Spain having attempted to interpose, and being
scornfuUy rebuked, declared war against England on the point of
honor. fought with clubbed muskets until overpowered and killed. The two shattered
gun-stocks were long preserved in the neighborhood to show how these brave men
had died.

OHAPTEE XYI.

Ip^Jw^Hlp HE ablest and most active man that ever swayed Lou-
VpJ-HjI^rJ r isiana, Don Bernardo de Galvez, was then civil and
^^\mv^-i military governor. He immediately proposed to ex
pel the English from Florida, but the old fogies in
his cabildo or council recommended delay. Paying
little heed to their objections the general proceeded with
his arrangements, and on the yth September, attacked and
stormed Fort Bute, at Manchac. With some fifteen hundred
men he advanced rapidly up the river to Baton Rouge, a post
commanded by Lt.-Col. Dickson, of the i6th regiment, with a
garrison of four hundred regulars and one hundred and fifty militia of
the country, with abundant stores and supplies. One hundred and
twenty of the garrison were on the sick list. Galvez opened his
batteries of heavy artUlery, and after a brisk fire of three hours, the
British commandant displayed a flag and proposed to capitulate. He
was permitted, with his command, to retire to Pensacola, but surren
dered all the British posts, including Baton Rouge, Fort Panmure,
Fort Bute, the posts on the Amite and Thompson's creek, and the
entire district of Natchez.
1780. Leaving Col. Grandpre in command at Natchez, Galvez re
turned to New Orleans, and in January set out to reduce MobUe.
He encountered a hurricane which inflicted much damage upon his
transports, and retarded his operations. But on the loth March he
entered MobUe harbor, and on the 14th opened six batteries on Fort
Charlotte. Seeing a serious breach in his works, and the Spaniards
preparing for an assault, the commandant capitulated, and surren
dered Mobile, and the whole country from the Perdido to the Pearl.
The next object of Galvez was Pensacola, the seat of government oT
West Florida. Knowing the strength of its garrison and fortifications,
he went to Havana and obtained reinforcements and heavy artUlery.
His forces from New Orleans were transported to the Perdido, and
thence marched to Pensacola, where he was waiting for them with a
formidable fleet and a regiment of Spanish infantry. Galvez opened
the bombardment from his ships and land batteries, April 2d, (17 81,)
and kept it up, with little intermission, for a month. The garrison
made a stubborn resistance, and it is doubtful what would have been
the issue, but on the 9th May the magazine in the fort exploded and
a capitulation became inevitable. Gen. Campbell surrendered the garri-

126 Mississippi, as a Province,
son as prisoners of war, and with it the entire province.* With this
terminated the British dominion in West Florida, after an occupancy
of nineteen years.
1781. Strong garrisons of Spanish infantry, then renowned for their
valor and discipline, occupied Pensacola, Mobile, Baton Rouge, Man-

"*The following unpublished journal of the siege and surrender of Pensacola
was kept by Sergeant James A. Matthew.s, who afterwards resided many years in
the vicinity of Natchez, and died here at a very advanced age :
" April 12th. Our mounted scouts and Indians discovered the enemies advance,
and drove them back until they opened on us with two field pieces, when we fell
back to our first redoubts. In this skirmish Lieut. Vanhorn was shot in the head
and died during the night. 13th. This night began to fortify on an eminence
about one and one-half miles west of Fort George. 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th. Heavy
winds aud incessant rain. 18th. A polacco and schooner, under Spanish colors,
came into the harbor. Enemy fired & feu de joy from their shipping and bat
teries. 19th. Several ships appeared ofl' Santa Rosa Island. 21st. More ships for
the enemy, and the rumor is they bring a number of French troops. 22d. The
Spaniards made a demonstration near the upper redoubt, but were fired on and
fell back. 2'ith. Enemy came out of their works and a skirmish ensued. They
retreated after losing several of their number. During this skirmish a brigantine
anchored near the lower end of the town and opened fire on Fort George, which
was returned, but the, distance was too great to be effective on either side. An
express arrived from South Carolina and brought news of the defeat of the rebels
by Lord Cornwallis, and an intended reinforcement for this garrison. A feu de
joy fired by the troops, by the fort and the several batteries. 2.5th. The enemy
came out of their works and a brisk engagement ensued. They were driven
back. We had one killed and flve wounded. From a prisoner we learn that in
the skirmish on the 12th, Gen. Galvez was wounded, and Col. Kiell and several
others killed. 27th. The volunteers, with a few regulars and Indians, surprised
the enemy and drove them into their works, when the fire from their field pieces
compelled us to retreat. This engagement began at 10 A. M., and continued till
2 p.m. Enemy suffered considerably. 28th. Seven deserters came in last night
and ten this morning. 29th. During the night the enemy threw up an entrench
ment within cannon shot of our works. Played on them with our pieces all day
and most of the night. 30th. This morning our field pieces were advanced beyond
the upper redoubt, and for three hours from the fort and our batteries we kept up
a heavy cannonade, which was replied to. The Indians brought in a prisoner,
who was ransomed by Gen. Campbell. May 1st. Enemy erecting works. We
play on them day and night. 2d. Enemy opened a new battery on us. Four of
our men killed and seven wounded. 3d. Enemy erecting works on the hill beyond
our upper redoubt. 4th. A detachment of Pennsylvania and Maryland loyalists,
with the light horse and the Waldekers and some volunteers, marched out to
storm the enemy's entrenchments. Under cover of a heavy fire from our upper
redoubt, we were almcst upon them before they discovered iis. A panic ensued.
We dashed at them with the bayonet, drove them out of their works, spiked their
cannon, burnt their fascines and cotton sacks, and killed forty or fifty. We had
one ensign killed, and a corporal and fifteen men wounded. Sth. Lieut. Carroll
killed by a shell ; Captain Forster wounded. 8tli. About 9 P. M., a shell from the
enemy fell on our magazine, exploded and blew it up, killing upwards of one hun
dred of our men, and destroyed the upper redoubt. The enemy advanced in force
and took possession of it. 'The guns in Fort George and from the middle redoubt
kept up a heavy fire, but the enemy, from their new position, killed a number of
our men with small arms. About two o'clock Gen. Campbell, finding the situa
tion desperate, sent a flag and proposed a parley to arrange terms of capitulation.
These were agreed to and signed May 9th, 1781, between His Excellency, Don
Bernardo de Galvez, Knight Pensioner of the royal and distinguished Order of
Charles III, Major of the armies of His Catholic Majesty, Insp'ector, Intendant
and Governor-General of the Province of Louisiana and "Commander-in-Chief of
the Expedition ; and His Excellency, Peter Chester, Esq., Captain-General, Gov
ernor and Commander-in-Chief in and over His Britanic Majesty's Province of
West Florida, Chancellor and Vice-Admiral of the same, etc.; and His Excel
lency, Major-General John Campbell, Commander of His Majesty's forces in said
Province of West Florida.
By this capitulation the fort and the whole province were surrendered to the
Spaniards. The garrison to inarch out with the honors of war, and to be duly
transported to the British provinces or snft'ered to remain twelve months to attend
to their private aflairs.

Territory and St-vte. 127
chac, Natchez, Nogales and other points, all under the control of the
ablest soldier and administrator of his times. Galvez inspired universal
respect, and his military movements, well planned and boldly pushed,
never failed. His easy victory at Baton Rouge had astonished the English
settlers in the Natchez district. It was something new to hear of the
surrender of a British garrison, and many went so far as to accuse
Col. Dickson of treachery. They were firmly persuaded, however,
that Galvez would meet his Nemesis at Pensacola, and they determined
to strike a blow themselves against the Spaniard. Knowing that
preparations were going on for the siege of that city, they dispatched
a courier to Gen. Campbell proposing to make a diversion in his
favor, and asking him to support it. Campbell wrote to them to seize
and hold the fort, and that he would send some troops to their sup
port.* With this came the news that a British fleet, with several
regiments, was then off the coast with orders to reconquer and occupy
the country.
Thus encouraged, and reposing unshaken faith in the invincibility
of the British arms, the veteran half-pay officers in and around
Natchez, who had served under Abercrombie, Amherst, Forbes,
Wolfe and Sir Wm. Johnson in the Canadian campaigns in 1758-9,
and under'Albermarle in the seige and capture of Havana in 1762,
concerted measures for the seizure of Fort Panmure. They had
been trained to hate the Spaniards and the French — the old hereditary
feeling, growing out of frequent and protracted wars, that influenced
all people of English descent in those times. They remembered the
bloody executions ordered by O'Reilley, the Spanish governor-general,
in 1769, and, as good protestants, they believed that the Inquisition
and the instruments of torture, and the proscription of their rehgious
faith, would be introduced by the Spaniards. It was determined then
to strike a blow while Galvez was at so great a distance, and to hold
the fort for the king, or deliver it to the American forces if they
descended the Mississippi. They were loyal to England, but they
preferred American to Spanish rule.
These officers were Col. Anthony Hutchins, who had been a cap
tain in the 60th regiment, British foot, and had served under Lord
Amherst. Retired on half pay in 1762, settled in North Carolina
where he married, and was appointed colonel and sheriff of his
county. June, 1772, he visited Natchez and selected the White
Apple VUlage for his settiement ; planted a field of corn, cultivated
and cached It, after the Indian mode, in pits; returned to North Caro
lina for his family, and in the same year, 1773, arrived at his new
settlement. Capts. Blomart and Lyman had both served in the same campaigns,
and had retired on half pay.
Christian Bingaman and Jacob Winfree had held commissions in
the provincial army under Gen. Forbes.
Capt. EUis had commanded a company of Virginians, in the battaUon
of Royal Americans, under Gen. Stanwix.
Mann, the courier whom they had sent to Pensacola, on his return
through the Choctaw nation, induced Folsom, a chief, and fifty war
riors, to accompany him to Natchez, and on their arrival the people
»MS. of Col. Hutchins.

J 28 Mississippi, as a Province,
generaUy assembled with their arms. They took position on a hill, at
the house of John Rowe, and unfurled theBritish standard.*
AprU 2 2d, 1782. The Spanish commandant sent out a conciliatory
message, warning them of the responsibility they "vvere incurring, and
recommending them to retire to their homes, with the promise of
amnesty for all but their leaders. They answered him with a discharge
from an old French cannon, and two small pieces they had recentiy
seized on a boat ascending from New Orleans. The fort returned the
fire very effectively, tearing through the house that they occupied,
and kiUing a corporal and wounding three others. It became evident
to the old soldiers that they could make no impression on the strong
earth-work of Fort Panmure, at that distance and with such artillery.
WhUe deliberating what plan to pursue, one StiUe, who resided with
Capt. Mcintosh on St. Catherine's, was intercepted carrying a letter
from that gentieman to the Spanish commandant.f advising him to
hold on, that the revolt would soon die out. They promptly deter
mined to turn this letter to their advantage. Calling on one of their
number, John Alston, who had the art of imitating hand-writing, they
wrote to the commandant over the signature of his friend Mcintosh,
that farther resistance was useless ; that the insurgents had secretiy
undermined the fort, and deposited therein a large supply of powder
brought by Indian pack-horses from Pensacola, and that that very
night had been fixed on for the explosion. By the threat of execu
ting him wherever they found him, they prevaUed on StiUe to be a
party to this stratagem, and he proceeded to deliver the letter. Panic-
struck by the inteUigence, and never doubting it for a moment, com
ing as it purported, from their most influential adherent, the com
mandant promptly threw out a white flag. He was allowed to
surrender and immediately take up his march for Baton Rouge,
escorted by Capt. Winfree and a guard. The insurgents marched in
and the British flag was once more planted on the ramparts of Fort
Panmure. When the escort with their prisoners, reached Loftus' Heights, five
barges under the Spanish flag, crowded with soldiers and Indians, were
seen ascending the river. This was a surprise and, of course, there
was a stampede. The Spanish prisoners were released, and made their
way to the boats. Captain Winfree with his men retreated on the path
to Natchez. He halted at his own house on or near Homochitto, to
provision his men, taking no precautions, as he supposed the hostile
expedition would proceed up the river. But, on conferring with the
officers who had just been released by Winfree, Major Mulligan, an
Irishman, commanding the Spanish expedition, leaving only men
enough to conduct his barges to the White Chffs, landed and pushed
on after Winfree. Ascertaining through his scouts that the party were
wholly unsuspicious, engaged in pounding corn and roasting beef, he
fell upon them at daylight, kUled fourteen and captured a numlser.
But before this occurred the courier, whom Captain Winfree dispatched
when the Spanish barges were first discovered, had arrived at Natchez
with the news, and the citizens immediately assembled. Intelligence
*Aftcrwards the well-known residence of the late Job Routh.
fA wealthy and intelligent planter on St. Catherine, had been a staunch roy
alist in Georgia ; removed to the Natchez and was much respected by, and inti
mate with, the Spanish authorities.

Territory and State. 129
came, too, of the disaster at Winfree's and it was determined to march
and give battie to the enemy wherever he could be found. The
Spaniards had reached a point near the White Apple Village, (the
residence of Colonel Hutchins) when they ascertained that a formida
ble party was advancing against them, and it was resolved to retreat
to the White Chffs, a strong defensive position, where they would be
in communication with their boats and their supplies.*
They had not been long in position before they were confronted
by two hundred determined men, expert with the rifle, led by
officers who had seen service on many fields. They would, doubtiess,
in half an hour have driven the Spaniards over the cliffs, and into the
river, but just while forming for a charge a courier rode up from Pen
sacola, with the astounding ne"\vs of the surrender of that capital, of
the fort and garrison, and of the entire province of West Florida to
the victorious Galvez! And that the British fleet, with reinforce
ments, reported to have arrived was, in fact, the Spanish fleet, with
veteran troops, from Havana !
The brave men, who had thus far so successfuUy carried the revolt,
and had so often "svon batties under the British flag, were paralyzed.
The insurrection instantiy collapsed. The rank and file might find
safety by dispersion, but for the leaders, with confiscation, imprison
ment and summary execution staring them in the face, the only thought
was of family, the only recourse immediate fiight — fiight through
a vast wUderness, occupied by savages, to the the British posts in
Georgia and Carolina. A more precipitate and distressing exodus
never occurred. Leaving their homes which they had made comfort
able by severe toU, their property which had been accumulated by
patient industry ; with no transportation but a few pack-horses, with
no luggage but their blankets and some scanty stores, they gathered
their wives and children, and struck into the wilderness. Fearful of
¦^The White Cliffs, now known as Ellis' Cliffs (after Col. John Ellis, one of the
most distinguished pioneers,) twelve miles below Natchez, and one of the most
picturesque points on the Mississippi. Once the residence of Terre Blanche, or
White Earth, a noted chief of the Natchez.
In the Spanish records I find the following, addressed to his Excellency Gov
ernor Miro :
"The memorial of a few of the inhabitants of Second Creek, in behalf of them
selves and others humbly showeth :
That a piece of land, not exceedinff one hundred andfiftyarpents, lying between
Mr. Ellis' line and the river, at the "White Cliff's, poor, broken, and not desirable
for cultivation, is nevertheless well adapted for stores, warehouses and a public
landing, and would be if used for such, a convenience to the public, and specially
to your petitioners and their neighbors. Your memorialists therefore pray that no
private claim may be allowed to cover it, but that your Excellency will order it
set apart for the use of the Sovereign and of the public.
Nicholas Long, Abner Green,
Samuel Hutchins, Isaac Johnson,
Wm. Vousden, John S"(vayze,
David Mitchell, Israel Smith,
Jesse Carter, Samuel Cooper,
Nehemiah Carter, Joseph Dunn.
Natchez, January 15, 1778.
¦Whereas I, Anthony Hutchins, have a claim to the above mentioned tract, yet,
as it will be a great convenience to the inhabitants to have it set apart for public
uses, I hereby waive my claim if the prayer of the petitioners be conceded.
Anthony Hutchins.
The Governor issued the order on the back of the Petition, but the place has
long since caved into the river.
9

130 Mississippi, as a Province,
pursuit, fearful of ambush, dogged by famine, tortured by thirst,
exposed to every vicissitude of weather, weakened by disease, more
than decimated by death, the women and children dying every day,
this terrible journey makes the darkest page of our record. But the
courage and perseverance they evinced, the uncomplaining patience
and fortitude of refined and delicate women, at that .period of suifer-
ing and peril, shed a glow of sunshine over the story, and their de
scendants, stiU numerous in Mississippi, wiU read it with mingled pity
and admiration.
Among these fugitives were the Lymans, Dwights, and many of the
most cultured famUies of Massachusetts and Connecticut. The sup
plies they brought with them were soon consumed, and then they
lived on roots, herbs, and whatever they could gather in their flight.
Some of the Indians they fell in ¦4vith seized their pack-horsesj others,
more humane, would divide with them their meat and corn. Having
broken the only compass in their possession they traveled by the sun
and stars. They crossed the numerous rivers on their route on rude
rafts bound together with vines. When they got to Bayou Pierre it
was very high, with a fierce current, and to cross it on a fraU raft was
too hazardous. They tried various expedients and faded, and at last
the most of the men threw themselves on the ground and declared they
might as well die there, unless Providence opened a way to cross over.
One man only insisted that, on the opposite shore, in all probability,
Indian boats were secreted, and that if one or more would join him
they would attempt to swim their pack-horses and make a search. No
one seconded the proposal, until Mrs. Dwight said that she would ven
ture. Her husband, roused by her intrepidity, declared that he would
make the trip, but his wife insisted on accompanying them, and ah
three plunged into the river. They were swept down by the violence
of the current, and were given up for lost; but Providentially they
struck a reef where the water was shallow, and finally reached the
shore. After a long search they found an old Indian pirogue, full of
cracks and seams, which they caulked by tearing up a portion of their
ragged garments, and then, by constantly baling, the travelers con
trived to get over three at a time.
At one point on the journey — when, owing to cloudy weather, they
had not been able to regulate their course, and had wandered out of
their way into the prairies, they had been thirty-six hours without water.
The pangs of hunger were hard to bear, but their thirst became intolerable.
On the morning of the second day, perceiving no sign, they halted,
leaving. Mrs. Dwight and two others in the camp, and scattered in dif
ferent directions in search of water. Late in the afternoon, 'one at a
time, these parties came in, broken down with fatigue, unsuccessful
and despairing. To press forward, to remain or to retrace their foot
steps, either seemed inevitable death. The heroic woman, who had
led the way across the swoUen river, now staggered to her feet and
said, ' 'Christians never despair. I will proceed onward in the search
and not stop as long as my limbs wiU support me." Followed by two
men and two women, in the course of an hour, when they were nearly
exhausted, she paused at a spot where the grass was luxuriant and the
soil spongy. "Here," said she, "we must find water or die." By
digging a few feet, with their hands and sharp bits of wood, the water
slowly oozed up, and thus a second time the whole company was saved

Territory and State. 131
by the faith and fortitude of one feeble woman. At length, naked,
and emaciated from sickness and famine, the few survivors reached
Savannah. Doctor Dwight and his wife returned to Northampton,
Mass. Fle was afterwards lost on a voyage to Nova Scotia, and the
heroic woman who had resisted suffering, and inspired the despairing,
succumbed under the blow. Such is the nature of those we love best.
Enduring physical ills, reverses of fortune, privation and danger with
more than the patience and fortitude of men, but fading and sinking
under the slightest wound to their affections and their faith.
Colonel Hutchins, who had been so prominent in the revolt, had a
large family, and a large estate. He, at first, with eight followers,
secreted himself in the cane-brake, until he could ascertain whether
the Spanish policy would be amnesty or revenge. Finding that Cap
tain Blomart, Captain Winfree, Parker Carradine, George Rapalie,
John Alston, John Smith, William Eason, and others, had been seized,
ironed and sent to New Orleans, he resolved to strike for Carolina.
His wife was a woman of great firmness, inured to the perils of fron
tier life.* She determined to remain with her daughters, and protect,
as far as she could, their large property. Colonel Hutchins fortu
nately had influential friends in New Orleans, and he occupied his last
moments at home in writing to them for the protection of his family.
He had barely finished, when an armed party entered the house, but
he contrived to escape. They seized his body servant Tony, who had
accompanied him from Carolina, and on his refusing to disclose the
hiding place of his master they hung him to a tree and left him for
dead. As soon as they disappeared Mrs. Hutchins cut him down and
with difficulty saved his life.f
Col. Hutchins and his party lay close until night, and then striking
through the woods, they fell into the old Indian path to Mobile (now
known as the public road from Natchez, by the old court house to
Liberty.) They struck this trail not far beyond what is now known
as Sandy Creek, and just about day-light they were fired upon from a
dense thicket on both sides of the road, by a strong body of Indians,
with a few Spaniards, ambushed on the path on the lookout for fugi
tives. Four of the party feU. Col. Hutchins and a lad of sixteen,
John Orr, being in the rear, escaped untouched, and immediately
took to the woods. They returned no more to the path for fear of
another ambush, lay by in the day and traveled as well as they could
at night. They pursued this course until they crossed Pearl river.
There they turned aside, and having no food, and no arms, (but an
ordinary hunting knife,) they kUled one of their horses, and jerked
and dried it over a fire. Stringing this on grape vines and packing it
on their other horse, they resumed their journey, the Colonel aiming
to strike the traU that he had traveled in 1772 and 1774, when mov
ing to the Natchez from Carolina. His object was to reach Charleston
"*When Willing's party visited her house, and ordered her to deliver the plate
and money, she refused. The officer pointed a pistol at her head and she cried
out, "Shoot, ruffian, you can easily kill a woman."
fThis faithful African long survived his master and mistress and most of their
family. He continued to reside, all alone, at the White Apple Village long after
the place had been abandoned and the buildings crumbled away, and was at last
when |in extreme old age murdered by a negro for hia little hoard of money.
Sparks, in his "Reminiscences ot Fifty "STears," speaks of his interview with Tony,
and relates this incident.

132 Mississippi, as a Province,
or Savannah. They avoided the Indian towns, and the few Choc
taws they met were in amity with the English at Natchez, ignorant,
likewise, of the change that had occurred, and did not molest them.
When they reached the Alabama they kUled their other horse, and
spent three days in barbecuing the flesh, which they had to pack on
their backs. They were several times detained after getting into
the country of the Creeks, or Muscogees; once particularly, when
they got to the Chata-uchee river at the ancient town of Chehaw.
Just on the opposite side was the town of Ussata, and, though they
were so contiguous and belonged to the same confederacy, their lan
guage was radicaUy different. While thus detained over two months,
a company of traders arrived on their way to Augusta. Through
their influence they were released, and mounted on pack-horses
accompanied the traders. Col. Hutchins made his way to Savannah,
thence to London, where he remained several years, when by the
intercession and influence of friends in New Orleans and of William
Panton, the great English merchant at Pensacola, with the Spanish
authorities, he was permitted to return.*
¦¦¦"William Panton was a native of Aberdeen, Scotland, who came to Charleston
(before the American revolution, witli his countryman Thomas Forbes, and en
tered into an active and profitable traffic with the Creeks, Cherokees and Chick
asaws. They invested in lands and soon acquired large estates in Carolina and
Geor,gia. When the revolution broke out, being determined loyalists, their
estates were confiscated and they moved to East Florida, then a British province,
rapidly developing under British capital and enterprise. On the 15th January,
1783, they received a license signed by the Governor, Brigadier-General McArthur,
commanding His Majesty's forces, and Thomas Brown, Esq., Superintendent of
Indian Affairs for the Eastern Division ot the Southern District of North America,
to carry on the Indian trade and supply thelu with British manufactures. They
established themselves on the St. Mary's river, under the style of Panton, Leslie
& Co., Leslie being a brother Scotchman.
On the cession of the Floridas to Spain, February 20th, 1783, by agreement be
tween His Majesty's officers and Don Manuel de Zespedes, the Spanish Commis
sioner, Panton, Leslie & Co., were permitted to continue their residence and
business. Shortly afterwards the Spanish authorities remitted to them all duties
on goods imported in their own vessels, and their persons and efi'ects were de
clared exempt from the "jus alibi natus." Their principal establishment was at
Pensacola, with branches at St. Johns, St. Augustine, St. Marks, Apilachicola,
Mobile and Chickasaw Bluffs, with trading establishments for receiving peltries
and drying skins at many of the Indian towns. They imported goods and sent
returns to Lond.on, on their own ships, and employed fifteen sloops and schooners
in their business. They had an express agreement with the Spanish government
that in the event of war between thctwo countries, they were to be allowed
eighteen months for the removal of their property. By a royal order. May 3d,
1798, the time was extended two years, and finalh", on account of the great and
nsefiil influence they exerted over the Indians, they were permitted to remain
permanently without any restrictions and carry on their trade as British subjects.
-,Wm. Panton lived in great splendor, in a palatial residence at Pensacola, and was
styled by the Indians " The White King." The celebrated Creek chieftain. Gen.
Alexander McGilyeray, died at his house.
This great concern was :
From October, 1792, ) r Thos. Forbes,
i'' ^ [ PANTON, LESLIE & CO. \ Wm. Panton,
August 31st, 1795. j ( John Leslie.
1 f Wm. Panton,
September 5th, 1792. PANTON, LESLIE & CO. i^'°', Leslie,
to 1- Eob't Laslie,
September 30th, 1798 t ¦ ^ Thos. Forbes,
Jno. Forbes,
J L Jno. Forrester.
Eobert Leslie died in 1798.

Territory and State.

133

MuUigan and his men committed many outrages, but Col. Grandpre
arriving at Natchez with a detachment of regulars, soon restored
order. Many arrests, however, were made, and much property
seized. Col. Grandpre, who was an old friend of the family, de
clined to seize any of the effects in the hands of Mrs. Hutchins, or to
confiscate the land, but referred the case to Don Pedro Piernas at
New Orleans, and permitted Mrs. Hutchins to be the bearer of a
letter to him, under an escort from his garrison. The chivalric Span
iard received her with great courtesy, and sent her back with this
note to Grandpre :
''You did right to permit no seizure of this lady's property. We war not on
women or for plunder. She has already been robbed by American brigands,
and our forbearance will contrast honorably with theirs."
Capts. Blomart and Winfree, John Smith, Parker Carradine, Wil
liam Eason, George Rapalje and others were arrested while preparing
for flight, and were sent prisoners to New Orleans. John Alston was
arrested in the Indian territory. Philip Alston, John Ogg, Christian
Bingaman, Caleb Hansborough, Thaddeus Lyman, John Watkins,
Wm. Case, John Turner, Thomas James, Phihp Mulkey, Ebenezer
Gossett, Thompson Lyman and Nathaniel Johnson, all active in the
revolt, escaped to the Cumberland settlements. All of these, includ-

Wm. Panton,
Thos. Forbes,
Jno. Forbes,
Jno. Leslie,
L Jno. Forrester.

1
1798 I
to I- PANTON, LESLIE, & CO.
December 31st, 1801. |
J
William Panton died at Savannah, Georgia, in 1801.
] f Thos. Forbes,
1801 to 1803 \ PANTON, LESLIE & CO. ] j^- ^^^^^st^^,
J L Jno. Forbes.
John Forrester retired from the concern, and John Leslie died about 1803.

1803-1808.

1809-12

f Jno. and Thos.
I Forbes,
JNO. FORBES & CO. | Jas. Innerarity,
Wm. Simpson and
Ph. Yonge.

y JOHN FOEBES & CO.

J

L

Thos. and John
Forbes.
Jas. Innerarity.
Wm. Simpson,
Philip Yonge.

Thomas and John Forbes and Philip Yonge were stationed in East Florida.
Jas. Innerarity and Wm. Simpson in "\Vest Florida.
James Innerarity arrived from Scotland in 1796, and was leading clerk in the
house till admitted a partner in 1803. John Innerarity was managing clerk from
1803 to 1812, when he became partner and was the last survivor, dying at Pensa-
•colainl855. In 1830 he was appointed Vice-Consul of France, and in 1846, at
the instance of Guizot, was nominated chevalier and received the cross of the
Legion of Honor. He was a man of varied learning and elegant accomplish
ments. He married the daughter of Col. Marcos Canton de Villiers, a Norman
noble in the Spanish service.
The Panton residence, stores and ware-houses in Pensacola, covered a whole
square. They were chiefly built of imported brick. Destructive fires and the
lapse of years have left few remains of them. The site is now occupied as a
hospital.

134 Mississippi, as a Province.
ing the prisoners in New Orleans, were ultimately pardoned and per
mitted to return, chiefly through the wise and conciliatory policy of
Piernas, and the intercession of Panton & Co.

Gov. (Don Manual Gayosa de Lemos.

OHAPTEE XYI I.

^v«i«i^^ ITH the exception of O'ReiUy, who had been dispatched
l^^'ya*®"fa specially to crush a formidable insurrectic :i, the Spanish
<'^^2^^q/' 1 governors exercised their authority mUdly. There were
^g^H^W)^ doubtiess many abuses practiced, but they cannot justiy
f&U^^^rS^- be accused of severity. No mihtary executions were
'^ij^r ordered. Confiscations were, in numerous instances, can-
^^^i-^ celled ; in others so modified, as to set aside half the pro-
•fe' pertyfor the family of the fugitive. A number of persons con-
•e/J cerned in the insurrection, and being compeUed to fly, made
' forced sales of their property for a very inadequate consideration.
In all such cases brought to the notice of the authorities, the sale "was
nuUified, and the property, in whole or in part, restored to the original
owner or to his wife and children. The Lyman mandamus of twenty
thousand acres on Bayou Pierre was seized by the authorities, but when
It was ascertained that Salome, grand-daughter of General Lyman,
had been left destitute with her aged grandfather, Waterman Crane,
one-half the tract was relinquished for her benefit. The large pro
perty of Colonel Hutchins, consisting of extensive bodies of land,
numerous slaves, one thousand head of cattle and five hundred horses,
was not molested.*
1782. Francis Collet arrived at Natchez as civil and military com
mandant, and was succeeded the following year by Colonel Trevino.
Next came Don Estevan Miro, followed by Piernas, Don Francis
Bouligny, and then by Don Carlos Grand-Pre, who was succeeded by
Don Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, the last of the Spanish governors at
Natchez. 1792. During his administration, the excitement of the insurrection
having subsided, the immigration of Americans into the district was
renewed. The clemency of the Spanish authorities, the easy terms on
which they granted lands, the exemption from taxes and from mUitary
service, their interposition to protect the honest debtor from usurers
and alien creditors, the unrivalled fertility of the country and the free
access to New Orleans permitted to settlers, were powerful induce
ments to colonization. The immigration, as we have seen, under
British rule, consisted for the most part of those who sought this remote
retreat to escape the calamities of civil war. Many of these were
Highlanders from North Carolina. After the fatal battle of CuUoden

"*This was due to the influence of Panton & Co., of Pensacola.

136 Mississippi, as a Province,
in 1745, large numbers of the foUowers of the Stuarts left their coun
try and settied along the Cape Fear river, and gradually spread over
the counties of Bladen, Anson, Moore, Richmond, Robeson and Samp
son. Remembering the horrors of their own rebellion, and having
then preserved their lives by taking an oath of aUegiance to the house
of Hanover, they now generally sided with the crown. One of their
most influential men. Gen. Donald McDonald, was commissioned by
Governor Martin, brigadier-general, and when he hoisted the royal
standard February i, 1776, fifteen hundred of his countrymen, and
their sons, assembled around it* He, however, was soon afterwards
defeated by Colonels Moore, Caswell and LUlington, with the State
troops. The authorities of North Carolina, appreciating their position
and scruples, acted wisely and generously, granted a full amnesty, and
invited them to unite in the common struggle for liberty. They never
again took up arms except under compulsion, and many of them im
migrated to West Florida, and their worthy and industrious descendants
may be found from Pensacola to Natchez.
The Scotch-Irish, consisting of emigrants from the north of Ireland,
descendants of Scotch parents intermarried with the Irish, were numer
ous in Pennsylvania, Virginia and North Carolina, in 1775, and gener
ally took up arms for the colonies, but many of them finding their neigh
bors and friends di-vided, and the feeling becoming more vindictive
every day, followed the British authorities into Florida, and were
among the earliest and most valuable settlers in the Natchez district-
The immigrants who came to the Natchez after the Spaniard^
regained West Florida, in 1783, came chiefly to better their fortunes'
and with the conviction that the United States had a just claim to the
country, and would soon assert it. The Greens, Wests, Montgomerys,
and others, were the leaders of this class. They brought with them
culture, social position, enterprise and considerable wealth, and these
elements controUed and characterized the community. At no period
since has there been better order and fewer crimes. The Spanish
authorities had no disposition to be severe, nor did they manifest any
desire to be so. The successive commandants at Natchez, and the
governor-general of Louisiana, were accomplished gentlemen, trained
to arms, stately but courteous, punctUious, fond of etiquette and pomp,
but hospitable, generous and forbearing. They were Catholics, of
course, and such was the religion of the kingdom and its provinces,
and those who emigrated to the country came with'a full knowledge of
the fact. A large majority of the settlers were Protestants, who en
joyed their faith and the right of private worship. No attempt
was made to proselyte or proscribe them, nor was there ever
any official interference unless the parties in their zeal, or under
indiscreet advisers, became offensively demonstrative. There was, in
fact, more religious freedom and toleration for Protestants in the
Natchez district, than Catholics, and dissenters from the rulinsj denom-

"¦'¦"The celebrated Flora McDon;ild,who had saved the life of Charles Edward, after
the hattle of CuUoden, married her cousin, Allen jHuDonald, and in 1775 settledfirst
where FayetteviUe now stands, and afterwards in Cumberland county. General
McDonald was her relative, and her husband was one of his captains. They soon
after returned to their native country, where she died in 1790, and her husband
two years after. Their children all lie by them in the Isle ot Skye, but her kin
dred and clan may be found from North Carolina to Mississippi, where they are
still numerous and infiuential.

Territory and State. 137
ination, enjoyed in either Old or New England. The religious bigotry
and proscription so prevalent at that day, in Massachusetts- — the secta
rian frenzy which has been witnessed, in our own times, distracting
famUies and communities, breaking up educational institutions, silenc
ing ministers, burning convents, enforcing test oaths and carrying reli
gion into politics, and politics into the pulpit, were entirely unknown.
It was a community of Protestants under a strictly Catholic dynasty,
in an age of intolerance. But here there was little persecution, no
proscription, no civil distinctions made, and never any interference
except, in one or two instances, when the preservation of public order
was imperative. Sir William Dunbar, a British subject, brought up in
the discipline of the Scottish church, who settled at Baton Rouge in
1775, and had every opportunity of observation, in the private journal
which he kept, notes no interference with the rights of conscience,
and testifies to the impartial administration of justice. "British pro
perty," he writes, "is in perfect security. An Englishman may come
here and recover his debts, and obtain justice as soon as in Westmin
ister HaU." This is a remarkable tribute to the integrity of the Spanish
ofiicers. Debts were promptly coUected. The initial process was by
petition setting forth the amount of the claim and the consideration,
and all the circumstances, whereupon an order issued to the party to
appear on a certain day, and arbitrators, usually th'e best men in the
community, were designated by the commandant to decide the matter,
a tribunal preferable to the jury system as it is now conducted, when
the highest rights of property, depending on intricate questions of law,
are submitted to men, often notoriously ignorant and corrupt, picked
up in the grog-shops around the court-house.
While the British held West Florida the people of this district had
purchased many slaves from the Jamaica merchants, usually on a credit
of twelve months, or one or two years, and, on the change of govern
ment, agents were sent over to collect these debts. Governor Miro
found it necessary to grant a stay of proceedings, to avoid breaking up
the planting interest. The planter exhibited on path a full inventory
of his property ; it was duly appraised, and the whole being recorded
on the books of a notary, was held as a mortgage until the debt could
be paid out of his crops. British subjects were allowed two years
longer to dispose of their property, with the privilege of remaining
permanentiy on taking the oath of allegiance.
The Spanish Secretary wrote to Governor Miro :
"I have informed his Majesty the King, of the measures taken by your Ex
cellency for the respective interests of the inhabitants of the Natchez and their
creditors, and laid before him the reasons assigned by your Excellency and Don
Manuel Gayoso de Lemos ; and his Majesty the King, considering the solidity
of vour showing in the papers submitted, has come to the resolution of approv
ing' the suspension of the executions, ordered by your Excellency, and by virtue
of his supreme authority, to grant to the inhabitants of the Natchez the delay
of five years, to the year 1800, in the manner your Excellency proposed,^ they
paying every year out of their crops as much as possible, thus gradually dimin
ishing it so as to pay the whole in the last year, or before, if practicable, your
Excellency and the Governor of the Natchez taking care that there shall be no
omission on the part of the debtors, and that good faith and the necessary
punctuality be observed, with the other precautions and formalities for the pro
tection of creditors."
That there were many abuses, particularly in the exaction of fees,
and the receiving of bribes, by officials, who often exercised at the

138 Mississippi, as a Province,
same time executive and judicial powers, there can be no doubt. Such
abuses exist in all, and especially in colonial governments, and unfor
tunately the evU seems to have taken root, like a cancer, in the vitals
of this country, notwithstanding the boasted freedom of its institutions.
To guard against extortion, the following clause, devised by a Spanish
lawyer, was usually inserted in wUls and testaments:
"And whereas the taking my inventory and valuing my property would incur
costs and fees prejudicial to my heirs, it is therefore my will and pleasure that
(by virtue of the power and authority granted to me by law) the inventories,
appraisements and all other proceedings concerning my Estate, shall be done
and executed, extrajudicially, without the interference of the officers of the
government, except only where their authority is necessary to confirm the pro
ceedings ; I do hereby nominate and appoint A. B., of  , to preside at the
taking the said inventory and appraisement jointly with my executors, and do
grant them all the power and authority requisite by law for the same.""*
The utility of stay laws, under any circumstances, is disputed, but
in this instance the policy of Governor Miro was adopted to foster the
culture of tobacco, then in its infancy, and one of the royalties of the
king which brought him no inconsiderable revenue. Another object
was to encourage immigration. This obstacle to the summary coUec
tion of debts would operate in this respect as a similar law of the
republic of Texas has been seen to operate, and as the extraordinary
'*The Spanish officials, though often not above accepting bribes, had high ideas
of dignity. As late as October 21, 1803, after Louisiana had been sold by Napoleon
to the United States and his pompous prefect, Laussat, was then in New Orleans
exercising his short lived sway, two of them considered it incompatible with their
dignity to allow their testimony to be taken by commissioners appointed by the
Supreme Court of the Mississippi Territory, iu a matter, too, in which they had
both ofiicially acted : New Orleans, 21st October, 1803.
Theodore Stark, Esq.:
Sir — As soon as we heard that the dedimus directed by the Superior Court of
the Mississippi Territory, under date of tlie 23d of August, past, to Mr. Hul
ings and to ns, was arrived, for the purpose of administering certain interroga
tories thereto annext, to Don Andres Lopez Armesto, and Don Carlos Trudeau,"in
a suit depending between Abner Green and Thomas Hutchins, Mr. Mather called
on Mr. Hulings, to whom the documents were addrest, and asked him whether he
intended to act in the matter? And on his declining we were disposed, as far as
we could, to carry the request of the Court into execution. The first step to be
taken, seemed to be to enquire whether we inight be permitted to act in virtue of
the dedimus. In consequence, we yesterday -\vaited on the Secretary of the Col
ony, Don Andres Lopez Armesto, to enquire in what manner we might best exe
cute the intentions of the Court, without giving umbrage to the govorninent under
which we live.
Don Andres exprest his readiness to give his testimony, but wished to do it in
a manner that should not affect his dignity as a public oificer. After much con
versation we left him with small hopes of success in the bu.siness.
It having, however, been intimated to us that maiiv difticulties might be remov
ed by another application, we waited on him a'jain this dav, and becged to know
m what manner his testimony, and that of Don Carlos Truel'eau, mighVbe obtained.
He answered that it we thought proper to deliver the interrogatories to a Spanish
notary, he would allow the said notary to wait upon him with thera, and would give
m his answers to them, butthat the idea of our acting under the dedimus, of admin
istering the interrogatories, or of being in any wise concerned in faking his an
swers, WIS totally inadmissible, and what the Spanish Government would not
allow. Ihe same objections, he said too, existed agninst our procuring the testi
mony of Don Carlos Trudeau, [Surveyor of the Colony.]
Under these eii-cuni.stances, it appearing quite impossible for us to execute the
request ot your Court, for which we have much respect, we now return vou en
closed the writ ot dedimus, together with the interrogatories, and have the honor
to be, sir. Your most obedient servant.s, J.vMES Mather,
Evan Jones.

Territory and State. 139
exemption and homestead laws of that State, are now operating. The
following decree of Governor Miro was prompted by the same
motive :
"It is declared that what is called 'lawful interest,' in the stipulations between
the inhabitants of Natchez and their creditors, is to be understood at the rate of
five per centum only, and the same, by any delay in the payment thereof, shall
not be converted into principal, and interest be paid upon interest ; because that
would be manifest usury. The accounts of the said inhabitants shall be settled
upon this principle, abating such as have been previously settled at a higher
rate than is here prescribed. And for the due performance of this provision
the parties interested are to be furnished with authenticated transcripts hereof,
ou application." ESTEVAN MIEO,
Nicholas Maria'_Vidal, ' Governor-General, Etc., Etc.
Secretary.
This decree was, undoubtedly, prompted by the strongly written
memorial, drawn up by Colonel Hutchins and numerously signed by the
planters of the Natchez.* And from the merits of the question
discussed, it gives an insight into the industries and values of those
times :
1792.]To his Excellency Don Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, Governor, Etc., Etc.:
We, the planters of the Natchez district, humbly approach your Excellency,
praying to report our distressed condition. The accounts against us, laid be
fore your Excellency by the merchants, .shew that we are deeply involved.
How this came about, and by what means we can be relieved, is the object of
this memorial.
The King caused a proclamation to be issued that, for a limited time, he
would receive all the tobacco we could produce at ten silver dollars per hun
dred pounds. In going into this culture, we had to provide the necessary im
plements, and the charges thereon were enormous. Wrought iron iniplements
were charged at the rate of six reals a pound. Salt fifteen dollars, often eigh
teen and twenty dollars a barrel. O.snaburgs, needful in shaping our tobacco
into carrots, were charged at six reals but more generally at one dollar a yard.
And so with all articles indispensable to the planters.
Most of our lands were uncleared. Few of us possessed much stock. When
our crops fell short many of us had no other resources. The few that had open
and well stocked farms had this advantage that, when their tobacco failed, they
could sell their corn at one dollar a bushel, pork at ten dollars per hundred
pounds, and beef at six dollars and a quarter.
When the King declined taking any more tobacco, the merchants combined
against us, and by agreeing upon a tariff of low prices, have so reduced the
value of all descriptions of produce, that it now takes, exclusive of interest,
one hundred per cent, more of the same produce to pay the same debts that it
did four years ago.
The merchants last year gave notice that they would take corn at halt a dol
lar per pushel, beef at four dollars per hundred and cotton at twenty-five dol
lars per hundred, in payment of debts. The first of those articles the Govern
ment bought from them at the same price, in cash. The army contractors took
the beef and paid cash ; and cotton served as a remittance to Europe and left
them a profit of fifteen to twenty-five per cent. On those who paid theni in
indigo, they made still greater profits. We are now informed, that while they
will not abate their charges for merchandise, they expect to have their ctebts
paid in silver dollars. They encouraged us to go into the culture ot mdigo,
cotton, tobacco and corn, and after all the expense of preparation, they decline
to take our produce unless they regulate the price.
We verily believe such conduct has deterred and will deter many worthy
*MS. papers of Colonel Hutchins.

140 Mississippi, as a Province,
and respectable persons from settling in this favored country. The mildness
of government — the equity of the laws — their impartial administration— no
taxes imposed — the climate and soil so happily blended for the cultivation ot
both northern and southern products — would bring thousands to His Majesty's
province, but for this iniquitous combination against the planters.
If these men would offer equitable prices, and abide by what they offer,
industry would revive and much wealth would pour into the district. But
unless this change be effected matters will drift from bad to worse, and the
time is not very far distant when the planter must destroy the merchant, or the
merchant must destroy the planter." ~
Natchez, December 21st, 1792.
Lands were obtained with littie difficulty or expense. The immi
grant made his selection of any unoccupied parcel, and presented a
written request for an order of survey. If no obstacle intervened,
the governor issued the order, and on the return of the plat and the
payment of very moderate fees for surveying, the grant issued. Many
settied under the order of survey merely, if the survey could not be
immediately made. The earhest Spanish order of survey in the
Natchez district, is dated AprU 20th, 1784, and the latest September
ist, 1795.
Tobacco was the first crop for export grown in the Natchez district.
It yielded from fifteen hundred pounds to two thousand per acre; was
usually packed in hogsheads of from six hundred to eight hundred
pounds, or shaped in carrots, like the Perique of the present day, and
sold to the king at ten dollars per cwt. , payable in Spanish doUars.
But the visit of Gen. WUkinson to Gov. Miro, in 1787, introduced
Kentucky and Tennessee tobacco into the market, on peculiarly favor
able terms, and the Natchez planters suffered from this arrangement.
They gradually turned their attention to indigo, and realized from one
doUar and a half to two doUars and a half per pound. It was con
sidered a profitable business until 1795, when it was generally aban
doned, owing to the depredations of an insect that devoured the
leaves and buds, and sapped the juices of the plant. The yield was
consequently greatly reduced and the quality deteriorated. The last
crop made by Col. Hutchins, in 1794, only realized in New Orleans
one dollar per pound.
They next turned their attention to cotton, the seed having been
procured from Georgia and Jamaica. It was a black seed of fine
fibre and good staple, and was the only variety planted in this quarter
"*The merchants, in response, put forth the following circular:
Whereas, A number of the inhabitants ot this di.strict who, toward the latter
part of 1771, solicited and obtained a term of from three to five years for the
payment of their indebtedness, promising to pay annually one-third thereof. But
whether owing to misfortunes, or other causes, they have generally failed iu com
plying with this engagement, and have, in many instances, canceUed no part of
their indebtness. Now this is to advertise all such and to invite them to come in
either to Mr. Alexander Moore, on his plantation ; or to Mr. Peter Walker at the
landing, on any day between this and the 1st February next, and give in a state
ment of their afl'airs. It will only be in extreme cases that coercion will be re
sorted to. It is not the design of the creditors to distress or ruin any honest,
industrious debtor. As a number have complained that they had no encour
agement to work, not knowing what values would be allowed them for their
crops by their creditors, we now inform all such that the following prices will be
allowed for produce now delivered aud for the ensuing crop, the articles to be
delivered at the landing :
Indigo, the highest price given in New Orleans ; Cotton, $4 per hundred-weight,
in the seed, or $25 clean ; Pork, $5 per hundred-weight; Beef, $4; Corn, four reals
per bushels.

Territory and State. 141
untU 1 81 1, when the Kot appeared, and in a year or two became very
destructive, often destroying half or more of the crop.*
This alarming visitation disappeared with the introduction of a
green seed variety from the Cumberland, an inferior short staple,
coarse-wooled cotton, but which was almost entirely exempt from rot.
Subsequently, what was long known as the Petit Gulf seed were in-
ti'oduced, it was commonly said from Mexico, by Dr. Rush Nutt,t a
distinguished planter and scientist. This variety was very prolific,
with a long, fine and strong staple, and free from rot. To this small
importation, improved by good culture and careful selection, may be
ti'aced all the numerous varieties of fancy and improved seed since
advertised. All hybrids that cannot trace back to the original Petit
Gulf, are equivocal. The exact locality whehce that seed was obtained
is unknown. Dr. Nutt had traveled extensively in cotton producing
countries, and brought home with him many varieties which were
carefuUy tested, but he found only one that "filled the biU."
Whether this seed had been picked up by him in his travels, or had
been given to him, as is generally believed, by some passing way
farer, cannot now be ascertained. The characteristics of the new
variety were a vigorous stalk, with short jointed limbs branching out
near the ground, numerous and large boUs, strong and fine staple,
easily picked, yielding more than any other cotton, and not subject
to rot. The original seed were large, white and wooly. It was
caUed the Petit Gulf seed because first planted in the rich cane hiUs
of that locality, once so renowned for the production of cotton, and
for its skUlful and opulent planters. The demand for this seed be
*November 2d, 1818, Judge Shields writes Mr. Poindexter from Natchez :
" The rot has been so destructive in Wilkinson and below, that half crops will
not be made, nothwithstanding the fine season we have had for picking. Tlie
level lands around Bayou Sara have sufi'ered most."
fDr. Bush Niitt, a native of Northumberland county, Virginia, settled in the
old town of Greenville, Jefferson county, in 180.5, and soon became a very suc
cessful practitioner. He there married a daughter of Judge Ker, and afterwards
removed to the cane hills in the rear of Petit Gulf, and devoted himself to the
planting of cotton. In this pursuit, he has had no superior. He studied the
cotton gin, and improved it until it reached, in his hands, a perfection beyond
which it has not advanced. He simply took the imperfect Whitney gin and im
proved it to its present state. He made numberless exi^eriments with the grates,
saws and brushes, and the adjustment of the several parts for moting; all
attended with much study, labor and expense. He was the first to attach the
long flues to the gin-stand with grated floors, to separate the dust and cut fiber or
waste cotton from the marketable portion. He was the first to perceive the advantage
of regular motion for the gin, so as the better to detach the motes or false seed.
And with this object was the first to substitute, in 1830, the steam engine for
horse power. He contracted with Mr. David Longacre for an engine to drive two
gins, at a cost of twelve hundred dollars. It was made in Pittsburg, and was in
operation as late as 1860. IThis was the first steam power ever used in the ginning
of cotton. Mr. Alexander, an enterprising planter on Lake Concordia, was the
next to apply it, and the venerable Job Bouth, on his plantations on Lake St.
Joseph, the third. Until the civil war broke ont the demand for these steam
powers for the cotton planters created a now industry, and a rich source of profit
for the northern and western foundries.
In the culture of the plant and its improvement by a careful selection of seed ;
in the introduction of the field pea as a fertilizer, and the plowing in (instead ot
burning) the corn and cotton stalks. Dr. Nutt taught the planters a most useful
lesson. The late Francis Surget, of Adams county, a man of singularly acute
perceptions, and the most extensive and successful planter ever known in Missis
sippi, was the first to introduce circular or horizontal plowing, to preserve the
hill land from washing. Dr. Nutt was the second to adopt the practice, and he
caused it to be executed on strictly scientific principles.

142 Mississippi, as a Province,
came co-extensive with the cotton zone, and, in many instances,
yielded a revenue to the producer equal to the lint. Importations
have been subsequentiy made from Mexico, Guatemala, Egypt and
other countries, but no variety introduced has proved equal to the
original Petit Gulf In the process of culture the seed of this variety
had a tendency to grow smaller, and to become darker. Careful
planters kept up their stock of white seed by hand picking, and the
other seed were classified as the "Little Mexican," and the "Brown
Mexican," retaining most of the attributes of the parent seed and
commanding a good price.
The first notice of cotton in Mississippi is by Charlevoix, who states
that he saw some plants at Natchez, in 1722, in the garden of M. de
Noir. BienvUle wrote, in 1735, that it grew well on the Mississippi.
And VaudreuU, in 1746, informed the French government that cotton
had been received at New Orleans from the Illinois.* It began to be
cultivated as a crop in Louisiana in 1760, from St. Domingo seed, and
Maurepas, the French minister, recommended the importation of ma.-
chineryfrom the East Indies for the separation of the seed and lint.f
In 1722, Captain Roman, of the British army, was at East Pasca- '
goula, and saw the black seed cotton growing on the farm of Mr.
Krebs, with a machine of his own invention for its conversion into
lint. This was the Roller gin, and no doubt the first ever in opera
tion in this country. :|;
September 29th, 1794, John Miller, an eminent London merchant,
wrote to Col. Hutchins :
"Indigo from the Natchez, of good quality, still bears ii good price.
But your people are beginning to make a very indifferent article. They
had better continue to make it good, if but half the quantity. As to
cotton, should you speculate in it, I cannot advise you to give above ten pence
a pound for it,"if even of a good long staple. Short staple will not answer.
The best Georgia and Bahama sells here from fifteen to sixteen pence. _ Heavy
freight and other charges from your part of the world, are much against the
article in this market."
September loth, 179S, Mr. MUler writes:
"The cotton grown by your son-in-law, Wm. Vousden, Esq., of the Natchez
shipped here by Mr. David Boss, was sold for a great price, 2 s. 4 d., per-
150und. It was very clean and the quality excellent, almost equal to the
best Georgia Sea Island. The high price was owing, in part, to the dis
tracted state of the French West India Islands, from whence little cotton
now comes. I think such cotton as Mr. Vousdens will always command
here one shilling to 1 o. 4 d. a pound. More than that I would not advise you
to give under any circumstances."
"*A11 the country above the mouth of Yazoo Avas then called " the Illinois." The
cotton referred to probably came from the Post of Arkansas, which had been
early settled by the French. Within my own time that was the most northerly
point whence cotton was sent to New Orleans. Mr. John H. Notrebe, a wealthy
and enterprising Frenoli gentleman, established there a large plantation and
erected a public gin, to stimulate the culture. The cotton shipped by hira classed
very high in New Orleans.
Many now living can remember when the rich lands in Washington county.
Miss., were considered too far lurth for cotton, and Point Coupee the utmost
limit to which cane could be a successful crop.
fin or about 1835, the British East India Company sent an officer to Natchez
to obtain the most approved machinery and seed, [and to employ a number of
experts to go to India to teach them how to cultivate and handle cotton.
JThe descendants of this enterprising gentleman still own and occupy the same
land at Pascagoula.

Territory and State. 143
Mr. Vousden was an Irish gentiemen of education and means,
whose plantation, long known as "Cotton Fields," lay on both sides of
St. Catherine, at the crossing from Washington to Natchez, beginning
at the Dry Or Dewitt's Bayou, and covering the Pharsalia race course,
and the tract now owned by Major Rawle. His mansion stood where
the house of Mr. Chotard now stands. Froii"! the name given to his
plantation, he must have been among the first to introduce the cultiva
tion of cotton for export.* His cotton was from black seed, cleaned
by rollers, and littie inferior to Sea Island.
Col. Daniel Clarke, Sr., writing to Colonel Hutchins, August 21st,
i79S> says : "Barclay will soon have his gin sufficientiy forward to essay
how it will work. I have done a great deal to bring this brat into the
world, and if it succeeds shall put in a claim for my share of the
honor." Whitney obtained his patent in 1794, and in 1796 David Greenleaf,
a very ingenious mechanic, was constructing gins in the vicinity of
Natchez. He built the first public or toll gin, on the land of Mr.
Richard Curtis, at Selsertown, conducted for many years afterwards by
Edmund Andrews.
In 1801, Isaac Nerson commenced the business of gin-wright on
Pine Ridge, according to an entry in the ledger of Abijah Hunt &
Co., merchants at Natchez.
1807. Eleazer Carver, in the same line in the town of AVa.shington,
Adams county, erected the first saw mill to supply his shop with ma
terials. He commenced in a primitive style, but did good work. He
removed to Bridgewater, Mass, and to this day his gins maintain their
reputation. He improved the invention of Whitney, materiaUy, and
first indroduced the use of grates, but the improvement was, for some
reason, not patented until 1838.
It was the ambition of every planter to have his o.wn gin, but for the
accomodation of the community generaUy, there were numerous pub
lic gins. The proprietor gave the planter a receipt specifying the
amount of cotton delivered, and these receipts, by usage at first, and
afterwards by law, became the paper currency of the country, and
were received in payment of all dues — the only paper currency we
have ever had here with a substantial basis.
May 23d, 1799, Sir Wm. Dunbar writes from Natchez to Mr. John
Ross :
"We continue to cultivate cotton with very great success. It is by far the most pro
fitable crop we have ever undertaken in this country. The climate and soil suit
it exactly, and lam of opinion that the fibre, already of so fine in quality, will be
still better when our lands are well cleared and the soil properly triturated.
The introduction of the rag-wheel gin was fortunate indeed for this district. I
have reason to think that the new gin has been greatly improved here. Our
latest and best make, injure the staple little more than cards."t
Cotton was at first put up in long bags, as is still practiced with Sea
Island cotton. The rude wooden box or press, worked by levers, was
*Cotton must have been grown in Tennessee as far back as 1796. The Legisla
ture of the following year authorized the making of the Great Seal of the State,
on which the cotton plant appears, as one of the symbols of its industry.
¦fThese improvements were chiefly due to Mr. Greenleaf, a mechanic of great
ingenuity, and to his foreman, Mr. Wm. Hazlett, well known as a gin-wright for
many years afterward, as was his son the late John Hazlett, all of Adams county.

144 Mississippi, as a Province,
next employed. The first screw press was made in Philadelphia for
Sir Wm. Dunbar, in 1801, after a model sent by him, in 1799, to Mr.
John Ross. Its cost was over $1000. On its receipt he wrote to his
correspondent : "I shaU endeaver to indemnify myself for the cost hy
making cotton seed oil. It will probably be of a grade between the
drying and fat oils, resembling that made from linseed in color and
tenacity, but less drying. Where shall a market be found for such an oU ?"
This is the first suggestion of that product which has now become a
great article of commerce, or indeed of utilizing cotton seed at aU.
At that period it was not dreamed of as a fertilizer, nor fed, in any
shape, to stock. It was usually burnt or hauled to a strong enclosure,
at a remote part of the farm, to decompose, and was considered of no
use whatever, and really a nuisance.
Negro labor was considered very desirable in the production of
tobacco, indigo and cotton. The traffic was loo'Kcd upon as not only
proper but laudable. In 1799, Sir Wm. Dunbar writes to his partner
in Philadelphia : "We require more slaves. A well managed gang of
negroes can cultivate fifty per cent, more cotton than they will be able
to pick from the fields, and the loss from the deterioration of the sta
ple, by exposure after Christmas, is very great. We are now prohib
ited from importing negroes, except from the United States, and their
value has enhanced."
In 1800 he wrote to David Ross, a well known capitalist of Rich
mond, Virginia :
"Negroes and particularly tradesmen are in demand here. Ordinary men
are y^forth $500 cash,^^women $400 and upwards. If cotton would be accepted
in payment, at one year, the figures would be larger. Cotton is now worth here
sixteen to eighteen cents. The best season to arrive here with negroes, to com
mand a good and ready sale, is in February or March, to be in time for the new
crop, or from the latter part August to the 15th September, when we are gath
ering the cotton and require extra hands.
The price of negroes will fluctuate with the value to be derived from their
labor. Formerly, when we had frequent communication with the West Indies,
negroes sold for from $250 to $300, on one year's credit. Now the sugar plan
ters below are giving from ,$800 to $1000, one year's credit, for a prime fellow
known in the country. At Natchez S600_cash for a man of established charac
ter is the maximum, and $500 for a fellow not known.""*
"With regard to the condition of slaves here," continues Sir William, "there
is no country where they .are better treated. They are supplied with winter and
summer clothing of good materials, heavy blankets, and hats and shoes. This
is a fine^ country for stock, and it is easy to ration our hands with plenty of pork
and beef. They are often allowed to raise hogs for themselves, and every thrifty
slave has his pig pen and poultry house. They have as much bread, and
usually milk and vegetables, as tiiey wish, and each family is atiowed a lot of
ground and the use of a team, for melons, potatoes, etc. In the cotton picking
season all that they gather over the usual task of seventv-five or eighty pounds
a day, they are rewarded for.t
-»New Orleans, March 1st, 1786, Received of Wm. Vousden, Esq., $1612, 4 reals,
for four new negro men, and one woman, lf312; bought for Col. Anthony Hutchins,
of the Natchez. Mather & Strothek.
In 1818, when cotton was at twentv-ei.ght to thirty cents, neeroes commanded
enormous prices. In November Judge Shields writes to Poindexter : "At Coal-
ters sale (in Wilkinson county) men brought from $1700 lo $2000, women and
cliudren in proportion."
"|"This refers to the black seed cotton which grew in a small, pointed boll, and
the picker seldom exceeded one hundred pounds. Of pure Sea Island seed from
?,f*y*°?fI,<="*/P«?ii'iswas the average picking. But with the introduction of
the 1 etit Gulf variety the hands usually brought in an average of one hundred

Territory and State. 145
They have no night work and are provided with comfortable quarters and the
unrestricted use of fuel. In lower Louisiana the life of the slave, perhaps, is
not so easy. Owing to their numbers, stricter discipline is maintained, but the
Spanish laws require humane treatment for them, and prescribes the holidays
they are entitled to. I observe what you say of the protection afforded by the ,
laws of Virginia to slaves, and their meliorated condition. Legislators should
he deeply versed in a knowledge of the human mind, and its various springs of
action, who pretend to set rules, by law, between the authority of the governors
and the duty of the governed. It matters not whether we speak of the despot
and his subjects, or the master and his slaves. If you break in upon the au
thority of the one you place arms in the hands of the other which, sooner or
later, will be directeei against those whom they consider their oppressors. Your
late anxieties in Virginia may probably be traced to injudicious legislation.
Men who do not own slaves, and who have not studied their character, are not
qualified to make laws for their government. Slavery can only be defended
perhaps on the principle of expediency, yet where it exists, and where they so
largely outnumber the whites, you must concede almost absolute power to the
master. If this principle be not admitted the alternatives are, insurrection,
with all its horrors, or emancipation with all its evils ! "
In these words, written seventy-eight years ago, by a Mississippi
planter, well remembered for his humanity, lies the whole philoso
phy of slavery, as it formerly existed in this country. No form of
human slavery can be justified except for crime. But if it exists, there
can be no safety save in rigid discipline and absolute control. This
authority was rarely abused in the South. The cruel master lost all
social position, and public opinion operated more strongly than the
special enactments which, in every State, provided for humane treatment
of slaves. Aside from considerations of humanity, that species of
property was so much capital, and the more care taken of it, the lon
ger it lasted and the more it paid. The relation between the owner
and the slaves, particularly when they had been inherited, was strictiy
patriarchal. "Old Massa" was not a tyrant, but the head of the fam
ily, of which they aU considered themselves members. "Old Missus,"
was the head nurse and waiting woman of the plantation, seeing to the
sick and the children and distributing clothing and comforts all around.
"Young Missus" spruced up the colored "gals," taught them the
fashions, and "Young Master," stood between them and the overseer,
got them out of many a scrape, and took the boys with him to hunt and
to fish. The planter and his famUy slept, amidst a hundred slaves, in
perfect tranquility, without locking a door. They might occasionally
grab a fowl or a pig, but the lives and the treasures of the master and
his family were sacred. Slavery was forced upon the South by the
French, the English and the speculators of New England ; but it isdue
to truth and justice to say that no where on this earth did it exist m a
milder form, than in the Southern States. If the afflictions we have
endured are to be considered as a retribution, by what dispensation
have those escaped who forced the system upon us ? And have since
and fifty pounds, some of them gathering as high as three and four hundred
pounds. 'Women were usually the best pickers. The heaviest picking on record
is thus mentioned in the Aberdeen Examiner, of December 17, 1870 :
"On the 15th November, 161 hands on one of Governor Alcorn s plantations in
Coahoma county, picked 53,644 pounds cotton, or an average of over 400 pounds
to the hand. The Friar's Point Delta (published within a few miles of the plan
tation) gives the name of each hand, and the weights respectively. Two picked
each over 1100 Two over 900. Five between 600 and 800. Ten between 500 and
600. Twenty-three 400 and 500. Forty-five an average of 400. Nearly one-third
of these hands were women."

146 Mississippi, as a Province,
robbed us of what they sold ? If slavery was a crime— and this is not
(jenied— what part of the responsibihty sh9uld they bear who intro
duced it in the South, and did not hesitate to appropriate as many of
its benefits as they could lay their hands on ? Their merchants made
colossal fortunes by the importation and sale of slaves, and then by
handling the rice, tobacco, cotton and sugar they produced. They
placed their capital in all the ports of the South to deal in slave labor
products, and to supply .the master with luxuries to be paid for by the
sweat of the negro. Their very churches were built, their foreign mis
sions were supported, by contributions from Southern slave holders.
They sent down their coUege graduates, by whole classes, to be paid
fat salaries, as tutors and preachers, out of slave grown crops, and to
marry at the first opportunity, Southern women with gangs of negroes
for their dowry. If slavery was a national curse, the North must
carry the principal burden of it. They certainly are moraUy respon
sible for its introduction, for the profits they made out of it, and for
the subsequent spoliation. This unadjusted account stands against
them in the court of conscience, and as no claim for indemnity has
been brought forward by the sufferers, it should secure for us, at least,
fair deahng and kindness— the fair dealing and kindness that the opu
lent debtor owes to the impoverished and forbearing creditor.
On the North, notwithstanding all denials, special pleading and
white washing, lies the sin of having forced slave labor upon an un
wiUing people. They ingrafted it in the federal constitution, thus
nationalizing its character and guaranteeing its stability. They made
more money out of it than the South made. And they only disco"\'-
ered the sin vi'hen, to secure political supremacy for their section, it
became necessary to emancipate the slaves. It had become deeply
grafted into our system, political and social. It had been sanctioned
and supported by the constitution, by statute and by the highest judi
cial decisions. MiUions on miUions had been invested in it as
property, and vast credits, at home and abroad, had been established
upon it. But regardless of these solemn sanctions, and of these great
commercial arrangements, they destroyed the institution by violence,
and left the country paralyzed by the shock. This was done vindic
tively, but has been presented to the world as a great act of humanity.
Their claim to this merit would be stronger if their capitalists, who
coined mUlions out of slave-grown products, would invest a portion
of it for the benefit of those whom they have robbed, and those they
have emancipated, and left to struggle for subsistence. Their treat
ment of the one class has been oppressive and tyrannical, and with re
gard to the other, has been a sham and a fraud. The moral effect
has been to give to both races in the South a clearer perception of
their mutual interests and relations, and they are now running in
parallel grooves, with satisfactory speed, and with no danger of col
lision.* Our Northern brethren have their consciences and, no doubt,
*"The following correspondence between Governor Alcorn and the Hon. Am
brose Henderson, will illustrate this point and deserves to be perpetuated. It does
honor to the Governor, to the noble-hearted Kepresentative, and the recipient ot
the Judgeship. I will only add that Col. Henderson filled the office ably and
satisfactorily, and that he now holds the appointment of Collector of Customs
for the Pearl River and Sea-Shore District, and is universally esteemed :
To the Senate :
Gentlejiex— I nominate and appoint W. G. Henderson, Judge ot the Chancery

Territory and State.

147

feel, in many instances, the cruelty of their acts. But they are soothed
and comforted by their political preachers who, after hounding on a
bloody war, represent all its spoliations and enormities as special Prov
idences, and so many passports to divine favor. The soldier may
be excused for excesses, committed while under the insanity of battle.
There is some plea for the politician, whose judgment is carried away
by the strife of *party. But what defence can be made for the minis
ters of the gospel, who see nothing in the mission of Jesus but the fire
brand and the sword ? They invoke the sanction of the Christian reli
gion to vindicate the work they have achieved, and the evil things they
still contemplate, and purpose to accomplish. They may have learned
rhetoric and logic and polemics in their theological schools, but it is clear
that they never learned the real nature and scope of Christianity. It
never addressed itself to the social condition of man. It distinctly dis
claimed all interference with it. It attacked none of the great evils,
none of the gross acts of injustice, that characterized society at that
period. It was, in no sense, either in its teachings or implications,
Court of the First District, composed of the counties of Jackson, Harrison,
Greene and Perry. I ask the advice and consent of the Senate.
In making this appointment I feel called on to submit to you the accompanying
letter as that which, after my mind had been satisfied of the qualification of Col.
Henderson for the position, has been the chief ground of my selection of that
gentleman from several applicants equally well qualified.
I cannot refrain from adding, on an occasion so touching to every man of the
South, that there is an elevating sense of " the good old world when labor toiled
for duty, not for meet," in this spectacle of an emancipated slave consenting to
sacrifice all other favorites for office, in order to concentrate the influence of his
position as a worthy member of the Legislature, to bestow honor on his late
master. (Signed) J. L. ALCOP.N.
Executive Office, Jlay 27, 1870.

House op Kepresentatives, 1^
Jackson, Miss., March 20, 1870. J
To His Excellency, Gov. J. L. Alcorn :
GovEKXOR — I was a slave of Col. "W. G. Henderson. Boys together as wc
were, he is the centre of the tenderest associations of my life. Arrived at man
hood's estate, I was still intimately connected with him in the relation of his
body servant. When he was wounded at "Upperville, Virginia, en route for Get
tysburg, he languished in the Valley of Virginia, in the hands of the Federal au
thorities, until it was my privilege to take him away, secretly, through the lines to
his own people. The affectionate relation of our childhood having ripened into a
fixed friendship in our manhood, has been invigorated still further by a mutuality
of service and devotion which makes him dear to my soul.
My friend and loving master is a candidate for the office of Circuit Judge of
the First District. He is a man of unblemished honor ; is a lawyer of high stand
ing at the bar, and having stood out for you boldly during the late canvass, is a
good Republican.
Now, Governor, I, by the mysterious providence of God, am a member of the
Legislature. I want no office, no honor, save that of standing here in my place
as a duty to my race. But I believe my position gives me some claim upon the
patronage you are about to dispose, and I now place, ivithout reservation, all the
credit of that claim to the account of my earnest prayer that you appoint to the
Judgeship of the First District, the playmate of my boyhood, the companion of
my manhood, the generous friend of my whole life— my former master, Col. W.
G. Henderson.
Hoping you will grant this first and last prayer whieh I, as a member of this
House of Representatives, make to yon as Governor of Mississippi.
I have tbe honor to be.
Your Excellencv's very humble servant,
(Signed,) ' ¦ AMBROSE HENDERSON.

148 Mississippi, as a Province,
political and revolutionary. Christ was thoroughly conservative ; not
at aU radical. He commanded the bondsman to obey his master; the
subject to pay his tribute. "Render unto Caesar the things that are
Cesar's." No where do we find any reference to emancipation, or
" aid for bleeding Kansas." The world was not well governed at his
advent, or during the entire period of his divine mission. It was an
era when controversies were usually adjusted by the sword. But he
preached peace. " Love thy neighbor as thyself " " Do unto others-
as ye would they should do unto you." He placed charity and for
giveness above all other virtues. Mahomet enjoined his foUowers to-
spread his evangel with fire and sword. But Christ recommended.
law and order, and obedience to the constituted authorities.
We heard the demoralizing influences of slavery sounded from all
the pulpits and lecture rooms at the North, in all the journals, and by
men of all parties, even many of those that, for political reasons,
proposed to defend us, and did defend us until the crisis when defence
was needed, and then went over to the strongest side — even those
men, conceding that slavery existed by the national compact, and that
there was no power to interfere with it outside the States where it was
established — even those men argued that it was a sin, and a curse,
and the source of general demoralization.
If there was general demoralization in the South, and slavery was.
the cause of it, neither of which propositions are admitted, what
caused, and stUl causes, demoralization at the North where slavery
was not recognized ?
That society there is, and long has been, more or less corrupt and
demoralized, we have only to refer to the columns of the daily papers.
of New York, Boston and Philadelphia — to their numerous trials for
seduction, adultery and divorce in the highest grades of society, in
volving the most distinguished of the clergy and the richest of tiie
laity— and to the platforms of their political conventions. The Re
publican organizations formally charge their adversaries with a want of
morals, of good faith and common honesty, derived from their old
pro-slavery associations. What the Democracy think of the Republi
cans may be seen in the following summary of the platform of the
last State Convention of New York :
The Committee on Eesolutions reported a series of resolutions which claim
that the will of the people at the last presidential election was wickedly and
foully nullified by means of the grossest frauds on the part of the returning-
boards, supported, if not instigated, by the party in possession of the govern-
inent, and condemns the stupendous wrong and "holds it up to universal execra
tion. Thanks the late Ilouse of Eepresentatives for refusing to appropriate more
money for the support of soldiers to be used iu oppressing citizens of the
South. Declares that the present Administration's withdrawal of troops from the
South and its cessation of interference with the internal affairs of the Southern
States has reversed the vicious precedents of the Bepublican party.
Oppose all subsidies ; arraigns the Republican party for neglecting to re-
.apportion the State ; pledges their nominees to reform, and as proof of their
devotion to this work they point to the fruits of the illustrious administration
of Governors Tilden and Eobinson.
Declares that the civil service of the State has been purified, and economy
and prudence introduced into every department, and calls attention to the fact
that offenders against the law, defaulters in public funds, embezzling court
treasurers, profligate boards of trustees, swindling contractors, and those who

Territory and State. 149
have debauched the legislative assembly and pointed justice, have been relent
lessly prosecuted.
Foreign creditors, it is said, have suffered by the faUure of debtors
in the Southern States, to meet ante bellum engagements. The election
•of _ President Lincoln and his adherents divested the South of its
abUity to pay, by measures accomplished in violation of the constitu
tional covenants, and it may be assumed that moraUy, and probably
legaUy, they are responsible for the indebtedness. Add to this the
pillage and exactions of the government forced upon the South, by
the national authority, during the process of what was styled " Re-
¦construction," and the account foots up mUlions on mUlions, that
should be carried to the credit of the South.
The Union army was one of the bravest that the world has ever
seen, and niany of its noblest officers and men, fighting for their flag
under the highest sentiment of duty, nevertheless felt keenly every
blovy they inflicted upon us. Many of their statesmen, whUe sanc
tioning coercion for the preservation of the Union, gave us their sym
pathy and regret, and since the surrender have given us their aid and
support. But the great body of that highly educated and influential
class,_ who profess to teach the gospel, led the van in the assault on
our institutions ; fomented sectional jealousies ; identified slavery
with national conscience, and were the first and the last to urge against
us, their brethren, the avenging angel and the flaming sword ! Hav
ing accomphshed aU they could to ruin the South, and bestowed upon
us, in our desolation, not a tithe of the aid and sympathy we receive
from the brave men who fought us, instead of recommending recon-
¦cihation, they are constantly throwing fuel on the sectional fires.
They have converted their pulpits into rostrums, where parties,
pohtics and even finance, are discussed; deliberate misrepresentation,
fierce invective and menace substituted for the charity of the gospel,
-and the wildest rationalism for the old scriptural landmarks.
We, of the South, have long since forgiven our brethren of the North,
and desire to cherish for them the old brotherly good will. Standing
amidst our household wrecks — ever mourning our dead — impoverished
^nd feeble — we find consolation and support in our ancient faith, and
in a Christian ministry who teach, as they have ever taught, a religion
of peace, resignation, forgiveness and love. This is our consolation.
The wild wave of scepticism and so-called philosophy, sweeping over
the North, filling the old channels with treacherous sands, is the
natural sequel of a great fanaticism — the avenging Nemesis for unjust
¦aggression !*
"'-"Extract of a letter from Governor Claiborne to George Poindexter, dated New
Orleans, March 11th, 1804 :
"An adventurer, by the name of Tupper, styling himself General, has recently
¦endeavored to inflame the public mind here, and to procure an assembly of the
people, to remonstrate with Congress against the prohibition of the slave trade
with foreign parts and to induce tliem to depute him as their agent to Congress.
He will not succeed. Strange to say, this agitator is from Boston, but has been
residing latterly in France, liand in glove, he says, with the Jacobins. You may,
therefore, have an idea of this French-Yankee."

OHAPTEE XTIII.

\lRO, ex-commandant of the Natchez, now (1785) Gov
ernor-General of Louisiana, had become very popular
with the Americans by the mUdness of his administra
tion. The immigrants to the Cumberland in Tennessee,
consisting entirely of Protestants and chiefly of men
who had fought with Sevier, and Shelby, and CampbeU and
WiUiams, at King's Mountain, gave to their beautiful district
the name of the Spanish Governor, a compliment that goes far
to discredh the prevaUing impression of Spanish intolerance and
oppression. Yet it is true that the progress of the American
States, after the peace of 1783, occasioned the jealousy of both France
and Spain, and both manifestiy regretted the aid, direct and inciden
tal, they had been induced to render us during the struggle, from their
desire to humUiate Great Britain. France soon ascertained that though
grateful for her assistance it would not be in her power to use the
United States as a dependency, and make us a party to her system of
commerce and her quarrels. And Spain dreaded the moral influence of
the new repubUc on Louisiana and Mexico, then under her flag. The
Count de Vergennes, who had advised the aUiance between France
and the Colonies, became alarmed at the result ; and his successor
wrote to the French envoy in the United States :
"It is not advisable for France.to give America all the stability of w^hich she
is susceptible. She will thus acquire a degree of power which she will be too
well disposed to abuse."
Strange and insidious words to follow the alliance of 1778! But
from the date of that dispatch the policy of France, under all the
changes that ensued, from the downfall of the Bourbons to the unex
pected compulsory cession of Louisiana, was hostile to the United
States. Her whole course towards us during her revolution, under
the Directory and Consulship, Avas selfish, unjust, arrogant and
domineering, and but for our weakness and want of resources after
the exhaustion of the protracted war for independence, would have
compelled us to appeal to arms. They sent us a minister. Genet, who
came secretiy commissioned to agitate, to enlist troops, to equip priva
teers, and to commit and subsidize our people in the interests of France,
with or without the approval of our government. He landed at Char
leston, and before he presented his credentials, proceeded to exercise
these extraordinary powers. He commissioned armed cruisers, estab-

Territory and Sta'te. 151
hshed a court of admiralty to adjudicate prizes, took steps to organize
an armyfprthe invasion of Louisiana, and commissioned numerous offi
cers for the same. His conduct was so unprecedented and insulting
that President Washington, however reluctant to quarrel with our
recent ally, felt compelled to demand his recall. About the same time
France having proclaimed "war against Great Britain and Holland, the
President, to counteract the influence at work to compromise this
country in the interests of France, issued his celebrated proclamation
of neutrality — next to his resignation of command, the most memor
able and important act of his iUustrious career, and Avhich must be
regarded as our second declaration of independence. The French
government found it convenient to disclaim the assumptions of their
envoy, and sent as his successor M. Fauchet, who pai'l more respect
to diplomatic usages. But his government bitterly resented, and never
forgave, the statesmanship of "\Vashington. For years i!iey seized our
merchant vessels, confiscated their cargoes, insulted our envoys and
derided our claims, threatening us all the time with their military
power, complacently calculating, in the event of war, on a French party
in the United States.* Washington had been violently assailed bythe
democrats of that day for his judicious course at that critical period,
and but for -which we would have drifted not only into a foreign war,
but most probably into an intestine struggle, such as was then con
vulsing the French. The stern old patriot, John Adams, lost his pop
ularity and his re-election, by adhering to the pohcy of his predecessor.
Even Jefferson, conspicuous for his Anglophobia and attachment for
France, found himself, during his administration, more than once on
the threshhold of proposing an alhance with Great Britain, such was
the Ul-treatment we received from the consular government.
Genet's plan was to enlist an army in the Carolinas and Georgia,
Kentucky and Tennessee, and seize Louisiana, (which then included
Missouri and the posts on the Ilhnois, Florida and the Natchez district.)
Until the proclamation of neutrality appeared, he was supposed to
have the sanction of our government, and there was no difficulty in
procuring volunteers. He organized his forces in South Carolina and
Georgia, and had the audacity publicly to chaUenge the authority and
even the integrity of Washington. UntU he made this issue very dis
tinctiy, the war-like people of the South and West had never compre
hended the case, and gave their sympathies to the French. Not posted
as to the insulting conduct of that government, remembering it only
as an ally, regarding it now as a sister republic in arms against a confed
eration of kings, they were ready to march under her banner against
the Spaniards. They had long been vexed and irritated by the obstruc
tions to the free navigation of the Mississippi, and the exactions of the
authorities in New Orleans. And they were ready, nay anxious, to engage
in a conflict for free trade, not suspecting for one moment the real design
of Genet, which was to alienate the West from the Union and convert it
and Louisiana into a French colony— a project cherished by France
almost from the moment she transferred Louisiana to Spain down to
its compulsory cession by Napoleon. The disposition in the West was

«Our large and iust claim for spoliations, though it could not bo denied, never
was settled until President Jackson notified Louis Phillippe that unless it was paid
or satisfactorily adjusted by a given day, he would take its value wherever he
could find it.

152 Mississippi, as a Province,
strongly in favor of the seizure of New Orleans. When the President
officially notified the governor of Kentucky of this unlawful move
ment, and that four French emissaries were then in his State recruiting
for the expedition, that functionary replied tiiat he had "neither the
power nor inclination to prevent the people from asserting rights neces
sary to their existence. And as to those who had planned the expedi
tion he doubted whether there was any legal authority tb restirain or
punish them, at least before they have actuaUy accomplished it." A
transparent expression of sympathy with the enterprise, or of the de
plorable weakness of an organized government ! The firmness of the
national authorities quashed both Genet and his expedition. *
"'•¦"The following curious paper, the original record of a proceeding before Peter
Bryan Bruin, then a Spanish Alcalde or magistrate, (afterwards territorial Judge)
sheds some light on Genet's expedition, and on judicial proceedings under the
Spanish regime :
"Jack, alias Smart, a negro slave now in the possession of Robert Ashley, ue-
clareth that he was the property of James Moore, Esq., of Georgia ; that he was
hired out two or three years since by the said Moore to one Wm. Ross ; that he
was ill-used by said Ross and ran away, and accidentally met with Robert Ashley
at Governor Rutledge's mills in South Carolina. That said Ashley persuaded him
to enter his service ; that he should never want for victuals and clothes, and that
he would give him a horse. That he consented and came off with said Ashley to
Cumberland, (now Nashville.) From Cumberland to Kentucky, and thence to
the Natchez. Said Ashley changed his name from Jack to Smart. He does not
know that Ashley ever saw his niasler Moore, since he came off with him, though
he has told him he had purchased him since that time.
This declaration was taken at Wm. Brocas' this 24th January, 17P5, at the Bayou
Pierre, by order of Governor Gayoso, before Peter Bryan Bruin.
Questions proposed to Robert Ashley, a prisoner taken up on the 23d inst., by
order of his Excellency the Governor, and his answers thereto :
1. Did you not receive an appointment from General Clarke authorizing you to
raise men, and to command them when raised, with the rank of captain, at the
time he declared his intentions were to invade this province, under French
authority? And did yon not actually recruit a niiinber of men, under tliat
authority ?
jIh.sm'cc, by the prisoner : Such an aijpointment was proposed to nic, but 1 de
clined it.
2. Did you not, on your passage down the Ohio, show to a certain Peter Tarde-
veau, who was a passenger with you, your commission or appointment which you
had received from General Clarke, comprehending the nature and extent of your
powers, as well as the pay aad consideration you were to receive? And did not
the said Tardevcau recommend you to elestroy said instrument, as it might prove
injurious should it be found on you in a Spanish province, and did you not there
fore destroyit immediately?
Answer: I did show saiil Tardeveau the coniniission which had beenofl'ered me
by Gen. Elisha Clarke, of Georgia, and which till then had remained in my pos-
ses.sion, though I had never acted under it, and in my answer to General Clark
declared I never would.
?>. Did you not tell Mr. Tardeveau that you had recruited upward.? of thirty men
by virtue of that commission ?
An.'uver : I did not.
4. In what service, and for what occasion was the regimental coat, which has
been found in yonr posses.sion, made and designed?
Anmrrr : General Clark is my uncle by marria.ue, and he insisted (much against
my inclinations) that I should wear a re'^iniental coat which he had made for me,
at the same time he offered nie money to raise men and told me I was entitled, at
any rate, to the privilege of wearing a uniform eoat, having been once an officer
in the Georgia militia. On this priiiciple I received the coat, but refused to take
any money for the purpose ot raising men or having any agency in the enter-
jn-ise. 5. In what capacity and in what rank was vour uncle. General Clark, to have
acted in the invasion, meditated a,i,'ainst the Spanish provincesin North America?
Answer: With the rank of Major-tleneral in the French army, being second
only to Wm. Tait, Esq., of South Carolina, who was to have received the appoint-

Territory and State. 153
This was an era of anxieties both for Louisiana and the United
States. Our government was content to suffer Louisiana to remain in
the feeble hands of Spain, for the time being, knowing that when the
pear was ripe it would fall into our lap. But we could not regard with
complacency its conquest by either France or Great Britain. The
firmness of Washington averted the evils of a French occupation, as
planned by Genet, but this was followed by an intrigue which would
probably have placed Louisiana under the British flag, and her maritime
superiority over all the nations of the earth would have enabled liet
to hold it, while her capital and enterprise would have developed its
vast commercial and industrial resources. This predominance on the
ocean she had long maintained, and it had enabled her to bully Europe
whenever she was in the humor for bullying, and to seize with impu
nity, in any quarter of the globe, whatever territory she desired to
appropriate. Since the Norman conquest she had flaunted her fiag on
the Channel islands, almost in gun-shot of France, and defied Napo
leon, at the height of his imperial power. Those beautiful islands
peopled with Frenchmen, and preserving their language and habits,
hang like jewels on the embroidered robe of France, naturaUy a part
of her regalia, and yet for centuries she has not dared to touch them,
fortressed, as they are, and have been, by the "wooden walls" of
Britania, "whose march is on the mountain wave, whose home is on
the deep." Had the lion put his claws on Louisiana at that juncture
he would have held it, in all probability, at this moment.
William Blount, of a distinguished North Carolina family, an early
immigrant to Tennessee, where he became Governor, and Senator in
ment of commander-in-chief and governor-general of East and West Florida, as
soon as their conquest was effected.
6. In what manner, at what time, and by whatmeans, did you become possessed
of the slave you have with yon now?
An^swer : About three years 'since I purchased hira of one Ethelred Clary, as
factor and agent for James Moore. Moore not being satisfied or willing to confirm
the sale, I gave him (Moore) a horse, and thereby obtained his consent.
7. Have you a bill of sale or authentic record of this transaction?
Answer: I have a bill of sale signed by the party and witnessed, but not record
ed, it being in Georgia sufficiently valid without being recorded, at least during
the lifetime of the parties.
8. Was Peter Tardeveau (who was a passenger with you as far as the Red Banks )
in any manner concerned with General Clark of Kentucky (George Rogers Clark)
in the designs and preparations he was organizing against this government, either
by receiving a commission, or by any other means, to your knowledge ?
Answer : He was employed and received pay as an interpreter to the French
Agent, who was sent by Genet to Kentucky, to encourage and forward their busi
ness. He appeared to be very sanguine, and did say, as I was told, that he had
put his hand to the plough, and was determined to plough the ground.
9. Did you know the nature and tendency of Tardeveau's views in visiting the
province at this time?
Answer : I did not. lie told me he would proceed to New Orleans and thence
to Philadelphia.
10. Were you not pursued by a party as far as Diamond Island, on the Ohio,
with the design of seizing your person, on account of the negroes you had in your
possession? Answer: I did understand, when I lay at Diamond Island, that a party was com
ing down from the Red Banks to take lue, but on what account 1 know not. But
being conscious of not having trangressed the laws of any country, I should not
have removed iu the manner I did, if I had not been well informed that they were
a lawless, blood-thirsty set, who were in pursuit of me.
Robert Ashley.
Before me at Bayou Pierre, January 24th, 17'J5. Peter Bryan Brrin.

154 Mississippi, as a 'Province,
Congress, entertaining a strong aversion for the Spaniards — bitterly re
senting the restrictions they put on trade — and wearied with the tem
porizing policy of our government — conceived the scheme of conquer
ing Louisiana by a Brirish army from Canada, to be supported by
volunteers and Indians from the West, and by a British fleet. Gov.
Blount had long been Superintendent of Indian Affairs — an important
position, whose duties he had ably discharged. In restraining Indian
hostUities that so often steeped the frontier settlements in blood, he
ascertained the agency of the Spanish authorities, and, in common
with all the inhabitants of Tennessee, desired to drive thera from
the province by force of arras. His correspondence, on file in the
War Department, shows how often he reported the Louisiana
authorities as the instigators of Indian raids and massacre, and
how earnestly he urged the policy and necessity of retaliation.
Why the United States wisely abstained from decided measures is well
known and properly appreciated now ; but at that period, in the West
particularly, its policy was universally condemned as cowardly and
weak, ruinous to the new settlements, and deliberately designed to
cripple their development, of which the older States were jealous.
The feeling of disaffection was rapidly spreading, and the majority of
the people in the new settlements — men who, for the most part, had
been bred up on the frontiers, littie acquainted with the la"\vs, but ac
customed to the forays and rencontres of the border, and knowing no
arbitrator better than the rifle, were willing and anxious to follow any
bold leader to redress their wrongs, actual and supposed.
In this condition of affairs. Governor Blount, then a Senator of the
United States, is said to have submitted a proposition to Mr. Liston,
the British envoy at Washington, who, in turn, referred him to the
cabinet in London. According to Marbois, and other authorities, his
project was approved, and a movement of the British forces in Canada
actually commenced, when a dispatch from Blount to the Prime Min
ister in London was intercepted and laid before President Adams,
who immediately communicated it to the Senate. Mr. Liston dis
claimed all knowledge of the matter, and our government considered
it politic to accept the disclaimer as satisfactory. Mr. Blount being a
Senator, and, as such, holding a confidential and advisory relation to
the governraent, was expeUed from that body. They after\vards sent
(1798,) their sergeant-at-arms to Knoxville, to arrest and bring the ac
cused to Philadelphia, to be impeached for treason. Blount declined
to go, on the ground that he was no longer a Senator. The sergeant
sumraoned a posse, but not a man could be found to assist, and the
United States Marshal of the district was equaUy helpless. The
officers wece treated with great kindness and hospitality, but they
were powerless in a coramunity where the accused was . so much be
loved, and the steps he had taken had no other object, in their opimon,
but to strike off the shackles the Spaniards had imposed on their lawful
commerce. So far from condemning hira, they conferred on him new
honors. Gen. James White, Senator froi"n the KnoxviUe district,
resigned his seat specially to make a vacancy. Blount was elected by
acclamation, and when the Legislature convened, December 3d, 1797,
he was unanimously called to preside over the Senate.
The Senate of the United States, not content with his expulsion,
proceeded, December 18th, 1798, to impeach him on the charge of

Territory and State.

155

"conspiring to set on foot a mUitary expedition against the Spanish
provinces of Louisiana and Florida, and of conquering the same for
the king of Great Britain." The accused did not appear, but his
counsel, DaUas and IngersoU, objected to the jurisdiction of the court,
as the accused was not then a Senator, and because by the constitu
tion it is provided, ' ' that, in all criminal prosecutions, the accused
shall have a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State
or district wherein the crime shall have been committed."
After several rephcations and rejoinders, upon a direct resolution
that the plea of accused should be overruled, the vote stood, ayes ii,
nays 14. And on the 14th January, the impeachment was withdrawn.
To the last hour of his life, Mr. Blount enjoyed the universal confi
dence and esteem of the patriotic people of Tennessee, who named a
county after him — named one after his wife — and conferred their
highest honors on his excellent brother — the war governor of Ten
nessee — the chief backer and supporter of Andrew Jackson in his
memorable campaigns.
But for his senatorial position, which made his action indiscreet,
Blount was no more guilty than Isaac Shelby, of Kentucky, Gen.
George Rogers Clarke, Gen. Elijah Clarke, of Georgia, and many
sterling patriots of that day, who were implicated in the movements
of Genet. No more guilty than Reuben Kemper, John A. Quitman
and John Henderson, of Mississippi, in more recent times. They
had fought many desperate battles for their country — would die in
its defense, but were willing to follow any flag against the Spaniards
and the Indians.
The Spanish authorities had been greatiy annoyed in 1785, by an
act of the Georgia Legislature, establishing the county of Bourbon,
whose boundaries were defined as follows :
Beginning at the mouth of the river Yazous where it empties into the Mis
sissippi river, thence by a line to be drawn along the middle of the said river
until it shall intersect the northernmost part of the 31° of north latitude ; south
hy a line to be drawn due east from the determination of the line last men
tioned in the latitude of 31° north of the equator as far as the lands reach
which, iu that district, have, at any time, been relinquished by the Indians;
thence along the line of said relinquishment to the said river Yazous ; thence
down said river to the beginning ; and the said county shall comprehend and
include all the lands and waters within the said description.
The act provided for opening a land office, and disposing of the
lands at not exceeding twenty-five cents per acre. Fourteen of the
most influential inhabitants of the Natchez district were appointed
justices of the peace, and Abner Green, Register of Probates for
said county. The Governor of Georgia was authorized to administer
the oaths of allegiance and office to such of the pefsons named as
could personally attend him in council. And to commission those
who should personally qualify, or any two of them, to qualify those
who had not been able to attend. *
All the appointees were representative men — men of property —
many of them well educated — immigrants from Virginia, South Car
ohna and Georgia. The list embraces gentlemen who fought under
•'¦"For the Bourbon Act and the appointments under it, and other favors, I am
indebted to Col. Charles C. Jones, Jr., a distinguished lawyer and litterateur, of
Augusta, Georgia.

156 Mississippi, as a Province,
the Continental flag during the war just closed, and likewise of pro
nounced loyalists who would not serve against the king, but had
sought new homes in these remote districts rather than take up arms
against their countrymen. The Governor of Georgia, a tried patriot,
made no distinction on this account, in conferring these appointments,
simply choosing the most influential and best qualified men he could
find, without considering political antecedents. This array of names
clearly indicates the social status of the Natchez district ninety years
ago. In no county of any State of this Union, can be found at^ this
day a magistracy more competent, more dignified, and more richly
endowed "with personal and moral virtues.
In 1789 the Legislature of Georgia, to farther assert her claim and
to induce emigration, sold 5,000,000 acres to the "South Carolina
Yazoo Company," embracing what are now the central counties of Mis
sissippi, for $65,000. To the "Virginia Yazoo Company," 7,000,000,
erabracing the northern counties, for $93,000. To the "Tennessee
Company," 3,500,000, erabracing the present northern counties of
Alabaraa, for $46,000."
Spain claimed to own most of this territory, under her treaties with
France and Great Britain, and a diplomatic tournament had been
pending between her and the United States, conducted "with all the
formalities of "circumlocution and red tape," while the Creeks, Cher
okees, Choctaws and Chickasaws looked on, interested but powerless
spectators of this tri-partite controversy over their domain.
Zachariah Coxe, a determined man, in behalf of the Tennessee
Company, planted an armed colony, and opened a land office on the
Tennessee river, near the Muscle Shoals, but found himself between
two fires — the United States authorities and the Indians. The Presi
dent issued a proclamation forbidding the settlement. Little attention
was paid to this, but shortly afterwards Glass, a Cherokee chief, with
sixty warriors appeared, and under his threats the settiement was aban
doned and the buildings burnt. Coxe and his associates were pre
sented at the next term of the court in the KnoxviUe district but the
grand jury refused to find a bill.
In 1797, under the second purchase from Georgia, the indomitable
Coxe built a large boat at Chucky to carry his colony to the Muscle
Shoals, but was prevented by Col. Thomas Butler, commanding United
States forces at South West Point, Tennessee river. Governor Sevier
of Tennessee wrote to Coxe to know what were his intentions, and his
letter and Coxe's reply were communicated to the Legislature and
referred to a select committee, who reported "that from the papers
before them it appears that no expedition of a hostile nature or plan
inimical to the government is contemplated."*
*We hear of this bold operator as late as ITtXI, still pursued by United States
officials : Concord House, near Natchez, August 13, 1798.
To Captain Commandant Guion:
Sir— I have to request that you cause Zachariah Coxe, .said to be in the town of
Natchez, to be immediately apprehended, and held in close custody in the fort
under your command until you may receive further instructions in the case from
me, or until he shall be liberated by the supreme authority of the United States,
for all which this shall be your sufficient warrant.
Given under my hand and seal on the date above mentioned.
AVinthrop Sargent, Governor.
P. S. — Mr. Coxe may receive provision from the public stores through an officer

Territory and State.

157

The South Carolina Company appointed Dr. James O'Fallon their
agent with plenary powers. He went to Kentucky, and began to
recruit with the view of taking forcible posesssion of the Natchez, but
was suppressed by General St. Clair, under an order from the Secre
tary of War.*
The Spanish authorities, alarmed and harrassed by these demonstra
tions, determined on a counter-movement, or as they say in the prairies,
to "fight fire with fire."
1792. Carondelet, a man of talents and energy, was now Governor
of Louisiana. He strengthened the fortifications of New Orleans, re
inforced his posts at Pensacola and MobUe, and as far up the Missis
sippi as New Madrid, whUe his government resisted the demand of the
United States for the Natchez district, on the plausible plea, that it had
been first conquered by Galvez, and then ceded to Spain by Great Britain .
Carondelet likewise insisted that, in view of threatened irruptions from
the United States, or from Canada, the possession of the district, and
the forts at Natchez and Nogales, (Walnut HiUs, now Vicksburg) were
indispensible defences of Louisiana. He was aware that Lord Dor
chester, the British Governor of Canada, had recently sent an emissary
(Connoly) to Kentucky, with two propositions: i. That they should
declare themselves independent, under the protection of Great Britain.
2. That the post and city of New Orleans should be acquired for
Kentucky, by' purchase or by force.
Apprized of all these movements, and that in the West there was
general discontent with the federal government, he comraissioned one
Thomas Powers, an adventurer, to visit Tennessee and Kentucky in
the character of a commercial traveler, to encourage these discontents,
to establish a Spanish party by pensioning influential men, and to hold
out to the public an open market at New Orleans and the free naviga
tion of the river. Powers had education, talent, audacity and tact,
and was whoUy unscrupulous. The history of his intrigues has been
so often written, it is not deemed necessary here to repeat the detaUs.
He succeeded in finding in Kentucky a "ring" of prorainentmen who
were willing to accept, and did accept, Spanish money. But all efforts
to shake the fidelity of the people proved abortive.
The last we hear of Powers is in 181 1, when he presented hiraself
before the court martial at Frederick, Maryland, convened for the trial
of Gen. James WUkinson of the United States army. He was evident
ly a swift witness, drummed and driUed by the notorious Daniel Clarke,
but before the veteran soldier got through with him he was gibbetted
as an object of pubUc scorn, branded with perjury and treachery ; and
his employer fared no better. The proofs of duphcity, of mercenary
motives, of perpetual intrigue, of treachery to their friends and em-
in whom you can confide. He must have no communication with any one but a
commissioned officer."
The oft'ense of Coxe, for which this arbitrary proceeding was adopted, was open
ing that land office under the authority of the State of Georgia. Mr. Coxe was
arrested under the above warrant but escaped, and soon after died in New Orleans,
absolutely hounded to death.
'^General Wilkinson, in a letter to Philip Nolan, dated Frankfort, Ky., Febru
ary 14, 1791, says : "O'Fallon is here making wonderful exertions ; has engaged
General Clark to command his troops, and has made extensive contracts for pro
visions, negroes, horses, etc. The company offered me 20,000 acres as a compli
ment, but I finally rejected it.— Minor Papers.

158 Mississippi, as a Province,
ployers, of their offers to be hired as secret agents, and to serve the
Spanish, French, British and American government in turns, or at the
same time, were arrayed against them with overwhelming force,, by
the man "\vhom they had conspired to crush.
1795. Anew agitation now commenced. The companies that had pur
chased so extensively from Georgia, seeing the opposition made by the
United States, the Indians and the Spanish authorities,faUed to meet their
payments, and the Legislature rescinded the agreement. Georgia felt
irritated and annoyed by the incessant interference with her titie, and
the obstacles interposed to the settiement of her lands. And to accom
pUsh this object and to demonstrate her confidence in her chartered
rights, on the 7 th February, she passed an act, by which for the sum
of $5,000,000, she disposed of twenty-one mUlion, five hundred
thousand acres, to four companies, chiefly composed of her own
citizens. Anticipating, in some measure, the opposition this procedure would
meet with, in the preamble of the Act, there was a resume or recapit
ulation of the rights of Georgia :
"That by the articles of Confederation each State was to retain its own terri
tory. That by the treaty of 17So, commonly called the treaty of Paris, the
boundaries of Georgia, and of the other States were confirmed. That they
were consistent with all the former legislation of Georgia, and "with the
action of the convention between Georgia and South Carolina in 1787. That
the State had the right of redemption and full territorial rights. That the
treaty made between the President and McGillivray, was in contravention of the
rights of Georgia and that the guarantees made by the President to the Indians
were without authority and invalid; and that Georgia had the fee simple in
and to all her lands, and would dispose of them, to individuals or companies,
at her own pleasure."
Every word in this preamble is true. The first compan}^, consisting
of James Gunn, Matthew McAllister, George Walker and others, was '
styled the Georgia Company; and for $250,000, one-fifth cash, the
remainder in nine months, in specie. United States bank notes or mil
itary warrants issued by the State in 1791, they bought the entire
country now covered by Kemper, Neshoba, Leake, Madison, Yazoo
and Issaquena, Washington, Holmes, Attala, Winston, Noxubee,
Lowndes, Oktibbeha, Choctaw, Carroll, Sunflower, Bolivar, Talla
hatchie, Yalobusha, Chickasaw and Monroe counties, in Mississippi.
And Clarke, Marengo, Green, Perry, Autauga, Bibb, Shelby, Tusca
loosa, Pickens, Fayette, Jefferson, St. Clair, and portions of Blount,
Walker, Marion, Wilcox, Monroe, DaUas, Sumpter and Baldwin, in
Alabama. Nicholas Long, Thomas Cumming, A. Gordon, Thomas Glasscock
and others, for $155,000 bought all the territory now included in
Greene, Perry, Marion, Pike, Amite, Wilkinson, Adams, Frankhn,
Jefferson, Copiah, Simpson, Smith, Jasper, Clarke, Lauderdale,
Newton, Scott, Rankin, Hinds, Warren and Claiborne, in Mis
sissippi. And in Washington, Sumpter and part of Greene, in Ala
baraa. Wade Hampton, John B. Scotland John C. Nightingale bought, for
$35,000, the counties now erabracing DeSoto, Marshall, Tippah
Tishomingo and part of Tunica.
Zachariah Coxe, Mathias Maher and others,for $60,000 boughtwhat
is now North Alabama, comprising the counties of Lauderdale, Lime-

Territory and State. 159
stone, Madison, Jackson, DeKalb, Cherokee, Marshall, Morgan,
Lawrence, Franklin, and parts of Marion, Walker and Blount !
The bill created great excitement and recrimination while it was
pending, and immediately after its approval by the Governor, all
other party issues were merged, and the clamor against it, headed by
Gen. James Jackson, shook the State from the sea-board to the moun
tains, and from the mountains to the Mississippi. Notwithstanding
this clamor, the companies paid up the purchase money on the day
agreed upon, and considered their title invulnerable.
When the new Legislature assembled the following year, the obnox
ious act was repealed, and to mark the popular indignation, the
original biU was burned on the public square with fire drawn from the
skies. This is what is generally known as the Yazoo Fraud. If it originated
"vvith the Georgia people, the people of Georgia themselves applied the
corrective. President Washington, likewise deemed it his duty to call the atten
tion of Congress to the transaction, as one that "might deeply affect the
peace and welfare of the United States," and that body directed the
Attorney-General to investigate the title of Georgia.
All these proceedings directly affected the Spanish authorities of
Louisiana. The State of Georgia had sold the very ground occupied
by her garrisons on the Mississippi. The companies who bought
would bring in thousands of colonists, with arms in their hands. The
President had brought the matter before Congress, and plainly
manifested a disposition to occupy the country. An agent of Georgia,
General Matthews, protected by the usages of diplomacy, had arrived
at Natchez, to re-assert the claim of that State. Badgered and worried
at every point, Spain, proverbially dUatory, obstinate and punctilious,
at length gave way,' and on the 27th October, 1795, a treaty was
signed at Madrid, by which it was agreed that the Southern boundary
of the United States should be the line of 31° north latitude from the
Mississippi to the Chattahouchee ; thence down the middle of that
river, to its junction with Flint; thence to the head of St. Mary's
river ; thence down that river to the Atiantic. That aU Spanish posts
north of this line should be removed within six months, and American
posts and inhabitants living south of it should be removed within the
same period. That the navigation of the Mississippi, through its
whole length, should be free for the commerce of both nations; that
both would co-operate to cultivate peace with the Indians ; and that
before six months joint commissioners should run out the line of
boundary, under the protection of the two powers.

OHAPTEE XIX.

N 1 791, Andrew EUicott, a Pennsylvania quaker, who
had some reputation as a mathematician and astrono
mer, had been sent by the President to run the hne
between the State of Georgia and the Creek Indians.
He was accompanied by James Seagrove, a foreigner,
Z^^i^^j who, by some strange influence, had been appointed Su-
^^'>o- perintendent of Indian Affairs on that frontier — a position of
^~' great delicacy at that juncture, demanding circumspection,
%^ forbearance and vigilance, and a thorough knowledge of the
' Southern people and of the characteristics of the savages. Sea-
grove was of an irritable and suspicious temperament, and though
well educated, was profoundly ignorant of all that he ought to have
known of his peculiar duties. He resided at Rock Landing, on the
Georgia side of the Oconee, several years "without venturing into the
nation, and occupied himself in fomenting misunderstandings between
Georgians and the Indians, and misrepresenting the State authorities
to his employers. The Creeks would not allow Ellicott to run the
line, but he remained with Seagrove, a willing and mischievous co
adjutor. He had brought with him, from his prim and semi-saintly
home in Pennsylvania, the bitterest hatred of the Southern slave
holder, studiously disguised under a sedate exterior, but, like the
treacherous moccasin, ever ready to strike.
1795. Ellicott was ordered to Natchez to run the line on the 31"
north latitude, as agreed on in the recent treaty between the United
States and Spain — a specific service strictly defined ; but it wiU be
seen that he came in a state of morbid mentaj exaltation, with extra
ordinary ideas of his powers, and with the ambition to be the first
governor of the new territory, to exercise its patronage, and dictate
laws for its inhabitants. And that, in pursuing these ends, he usurped
authority, instigated dissensions, encouraged insurrection against the
existing authorities directiy contrary to his instructions and the cher
ished policy of the United States, and adopted a line of conduct
dishonest and criminal.
_ At Pittsburg, he hired some twenty-five woodsmen, and was fur
nished by the military authorities with three boats and a smaU escort
under Lieut. McCleary. At Marietta, he called on Gen. Rufus
Putnam, one of the founders of that new settiement, who had just
been appointed Surveyor-General of the north-western territory.
EUicott sent him a treatise he had recentiy published on surveying,

Territory and State. i6i
"but, though he waited twenty-four hours, the general, disgusted -(vith
his pedantry and presumption, neither returned his call nor acknowl
edged his pamphlet.
He was treated by the Spanish commandants at New Madrid,
Chickasaw Bluff and Walnut Hills, with marked politeness and hospi
tality. He landed at Bayou Pierre, at the residence of Col. Bruin,
who was then holding the office of alcalde or magistrate under the
.Spanish authorities.* Here EUicott commenced his intrigues, and
without reason, resorted to a trick which showed him to be unfit for
the society of gentlemen. Representing himself as invested by the
government with extensive and- confidential powers, and that he was
likely to encounter opposition, he induced Col. Bruin to proceed
before him to Natchez, secretly, to make observations and inquiries
to be communicated to him on his arrival, and with the understanding
that they were to meet as strangers. When they did meet, a few days
afterwards, in the parlor of Governor Gayoso, they were introduced
to each other ! And this Mr. Ellicott duly records as a master-piece
¦of diplomacy ! There was no occasion whatever for such contempt
ible masquerading. He had not been invested with diplomatic, exec
utive or discretionary powers. He was not commissioned to enquire
into the temper of the inhabitants, or to interfere with their relations
with the existing or in-coming governments, orto transact any business
"whatever, except, in conjunction with the Spanish comraissioners, to
determine and define the boundary as prescribed by the recent treaty.
And he was strictly enjoined — as the government enjoined all its
officers, civil and military — to do no act offensive to the Spanish au
thorities. The United States thoroughly understood Spain and her
functionaries. This injunction, constantly reiterated in the dispatches
*The father of Col. Bruin was an Irish gentleman of fortune and distinction
who became implicated in the rebellion of 1756, and paid the usual penalty of
¦confiscation and exile. The name probably originally was O'Brien. He brought
with him his only son, Peter Brian O'Bruin, who, upon the breaking ont of hos
tilities between the Colonies and Great Britain, entered the army as a lieutenant
in Morgan's company of riflemen. He was present at Montgomery's assault on
<iuebec ; was the first officer inside of the barrier, where he was badly wounded
by the same discharge of grape shot that killed Gen. Montgomery, near whom he
stood at the time. He v/as there made prisoner, and kept in rigorous confinement
on a prison ship, infected with small-pox, for sixmonths, when he was exchanged,
and was soon promoted to the rank of major in the Virginia Continental line— a po
sition he retained until the close of the war. When General Morgan, after the
war, conceived the plan of an American colony at New Madrid, Major Brum, it
is probable, was one of his party. He subsec[nently came to Natchez, and settled as
a planter near the mouth of the Bayou Pierre. He was appointed an Alcalde
under the Spanish government, and when the Mississippi Territory was organized
became one of the three judges. He was a man of high moral character, a de
voted patriot and greatly esteemed, but on the occasion referred to was grossly
deceived and bamboozled by the artful quaker.
Judge Bruin remained in office until 1810, when he resigned, and was succeeded
by Judge Fitz, of North Carolina, a brother-in-law of Governor Williams. Judge
Bruin resided on his plantation, Bruinsburg, near ,the mouth of Bayou Pierre,
iu Claiborne county, and there died. The name is extinct, but he has left de
scendants of the well-known names of Briscoe, Watson and Scott. When Aaron
Burr came down the river, he landed and paid a visit to Judge Bruin, who had
known him during the revolutionary war. Some attempt was made by heated
partisans to implicate Judge Bruin, but no one who knew the venerable patriot
tolerated the suspicion for a moment. Judge Bruin, in all probability, like many
others, did not impute treasonable intentions to Burr— a point whieh, to this day,
remains an open question. His place of residence has a historic celebrity as
being the point where General Grant crossed the Mississippi and commenced his
"masterly march on Vicksburg.
II

1 62 Mississippi, as a Province,
from the State and War Departments, indicated the pohcy of our
government, and enabled it to accomplish peaceably what would
otherwise have cost years of war and millions of money. But the
inordinate vanity of Ellicott got the control of his judgment, and he
assumed, from the outset, the airs of a plenipotentiary.
He arrived at Natchez, February 24th, 1797, ajadimraediately wrote
to Gov. Gayoso, in the style of an ambassador, to know when he
might have the honor to present his "credentials." The courtly
Spaniard, in a brief note, said he was glad to hear of his arrival. He,
however, appointed no time for his reception and made no reference
to.his "credentials," v/hich mortified the ambitious quaker quite as
much as the snubbing he had received from General Putnam.
On the 27th, he addressed himself to the Baron de Carondelet,
Governor-General of the Province, acknowledging his very hospitable
reception at the several Spanish posts, and hopes — does not feel sure
of it — but ' ' hopes that a similar conduct will be observed on the part
of the United States." How Carondelet, trained in courts and camps,
must have smiled at the folly of the obscure official !
On the 29th, he pitched his tent on the bluff, displa5'ed his as
tronomical instruments, and hoisted the national colors.
Ellicott, in his journal, pretends that Governor Gayoso sent him a
message to take down the fiag, and that armed parties were forming to
cut it down, who were only deterred by his known determination to
die in its defence. But the proofs are all- adverse to the statement,
and it will be demonstrated, in this narrative, that veracity was not
one of his virtues.
There happened, at that time, to be a vrar party of Choctaws in
Natchez, on an expedition against the Cadoes, of Red River. Elli
cott fancied they meant to attack hira, and he solicited the interven
tion of Gayoso. The Governor replied to him that the Choctaws
were en route for a distant point ; that they were old allies of the
Spaniards, and seeing and not comprehending a strange flag, they
supposed it meant war; but that this had been satisfactorily explained
to them. That he, himself, and no intelligent Spaniard, took any
exception to the flag, it being the custom, even in Spain, for the
agents of other powers to display their colors. This courteous officer
carried his politeness so lar as to call at EUicott's tent, and invited him
to accept a room at his mansion, but the suspicious quaker smelled an
intrigue, and records the rude reply : ' ' My tent is more agreeable
to me than your palace, because in it I can enjoy the independence
characteristic of my government.'' Gayoso was proverbially good
tempered, or he would have declined further intercourse with such an
ill-bred man.
EUicott had left Lieutenant McCleary at Bayou Pierre, but on the
_i6th March he arrived with his men, and camped at Bacon's Land
ing, a short distance below Natchez — the first detachment of national
troops that trod our soil. From this time EUicott poured upon Gay
oso a volley of notes, remonstrances and expostulations, day after day,
and often three times a day, assuming tiie action of a first-class diplo
matist and the authority of a commanding general, until the Governor,
concluding that he really had been sent to Natchez with extraordinary
powers, replied, formally and respectfully to his bulletins, always con
cluding by referring him to his superior, Carondelet, at Ne-^v Or
leans.

Territory and S'tate. 163
The most mysterious record in EUicott's voluminous journal is as
follows : "About the 20th March a gentleman arrived at Natchez who
informed me that he had an important communication to make, which
was for myself only. * * * * ITe began a panegyric on Senator
Blount,* observing that the Secretary of War had consulted him (the
stranger) on the propriety of sending Mr. B. as minister to France.
Our opinion of Mr. Blount not coinciding, the stranger made no further
communication, except that the Secretary of War was aware, before
I left PhUadelphia, of the difficulties I should meet with in executing
the treaty. If these difficulties were known to the administration at
that early period, it was certainly very improper to leave me in the
dark to combat them without having any line of conduct marked out for
me to pursue. It left it in the power of the administration to avow or
disavow ray proceedings" — in other words, to victimise their plenipo
tentiary as James K. Polk did N. P. Trist, in after years !
This remarkable story is supported by no proof, and is not credible.
If the "stranger" was an emissary of Blount, Ellicott, an agent of the
government, bound by duty to communicate important inteUigence,
would have been the last person he would have called on. If he did
make the call, and was really an emissary of Blount, it implies that
the so-called conspirators had their opinion that EUicott could be used.
And the quaker, by stupidly expressing his opinion of Blount just as
the stranger was about to disclose the important secret, shows that he
was utterly unfit for the role of diplomatist he was playing with Ga
yoso. The story about the Secretary ot War is absurd. Ellicott
received his orders from the Secretary of State, exclusively, and
received through him an order from the Secretary of War for his boats,
supplies and military escort. He had no correspondence with him
whatever, nor had the Secretary of War anything to do with the ap
pointment of a minister to France. EUicott's ill-natured comment
would have no importance but for the fact here admitted by him., that
he had no line of conduct marked out for him to pursue. And why
not ? Simply because he was entrusted with no discretionary powers,
but was sent to run a boundary and to execute that duty, and that only
with strict regard to the convenience of the Spanish authorities, and
to the friendly relations between the two governments.
The next paragraph will probably show that the real motive for
introducing this remarkable story, was to strike a blow at two promi
nent citizens, who had much to do in defeating his ambitious projects.
"This stranger, after reraaining a few weeks in Natchez, and its vicinity,
and spending some time with Anthony Hutchins, amajor on the British
mihtary establishment, and with Mr. Rapalje, arefugee from New York,t
who was hkewise on the British establishment, went to Mobile and
Pensacola, where he resided at the house of Panton, Leshe & Co.,
¦ untU the explosion of Blount's plans. This gentieman, whose myste
rious conduct embarrassed me exceedingly, was paid for his services,
¦¦¦•"Of Tennessee, accused of conspiring with the British for the invasion of Lou
isiana. tAn opulent planter, near Ellis' Cliffs, who had been an officer in the Eoyal
Provincials, and emigrated to West Florida, when it was ceded to Great Britain.
He married Miss Farrar of South Carolina, aunt of Capt. Benjamin Farrar of
Laurel Hill, Adams county. Captain Farrar's daughter, wife of the late Dr. Wm.
F. Mercer, inherited the Bapalje estates. Mr. Eapalje was connected with the
DeLanceys, Livingstons and other distinguished families in New York.

1 64 Mississippi, as a Province,
¦whatever they were, by tlie public." That is to say, he was a public
officer. He discovers in this stranger a comrade of Blount, then held up as
a public eneray ; he takes no measures to arrest him or to ask the
Spanish authorities to arrest or order out of their territories a man
conspiring against the United States, and against the Spaniards. He
gives no warning to the inhabitants, so soon expecting to become
American citizens. He permits him to remain quietiy, hatching treason
in the district for weeks, and merely records the incident in his private
journal, with an ill-natured attack on the Secretary of War. The
statement that this emissary was in the public service at the time, is
not credible, and is in keeping with the habitual hatred he evinces, as
will be seen hereafter, for every officer of government he came in con
tact with in the district.
By this time Mr. EUicott had persuaded himself, and had impressed
liis convictions on a number of others, that the Spanish authorities had
no intention to give up the country in corapliance with the treaty.
He induced many to believe that they were in danger of confiscation,
arrest and deportation, and that it would be better to retire from the
¦district to the American settlements, the nearest of which was on the
Cumberland river 1 On the 31st March he made a formal application
to Governor Gayoso, to concede them the privilege of disposing of
their property, and passports to leave the district.
On the same day the Governor wrote :
"You inform me of several respectable inhabitants requesting your interposi
tion, to procure for them a privilege they have always enjoyed, and which is the
birth-right of the Spaniard. There is not one single example iu this govern
ment of haying opposed any one selling his property and leaving the country,
whenever he asked for a passport, and, of course, I shall not now deny the
same privilege to any one who calls for it. No one who observes the laws, is in
'danger of arrest. There is but one single individual imprisoned in this entire district,
and that is upon a criminal charge. There is not a single patrol out in pursuit of
anybody, nor do I find any occasion for it. But if necessary I shall employ every
means in my power to repress disorder, and to keep the peace of the country,
as I always have done."
Noble words, fitly spoken, by a good officer and a man of honor.
The same people, into whose minds EUicott had infused his own suspi
cions, had lived under the mUd rule of Gayoso, and his predecessors,
in peace ; had enjoyed the same rights as Spanish born subjects, had
received liberal grants of land, of their own selection, for merely nom-
'inal fees ; had paid no taxes, rendered no mUitary service ; had been
appointed to offices of trust ; had been protected, on their own prayer,
from the rapacity of usurers and creditors, and to stimulate their indus
try, had been allowed free access to the market of New Orleans, and
had been paid by the King aliberal price for all the tobacco they could
produce. ^ The Catholic religion was the established faith of Spain,
but she did not enforce it upon the inhabitants with as much rigor as
the English enforced episcopacy in her dominions, and as the New
Englanders enforced their rigid sectarian views. The immigrants to
the Spanish territories came with fuU knowledge of the Spanish laws
on this subject, and as they came voluntarily they had no right to com
plain. They were allowed liberty of conscience and the right to wor
ship, in their own way, in their families. Prior to the arrival of Mr.
EUicott no discontent prevailed, and in the entire district, from the

Territory and State. 1/=;-
31" north latitude to the mouth of the Yazoo, but one man was in
prison ! And l:his in a frontier settiement, Avith a heterogeneous popu
lation, of conflicting races and creeds, with no restraining power but
the Governor and half a dozen magistrates.* But this peaceful and
prosperous comraunity, under the teaching of Ellicott, became discon
tented and factious. He made frequent ccramunications to the Secre
tary of State, complaining of Carondelet and Gayoso, and that they
did not intend to execute the treaty, and in all these communications
he traduced Colonel Hutchins and his friends. According to his own
showing, the government put a low valuation on his communications and
calumnies, and made no answer whatever to hira.f The policy of the
United States, as it had been, was then and continued to be, towards
Spain, to^ "hasten slowly," a "masterly inactivity," allowing her
to be as dUatory as she pleased, not infringing on her di--".iity and cere
monial, but waiting patiently for grand results.
Not so with the man who assumed to be the representative of the
United States. He plunged into an angry correspondence with Caron
delet and Gayoso on fifty different pretexts, and scattered broadcast
discord and strife. The district was unquestionably, for the time being,
and -with the assent of the United States, under the jurisdiction of the
Spanish authorities, until the boundary should be defined, and a rea
sonable time aUowed for them to evacuate the posts. It was for the
United States, and not- for Mr. Ellicott, to hold them responsible for
delay in carrying out the treaty, but this man, having neither civU or
military authority, with no baton but his Jacob staff, talked of war,
and opened a recruiting office, and began -to enlist men who had sworn
allegiance to the Spanish government.
1797. AprU 15th, Lieut. Pope, U. S. A., with hiscompany, arrived
at Walnut Hills, where the Spaniards were occupying Fort Nogales, and
anchored his boats there in conformity with a notification from Gov
ernor Gayoso. The moment Ellicott heard of his arrival he wrote to»
him that a ruptu7-e between the United States and Spain was impending,
that his proper post was at Natchez, and urged him to arrive at the
earliest possible moment. On receiving this news, Pope, with the
promptitude of a soldier, prepared to depart. The Spanish comman
dant protested against it, but finding the American deaf to his appeal,
retired to his fort, and doubtless would have opened fire upon him,,
but at that critical moment an express arrived from Gayoso, withdraw
ing his objection to the advance of the Lieutenant and his party.
Thus the extreme anxiety of Gayoso to preserve the peace, prevented!
the effusion of blood. Had a collision occurred, it would have post
poned the running. of the line indefinitely, the district would have been
commercially ruined, and iraraigration effectually suspended. There
®These statements are made from conversations years ago with Col. Daniel Bur"
net, Elisha Flowers, Job Routh, Calvin Smith, Joshua Howard, Joseph Quigless
Wm. Adams, Thomas Ford, Simeon Holmes, Daniel Fowler, Joseph Leonard, well
known citizens, who lived under the Spanish government, and survived many years
thereafter. j"Fortunately for Colonel Hutchins he had served a campaign with Colonel Pick
ering, the Secretary of State, in Canada, in the royal provincial army. He was
an intimate friend, too, of his brother, Maj. Thomas Hutchins, of Philadelphia.,
geographer-general to the King, and who held the same position under Congress.
In Colonel Hutchins' MS. papers there are several letters to him from Colonel
Pickering, expressing confidence and friendship, and counseling patience.

i66 Mississippi, as a Province,
was not the most remote probability of a rupture between the two gov
ernments. If the Spanish authorities were dilatory, it was a well-estab
lished characteristic of their government. At that very moment the
British, equally dilatory and indifferent, had not evacuated the forts on
American territory which, by the treaty of 1781, [they were bound to
evacuate within six months.
Lieutenant Pope was young, impetuous and brave, anxious for mih
tary fame, but lacked di;;cretion. He had been dispatched by General
Wayne, to Fort Massac, with orders to remain there until advised of
the evacuation of the Spanish posts, when he would receive further
orders. General Wayne died on Lake Erie, in December, 1796. Pope
hearing exaggerated rumors of the disturbances at Natchez, and that
the United States flag was flying, but in danger, deemed it his duty to
descend the river. He came without artillery, money, medicine or a
surgeon, and on his arrival was generosly supplied by Gayoso, the
enemy whom he had expected to fight, with clothing and medicines
for his men ! A few days thereafter, on the receipt of a communica
tion from the Governor addressed to them jointly, a dispute arose be-
t-vveen Pope and Ellicott as to who should conduct the official corres
pondence. Pope, recognizing Ellicott in his true capacity of surveyor,
considered hiraself the superior. Ellicott submitted, but revenged
hiraself by v/orrying the Governor y,"ith letters every day on his own
account. Pope was not a man to be bullied; but on all occasions
expressed his contempt for Ellicott, and that no dependence could be
put on his word. EUicott, more prudent, vented his spleen by inuen-
does ; and as ranch as he abuses the Spanish officials in his journal, he
is more severe on the officials of the United States. "The difficulties
we met with," says he, "were as great, if not greater, than any we met
with from the Spanish officers, but as these arose from the co«duct of
certain citizens of the United States, some of whom did at that time,
and still continue to enjoy the patronage of our government, it is pos
sible they acted in conformity to instructions."
EUicott's artful and persistent assumption of authority imposed on
Gayoso, and on many inhabitants of the district. Remote from the
seat of governraent, with no niaUs, no political influence, no advisers,
citizens alternately of the British and Spanish governments, a com
pletely isolated and helpless people, they took it for granted that
a man who came Avith a military escort, "\vith the flag of the United
States, and who called the Spanish Governor to answer for every act
he performed, must be a very great personage, invested with extraor
dinary powers. They were aware that the district would be
delivered to the' United States as soon as the line should be
established, and it began to be hinted that this very officious
gentieman held in his pocket the commission of Governor.*
They soon discovered that the nearest road to his favor was to
denounce their old friend, Governor Gayoso, under whose administra
tion they had enjoyed many privileges, and had lived in profound
peace. Educated in England, liberal and tolerant, he had dispensed
an elegant hospitality end maintained social relations with all the prin-
"¦•¦"March 24, 17!)8, Mr. John B. Evans arrived with tivo boats from the falls of the
Ohio. ^ Came with him a Mr. Walthers, direct from Philadelphia, who reports that
A. Ellicott is certain to be Governor of the Natchez.- Pnra^e Journal of Major
Isaac Guion.

Territory and State. 167
cipal citizens. Yet, under the tutorage of Ellicott, many respectable
persons began to view Gayoso as an enemy, and finally he had to
abandon his mansion and take refuge in the fort, being threatened by
amob^the worst of all evils that infest the social system.*
-:»He resided at Concord, two miles from the fort. The house is still standing-
The cornices and mantles were imported from Spain. When Gayoso was trans
ferred to New Orleans he sold Concord to his successor, Don Stephen Minor, who
lived there in very stately style, dispensing a splendid hospitality until his death.
His highly respected widow, one ot the most intellectual ladies of the South, for
many years maintained the hospitalities of the mansion, succeeded liy her accom
plished son, the late Wm. J. Minor, Esq. Since the war the family have resided
on their estate. Southdown, near Houma, La. No one mansion in Mississipfii has
so many historic memories clustering about^it as the old Gayoso-Minor house,
"Concord." In Pennsylvania, whence Ellicott came, they are very familiar with
this terrible scourge. They saw it in the memorable mutiny of their own
regiments in 1781. In the great whisky insurrection of 1794, which
for a long period defied both the State and Federal authorities, f In
"(There are many in Pennsylvania, and in the South, who, doubtless, do not
remember the armed resistance that the authorities of that great commonwealth
made to the United States, in 1809. When her citizens fread the following, show
ing the action of her highest civil and military authorities, they will perhaps mod
ify their judgment of the "rebels" of the South :
governor's message.
To the Senate and Houfe of Bcprefentatives of the Cominonwealth of Pennsylvania :
Gbntleiiex — I have received information that the fnpreme court of the United
¦States, hath ordered a peremptory mandamus to be ift'ued in the fuit of Gideon
Olmftead and others, vs. Elizabeth Sergeant and Efther Waters, executrixes of
the late Mr. Eittenhoufe, and that immediate application will be made to Richard
Peters, judge of the dittrict court of Pennfylvania, for an execution againl't the
perfons and effects of the faid Elizabeth Sergeant and Efther Waters; or that
rather, as it is an admiralty proceeding, an attachment againft their perfons will
be the compulfory procefs adopted on the oceafion.
Bythe act of the 2d of April, 1803, Mrs. Sargeant and Mrs. Waters are directed
to pay a fum of money arifing ont of the fale of the Britifhbrig Active, captured
during the late revolutionary war into the State treafury ; with the requifition of
that law the faid executrixes have complied. It now becomes my duty, agreeably
to the provifions of that act, to protect the property and perfon of the executrixes
againft Inch procefs. Painful as this duty is, I am compelled, and am now mak
ing arrangements, to call ont a portion of the militia for that fcrvice, that being
the only means in the power of the executive. As the execution of this law may
produce ferious ditficultics as it refpects the relation of the State government with
that of the United States, I have thought proper to make this communication, on
"which the legiflature can act as in their wifdoin they fhall think expedient.
Simon Snyder.
Lancaftcr, February 27, 1809.
January 4, 1809, the United States Marshal presented himself at the residence of
the parties, to execute the process. Here he found a detachment of militia, sta
tioned there by order of the Governor, under General Bright. He had established
his guard in the adjoining house, and posted a sentinel at every door. The mar
shal, on attempting to enter, was halted with a bayonet at his breast, and menaced
with death if he proceeded. At this moment General Bright arrived and repeated
the order to his sentinels. The marshal then announced his name, his office, hi.s
authority and his business, and declared his intentions to execute the orders of
the Court. He addressed the ,troops and warned them of the penalties they
were incurring. He then demanded of General Bright if he wanted time for de
liberation or consultation. The prompt reply was, "No, sir, I am here to resist
your proceedings." "Then," said the marshal, "in the name of the United States
I command you, one and all, to disperse." General Bright responded, "In the
name and by the authority of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, I command
jou to resist that man." The marshal then proceeded to the house of another of
the parties and was resisted in the same way.

1 68 Mississippi, as a Province,
the dreadful riots and conflagrations of convents, churches and semi
naries in Philadelphia, a few years since. In their coal districts, year
after year, 'accompanied with the most shocking atrocities. And m the-
recent conflict between labor and capital, between the oppressor and
the oppressed, that drenched her soil with blood, with a loss of thirty
miUions of property ! A conflict which is inevitable ; which brings-
home to them all the horrors of their own "irrepressible" doctiines;
which is subject to frequent repetitions, and which can only be re
strained and suppressed by a standing army of 50,000 men, an evil
equally to be dreaded.
Massachusetts, once so pious and pragmatical, now the hot-bed of
schisms, heresies and ideahsms, had her experience of the raob, under
the leadership of Shays, in 1786. In the last war with Great Britain,
when Governor Strong and his foUowers, mutinied against the Na
tional Government, and meditated an alliance with the enemy then in
arms against their country.* And again, when the Bostonians resisted
a law of the United States and a mandate of the constitution, for the
rendition of private property — a law and mandate which had just
been adjudicated by the Supreme Court of the United States, and
sanctioned and reinforced by a covenant, ratified with all the solem
nities of legislation, which their own raost iUustrious statesman had
earnestly recoraraended, and which a stiU more iUustrious man, whom
they professed to venerate, had bequeathed to the Repubhc a.s the
last legacy of a memorable life. In Vermont and Connecticut, in the
settlement of boundaries, they became very famihar with mobs. In
New Hampshire, in 1786, a raob seized the State house, and impris
oned the Legislature, to compel an issue of shin-plasters; a game
which, in after years, the United States Bank and its foUowers at the
North, undertook to play with President Jackson, when they threat
ened to post a mob of fifty thousand men around the capitol, if he-
dared to veto the bUl for the renewal of its charter !
In New York the mob spirit has often developed itself in strikes,
in processions, even at theatrical entertainments, and, on a well known
occasion, a general slaughter was only averted by the firmness of the-
the seventh regiment.
The State of Rhode Island was once at the mercy of the mob.
The laws were suspended ; the courts silenced. General anarchy
prevailed. The whole community in arras. And the social structure
helplessly stranded, with the wreckers on hand to plunder and mur
der. Order was only restored by federal bayonets.
What have we witnessed in Kansas a few years since? What
atrocities ? How much spoliation and slaughter ? What defiance of
and successful resistance to law ? The raob, backed by the whole
moral and physical power of New England, and especially by the
clergy, was too strong for the government, and the disgraceful
record, the " damned spot," wiU forever stain our national history.
California has had its mobs and massacres. And in all the great
centres of capital and population, symptoms of popular discontent
are manifest. Monopolies and millions make tiie necessaries of Ufe
scarce and dear; the laboring classes feel the pressure and revolt.
Their wages reduced to the lowest minimum ; their wives and ' chil-
-¦'See speech of Mr. Blaine he Senate of the United States, 1878.

Territory and State. 169
dren crying for bread; compelled to obey the orders of haughty
autocrats, who have no sympathy with their sufferings; down-trodden
and trampled on by rings and combinations of speculators, is it sur
prising that they should strike ? If the foot of the tyrant is on your
breast, shall not your poinard clash against his ribs ? Communism,
unfortunately, presents itself to the desparing masses as the readiest
refuge. Galling guns and bayonets are the ramparts of the privUeged.
The latter, in the long run, prevaU. And, as avarice never gives up
its gains but to guard them, the result, if we guage the future by the
past, wUl be the gradual growth of a great military and centralized
system, which will favor the concentration of wealth, the stabUity of
its possession, and the power and supremacy of those who amass it.
Should the government itself become proprietor of the railroads,
canals and telegraphs, as has been proposed, and is probable, it at
once becomes a coUosal power, over and above the people, the States
and the Constitution.*
We have drifted from our ancient moorings, and the government of
our fathers, which was strictiy limited and restrained, regarding the
States as the reservoirs of its sovereignty, and looking to them for
counsel and approval, cannot be recognized in the government of
to-day. What will it be fifty years hence ? Will it become splendid,
powerful, aggressive and more corrupt, controlled by its legions, and
those legions the terror of the earth ? Or will it, happily, under the
conservative influences at the North and a recuperated South, which
has been purified and instructed by its misfortunes, return to its primi
tive simplicity and excellence ?
Adversity, which is a corrective in private life, seldom is in public
affairs. A restoration, having learned nothing, forgotten nothing,
brings with it soured feelings and confirmed antipathies, embittered
by the insolence of triumph, thirst for revenge and greediness for
plunder. And these dispositions, and not a wise policy of reconciUa-
tion, have been manifested towards the South for years after the unity
of the Republic had been re-established by the sword.
Mobs in the South are but little known. It is an agricultural and
pastoral region, scattered over a wide area, with no general inequali
ties of condition. They know little of the co-operative principle which,
when properly directed, often produces useful and grand results.
The prime motive power is not social and mutual, but individual.
Every man pushes his own fortune and enterprises, and redresses, in a
measure, his own grievances, without looking to others for help.
There are no great aggregations of capital, few monopolies, no op
pression of labor, and no want and miseries such as are seen in com
munities where a different condition of things prevails. Servitude, in
"* When Scott, the so-styled "Eailroad King," was applied to, by a delegation
from the sufferers, for redress, he haughtily replied, "you are too late. The
United States and the State by consenting to intervene, and sending us their
troops, have become parties, and you must treat with them."
It was the doctrine of John Quincy Adams, that if a State called on the na
tional government to suppress a survile insurrection and it did actually intervene,
it carried with it the right of future intervention and of the suppression of
slavery itself. If this logic be correct, the intervention of the United States in
the railroad riots (and which the State troops had been powerless to su])press)
virtually places the roads and companies under its control, whenever it chooses
to exercise that tremendous power — a rapid stride towards consolidation and
supremacy.

170 Mississippi, as a Province,
the days of slavery, was the easiest and most paternal that ever existed.
And the working man, whether white or black, is now, and was
then, no where else surrounded by so many comforts and so many
guarantees. There was a mob in Baltimore, many years ago, but it was a conflict
between pohtical factions, not the antagonism of labor and capital.
Her recent mob sprung from the oppression of northern capitalists,
and the men who made it were the refugee miners of Pennsylvania
and starving operatives from other great centres of capital.
The normal condition of the South has indeed greatly deteriorated
by the war and its sequences, and it can, by no means, claim all its
former characteristics, but it may be safely asserted that mobs and
agrarianism will never thrive here ; nor wUl there be the oppression
and suffering that makes them.
About the loth June, 1797, Andrew Kllicott, oU Fennsylvania, aided
by thirty or forty bush-whackers whom he had brought with him, and
by a few desperadoes whoiji he had picked up here to subserve his
unlawful designs, taught the people of Natchez how to get up a mob
¦ — the first and the last ever seen in that most law-abiding and peace
able community.
The Governor, deeply feeling the indignity offered to his authority,
very properly left his residence for the fort, using every exertion to
restore tranquility.
EUicott, after stimulating this evil spirit among the inhabitants,
many of whom regarded him as the organ and representative of the
government, had the meanness to tamper with a large party of Choc-
ta^vvs who had just returned from their raid upon the Cadoes — the
same Indians that frightened hira soon after his arrival, and against
whom he had solicited the intervention of Gayoso. He used every
art to enlist them against the Spaniards.
In this State of anarchy — seeing the danger of a conflict between
the Americans and the Spanish troops, when the two governments were
on the best terms, many citizens spontaneously assembled at the house
of Wm. Belk, and elected a Committee of Safety, consisting of An
thony Hutchins, Cato West, Bernard Lintot, Gabriel Benoist, Joseph
Bernard and Wm. Ratliff.
1797. June 2 2d, the Committee met at Natchez and the Chairman
submitted the following propositions, to be laid before Governor Ga
yoso, respectfuUy requesting their transmission to the Governor-Gen
eral at New Orleans :
1. The inhabitants of the district of Natchez who, under the persuasion that
they were citizens of the United States, agreeably to the treaty, assembled and
embodied themselves, are not to be prosecuted or injured on that account, but
to stand exonerated and acquitted.
2. The inhabitants of the district above the r,l° of north latitude are not to
be embodied as militia or called upon to aid in any military operation, except
in case ol Indian invasion, or the suppression of riots,' duving the present state of
uncertainty, owing to the late treaty between his Catliolic Majesty and the
United States, not being yet fully carried into efl'ect.
3. The laws of Spain in the above district shall be continued, and on all
occasions to be executed with mildness and moderation ; nor shall any inhabi
tant be transported as a prisoner out of this government on any pretext what
ever. And notwithstanding the operation of the Spanish laws is here admitted
yet the inhabitants personally shall be considered as neutrals, in the present
state ot uncertainty.

Gov. (Don Estevan Minor.

Territory and State. 171
4. The Committee engage to recommend it to their constituents, and to the
utmost of their power will endeavor to preserve the peace and tranquility of
the district, and the due execution of justice."
To which the foUowing response was immediately made :
"Being always desirous of promoting the public good, we do join in the
same sentiment with the Committee, and accede to their four stipulations,
agreed upon for the purpose of re-establishing the peace and tranquility of the
district ; and that it may be constant and notorious, I sign the present under
the seal of my arms and countersigned by the Secretary of this government, at
Natchez, June 22, 1797.
Manuel Gayoso de Lemos,
Brigadier in the Eoyal Armies, Governor, Military and Political, of the Natchez
and its Defences.
Joseph Yidal, Secretary.
These proceedings were sent to the Baron de Carondelet, by the
hand of Mr. Benoist, for his consideration, and he promptly returned
his approval.
July, 1797. This restored the public tranquility, and Governor Ga
yoso returned to his usual residence. About this time Carondelet
being promoted to the government of Quito, Gayosa succeeded him
as Governor-General of Louisiana, leaving Don Steven Minor, who
had long been in the Spanish service, as Governor of the Natchez
district. One of the last official acts of Governor Gayoso at Natchez was
honorable to him and to the Committee that suggested it :
"To Don Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, Brigadier in the Boycd Armies, Etc., Etc.:
W^e, the underwritten, a committee appointed by the inhabitants of this dis
trict, recommend to your Excellency that the inhabitants, in case they have
reason to be dissatisfied with their alcaldes now in ofiice, shall be at liberty to
assemble and nominate three persons, one of whom your Excellency will be
pleased to put in commission.
We likewise recommend it to your Excellency, to quiet the minds of the
people, that you do consent that all proceedings on criminal process or charges
be inquired into and acted upon by the alcaldes of the district where such
crimes and misdemeanors have been. committed. And that the magistrates be
authorized to summon assistants to apprehend criminals and disturbers of the
peace. Natchez, June 22, 1797.
A. Hutchins,
Bernard Lintot,
Isaac Gaillard,
Gabriel Benoist,
Joseph Bernard,
Wm. Eatlifr.
Which the Governor answered as follows :
"By these presents I declare that, whenever it shall be found necessary, the
inhabitants of each district will represent to me, through one of the Committee,
the necessity of nominating a new alcalde, and I will issue the necessary per
mit to elect three of their principal men, one of whom I will appoint. Hence
forth the alcaldes shall take cognizance in the first instance of all misdemean
ors committed within their respective jurisdictions. If found necessary they
will commit the accused to prison, and before sentence shall be pronounced will
lay the case before me. In civil eases to the amount of fifty dollars they will
decide, but parties may have three days within which to appeal to me, through
the alcalde, who, in such cases, will submit to me the proceedings. An appeal
may be had from my decision to the Governor-General of this Province in all
cases exceeding one hundred dollars.

172, Mississippi, as a Province,
When parties agree, in due form, to an arbitration, there is no appeal, and
the alcaldes will enforce the award of the arbitrators."
These propositions were drawn up by the Committee with great
skiU. They stipulate immunity for the past; properly recognize the
existing Spanish authority and laws for the time being; look to ulte
rior and speedy union with the United States; wisely guard the
personal liberty of the citizen and his exemption from all military duty
in the Spanish service, exce]^t to suppress riots aftd repel Indian invasion,
exceptions expressly intended for Mr. Andrew Ellicott, and which he
by no means relished.
He had been acting from the moment of his arrival the part of an
agitator, and there is abundant evidence to show by existing MS. from
his own record, and by the correspondence of officers on public ser
vice, that the delay in running the line, and the commotions that
occurred, may be laid at his door.*
• This Committee likewise secured a great concession from the
Spanish authorities — the right substantially of choosing their own mag
istrates, and the trial of persons accused of crime before the local tri
bunals. The Committee seeing no further necessity for its continuance,
and having Jio factions or personal objects to subserve, dissolved.
In pursuance of a request made by EUicott, Gayoso now issued an
order for the election of a Permanent Comraittee. Colonel Hutchins,
being then over eighty years of age, declined serving on account of
infirmity, and the following leading citizens were choson : Joseph Ber
nard, P. B. Bruin, Daniel Clarke, G. Benoist, Philander Smith, Isaac
GaUlard, Roger Dixon, Frederic Kimball.
Mr. EUicott represents that Col. Hutchins, after declining to serve
on the Permanent Comraittee, made war upon it, attended its sitting,
and declared it dissolved, and was rebuked by one of its members as
"having opposed in arras the independence of the United States. "f
The statement, in all its parts, is false, and even without plausi
bility. Col. Hutchins left North Carolina to explore the Natchez
district in 1772, and in less than a year thereafter had settled perma
nentiy at the White Apple Village, twelve raUes from Natchez. He
was a man of marked characteristics, courageous, active, of restiess
and indomitable spirit, and under all the political changes that oc
curred in the district, and under the British, Spanish and American
governments, from the period of his arrival untU his death, exerted a
controUing influence. On the installation of the American authori
ties he immediately took the oath of allegiance, and though over
eighty years of age, was the acknowledged head of the Repubhcan
"-¦¦'General WiIkin.son, Major Guion, Lieutenant Pope, Lieutenant McCleary, Gov
ernor Matthews, agent for Georuin, and Major Thomas Freeman, American Sur
veyor on the line, and for many years Surveyor-General ot Mississippi Territory,
express this opinion of Ellicott, imd Major Freeman expresslv declares that he
created difficulties and dissensions to delay the execution of the'treatvaud "make
a job out of his office." ,
t"In this extraordinary proceeding," savs Ellicott, " Col. Hutchins was seconded
by some citizens of the United States, several of whom hold commissions under
the government."
We do not know whom he refers to, but when we find the oflScers of the United
States government supporting Col. Hutchins, tbe presumption is that he was
nght I It IS quite certain that all the reforms he advocated and the niea.sures he
recommended to Congress, were adopted, Ellicott to the contrary notwithsfand-

Territory and State. 173
or Jeffersonian party, and his house the general rendezvous of its most
active partisans, t His relations with the Permanent Committee were
perfectly amicable. He had voted for all of them. Several of them
were, and long had been, and continued to be his intimate friends. All
of them were frequent guests at his house. He did not interfere, and had
no desire to interfere with their functions. But he, and other influential
persons, considered it right to make a bolder issue with EUicott than the
Permanent Committee seemed inclined to make. They regarded him, and
his measures, as inimical lo the district, present and prospective, and
they desired to have a direct expression of public sentiment on that
issue, with the view of carrying their complaints before the national
authorities. For these reasons Col. Hutchins, and his immediate
friends, recommended the election of a new Committee, of which he
did not propose to be a member.
Some good citizens differed with Col. Hutchins in this matter.
They believed that Mr. Ellicott represented the sentiments and wishes
of the American government, and that it was their duty to support
him. Col. Hutchins and his friends regarded him as a mischief-
maker, hostile to the interests of the district, and misrepresenting .
the views of the government. And intending to expose his conduct
in the proper quarter, they insisted upon and obtained an authoriza
tion for a new election, the whole matter turning on the demerits of
EUicott. Mr. Ellicott, of course, bitterly opposed this movement, and rep
resents Col. Hutchins as a disloyal factionist, but to rebut his own
charges he records the fact, that every mail in the district, Jiolding a
commission under tiie United States, eo-opcrated with Col. Hutchins and
supported the movement!
1797. On the 9th August, the foUowing communication was ad
dressed to Governor Minor :
" Sir : Having a firm belief that the treaty between his Catholic Maj
esty and the United States will be carried into effect and that the latter
will assert her dominion over this district to the 31° of north latitude, it is by
many of us deemed expedient to appoint an able and trusty man as Agent, to
communicate with Congress on occasions. And that there may also be a
Committee of Safety who may correspond with such Agent, and from time to
time communicate to him the sense and will of the people. From your own
observation of the numbers that appeared here yesterday, and the expression
of opinion then and there made in your hearing, the wishes of the inhabitants
cannot be misunderstood. And as they, from necessity, have returned to their
homes, I am left to solicit your approval of an election, to be held in the town
of Natchez, and in the several beats of the district, to elect such Agent and
such Committee, ou Saturday, the second day of September next. And that
the polls be opened at 10 A. M., and not closed until sunset, under the direction
of an Alcalde and one respectable citizen of the respective beats, who shall
return the votes to A. Ellicott, Adam Bingaman and John Girault, Esq., who,
or any two of them, shall count the same, with full powers to make scrutiny
and ascertain whether such election has been fairly conducted, and their de
cision shall be final, and shall decide who have been elected.
 r  — ~
Second Creek, Adams County.
fThis may certify that Colonel Anthony Hutchins has,this 15th day of October,
A. D., 1798, taken and subscribed the oath of allegiance to the United States of
America, as prescribed by the Governour.
In testimony of which I have undersigned my name.
William Dunbae,
Conservator of the Peace.

174 Mississippi, as a Province,
But should the Alcaldes of any of the beats, through sickness or other cause,
fail to attend at the place designated for holding said election, then that said
election may be held by a citizen duly appointed or called, who shall make re
turn as aforesaid. And that said citizens be now designated as follows :
For St. Catherine's Beat — Andrew Beall.
For Lower Second Creek — Thomas Burling.
For Upper Second Creek, including Sandy Creek — Joshua Howard.
For Homochitto — Landon Davis.
For Buffalo Creek— John Collins.
For Bayou Sara Creek — Elisha Hunter.
For Pine Eidge and Fairchild's Creek — Charles Bordman.
For Villa Gayoso and Cole's Creelc — Parker Carradine.
For Bayou Pierre and Big Black — John Burnet.
For Town of Natchez — David Ferguson.
And it is desired, in order to keep the election free from all improper in
fluences, that no Alcalde holding said election and no citizen or assistant,
acting in his default, be a candidate at said election. And that no person shall
be permitted to vote who is under eighteen years of age, and who is not known
to be an actual resident of the beat wherein he offers to vote.
Anthony Httchins."
On which is endorsed :
" No opposition will be made by the officers of his Catholic ^lajesty to any
assemblj', whether general or partial, of the inhabitants of this district, if con
ducted with decorum and good order. I do hereby grant permission for the
assembly or meeting required in this address, to take place on the day ap
pointed and in the manner recommended. Stephen JNIinor,
Captain in the Eoyal Armies, and Governor, ad interim, for the District of
Natchez."
Natchez, August IQth, 1797.
There was a very general turn-out in the various beats, not"ivithstand-
ing the active opposition of Ellicott, who declared that he ^yould con
sider all persons who took part in it, as enemies of the United States.
He induced'Lieutenant Pope to believe that it was his duty to inter
pose, and then and there was set the first example of that mUitary
interference "with elections, which has since been so frequent and
disastrous in the South.
Lieutenant Pope issued and sent a circular to each of the citizens
designated to supervise the polls, which was delivered by an orderly
in uniform on the morning of the election. The following is copied
from the original letter : Casip, September 2, 1797.
Mr. Landon Davis, Homochitto :
Sir — It is with pain I am informed that you are taking an extreme active
part in opposition to the present Permanent Committee, who are making every
exertion to restore peace to the country. I shall with pleasure hear of your
using every exertion in your power to lull the minds of the people in your quarter.
They have taken up an erroneous opinion of the principles on which they are now
acting. This can't be permitted. Your obedient servant, PuRCY Sjiith Pope,
Commanding United States Troops, Natchez.
Mr. Davis was a man with a logical, well balanced mind, of great
personal firmness, and he read this very luminous epistie with contempt,
but It had been delivered to him at the polls by an orderly in uniform,
and of course had the effect to intimidate the voters, just as we have
seen them intimidated .in our own times.

Territory and State.

175

Colonel Hutchins addressed the following note to Lieutenant Pope :
White Apple Village, September C, '97.
Sir— You are perfectly aware that by due authority, the inhabitants of this
district held an election on Saturday last, for the purpose of electing a Com
mittee to draft a memorial to Congress, and an agent to represent them at the
seat of government.
More voters assembled, and there would have been the largest vote ever
thrown in this district but for your improper letter of interference, and it is my
duty to tell you so. You awed and discouraged men as free as your
self from their right to vote, and the government never sent you here
to do that. On the 12th June you issued a letter to the inhabi
tants, which fomented the insurrection that Ellicott had planned, a
man that you personally scorn and publicly deride and yet hath allowed him
to use you to your own discredit and to the injury of this district. I am per
suaded that you have good intentions, but you are badly blinded. I therefore
deal frankly with you, and in a friendly spirit, by informing you that, in behalf
of the inhabitants who feel outraged, I shall writejto your superior. Captain
Guion, at the Chickasaw bluffs, who I heartily wish was here now.
Eespectfuliy, A. Hutchins.
The Committee elected was Col. Thomas M. Green, Daniel Burnet,
Justice King, Landon Davis, Dr. John Shaw, Anthony Hoggatt,
James Stuart, Chester Ashley and Abner Green.*
The Committee of Safety adopted a trenchant memorial to Con
gress, representing the anxiety of the people in regard to Georgia and
British land claims, the large majority holding under Spanish tenures ;
praying that no persons interested in land speculations should be
appointed to office ; asking for the privUege of electing their own offi
cers ; deprecating such a government as had been established for the
Northwestern Territory as not adapted to this district ; complaining of
the mUitary interference of Lieutenant Pope, and praying that Andrew
EUicott be either recalled or confined strictiy to the business he was
sent to do.
Colonel Hutchins with two of his friends set out to deliver this
memorial to Mr. James Stuart, one of their number, who was to carry
it to the Secretary of State. They lodged at the house of their friends,
Mr. Parker Carradine, on Cole's Creek, and, in the morning
it was ascertained that their horses had been stolen. This occa
sioned delay, which was prolonged by the illness of Mr. Stuart, and
when finally he set out on his journey, he was attacked at night by
three men, armed and masked, who forcibly took possession of his
papers and carried them to Ellicott, who gave them a, very welcome
reception. The leader of this band was one John Lee Payne, who
afterwards confessed that he had been paid two hundred dollars for
the feat.
Mr. Ellicott, in his journal, says: "Mr. Payne had foUowed trading
and swindling on the Ohio until he found it necessary to descend the
¦i^EUicott abuses this committee in his journal. Colonel Green was the gentle
man appointed, under the Bourbon county act, Eegister of Probates, brother of
Thomas M. Green, our second delegate to Congress — a model planter and ot high
character. Burnet became President of the Senate and Lieutenant Governor. Dr.
Shaw (who was likewise an attorney) was a man of remarkable talents and attain
ments, and one of our earliest editors. Chester Ashley was a man of education,
nephew of the famous Gen. Elisha Clark of Georgia. The others were all intelli
gent and very influential planters, the founders of large and opulent families in
Mississippi — emphatically representative men.

176 Mississippi, as a Province,
river," yet he did not scruple to employ this man, and to receive him
in his tent, after the perpetration of this robbery.*
A copy of the memorial had fortunately been retained, and it
was forthwith transmitted by Daniel Burnet, who placed it in the hands
of the Secretary of State.. And in tracing the history of the distiict,
soon to become a Territory, it wUl be seen that the truly repubhcan and
conservative measures recommended in that memorial, were all in due
time adopted, and have shaped and colored the policy of the Territory
and the State.
The men who drafted and supported it, against the remonstrances
of EUicott and Pope, and in spite of the slanders and certificates
transmitted to the Department of State, won the ear of Congress
and the confidence of the government, Mr. Ellicott complains that
when he exhibited the double dealing of the Spaniards, and the dis
loyalty and dangerous schemes of Colonel Hutqhins and his friends,
not the slightest notice was taken of his communications. The gov
ernment recognized him only as an astronomer and surveyor, and
regarded hira as an intruder in all other matters. His slanders were
so indiscriminate, and so transparently personal and vindictive, that
they rebutted themselves. Some fifty pages of his journal are devoted
to abuse of Colonel Hutchins. The Hon. Narsworthy Hunter, our
first delegate to Congress, an educated, polished and honorable man,
a native of Virginia, he accuses of swindling and forgery ! f Pope,
his coadjutor, and Lieutenant McCleary, the officer in command of his
escort, he reports as drunkards. Major Guion, one of the most cir
cumspect, fastidious and courtly officers in the army, he records as
arbitrary, tyranical, intemperate and eager for control. He quarreled
-^In February, 1798, Ellicott having carried the line as far as Pearl river, desired
to visit New Orleans, to jirocure a boat and some supplies. He dispatched a mes
senger to Governor Gayoso, who sent a sloop to bring him across the lake. On
his arrival at Fort St. John the Governor's barge was in w-aiting to bring him to
the city. And he was the guest of the Governor during his stay. The Governor
thus manifested his respect for the United States, choosing to forget that this
same man had stirred up a peaceable and friendly community, to arm against him,
and had endeavored to induce the Chocta-ws to do the same.
Ellicott had the meanness to accept these hospitalities though he was then tradnc-
ing Gayoso in every communication to the Secretary of State, and only a few months
before, when camped at Darling's Creek, he had suborned a courier and broke
open a package addressed by Gayoso to one of his ofiicers !
On this visit to New Orleans he intercepted and broke open a business
letter addressed by Colonel Hutchins to John Miller ct Co., his merchants in Lon
don. And these exploits, whicli in all civilized communities are held infamous,
he records as evidence of his superior finesse.
He recites several other of these rascalities with great complacency.
fEllicott says : "Among those who labored with the most assiduity in favor of
a military government (to be established by Major Gnion) was the late Mr. Hun
ter, who was afterwards appointed, by the influence ot Colonel Hutchins, a mem
ber of Congress from the Mississippi Territory. Mr. Hunter was appointed by
me in May, 1797, to carry my dispatches to the seat of government, and returned
a strenuous advocate of the omnipotence of Presidential power. And pretended
that he had receiyed a commission from the United States, by which he was able
to borrow a little money. The commission was probably a forgery." This shame
ful attack on an honorable and useful citizen, then in his grave, is thus rebutted :
Extract of a letter from James McHenry, Secretary of War, to Major Isaac
Gnion, commanding United States troops at Natchez, dated War Ofiice, July 27,
1797: "Capt. Narsworthy Hunter, who carries this dispatch, is a person in whom, I
believe confidence may be placed. He has been appointed Inspector of the public
stores and buildings at the posts on the east side of the 3Iississip2n. 'You -will see that
he is respected accordingly."

Territory and State. 177
with Major Freeman, who had been designated by the President as
surveyor, and forced him to leave the service. He implicates several
persons holding commissions under the United States, with Blount,
and accuses them of aiding and abetting Colonel Hutchins.
Among these he includes the venerable Governor Matthews of
Georgia, then on a visit to Natchez, as brave a soldier, and as true
a patriot as ever lived. He transmits these calumnies to the Secretary
of State, records them in his journal, and then returns to Pennsylva
nia, and when raost of these parties are dead, and he feels himself
secure from personal chastisement, and exposure, he puts them in print.
He professed the most devoted friendship and admiration for General
WUkinson, in numerous notes and letters, congratulating him and the
country on his arrival in the district ; begs the honor of a visit at his
camp ; receives him with an homage that would now be called flunkey-
ism ; and for six months previous, and in twenty-four hours after the
general had left his camp, he represents him to the Secretary of State
as a pensioner of Spain and a traitor to his country ! And in three
days after the date of this dispatch rene^vs his friendly correspondence
with the general, and begs for "the honor and pleasure of another
visit." It has been a disgusting task to unmask the duplicity of this man,
and tread in the slime of his revolting slanders, but duty to the dead
demanded it.
The dictatorial power claimed and exercised by EUicott was derived
entirely from his assumption of authority and the moral influence of
the flag that he displayed. That flag was the symbol of the sov
ereignty of the Republic, and the people of this district, almost
without exception, were ready to enroll themselves under it. But they
soon ascertained, as we have frequently seen since, that even that flag
could be used to shelter crirae and perpetrate Outrage.
But our citizens had the firraness to resist this inflated official, well
knowing that they would be represented as enemies, but would event
ually be considered the best friends of their country. There is not
in history a nobler example of a people, left entirely unaided and un
advised, perse veringly resisting a corrupt official influence and struggling
for free government, ivhUe they respected the existing laws and main
tained pubhc order, amidst all the uncertainties and discouragements
of their condition.*
-*Lieut. Pope, ia a letter to Major Guion, dated Natchez, May 2d, 1797, says :
"The inhabitants are anxiously awaiting a change of government, and to a man,
are warmly attached to the United States." This was when Ellicott was repre
senting a large, wealthy and infiuential portion of them enemies of the United
States.

OHAPTEE XX,

(5X*^^^ T THIS stage of affairs, the foUowing letter was -written
' ^^ "^ by the Chief of the Army :
general Wilkinson's instructions to captain guion.
Fort "Washington, May 20th, 1797.
It being deemed essential that the troops of tbe United States
should take possession of certain military posts on the Mississippi,
within our territorial limits, heretofore held by the Spanish garrisons, I
' have thought proper to appoint you to this very honorable and impor
tant service, relying, with entire confidence, on your intrepidity, talents, zeal,
patriotism and discretion.
You are to embark from this place on the 26th inst., with such party as may
be assigned to you, in charge of your ordnance, stores and implements of every
kind, and to proceed, without halt, to Fort Massac."-'' Arrived there, you will
report to the commanding ofEcer,t and deliver the orders for him which ac
company these instructions. These orders are to be promptly executed, and
so soon as the detachment provided for can he organized and mustered, and
the additional ordnance and stores, to be taken from Massac, can be put on
board, you will proceed on your voyage.
You are to sail under the flag of tbe United States, displayed conspicuously
on your bai'ge, and on approaching any Spanish post, on the side of Louisiana,
you are to give seasonable information by a subaltern, of the object of your
movement and announce your disposition to ofl'er a salute provided you are
assured it will be returned gun for gun. No objection to your further progress
can justify you in halting, unless it amounts to an otficial prohibition in wri
ting, covering a menace of opposition by force of arms, or a shot fired into your
flotilla or across your bows.
In either case you are to drop anchor, and present to the senior officer of
his Catholic Majesty nearest to you, a protest grounded on the legitimate pre
tensions of the "United States, the law of nations and the treaty of friendship,
limits and navigation between the two powers, copies of which you will trans
mit to the Minister of War, the Governor-General of Louisiana, and the Com
mander-in-Chief. You are then either to return to INIassnc with your detachment, (having
previously niade tender to the Spanish officer of such articles as you may not
be able to bring back ; and should he refuse to receive and give you duplicate
receipts for the same, then you are to order two of your officers to make an in
ventory of such articles and abandon them,) or you are to take ii. military
position within the limits of the United States, as your judgment may direct.
¦•¦¦On the Ohio, in the present State of Illinois.
fCaptain Z. M. Pike, afterwards Brigadier-General, killed in battle in Canada,
April 29th, 1813.

Territory and State. 179
But when onee posted, you are to defend your ground to the last extremity,
waiting always with patience for the attack."'"
It may, however, be presumed that no impediment will be thrown in your
way, and that you will proceed without interruption to Wolfe river, at the head
of the lower Chickasaw Blufl's, where you are to halt, and distribute the goods
intended for the Chickasaws. This being done, you are to proceed to the Span
ish post at the Walnut Hills, and if it shall have been evacuated, you will
take possession. Should it be found in the occupation of the Spaniards, you
will demand possession in the name ol the United States, in conformity with
the treaty. You are to leave there one company and a detachment of artil
lery, with sufficient armament, ammunition, tools and provisions.
You are then to drop down to the Natchez, and in the same manner take
possession of the fortifications at that place. To the f oroe th at is to accompany
you it is intended to add Demlar's company of artillery and the residue of
Heth's company with six or seven six-pounders. Your command at Natchez
will then consist of one Captain, three subalterns, one surgeon's mate, seven
sergeants, seven corporals, four musicians and ninety -two privates, making, with
the force at Walnut Hills, one hundred and eighty-eight combatants. With
this force you are to repair and improve your works, to make them tenable
against seige or assault.
You will observe, in ascending from the landing at Natchez to Fort Eosalie
an elevated point upon your right, within half cannon shot of the Fort.
Should you be menaced from without or within, that point must be occupied.
As opportunities offer you are to carry your inquiries towards our national
boundary on the Mississippi, and ascertain whether we have any eligible ground
near it for a military post.f
At Natchez, you will find yourself in an extensive, opulent and polished community,
agitated by a variety of political interests and opinions. It will be your duty
to conciliate all parties to the government of our country by every means in
your power, avoiding, at the same time, any just cause of offense to the Span
ish authorities. The occasion will call for the exertion of all your faculties,
for this unfortunate people, who have no option in choosing or changing mas
ters. The moment the Spani-sh dominion terminates they will find themselves
without laws or magistrates, and the bonds of society being dissolved, more or
less irregularities may ensue. The doubtful tenure by which they hold their
lands, may become a dangerous element of agitation in the hands of the ene
mies of our country, and may be possibly employed to persuade them to a
usurpation of the right of self-government.t
This will suggest to you the necessity of the utmost vigilance and circum
spection in your intercourse ; and the exertion of all your powers to combat
such conclusions, inspiring them, on the other hand, with a firm reliance on
the paternal disposition of our government, as well as of its power and energy
in making itself obeyed. The particular mode must be left to your discretion,
but you inay safely promise fair and profess much, to gain time and avert
excess. It wUl be your duty to abstract yourself from all^ personal feuds and ani
mosities, but you are to give your unequivocal protection to the friends of our
¦'¦These instructions at this day appear humiliating and must have been galling
to the pride of both Wilkinson and Guion. They were both soldiers, anxious for
fame and eager for war. But Wilkinson based his instructions on orders from
the Secretary of War, and they reflected the views of the President and Cabinet.
We were-likelv to have war with France, and it was a prime object to avoid a war
with Spain at the same time. This policy, long and steadily pursued, and which
proved to be wise and salutary, was soon after-svards near being defeated by the
mischievous intrigues of Ellicott.
tCaptain Guion recommended Loftus Heights, a short distance above the 31°,
and Gen. Wilkinson there built Fort Adams, and to it subsequently transferred
all the troops from Walnut Hills and Natchez.
JThese were wise admonitions, founded on what had occurred in all communi
ties under similar circumstances. But, owing to the conservative character ot
our early population, and their training under British laws, and the prudent coun
sels of the several Committees, perfect order prevailed, notwithstanding the
eflbrts of EUicott to bring on a conflict with the Spanish authorities.

i8o Mississippi, as a Province,
government and as unequivocally to discountenance these who oppose its in
terest. Should any foreign incendiary be discovered in the district, you will
determine on the expediency of seizing or expelling him. You must impress
the community with a sense of your moderation and firmness ; must cautiously
avoid such personal intimacies as may warp your judgment, and yet form such
associations as will enable you, on an emergency, whether foreign or domestic,
to call to your aid a body of zealous Americans ; and it is for such a contin
gency you are now furnished with a supply of spare arms. The private
letters I will hand you will, with respect to this object, place you on safe
ground. Keep a vigilant eye on New Orleans, and the movements in that
quarter. Should Lieutenant Pope be at Massac you will give him orders. Should he
have descended the river, he v.'ill be annexed to your command.
Placed in command at this important national boundary, I feel a.ssured you
will be equal to the position, and that your conduct will correspond with the
dignity of the trust. The smallest default will fill me with mortification, and
insure your own ruin."
1797. May 29th, nine days after the above instructions were penned,
Carondelet wrote to Gen. Wilkinson, (who, since the death of Wayne,
commanded the American army,) as follows:
Lieutenant-Colonel Don Carlos Dehault Delassus, commandant ot the post
at New Madrid, has forwarded to me your communication of the 30th April,
in which you are pleased to advise him that you were preparing a detachment
of troops to take possession of the fortifications at Nogales and Natchez, in
conformity with the stipulations of the second article of the treaty between
his Catholic Majesty and the United States, and that you gave this notice in
advance to prevent any misconstruction of the movement of your troops.
" In reply, it becomes necessary I should inform your Excellency, with per
fect candor, that doubts have i^revailed as to how, under the treaty, the posts
are to be delivered by Spain. That is to say, whether they are to be delivered
with their fortifications and edifices intact, (as seems to be understood by the
United States,) or razed, evacuated and abandoned, as I hold, avoiding, hy this
means, involving ourselves in any difficulties with the Indians who, hy formal
treaties, ceded to Spain a portion of their domain at Chickasaw Bluff, Nogales
and Tombecbee, or Fort Tondouse, upon the express condition that we should
construct fortifications thereon, and maintain a Spanisli garrison, to defend
them against their enemies.
I had resolved to wait, upon this point, instructions from Madrid, or at least
from the Minister Plenipotentiary of the King, my master, at your seat of
government. I have recently been informed that the Spanish Minister has submitted to
the President information of a British expedition having left Montreal with
the intention of .attacking the Spanish settlements of Illinois ; that it had
wintered on the lakes, and was to traverse the territory of the United States,
to invade upper Louisiana. And that the Spanish Minister had demanded
that, by virtue of the treaty, the United States should forbid any passage of
troops through lier territories."*
I have, therefore, in view of this menace, determined lo retain the posts of
Nogales and Natchez, with u, view to the safety and defence of lower .Louisi
ana, until tlie American government takes measures to secure us from this
danger, and until a sufficient force, commanded by an officer of rank, shall be sent to
take possession, to guarantee good order and restrain expeditions against the
Indians, the ancient allies of .Spain, according to the fifth article of the
treaty. I shall be ready to evacuate the posts of Natchez and Nogales on the arrival
-SEyidently referring to the Blount intrigue, which doubtless, had reached the
Spanish governor. Gen. Wilkinson and the. Secretary of War, it will be seen in
the coi-resiiondencc, deny and ridicule the alleged military movement as iniprac-
ticable and ncvci- contemplated. What then becomes of the criminal charge
against benator Blount of plotting to put Louisiana in the hands of the English?
these peremptory disclaimers from high official quarters, if accepted, must go to
his acquittal, i > a

Territory and State. i8i
of such a detachment, or as soon thereafter as the Spanish Minister and the
American government shall agree as to how the posts are to he delivered.
In the meantime I have to request your excellency to suspend the advance
of your troops, whose presence might possibly disturb the tranquility of the
province, and the good understanding that now prevails."
Before this letter was received General Wilkinson had dispatched
Capt. Isaac Guion of the Third Regiment, with a strong detachment
of infantry and artillery. They set out from Fort Washington (Cin
cinnati), and stopped at Massac, the most advanced post of the United
States, to take in some artUlery. On arriving at New Madrid the
Spanish commandant objected to his further progress, but after some
negotiation consented to his proceeding as far as the lower Chickasaw
bluff, on his pledge to go no farther untU the matter should be deter
mined by their superiors. This was the best arrangement the Ameri
can Captain could make under the rigid instructions that fettered hira.
It was an important point gained to get among the Chickasaws, dis
tribute the presents and conciliate their good will.* He arrived there
¦on the 2oth of July, 1797. Captain Bellechasse, commandant of the
post, had abandoned and destroyed the works, and taken position at
the post of Hopefield or Esperanza, on the western bank of the
river, t

-'¦¦"To give some notion of the presents acceptable to the Indians, at that day, I
quote from the invoice : 20 pairs silver armlets, 20 pairs silver wrist-bands, 10
dozen silver ear-bobs, 16 dozen silver broaches or breast-pins, 4 dozen silver hair
pins, 620 pieces white wampum, 10 pieces linen, 2500 black wampum, 272 pieces
calico, 25 rifles, 25 men's saddles, bridles and housings, 2000 yards stroad, 150
blankets. "fThe first fort at the Chickasaw bluflT, below the mouth of Wolf river, was a
stockade built by the French and called Fort Prudhomme after a Canadian hun
ter who accompanied La Salle down the river, and there got lost. The next by
Bienville on his last expedition, called Fort Assumption. In 1795, Governor Gay
oso erected there Fort Ferdinand. We have before us a letter written by him to
his wife, dated Fort St. Ferdinand of tho BlnfTs, May 31, 1795: "Yesterday I
passed from my post of Esperanza over to the Chieaoha blufl's, whence I now M'rite.
I hoisted the King's flag and saluted it in the most brilliant manner from the flo
tilla and from the battery. It being St. Ferdinand's day (the name of my Prince)
I gave the post that name. It was a pleasant day, aud withal my birthday, and
nothing was wanting to complete ray happiness but your presence. The chiefs
are to visit me to-morrow, and then I shall count the days, the hours and the
moments until I can be with yon.
The Spanish garrison, commanded by Captain Bellechasse, abandoned and par
tially destroyed Fort Ferdinand in July, 1797, hearing of the approach of Captain
Guion with an American detachment.
Captain Guion landed there soon after, and erected what was first known as
Fort Adams and afterward as Fort Pickering. All persons passing up or down the
river were required to report at the fort and a register was duly kept as follows :

NAMES.

UATt. OF
ARRI VAL.

DATE OF
DEPAR TURE.

WHERE EROM

WHERE
BOUNn.

MODE OF
TRAVELING.

BUSINESS AND
E BMABKS.

¦Captain Nars
worthy Bun-
ter 

Sept. 14.
Sept. 14.
Sept. 26.
Sept. 26.
Oct. 23..

Sept. 15
Sept. 15.
Sept. 29.
Sept. 29.
Oct. 23..

Philadelphia. Chickasaws...
Georgia 
Connecticut..
Philadelphia.

Natchez.Natchez. Natchez.
Natchez. Havana.

Horseback...Horseback...Pirogue 

With dispatch

Capt. Love 
Gen. Mathews.
Judge Miller...
Mons. Mabine
and wife 

es 
Guide to Hun -
ter 

Pirogue 

Private 

1 82 Mississippi, as a Province,
1797. August 14th, Captain Guion wrote General WUkinson as fol
lows :
"Owing to strong apprehensions of an attack by the Creeks on their towns,
the Chickasaws did not appear here until the 10th inst. Yesterday Piamingo,
the mountain leader, arrived in bad health. The Wolf's Friend preceded him
two days and is here with all his people, and a very disorderly, turbulent and
troublesome clan they are. Great discord prevails in this nation, owing pro
bably to the intrigues of the Spaniards, and the want of information and energy
somewhere else. General Colbert, who was here a few days since, with about
one hundred of his people, manifested a very friendly disposition, and gave me
permission to remove my troops and stores from the bank to the blufi' where
the Spanish fort recently stood, and to erect there such works as I thought fit,
observing that it would be extraordinary to deny to us, who were born on the
same side of the water, a privilege that had been granted to those born on the
other side of it. I immediately set a party to get pickets for a temporary cover
for our stores and camp, a very heavy job, for they had to be got a mile up the
river Margot, (Wolf) rafted down and drawn up to the the bluff by hand. I
have, however, enclosed a sexangular stockade, of which the plan is trans
mitted. The V/olf's Friend, who has great influence, is by no means inclined to the
United States. There is an evident coolness between him and the Mountain
Leader. I know not how it will end. I shall use every exertion to reconcile
these discords. I despair, however, of effecting anything with the former with
out using a more potent argument than words. A few hundred dollars is the
best "talk" for him.
On the 12th Colonel Howard, with five galleys and about one hundred
Spanish infantry, arrived from above at the post of Hopefield on the opposite
bank of the Mississippi. They have been very civil and a salute has been
received and returned.'-' Our troops are daily falling down with intermittents,
the prevailing malady of this country.
The salt meats furnished by the contractor at Fort Washington, are, in a
great measure uusound, and I have obtained permission from the chiefs to pur
chase from James Allen, a white man living iu the nation, a drove of beef
cattle."t •¦"The Spanish troops left Hopefield, Esperanza, and started down the river Sep
tember 1st.
fJamcs Allen was a North Carolinian, well educated and of a family in easy
circumstances. He came to Nashville, intending to settle there as a lawyer but
from some disgust entered the Chickasaw nation, where he soon conciliated the
favor of General Colbert, a half-breed chief of large fortune. Allen married his.
daughter Susie Colbert. Their daughter, Peggy, was very beautiful, and received
numei ous proposals from traders returning from New Orleans to Tennessee, and
from the sons of the other Chickasaw chiefs. The United States agent iu charge
of the Chickasaws, Samuel Mitchell, became deeply in love with her, but she did
not return it. He applied to her srandiuother, anil she considering it a very de
sirable match sent off Peggy to the agency with a string of well loaded pack-
horses, and ten negroes, for her dowry. Peggy was compelled to make the jour
ney, but she persistently refused Mitchell, (saying she would never marry a drink
ing white man or an Indian) and aftcrtwo weeks of importunity he senther home.
Ju.st then there turned up a handsome young fellow, Simon Burney, from the
neighborhood of Natchez, who loved her very deeply, and her father and herself
both fearing interference by Mitchell and his friends, they were married and im
mediately left the Nation.— 1'^cniini.scences ot John L. Swancy, (the old Natchez
mail rider,) in the GaUatin, (Tenn.,) Examiner.
Capt. David Burney lived near Natchez, in early times, on the place now owned
by Dr. Legsett. Ho was tho first breeder ot fast horses and game cocks in the
territory and a great patron of the turf. He moved with his large family of sons
and daughters to Lawrence county.
One of the grand-daughters ot this James Allen, educated at Elliott mission
school, and married to a Mr. McAulcy, a Scotch trader in that vicinity, having
in her veins the blood of the Chickasaws, Choctaws and whites, was 'the most
beautiful woman in Mis,sissippi. She went with her people to the AVest a year or
two after the last treaty with the Choctaws.

Territory and State. 183
The promise made by Captain Guion to the Spanish commandant at New
Madrid, although clearly within his instructions from General Wilkinson, aud
indispensable in view of the distribution of goods to the Chickasaws, and pol
icy of conciliating them, was not approved by the Secretary of "War, who be
lieved that the Spaniards were only waiting the arrival of the American
detachment to evacuate the forts. Captain Guion knew from his scouts that
they were strengthening their works, anticipated war between the United States
and France, and hoped to continue to hold the countr3^
The actual condition of things at Chickasw Bluffs, and our relations with the
Indians and the Spaniards, at that remote date, are shown in his letter to the
Secretary of War : Fort Adams, CmcKAS.vw Bluffs, October 22, 1797.
"Contrary to my expectation the Mountain Leader, (Pianiingo,) the King
and the Wolf's Friend, with their followers, did not present ihemselves here,
to receive their goods, until the 12tli inst. Piamingo apprel nded an incur
sion by the Creeks, and had remained at home to repel it. Vii .i's Friend, who
is a warm partisan of the Spaniards, and a cunning, mischievous fellow, regu
lated his movements by their advices, and arranged to come in about the time
Spanish galleys and troops from St. Louis were to arrive at the post of Espe
ranza, opposite this. A supply of goods from New Orleans, for the Chickasaws,
had for some time been stored at Esperanza, but this had delayed the dis
tribution, believing that our lot was very inferior to theirs, and that the
contrast would make its impression, which would be supported by the new arri
val of soldiers. The Wolf's Friend had assured the commandant at Espe
ranza that we should not be permitted to remain. August 12th, Col. Charles
Howard with one hundred men and five galleys arrived at Esperanza from St.
Louis. Wolf's Friend immediately crossed over. On his return he said he
wished to make a talk, and desired that his friend. Colonel Howard, should be
present. I appointed the 16th to give time to have William Colbert and Pia
mingo present. Colonel Howard with two of his officers came over in the
morning. Pie apologized for his visit, and said it was only to gratify Wolf's
Friend, who had insisted upon it, anel he hoped that when he distributed the
presents at Esperanza, I would be his guest. This I promptly declined, but
observed that I had no objection to his presence, as I had no secret intrigues or
policy to carry out with the Indians, and should merely recommend them to
preserve order among themselves and peaceful relations with both Spaniards
and Americans. William Colbert, anticipating Wolf's Friend's design, opened
the conference with u, bold and animated talk. Addressing himself to that
chief he said : 'I know your object is to expel the Americans and bring back
your friends, the Spaniards. But this shall not be while I live. The works
now being built here were begun with my consent. I, and my people, gave our
consent and our promise, and I would like to see the man or the chief who can
make that promise void. The Americans may go away if they choose to go,
but they shall not be forced to go. I hear you talk of force. You will do well
to count the warriors of this nation. Before you can drive the Americans, you
must first kill me, and my warriors, and bury us here.'
This was followed by a brief but pointed talk from Piamingo, to the same
purpose. Wolf's Friend remained moody and silent, and his Spanish friends
who had come to hear a very different story, were greatly disconcerted. Next
day our goods were distributed, and as they were found more liberal in quan
tity and more substantial and valuable than the Spanish distribution, the effect
was fine.
I find at this place lour white families, who came here two and three years
ago. The man of most consequence is Kenneth Ferguson, a Scotchman, and
agent of Panton, Leslie & Co., of Pensacola — very active in the Spanish inter
est. He is extensively engaged iu the Indian trade, and sells at most exorbi
tant rates. Another of these people is Wm Mizell, a native of North Carolina.
who was at Pensacola, under British protection, when it surrendered to the
Spaniards. He is no friend to thera, and I find him very useful as an inter
preter, as he has resided sixteen years among [the Chickasaws and speaks their
language well."

184 Mississippi, as a Province,
In a private letter to his friend Daniel Carthy, attorney-at-law, New
bern, North Carolina, written in 1806, Captain Guion gives an inter
esting account of his voyage and proceedings, and how he found mat
ters on his arrival at Natchez :
1797. "Early in November, having left a sufficient garrison to protect Fort
Adams, which I had just completed, I left the Chickasaw bluff and descended
the river to Fort Nogales, then held by Spanish troops. Here I remained three
days in my boats. I politely demanded possession in the name of the United
States, and was politely refused. My hands were tied by positive orders to do
nothing to di.tplcase the Dons, or to occasion "a rupture," or even "a complaint,"
so I made my bow, and took my departure for Natchez, one hundred miles
below, where I found Mr. Ellicott, United States Commissioner for running the
boundary line. Lieutenants Pope and McCleary and .some forty or fifty men,
who bad been there a long time doing no good, but a great deal of harm. They
had got the people, who before their arrival had dwelt together in amity, cut
up into factions and very discontented."*"
I found a Spanish garrison of .some forty men, and two regular and one pro
vincial oificer. The late governor, Gayoso, having recently succeeded Caron
delet as Governor-General of Louisiana, had transferred his headquarters to
New Orleans, leaving the district of Natchez under the command of Captain
Stephen Minor, a native of Pennsylvania, long in the Spanitli service. I en
camped on a hill just one thousand yards from the Spanish fort, and the flags
of two nations waved over the same district.
1798. On the 30th March the Spanish garrison evacuated the fort, nothing
having occurred since my arrival to interrupt our friendly relations.
In a short time Ellicott, and his assistants and escort, left Natchez (very
much to my satisfaction and the satisfaction of the people) for a point on the
river near Loftus Heights, where, it is supposed, they will find the point desig
nated by treaty for a boundary, to-wit : the ST' north latitude. This personage
has remained here, va-y actively and profitably employed for himself ever since Feb
ruary, 1797, sometimes exciting dissensions between private families ; at others
endeavoring to .spread a spirit of mutiny among the troops or an insurrection
among the inhabitants ; and at all times closely intent on making a good job
out of the commission, receiving at the rate of ten dollars a day fixed, which
some days he made twenty.''^
¦•¦¦¦REOM CAPTAIN GUION TO LIEUTENANT POPE.
Chickasa"\v Bluffs, August 24, 1797.
"I am sorry to observe there are complaints against you for improper conduct,
and in that degree as to give serious displeasure to tlie ^Spanish authorities and
raise up obstacles to the execution of the treaty. You are strictly to avoid this
in future. Such, 1 am sure, were your orders "iVhen vou left Fort Massac, andi
reiterated them in letter of the 4th. You must, by a change of conduct, remove
any bad impressions made on Governor Gayoso."
August 29th he wrote to the Governor: "I am sorrv to hear thatthe oflicer here
tofore commanding the United States troops at Natchez has given to j'our Ex
cellency, and to the subjects ot His Catholic Majesty, and to the other inliabi-
tanta of that district, cause for discontent. This shall no longer be the case. He
has received my orders, and I hope very soon to bo there in person."
, tWhen Captain Guion set out from Fort Adams. Chickasaw bluffs, for Natchez,
he lett Lieutenant Campbell with a detachment of artillery, in command. He
found Captain Bcanrn^nnl in command of the Spanish post at Walnut Hills, with
whom the usual military courtesies M-cre exclians!;ed. He fouud there two Amei-
icaiis, a Mr. Ghis.s and a Mr. Parkin,son, ^vho had lately arrived from Tennessee
with a Colonel Downs. Twenty miles below there was a small clearing, and a flat-
boat tied up from which a family had lately landed. Judge Bruin's, at the mouth-
of Bayou Pierre, was the next settleiiimt.
Other troops soon followed Captian Guion and" were dis.tributed as follows:
At 1< ort 1 ickenng (formerly Fort Adams) Chiidcasaw blufl', one company of ai-
tiUery under Caj)t. Picrec (who subsequently died at Walnut Hills), one com-
•pany infantry, under Capt. Men-iwcthor Lewis, with Lieuts. Steele and Fero. At

Territory and State. 185
The following official correspondence, not heretofore published,
elucidates this period of our history, and shows, in every line, the
anxiety of our government, to obtain possession of the district with
out a coUison with Spain :
FROM JAMES m'hENRY, SECRETARY OP WAR, TO GENERAL WILKINSON.
War Office, June 9, 1797.
Sir — Yesterday the Secretary of State received letters from Mr. Ellicott, by
which it vrould appear that scruples on the part of Governor Gayoso, have
retarded the evacuation of the posts. These scruples or objections are : 1. That
in his opinion, the forts ought to be demolished. 2. That he thought it neces
sary to continue his force in that quarter till the claims of Spanish subjects
to lands should be adjusted by negotiation.
As to the first, our oificer may be instructed to agree to the demolishing of
the forts if it be insisted on. As to the second, he is authorized to assure the
governor that no person shall be disturbed in his possession or property,until an
opportunity has been afforded to apply to Congress, and that they may rely
upon their claims being adjusted upon the most equitable principles.
It is to he presumed that, on receiving these explanations, the Spanish garri
sons will be withdrawn. If, however, contrary to expectation, this should not
happen, our officer is to take a secure position, but not so near them as to give
any cause to the Spanish garrison to apprehend insult or injury.
Our posts in the Indian country may tend to give alarm to them, especially
if pains have been previously taken to mislead or deceive them. The officer
should be fully instructed, furnished with the means to counteract such prac
tices and be on his guard against them. You may, therefore, put into his
possession, to be distributed among the Choctaws, or other tribes, should he
find it necessary, one of the two year's presents provided for the Chickasaws,
which are now stored at Fort Washington.
. The officer, when he halts at the Chickasaws, will ascertain whether they
continue attached to the United States, and the condition in which the Spaniards
have left the works.
You will take the most effectual steps to know, as early as possible, the re
sult of the demand and explanation, and the position which may be assumed
by our troops, in case of a refusal, and to afford them every assistance which
the case may require."
PROM THE secretary OP WAR TO GENERAL WILKINSON, JUNE IOtH, 1797.
"The Spanish Minister has just called on me with two letters from the
Baron de Carondelet. These letters mention his dissatisfaction with Ellicott,
our commissio.er for running the boundary between the United States and
Florida, on account of his conduct at tbe Natchez, as communicated to him
by Gov. Gayoso. The Minister expressed his wish (and the wish of the Baron
Walnut Hills, Major Kersey commanding, with Capts. Packard and Wade and
Lieuts. Marshall and Davidson. Natchez, three companies, Capts. Guion, Heth,
Demler, (artillery), Lieuts. Bowyer, Pope, Gregg, Ensigns Mct'leary and Scott,
Surgeon Pheifer, Quarter-Master Evans, Commissary Quin. All these troops be
longed to the 1st and 3d regiments. United States infantry. August 20, 179S, Col.
John F. Hamtramck, 1st U. S. I., arrived at Natchez, assumed command, and con-
-solidated the forces at the new fort Adams, Loftus Heights, below Natchez.
Capt. Merriwether Lewis, mentioned above, a native of Albemarle county, Va.,
had a remarkable career. He was a man of vigorous intellect and of great energy
and courage, but not a man of education. When Mr. Jefl'erson became President
he invited Lewis to be his private secretary, retaining his rank in the army. He
soon after designated him and Capt. Clarke to explore the Missouri river and its
tributaries, a mission they ably executed, and their report excited unusual interest
and set in motion the tide of emigration which has ever since flowed to the region
they explored. Pveturning, subsequently, on horseback, from Natchez to Wash
ington city, in a fit of despondency, Capt. Lewis committed suicide, at the house
of a half-breed in the Choctaw territory.

1 86 Mississippi, as a Province,
Carondelet,) that Mr. Ellicott be confined to the duties of the commission, and that a
discreet military man should be sent with the American troops that were expected at
the Natchez. I asked his Excellency where the American troops would take
post unless the Spanish garrison withdrew from the fort. He answered that
the settlement was large, and there were plenty of houses in which they could
find quarters. One conclusion results from this interview, that the Spaniards
have no idea of using force to prevent our troops from establishing themselves
at the Natchez. The Baron de Carondelet has written to Madrid for instruc
tions about the manner of evacuating the posts."
Captain Isaac Guion, the officer selected for this delicate and
iraportant expedition, was a native of Weschester county, New York,
of a highly respectable family of Huguenot extraction. He entered
the Continental army in 1775, at a very early age, as an ensign, and
was in the assault on Quebec, December 31st, 1775, and stood near
the gallant General Montgomery when he, and his t"wo aids, and a
number of others were killed by a discharge from a British battery
only forty paces frora their position.* He continued in service until
November 23d, 1783, when the army was disbanded. He re-entered
the army March 5th, 1792, and remained in it untU June ist, 1802.
During the latter period he served in Wayne's celebrated legion,
and commanded a company in the memorable battle of August 20th,
1794. Fie was a thoroughly trained officer — impetuous but cool —
resolute, inflexible, punctUious, extremely courteous, but exacting in
return every honor due to his rank and character. He was a singu
larly handsome man, with a military port and manner, very fasci
nating in conversation, famihar with ancient and modern languages,
and with the literature of the age. Such was the man selected by
General Wilkinson ; just such an officer, as we have seen, that the
Baron de Carondelet and the Chevalier de Yrnigs, the Spanish Minister,
desired to have sent to the Natchez — "an officer of rank and discre
tion," to put an end to the officiousness of EUicott, and to the discon
tents and anarchy he had occasioned.
The dispatches from the Secretary of War to Captain Guion, re
ceived by him on his arrival at Natchez, show the anxiety of the gov
ernment to get possession of the district, but equal anxiety to avoid a
rupture with the Spaniards— "a rupture" which EUicott had been
persistendy striving to produce — and which, as far back as AprU 14th,
1797, he had written to Lieutenant Pope, was " near at hand."
"War Office, June 15th, 1797.
Sir : Should this dispatch find you where I expect it will, at the Natchez,
and the Spanish garrison still in possession of the works at that place, you will
be plea,sed to lose no time in communicating to the commanding officer there
tlie enclosed copy of a message from tlie President of the United States to
Congress, and to the inhabitants of the Natchez, its contents, that both may
be fully possessed of the intentions of Government. You will also inform the
Spanish commandant that you are instructed to pay the strictest attention to
-•¦Many years afterwards, when the remains of Montgomery were about being
removed to Trinity Church-yard, New York, it was ascertained that Major Guion
was the only survivor who could identify the exact spot where the fatal shot was
received, and where the body was deposited. Ta\o gentlemen were sent out to
solicit his attendance and escort him to New York. Thev found the veteran liv
ing m an humble cottage, near the foot of the " half-way hill," in the vicinity of
JNatchez. lie accompanied them to New York and to Quebec— pointed out the
grave and followed the remains ot his old comniandcr to their final resting place.
lie wa,s the guest of the military while in New York, and he received many at
tentions from the city authorities and the citizens

Territory and State. 187
the engagements the United States have entered into with his Catholic Majesty,
to permit the demolition of the works ; to use your utmost endeavors to pre
serve a continuance of the pacific disposition of the Indians within our limits,,
towards the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, or his Indians, and to prevent
their commencing hostilities {of which there is no appearance,) against either,
conformably to the fifth article of the said treaty ; that you flatter yourself,
after these candid assiii ances, that you will have the immediate jjleasure to an^
nounce to the President a full compliance with the treaty on the part of the
commandant of his Catholic Majesty's forces within the United States.
With respect to the government of your posts, you will keep the works
always in a condition to resist attacks ; practice the same precautions against
surprise as if the United States were actually in war ; fix upon regular and
stated hours for exercise ; pay the strictest attention to the arms, accoutrements
and clothing of the men; direct four roll-calls every day, viz: the first at
sunrise, the second at the hour of dinner, the third at that of supper, and the
fourth an hour after retreat, by a visit made to their huts or quarters by a
subaltern officer; have the sick and the soldiers' quarters visited ever day by a
subaltern officer, who shall examine into their situation, see there is nothing
out of order, that their provisions are wholesome and well cooked, that no
quarrels exist among them, that they do not game, get drunk or commit de
baucheries ; you will also examine, in conjunction with the next officer in com
mand, once every month, the state of tbe works, barracks, huts, magazines,,
public buildings, stores of every description, aud all articles the property of
the United States, and make a written report thereof to the Secretary of War,,
to be sent as often as occasions or opportunities may offer.
With respect to your general conduct, you will endeavor to gain the good
will of the civil officers and inhabitants of the district, without losing sight of
those measures necessary to be enforced for the preservation of the peace of
the frontier, and will, as far as in your power, be kind and attentive to such of
the Indians as may visit you.
As the times of service of some of the .soldiers of your detachment may ex
pire, who may be inclined to re-enlist, I enclose you enlisting instructions, and
authorize you to draw on me for such sums as may be necessary to keep up the
complement of your command, by fresh enlistments cither of old soldiers or
others. I am, sir, etc.,
James McHenry.
Captain Isaac Guion.
1797. July 13th, the Secretary of War writes to Captain Guion:
"You will conform strictly with my instructions, and take every precaution.
for the safety of your command, and maintenance of a good understanding
with the inhabitants and the Indians, while you will, at the same time, care
fully avoid whatever might disturb the peace between the United States and
Spain, or afford ground for complaint."
General Wilkinson seems to have been influenced by EUicott's false
and mischievous representations, to apprehend a rupture with Spain,
and so intimated to the Secretary of War, who thus replies :
EXTRACT OP A LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR TO GEN. WILKINSON.
War Office, July 21, 1797.
You will indulge me in an observation or two on another subject, arising
out of your last communications.
Government, anxious to obtain possession of our territory and, at the same
time, to preserve our neutrality and avoid war,, has pursued a line of conduct
towards Spain predicated on these views. Such being the principles of the ad
ministration, it is sincerely hoped by the President that Captain Guion may
not fall into unnecessary delays or admit of frivolous pretexts to obstruct his
progress to his points of destination, and that no officer of the United States
may, hy any proceeding whatever, relative to Spain, afford her ofiicers the least

i88 Mississippi, as a Province,
ground for disbelieving the pacific intentions of our government, or the un-
afiTected desire which it has, on all occasions, discovered, to maintain the purity
of our neutrality.
The officers of Spain can no longer apprehend an invasion of Louisiana from
Canada. Indeed there never has been the least appearance in that quarter in
dicative of such a project, nor any movement or collection of troops, vessels or
military apparatus, that could give countenance to such a suspicion. This
being the case, and it being undoubtedly the interest of Spain, as it is of the
United States, to preserve peace on the basis of the treaty, I flatter myseU
that nothing will happen between the officers of the two nations to put it in
jeopardy." FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR TO GEN. WILKINSON. July 25th, 1797.
" A'ou seem to think that Captain Guion's detachment may possibly get into
a disagreeable situation; that the object of the Spanish officers is to parry our
pretensions and gain time to receive further instructions from their court, and
that if thej' have permitted our vanguard to reach the Natchez, it was only to have
it more efi'ectually in their power iu case of a rupture, or to make a merit of
it in case of none. Without discussing the ground of these conjectures, I
have only to observe, that neither the Spanish Minister here, nor any of the Spanish
officers, have ventured to make any communication, or do any act that would have ren
dered it proper in the President to have waived the rights of the United States or to post
pone our occupation of the country and the completion of the line of demarkation..
If, however, Spain conceals latent designs of hostility, the arrival of
Caiatain Guion's detachment will have the good effect to unveil them, and
discover, unequivocally, their intentions. In the meantime it is our duty to
guard against surprise and intrigues,^ and do nothing that would justify any nation
in bringing war upon this country."
from the SECRETARY' OF WAR TO GENERAL WILKINSON.
"War Office, 25th August, 1797.
Sir: By letters from Tennessee it appears that a Mr. Thomas Powers has
undergone an examination there, before a magistrate, and been dismissed, hav
ing produced a public letter to you from Governor Gayoso to request you to
suspend the progress of tbe detachment under Captain Guion, and assigning as
reasons for the detention of the posts, 1st: Thatthe British had wintered on the
lakes a considerable force to carry an expedition in Louisiana, through the
United States. 2d. That the retention of the posts of Natchez and Nogales
and Walnut Hills were necessary to the protection of lower Louisiana from
the British inroads. 3d. That it appeared that the United States were pre
paring for war, by embodying their militia and directing them to be held in
readiness to act at the shortest notice. 4th. That the British had been per
mitted, by a treaty with the United States, to a participation in the navigation
of the Mississippi, contrary to the treaty with Spain. 5th. That the forts
ought, agreeably to treaty, to be demolished. Gth. That negotiations on these
points were pending between the United States and Spain, and that, till con
cluded, it would be proper that the posts should be retained. 7th. That instead
of sending small parties to talce possession of the posts, which serve to introduce itriia-
tions among the settlers, it was required that a respectable body of troops should be de
tached whenever they were to be delivcre.d.'t
"••¦A clear hit at Ellicott.
"|"This at once refutes the reiterated statements of Ellicott, in his correspond
ence with the Secretary of State, "that the Spanish authorities were using every
pretext to evade the treaty, and to retain possession of the country." Such an
intention is AvhoUy at variance with tbe above letter from Governor Gayoso to
General Wilkinson, callin,!,' on hira to dispatch not a small party, under a young
lieutenant, but a strong detachment of American troops, " under an officer of
rank and distinction," to occupy the district and repress disorder, during the
period of transition.

Territory and State. 189
Should such be the demand and matter of the Spanish Governor's letter,
you will reply to the first point. That the British have not augmented their
force on tlie lakes, and that from your own observation and the information you
have received, no depots have been formed or movements made, whieh indicated
an expedition by that power against Louisiana ; that had such an expedition
been determined on, it must have been indicated by augmentation of troops,
artillery, provisions, etc., on the lakes, beyond the quantities necessary for the
defense of Canada. That you can safely assert that such augmentations have
not taken place, and that so far from circumstances in Canada countenancing
an invasion of Louisiana, it is very certain that fears have been entertained
that an invasion of Canada was contemplated by France and Spain. If you
have not ascertained the truth of these remarks, I request that you will, or
mention such circumstances as yon can establish by our officers, who have
been attentive to the changes which have taken place in the British forces on
the lakes, and in their military deposits, and who know that, so far from con
templating a descent on Louisiana, they were apprehensive of one from it. It
may be proper, also, to observe that the position of our garrisons on the Canadian
frontier, is calculated to overlook the British garrisons and guard the territory
of the United States from invasion from Canada, and that you and every mili
tary oflicer of the United States would consider it your duty to arrest the
progress of any power who should attempt violation of its territory, unless
you were epecially instructed to the contrary. Besides that, you are authorized
to assure him that the British Minister has been, long since, notified by the
President, that the United States would not suffer either Great Britain or Spain
to violate their territory in the execution of any military projects against each
other. To the second. That inasmuch as no appearances have existed of a formed
intention to invade Louisiana, through the territory of the United States, as
no expedition could have taken place without previous preparations which
could not be kept secret, as the executive have formally declared to the British
Minister that it should cause their territory to be respected, it follows that the
posts of Natchez and Walnut Hills cannot be retained on the ground of
their being necessary to protect Lower Louisiana from British inroads from
Canada. To the third, That it is the part of every wise nation to keep their militia, at
all times, in a situation to be prepared for war ; that militia have been held in
readiness on the frontiers of any of the States, it was to repel Indian hostilities.
against the State that had called upon its militia, and not to commit hostilities
upon Spain ; that agreeably to the laws of the United States and individual
States, the militia of the United States are to be armed, trained and exercised,
that they may always be found in a situation to meet war ; that it has been
the constant practice of the States to exercise and train their militia, and that
no nation could, with propriety, decline to do during a war between its neigh
bors, what it held an indispensible duty in times when all nations were at.
peace. To the fourth, you will remark that you are authorized to say that the
United States have not given to Great Britain, by their treaty with her, any
right to navigate the Mississippi, which Great Britain did not enjoy before
that treaty ; that the treaty leaves that point precisely where it found it, neither
adding to, nor diminishing from, any claims she may have on the subject; that
the United States will confine their attention strictly to that freedom of navi
gation which they, themselves, have a right to exercise.
To the fifth, that Captain Guion has been instructed to permit the demolition
of the forts.
To the sixth, that you have authority to say, that no negotiations upon the
two preceding points has been entered into by the Court of Spain and the
United States.
To the seventh, that the United States can have no desire to produce irrita
tion among the settlers, near the posts, by sending small parties to take pos
session of them ; that as the treaty between Spain and the United States has
not stipulated the number of troops, which were to occupy them in the first
instance, it could not have been contemplated that more was proper than
what has been ordered.
Having answered to these points, you will conclude by assuring the Gov-

190

Mississippi, as a Province,

ernor " that the constant tenor of your instructions from the President has
been to preserve the friendship which subsists between the two nations, and
that the orders to Captain Guion, who has proceeded to the Natchez, are
equally explicit and unequivocal ; that from the known and sincere wish of
the United States to continue in friendship with Spain, added to the reasons
you have assigned and the facts which you have stilted, you cannot suffer your
self to entertain a doubt but that everything will be amicably settled between
the officers of His Catholic Majesty and Captain Guion, relative to the posts,
on his arrival at the Natchez, conformably to his instructions and the assur
ances and accommodations which he is authorized to make."
1797. On the loth November, the Secretary of War despatched
Major Constant Freeman, one of the most accomplished officers of
the army, to the head-quarters of General Wilkinson with a letter to
Governor Gayoso, which the General was instructed to copy and trans
mit by Major Freeman. This letter frora the war office, General
Wilkinson says, in a private note to Captain Guion, was, doubtiess,
written by the Secretary of State, Mr. Pickering.
GENERAL "Wilkinson's letter to governor gayoso.
Pittsburg, December 10, 1797.
Sir : — It is with great regret that I find it to be my duty, in the discharge of
my trust, to make known to your excellency certain practices which have taken
place within the United States, of a nature calculated to disturb their peace,
and having for their authors officers of his Catholic Majesty.
My opportunities, as general-in-chief of the army, have enabled me to assure
you, from the highest authority, that agents, vested with powers from Spanish
ofiicers, and instructed for purposes injurious to the rights of the United States,
have visited most of the Indian Nations, within our territory, and induced
some of those nations to hold councils and deliberate upon speeches, inviting
them to desert the territory of the United States, and take up the hatchet against
the Americans and English, whom they were pleased to blend and characterize
in those speeches, equally the enemies of Spain. Those attempts to rouse the
.sleeping cruelties of the savage, so repugnanttohumanity, and subversive of the
principles of a recently ratified treaty between Spain and the United States, cannot,
I am'persuaded, have met with your concurrence. I flatter myself, therefore, that
you will authorize me to state to my government that they have taken place
without your i']articipation, and that measures will be adopted, to manifest the
sense you entertain of such attempts, to prevent efficaciously, their being re
peated. It is proper, also, that I should notice to you another circumstance,
apparently connected with those attempts. Captain Guion, with a detachment
of the troops of the United States, destined for the Walnut Hills and the
Natchez, has been, in the month of July, ultimo, formally requested by the
commandant of New Madrid, to suspend the execution of his orders, and has
had a protest against his passing down the Mis,sissippi delivered him, import
ing to be from tbe same commandant. I inclose you a copy of this protest,
¦which could not fail to excite surprise, considering" that Captain Guion, in nav
igating the i\Iississippi with his detachment, was in the use of a right secured
to the United States by treaties, and more especially, loo, as the object of his
expedition was strictly to the treaty between Spain "and the United States, in
dependent of the force he commanded, having 'become indispensably necessary
to secure and maintain a continuance of the friendship of the Indian nations,
residing within the actual territory of the United States, on the east side of the
Mississippi. What renders this proceeding more particularly deserving of at
tention is, that the apprehensions of the Spanish of invasion from Canada,
must have been long since, and previous to this protest, eflTectually dissipated;
for it is certain, as I have had the honor to inform the Baron de Carondelet,
that uo indications whatever, of au invasion of Louisiana from the Lakeshave,
at any time, existed. It cannot, besides, be unknown to your excellency,
that the President of the United States, had early caused it to be ofiicially
.announced to the British Minister iu Philadelphia, that he would not permit

T'erritory and State. 191
the territory of the United States, to be violated by either Spain or Great
Britain, in their operations against each other ; a determination which the
Spanish Minister at Philadelphia has been duly informed of, and which has
become an act of public notoriety, by having passed into the public papers. In
addition to these circumstances, your excellency may also have seen in the
public prints of the United States, if it has not been communicated to you
Ioy the Spanish Minister, a letter from the Secretary of State of the United
States, to the chevalier Don Yrujo, under date of the 17th of May, ultimo,
which ought to satisfy you that the United States can have no question to
settle or negotiate with the Court of Spain, relative to any right which may be
claimed by Great Britain, to a participation iu the navigation of the Missis-
ssppi. If Great Britain has any right of this kind, it is for her to look after
it. The United States have entered into no stipulations with that nation,
either to give it to her, or obtain it for her, or to facilitate to her its acquisi
tion. The reading of that letter, and existing treaties, will show you that
whatever was the state of this question between Spain and Great Britain, pre
vious to our late treaty with that nation, remains unaltered and unaflfected by
such treaty, and that in this light it is considered by the government of the
United States. You will be pleased moreover, sir, to observe that my assur
ances in my letter to the Baron, a copy of which I inclose, of tlie 14th Septem
ber, ultimo, is grounded on this fact. I have therein expressly declared that
should Great Britain attempt an invasion of Louisiana from Canada, through
the United States, pending the present relations between tbe United States and
Spain, I should feel it my duty to give it effectucd opposition.
I now persuade myself that this disclosure of circumstances v/ill demonstrate
to your excellency the strict regard which the United States have paid to the
rights of Spain, and their engagements with her. For my part, it has been a
source of pleasure to me to endeavor to obey the will of the President in those
respects, as contained in my instructions, the basis of which is to cultivate
harmony between the two nations, to avoid whatever might be contrary to the
stipulations in our treaty, and to reciprocate every act of kindness or civility
which could, in any way, tend to consolidate their mutual interests. The
wisdom of this policy, as applicable to both nations, cannot have escaped your
notice. The contiguity of their territory, every event which affects their in
habitants, everything which we see around us, impresses upon the reflecting
mind, the necessity and the propriety of the officers of the respective countries,
to whom power is entrusted, abstaining from giving real ground of offense, or
just reason for retaliation. Thinking in this manner, I anticipate that it cannot
be your wish (it being so contrary to the interest of Spain) to countenance a
policy, different from' that which'has hitherto animated the United States, and
which appears to have governed your nation, when it concluded a treaty of
boundary, friendship and navigation with mine. I anticipate, above all, as a
proof of the continuance of this disposition on the part of Spain, the removal of
such of the Spanish troops, as may be still remaining within any part of the
territory of the United States.
Major Freeman, of the United States army, who will have the honor to de
liver this letter to you, will receive your excellency's answer, which, for the
greater safety and despatch, I must request of you to enclose to the Minister of
the Department of War for the United States, at Philadelphia; and at the
same time I shall be obliged to you for a duplicate, to be forwarded through
the hands of this officer of the United States, commanding at Natchez.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
(Signed) James Wilkinson.
To His Excellency, the Ooriernor- General
of Louisiana and its Dependencies, New Orleans.

GOVERNOR GAYOSO'S LETTER, IN REPLY.
New Orleans, March 30th, 1798.
Sir:— By Major Freeman, I received your excellency's communication,
which contains the following points : ...
That it is with regret, you find yourself under the nececessity of acquainting

192 Mississippi, as a Province,
me with certain practices of some officers of his Catholic Majesty, which have-
taken place within the territory of the United States, calculated to disturb the
peace of both countries. That, as geueral-in-chief of the army, you are in
formed, from the highest authority, that agents, vested with powers from
Spanish officers, have visited most of the Indian nations within your territory,
and influenced them with notions injurious to the rights of the United States,
inducing some of the nations to hold councils, and deliberate upon speeches,
inviting them to desert the territory of the United States, and take up the
hatchet against tbe Americans and English, whom they characterize as equally
enemies of Spain.
Your excellency does nie the justice to believe that it is without my concur
rence, and likewi.sc you wish to be assured by me, that such conduct took place
without my participation, and that measures will be taken to prevent the same
for the future.
In addition to such grievances, you consider as such, the protest made by
the commandant of New Madrid, against the passage of Captain Guion with
his troops, on his way down to the Walnut Hills and Natchez. Your excel
lency incloses a copy of said protest, and reflects on the impropriety of such a
conduct, both as its being contrary to the late treaty, and unnecessary with
respect to the invasion from Canada ; as you expect that all apprehensions
might have beeen dissipated by your communication to the Baron Carondelet,
and by the publicity of the official intimation from the President of the United
States, to the British Minister in Philadelphia, a determination on which our
Minister in Philadelphi had been duly informed of.
Your excellency is pleased to make several political refiections concerning
the pretensions of the British to the navigation of the Mississippi, supported
with a copy of the letter that, on the 17th September, ultimo, you wrote to the
Baron Carondelet.
You continue, sir, with a most pleasing discourse, in which I reciprocate with
you, contemplating the mutual interest of both our countries and the satisfac
tion of being the instruments of promoting it, in compliance with the human
and benevolent wisdom of our rulers ; observing, at the same time, the necessity
and propriety, that tbe officers of the respective countries, to whom power is
entrusted, should abstain from giving real grounds of offence, and just reasons
for retaliation.
You expect that I will contribute to support the principles that governed my
nation to enter into a treaty of friendship, boundaries and navigation, with
yours, and that a proof of the continuance of that disposition on the part of
Spain, will be the removal of such of the Spanish troops as may be still re
maining within any part of the territory of the United States.
You announce to me Major Freeman, as the bearer of your communication,
and whom you appoint to receive my answer which, for" the greatest safety,
you wish to be enclosed under a flying seal, to the ]\Iinister of the Depart
ment of War for the United States of America, at Philadelphia, and a du
plicate, through tbe hands of the officer of the United States commanding at
Natchez. At any former period, I sliould find it indispensable to enter into the most
minute details of facts, to prove to your excellency the propriety of our con
duct, and that it was never our view to injure the interest of the United States,
either in depriving them of th» privileges aud advantages that was intended
by the^ treaty, nor with regard to the interference vou mention, that some of
our officers have had with the Indian nations, within the territory of the United
States. ' ¦'
_ The exact compliance with the treaty of friendship, boundary and naviga
tion on our pai-J;, aa soon as those difficiilties that obstructed its execution dis
appeared, is a proof that we had no other motive for the disagreeable retard
than self-preservation. AU that I could .say on this important subject, to con
vince you of the purity of our conduct, cannot equal the fact of Major Fl-ee-
man's having seen the forts of the "Walnut Hills and Natchez almostevacuated;
and I assure you, .sir, that operation shall not discontinue with the utmost
alacrity, until concluded. I even believe that it will be completed in the course
of the present month.
The line of demarkation will immediately be commenced. I intend to b£
present at the fixing of the first point on the Mi.ssissippi, and, I dare &ay, that

Territory and State. 193
Mr. Ellicott is already on the vicinity of the 31st degree, in company with Mr.
Dunbar, who is our astronomer, to make the preparatory dispositions for the first
observations. Convinced, as I am, of the intentions of the King, my master, to promote
friendship, and the reciprocal interest of his subjects, and of the citizens of the
United States, so as to make them so intimately connected that no other foreign
politics shall disturb the peaceable possession of the blessings that infallibly
will follow to us both, I have given the most positive orders to the acting offi
cers under my command, both at Natchez and the Walnut Hills, to leave the
fortifications in the state they were in, without demolishing any part of them,
and as to tbe buildings, that otherwise might be sold to the public, to offer the
preference to the commanding oflficer of the United States troops at Natchez.
I also gave every other instruction that can prove my disposition, to improve
that friendship from which wc are to reap the immense advantages that Provi
dence has intended for our nations.
I am informed that Captain Guion has adhered to my proposal ; and in con
currence with our commanding ofiicer at Natchez, have appointed appraisers,
and under his receipt, will keep the buildings ; leaving to our courts to arrange
the payment thereof.
If late experience did not show to me the bad consequences of wishing to
bring justification to a pitch of purity, that it is out of the human power to
prove, I should try to explain the conduct of Mr. Lorimer since he has had any
thing to do with Lidians ; and, though these transactions never had any influ
ence from me, as until I took possession of the command in chief of these
provinces, he never was under my orders. As former Governor of the district
of Natchez, I have had an intimate intercourse with the southern tribes ; but I
pledge you my word of honour that I never gave any talk injurious to the in
terests of the United States.
Before the treaty, that I had a right to treat with those nations, as free and
independent ones, I advised them to be at peace among themselves, aud with
all the white people, and to be steady to their engagements towards us, in
consequence of .our ancient and repeated treaties, in the same manner that we
kept ours, by furnishing them traders and presents ; but never, never did I
excite them to be the -scourge of the human race, by the exercise of those cruel
ties, that with horror, we bring to our recollection.
Since the treaty between the United States of America and the King, my
master, I gave no direct talk to any Indians, though I have spoken with some,
and then I informed them of our said treaty, and made them comprehend the
advantages that would result to the red people. Therefore, it is absolutely
false that we had called upon the Indians for assistance, in the time of the
troubles at Natchez. I even can assure your excellency that not a single oflS
cer of Spain, either spoke, or commissioned anybody to speak, to the Indians
in my neighborhood, to act in favour, or against any nation whatsoever ; on
the contrary, my exertions were to keep them at a distance, and never to see
one. About six weeks ago. Bloody-fellow came to this city, to consult me about
some of their aflairs, to which I gave the answer, of which I have the honor to
enclose a copy to your excellency.
A few more Cherokees have lately called upon me to ask permission to cross
over to the western side of the Mississippi, which I refused ; and, in the most
explicit manner, informed them that in consequence of the treaty between the
United States and us, I had uo more to do with them. I requested Major Free
man to be present at this short conference.
I assure your excellency that it is absolutely against my system to encourage
the Indian nations to emigrate into our territory, and shall do all in my power
to prevent it.
Actuated by the.se principles, you may depend that I shall not commission any
person to go on public business into any Indian nation within the territory of the
United States; and I flatter myself that the same line of conduct will be ob
served by the officers of the United States, with respect to our territory. _ I even
request your excellency to give orders for arresting any subject of Spain that,
under pretence of being commissioned by me, should be disturbing the Indians
of your dependence, and when detained, if your excellency sends him to me, I
shall make him sufi'er the due punishment.
13

194 Mississippi, as a Province,
I have remarked to your excellency that in m^' former talks, I never made
use of any expressions that could injure thepoliticalinterestoftheUnited States,
and henceforth you may depend that I will make it my very particular study
to be even more cautious in so important an object; and I flatter myself that
the talk Captain Pope is just now giving out in the Choctaw nation is conceived
in the same terms, as part of that nation remains within the territory of his
majesty. I am so intimately convinced of the necessity and propriety of the officers of
the respective countries, in whom power is invested, abstaining from giving real
ground of offence or just reason for retaliation, that I will immediately issue
the most strict orders to the commandants of every frontier post, to conduct
themselves in such a manner as to ansv/er the intentions of the King, my mas
ter, and the executive power of the United States, to j^romote the reciprocal
interest of both nations, and make our friendship so sincere and permanent as
to be considered that of one same people.
These being my sentiments, I doubt not that they will sympathise witii
yours, and that this my answer, fulfills your expectations in every point, without
exception. V\'ithout entering into a particular detail of reasons that I suppose impelled
the commandant of New Madrid to protest against the passage of Captain
Guion, with the troops under his command, I flatter myself that your excel
lency will judge of my opinion by tbe letter I wroteto Captain Guion on the 19th
of August, 1797, by which I absolved him of the parole of honour he gave of
not proceeding beyond the Chickasaw Blufls. Enclosed, I do myself the honour
of transmitting to you a copy of the said letter.
As to myself, I never offered the least objection to the concurrence of the
troops of the United States, in the district of Natchez, and only recommended
to Captain Guion not to be in sight of the forts, to prevent misunderstandings ;
and though he did not accede to my proposal, I did not think it material to
make it a point of discussion, being positively sure that he would not ofl'er any
act of disrespect to the flag of his majesty whilst we occupied the posts; so
much did I depend on the character you gave me, of this worthy officer.
I am, with due consideration and real esteem, sir.
Your most humble and obedient servant,
IlI.\.NrEL Ci-AYOSO DE LeMOS.
ilencr(d .James Wilkinson.

FROJSI GENERAL WILKINSON TO CAPTAIN GCION.
PiTTSBrRG, January 2d, 1798.
Your building a fort at the lower Chickasaw bluff, though not in your orders,
ivas, under the circumstances, very judicious, aud conforms with my views ex
actly. The minister of war now approves what he would not allow in the
Siniiig. Captain John Pierce has been sent by the Secretary himself, to com
mand at the Bluff', with a select corps of incomparable rascals, under Lewis,
Marschalk and Steele.''-- The party you left there have been ordered to report
to you at Natchez.
I send this letter by the Marquis de Mountjoye, an exiled noble of France,
of high rank. He has been a professional soldier, and has greatly interested
me with the details of his military life. He attends the Duke of Orleans and
his brothers, who are bound, I understand, to New Orleans, to seek a passage
to the Havana, from whence they expect to go, under convoy, to Spain, to join
their mother who has escaped to" that kingdom.
The conduct of the French baflles all speculation. They have gone from
one excess to another, until they have thrown down everything of la"\v, of se
curity, religion or principle, and have rendered infamous the name of repub
lican. It appears to me that the genius of that nation, so brilliaut in science
-•-"This is the first mention we have of AiulreAv ilarschalk, so well known at
Natchez in after years. His name will frequently occur hereafter, and proper
mention will be made of him in connection with the press.

Territory and State.

19s

and in war, is not at all adapted to regulated liberty, and that the convulsion
will ultimately end in the restoration of royalty. In that case, when you receive
¦this letter, you will probably see the future king of France.' The Duke of Orleans is
popular and a soldier. Fulfill your orders respecting foreigners, and treat the.se
wanderers, who are friendly, with hospitality and respect,"
These distinguished visitors remained only a short time at Natchez,
to view old Fort Rosalie, and then departed for Nev/ Orleans, where
they remained untU the last of March, the guest of the late Bernard
Marigny de Mandeville, whose father, as we have seen, was an officer
under, (but no friend of ) Bienville. March 28th, 1798, Major Con-
.stant Freeman, U. S. A., writes Captain Guion:
" Don't be surprised that I am in this city yet. Blame M. j\I. D'Orlean.s and
suite, who have occupied the governor and the whole city, for some time past.
It has been impossible to transact ofiicial business or receive my dispatches
until they took their departure ; and it was necessary, potu- beaucoup des raisons,
that the governor should accompany them to the mouth of the river."
As soon as Governor Gayoso ascertained that the United States had
sent an officer of rank and character to Natchez, -^vith a sufficient force
to repress any invasion of Louisiana, or any outbreak of or interfer
ence with the Indians, he gave notice that imraediate measures should
be taken for the evacuation, and that he would do all in his power to
facihtate the operations on the line of demarkation.
1798. March 29th, the Spanish garrison quietly and properly,
without any demonstration, left Natchez for New Orleans, and on the
9th AprU, EUicott, on bad terms with Captain Guion, and detested by
many of the inhabitants, took his departure for Clarksville, below
Fort Adams, to make his astronomical observations.
In his voluminous journal, in which he deliberately records his
-slanders of the dead and the living, he represents Captain Guion as a
violent, overbearing man, who insulted the Permanent Committee of
-citizens, and insulted Don Jose Vidal, (who had succeeded Major
Minor as comraandant at Natchez,) and that he evidently desired to
¦estabhsh an arbitrary, military rule. These charges are distinctly
made in his journal, p. 162-8. These charges are thus refuted :
1798. On the 14th April, Major Constant Freeman, U. S. Army, on
a special mission to the Governor-General of Louisiana, writes to
Captain Guion, frora New Orleans. "Gov. Gayoso has received this
morning a letter from Capt. Vidal, commandant at Natchez, expressing
tile highest approbation of your conduct towards Iiim, and to the subjects
of the King of Spain, since you have taken possession of the posts of
Natchez, "t
On his arrival, with a sufficient force to protect the country and pre
serve order, there was no further necessity for committees of citizens.
Their functions naturally ceased ; and until the Territorial officers ar
rived Captain Guion had, and was entitled to the control of affairs, in
'¦These words proved prophetic.
tCapt. Vidal, an oflficer of the Spanish army, was comraandant of the post of
Concord and its dependencies, and in the absence of Governor Minor, was act
ing governor of Natchez. He had all the characteristics ot the Spanish gentle
man — proud, ceremonious, dignified, but generous, hospitable, ever ready to con
fer a favor. He survived long after the change of government, ond died at his
old post, leaving a large estate to his descendants, the heirs of Samuel Davis,
Esq., a respected citizen of Natchez, now represented by Alfred Davis, Esq.,
•of Pass Christian.

ig6 Mississippi, as a Province,
the maintenance of public order. _ The citizens themselves took this-
view of the case. Natchez, May 1, 1798.
To Captain Guion, Commanding United States Troops :
SiE_As it is very doubtful when the civil ofiicers for this district wiU arrive-
and we are daily experiencing many iuconveuiences iu the absence of all civil
authority, tbe repair of the roads, removing nuisances, keeping up a patrol,,
preventing riots, and the sale of spirits to Indians, and some regulation for the
security and recovery of debts, are objects essential to our well-being, and yet,
for all these purposes we are without authority, and we can accomplish nothing
Avithout your support and approval. As a committee, representing the inhabi
tants of this town, we respectfully ask your assistance.
We have the honor to be, etc., etc., David Ferguson,
Daniel Douglass,
Levs'is Evans,
John Scott, Committee.
captain guion's reply.
Gentlemen — The objects enumerated in your letter are all important to-
your citizens, and, until the arrival of the officers for this district, can be accom
plished by voluntary association aud common consent. You shall have my
co-operation whenever it may be necessary. The selling of spirits to the
Indians, without a license from the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, is strictly
prohibited by an act of Congress, approved May 19, 1796, and is therefore an
offence against the United States and the penalties will be rigidly enforced by
me. In regard to the security and recovery of debts, perhaps by common con
sent you may devise some plan ; but as these matters are too closely connected with
judicial and legislative powers to be touchedby me, I shall neither advise or discoun
tenance any action the citizens may agree upon, and shall only interfere in case
of violence or breach of public order."
The following letter from Wm. Vousden, Esq., one of the most in
fluential gentlemen in the province, speaks for itself:
Cotton Field, District op St. Catherine, ?ilay 9, 1798.
To Captain Guion, Commanding U. S. Troops, at Natchez :
Sir — A few of the most respectable inhabitants of the district met at my
house some days past, to consult upon some temporary plan for preserving
order. We agreed to meet in larger numbers, at the tavern of Mr. Belks, and to.
invite delegates from the districts to confer with us, so as to ascertain the
wishes of the whole settlement. Meantime I am desired by the gentlemen who
met at at my house to acquaint you with our proceedings, "desirous to pay you
every respect as commander of the United States forces, and respectfully ask
ing your countenance and support. But should you have information that a
governor or other functionaries, are likely soon to arrive, we desire to proceed
no further. I am further requested to assure you of our gratitude and respect
for your course since your arrival in our country, and particularly for your
stern discountenance of feuds and broils whieh -ivere so rife before "your arri
val, and carried on with great acrimony against the will and interest of the
peaceable inhabitants." captain guion's reply.
"Sir — Eefen-ing you to the enclosed copy of my answer to Mr. Ferguson and
others, I have only to say that I have confidence in yourself and such gen
tlemen as assembled at your house,' and fully reciprocate ' their expressions of
respect. Good order seems to prevail now in every part of your settlements, and my

Territory and State. 197
;auth ority shall be promptly exerted when necessary to preserve it, strictly within
the limits prescribed by my instructions' from the Secretary of War and the
¦eommander-in-chief." Thus, by this correspondence, we refute EUicott's statement that
Captain Guion desired to establish an arbitrary rule, a statement which,
with other calumnies from the same quarter, has been adopted by his
torians, and is now for the first time, shown to be false."
May loth. Colonel Hutchins writes to Captain Guion :
"Your letter to the people of Natchez hath fgiven general satisfaction. It
hath silenced the malicious report noised about by Ellicott, that you desired to
establish martial law. The people are undeceived, and with Lieutenant Pope,
they now say there is no truth in that mischievous man. Mr. Burnet, Mr.
¦Gibson and Mr. Hoggatt have made made it their business to ride to every beat
and put up copies of your letter, and thus strip the mask from that designing
man."" .'
1798. The commission to run the line of demarkation consisted of
Andrew EUicott, astronomer, and Thomas Freeman, surveyor, on the
part of the United States, with a military guard under Lieutenant Mc
Cleary and the axe-men and boat hands EUicott had very unnecessarUy
brought from Pittsburg. Much better men could have been had here.
On the part of Spain, Don Stephen Minor, Commissioner, Sir Wm.
Dunbar, astronomer, with a surveyor, and a mUitary guard. The
notorious Powers had been nominated surveyor by Governor Gayoso,
but Sir Wm. Dunbar refused to serve with him.
. August 19th, Major Freeman writes Major Guion frora ClarksviUe :
"Ellicott landed here on the lOtli and camped with his gang. They have done
nothing since but eat salt pork and guzzle whisky. It is obvious to every one
that he is making a job of his appointment. His inconsistencies, duplicity, ab
surdities and immoralities are disgusting."!
"-•¦I find among my ilS. but one warrant issued by Capt. Guion :
Natchez District,
Mississippi Territory.
To Reuben Baxter, Greeting :
You are hereby empowered and commanded to take the body of John McDowell of
this district, physician, and him;forthwith bring before me, to answer unto the
complaint of James Clark of the same place, respecting certain felonies, declared
on oath to have been committed, and hereof fail not, and make due return.
Given under mvhand and seal, this twenty-fourth of July, 1798.
I. Guion, Captain Commanding.
fAs Mr. Ellicott, in his journal and oflficial correspondence traduced many
worthy persons, living and dead, and did not hesitate to break open private let
ters, surreptitiously obtained, and represents himself as pure and immaculate, it
is but justice to show what manner of man he was. This can be seen by reference
to the deposition of Maj. Thomas Freeman before the court-martial at Fredericks
burg, convened September 1, 1811, for the trial of Major-General James "Wilkin
son. The witness was a man of the highest character, then and until his death
holding a responsible position under government, and he charges EUicott, under
oath, with untruthfulness and official corruption, and with conduct personally most
degrading, indecent and beastly.— Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, Appendix No.
XXXII. Mr. John Walker, son of Peter "Walker, the first clerk of the court at Natchez,
and brother of the late Governor of Louisiana, in a letter dated Philadelphia,
June 1, 1800, says : "Mr. Ellicott and the rest of us had a very disagreeable voyage
from Savannah to this city. The woman Mr. Ellicott brought to Natchez with him
and had with him on the survey, became deranged on the passage, and but for
Mr. Collins, Mr. Anderson and myself, would have killed herself. She is now
frantic, and chained in a mad-house. Mr. Ellicott must feel remorse for forcing

198 Mississippi, as a Province, June 10th.
"Governor Gayoso arrived at our camp on the 31st, with his private sec
retary and several staff ofiicers. Next day he examined the work that had
been done, and was pleased to approve it. He was quite complimentary to all
of us, and is certainly a most polished and agreeable gentleman. Governor
Minor gave a superb dinner of game and fish, dried fruits, and madeira fit fer
tile gods. You know his talent for entertaining, and his cook is perfect.
Next day Governor Gayoso left, having given Minor and Dunbar full powers
to act for the King, well pleased, he said, with all he saw, but better pleased,.
no doubt, to get away from this paradise or pandemonium of bugs, fleas, mus
quitos and snakes, and from conceited Ellicott, and his brazen-faced dul-
cinea.'' A few days after the Spaniards evacuated Nogales, Major Kersey,
with a detachment of United States troops, took possession. He was
followed by Col. John F. Hamtramck with the ist regiment, who,
after remaining a short time at Natchez, established his headquarters
at Fort Adams.*
General WUkinson arrived August 26 th and immediately concen
trated the troops at Loftus Heights, where he constructed a strong
earth work, magazines and barracks, and designated it Fort Adams.
He paid a visit to the Boundary Commission, and finding Ellicott at
war with Lieutenant McCleary and Major Freeman, he transferred the
former to other duty and appointed Daniel Burnet surveyor. Major
Freeman he employed as engineer to lay out and construct the forti
fications, j"
her to remain on the line with him, during the whole survey, against her own
wishes and the remonstrances of his friend.s."
This i.s the man that some partisan writers have held np as a model gentleman,,
patriot and saint !
*Mr. LossiuT ia his Pictorial Field B;i')k, p. 56, says : "John F. Hamtramck, a
German by birth, was a most useful and faithful officer. He was a resident of
northern New York when the llevolution commenced and became a captain in the-
Continental army. He was appointed Major in the regular armv, in 1789, and
Lieut-Colonel of the 1st snb-legion in 1798. He commanded the le'ft wing of the
army under General "Wayne, in the great battle of the Maumee, 1791. Lieut-Col
onel of the 1st regiment infantry in 1796, and ;was retained as Colonel on the re
duction of the army in 1802. He accompanied the troops to Natchez and Fort
Adams. Like all Prussians he was a stern disciplinarian, but was much beloved
by officers and men. He died at Detroit in command on that frontier, April 11,
18U:!. And his officers erected a monument over his remains. His eldest son was
Colonel of the 1st regiment "S^irginia Volunteers in the war witli Mexico.
t MAJOR CUI0N','^ OPINION OF ELLICOTT.
E.vtract of Letter from Maj. Isaac Guion, Commandinij U. S. Troops, to James Wil
kinson, dated Nalcher, May ,5, 1798 :
"EUicott left here on the 9th nit., for "Willing's bayou, a little below Mr. Daniel
Clarke's plantation, where he now is, doing little or "nothing. He has very much
lessened liimself and sullied the commission he holds by his conduct, both'before
and after his arrival here. I did not believe it till I sa\"v it, and had supposed it
calumny. _ He is clearly striving to make a job out of his office, and difficulties and dehiv
in running the luie attributed to the Spaniards are really occasioned by his in
trigues, to proloii;; his commission and per diem."
GOVERNOR JIINOr's OPIl^ION.
Letter to Purler Walker, F.srp, Natehe-, dated Chatahoochie, August 24, 1799;
"I am sorry I can return you no equivalent for your favor of the 2d, ult., so fulK

Territory and State. 199
The commissioners appointed by Governor Gayoso, Avere Don Ste
phen Minor and Sir Wm. Dunbar, both noted personages in their day.
The first was a native of Pennsylvania, of a well-known family, who
had received a liberal education, and at an early age turned his foot
steps to the West. He visited Pittsburg, Vincennes and St. Louis,
where he made the acquaintance of Colonel Howard, an accomplished
Irishman in the Spanish service, and by hira was induced to go to
New Orleans "ivith dispatches for the Governor-General. He made a
favorable impression on that high functionary, as he never failed to
make on every one whom he desired to please, and wa3 soon commis
sioned a captain in the royal army and assigned to duty at Natchez.
From this moment until the final evacuation it was found expedient
to retain him at Natchez. He never lost the confidence of the Spanish
authorities, and exercised more influence than any f )i"eigner in their
employment. He blended a convivial and social te;.;iperament with
great dignity of manner, and shrewd, practical sense. He had remark
able financial abilities ; rapidly accumulated property, and was hospi
table and liberal. When Gayoso was transferred to New Orleans, Don
Stephen Minor succeeded him as Governor of the Natchez district,
and represented the Spanish government on the boundary commission.
Governor Minor, like all public men of pronounced characteristics,
had warm friends and determined enemies. His official position, in
the last days of a Spanish colony, overflowing with a new population
with republican ideas, naturally brought him into collision with many,
a*nd no public raan of that era has been more misrepresented. But
this, in a great measure, was the result of his position, and of bis hon
orable fidelity to the government, whose commission he held. He
was not faithless like Daniel Clarke, and the notorious Powers, to those
who had given him their confidence, but like a soldier and a man of
honor, continued true to the Spaniards, until they parted with the dis
trict. He then took the oath of allegiance to the United States, and,
as ¦will be seen hereafter by the papers of General Claiborne, rendered
of incident and anecdote, but in this solitude it is out of the question. Wear-
rived here July 2oth, after many difficulties. We found the Indians strongly op
posed to our farther progress. We convened a general council and after many
long ''talks" and tedious ceremonies, they finally consented that we might pro
ceed. During these "talks," which are tiresome and monotonous beyond conception,
many ot our horses were stolen. They, however, promised to have the horses
returned, and that no more should be stolen. Everything was made straight, the
grand council broke np, and each of the chiefs gave glowing assurances of their
friendship for the Spaniards and Americans. On the very night these solemn
declarations were made fifteen of our best animals (the rascals are good judges of
horses) were carried oft', and every night since, nothwithstanding our vigilance,
they have got away with several. Occasionally some adroit fellow steals one of
these in return, and brings him in to us, to prove his friendship as he says, but
always demand a reward equal to the value of the horse. We notice, too, that
they always bring the poorest and most in fcrior of our stolen horses. In this disagree
able position we have been one month, and may be another, for it has not ceased
to rain every day, more or less, since the 20th June. The nights, fortunately, are
bright and clear, and we have improved thera to make the requisite observations.
The boundary will be twenty-five or thirty miles above the month of Flint river,
and not below it as has heretofore been conjectured. We shall lose no time,
when the weather perraits, in pushing through to St. Stary, our last station, thank
God ! I am truly tired of this business, and regret I ever consented to undertake
it. Your son is a fine fellow and has served us faithfully. He is greatly dissatis
fied with Ellicott, and so is every man in camp. He is not the man wc took him
for, nor has he a friendship for any man in this world. No regard for the social
proprieties. Some day you shall know it all."

200 Mississippi, as a Province,
valuable services to his country. He enjoyed life, and contributed
freely to the enjoyment of his friends and the promotion of their for
tunes. He died at Concord, and Avas there buried.
The other commissioner was Sir William Dunbar, youngest son of
Sir Archibald Dunbar, of Elgin, one of the most ancient and famous
of the earldoms of Scotiand. He had been thoroughly educated at
Glasgow, where he evinced such a faculty for mechanics and mathe
matics, that he was induced to repair to London to pursue them.
There he made the acquaintance of the celebrated astronomer, Her-
schell, Mr. John Swift, Dr. Thornton, and other men of science, and
for some time devoted his studies to optics and astronomy ; but his
health failing, he resolved on a voyage to the British North American
colonies. The eminent firm of Hunter &. Bailey furnished him with an
assorted cargo of merchandise suitable for the Indian trade, to the value of
_j£'iooo. He landed in Philadelphia in AprU, 1771, and by the advice
of Mr. John Ross, a great Scotch merchant of that city, immediately
dispatched his goods to Pittsburg, then the chief point for the trade in
peltries. He pursued this business with reasonable success, until about
1773, when he formed a partnership with Mr. Ross to estabhsh a
plantation in the British province of West Florida. He descended
the river, exploring the country, and fixed upon a place in the vicinity
of (he British garrison at Baton Rouge, then called New Richmond.
He made a voyage to Jamaica where he purchased his negroes, brought
them to Pensacola, then the seat of government ; secured the land he
had selected, and made his way thence by the lakes and up the Amiteto
Manshac. Here he resided twenty years, accomplishing muchbyindus-
try, frugality and science, but losing as fast as he accumulated, by the
vicissitudes of the times. In 1775 he lost a number of his most valu-
ble slaves, by their becoming involved in an insurrection. In 1778 a
banditti, headed by WiUing, who only the year before had been a
guest at his house, and received the hospitalities of the district, strip
ped his premises of all that they could find. In 1779, when Colonel
Dickson surrendered the country to Galvez, his house and plantation
were plundered by the "bummers" of the Spanish array, his fences
burned and his crop destroyed. In 1792 he removed to Natchez and
opened the well-known plantation called the "Forest." Here he first
cultivated tobacco until it ceased to be a profitable crop, owing to the
competition from Kentucky, and difficulties in New Orleans. Next
indigo, which was abandoned in consequence of the ravages of an
insect. Then cotton became the staple, and with its introduction the
people rapidly grew prosperous. Mr. Dunbar brought his knowledge
of chemistry and mechanics into the culture. Fie made his plows and
harrows on scientific principles ; improved the cotton gin ; invented a
press ; first suggested the manufacture of cotton seed oil ; pro
duced at home all the necessaries of life ¦ and in a few years
purchased the entire interest of his partner, leaving him the sole
proprietor of a princely estate. He -ivas appointed surveyor for the
district. In 1798 he was appointed astronomical commissioner on the
part of Spain, to determine the boundary, and by his minute and accu
rate observations the cardinal points were established. Having ac
complished all but the merely mechanical part of running out the
boundary from the point of latitude which he had estabhshed, the work of
the surveyors, he withdrew from the commission, returned to Natchez,

Territory and State. 201
and Governor Sargent having arrived, he took the oath of allegiance
to the United States, and was immediately appointed chief justice of
the court of Quarter Sessions, an important position which he fiUed
with ability. He maintained a correspondence with Sir Wm. Her-
schell. President Jefferson, Rittenhouse, and other learned men, and
obtained from London a costly telescope and a complete set of instru
ments for his observatory and laboratory. From this remote country,
then regarded as a wUderness, he traced the course of the planets and
made experiments in chemistry, and solved problems in mechanics,
that were eagerly adopted by the philosophers of Great Britain, and
his name became familiar to the academicians of the continent. Mr.
Jefferson solicited his correspondence. At his instance Mr. Dunbar
explored the Ouachita to its sources, geologically one of the most
interesting fields in America. His reports of that exploration ; on the
delta of the Mississippi; and on the "sign language" of the Indians,
a remarkable medium by which the most remote tribes inter-communi
cate, and his classification of the tribes, are among the most valuable
contributions to the American Philosophical Society. This useful and
virtuous citizen, the most distinguished scholar in our annals, died at
the "Forest" in 1810, leaving numerous descendants and a fortune to
¦each of them.

OHAPTEE XXI.

N THE i2th June, 1797, President Adams, in a special
message, recommended to Congress ' ' to erect a gov
ernment in the district of Natchez, similar to that es
tablished for the territory northwest of the Ohio,
witli certain modifications relative to titles or claims of
land, whether of individuals or companies, or to claims of
jurisdiction of any individual State."
The recomraendation was referred to Messrs. Se^wall, of Mas
sachusetts, Findley, of Pennsylvania, Schuraaker of New Jer
sey, and Harper, of Maryland, with orders, to report, by biU, or
otherwise. November 23. At the ensuing session the President again reminded
Congress that the Spanish garrisons were still maintained in our terri
tory, and that the demarkation of the boundary had not been com
menced. It does not appear from the journal that the committee had made
a report, nor is there any trace of the matter until March 6th, 1798,
the House was notified that the Senate had passed a biU " for an ami
cable settiement of limits with the State of Georgia, and authorizing
a government in the Mississippi territory." After a second reading
the bill was referred to the same committee, and on the Sth AprU it
became a law. It applied to us the ordinance of July i8th, 1787,
which introduced the common law, permitted slavery as it existed,
but prohibited the introduction of slaves from foreign parts.
In the meanwhile, impatient of the dilatory action of Congress, the
inhabitants of the district began to make themselves heard. Februaiy
2d, 1798, was presented a memorial from Robert Ashley and others,
of the Natchez district, praying for confirmation of the Spanish land
grants, under which raost of thera held, and for a government, with
certain modifications, such as had been established for the northwest
territory. Memorial of Thomas Burling and others, to the same effect.
Memorial of John Henderson and others, of the Natchez, praying
for aid to establish and support a regular ministry of the gospel, and
of schools for the education of their youth.*
¦-"This .ijood man was a native of Scotland. AVas the first auctioneer and general
cominission^raerchant established in Natchez; in 1802, was appointed by Governor
Olaibornc treasurer of the county of Adams and city of Natchez ; wa's, for many
year.'!, eteler ot the Presbyterian ehurch and foremost in all good works. He

Territory and State. 203
Memorial from John Caller and others, of the Tensas and Tom
bigbee settiements, referring to the conflicting land tities, their ex
posure to Indian and foreign hostUities, and the necessity of a special
stipulation with the Spanish government for the free navigation of the
Mobile and Tombigbee rivers.
1798. The President appointed Winthrop Sargent, Governor, and John
Steele, Secretary of the Territory. The new Governor was a native
of Massachusetts, of the race of the Puritans, and with many of the
peculiarities of that remarkable people. He had been a captain,
afterwards major, and a brave and efficient one, in the brigade of
General St. Clair, during the revolutionary war, and had distinguished
himself in the Jersey campaign. He is next heard of in 1786, when
General Sam. H. Parsons, General Benj. Tupper, General Rufus
Putnam and others, formed the New England Ohio company, f The
first meeting was held in Boston, March ist, 1786, when Winthrop
Sargent appeared as a delegate from Suffolk, and was on the committee
to draft the articles of association. The object was to purchase a
large body of land in the northwest, establish a colony, and have the
members of their company appointed to the various offices in the new
Territory about to be organized. They arranged a very comfortable
slate among themselves. Patsons was to be Governor; Putnam,
Surveyor-General; Tupper, CoUector of Taxes, and Sargent, Super
intendent of Indians. Rev. Dr. Cutler, a man of learning, activity
and tact, was made general manager, with authority to make a con
tract with Congress for the land. He proved himself an expert
lobbyist, the first of that calling, now so numerous and pernicious, that
appeared in this country. An abstract of his proceedings will be
found interesting and instructive.
The doctor arrived in New York, where Congress was then sitting,
July 5th, 1787, carrying with him sundry letters of introduction,
among them, one to R. H. Lee, and other "Virginia members, Me
lancthon Smith and ; General St. Clair, who was then President of
Congress. He called on all these gentlemen, and next day was in
troduced by Col. Carrington, of "Virginia, to the leading members, and
had his proposition presented and referred to a comraittee.
"July 7th. Introduced by Mr. Kittenhouse to Captain Thomas Hutchins, Ge
ographer of the United States, who, as Geographer-General to the King, had
explored and described the Valley of the Ohio before the revolutionary war.
Consulted with him where to make tiie location.'" .July Qth, waited again thi%
left a numerous family, worthy of their father, two of whom were Presbyterian
ministers. Natchez thus early evinces that interest in religion and education which has
been, ever since, characteristic of her citizens.
tGeneral Tupper was afterwards appointed surveyor from Massachusetts, under
Surveyor-General Hutchins, to survey the Northwestern Territory.
*Elder brother of Col. Anthony Hutchins, of Natchez. A native of New
Jersey, educated as civil engineer, afterwards captain of the 60th regiment in the
British service. Appointed Geographer-General to the King, and explored the
West before the revolutionary war. Like his brother, when the war broke out,
though a loyalist in sentiment, not wishing to fight against his countryraen, he
retired on half pay. Shortly after the war, he was appointed by Congress
" Geographer-General," (Surveyor-General) to survey ;and divide the country
northwest of the Ohio, with a staff of surveyors, one to be appointed from each
State. He resided and died in Philadelphia. He published his account of Loui
siana and West Florida, iu 1784, and his account of Pennsylvania, Virginia, Mary-

204 Mississippi, as a Province,
morning on Captain Hutchins. He gave me the fullest information of the
country from Pennsylvania to the Illinois,'and advised me, by all means, to
make choice of the Muskingum. Attended the committee and theu spent the
evening with Captain Hutchins. Went early to the Committee, where the de
bate showed that our views were wide apart, and then repaired again to Captain
Hutchins for further consultation. July 19th. A number of members are
opposedJto my proposition, some to making any contract ; must ascertain who
these are, and, if possible, bring them over. Grayson, B. H. Lee and Car
rington are my warm advocates."
All Viiginians and leaders in Congress, who had just seen their
noble Common"\vealth give away the great erapire of the West to ap
pease the sectional jealousy of the northern States!
"July 23. My friends making every effort to bring over my opponents. To get at
some of them I was obliged to engage three or four persons to attack in rear,
flank and front, at same time. In some cases I engaged one person who en
gaged a second, and he a third, before we could effect our purpose. In these
manoeuvres I am much indebted to Colonel Duer and Major Winthrop Sargent.
Spent the evening with Colonel Grayson and other Southern members favorable
to my contract. Having found it impossible to have General Parsons appointed
Governor against the interest that General St. Clair had secured, I said that if
Parsons could have the first Judgeship and Sargent be Secretary, we should be
satisfied ; that I should be willing to see General St. Clair made Governor,
and would solicit the Eastern members in his behalf. This I found agreeable
to the Southern members."--- t
Thus it will be seen that the first settlement in Ohio was made ay
Marietta, on the Muskingum, by the advice of Tliomas Hutchins.
that the Massachusetts Company obtained their lands through the lib
erality of the Soutiiern members, and that General St. Clair, who was
appointed Governor, and Wint/irop Sargent, who was appointed Secre
tary of the Northwestern Territory, owed their commissions to the
same influence.
Major Sargent made a very efficient Secretary, and, in consequence
of the infirmity and frequent absence of the Governor, often and for
long periods, discharged all the executive duties in addition to his
own. He was industrious, methodical and indefatigable; but his
manners were repulsive and austere, and his temperament more ascetic
than social. WhUe holding this position he received his commission
land and North Carolina, in 1788. These have been incorporated in Imlay's
Topographical Description of the Western Country, 3d Edition, London, 1797. _
The following letter from General Gage, Commander-inChief of the British
forces in North America, will show how it was that he made the journey down
the Mississippi to West Florida: New York, June 17th, 1771.
Sir: Brigadier General Haldimand having occasion to employ you in West
.Elorida, you will go down the Mississippi and proceed to Pensacola by the first
conveyance after the receipt of this letter. The instructions for your proceeding
are ransmitted here-with, which you will not divulge, and I transmit you also a
passport,which latter I am to hope will procure von any assistance you may stand
in need of at the Spanish posts'.
I acquaint Lieutenant-Colonel Wilkins of vour orders to go to Pensacola, and if
he can obtain a passpport or letters of recoinmendation from the Spanish com
mander at the Illinois, it may be of use to you.
I am, sir. Your most obedient and humble servant,
Thomas Gage.
Captain Hutchins, GOth Bcgiment, Fort Chartres.
¦•'Cutler's Journal.

Territory and State. 205
as Governor of the Mississippi Territory.* Before he left Cincinnati
he was duly informed by the Secretary of State of the condition of the
Natchez district, the temper of the community, the necessity of being
both firm and concUiatory, and was advised to follow the example of
his Spanish predecessor in cultivating agreeable social relations with
the citizens. That he received this advice is manifest from his
reply, May 29th:
" I do indeed accept your remarks in good faith, and you cannot confer on
me a greater obligation than by continuing them. They may be honorable to
myself and useful to the new government. The footing on which Governor
Gayoso lived with the inhabitants may not be equally in my power to observe,
from the difference between the American and Spanish appointments. It shall
be my study to conciliate and attach all parties to the United States."
His nomination to the office, it appears, was by no means approved
by all of those who knew him, and who knew^the people of the terri
tory. In this same letter he writes :
"The opposition to my appointment, and the news which preceded the same,
was very mortifying to me. As it was, however, only because I have been an
Eastern man, the efi'ects thereof are done away with. And to declare myself
honestly, I should have felt myself infinitely more honored in one single nom
ination to a dignified trust, than dishonored or mortified by half a dozen
rejections." The opposition to the nomination was not sectional, as the Governor
supposed, put personal, based on his utter incompatibility in tone,
temper, sentiments and manners with the people he was sent to, and
on the opposition to both Governor St. Clair and himself in Ohio.
There was very little sectional feeling at that day, and what there was,
prevaUed only among Eastern politicians against the South. In 1787
South Carolina ceded all her immense territorial claims without further
consideration, than ' 'her desire to adopt every measure to promote the
honor and dignity of the United States and strengthen the federal
union." Noble words, that should be inscribed on the monument at
Bunker's HiU, as a perpetual reminder of a generous and self-sacri
ficing people ! Virginia, from the same motive, and to appease East
ern jealousy, had given away her vast territories in the West, and
Georgia afterwards followed her example. The journal of Dr. Cutier,
already quoted, shows that the first New England colony in the West
obtained their grant through Southern influence, and that General St.
Clair, of Pennsylvania, and Winthrop Sargent, of Massachusetts,
owed their appointments mainly to the same.
The new Governor was a man of strong convictions and prejudices,
and, unfortunately, these prejudices against us had taken firm hold
before he arrived at Natchez. In his last letter from Cincinnati to the
Secretary of State, June i6th, he says :
"From the best intelligence I have been able to procure there prevails in the
country of our destination, a, refractory and turbulent spirit, with parties
headed by men of perverseness and cunning. They have run wild in the recess
of government, and every moment's delay in the adoption of rules and regula
tions after the ordinance shall be promulgated, must be productive of growing
evils and discontents."
¦'•"Sir Wm. Dunbar, in a letter to Mr. B,oss, May 23d, 1799, draws this portrait of
the Governor : " I returned from the boundary line with our new Governor, who
had been to pay a visit to Mr. Ellicott. I am on as good terms as it is possible to
be with a man of his phlegmatic and austere disposition. However good his in
tentions may be to do what is just and lawful, or even praise-worthy, it is impos
sible that a man so frigid and sour can give satisfaction to a free people !"

2o6 Mississippi, as a Province,
Thus he had adopted this bad opinion of the people, before he left
Ohio, and came prepared to restrain their "refractory and turbulent
spirit," and to punish their "perverse and cunning leaders," not by
law, "but by arbitrary ' 'rules and regulations" which, it wiU be seen,
he soon adopted, and to which the patriotic, proud and cultured peo
ple whom he came to rule, refused to submit.
There had been a recess or interregnum of government from the
29th March, 1798, when the .Spanish commandant and garrison left
Natchez, until August 2d, when Governor Sargent arrived. But Major
Guion was present during the interval, with a battalion of United
States troops, in the capacity of civil and military commander, m per
fect harmony with the citizens, and universal tranquihty and order had
prevailed through the entire district.
1798. The Governor arrived at Natchez, August 6th, in bad health.
On the Sth he moved to Concord. On the i6th he addressed the peo
ple in Natchez, in which, among other agreeable things, he said that
' 'personal merit and a firm attachment to the United States should be
the qualifications for office under his administration, and that he should
defer his appointments until he could become acquainted v.ith the
people." These declarations gave general satisfaction. But to the
surprise of every one, on the 23d he set out on a visit to EUicott, who
was then engaged on the boundary, to have Jiis opinion of the leading
people of the district, and liis advice in regard to appointments. This
was a great mistake, and was the source of many of his future troubles.
The Governor was a total stranger to the people. They were a mixed
population, of various nationalities, but the controUing element was
Southern, and it gave tone to society and to public sentiment. The
immigrants frora the Southern States,' and a few English and French
gentlemen settled among them, were opulent, polished, hospitable and
convivial, delighted to have a chief magistrate, and an organized gov
ernment, but greatiy disappointed by his saturnine temperament and
grim demeanor. The Governor had quite as little fancy for their
cavalier deportment and the freedom of their conversation, and with
some show of reason, he concluded that EUicott, a raan of education,
holding a position of trust, and who had been t"^velve months in the
district, was the proper person to consult. He had, no doubt, been
the Governor's correspondent, and infused into hira his own bitterness.
The Governor certainly should have remembered that this man had
fomented and taken partin all the factions and feuds that distracted the
coramunity, while he remained in it ; that he cherished violent preju
dices and animosities against many of the inhabitants, and that he
was bitterly hated in return, and regarded as their enemy, and the
enemy of the district. They had combatted his intrigues and his
measures in their public meetings, in committees, and in their memo
rial to Congress. They had been greatiy encouraged by the arrival of
Major Guion, who discountenanced Mr. EUicott's intrigues, and
restricted him to his professional duties, and they had flattered them
selves that with the advent of the chief magistrate his baneful influence
in the affairs of the district would be extinguished. But when it be
came patent that the Governor had called on Mr. EUicott for counsel,
and that in his camp on the boundary line, they had jointiy agreed
on the appointments, and a policy, a large portion of the people felt
that he had broken his voluntary pledge of the i8th August; that new

Territory and State. 207
troubles ¦were about to be brought upon thera, and that they would have to
rely on their own efforts and on their friends in Congress. So the Gov
ernor commenced his administration with a strong opposition, undoubt
edly a majority of the people, led not by "perverse and cunning," but
active, able and resolute men, "^vho knew what constitutional liberty meant
and were determined to have it. And they were thoroughly united.
Governor Sargent returned from this unlucky conference with his
suspicions confirmed into a thorough distrust of the people whom he
had been sent to govern and conciliate. He adopted the personal
and political hatreds of Ellicott, and in his coniraunication to the Sec
retary of State supported his misrepresentations, and denounced the
inhabitants as "composed of various characters, and among thera the
most abandoned viUians."*
This tone of abuse pervades his official correspondence. Charges
made by a high official, going upon the records of the government as
a perpetual meraorial of infaray, kept secret from the accused, and
challenged and refuted now for the first time after the lapse of seventy
years. He recommended the expulsion of certain ahens, and the
necessity of transcending the laws, to maintain public order, and put
down the seditious ! ' 'I am sometimes constrained to measures that
imperious necessity only can justify. They will no doubt be noticed
by the malcontents, of whom there are not a few ; and among them
some most unprincipled scoundrels, who manage with great art and
address." A bad impression to create, at the seat of government against an
infant territory, which he had been sent to nurse and protect ! Re
mote, unfriended, their land titles and their future status all unsettied,
with only the federal authorities to appeal to, these vindictive, and
persistent charges, if credited, would have closed the door, and sub
jected them to a capricious and arbitrary ruler.
The Governor arrested one citizen for "impudent observations,"
and he was strongly inclined to apply the Sedition law and arrest
Major Freeman, the American Surveyor, for writing and speaking
contemptuously of Commissioner Ellicott! j
*When Governor Gayoso left Natchez there was but one man in the wdiole dis
trict, in prison. And the only persons who might properly be styled "villians,"
had been employed by Ellicott to intercept private letters and to rob citizen,?, on
their way to the seat of government with the remonstrances of the inhabitants.
See further on the letter of Col. Cato West to Sargent, to show the peaceable and
orderly condition of the whole district. General Wilkinson in his letter of in
structions to Captain Guion, speaks of the inhabitants of the Natchez as wealthy,
cultivated and refined.
t"Be on your guard," writes Major Gnion from Natchez to Major Freeman, then
on the Boundary survey, "how yon talk and write about your great man. Our
great man here don't relish it."
Thomas Freeman was born in Ireland, came to fhe United -States in 1784; took
the oath of allegiance immediately, and entered the public service it 1T93. Pres
ident Washington specially designated him as .surveyor to accompany the astron
omer Ellicott. They repaired together to the line, but when General Wilkinson
visited their camp he found very unpleasant relations existing between them.
Freeman was transferred to the encampment at Loftus Heights, and intrusted
with the superintendence of the fortifications. Subsequently he was appointed
surveyor-general of Mississippi Territory, which office he held until his death, m
the old town bf Washington, in 1S21. By his will he left 32000 "for the education
of his ward, John I. Guion," second son of his old friend Major Guion, and who
afterward became distinguished at the bar, on the bench and in the councils of

2oS Mississippi, as a Province,
Governor Sargent again writes to the Secretary :
"Diffused over our country are aliens of various characters,^ and among them
the most abandoned villians who have escaped from the chains and prisons of
Spain, and been convicted of the blackest crimes. It would be wise policy to
provide for extirpating such from our territory. We have no prisons, and the
vilest oflFenders therefore calculate, with some certainty on impunity. I have
done everything in my power, more perhaps, but I trust necessity will plead my
justification." "No prisons." The very fact that in a district that had been under
the British and Spanish authorities, and that had been several months
without civil authorities and then under military rule, there were no
prisons and no criminals, of itself refutes these wholesale charges of
Governor Sargent.
In another letter of same date he says: "Natchez, from the per
verseness of some of the people, and the ebriety of the negroes and
Indians on Sundays, lias become a most abominable' place." And he sug
gests the use of the miltary to repress it ! * He had serious thoughts
of seizing the CathoUc Church building and converting it into a court
house, but said it ' 'might hurt the feelings of about a dozen CathoUc
families and give offense to the King of Spain, who had it buUt." He
recoraraended the issuing of orders, prohibiting aliens from traveling
through the Territory without passports. And soon after issued a
proclamation directing "all persons not actuaUy citizens inhabiting the
Territory, or some one of the United States, to report themselves,
within two hours after their arrival at any of the settled posts of the
Territory, to a conservator of the peace, under penalty of imprison
ment. And prohibiting any citizen from entertaining or comforting
any person neglecting to comply with the regulation."
He ordered the arrest of John Caliban and Wm. West on suspicion
of being associated with Zacariah Coxe in his old land speculations,
in Tennessee. Coxe had been arrested by his orders but had escaped,
or rather his guards had permitted him to escape. He went below
the line, into Spanish territory, and Gayoso refusing to arrest him.
Governor Sargent brought the matter before General WUkinson, and
says: "Could we rely on any of the soldiers in the fort, the affair
would wear a good face, and promise us success." He informs the
General that he has arrested one White for "impudent observations."
Finding the military not disposed to sympathize in these arbitrary and
uncaUed for proceedings, he recommended the removal of all the sol
diers from Natchez, "to save the men frora debauchery, and for other
reasons of national importance ! "
His greatest stretch of authority was his appointment of a citizen,
(a very worthy one) with full power to administer on the estates of
decedents, taking bond, security, etc., thus, by a single conimission,
creating an office, prescribing the laws for its administration, and ap
pointing an officer to fill it ! Truly has it been said, by an astute com
mentator, "Royalty could do no more."j-
The Governor organized the Territory into the counties of Adams
*It was the custom at that time, as it had been under the French and Spanish
i-e,L;iines, after mass on the Sabbath to devote the day to picnics, visiting, etc.
The same custom prevails in New Orleans, in France, 'Italy, Austria, and many
parts of Germany. But in the Governor's opinion these were unlawful excesses
that should be repressed by the bayonet 1
fThe late Hon. John M. Chilton, of the Vicksburg bar, in DcBow's Eeview.

Territory and State. 209
and Pickering, and proceeded to make his appointments, some good,
and some very obnoxious. Of the three judges commissioned for the
Territory, by the President, Bruin, Tilton and l^cGuire, only the last
named was a lawyer. Tilton and McGuire aided the Governor in
concocting a code of laws incompatible with the spirit of our institu
tions and -with the Constitution of the United States, raost of which
were annulled by Congress, and soon after this worthy pair disap
peared and never returned. These laws were copied chiefly from an
arbitrary code framed when Sargent was Secretary of the Northwest
Territory, in conformity with his notions of expediency, and not
drawn, as the ordinance for the Northwest Territory provided, from
such laws, criminal and civil, of the other States, as may be best suited
to the circurastances of the district.
When Secretary Sargent, and the judges, submitted to Governor St.
Clair their code for the Northwestern district he vehemently protested
against it, but finaUy succumbed, and right there commenced the op
position to St. Clair and Sargent that in a short time made Ohio thor
oughly Jeffersonian. These oppressive laws had been condemned by
Congress in 1795. V"et, not profiting by the lesson, Secretary Sargent,
when appointed by President Adams, Governor of a Southern' Terri
tory, proceeded with Tilton and McGuire, to frame laws not only not
drawn, as they were required to be, from the statutes of the other
States, but repugnant to the established principles of jurisprudence
derived from the common law of England. Against this code, and
the exorbitant fees exacted on passports to leave the country, and on
marriage and tavern licenses,* a large majority of the people, embrac
ing its almost entire American and fighting element, protested. Led
by such men as Cato West, Thomas M. Green, Narsworthy Hunter,
Gerard Brandon, Hugh Davis, Samuel Gibson, Thomas Calvit, Alex
ander Montgomery, Felix Hughes, David Greenleaf, John BoUs,
Ebenezer Dayton, Randal Gibson, Francis Smith, Wm. Erwin, Ebene
zer Smith, John Foster, Joseph Calvit, Israel Luse, Moses Bonner,
Richard King, Henry Hunter, Patrick Foley, Wm. Conner, Sutton
Banks, Jesse Carter, Thomas Lovelace, George Selser, Parker Carra
dine, Abner Green, Robert Throckmorton, Jesse Harper, Robert MU
ler, Thomas White, James and Thos. Foster, Gibson Clark, Tobias
Gibson, Mathew Tiernian, Wm. Foster, and others, they appealed to
Congress to cancel and annul these laws, to put a stop to these exor
bitant and injudicious fees, and to give them a voice in the framing of
their own laws, by advancing them to the second grade of Territorial
government; all which, in due time, was granted in conformity with
the prayers of the petitioners, against the persistent opposition of the
Governor and his adherents.
The act of Congress provided for a CouncU (or Senate) of five
members to be appointed by the President, and four representatives
from the county of Adams, four from Pickering, and one from the
new county of Washington, on the Tombigbee, which had been organ-
*Eight dollars for a marriage license, eight dollars for the privilege of lodging
and feeding travelers, to be paid to the Governor as a perquisite, without any
W'arrant of law ! Every person who had occasion to leave the Territory had to
pay him four dollars for a passport, and every one coming into the Territory to
report immediately to a magistrate ! The United States paid the judges, but by
the Governor's code they were likewise allowed fees on judicial processes I
14

2IO Missis.sippi, AS A Province,
ized AprU 4th, 1800, embracing the whole country from Pearl river to
the Chattahoochee — these to be chosen by the people, allowing one
representative to every five hundred free white males.
The legacy EUicott had left to the district was the poisoned shirt of
Nessus. Fie had departed, never to return, but his mischievous in
fluence infected the whole of Governor Sargent's administration.
The Governor was fanatical and suspicious, like his Puritan ancestors.
That he was honest and conscientious will not be here doubted, but
the same virtues must be conceded to his opponents, whom he had so
persistently traduced. He was violently attacked and accused. The
attacks were justifiable. The accusations, so far as they imphcated
his personal integrity, were unjust. His patriotism and good inten
tions are not here disputed. But there was a general incompatibility
— an antagonism of opinion, tastes, manners and sympathies between
him and the citizens, and it cannot be said that ' ' he was the right
raan in the right place." He -was, however, both corabative and
courageous, and gave back blow for blow. Like his covenanter fore
fathers who died, under the sabre of Claverhouse, with their bibles in
their hands, he held to his arbitrary doctrines and notions of official
infallibility to the last hour of his political life.
The citizens opposed to Governor Sargent determined to carry the
conflict before Congress, and for that purpose appointed an agent to
repair to the seat of government, who carried v.tith him the following
credentials :
" The undersigned, a general Committee, regularly chosen by the inhabit
ants of the Mississippi Territory, in the several districts of the same, for the
purpose of seeking, by the constitutional mode of petition, redress of the
grievances which oppress this country ; having drawn up and signed two peti
tions of this date, to be laid before Congress, one for confirmation of the rights
to our lands, etc., the other against the improper and oppressive measures of
the Territorial government, and praying for a legislative assembly, do hereby
nominate and appoint, as our special agent, our fellow-citizen, Narsworthy
Hunter (distinguished for his attachment to the United States,) to lay before
Congress our aforesaid petitions, in full confidence that he will execute the
trust reposed in him; and he is hereby authorized to make such explanations
and further representations of tbe facts as he may find necessary during his
continuance at the seat of government as Agent for this Territory, and we pray
the honorable Congress to give full credence to his representations in our
behalf. Gerard Brandox, Cato "West,
Hugh Davis, Ebenezer Smith,
Samuel H. Gibsox, John Foster,
Wm. Erwin, Joseph Calvit,
Alexander Montgomery, John Bolls,
Thomas C-Vlvit, Felix Hughes,
Thomas M. Green, Ebenezer Dayton,
Francis Smith, David Greenleaf,
Moses Bonner, I.-^rael Luse,
K..VND,\.LL Gibson.
Natchez, October 2d, 1799.
The petition set forth —
" That from the vast distance of the district from the seat of governmeut,
and all other settled portions of the United States, Congress could have but a
partial knowledge of it or of the temper of it.s inhabitants ; and that they had
been grossly misrepresented bv Andrew Ellicott, in his communications to the
President and Secretary of St'ate, and by Governor Sargent, who derived his
opinions from Ellicott. Soon after EU'icott's arrival, he recommended for this

Territory and State. 211
district a government similar to that provided for the Northwestern Territory,
two sections in their people and institutions entirely dissimilar. His recom
mendation was made without color of authority, and merely, in the interest
of himself and his satellites, who were chiefly those who had been favorites of
the Spanish governor. Under our governor, those who enjoyed tho patronage
of the Spaniards, are tbe exclusive recipients of executive favor,, and those
who felt it their duty to oppose the intrigues of Ellicott are considered little
better than a conquered people. "We have no hope of seeing a militia organ
ized capable of efficient service. The ofiicers have been appointed in groups,
not residing among and unknown to the men whom they are to command —
appointed not on the recommendation of the sixty-four men who constitute a
company, but at the instance of two or three favorites, of doubtful patriotism,
and obnoxious to the people. Governor Sargent's letter of December 20tli,
1779, to the Secretary of State does us much wrong.
He represents us as beln.g soured with the government of the United States.
This is extremely incorrect. Many of us have fought for the government, and
all of us anchor our hopes in it. It is not with our government we are soured,
but with executive caprice, oppression and intrigues at home, and an experi
ence of these under the preceding dynasty has taught us to dread them now
and to avert them by every means available to freemen. Upon his Excellency's
arrival, we had the highest hopes of his administration, but we confess our
disappointment. His promulgation of laws, framed by himself, in direct vio
lation of the ordinance of 1787, and subjecting us to arbitrary taxation and
exorbitant fees at his own pleasure, are alarming enough. Communications to
the Governor, complaining of these grievances, receive no attention. Wc,
therefore, pray your honorable body to extend to us the second grade of gov
ernment contemplated under the ordinance, with such additions and modifica-.
tions as may be adapted to our peculiar conditions."
This memorial was accompanied with a copy of their letter to Gov
ernor Sargent :
" Your Excellency will bear in mind that for a long time before the arrival
of Mr. Ellicott, two parties had existed in this district, one composed of the
planters, mechanics, etc., chiefly natives of tbe United States. The other, of
miscellaneous characters, informers and a train of court sycophants, who had
been in the habit of influencing the Spanish authorities for their own selfish
ends, at the expense of the body of the ^inhabitants. This latter party, it is
notorious, got possession of Commissioner Ellicott. For want of a manly con
fidence, or for want of personal courage and integrity, he fell into the snare ;
and under a pretext that the peoi^le were doing wrong, he shunned those whose
counsels he should have taken, {including every officer of the United States then in
the country,) and threw himself into the arms of ex-Spanish functionaries, and
became a principal and active instrument in creating tumults and disaffection. After
deserting and betraying the people, and abandoning the best interests of the
United States, we are to view him now as engaged in new intrigues against us.
Nothing can convince the people of this country to the contrary. While some
of his coadjutors were propagating the impression that the United States would
never get possession of the district, he took particular care not to contradict
the report. And while these opinions were intimidating and discouraging the
people, he secretly informed the Spanish governor that Colonel Hutchins,
Colonel Green and Ebenezer Dayton had each made propositions to seize him
(the governor) and carry him out of the country ! His opposition to these
three popular characters was because they had censured his inefficiency in not
carrying the treaty into effect. When Captain Guion arrived and swept away
his importance, Mr. Ellicott used every exertion to excite the people to assert a
right to govern themselves and to control the military; that their liberties
were in danger. This is the man who (to finish his mischievous labors) has
given the present austere and unaccommodating tone to your administration,
so foreign to the genius of the constitution, and so humiliating to a free and
proud people. When he could profit no longer by fomenting ciuarrels in the
first person, he has reached us by his influence over you. The impressions he
has made of us not only degrade us before the country, but they encourage
here the factious and disorderly. The exertions and influence of this man may

212 Mississippi, as a Province,
be considered an unerring barometer of the state of public order. He kept us-.
in perpetual commotion. But when Captain Guion took the command, tran
quility was everywhere restored, notwithstanding EUicott's unremitted efforts.
to create distrust between him and the people.
Upon your Excellency's arrival the people were ready to embrace you as a
father. There was universal rejoicing that an American Governor had come.
Your address of the 16th August, stating that merit and a firm attachment to
the United States should be the qualification for office, and that you postponed
your appointments until you could become personally acquainted with the
people, was received with satisfaction and applause. But without waiting for
this, you went directly to EUicott's camp, and, as we firmly believe, you re
turned with your list of appointments, made out there by the American com
missioner, and we hear no more of your seeking an acquaintance with th&
people and their wishes. We admit that some good men haye been appointed
to office, but the numerous rejections and resignations of your Excellency's ap
pointments demonstrate the impossibility of reconciling the people to the in
fluence of Ellicott & Co.----
We entreat your Excellency to divide the Territory into proper districts.
Let the people have the privilege of recommending their militia ofiicers. Let
your field officers be Americans, who have never been concerned in foreign in
trigues, and your magistrates should be of the same character. Some of your
laws cannot be reconciled with the constitution of the United States, or with
the laws of the States. By your code, any person convicted of treason incurs
the death penalty and forfeits all his projierty, real and personal, to the Terri
tory. The constitution of the United States says that Congress alone shall have
the power to declare the punishment for treason, and by their laws no forfeit
ure is incurred.
By 3four code the person convicted of arson is to be whipped, pilloried, con
fined in jail not exceeding three years, and forfeits all his estates to the Terri
tory. The constitution of the United States says that excessive fines and
punishments shall not be imposed, and that none of these offences shall work
corruption of lalood or forfeiture of estate, longer than during the life of the
person convicted, and that in tbe case of treason only. If a state of society
exists here, which makes it expedient for you to ignore the constitution of the
United States in framing your statutes, we are j-et to see it. We have been in
the district for more than twelve months at a time without the benefit of laws
of any kind, and notwithstanding we had been distracted by the intrigues of
Ellicott and others, the general stock of virtue was sufficient to preserve peace
and av/e the vicious. Crimes were not more frequent then than they are at
present ; and if this fact be admitted (and it cannot be confuted) it affords a
liiut to executive and legislative bodies that merits their deepest attention."t
These documents were submitted to Congress by the agent of the
Territory, Captain Hunter, with the following letter to a distinguished
member of Congress : Philadelphia, February 4th, ISOO.
Sir : You enquire 1st. " By what authority Cato 'West and others, were ap
pointed a Committee for the Territory ?"
-'Among those who rejected his appointments were Dr. White, Lieutenant-
Colonel; Cato West, Lienfenunt-Colonel ; Sutton Banks, Major; Adam Bingaman,
J%'0)-; Narsworthy Hunter, Major; Thomas Green, Captain ; Joseph Calyit, Cap
tain ; Thomas Ciilyit, Captai n .
fThis eloquent letter was from the pen of Colonel Cato We.^^t. He was a native
, '^^"'^'^^ county, Virginia, of an influential family, sprung from an ancient earl
dom of England. He was a man of talents, education and fortune. He was a
son-in-law of Colonel Thomas Green, and emigrated with him first to Georgia,,
nnd thence to the Natchez. He was an ardeni; republican and led the opposition
to GoA-eriKu- Sargent. He was appointed Secretary for the Territory after Col.
Steele s term expired, and conducted the executive office after Governor Claiborne
went to New Orleans. Ho was a forcible writer and speaker ; resided in Picker
ing fnow Jeffers'on) county, was a frequent member of the Legislature, and pre
sided over the Senate.

Territory and State. 213
A meeting was held by the principal inhabitants on the 6th July last, to
•consult upon the unhappy condition of affairs, and, if possible devise a
remedy. The result of this conference was a circular to each of the districts,
(or beats) recommending the people to assemble and nominate a committee
-charged to bring their grievances before the Governor and before Congress.
The result was the election of the Committee. I have copies of the circular and
of the instructions given by the people of the several districts to the committee.
2d. You enquire, " what is the aggregate number of free inhabitants of the
¦Territory ; what proportion are natives of the United States, and what the
number of our militia ?"
Our Governor has never taken a census of the people, nor has he been able
to organize the militia, so that we are at a loss with respect to our numbers.
I think, however, we cannot have less than six thousand free inhabitants, and
about two thousand capable of bearing arms. Our people are, with the ex
ception, perhaps, of one-tenth, natives of the United States.
3d. " Is there much immigration to the Territory ? Have many of the cit
izens removed to the Spanish province below, and if so, what have been the
inducements '?"
The immigration to our Territory is, at this time, very limited, owing to the
impossibility of obtaining lands except by purchase from individuals. The
facility by which lands are obtained in the Spanish dominion by grant or
order of survey, at merely nominal cost, draws the immigrant in that direc
tion. Men of property are inclined, even with this difference, to prefer our Terri
tory, but the poorer classes are induced to go below. A number of families
haye recently left for the Spanish territory with Dr. White, and others are pre
paring to sell out, if possible, for that purpose. A^arious circumstances have
¦operated to this end, but the morose and arbitrary conduct of Governor
Sargent, is a primary cause. The laws he has put forth are odious ; in conflict
with the federal constitution ; with no precedent in the laws of other States;
both the fees he exacts and the fines he imposes, are excessive. His appoint
ments, civil and military, have given, for the most part, general dissatisfaction.
All the officers that enjoy the respect of the people have either refused his
appointments, or after holding them a short time, have thrown them up. He
will never be able to organize the militia, notwithstanding his law imposing
heavy fines on those who refuse his appointments. His exorbitant fees for
jiassports to persons who desire to return to the United States, and lor tavern
and marriage licenses, are universally denounced as burdens on tbe public for
his own enrichment."-"
1800, January 13th. The petition, complaining of Governor Sargent
and his arbitrary laws, Avas referred to a comraittee consisting of Mr.
Claiborne, Mr. Griswold, Mr. Henderson, Mr. Nott and Mr. Bartiett,
to report their opinion thereon to the House.
February 14th. The President transmitted to the House a copy of
the laws promulgated by the Governor and the Judges. There was,
it seems, but a single copy, and he requests the House, after they
have examined it, to send it to the Senate !
February 19th. Mr. Claiborne made a report in part, which was
read and made the order of the day for Monday.
March 10th. The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself
into a Committee of the Whole on the report of the committee to whom was
referred a petition of Cato West and others, inhabitants of the Mississippi
¦*In the Northwestern Territory, while Secretary and acting Governor, he ex
acted, as a private fee, five dollars for a tavern license, and four dollars for a
marriage license. In the Mississippi Territory he demanded eight dollars for a
marriage license ; eight doUars for a tavern license, and five dollars for a passport
to go to the United States, as perquisites of his office !
When Governor Claiborne came to the Territory he issued the marriage license
without fees, and treated the groom to a bottle of whiskey I
Governor Claiborne subsequently recommended a tax of two dollars on niar-
liage licenses, and that the funds should be used for educational purposes. — MS.
notes on the Mississippi Territory, by the late Judge Edward Turner.

2 14 Mississippi, as a Province,
Territory, complaining of the political system by which the said Territory is.
governed ; and, after some time spent therein, Mr. Edmond reported that the
Committee had the said report under consideration, and made some progress.
therein. On motion, ordered. That the Committee of the Whole House be discharged
from the further consideration of the said report, and that the same be re
committed to Mr. Claiborne, Mr. Griswold, Mr. Henderson, Mr. Nott and Mr.
Bartlett. On a motion made and seconded that the House do come to the following
resolutions, to-wit :
Besolved, That from and after the organization of the territorial Assemby of
the Mississippi Territory, the Governor shall nominate, and by and with the
advice and consent of the Legislative Council, shall appoint all officers, both
civil and military, of the Territory, whose appointments are not particularly
vested in Congress by the ordinance ; provided that the Governor shall have
the power to till up all vacancies which may happen during the recess of the
Legislative Council, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of
their next session.
Besolved, That every bill which shall have passed the House of Eepresenta
tives and the Legislative Council shall, before it become a law, be presented to.
the>Governor of the Territory ; if he approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he
shall return it, with his objections, to that house in which it shall have orig
inated, who shall enter the objections at large, on their journals, and proceed
to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that House shall
agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other
House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and, if approved by two-
thirds of that House, it shall become a law. If any bill shall not be returned
by the Governor within six days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been
presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed
it, unless the General Assembly, by their adjournment, prevent its return; in
which case it shall not be a law.
Besolved, That every order, resolution or vote, to which the concurrence of
the Legislative Council and House of Eepresentatives may be necessary, ex
cept on a, question of adjournment, shall be presented to the Governor of the
Territory, and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him; or
being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by two-thirds of the Senate and
House of Eepresentatives, according to the rules aud limitations prescribed in.
the case of a bill.
Besolved, That the General Assembly shall meet at least once in every year,.
and such meeting shall be on the  day of  , unless they shall, by
law, appoint a diff'erent day ; Provided, That the Governor shall have power,,
on extraordinary occasions, to convene both Houses of the General Assembly,.
or either of them.
Besolved, That neither House, during the session of the General Assembly,
shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to-
any other place, than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
March 14th. The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself
into a Committee of the "Whole on the report of the Committee to whom was,
yesterday re-committed their report on the petition of Cato West and others;,
and, after some time spent therein, Mr. Edmond reported that the Committee
had said report under consideration, and come to several resolutions thereupon ;
which were severally twice read, and agreed to by the House, as followeth :
Besolved, That so much of the ordinance for the government of the territory
of the United States northwest of the river Ohio, as relates to the organization
of a General Assembly therein, aud prescribes the powers thereof, shall forth
with operate and be in force in the Mis.sissippi Territory ; Provided, That until
the number of free male inhabitants, of full age, in the said Territory shall
amount to five thousand, there shall not be returned to the General Assembly
more than nine Eepresentatiyes.
Besolved, That until the number of free male inhabitants, of full age, in the
Mississippi Territory shall amount to five thousand, the county of Adams-
shall be entitled to choose four Eepresentatives to the General Assembly ; the
county of Pickering, lour ; and the inhabitants of tlie Tensaw and Tombigbee
settlements, one.

Territory and State. 215
Besolved, That the first election for Eepresentatives to the General Assembly,
shall be on the  day of  , and that all subsequent elections shall be reg
ulated by the Legislature.
Besolved, That it shall be the duty of the Governor of the Mississi2Dpi Ter
ritory to cause the said election to be holden on the day aforesaid, at the most
convenient place in the counties and settlements aforesaid, and to nominate a
proper officer or officers to preside at and conduct the same, and to return to
him the names of the persons who may have been duly elected.
Besolved, That the Eepresentatives shall be convened by the Governor at the
town of Natchez, on the  day of  .
Besolved, That so soon as the number of free male inhabitant.':, of full age,
shall amount to, or exceed five thousand, the number of Eeprcs'.ntatives to the
General Assemby shall be determined, and the apportionment made in the way
prescribed in the ordinance.
Besolved, That nothing in these resolutions contained shall extend, or be con
strued to extend to, or affect the right of Georgia to the territ( ry in question,
or any part thereof.
Ordered, That a bill or bills be brought in, pursuant to the f id resolutions ;
and that Mr. Claiborne, Mr. Griswold, Mr. Henderson, Mr. Nott and Mr.
Bartlett, do prepare and bring in the same.
March 18th. The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself
into a Committee of the Whole House on the bill supplemental to the act en
titled "An act for an amicable settlement of limits within the State of Georgia,
and authorizing the establishment of a government in the Mississippi Terri
tory ; and, after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and
Mr. Parker reported that thecommitteehad, according to order, had the said bill
under consideration, and made two amendments thereto ; which he delivered in
at the Clerk's table, where the same were read.
The House then proceeded to consider the said amendments at the Clerk's
table, and the first amendment, to add at the end of the bill a new section, in
the words following, to-wit:
"And be it further enacted, That the General Assembly shall meet at least
once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday of Decem
ber, unless they shall, by law, appoint a different day ; Provided, That the Gov
ernor shall have power, on extraordinary occasions, to convene the General As
sembly," being again read.
The question was taken that the House do agree to the same.
And resolved in the affirmative, < -^  W
Those who voted in the affirmative, are : Willis Alston, Theodoras Bailey,
.lohn Bird, Phanuel Bishop, Eobert Biwvn, Samuel J. Cabell, Gabriel Christie
Matthew Clay, William Charles Cole Claiborne, John Condit, Thomas T-
Davis, John Dawson, John Dennis, George Dent, Joseph Dickson, Joseph Eg
gleston, Lucas Elmendorf, John Fowler, Albert Gallatin, Samuel Goode, Ed
win Gray, Andrew Gregg, John A. Hanna, Thomas Hartley, Joseph Heister,
William H. Hill, David Holmes, Benjamin Huger, George Jackson, James
.lones, Aaron Kitchell, Micheal Leib, Matthew Lyon, James Linn, Nathaniel
Macon, Peter Muhlenberg, John Nicholas, Joseph H. Nicholson, Abraham
Nott, Josiah Parker, John Eandolph, John Smilie, John Smith, Samuel Smith,
Eichard Stanford, David Stone, Thomas Sumter, Benjamin Taliaferro, John
Thompson, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, Philip Va'nCortlant, Joseph B."Varnum
and Eobert Williams.
This, with a few exceptions, was a strict party vote, the republicans
voting aye, the federalists or administration party voting no.
March 19th. The bUl read a third time and passed without a divi
sion. The Senate returned it with sundry amendments April 24th. The
House went into Committee of the Whole, and the amendments were
agreed to without a count, except the
Third amendment of the Senate, for striking out, from the ninth section of
the bill, the words following, to-wit : "and that the power given to the Gov-

2i6 Mississippi, as a Province,
ernor in the ordinance, to prorogue and dissolve the General Assembly, at his
' pleasure, is hereby declared no longer to be vested, and .shall not be exercised ;
Provided, That in case of a disagreement between the two Houses, relative to a
time of adjournment, the Governer may adjourn them to such time, as is pro
vided by law," being theu read, the question was taken that the House do con
cur with the Committee of the Whole House in their agreement to the same.
And passed in the negative, | jN^^ys..'....'... ..".....'..'.'...'.'..'.'."..'.'.'.'.'.....'.'..'...'. ....'.!49'.
A strict party vote, the federalists voting to give to Gov. Sargent the
power of controlling a refractory Legislature ; the republicans voting
to restrain his power, in conformity with the prayer of Col. West and
other leading citizens of the territory.
May 1. Mr. Sewall from the committee to whom was referred the petition of
Cato West and others, made a further report, which was read and considered;
whereupon, Besolved, That the Governor of the Mississippi Territory be authorized by
law, for the term of one year, to permit by his special license, to be granted
after examination of each case in which it shall be requested, any slave or
slaves, bona fide the property of a citizen of the United States, or owned by
any person resident within Mississippi Territory, at the iieriod when the Gov
ernment of the United States was established over the same, to be brought by
such proprietor into the said Territory.
Ordered, That a bill or bills be brought in, pursuant to the said resolution ;
and that Mr. Sewall, Mr. Chauncey Goodrich, Mr. Wain, Mr. Evans, and'Mr.
Hill, do prepare and bring in the same."*
May Sth. Mr. Claiborne, from the comraittee to whom was referred
the laws passed by the Governor and Judges of the Mississippi Terri
tory, raade a report which was read and ordered to lie on the table.
May 9th. An engrossed bill "was read the third time and passed,
without a division, "to permit in certain cases, the bringing of slaves
into the Mississippi Territory."
The House proceeded to consider the report from the committee to whom
was referred the laws passed by the Governor and Judges of the Mississippi
Territory ; and the resolution contained in said report being again read in the
words following, to-wit ;
"Besolved by the Senate and House of Bejrre.-'cniatives of the United States of Amer
ica, in Congress assembled. That so much of the law enacted bythe Governor and
Judges of the Mississipjai Territory, entitled '\ law to regulate taverns and
retailers of liquors, and concerning Indians, as authorizes the Governor to de
mand eight dollars for every tavern license hj him signed ; and that so much
of the law passed by the same authority, entitled, 'A law establishing and regu
lating the fees of the several officers and persons therein named,' as entitled the
Judges (if the Supreme Court, to receive fees for certain services therein enu-
¦¦¦It is worthy ol note that the resolution -ivas introduced by a leadiu.u' federal
member from Jlassachusetls. 'A bill was brought in aeeordin'gly and passed the
House, but was reiected in the Senate bv a vote of lo to n. rtation of
Jississippi
.lie Missis-
fine of $300
visions of
ne act, ann gives to every slave tlm.s brought in, his or her freedom.
The condition of the Natchez district "W'ns peculiar. Under the Spanish gov
ernment numerous Americans had obtained grants of land below the 31° north
latitude; but when it was ascertained that the line of demarkation would start
from that point and that all above it would be underthe jurisdiction of the United
States and uU below it under Spanish rule, thev were anxious to move into the
Territory and to brin,i^- with them their slayis. But this was prohibited by thelaiv
forbidding the bringing in ol slaves from foreign countries.

Territory and State. 217
merated, be, and the same are hereby, disapproved of, and declared to be no
longer in force in the said Mississippi Territory."
The question was taken that the House do agree to the same.
And resolved in the affirmative.
Ordered, That the Clerk of this House do carry the said resolution to the
Senate, and desire their concurrence.
May 14th. The House was notified that the Senate had disagreed to
the bill to permit the bringing of slaves into the Mississippi Territory.
December 22. A motion made that the House adopt the foUowing
Tesolution :
"Besolved, That the laws passed by the Governor and Judges of the Missis
sippi Territory, and the petition of Cato West and others, with all the docu
ments relative thereto, be transmitted to the President of the United States."
A motion was made to strike out from the word ' 'that" in the first
line to the end thereof, and to insert the foUowing : "A committee be
appointed to inquire into the conduct of Winthrop Sargent, Governor
of the Mississippi Territory, and to report thereon to this House, and
that said comraitteee have power to send for persons and papers and
records." Adopted by yeas and nays, by a vote of 70 to 11. And
it was further ordered by the House that Mr. Harper, Mr. Claiborne,
Mr. Dennis, Mr. Nott, Mr. Davis, Mr. Bird and Mr. Otis be the com
mittee. And it ¦^vas further,
_ Besolved,_ That the laws passed by the Governor and Judges of the Missis
sippi Territory, and the petition of Cato AYest and others, heretofore presented
to the House, together with the documents relative thereto, be referred to the
committee last appointed.
Besolved, That the committee to whom was referred the memorial of tbe
House of Eepresentatives of the Mississippi Territory, be discharged from the
further consideration of the ' said memorial, and that the same lie referred to
the committee this day appointed to inquire into, and report upon, the official
conduct of Winthrop Sargent, Governor of the said Territory."
December 30. A remonstrance of the Legislature of Georgia was
presented,, protesting against the estabhshment of the Mississippi Terri
tory within the limits of that State, and asking a repeal of the law
authorizing the same, as unconstitutional and subversive of the rights
of Georgia.
January 2, 1801, the President laid before the House the laws
enacted by the Governor and Judges of the Mississippi Territory,
from the 30th June until the 31st December, 1799. Referred to Com
mittee appointed to inquire into the conduct of Governor Sargent.
Ordered, That Mr. Robert Goodloe Harper and Mr. Harrison Gray
Otis be excused from serving on the above comraittee, and Mr. Clar
ence Goodrich and Mr. Bayard be appointed.
January 5, 1801. Mr. Davis, Mr. Nott and Mr. Claiborne were ex
cused from serving on the Sargent Committee, and Mr. Robert Wil
liams, of North Carolina, Mr. Taliaferro, of Virginia, and Mr. Pinck
ney, of South Carolina, were appointed in their stead.
February 17. The Speaker laid before the House a letter from YVinthrop
Sargent, Governor of the Mississippi Territory, enclosing a petition from sun
dry inhabitants of the said Territory, praying that Congress will suspend the
operation of so much of the act, entitled, "An act supplemental to the act, en
titled 'an act for an amicable settlement of limits with the State of Georgia,
and authorizing the establishment of a Government in the Mississippi Terri
tory,' " which establishes a second grade of territorial government in the said

2i8 Mississippi, as a Province,
Territory ; and that a law may be passed extending the same privileges to the
said inhabitants as have been granted to theTnhabitants of the Indiana Terri
tory. February 19. Mr. Chauncey Goodrich, from the committee to in
quire into the official conduct of Governor Sargent, made a report
which was read and ordered to be committed to a Committee of the
Whole House on Monday.
March 3. Ordered, "That the Committee of the Whole House to-
whom was committed on 19th ult, the report of the comraittee ap
pointed to inquire into the official conduct of Governor Sargent, be
discharged from the farther consideration thereof" The House then
proceeded to consider the said report at the clerk's table, and the reso
lution contained therein being there read, in the words foUowing, to-
wit :
Besolved, That there does not appear cause for further proceedings on the
matters of complaint for mal-administration against Winthrop -Sargent, as
Governor of the Mississippi Territory.
And on the question being taken by ayes and noes, it passed in the
negative. *
This completes the record of the proceedings for the organization of
the Territory, transcribed from the Journal of the House of the 5th
and 6th Congress, from 1797 to 1801.
The result of the appeal to Congress was that while most of the
laws enacted by the Governor and the Judges, and the fees exacted
on raarriages, taverns and passports, were condemned and annulled,
the Governor was tacitly acquitted of ' 'any impure or criminal inten
tions." The Territory was advanced to the second grade of govern
ment, which secured for it a Legislature to be elected by the people,
and whose advice and consent should be had upon all nominations to
office by the Governor, leaving to him the right to fill all vacancies
during the recess of the Legislature, to hold until the regular meeting
of that body. It took frora the Governor the arbitrary power of mak
ing laws, and gave to the Legislature that power, with the right by a
two-thirds vote of overriding the objections of the Governor to any
law they might choose to enact. And the Legislature was to assemble
at least once in every year, on a day to be designated by themselves.
This covered the whole ground of controversy, and Colonel Hutch
ins, Colonel West and their fellow petitioners, had nothing more to ask.
Their opposition was not to Winthrop Sargent, but to the official enor
mities into which, as they had good reason to know, he had been
seduced by the pernicious counsels of EUicott. But his adoption of the
"*lt is worthy of remark that of those that voted in the negative on this occa
sion were three who beeame, in turn, Governor of the Territory, viz : W. C. C.
Claiborne of Tennessee, Robert "Williams of North Carolina, and David Holmes
of "Virginia. Voting with thera were Albert Gallatin, Leyi Lincoln, Joseph Heis
ter, Nathaniel Macon, Edward Livin,gstou, Peter Muhlenberg, John Randolph,
John Nicholas, Thomas Sumpter, Samuel Smith, John Smilie, Samuel J. Cabell,
and other renowned leaders of the republican or anti-federal party.
On all leading questions of public policy Messrs. Holmes, "Williams and Clai
borne invariably voted together. On the vote for the expulsion of Matthew Lyon,
of Vermont, for spitting in the face of Mr. Griswold of Connecticut, these gentle
men separated, Mr. Holmes voting in the affirmative, Messrs. 'Williams and Clai
borne in the negative.
But when a subsequent effort was made to expel Lyon for what was termed "a
seditious writing" against President Adams, the three gentlemen referred to all
voted in the negative.

Territory and St^te. 219
views of that obnoxious individual, his attacks on the people of the
Territory in his dispatches to the Secretary of State, and the -persistent
effort of himself and followers, to keep the Territory in its state of
subjection and vassalage, bitterly opposing its advance to a higher
grade of government, caused his defeat and downfall.
April 3d, 1801. Governor Sargent, leaving his infirm Secretary,
John Steele, in charge, departed from the Territory for Boston, to vin
dicate himself, and to rally a party there against the advance of the
Territory, as prayed for by the people.*
*The commission of John Steele expired May 6, 1802, but he remained in the
ofiice for thirteen months thereafter, when Cato West was appointed. Steele was
a chronic invalid during this time, incapable of performing official duty, but in
1804, on his petition Congress, allowed him his salary. »

OHAPTEE XXII.

HOMAS JEFFERSON had just been elected President
of the United States, (1801) and he informed Governor
Sargent, " that from various and delicate considerations,
which entered into the appointment of a Governor for
the Mississippi Territory, it was expedient, in his judg
ment, to fill the station with another than himself, whose
administration, with whatever meritorious intentions con
ducted, had not been so fortunate as to secure the general har
mony, and the mutual attachment between the people and the
public functionaries, so particularly necessary for the prosperity
and happiness of an infant establishment." Department of State, ¦)
July 10th, ISOl. J
Hon. Wm. C. C. Claiborne:
Sir : The President of the United States, desirous of availing the public of your
services as Governor of the Mississippi Territory, I have the honor of enclos
ing your commission and of expressing the sentiments of respect with which I
am, sir. Your most obedient servant, James Madison.
MR. Claiborne's reply. Nashville, August 2d, 1801.^
Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge your letter, enclosing me a commis
sion as Governor of the Mississippi Territory. Will you be good enough to
inform the President that I accept the appointment which he has been pleased
to confer upon me, and shall endeavor to merit it by a faithful discharge of
the duties which now are, or may be assigned to me. I know the responsibil
ities and difficulties of the position, but my best exertions shall be made to pro
mote the interests of the United States, and the prosperity of the people of tbe
Territory. I shall make my arrangements for a change of residence with all
practicable dispatch, but I fear these cannot be completed before the Ist of
October. ' FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
Nashville, October 7th, 1801.
To-morrow I shall certainly set out. The rivers are all uncommonly low,
and I anticipate a long voyage.
I am informed that the Territorial Assembly was convened by Secretary
Steele, (in the absence of Gov. Sargent,) on the 3d Monday of July last, and
continued in session some five weeks. Their business was left incomplete for
want of the Governor's sanction. Secretary Steele having been too ill to attend
to his oflTicial duties. On the ICth of September, (my latest advices,) his life
was despaired of. The Hon. Seth Lewis, in a letter dated Natchez, Sept. 3d,

TERRITOliY AND StATE. 221
says : It seems to be confirmed that Spain has actually agreed to give up Louisiana to
France. I know not what grounds there are for this report, but it has prevailed in
Tennessee for several months and obtained general belief.'*
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
Natchez, November 23, 1801.
Sir: I left NashviUe Sth ult., and arrived here yesterday morning. The
voyage was a long one owing to the low state of the Cumberland, Ohio and
Mississippi rivers. The shores of the Mississippi are fertile beyond descrip
tion, apparently a vast deposit of alluvium ; the accumulation of sedimentary
matter during centuries of overflow. Its future of productive power and pop
ulation is beyond the wildest imagination to calculate. This great delta is
almost entirely unoccupied. On the western or Spanish shore there are but
three petty settlements, between the mouth of the Ohio and the post of Con
cord, opposite this place, an interval of some eight hundred miles. Seventy
miles below the junction of the Ohio is the village of New Madrid, with a
small Spanish garrison. Here I halted for an hour, and paid my respects to
the commandant, who received me with much courtesy. The fort has been
recently burned. There are probably fifty houses occupied chiefly by people
of French extraction. I was informed that, a few miles in the interior, there
was a compact and prosperous settlement, the inhabitants for the most part,
from the United States. Thirty-five miles lower down is a village of some
twenty houses, and one hundred and fifty miles below, opposite the lower Chick
asaw bluff, is a small block house garrisoned by a sergeant and twelve men.
[The Spanish post of Esperanza.]
On the eastern or American bank of the ^Mississippi, the only improvement
until I reached the Walnut Hills, was our Fort Pickering, at the bluff's below
Wolf river. Captain Sparks, of the 3d regiment, is in command. He is an
intelligent and elficient officer, has rendered many services to our western coun
trymen navigating the Mississippi, to boats in distress, to emigrants and to the
sick. And he has maintained a good understanding with the Indians. t
¦* This is one of the frequent instances in history, where great events seem to
foreshadow themselves, apparently without human agency. The treaty of St.
Hdefonso of October 1st, 1800,iby which Spain retroceded Louisiana to France, was
made a State secret between the two powers, and so to be kept until it could be
executed. It was apprehended that, if the -transfer became public before France
could throw into it an army of occupation, Great Britain, then undoubted mis
tress ot the seas, might seize New Orleans and defeat the arrangement. Great
Britain had her eye on Louisiana, and had proposed a joint occupation with the
"United States. And on the 18th of April, 1802, Mr. JeflTerson wrote to the Amer
ican Minister in Paris : " The day that France takes possession of New Orleans
fixes the sentence which is forever to restrain her within low water mark. It seals
the union of two nations who, in conjunction, can maintain exclusive control of
the ocean. From that moment we must marry onrselves to the British fieet and
ocean." Five months before Mr. Jeii'erson wrote this memorable letter, this great
state secret, which at that time had not been officially communicated to our min
ister in Paris, was whispered about over the western country, as we see by Gov-
Claiborne's letter.
"IThis officer had a very romantic career. "When he was only five years old he
had been captured by the Shawnees, in one of their raids in Kentucky, and car
ried to their villages, where he was adopted into the family of Tecumseh and the
Prophet. He remained there until after the victory of General "Wayne, in 1794,
when most of the whites among the Ohio Indians were surrendered. We next
hear of him in Tennessee as Eichard Sparks, which it is presumed, was his family
name. He made the acquaintance of the celebrated Gen. .Tohn Sevier, then Gov
ernor of the new State, who became much interested in his adventures. Sparks
looked like an Indian warrior ; tall, athletic, active, with a sparkling eye and
bold presence, and though whoUy uneducated his conversation was impressive
and fascinating. Through the Governor's influence he received a commission in
the army, and was stationed at South "West Point on the Tennessee, in observa
tion of the Cherokees, and of the land speculators claiming under the State of
Georgia. He soon after married Ruth, second daughter of General Sevier, who

22 2 Mississippi, as a Province,
I take the liberty of suggesting the expediency of one or more military posts on
the Mississippi, to v.-hich, it is presumed, the Indians would not object. The
effect upon them would be beneficial. Our western commerce is now valuable
and is rapidly increasing. On this great river navigation is dangerous. Boats
are often stranded or sunk, or disabled by tbe illness of their crews, and except
at Fort Pickering there are no .stations where relief can be obtained. The im
migrants, too, are .greatly expo.-^eJ. A few posts, to render aid, in such cases,
with hospital stores for the .sick, would greatly promote the commerce and the
peopling of this remote territory. The humanizing effect on the Indiansof
such stations would soon be felt.
Colonel Steele, the Secretary of this Territory, is still living, but too low to
give me any information as to the posture of afl'airs. The Legislature of the
Territory will convene next Tuesday."
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
Natchez, December 12, 1801.
The Legislature assembled on the 1st inst., and on the [next day I delivered
an address to the two Houses. I hazard the opinion that this assembly is com
posed of honest men, truly attached to the Union, and to the interests of the
Territory. For want of experience their proceedings may be attended with some
irregularities, but with their intelligence these will soon disappear. All oppo
sition to the second grade of government has vanished and the citizens gener
ally seem contented with the political situation. I find myself most cordially
received and shall study, on my part, to promote their best interests.
By the aet establishing this Territory the powers and duties of Superintend
ents of Indian Afl'airs are vested in the Governor. I respectfully request to
have those powers and duties strictly defined. Within the few days since my
arrival I have received many visits from the Choctaws.
Upon looking over the otficial letters of Governor Sargent, I discover that he
frequently complained of embarrassment with regard to the Indians, and that
some instructions had been sent to him by the Secretary of State. But the com
munications from that office it appears, were not considered public property,
and are not on file in the ofiice of the Secretary of this Territory.
An interpreter will be indispensable to me. in the performance of_these
duties. FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
Natchez, December 20, 1801.
A treaty has just been concluded with the Choctaws at Fort Adams, by
which they consent to the opening of a post-road through their country to Ten
nessee, but refuse the privilege asked for white men to erect and keep houses
of entertainment on the route. This privilege they sbrewdlj' retain for them-
(like the wife of Andrew Johnson) taught him to read and write, and then con-
clucted him through the higher branches of a solid education. In 1801, he was sta
tioned at Fort Pickering (Memphis) in the Chickasaw nation.
He accompanied General "Wilkinson and the army to Natchez, and was stationed
at Port Adams and Baton Eouge. He became Colonel of the 2d Infantry. Died
m the house of Col. Daniel Burnet, at the < irindstone ford, Claiborne county.
Miss., July 1st, 1815, and was there buried. In .an old Nashville paper his death
is thus quaintly announced :
extract from a letter from the choct.IlW agexcy, dated Sth july, 1815.
"About the 1st inst., the corruptible part of our friend Col. Eichard Sparks, late
ot the 2d Infantry, was relieved from duty, and put in snug quarters tiU the
grand reveille shall awaken the armies of th'e universe for a final review and pro
motion, Avhen honest men will have a preference, whatever may have been their
politics The Colonel of course stands a good chance."
Mrs. Sparks, a lady of ,£;reat beauty and noble character, survived him and be
came the wife of Daniel Vertner, Esq., ot Burlington, near Port Gibson, so well
remerabered for its eles,'ant hospitalities.

Territory and State. 223
selves. They desire looms and farming implements, and the exclusion of
liquors from their countrj'.
The river front here is thronged with boats from the west. Great quantities
of flour and other produce continually pass. Cotton, the staple of this 'Territory,
has been very productive and remunerative. I have heard it suggested by our
business men that the aggregate sales this season will exceed $700,000; a large rev
enue for a people whose numbers are about 9000, of all ages and colors. Labor
is more valuable here than elsewhere in the United States, and industrious peo
ple soon amass wealth. This undeniable prosperity has silenced the clamor
against the second grade of government, which was chiefly based on the in
creased expense and taxation, and the inability of the people to endure it.
The Legislature is engaged on a new judiciary system. The manner in
which the Superior and Inferior Courts have heretofore been arranged, is gen
erally condemned. There is certainly room for improvement. One-half per
haps more, of the citizens, have no confidence in the Judges. The Legislature
participates in this feeling and will, I fear, be inclined to legislate more against
men than upon principles. It is an unpleasant state of things, and will be for
me the source of much trouble. A late decision made by the Superior Court
for this Territory has occasioned much complaint, and roused the sympathies
of the Legislature. Subsequent to the ratification of the treaty between the
United States and Spain, and shortly before this district was evacuated, the
Spanish governor granted to certain of his favorites, much valuable land, and
to evade objections, these grants purported to have been made previous to the
treaty. In some few cases these fraudulent grants were made of lands which
had been previously granted in good faith. And in a case of this kind where
suit had been instituted, the- holder of the fraudulent grant (which falsely bore
a date older than the bona fide grant) obtained a recovery. In the Inferior
Court, where the suit commenced, parol testimony was admitted to invalidate
the ante-dated grant, and the defendant had a verdict. But upon appeal to the
higher court parol testimony was declared inadmissable, and the judgment
below was reversed. This case is [generally considered a very hard one, and
the Legislature, to afford a remedy, contemplated a law authorizing the admis
sion of parol testimony ; but on my intimating that, for the present, I could
not assent to such a measure, it bas been dropped. A statute for the admis
sion of parol testimony to disprove aud invalidate a record, would be a grave
innovation upon the law of evidence. Yet I can see no other way by which
these frauds can be set aside, unless indeed, as I think, a conrt of chancery
would reach the case. And most of the lawyers here think it would not. I
should be happy to have your opinion on the matter.
The Legislature will give me, I think, in pursuance of my recommendation,
an effective militia law. My predcessor, notwithstanding strenuous exertions,
was unable to organize the militia, and I found the Territory wholly defence
less. We require five hundred muskets and as many rifles, which I hope will be
sent as early as practicable. Bordering on a foreign power — separated from
the nearest State by a wilderness of six hundred miles — with numerous savage
tribes enveloping our settlements, and a servile population nearly equal to the
whites — an armed militia is essential to both safety and tranquility.
The report still prevails that Louisiana and West Florida have been ceeded
to France. The fortifications at New Orleans are much neglected and in a
ruinous condition." FROM the same TO THE SAME.
Natchez, January Sth, 1802.
The Legislature progresses slowly, but their proceedings evince a careful at
tention to the public interests.
Political excitement has nearly disappeared. The only discontent is with
the Judges. I have endeavored to allay this feeling and restore confidence,
but ineffectually. The Chief Justice, Mr. Lewis, is a learned lawyer, and a
man of talents. But his colleagues, Messrs. Tilton and Bruin, (however
amiable in private life,) have not had the training for the bench. 'The former,
it is said, read law for a few months, but never practiced. The latter was

2 24 Mississippi, as a Province,
brought up a merchant. The litigation here will involve conflicting titles to
vast tracts of valuable land, and will d,gmand profound legal attainment on
the bench. If these gentlemen, or either of them, should resign, as is now
rumored, I respectfully urge the appointment of thoroughly trained lawyers,
of tbe highest character.
The Legislature is now considering a bill to vest in the Superior Court an
equity jurisdiction, introduced specially to reach the antedated^ land grants
heretofore referred to. They are numerous and threaten much trouble. CoL
Steele continues in bad health and 1 am much inconvenienced for aid in my
office." PR03I THE SAME TO THE SAME.
Natchez, February 5th, 1802.
The old factions still survive to some extent. It is gratifying to me to know-
that they were created before my arrival. I believe I have firmness enough
to be independent of any of thera, and virtue sufficient to be just to all.
The Legislature will probably adjourn in a day or two. With patriotism
and honesty, they are liberally endowed, but lack experience, and are conse
quently slow. Most of the laws passed by Governor Sargent and the Judges,
have been repealed, and almost an entirely new code substituted.
A law to prohibit the importation of male slaves, above the age of sixteen,
passed the House, but was rejected by the Council. This class of population
is increasing rapidly, "and will, sooner or later, be a great public evil. But the
culture of cotton is so lucrative, and personal labor so valuable, it creates such
a demand for negroes that we shall soon be overrun from the older States, and
probably by the most abandoned of that unfortunate race.
I hope you will approve the enclosed letter to General Wilkinson, urging
him to establish at this place, a small arsenal of the surplus arms now at
Fort Adams, with one company in charge. We are now defenceless and
v/ithout arms,
A violent dispute has sprung up between the Legislature and the Chief
Justice, (who has many friends,) and they have taken steps to procure his re
moval or impeachment. They adjourned on tbe 2d instant. The acts are not
voluminous, but the printing and publishing will probably be tedious and ex
pensive. The people complain that they are ignorant of the laws. The fact
is so, but it is not in my power to offer a remedy. The only printer in this
Territory (and he is a novice in the profession) has been employed, on high
wages, to print the laws"* The work is going on, but from the want of type, a
good press and assistance, it cannot be completed for several months. I am
surprised that printers from the older States do not turn their attention in this
direction. I know ot no quarter where a well-conducted paper would be more
lucrative and of more advantage to society.
The appointments made by Governor Claiborne up to the ist April,
i8o2, were :
Abner Green, of Adams county, Treasurer-General for the Territory. t.
JUSTICES FOR ADAMS COUNTY.
Abram Ellis, James Terrall, Adam Tooley, Caleb King, George Fitzgerald.
Daniel Kerr, Sheriff; Peter Walker, Clerk County ; John Henderson, County
Treasurer ; Robert Stark, Clerk Adams District Court; Abner L. Duncan, Dis
trict Attorney; Archibald Lewis, Clerk and blaster in Equity for Adams
District. JUSTICES FOR JEFFERSON COUNTY.
Cato "West, Thomas Calvit, Jacob Stampley, Henry Green.
¦»Jaraes Terrall was appointed Printer to the Territorial Legislature.
fThe same gentleman who had been appointed, by the Governor of Georda,
Eegister of Probates for the county of Bourbon. He was a model planter, iind
owned the Grange plantation on Second Creek.

Territory and State. 225
John Girault, Clerk County Court; Daniel James, Clerk District Court;
Felix Hughes, Master in Chancery.
JUSTICES FOR WASHINGTON COUNTY.
John Caller, John Johnson, James Fair, Joseph Thompson, John McGuire,
Thomas Baesett, John Brewer, John Henson.
Eichard Lee, Clerk County Court.
JUSTICES FOR CLAIBORNE COUNTY.
Wm. Downs, G. W. Humphries, James Stanfield, Ebenezer Smith, Daniel
Burnet, James Harman.
Sam. Coburn, Sheriff; Matthew Tierney, Clerk County Court; Samuel Gib
son, Coronre. JUSTICES FOR WILKINSON COUNTY.
John Ellis, Hugh Davis, John Collins, Eichard Butler, Wm. Ogden, Thomas
Dawson. Henry Hunter, Sheriff; Samuel Lightner, Clerk County Court.
MILITIA OFFICERS, IST REGIMENT.
Benijah Osman, of Adams, Lieutenant-Colonel ; Abram Ellis, of Adams,
Major ; Eichard King, of Adams, Major.
FOR JEFFERSON COUNTY, 2d REGIMENT.
Zachariah Kirkland, Major ; Wm. Thomas, Major.
WASHINGTON COUNTY, 3d REGIMENT.
.John Caller, Nathaniel Christmas, Majors.
FOR CLAIBORNE COUNTY^, 4tH REGIMENT.
Daniel Burnet, Lieutenant-Colonel ; Wm. Nealy, Major.
FOR WILKINSON COUNTY', 5tH REGIMENT.
John Ellis, Lieutenant Colonel : Eichard Butler, Major.
ARTILLERY IN NATCHEZ.
Samuel Postlethwaite, Captain ; Jos. A. Parrott, 1st Lieutenaut ; Joseph
Newman, 2d Lieutenant.
J. E. Trask, Brigade Major and Inspector.
These were all representative men, opulent planters, and prorainent
merchants and mechanics, including the only printer in the Territory.*
The descendants of most of them are stiU numerous and influential
in Mississippi, Alabama and Louisiana.
The Governor attended the regimental musters, in the several
counties, where he addressed the militia and was most cordially re
ceived. 1802. About this time, the Territory was much excited by the
robberies and murders perpetrated by Mason and Harp. The Gov
ernor addressed the following note to Colonel Daniel Burnet :
" I have information that a set of pirates and robbers, who alternately infest
the river and the road, have their rendezvous in the cane-brakes near "Walnut
Hills. A certain Samuel Mason, his son John, and a desperate villain from
Kentucky, one Wiley Hari?, are the reputed leaders of this banditti. They
have long been robbers and murderers, and the two former are well known at
Natchez. They recently attempted to board the boat of Colonel Joshua Baker,
between the mouth of the Yazoo and the Walnut Hills, but were deterred by
his show of arms and prei^arations for defense. These men must be arrested.
The crimes of Harp are many and atrocious ; and the others are nearly as had.
I wish you to place yourself at the head of fifteen or twenty picked men, and
*Newspaper men had some chance in those days.
15

2 26 Mississippi, as a Province,
.scour the woods from the Bayou Pierre to the Yazoo, and capture the villains
if possible I have written to Lieutenant Eennick, 3d United States Eegi-
ment Walnut Hills, and to the officer commanding United States troops, mouth
of Boar Creek, Tennessee river, soliciting their co-operation, but I hope that
the credit of arresting them may fall on you."
The Governor offered a reward of $2,000 for their capture.
Harp, soon after, separated from the band, and went towards Ken
tucky, ¦vvhere he and his brother, some time after, paid the penalty of
a long career of atrocities. Mason and his gang one day robbed a
traveler, and took from him a copy of the Governor's proclamation.
He had had some words with two of his party, and, on one occasion,
when only the chief and these two men were in camp, and he was
asleep, they shot him, cut off his head and set out with it to claim
the rewfard. Circuit Court was in session in the old town of Green-
viUe, Jefferson county, when they arrived. They went before the
Judge to make their affidavit and get a certificate to the Governor.
The head was identified by parties v.dio knew Mason well, but just as
the Judge was in the act of making out a certificate, a traveler stepped
into the court house and requested to have the two men arrested.
He had alighted at the tavern, had repaired to the stable to see his
horse attended to, and there saw the horses of the two men -ivho had
arrived just before hira. He recognized the horses as belonging to
parties who had robbed him and kiUed one of his companions some
two months previously on the Natchez trace, and going into the court
house he identified the two men. They were tried, convicted and
executed at Greenville. With the death of their chief and the de
parture of Harp, the gang dispersed, and for many years there were
no more highway robberies in Mississippi.
This is the account usually given by Mason's gang, and is substan
tially repeated by Thomas Reed, Esq., a leading member of the bar,
in his minute and very interesting Centennial history of Jefferson
county. In 1813, John L. Swaney, the old mail rider between Nashville
and Natchez, gave to the editor of the Gallatin (Tenn.) Examiner, a
different version of the story :
" Mason originally lived near Cross Plains, in Eobcrtson county, Tennessee,
and went from there to the Natchez country and organized his band, which con
sisted of his two sons, Tom. and John, and six or eight other men. Tom.
Mason, senior, (the Governor, in his proclamation, calls him John,) was then
about fifty years old, weighed some two hundred pounds, and was a fine look
ing man ; rather modest and unassuming, and no appearance of the brigand.
He frequently encountered me and the other mail riders on the route and was
always anxious to hear what was said of him. He often told me not to be
afraid of him as he was after money and not letters, and that he did not wish
to hurt any one, but money he must have. His band was the terror of evei'y
trader. Traders, in those days, went down the river in flats, sold their produce
for dollars or doubloons, whieh they packed on ponies and came through on
foot, in gangs of five or ten men. Before leaving Natchez, they had to supply
themselves with provisions, as there was then no accommodations on the road, in
the Choctaw country, except at the Agency.*
-¦¦"When General "Wilkinson was negotiating a treaty with the Choctaws at Fort
Adams, in 1801, after obtaining perniission to have the road opened to the Chick
asaw line, (where it would intersect the road leading by Colbert's ferry to
NashviUe,) he proposed that a certain number of white "families be allowed to
settle thereon to keep entertainment for travelers. This they shrewdly refused, but

Territory and State. 227
Mason usually kept an intelligent man at Natchez to observe these
outfits, and thus would have notice of the approach of travelers and
their strength. When they effected a robbery they not only got the
money, but provisions for their stay in the woods. After the Gov
ernor's proclamation, 3,lason and his gang were closely hunted by the
whites and Indians, and, having made some narrow escapes, they
quit the country and crossed the Mississippi, to somewhere about
Lake Providence, in the then Spanish Territory. Says Swaney :
"On one of my return trips from Natchez, I fell in with the wife of young
Tom Mason, carrying a baby and a small sack of provision iu her arms. She
was making for tlie Chickasaw Agency, to go thence to her friends. She
begged me to help her on her way, which I did by placing her on my horse. I
diil this for a day, and made up the lost timS by traveling all night. Mrs.
Mason told me they were all safe and out of reach.
Sometime after this, two men, calling themselves Sutton and May, brought
to Greenville, Jefferson county, Mississippi, a man's head, which they said was
Mason's, and called on myself, and others, to identify it, so they might get the
reward. They failed completely, and unable to account for the head they
were charged with murder, tried and sentenced to be hung. On the day of the
execution, one of the guards, .John Bowman, from Knoxville, recognized one
of the condemned as Little Harp. He denied the name ; but Bowman per
sisted and said if you are Harp, j'ou have a scar under your left nipple where
I cut you in a difiiculty we had at Knoxville. Bowman tore the man's shirt
bosom open and there was the scar."
Harp was a notorious robber. There were two brothers — one a large man
called the Big Harp — this one, a small man, called Little Harp. Swaney says
he knew them at Knoxville when he was a race rider, and that he rode the
race at Knoxville when they were broken up by Sam. Gibson and party. The
night after the race, the two Harps killed and robbed an old man two miles
this side of Knoxville, and ran away to Kentucky, where they robbed and
committed so many outrages that a company of men set out to hunt them
down. They found them and killed the Big Harp — the Little Harp making
his escape — and he says, no doubt in his mind, was hung with Sutton at Green
ville, Mississippi .
After Mason's band was dispersed, other men, encouraged by Mason's suc
cess, tried it, but never got as much money as the Masons.
Captain W. L. Harper, of Jefferson, in his eloquent centennial
address, gives still another account, differing from Major Reed's and
Swaney's, but all of them agreeing in some particulars. Swaney,
however, was an eye-witness of the execution — the only living witness,
perhaps, and he is reported to be a raan of truth. Many of his state
ments about matters that transpired here in those days we know to be
strictly accurate. Captain Harper says :
"Governor Claiborne offered a large rey/ard for the capture of Mason, the
leader of the band that infested the road. Mason's family then resided in
this county, not far from old Shankstowu, and his wife was generally respected as
an honest and virtuous woman, by all her neighbors, and one of her sons was a
worthy citizen of Warren county not many years ago.
The reward tempted two of the band to kill Mason, or some one they said
was Mason, and bring in his head to Greenville for recognition.^ Many fully
identified it by certain marks thereon, except the wife, who as positively denied
it. The Governor had sent his carriage for her expressly to come down and
testify. But some parties had recognized in the claimants two men who, along
with Mason, had robbed them but a short time before, when they were arrested,
tried aud'hung, thus getting their reward, but not exactly in the way they
as soon as the road, usually known as the old Natchez trace, was opened, the Iia
Fleurs, and other half -cast families, moved to it and made lots of money keeping
entertainment for travelers.

2 28 Mississippi, as a Province,
sought. They gave their names as May and Sutton, and many believed Mason
fled the country and died in his bed in Canada.
With the execution of these men highway robbery ceased, and the
Natchez trace became pefectiy secure. This was due mainly to the
settiement on the road of numerous respectable Indian (half-blood)
famUies, who attracted many of their people to settie around them.
The Choctaws never robbed nor permitted robbers to live among them.
Honesty on the part of the men and chastity of the women were
characteristics of the Choctaw people, the real proprietors of the do
main of Mississippi, whose traditions have been preserved in the
names of our streams and counties, which should ever remind us, and
our posterity, that when we were but a feeble people they fought for
us the martial Muscogee ; and when we had become numerous and
opulent, in the darkest days of our history, when pressed to the earth
by a superior adversary, when we had no reward to hold out, only
our broken lances and shattered shields, they came to our aid, aud
shared with us the doom of the vanquished ! Mississippi, if she sur
vives for a thousand years, as God grant she may, should never for
get the brotherhood that binds her to this noble race, born under her
own stars and skies.
1802. The Legislature was again in session, passed a number of
laws, established Jefferson College, and elected Col. Thomas M. Green,
of Jefferson, to Congress, to supply the place of the Hon. Narsworthy
Hunter, who had died in Washington.*
The seat of government was established in the town of Washington.
The printer not having completed the printing of the laws, Edward
Turner, a young la'wyer, was employed to make a number of copies,
and received a warrant on the Treasury for $36.00. Economical
days !f
*Thomas Marston Green, an accomplished gentleman and most useful citizen,.
was the son of Col. Thomas Green, the head of a numerous family and infiuen
tial connection. He was a Virginian, an officer of the Continental army. Ee-
moved to Georgia, and was associated with Gen. George Eogers Clarke and Gen.
Elisha Clark of Georgia, in their scheme for an attack on the Spaniards. Colonel
Green, with a large party of friends, went to the Holston, built boats and de
scended the Tennessee to its mouth, expecting there to find Gen. George Eogers-
Clarke and his party, but not finding them, and being unable to ascend the Ohio
with their boats they continued on to Natchez. Col. Green had an interview with
the Spanish Governor, and claimed the entire district for the State of Georgia.
He was a bold, determined and persistent man. The Spanish authorities finding
that he was likely to excite a tumult had him arrested and sent to New Orleans.
His devoted wife soon followed, and from exposure and anxiety died shortlyafter
her arrival. This touched the heart of the Spanish Governor, and Col Green was
released. The family settled on the waters of Cole's creek, in J efi'erson county.
Col. Cato "West and Gen. Thomas Hinds were his sons-in-law, and by intermar
riages it constituted one of the largest connections in the district. His son, Ab
ner Green, married a daugliter ot Col. Hutchins.
tA native of Fairfax county, Va., inoved at an early age'to Kentucky, thence to
Mississippi in 1801. Clerk of the Legislature, Eegister 'of the Land Office, At
torney Gener.-il, Circuit Judge, Chancellor, Judse of the Supreme Court, he ran a
long career of usefulness and honor, and died just before the late civil war, with
out an enemy. EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM JUDGE TURNER.
""When I first came to Natchez I brought a letter of introduction from Gen.
Green Clay, of Kentucky, to his uncle. Cob Thomas Green. This led to luy inti
macy with the Greens, Hutchins, "Wests, and their extensive connections, and to
my marriage with a daughter of Col. "West. Gen. Clay, (father of Cassius) had

Territory and State. 229
1802. A warrant was issued in favor of James Patton, upon the cer
tificate of Hugh Davis and John Collins for marking out the road
from the national boundary, 31"^ north latitude, -to Natchez, what
is now known as the WoodviUe road.
FROM JAMES MADISON TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.
Department of State, May 11, 1802.
I enclose the opinion of the Attorney General in the conflicting land claims
referred to by you. Although the praseology used by him does not refer to the
technical distinction between a chancery and common law jurisdiction, 'the
former having no distinct establishment in the Eastern States, yet you will find
your idea justified that equity can always relieve against fraud. Your Terri
tory, both in its infant and frontier character, demands concord and unity.
We rely much on your patriotic dispositions and prudent counsels, which as
they develop themselves, cannot fail to inspire the well meaning with confidence
and to repress the mischief making proclivities of others."
OPINION OF LEVI LINCOLN, ATTORNEY GENERAL, UNITED STATES.
It does not appear from Gov. Claiborne's letter, or from the letter of Lyman
Harding, Attorney-General of the Territory, what were the pleadings in the
action in which evidence of fraud in the dating of a, grant was excluded ; what
was particularly in issue ; why it was done ; whether it was from the idea that
the evidence was not of the proper kind ; or the best which the nature of the
transaction admitted of ; or that the witnesses were considered incompetent
from being interested in the question or in the cause. Nothing can be clearer
than that all grants made by the Spanish government, after the ratification of
the treaty, by which the district was ceded to the United States are void. A
claimant who had in fact obtained a patent or a title before that time under
the Spanish, or since under the United States, can alone hold by his grant.
There being no question of a right by mere possession in the way, and indeed
such a right to vacant lands can never exist against Government. The only
¦questionis, when was the patent granted; not when was it dated, or what is its date.
The delivery of a deed is a consummating act by which and from the time of which
it takes effect and operates. Its delivery may be before or after its date. An ante-
¦date, a subsequent or no date is material only as proof of delivery, until which there
can be no deed. But prima facie, every deed shall be delivered on the day of
its date, and to be made fairly and in good faith. These presumptions are,
however, controllable by proof. The executions of all deeds must be proved.
If their validity is questioned any evidence which will show any of their es
sential parts to be different from what they are presumed to be, and in favor of
married my cousin. I was one of the aids of Governor Claiborne, and accompa
nied him and his staff, all in full uniform, to review the regiments in the different
counties. This was the first the people here ever knew of citizen soldiers. The
Governor was a fine speaker, with a clear, ringing voice, very fluent and graceful,
and the regiments forming into a square he addressed them very eloquently, in
regard to their rights and duties. Gov. Sargent never could organize the militia,
and few men would accept his commissions.
The Spaniards had no jiublic schools in Natchez, and only one or two private
tutors. In Gov. Claiborne's time Jefl'erson College was incorporated. An associ
ation formed in Jefferson county for the acquisition and dissemination of useful
knowledge. "We held our meetings at Villa Gayoso. t I delivered the first ad
dress and it drew down on me the opposition of the whole Sargent party. A sim
ilar association was established in Natchez, and excellent schools in each county."
JVilla Gayoso was on Cole's creek, in Jefferson county, (not far from the river)
where Gov. Gayoso erected a sort of chateau as a summer residence, and posted
a small garrison. The land was claimed by Everard Green (son of Col. Thomas
Green) and was in controversy between the parties when the Spaniards left the
¦district. It was turned over by the Spanish authorities to Capt, Guion as public
property, and he stationed there to hold it for the United States Corporal Diddup
and five men.
The Green family are now and.long have been in possession of the premises.

230 Mississippi, as a Province,
a third person, must be admitted. Delivery is indispensably requisite to be es
tablished by evidence foreign to the date of the deed, or anything contained in
it. There is a difficulty in conceiving how evidence to this point could be ex
cluded by the Supreme Court of the Territory. The warrant of survey, peti
tions, certificates and plats under the Spanish government, and which are said
to be in New Orlean.s, can be of no u.se but to show the real time when the
patent was granted. Where there are interfering grants and the questionis
which was first made, and there is no registry or record to decide it by, nor
any statute mode of ascertaining the matter, the 'greatest latitude should be
given for the admission of evidence, and esiiecially in suppression of
fraud. It it should be necessary to procure evidence in possession of
the Spanish go"v*ernment, I should suppose an application by a party iu
terested, or by the Governor of the Territorv, would be sufiicient. Men
tion is made of an action being brought by a Mr. Green against the United
States for the recovery of lands and buildings, in which after verdict for the de
mandant a new trial has been granted. It is not perceived how an action could
be brought against the United States. It may have been against an individual
possessing or claiming to possess under them. As no case is stated I do not
see lioViT government can be bound;by any verdict which may be given in the
ca.se." GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE TO SECRETARY OP STATE.
"The Spanish Governor was extremely liberal in his grants after the promul
gation of the treaty, and many tracts are claimed ,under ante-dated instru
ments. The compromise between the United States and Georgia is very acceptable to
most of our citizens, and I hope it may be acceded to by Georgia. If so, and
an ofiice for the disposal of lauds should be speedily opened, the population of
this Territory will rapidly increase. Our neighbors below, and to the westward
are very friendly, and I flatter myself the same amity will subsist if the French
get possession ; but I confess I shall regret the exchange. In the course of the
negotiations between the nations for territory, I wish the United States could
possess themselves of East and West Florida, and the island of New Orleans."
1802. The following appointments were announced: Wm. Erwin,
Wm. Shaw, Jesse Weathers, Henry Mannadier, Abner Pipes, John
Dennis, Justices for Jefferson county. John Henderson, Joseph Er
win, Joseph Sessions, Wm. Darby, Abner Green, Walter Burling,
Sam Boyd, Justices for Adams. James Harman, for Claiborne.
Joseph Pannel, Joseph Johnson, Reason Webster, for Wilkinson.
Thomas Green, Sr., county treasurer for Jefferson. John Brooks,
sheriff In these days of profuse expenditure and official corruption, the
following letter will be read with astonishment, particularly when it is
remerabered that the writer was governor of a new territory requiring,
from its peculiar position, an extensive correspondence, and that he
was superintendent of Indian Afl'airs which demanded constant cor-
respondence with the various local agents, and numerous record books
for said correspondence :
FROM GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE TO THE C03IPTR0LLER OP THE TREASURY.
180'2. I transmit the account of S. Postlethw-aite & Co., for stationery fur
nished my office during the last six montlis. The charges are such as are
customary here, and I have, therefore, paid the bill. If this account should
be passed by the accounting offices, I will thank you to advise me.
This stationary bill was just thirty-seven dollars!
By authority from the War Department, the governor selected and
purchased frora Thomas Calvit, at .$15.00 per acre, fifty acres, for a

Territory and State. 231
cantonement about four hundred yards outside the town of Washing
ton, which became afterwards the general rendezvous of the United
States troops in this quarter.
A supply of muskets were sent to the Governor, which he was au
thorized to sell to the militia at eight dollars apiece. He expressed
his acknowledgements, but wrote: "I find the people are much
prejudiced against muskets, and are unwilling to depend on any arm
hut the rifli', the weapon of their fathers." Yes, and in the hands
of their sons and grandsons the Mississippi rifle became historic, and
is gloriously identified with many fields of fame.
Trading houses were established under the supervision of the
Governor on the Tombigbee for the Choctaws, and near Fort Pickens
for the Chickasaws. The first goods sent to the former, were confided
to Lewis Le Fleur, a Canadian, father of the late Colonel Greenwood
Le Fleur. He carried them in a keel boat from Natch'.-z, down the
river to Manshac, thence down the Amite, across the L.lces, and up
the Tombigbee to Fort Stoddard, the point of delivery.* Joseph
Chambers was the first factor, and George S. Gaines, his clerk, and
successor. Edward Turner was appointed Clerk for Jefferson county, vice Col
onel John Girault.
In January, 1802, Judge Tilton, one of the three Superior Judges
of the Territory, went off, without leave or notice, to New Orleans
and sailed for Europe on a commercial adventure.
Governor Claiborne, in communicating this to the Secretary of
State, said: "This, I submit, is such an abandonment as will au
thorize an imraediate appointment, and I recommend David Ker,
Esq., of this Territory, a learned lawyer and an upright man, who
would fill this high office with credit.
Colonel Steele's commission, as Secretary for this Territory, ex
pired on the 7th May, since which he has not considered himself
bound to attend to any business. This greatly adds to my labor, and
I hope an appointment will soon be made."j'
John Pitchlyn was commissioned United States Interpreter for the
Choctaws, and sub-agent; a position he long and faithfuUy held. He
was first employed in 1786, by the comraissioners at the treaty of
HopeweU. In 1792, he was re-commissioned by Governor Blount,
and in 1802, re-appointed by Governor Claiborne.
David Ker appointed Clerk of Adams county, vice Peter Walker. J
¦*Fort .Stoddard was then commanded by Lieutenant P. P. Schuyler, United
States Army, who rose to the rank of Coljnel retired; became a merchant in
Natchez and State Treasurer, and there died of yellow fever, universally la
mented. tCol. Cato "West was appointed to succeed Col. Steele. Col. Steele lived and
died at the place now owned and occupied by Aylithe Buckner, Esq.
tWe first hear of this gentleman as connected with the Presbytery of Temple
Patrick in the north of Ireland. Although born in Ireland, he belonged to the
historic family of Kers, in Scotland. In 1789, his name appears as a member of
Orange Presbytery, North Carolina. In 1790, he was residing in FayetteviUe as a
minister, and in charge of a classical academy. In 1794, he was a Professor in
the University of North Carolina. Eemoved to Lumberton, where he became a
merchant and studied law. Eemoved with General "Willis, of Lumberton, to
Mississippi, in 1800, where he was soon appointed clerk and afterwards Judge, and
died in 1810. The late Dr. John Ker, a very distinguished physician of Natchez,
was his eldest son.

232 Mississippi, as a Province,
Jacob Guice, James Nelson and F. L. Claiborne, Justices for Adams
county. Sarauel Cook, for Claiborne county. Thomas Malone,
Clerk of the Superior Court, and Nicholas Perkins, Attorney-General
for Washington county.
1802. General Wilkinson had been ordered to re-trace and mark
the boundary between the old Natchez district and the Choctaws,
which had been established when Great Britain had possession of
West Florida. Before the commission could be executed, Governor
Claiborne received the foUowing from the Choctaw Agent, Colonel
McKee : Mount Dexter,* September 12th, 1802.
Sir : Information has been given here that the white people are settling in
advance of the Eocky Spring, [in the present county of Claiborne,] eastward.
That place has heretofore been generally considered as a point through, or
near which, the line would pass. But whether ,so or not, since the line is soon
to be re-marked, any extension of settlement will excite uneasiness in the
nation, and embarrass the commissioners in retracing it. This report has
already excited considerable uneasiness in the upper towns, and to such a
degree that I fear the settlers will not be safe until the line be established.
In consequence of this letter the Governor instructed Colonel
Daniel Burnet, of the 4th regiment, M. M., to " proceed immediately
to the settlements referred to, advise the people of the facts, and
direct them to retire to some place at least one mile south and west
of Rocky Springs, until the boundary could be determined. The
settlers on receiving this advice, quietly removed — a striking proof of
the good order that prevaUed.
He addressed, at the same time, the following letter to Samuel
Mitchell, Agent for the Chickasaws, manifesting an interest in their
well-doing which, it is hoped, will always be cherished here :
" I am pleased with your efforts to advance the happiness of our Chickasaw
brethren. I hope, under your tutorage, that they will soon acquire the habits
of civilization. Exert all your infiueuce to induce the men to have fixed
abodes and to cultivate the soil, and encourage the women to habits of domestic
life. Continue to supply them with wheels and cards, scissors, thimbles,
needles and thread. Retain a competent weaver con.^tantly in your employ,
and persuade a few young girls to learn the art from him. A competent man,
of undoubted morals, mu,st be procured, who must take the necessary pains to
teach them, and I will see him liberally compensated. It is desirable to place
a, few intelligent Indian lads with your wheel-wright and black-smith. In all
cases, it is my express injunction that the white mechanics, you are authorized
to employ, shall be men of sober habits and of a good character. They are
to be there not only as artisans, but as teachers, to set an example to an untu
tored people, entrusted to my guardianship by their great Father, the Presi
dent, and he demands that they shall be treated as his children, and not, in any
instance, be exposed to the evil example of bad white men. Say to my old
friend. Major Colbert, that his wish to have his son educated in" and by the
United States shall be promptly recommended by me, and, I doubt not, will be
so directed by the President. A trading house, "for the accommodation of the
Chickasaws, has been established at the Bluffs, and the factor has been in
structed to sell at prices merely to cover cost and charges. Complaint of undue
charges must be made, through you to me.
Y'ou did right to exert your 'influence for peace between the Chickasaws,
Choctaws a,nd Osages. The United States is bound by treaty to restrain the
tribes within their limits from warring against tribes iii the Spanish dominion."
The following correspondence between Mr. Madison, Secretary of
*Now Clinton, iu Hinds county.

Territory and State. 233
State, and Governor Claiborne, is a clear exhibit of the complicated
and distracted condition of the Territory at that time, in relation to
land claims and conflicting titles. It covers the whole ground, and
wiU explain what few have a clear conception of:
MR. MADISON TO THE .OOVERNOR.
1802. "Herewith enclosed is a copy of the agreement entered into on the 24th
April, last, between the Commissioners of the United States, and those on the
part of Georgia, duly authorized for that purpose, which agreement was rati-
by the Legislature of that State on the 16th June last.
According to the act of Congress of May 10, 1800, the Commissioners of the
United States autborized to settle the terms of a compromise with the State of
Georgia, are further authorized to inquire into the claims which are or shall
be made by settlers, or any other persons whatever, to any part of the lands in
question, and to receive from the claimant propositions of compromise, and lay
a full statement of the claims and propositions, together with the opinion of ¦
the Commissioners thereon, before Congress for their decision.
Of the claims to be made a part is defined and recognized in the 2nd article
of the agreement, under the head of grants legally executed to actual settlers
within the Territory ceded to the United States prior to the 27th October, 1795,
by the former British Government of West Florida, or by Spain. And under
the head of claims derived from any actual survey or settlement made under
the laws of Georgia, passed February 7th, 1785, entitled "An act for laying out
a district situate on the river Mississippi, and within the limits of the State,
into a county to be called Bourbon."
To enable the Commissioners to make the proper report to Congress on this
part of the subject, you are requested to furnish them with the best informa
tion you can obtain ; first, with the extent of territory on the Mississippi and
Mobile which has been relinquished bythe Indians. (Sscotic?/)/, with respect to the
claims recognized by the second article of the agreement with Georgia. To
make this last information as full and accurate as possible, it may be well to
invite the claimants by public advertisement to file, prior to the 1st November,
before the proper county officers, the particular authority and extent of their
respective claims, and the chain of title derived to the present claimant, from
the original title. The commissioners hope that you will be able to state to
them particularly the manner in which grants were made and completed under
both the British and Spanish governments, this information being necessary for
the use of Congress in carrying the second article of the agreement into due
effect. Should it be found impossible to render the information on these points
complete, you will notwithstanding be pleased to forward the best you can col
lect. The other claims to be enquired into, and which though not recognized, fall
within the report to be made to Congress, are :
First, and principally, such as are grounded on alleged grantsof Georgia,
subsequent to the Bourbon county aet. With respect to these claims it is not
desired that you should make any public call for information, but you will
oblige the commissioners by inquiring and communicating, what, or whether
any steps, have been taken in behalf of the claiming companies towards set
tling, selling out or surveying any part of the lands ; and particularly whether
any tract is now actually occupied by any of these claimants.
Secondly, Claims, if any, derived under the French government previous to
the peace of 1763.
Thirdly, Claims derived under the British and Spanish governments previous
to the treaty of 1795, but unaccompanied by actual settlement at the date of
the treaty.
Fourthly, Claims derived under the Spanish government by grants made sub
sequent to the Spanish treaty of 1795.
Fifthly, Claims founded on the third section of the Bourbon county act of
Georgia. The four last description of claimants may also be publicly invited to hand
in a statement of their respective claims by the 1st November, that they may
he transmitted by you, in due time, with tho others. It is proper that the

234 Mississippi, as a Province,
claimants in these cases should be aware, that their claims not being included
in the guarantee of the second article of the compromise with Georgia, the
consideration of them by Congress will be barred, by the third article, after
the period of one year from the assent of Georgia to the instrument of com
promise. In calling for the information wished from the claimants not included in the
guarantee, it will occur to you as proper to use a language neither committing
the government on one hand, nor damping expectations too much on the other.
It being uncertain what degree of strictness or liberality may be exercised by
Congress, the present measure must be limited to the collection of such infor
mation as may enlighten or influence their decision. With this vievv' you can
not be too particular in explaining tbe nature and extent of the several classes
of claims, to which may be added the number of persons who will be affected
by the decision on each class. It may be satisfactory also to know the general
sentiment and expectations prevailing in the Territory on the subject.
Should there be claims of any sort within the Territory which have es
caped the above enumerations, you will oblige the commissioners by adding a
jDarticular account of them, communicating at the same time your estimate of
the extent and dimensions of the territory not claimed by the Indians; of the
aggregate quantity of land covered by claims under the second article of the
compromise, and the like aggregate of all other claims.
It need not be suggested to you that where records of claims exist, suitable
extracts from them will be proper, and that it will be expedient to complete
and transmit your communications with as little delay as possible.
It only remains for me to ask your indulgence for the heavy task which is
imposed on you, aud to assure you of my great respect and esteem."
This was "a heavy task" indeed, to impose on one who had not
been [eight months in the country, and who during that time was
charged with the administration of a new Territory, distracted by
party feuds, and with the management of two powerful tribes of In
dians. It was a task which the commissioners should properly have
executed, and which they were liberally paid for. Yet while they
loitered in their places of ease, the duty was demanded of a hard
working ofiicer, without the slightest hint of compensation. Many
functionaries would have slurred this exaction over, but the conscien
tious Governor grappled to it, and on the 5 th November raade the fol
lowing exhaustive report :
GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE TO MR. JIADISON.
Washington, M. T., November 5, 1802.
In conformity with your request the claimants of land, (of the several ela.sses
specified by von) were invited by public advertisement, to file, "prior to the 1st
day of November, before the clerks of the several county courts, the particular
authority and extent of their respective claims, and the' chain of title derived
to the present claimants from tlieoriginal title." I had hoped that there would
have been sucli a general compliance with thi.s request, as to enable me to
make a full and accurate estimate; but, from various causes, the reports are
not as general as had been anticipated. Some few claimants, whose titles are
believed to be good haye not rejiorted, either through inattention, indifi'erence
orsome other motive. Others liave held back apprehending that some flaw
might be detected, or really because a link iu the chain ot title may be miss
ing. But the main reason is that as soon as mv public notice "was given, some
designing persons circulated the report that this call for titles was Intended to
operate against the holders, and many wcretlierebv deterred from making their
exhibit. But upon the returns made, I -will endeavor to answer your inquiries in the
order you have put them :
Fi'r,-.-/. With respect to the extent of territory, on the Mississippi and the
MobUe, which lias been ceded or relinqui.slied by the Indians.

Territory and State. 235
Until the boundary line between the United States and the Choctaws shall
have been restored and marked, the quantity of land in what is known as the
old Natchez district, cannot be accurately ascertained ; but from the best infor
mation, it is conjectured that there may be some 2,500 square miles, or about
1,600,000 acres, which comprehend the present counties of Wilkinson, Adams,
Jefferson and Claiborne.
On the Mobile, it may be assumed, without pretending to accuracy, that
there may be some 4,600 square miles, or near 3,000,000 of acres, embraced in
the present county of Washington.
The greater part of tbe land on the Mississippi, above referred to, is very
fertile and productive. Of the 3,000,000 on the Mobile, one-third of it may be
classed as arable, and on the margin of the rivers exceedingly rich ; the other
and larger portion is denominated pine barren, valuable for timber aud pas
turage, but not adapted for agriculture.
A map indicating the settled portion of both districts is herewith trans
mitted. Second. With respect to the claims recognized in the 2d article of the agree
ment between the United States and Georgia.
These claims may be classed under three distinct heads :
First. Grants by the British government prior to the 27th October, 1795, to
actual settlers within the ceded territory before that date, and the conditions
of which grants have been fully executed.
Second. Grants by the Spanish government to persons who were actual settlers
within the ceded territory on the 27th October, 1795, legally and fully com
pleted. This class is the most numerous.
Third. Claims of persons who were settlers, within the ceded territory on the
27th October, 1795, derived from actual surveys or settlements made under the
statute of Georgia, approved February 7th, 1785, commonly called the Bourbon
act. Few of these claimants allege to have made actual surveys. Itwouldhave
been unsafe to have done this, the Spaniards being in possession of the country ;
but they rely upon the settlements they made under tacit permit from the
Spanish authorities, and the encouragement of the State of Georgia in the
Bourbon act.
Packets A, B and C, herewith enclosed, contain duplicates of the claim.-?
filed under these three heads.
Among the titles recognized in the agreement between the United States and
Georgia, there will be a few which conflict, viz: Lands claimed by different
persons under British and Spanish titles, who were each settlers in the district
on the 27th October, 1795. This will be found to have been brought about by
one of two causes. The British grantee did either not reside in the district, or
being resident, had not complied with the conditions of his patent, when the
same land, or part of it, was granted to another party by the Spanish author
ities. Under the British government, grants were sometimes made directly by the
King, but more frequently by his representative, the Governor of West Flor
ida. The former title was conferred for some signal service rendered by the
grantee, chiefly in the army and navj'. The latter, which were, of course,
more numerous, were obtained by the following process : The applicant pre
sented a petition to the Goyernor and Council, upon which, if satisfactory, an
order issued to the Surveyor-General, called the warrant of survey. When the
survey was completed and flled in the office of the Secretary of the Province,
the patent issued. It frequently happened that, by delay in the Surveyor's
office, or the pressure of business, persons v/ho had obtained orders of survey
and paid, in advance, the fees for the work, had not perfected their title Avhen
the Spaniards conquered the province. They rest on the strong equities of
their case.
Under the Spanisli government the party proceeded likewise by petition to
the Governor-General of Louisiana, sometimes to the resident Governor at
Natchez, and if acceded to, an order is issued to the Surveyor-General to survey
and put the petitioner in possession of the land, and then there issued a patent,
with a plat and certificate of survey annexed. In this case, likewise, there are
numerous claimants who claim only by the warrants for survey, and who took
possession of and improved the land, but have obtained no patent.
I now proceed to claims not recognized in the agreement with Georgia, but
concerning which you desire information.

236 Mississippi, as a Province,
First. Claims grounded on the alleged grants made by Georgia, subsequent
to the Bourbon act.
I have not learned that any tract of land is now occupied by any of those
purchasers, or by persons claiming under them. A copy of a letter or circular
in regard to the Georgia sale, dated Boston, October 1st, 1799, issued by persons
styling themselves, " agents for the proprietors of Georgia lands," addressed to
sundry respectable citizens of this Territory, is herewith transmitted.
Second. Claims, if any, derived under the French government, previous to
the peace of 1763.
No title accruing froni this source has been filed, and, so far as I can learn,
no claim on the part of the ancient French concessionists or occupants, or of
and in behalf of their heirs or representatives, ever appeared, or was pre
sented to either the British or Spanish governments in this district. The fre
quent wars between the French and the Natchez, culminating in the great
massacre of the former in 1729, induced them, even after they had driven the
savages from the country, to abandon their possessions in this quarter en
tirely."* Third. Claims derived from the British and Spanish governments previous
to the treaty of 1795, unaccompanied by actual settlement, within the ceded
district, at the date of the treaty.
No claims of this description have been filed under my invitation, nor is it
probable that there are many such of Spanish origin. But it is matter of
notoriety that British claims of this character are numerous. By far the
greater part of the valuable plantations and improvements in this Territory
have been made upon lands granted by the British authorities of West Flor
ida, and subsequently regranted by the Spanish authorities to other parties.
It may be proper here to state that the time allowed by the treaty between
Great Britain and Spain (1783,) for British subjects, in West Florida, to sell,
convey or improve their lands, was by an act of comity on the part of Spain,
prolonged, and two or three years beyond the time specified in the treaty,
elapsed before the Spanish government commenced granting lands heretofore
granted to British subjects.
Fourth. Claims derived from the Spanish government by grants made subse-
ctuent to the treaty of 1705 between the United States and" Spain.
These may be divided into three classes :
1. Where patents were issued subsequent to the treaty on Spanish warrants
of survey made previous to said treaty.
2. Where the warrants and the patents were subsequent to the treaty.
3. Where both warrants and patents were indeed subsequent to the treaty,
but both ante-dated so as to make them appear prior to the treaty.
It is understood that many patents of the first class were issued, though few
have been filed. Warrants of survey, in many instances, had been obtained,
followed by actual survey and settlement, which it was the Spanish custom to
recognize as a good title, even before the patent issued. Claimants of this
class were often indifferent about the patent, and exercised over the land com
plete ownership and the right to sell the same, considering it a mere matter of
form to get the final patent. Hence, at the date of the treaty, many were found
with incomplete titles. Some of these deemed it advisable to obtain patents
from the Spanish office, which continued open after the treaty. But others
¦*The French, under concessions granted by the King, had, at the time of the
massacre, several extensive and we'll improved plantations around Natchez, par
ticularly on St. Catherine's, extending from tlie present "Washington road, down
said creek, on both sides, to the Woo'ilyille road. There was a plantation, near
the mouth of Cole's Creek; one or two on Bayou Pierre, and at "Walnut Hills,
and quite a settlement around Fort St. Peter, oil the Yazoo. Nearly all the occu
pants perished at the time of the massacre. The few that escape'd, made their
way to New Orlean.s. And it is remarkable that their claims, which were un
questionably valid, and would, doubtless, haye been recognized by either the
British or Spanish government, were never presented.
In 17-1.5, during the administration of Vaudreuil, it would appear that there
were eight soldiers and two families of negroes at Natchez. The Choctaws, find
ing that there were neither Indians or whites in the country, used it as a hunting
ground, and camped in considerable numbers, but never built any towns or vil
lages in the district.

Territory and State. 237
conceiving that such action was invalid, trusted entirely to the agents of their
claims and the justice of the United States.
Of the second class five claims only have been filed, but many others still
exist. Some parties iu favor with the Spanish officers, trusting to the con
tinuance, for a time, of the Spanish tribunal sanctioned by Commissioner Ellicott
and Lieutenant Pope, the only representatives of the United States then in the
district, received titles for land which were dated at the time the title passed.
The number of this class of claims is uncertain, but not believed to be many.
The third or ante-dated grants. No claims of this class have, to my knowl
edge, been filed, yet no doubt is entertained that they exist. They are believed
to be numerous and to cover large and valuable tracts of land, and are held
by men of means.
Fifth. As to claims founded on the third section of the Bourbon county act.
Many citizens who, subsequent to 1795, have settled aud improved unoccupied
land, suppose that under this third section they will be entitled to a preference
right when a land office shall be opened. The Bourbon act was repealed by
Georgia in 1788, but from the little intercourse between that State and this
remote district it is probable its repeal was not known here, or but partially
known, or known only by rumor, and many citizens doubtless continued to
make their improvements, 6071a fide, under the invitation of the Bourbon act.
With respect to the aggregate of lands claimed under the agreement with
Georgia, and of the aggregate of other claims, I have not data for reliable esti
mates. But from the information before me I should say about 400,000 acres
in the Mississippi region, are covered by claims under the second article of the
agreement between the United States and Georgia.
As to the extent of the private claims iu the Mobile region I can hazard no
opinion until the returns from Washington county are received. It is under
stood, however, that besides the pine barrens, there remains unclaimed, much
valuable alluvial land at the disposal of the United States.
That you may be more fully informed as to the true state of land claims in
this Territory, I forward all the returns that have been made, filed under their
several classifications. Among them will be observed some claims which can
not, strictly considered, be comprehended under any of the species enumerated
by you. For example, the titles by Spanish warrants of survey and actual
possession, but no patents, may be so viewed. But this species of title ia
esteemed here as invulnerable, in an equitable point of view. They were con
sidered perfectly good by Spanish officers and jurisconsults; and by the Spanish
custom the holder was authorized to sell, aud make title to the same after three
years of occupancy.
It will not escape your notice that a great proportion of the present popula
tion in this Territory is composed of citizens who have made improvements on
vacant lands. The heads of families of this description in the counties of Wil
kinson, Adams, Jefferson and Claiborne, exceed seven hundred, and with their
families may be estimated at over two thousand.
I do sincerely hope that these citizens may be secured in their improvements
and that Government will offer the vacant lands in this Territory upon mod
erate terms, and in small tracts, to actual settlers. If this policy be not ob
served much distress will ensue, and the effect will be to drive them, in dis
gust, to the Spanish province below, where strong inducements are held out to
attract them. Lands are there conferred on the petitioner without price, if he
be a poor man. Should these patriotic men be driven, by a harsh policy, from
their humble homes, their improvements will fall into the hands of rich specu
lators, either of this Territory, or from abroad. Thus we shall not only lose
our most prompt and available fighting population, but the settlement of this
Territory will be retarded by the monopoly of the best and most valuable lands
in a few holders. This most remote and infant settlement of the United States
now isolated and comparatively defenceless, would be rendered utterly helpless.
You would banish a people to be relied on in emergencies, and foster a few
wealthy speculators, who would probably introduce a large number of negroes,
a class already formidable for our present population."

238 Mississippi, as a Province,
governor claiborne to mr. madison.
Natchez, January 20, 1803.
"I have the honor to enclo.'=e returns of claims filed in Washington county,
Mobile district.
Most of the titles exhibited there are incomplete. It is not believed
that any of the citizens claiming under Spanish titles have obtained patents
previous to October, 1795, but remained in possession of their lands by virtue
of an order of survey from the Governor-General. With regard to this species
of title I was explicit in my report to you of the 5th November, last. I no"v7
further add that, it was not until after the conquest of West Florida by the Spaniards
that they introduced the custom of issuing patents. Previous to that time a warrant
of survey, and possession, was the only mode of conveyance. And subsequent to
the conquest this kind of title, after three years of occupancy, was considered
equivalent to a patent.
There are in ATashington county one hundred and eight heads of families,
who have settled upon and improved vacant lands since 1795.
I flatter myself that to all such a right ot pre-emption will be allowed, at a
reduced rate, as some compensation for the dangers they have faced, and mili
tary services they are willing to render. They are our videttes on that remote
and exposed frontier. This just and generous policy will be the only means of
preventing a considerable emigration to the Spanish territories."
THE OLD CHOCTAW LINE.
1802. General WUkinson was engaged in running the line. Novem
ber 24th he wrote to the Governor :
"The mouth of the Yazoo, which is called for as the beginning of the old
boundary, has, by a breach of the Mississippi made through its banks, and
the consequent desertion of its ancient bed, been shifted about six miles. This
involves some difficulties witli the Indian Commissioners ; and to this one more
serious is added. The British surveyor left his east line entirely open, and, it
would seem, five or six miles, at the beginning of his south line. The Choc
taw commissioners expect to see the old line, and nothing less will satisfy them.
It consequently becomes necessary for me to repair to the Big Black river, in
order to exhibit to them the marked trees, and from thence to retrace the line
back as far as it can be discovered ; after which I shall propose, on the ground
of mutual accommodation, to continue the line to the first bluff on the Yazoo,
above the inundations of the Mississippi, and there to fix our beginning."
David Ker received his commission as one of the Judges of the
Superior Court.
December 21st the Governor wrote to IMr. jMadison: "^Ir. Ker's
appointment has given much satisfaction to a large majority of tlie
citizens. He is a valuable acquisition to the bench."'
The closing of the port of New Orleans to western produce was at
this time producing much excitement. The Governor wrote to Mr.
Madison :
"Tlie port still remains shut against the American deposit. American pro
duce is perniitted to be received hy vessels lying iu the stream, but the landing
and the storing \>\ unconditionally" prohibite'd. Indeed, so rigorous is the regu
lation on this point tliat, in a recent instance, when a boat loaded with cotton
was capsized, it was with difficulty a permit was obtained to place the cotton
temporarily on the levee to dry. Notwithstanding the assurance of the Gov
ernor-general, iu his letter to me, that the Intendant, Morales, was independent
of his authority, and had adopted this measure on his own motion, and with
out instructions from the Ministers, I am firmly persuaded to the contrary.
Morales is a man of intelligence and fortune, and he would scarcely venture
to adopt a restriction of this nature without autliority."

Territory and State. 239
GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE PROPOSES TO SEIZE NEW ORLEANS.
Natchez, January 3, 1803.
To James Madi.<on, Secretary of State :
Sir — The excitement in this Territory is very great. It is the general senti
ment that the treaty has been grossly violated; the comity of nations disre
garded ; our people materially injured, and the United States insulted.
I have in this part of the Territory about 2,000 militia, well officered, and
organized, with as much espirit de corps and national pride as any men in the
Union. I have in Washington county, on the Tombigbee, another regiment of
excellent material, who are burning to resent the obstacles interposed l:iy the
Spanish commandant at Mobile to the free navigation of the Mobile river. "With
these forces, yes, sir, with 800 of my men we can take possession of New Or
leans, and expel or disarm the Spanish garrison.
I am well advised, too, that there are in that city, and all along the coast,
numerous settlers, devoted to the United States, who would immediately join
us in the event of hostilities."
Bonaparte, First Consul of the French Republic, felt very sensibly
the maratime superiority of Great Britain, and he knew that a nation
¦without colonies never could become a great naval power. The
French, and particularly the commercial men, had never ceased to
regret the cession of Louisiana, ,and soon after the victory of Ma
rengo, when his influence was almost supreme, the First Consul raade
secret overtures for the retrocession of the colony. He easily per
suaded Godoy, the Spanish Minister, who was master of the King
and paramour of the queen, that Louisiana, in the hands of France,
would be a guarantee of security for Mexico and ; the Spanish posses
sions in the Gulf
1800. By the treaty of St. Ildephonso Spain receded the province
on certain conditions, and renewed the understanding by another
compact, at Madrid, in 1801. These agreements were kept secret,
and no atterapt was made by the French to take possession of the
province, owing to the war "ivith Great Britain and her superiority on
the ocean. "It cannot be doubted," says Marbois, one of the French
ministers, "that Louisiana might have been attacked by tlie English and
easily conquered, had they been informed that it had again become a
French colony." A hollow peace with Great Britain ¦was concluded
at Amiens in 1802, and soon after the disturbances in St. Domingo
broke out which terminated after a vast expenditure of money, in the
loss of a formidable French array, and the independence of the
blacks. This great disaster not only ^lessened the value of Louisiana
to France, but it repressed in Louisiana the general enthusiasm to be
restored to her dominion. Frenchmen raay still have desired the
union, but the natives of the province, who were planters and slave
holders, and the religious orders, shrunk from her doctrine of univer
sal equality and her contempt pf the old worship. Still the First
Consul determined to make it a military colony, and to send there
five thousand troops under Bernadotte, one of the ablest of his mar
shals. He accepted the command and put his effects on a frigate, but learn
ing thatwar was about to be resumed between France and Great Britain,
he refused to sail. General "Victor was then appointed, Lausat, prefect,
and Ayrae chief judge. But war breaking out "Victor was detained,
and never embarked. Lausat sailed for New Orleans January 12th,
1803.

240 Mississippi, as a Province,
These arrangements had been kept as secret as practicable from the
date of the treaty of St. Ildephonso. But, as we have seen, the rumor
of a French occupation had long prevailed in Mississippi and Ten
nessee. The national government had no distinct information on the subject
until close of 1802. About the sapie time that Mr. Livingston, the
American minister at Paris, communicated the matter to President Jef
ferson, he received likewise the following advices :
EROM W. E. HULINGS, UNITED STATES CONSUL, TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.
New Orleans, December 24, 1802.
Sir — I send you a translation of the secret Eoyal Order for the delivery of
this province to the French. I iDrocured the copy from afriend, and have literal
ly translated it. It has not yet been made public by the authorities. I need
not caution you to use it with discretion, and not compromise me, as I am closely
watched on all sides." THE ROYAL ORDER.
I have received the following information from, Don Pedro^Cevallas, Minis
ter of War, under date of the 15th iust. :
"The King having ceded to the French Eepuhlic the province of Louisiana,
in its actual extent, and as it was possessed by the French when they ceded it
to His Catholic Majesty, I communicate to yo,u the royal order that arrange
ments may be made for the delivery of said province to the French commisary,
that for such purpose shall present himself, with due authority for said repub
lic ; which royal resolution I have transmitted to the Captain-General of Lou
isiana, advertising him that it was also the will of the King, in what respects
the Royal Eegiment and other veteran troops that garrison the province, that
those who desire to remain under the dominion of His Majesty, (after the de
livery of the province) may pass to the Havana, where they will receive their
destination." I recommend to you this Eoyal Order that you may do what concerns you
towards the accomplishment of this sovereign "determiiiation.
God preserve you many years. Solere.
Madrid, 30th July 1802.
To the Intendent of the Province of Louisiana.
Just about the time that Governor Claiborne was asking permission
to riiake a coup de main on New Orleans with his Mississippians, Mr.
Livingston, the minister of the United States at Paris, -was urging upon
our government the same policy. He even insinuated, in his corres
pondence with the French authorities, that such a policy would be
adopted. For the first time since our existence as an independent
nation, a union with Great Britain against France was contemplated.
President Jefferson wrote to Mr. Livingston, as follows :
"The day that France takes possession of New Orleans fixes the sentence
which IS to restrain her forever within low water mark. It seals the union of
two nations who, in conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the
ocean. From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and
nation We must turn all our attention to n maritime force, and having
formed and connected together a power which may render reinforcement of her
settlements here impossible to France, make th'e first cannon that shall be
hred in Furope the signal for tearing up any settlement she may have made,
and tor holding the two continents of America in sequestration for the common
purposes ot the united British and American nations."
He wrote to Governor Claiborne in the same strain.

Territory and State. 241
1803. On the 13th January, Mr. Jefferson wrote to Mr. Monroe, at
Paris :
" The agitation of the public mind on occasion of the late suspension of our
right of deposite, is extreme. Eemonstrances, memorials, etc., are circulating
through the whole of the Western country."
MEMORIAL OP THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL AND HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES
OP THE MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY, TO THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS, JAN
UARY 5th, 1803.
Your memorialists beg leave to express their sentiments relative to an event
by which the interests of the West, and of this Territory in particular, are
materially affected. While the treaty of San Lorenzo secured the free naviga
tion of the Mississippi, and a, convenient place of deposite for the merchan
dise of American traders, it politically incorporated the country as a part of
the United States. Under this auspicious change we saw our trade flourishing,
property rising rapidly in value, and we felicitated ourselves in being the
citizens of an independent Eepublie. Eeposing in national faith for a contin
ued observance of stipulated privileges, we indulged the belief that they could
not be violated with impunity. The motives of the Spanish government in
thus withholding from us a place of deposite are a subject of conjecture ; but
no doubt can exist as to the act itself being a flagrant infraction of tbe treaty.
A recent order by the government of Louisiana, prohibiting all intercourse
between the citizens of the United States and the subjects of Spain, has con
siderably increased the embarrassment of our trade, and indicates a still more
hostile spirit towards our country. Your memorialists, reposing entire faith
in the wisdom, justice and energy of the general government, rest assured that
no succor will be withheld from us. And we tender to our country our lives
and fortunes in support of such measures as Congress may adopt to vindicate
the honor and interests of the United States.
Wm. Gordon Forman,
Speaker House of Eepresentatives.
John Ellis,
President of Council.
The result of this great agitation may be briefly stated. The British
ministers and the First Consul were mutually threatening hostilities,
and making extensive preparations. Parliament voted to have 10,000
additional sailors and marines, and the First Consul announced that
he would put 500,000 soldiers in the field.
"All the world knows," said M. Talleyrand to the British plenipo
tentiary, ' ' that we were preparing an expedition to sail for Louisiana.
The embarkation of our troops and the departure of our fleet have
been countermanded, in consequence of the action of your govern
ment." The French well knew that their army and fleet, before they
could reach the Mississippi, would be captured and carried into
British ports. And thus, in the design of Providence, which shapes
the course of empires and of individuals, the hostiUties of these great
powers accomphshed for us the acquisition of Louisiana. Mr. Liv
ingston had, previous to this state of things, persistently urged upon
the Consular government the sale of Louisiana to the United States.
But his arguments had no effect, until the naval preparations of the
British gave warning, and then TaUyerand, after a long sUence, renewed
the correspondence. The First Consul promptly decided not only
that he would accede to the American overture for the purchase of
New Orleans and the east bank of the Mississippi, but that he would
sell the whole of Louisiana. Fortunately, he confided the negotiation
to one of his cabinet, M. Barbie Marbois, a trained diplomatist, frank, ,
able and liberal, who had been Secretary of legation and charge
16

242 Mississippi, as a Province,
d'affairs in the United States for several years, and who saw, from
the first, that it was to the interest of his country to transfer Louisiana
to the United States. He commenced the negotiation on the same
day that he was invested with the authority to negotiate, and in a few
days the business was accomplished.
When President Jefferson was ofificiaUy informed of the arrival at
New Orleans of M. Lausat, authorized by the First Consul to deliver
Louisiana, he appointed Governor Claiborne and General James Wil
kinson to represent the United States.
governor Claiborne's administration, Mississippi territory.
Arrived at Natchez, November 23d, 1801. Legislature assembled
December ist. Henry Hunter, Speaker of the House of Represent
atives. John EUis, President of the CouncU. Writes to the Secretary
of State, on the 12th :
" From the little knowledge I have acquired of this assembh-, I hazard the
opinion that it is composed of honest men much attached to the United States,
and devoted to the interests of the Territory. All opposition to the second
grade of government has apparently ceased, and the citizens seem contented
with the prospect before them.
As I om charged with the superintending of Indian Affairs, I request that
my duties be strictly deflned. If instructions were given to my predecessor,
they are not on file in the executive office. I find that none of the communi
cations from the Secretary of State have been considered as public property,
and were not filed here with other records."
David Ker appointed Sheriff of Adams county, ince Lewis Evans,
and Abner Green, Treasurer-General.
Seat of government removed from Natchez to the town of Wash
ington. Name of Pickering county changed to Jefferson, and another county
taken from it and called Claiborne, and the county seat located at
Gibson's port, or ferry, on the Bayou Pierre.
WUkinson county organized out of the southern portion of Adams.'i^
1802. AprU 24th, Georgia entered into an agreement with the United
States, ceding, on certain conditions, all her claims in and to the Mis
sissippi Territory.
Land offices opened in Washington and at Fort Stoddart, Edward
Turner and Joseph Chambers, registers.
Thomas Rodney, of Delaware, and Robert Williams, of North Caro
lina, appointed Land Commissioners for the district ¦west of Pearl river,
and Robert C. Nicholas and Ephraim Kirby for the district east of
Pearl. Isaac Briggs, Surveyor-General.
-¦¦EXTRACT OP A LETTER FROM DR. A. R. KILPATRICK, NAVASOTA, TEXAS.
My maternal grandfather, Eobert Tanner, was an early settler in Mississippi.
He brought a colony of nearly one hundred, white and colored, from Beaufort
district, S. C, in 1804. Came overland to Tennessee river, built boats, and floated
down with his people, stock and furniture to Natchez. Dropped down to Fort
Adams, and settled four miles southwest of where "WoodviUe now .stands. He
soon built old Bethel (Baptist) Church, sawing the lumber by hand and making
their nails in the blacksmith shop. Old uncle Bob Lackey (so well known iu
after years at Alexandria, La.,) and John L. Lewis, were the first to build houses
iu 'Woodville. Eobert Tanner understood surveying and was employed to lay off
the streets and squares.

Territory and State. 245
Jefferson College, and the Society for the Diffusion of Useful
Knowledge, incorporated.
MUitia thoroughly organized and regularly reviewed and driUed in
«very county.
At the first se.-sion of the 7 th Congress, in 1801, Capt. Narsworthy
Hunter presented himself as a delegate from the Mississippi Territory.
His credentials were referred to the proper comraittee, who reported
that he had been duly elected. On the resolution for his admission a
division of the House was called — 7 7 ayes ; 8 nays. The nays were
John Bacon and Wm. Eustis of Massachusetts, Michel Leib and John
SmUie of Pennsylvania; John Randolph and S. J. Cabell of Virginia;
John MiUedge of Georgia, and Richard Stanford of North Carolina.
1802. March nth, Mr. Hunter died.*
December 6th, Thomas M. Green appeared as delegate from Missis
sippi. May 3d. A movement was made to repeal and undo all the legis
lation of Congress establishing the Mississippi Territory, which was
defeated by the exertions of our delegate.
1802. Great excitement in the Territory in consequence of the sus
pension of the right of deposit for American products in New Orleans.
Governor Claiborne made an energetic protest to Governor Salcedo,
but was answered that it was the act of Intendant Morales, and that
he was wholly independent of the Governor-General and responsi
ble only to the King.
Deceraber i8th. Governor Claiborne wrote to the Secretary of State,
"the port of Orleans still remains shut against the American deposit.
American produce is permitted to be received by vessels lying in the
middle of the stream, but the landing of produce is unconditionally
forbidden." January 3d, 1803. Governor Claiborne again writes to Mr. Madi
son :
"The Spanish authorities in Louisiana are manifesting a marked hostility to
the United States. The people of this Territory are greatly agitated, by the
suspension of the right of deposit (secured to us by the treaty)' and by a recent
order prohibiting intercourse between the citizens of the United States and the
subjects of Spain.
There is a deep feeling of resentment in Louisiana at the prohibition, kept
down, for the present, by Spanish bayonets. We have in the MississippiTeri-
tory about 2,000 militia, well organized, and we can easily take possession of
New Orleans now; but reinforced by French troops, according to- prevalent
rumors, it may be more difiicult. It is my duty to apprize you that on the
river coast, and in New Orleans itself, there many are persons who would muster
under our flag the moment it is displayed."
1803. Governor Claiborne writes: "There are many vessels no^sv
lying at New Orleans, in the stream, waiting for freight, and several
are now on their way to Natchez to load with cotton."
Among the last appointments of the Governor were F. Lewis, Ran
som Harwell, Wm. H. Hargrove, James Callier, Wm. Pierce, Justices
for Washington county.
Samuel Brooks, mayor, and John Girault, Samuel Niel and Joseph
*Thomas B. Eeed and Eobert H. Adams, Stephen H. Adams and Gen. Speight,
Senators, and Narsworthy Hunter, Thomas M. Green, Christopher Eankin, and.
David Dickson, delegates and representatives from Mississippi, all died during
their term of office.

244 Mississippi, as a Province.
Newman, aldermen, and P. A. "Vandorn, marshal, of the city of
Natchez : Wm. NichoUs, Sheriff of Adams county, vice Wm. Brooks
resigned. March 12th the Governor writes: "The two Houses to-day elected
Dr. Wm. Lattimore of Natchez, delegate for the Territory. He is a.
young man of promising talents and a firm and genuine republican.
1803, December 2d. Leaving the Territory in charge of its elficient
Secretary, Col. Cato West, Governor Claiborne set out for New Or
leans, escorted as far as Fort Adams by the Natchez ArtiUery, the
Natchez Rifles, and a company of militia. Three more companies of
volunteers from Jefferson and Claiborne counties followed.
Received addresses from the several counties expressing their cor
dial approval of his administration and their hope for his speedy
return. 1803. December 20th, Louisiana was transferred by M. Lausat,
agent of the French Republic, to the United States, through Wm. C.
C. Claiborne and James WUkinson its commissioners.
By instructions from President Jefferson, Wm. C. C. Claiborne was
appointed to administer the province, with the powers and authority
that_ had been exercised by the Spanish Captain-Generals. He still
retained his position as Governor of the Mississippi Territory, and
discharged the functions of both offices, until the act passed for creat
ing the Orleans Territory, when he, on the ist October, 1804, was
appointed Governor thereof; and Robert Williams of North Carolina
was appointed to succeed him as Governor of the Mississippi Terri
tory.

OHAPTEE XXIII.

I ENERAL James WUkinson, whose name has so often
been introduced, and who, for many years, was the cen
tral figure in the Southwest, had a long and very
remarkable careeer. He was born in Calvert county,
Maryland, of a family of cavaliers, whose social code
_ may be illustrated by the last words of his father, when
*"\' dying: "My son, farewell. If ever you put up with an
insult, I will rise from my grave to disinherit you." In his 17th
year, Wilkinson was sent to PhUadelphia to study medicine, but
hearing of the affair at Lexington, he repaired to Boston and
fought as a volunteer at Bunker's Hill. The first thing that struck
the young Southerner, on entering carap, was the familiarity that pre
vailed between the officers and men, of all ranks, from the colonel to the
private. There seeraed to be an absolute equality, and he could not refrain
from remarking that the distinction of rank between officers and
privates was not equal to the class distinctions in his native place.
In March, 1776, Gen. Washington having observed his superior
inteUigence, and knowing his family, gave hira a company in a regi
ment commanded by Col. Read. He served under Generals Arnold
and SuUivan in the Canada campaign, during which he was made
Brigade Major. He was soon after transferred to the staff of Gen.
St. Clair, and subsequentiy received from Gen. Washington the com
mission of Lieutenant-Colonel. Gen. Schuyler, who had been for
some time in command of the Northern Department, finding his pop
ularity and influence declining, requested Gen. Washington to desig
nate a successor. This he excused himself from doing, and then, by
special resolution of Congress, Gen. Gates was invited to assume the
command. He prevailed on Wilkinson to become a member of his
famUy. He resigned his comraission in the line to accept the position,
and in every action of that eventful campaign was conspicuous for
efficient service. He conducted the negotiations between Gates and
Burgoyne for the capitulation of the British array.* And was subse
quently dispatched 'by Gen. Gates with a letter to the President of
Congress, announcing the triumph of the American arms.f He
¦* Properly speaking, it was neither a capitulation or a surrender. Gen. Bur
goyne peremptorily rejected both those terms; and the word "convention" was
substituted and so stands on the record.
fThe relations between "Washington and Gates were not cordial, though at that
date no open rupture had occurred. Gates made no communication to the Com
mander-in-Chief of the great event at Saratoga.

246 Mississippi, as a Province,
eulogized the young officer for his talents, activity and courage,
which Congress endorsed by conferring on him the brevet of Brigadier-
General. He was not yet twenty-one years of age. His subsequent
career is well known. After the Revolution, he took part in the
Indian campaigns ; on the death of Wayne, became Commander-in-
Chief of the Armies of the United States ; and was in command on
the northern frontier in the war of 1812-14. He encountered, in
this long career, many vicissitudes of fortune, made many powerful
enemies, including President Madison, John Randolph, Gen. Winfield
Scott and others, but in every instance, no matter how great the odds,
or how powerful the public sentiment they directed against him, he
stood with his back to a rock and defied them all. He fought them
as fearlessly as he had fought the British and Hessians, and in the last
years of his life, when age, infirmity and poverty were pressing upon
him, he revenged himself by publishing his memoirs — a voluminous-
work, now only found in rare collections, which contains more of
secret history, and gives a better inside view of his prominent contem
poraries, than any other book in our libraries. No one can properly
understand Washington and Gates, and Mifflin and Conway, Arnold,
Hamilton and Burr, the moveraents and mistakes that led to the sur
render of Burgoyne, and Washington's defeat at Germantown, or the
blunders and errors of the Canada campaign in 1813, without a care
ful study of these memoirs.
General Wilkinson, as we have shown, was involved in many con
troversies, the most unpleasant of which grew out of his relations with
the .Spanish authorities of New Orleans, and with Aaron Burr.
In 1787, having retired frora the array, he settied in Kentucky, and,
in connection with several respectable citizens, obtained a permit
frora the Spanish governor to. carry tobacco to New Orleans. This
business, with different partners, was carried on untU 1789, when,
finding it unprofitable, he abandoned it and re-entered the army of the
United States. In 1797, he becarae Commander-in-Chief In 1803,
he was associated with Governor Claiborne as commissioner to receive
Louisiana, and was subsequentiy appointed mUitary governor of
Upper Louisiana, with headquarters at St. Louis.
While holding these responsible positions, he was accused by Daniel
Clarke and Andrew Ellicott, in secret communications to the govern
ment, of being a pensioner of Spain and in treasonable relations with
the Spanish authority in New Orleans. President Adams refused to-
entertain the charges. When Mr. Jefferson came in, the same charges.
were repeated, and he answered them by conferring new honors on
Wilkinson, and confiding to hira the military defence of the vast
territories recently acquired. Clarke, jaundiced with jealousy, having
expected to be commissioner and governor, and maddened by the
contempt with which his charges had been treated by the government,
in 1809 published and laid before Congress Avhat he called "Proofs-
of the corruption of Wilkinson," to establish :
ist. That General WUkinson, from 179410 1803, Avas a pensioner
of Spain.
2d. That he was a party to the treasonable attempts of Spain to
detach the Western States.
3d. That he was privy to and favored the treasonable schemes of
Aaron Burr, and only betrayed him when he foresaw that those-
"Schemes would fail.

Territory and State. 247
His statement of these charges — prepared by counsel in Philadel
phia — was a plausible array of ex-parte testimony — venomous in every
line with prejudice and personal malignity.
Daniel Clarke, an Irishman, came to Louisiana, on the invitation of
his uncle, Daniel Clarke, who had followed the British into West
Florida, and on its surrender to Galvez, had become a Spanish subject,
and engaged in merchandizing and in planting. On the death of this
gentleman, Daniel Clarke, junior, inherited his large property. Both
the Clarkes professed to be the devoted friends and admirers of Gen
eral Wilkinson.
Mr. Clarke soon associated himself with Daniel W. Coxe, of Phila
delphia, a man of capital, and they embarked largely in land specula
tion in Louisiana, purchasing lots and lands at low prices, hunting up
defective titles, intimidating ignorant holders, thus getting possession
of a vast real estate.* Clarke was a man of talent and energy; his
wealth gave him much influence, and in 1806 the TerriL-Drial Legisla
ture elected him delegate to Congress. He repaired to the seat of
government with the prestige of a Crcesus, and adopted a style cor
responding with his reputation. His equipage was princely; his ex
penditure profuse ; his charities ostentatious ; his gallantries notorious.
About this time General Wilkinson, Captain Murray and Dr. John F.
Carmichael, a distinguished surgeon of the army, chanced to be in
Annapolis on a visit, and at a dinner party were questioned as to
Clarke's fortune, and gave it as their opinion that it was more fictitious
than real, and that his debts probably equalled his possessions. It so
happened that Clarke ¦ivas then addressing a lady of fortune and very
distinguished connections in the neighborhood, and soon after this
conversation his attentions were discouraged. Wilkinson and his
friends had never heard of the affair, and had frankly answered what,
they supposed, was a mere passing inquiry about a shining Ught in
the firmament of fashion. The conversation was reported to Clarke,
and from that raoraent he devoted himself to the destruction of Wil
kinson. He gave up society and his equipage, became morose and
crabbed, and expended his money only to grasp more land and to
procure and suborn witnesses and informers, to avenge hiraself on
WUkinson. Supported by the celebrated cynic, John Randolph, (who hated
Wilkinson because Jefferson esteemed him,) he published and laid
before Congress, the charges already recited, with affidavits of Andrew
EUicott, Thomas Powers, Daniel W. Coxe, and others.
General WUkinson was a man of fiery temper — a martinet in mil
itary usage and etiquette — and resenting some remarks of Mr. Ran
dolph, he imi"nediately challenged him. The Congressman evaded
the call by an untenable subterfuge, and the General posted him as a
coward. He then demanded a court of inquiry. It was composed
of officers of the highest position, morally and professionally. The
investigation took a wide range and was thoroughly exhaustive, and
the result was a unanimous report that none of the charges had been
sustained — a finding cordiaUy approved by the President. In his
celebrated defence before that court — a document exhibiting ren%ark-
"¦'Ti'his is the foundation ot the famous Gaines suits that have occasioned so much
distress in New Orleans and elsewhere. Mrs. Gaines was the daughter of Daniel
Clarke.

248 Mississippi, as a Province,
able talent, research and analysis— the general not only established his
own rectitude, but eff"ectuaUy attacks his assailants. He shows thsit
Clarke was a raan of no fixed principle, wholly regardless of social
moralities ; that he had been a British and Spanish subject, a French
and American citizen, in the service of each, and ready, at all times,
to desert one for the other, and to betray, for his own personal ad
vantage, the secrets he had learned while thus confidentially employed.
He proved, by letters in the accuser's hand-writing, that long after
the time when he was charged with being a pensioner and a con
spirator, Clarke had professed for him the most devoted attachment.
And numerous respectable persons, but especially George Mather and
Colonel Wm. Wikoff, two of the most distinguished of the old in
habitants of Louisiana, swore that they had known Clarke for years,
and that he was malignant and revengeful, and neither honest nor
truthful. Coxe, who seems to have been a grasping speculator, and
by no means overscrupulous, fared badly in the hands of the trenchant
general, who represents hira as embarking in the conspiracy with
Clarke chiefly from mercenary motives. He was a man of some talent ;
indefatigable in his enterprises, and he set about collecting proofs
against the accused with the same industry he displayed in propping
up surreptitious and fraudulent land tities. Clarke, engaged in low
amours in PhUadelphia, devolved on Coxe the labor of coUecting
testimony, and he soon ferreted out Andrew EUicott, then in his den
at Lancaster, " chewing the cud" of disappointed ambition.
EUicott swore that when he was setting out for Natchez, employed
to survey and determine the boundary between the United States and
the Spanish territory, President Washington confidentially informed
him that reports had reached him impeaching the fidelity of General
James Wilkinson, commanding in the West, and commissioned him to
watch the General closely and report all his movements. And he
swears that he consented to be a spy, and in due time became 'satis
fied of the General's treachery, and so reported him, in his confiden
tial dispatches to Col. Pickering, Secretary of State, under President
Adams, and more recentiy to President Jefferson, but that no atten
tion was paid to his communications.
Before the Court of Inquiry, General Wilkinson very properiy
argued that the statement that General Washington would entrust the
command of the army, on the most important and remote frontier,
where hostilities were every day looked for, to a raan whose fidelity
was doubtful, was wholy irreconcilable with the character, the wis
dom and the honor of that illustrious soldier and magistrate, and that
there being no evidence and no circurastances to support the naked
statement of Ellicott, it must be regarded as wholly untrue. The
accused likewise produced many proofs of the confidence of General
Washington. It was in evidence from the files that EUicott had, in
his correspondence with Col. Pickering, Secretary of State, reported
the scandals with which General Wilkinson had been assaUed, with
his own suspicions, but the bluff old Secretary evidently regarded him
as a swift witness and intermeddler, and made him understand that
he would not be further annoyed by such correspondence, and he
must confine himself to the business he was sent to do.
General Wilkinson, in his defence, convicts EUicott of shameful
duplicity. June 5th, 1797, he sends a letter, marked "secret," to

Territory and State. 249
the Secretary of State, grossly assailing the honor and fidelity of the
General. On the 4th September of the same year he writes to him
congratulating him on his arrival at Natchez in command of the array,
witii the strongest expressions of friendship, and urging hira to visit
his carap, being then engaged in surveying the line. General WUkinson
visited the carap, and found EUicott, as usual, at war with every one
about him ; with the officer of his escort, and with the Surveyor,
Thomas Freeman. His camp was in a state of confusion, and both
the Spanish Governor, Gayoso, and the General, when dining with
United States Commissioner EUicott, were shocked to find a notorious
woman of ill-fame his mistress of ceremonies !
The General appointed another officer for the escort, and another
surveyor Avas procured. Mr. Freeman, whom he found a valuable
and efficient surveyor, he transferred to Fort Adams and employed
him in constructing the fortifications. This recognition of a man
"whom he had injured and tried to disgrace, offended Ellicott, and on
the 5th November he dispatched another secret communication to the
State Department assailing General Wilkinson as a traitor ! These
communications were all marked secret, and were locked up in the
secret drawers of the Department, the officer assailed having no knowl
edge, as Ellicott well knew, of their existence. And yet, as though
to show how far duplicity and obsequiousness can go, as late as August
27, 1800, he writes to the General, who had just been appointed to
the head of the army, and warmly congratulated him on the high
honor he had so deservedly attained !
When all these evidences of malice and duplicity came, at last, to
the knowdedge of the General, he could only account for it by saying,
that "Ellicott is a habitual hypocrite, of a garrulous disposition, an
in-epressible appetite for slander and an insufferable egotism, always
prompting him to magnify his own consequence, and to intermeddle
with others."
Clarke relied very much on the testiraony of Powers, the notorious
emissary of Baron Carondelet, in his negotiations with certain traitors
in Kentucky. He had since become a dependent of Clarke's, and,
of course, as was to be expected from his whole career, swore all that
was required of him. He was a man of talents and-told a very plaus
ible story, making Wilkinson a leading figure in all his own missions
of treachery and conspiracy. But unfortunately for him and his em
ployers, the General produced indubitable testimony to establish his
own integrity, and to impeach and destroy Powers' credit as a witness,
not only as a witness but as a man, for it showed that he had neither
patriotism nor principle, that he was ready to betray the Spaniard,
whom he served, to the French, then expected, and from whom he
hoped employment, and the French to the Americans ! Like the
other prominent parties in the plot, he had been under obligations to
the General for numerous acts of kindness, and hke them, too, he pro
fessed eternal gratitude. AU this the General was able to establish
by written proofs. And he showed by the testimony of the first gen
tiemen in Louisiana that, on being questioned, at various intervals of
time, in private and in the unconventional freedom of social inter
course. Powers had uniformly and solemnly declared that he had
never carried either money or an offer of service of any kind, from
the Spanish authorities to General WUkinson ! His testimony, of

250 Mississippi, as a Province,
course, fell to the ground.* To such testimony the veteran general
opposed not only these indubitable proofs, but his present and habit
ual poverty and a whole life of honorable service in the army of his
country. Letters from the venerable patriot, John Adams, were ex
hibited, stating that these reports had been brought to his notice before
he retired from the Presidency, and were treated as slanders, and he
had then, and continued to have unlimited confidence in one whom
he had known and trusted in the most perilous times. Gen. Alexan
der Hamilton wrote in the same strain, and it may be said that as no
man was ever more cruelly traduced by the mean and profligate, so
none was ever more warmly sustained by the most iUustrious men of
his times. This veteran soldier died at an advanced age, in New
Orleans.

Wm. Charles Cole Claiborne was the second son of Col. Wm.
Claiborne and Mary Leigh', of a family long settied in Virginia, de
scended from that WiUiam Claiborne who is styled in history "the evil
genius of Maryland," but is now better known as the earliest cham
pion of State Rights, fighting as he did in the service of and for the
benefit of the renowned commonwealth, to which he owed obedience."!"
In his sixteenth year young Claiborne went to Philadelphia, where
Congress then sat, and was employed as enrolling and reading clerk
in the office of John Beckly, Esq., of "Virginia, then Clerk of the
House of Representatives. This position he held several years, dur
ing which he studied law under the instruction of Mr. DaUas. In
179s, in his twentieth year, he immigrated to Tennessee, and opened
his office in SuUivan county. The first we hear of him is in the list of
trustees, appointed by tiie Territorial Legislature, for Washington Col-
lege.^ In 1796 he appeared as a delegate from Sullivan to the con
vention to frame a constitution for the new State of Tennessee, and
was placed on the comraittee, to draft the constitution and biU of
rights. In that bill of rights, this nieraorable clause, written by Gov.
Wra. Blount, President of the Con\"ention, was inserted : "That an
equal participation in the free navigation of the ^Mississippi river is one
of the inherent rights of the citizens of this State, and cannot be sur
rendered to any prince, potentate, poAver, person or persons what
soever."]; Mr. Jefferson pronounced this constitution "the best and raost repub
lican that had been made by any of the States."
The first Legislature of the new State elected Mr. Claiborne one of
the three judges of the Superior Court of Law and Equit)".
"*Powcrs, 1he witness chiefly relied on by Clarke to convict the General, soon
after quarreled with Clarke and publielv declared that he was a bad, unprinci
pled and treacherous man.
tHe had possession of the capital of Marvland cm two different occa
sions, driving out the governor aud his armv. It Is reniakable that both under
tromwelt and under Charles II, after the Eestoration, Col. "Wm. Claiborne retain
ed his influence and position.
^ JAs originally written the clause stopped at the word "surrendered." But Gen.
oevier cried out to the gentleman who was reading the draft to the Convention:
.,.1;-—" "?,'^' Afajor Claiborne, that ain't enough, give us some of vour Coke upon
Littleton! Whereupon the additional phras'es were added".— Sevier's MS.
Journal.

Territory and State.

251

At the general election in August, 1797, he was elected to repre
sent the State in Congress, which position he held by re-election until
May sth, 1801, Avhen he was coraraissioned Governor of the Missis
sippi Territory. His status in the House of Representatives, thouj^h
he was barely eligible, may be inferred from the fact that, at the f -st
session, he was on the committee of Ways and Means with Albert
GaUatin, Robert Goodloe Harper, Abraham Baldwin and James, A.
Bayard. December 8th, 1797, with TiUinghast, Livingston, Mori's,
Bayard, Burgess and Sam Smith, to digest a uniform system of baiik-
ruptcy. February i6th, with Otis, Pinckney, MUledge, Morris, Liy-
ingston, Sprague, Bayard and Parker, to digest a plan for the coUecv
tion of duties on imports and tonnage. February 20, Chairman of
Committee with Nicholas, Thatcher, Henderson and Goodrich, to
report on our Indian relations.
During this session he presented a petition which may be noted as
the first public mention of a name, Avhich has since become historic :
^ "The petition of George Farragut for the balance of pay due him for ser
vices under the United States as muster master of the militia of the district
of Washington, (East Tennessee) employed in actual service for the protection
of the frontiers of the United States south of the Ohio, from March 1st, 1792
to October 26th, 1793."''-"
Gov. Claiborne arrived at Natchez, November 23d, 1801, and im
mediately entered on his duties as Governor of the Territory and
Superintendent of Indian Affairs. That he performed these duties
satisfactorUy to the people, to the Legislature and to the national au
thorities, there is abundant evidence on record. November loth,
1803, he had notice of his appointment as commissioner, with General
WUkinson, on the part of the United States to receive the province of
Louisiana from the French prefect, and a commission as Governor-
General of that province, with the powers exercised heretofore by
the Spanish Governors, until another form of governraent for it should
be provided by Congress. December 20th, on the Place des Amies,
(now Jackson Square) in New Orleans, the province was delivered by
the Spanish authorities to the French prefect, and by him to the Amer
ican commissioners. Governor Claiborne addressed the people and
issued his proclamation as "Governor of the Mississippi Territory,
exercising the powers of Governor-General and Intendant of the pro
vince of Louisiana." This position, investing one man Avifh execu
tive, legislative and judicial po"vvers over so vast a territory peopled by
heterogeneous races, with language and laAvs different from ours, was
originally designed by President Jefferson for LaFayette, but circum
stances groAving out of our relations Avith France and the probabUity of
a collision, prevented the arrangement. The very great poAvers exer
cised, fraraing the laAvs, construing and executing them, organizing
tribunals and appointing the ofiicers thereof — all appointees, civil and
mUitary removable at his pleasure — raay be estimated from the foUow
ing letter to him from President Jefferson :
Washington, March ISth, 1804.
'Tt is understood that under the late government of Louisiana there Avas an
¦'-'George Parracut removed to Louisiana, entered the United States naval ser
vice, commanded the gun-boat Alligator in 1810-11-12-13, under Commodore
Shaw, on duty in Lake Borgne. His descendents reside near Pascagoula, Miss.
He was the father of the renoAvned Admiral.

252 Territory and State.
appeal, in judicial matters, from the Governor of the Province to the Gov-
t '¦nor-General at Havana. The writer of the enclosed probably presumed that
tK's appeal could now be made to the President of the United States. This ia
an error. No authority has yet been constituted paramount to that of the
G*y ernor."
rfvlarch 2d, 1805, the President approved the act creating the Terri-
torjyr of Orleans, and W. C. C. Claiborne was appointed Governor,
rejpnquishing at the same time his position as Governor of the Missis
sippi Territory, to his successor, Robert WiUiams. When Louisiana
became a State Mr. Claiborne Avas elected Governor thereof, and re
cocted when his first term expired. No longer eligible under the con
stitution he closed his administration in December, 1816, and for the
first time since his election to the convention of Tennessee in 1796,
becarae a private citizen. On the 13th January, 1817, he Avas elected,
without serious opposition, to the Senate of the United States, but died, '
November 23d of the same year.
FeAv men have served the public so long, in such critical tiraes, and
Avith such plenary poAvers, and few have gone through such an ordeal
Avith more success. Opposition, of course, he encountered at
every step — the opposition of ambitious and able leaders, of adverse
races and conflicting interests — but he never lost the confidence of the
people or the national authorities, and the integrity of his conduct was
never impeached. Martin, the first historian of Louisiana, censures
him for Americanizing the Spanish laAvs and for ordering judicial
proceedings to be conducted in the English language. Martin Avas a
Frenchraan by birth, and notwithstanding he OAved all his success in
life to American patronage, he was a Frenchman to the hour of his
death. He Avas a great laAvyer, and, it is presumed, an upright judge,
but in his last will, in those solemn moments Avhen a man should at
least be honest, he stooped to a dirty trick to evade the laAvs of Louis
iana ! He was too much a Frenchman to comprehend the patriotism
and phUosophy that prompted the order for making our OAvn language
the language of the courts. The ncAv Governor Avas so unfortunate,
too, as to incur the displeasure of Laussat, the French prefect. It is
amusing to hear this egotistical creature of a despotic centralism, com
plain of the arbitrary measures of the iicav governraent in Louisiana.
In all his correspondence Avith his raasters, he predicts insurrection
and civil Avar — universal desire to return to the embraces of France ;
but has sense enough to perceive that the Americans AviU never let go
their grip on that important key to their country. Laussat and Mar
tin both speak of the first governraent of Louisiana after the cession,
and even of the Territorial government as despotic, since even the
legislative councU for the Territory could not inaugurate measures,
but only deliberate on such as were submitted by the Governor. No
one will contend that the French and Spanish population of Louisiana,
just emancipated frora their Captain-General, Avere then capable of
republican self-government. It had been tried in France and proved
an utter faUure. Our notions of liberty are wholly opposed to the extreme
vicAvs of European revolutionists. They did not then, and do not now,
comprehend the nature of a constitutional government of checks and
balances. _ The Avhole briUiant array of encyclopedists, Avhen monarchy
perished in France, Avas incapable of producing a simple constitution,
and their ablest Avriters, after personal and laborious observation, have

, Territory and State.
never been able to define our peculiar system. With a thousand years '
of experience, they are less practical, and more ignorant of public
liberty, and its indispensable restraints, than the old Romans. They
dethrone kings and demolish aristocrg,cies, but of popular rights and
the barriers of law, civil liberty and social order, they are sublimely
ignorant. If the ncAv government of Louisiana for the Territory of
Orleans Avas a despotism, as Martin and Laussat represent it, it was es
tablished by an American Congress full of illustrious statesmen, and
approved by Thomas Jefferson, the great champion of popular rights.
Besides, if a large majority of the ancient population were disaffected
and favored and hoped for retrocession, as these writers contend, it
Avould have been unwise to have confided to them the sole powers of
government. '
At this period, the Marquis de Casa Calva, Governor Folch, the
Intendant Morales, and other Spanish agents, under the protection ot
the treaty, and a swarm of French Jacobins, were in New Orleans.
furtively but actively fomenting discontents, and encouraging the
opinion of an early reclamation on the :part of France. On one of
these occasions, Governor Claiborne Avrote : "'The power does not
exist which can shake the authority of the United States over this •
Territory." Nor were there wanting men of our OAvn country to en
courage these discontents. "EdAvard Livingston and Daniel Clarke,"
says Gayarre, "seem to have sided Avith the Spanish party in their ,
quarrels with the American governor."
Livingston, a man of splendid talents, had been United States
Attorney for the district of Ncav York, and being a defaulter to a large
amount, had come to Louisiana to redeem his fortunes by his profes^
sion and by speculation. His first venture was to deprive the people '
of New Orleans of the batture or alluvial deposit in front of the city,
in which he was combatted .by Governor Claiborne, and very effec
tively by President Jefferson.
Clarke was an Irishman — a man of talent, energy and address, Avho,
by bold speculations, amassed a large fortune, and exerted the influ
ence that wealth and audacity carry Avith them. He had long been
in the country — spoke the different languages Avith faciUty — had been
Consul for the United States for several years— Avas on intimate terras
with General Wilkinson -and other eminent Americans— and was'
bitterly disappointed when the office of governor Avas conferred upon
another. Hence the opposition of these parties. Mr. Livingston
failed in his attempts to embarrass Governor Claiborne, but he sub
sequentiy paid off" his official indebtedness and re-established hiraself
in the pubhc esteem. Mr. Clarke graduaUy lost his influence, and
Avas finaUy crushed by General Wilkinson whom he had sought to
betray and destroy !
The leading characteristics of Governor Claiborne, deduced from
Mr. Gayarre's valuable record, were his disposition to concUiate and
his decided and vigorous nationality. "The Mississippi will cease
to flow," said he to the Legislature in 1805, before Louisiana wiU
cease to be a part of the Americian Union. A disposition to encroach
on the territories of others is foreign to the nature of our government ;
but the preservation of its own is one of its vital principles " He
thoroughly organized the militia, and directed the Adjutant-General
to make an equal distribution of commissions between the ancient

254 Mississippi, as a Province,
and recent Louisianians, where it was practicable, but in aU appoint-
rhents a fair reputation and attachment to the United States were in
dispensable. He co-Operated with General Wikinson zealously in
putting Ncav Orleans in a position of security during the Burr excite
ment, but persistently refused his demand for the impressment of
sailors, the suspension of the Avrit of Habeas Corpus, the arrest of
suspected persons, Avithout proper affidavits, and the declaration of
martial law. "I can refer you, with confidence, to the judiciary of
the Territory," said he, but by no act of mine can I arrest or suspend
their poAvers."* He strenuously urged on the Legislature, a pubhc
free school in every neighborhood, to be supported by a general tax.
On' appointing a distant kinsman — the only one he ever appointed —
to an office, the Governor gave the following instructions. They
cover the Avhole policy of his administration : ' 'The duties of your
office require reflection and attention rather than labor. The business
transacted by judicial officers comes home to every man's feehngs
and fireside, and the petty collisions and conflicts in a community
excite more interest than all the storms that agitate the outside world.
The people araong whora you are going to reside, differ from those with
whom you have been accustomed to associate — differ as much from
each other. The population is composed of Creoles, Europeans and
immigrants from the United States, all of them adhering to the
notions and prejudices of the country they came from. Perhaps,
among elements so discordant, it may be difficult to preserve harmony.
,But to this purpose all our efforts must tend. You must render them
satisfied with each other and with yourself. MUdness in the admin
istration of the laws ; a general acquiescence in their received and
¦ usual customs and mode of thinking, are of importance. Where
principle is not concerned, indulge even their foUies and prejudices.
As this, on the one hand, will exempt you from the charge of fastid
iousness, so, on the other, it will insure respect and consideration,
when you shall find it necessary to act in opposition to their wishes.
In deciding upon their rights, let your conduct be marked Avith delib
eration and firmness ; expel from your bosom those passions and
prepossessions, often unjust in private life, but criminal when permitted
to influence our public acts. Cultivate a general acquaintance with
the people. Instruct them in the principles of our constitutions and
the value of our Union. Be yourself on your guard, and Avarn them
against the base men who are seeking to poison their minds with false
and malignant statements, to foment distrust and dissatisfaction with
the American govenment." There was great jealousy between the
Creoles and Americans, and it frequentiy embarrassed the Governor
in making his appointments. On one of these occasions he wrote to
Charles Morgan, of Point Coupee: "The circumstance of his not
being born an American cannot be received by me as an objection.
He was strongly recommended as a man of honor, probity and
good demeanor. I certainly feel for my countrymen, the native
citizens of the United States, a sincere and ardent attachment, nor is
it possible for me, in any situation, or under any circumstances, to be
unjust to them. But in my official character, I can acknowledge no
other distinction between the inhabitants of this Territory Avho, by
* He co-operated with General Jackson in every measure for the defence of
New Orleans, but disapproA'cd and opposed his interference with the Judiciary.

Territory and State. 255
birth or the treaty of cession, are entitled to the rights of citizenship,
than personal merit. In making appointments, I have sought for the
worthy and capable, keeping in vieAV the propriety of apportioning
those as equally as practicable betAveen the ancient and recent cit
izens. ''
In 1 809, after the bloody insurrection in St. Domingo, raany of the
planters, Avith their slaves, found refuge in the island of Cuba. But
when the French array invaded Spain, committing infamous atrocities,
the Spanish authorities compelled these unfortunate planters to depart.
With a feAv faithful slaves that remained to them — the last Avreck of
their estates — they embarked for Louisiana, longing for shelter among
countrymen and kindred, and ignorant of the laws prohibiting the
introduction of slaves. These, in conformity with his duty, Avere im
mediately seized by the Collector of the Port. This thrcAv the refugees
into great distress. Regarding the case as one of the feAv Avhere con
ventionalities must defer to the great laAv of humanity, the Governor
arranged with the Collector to deliver the slaves to the mayor, with
instructions to place them in the hands of their respective owners, on
their entering into bond to have them forthcoming on a requisition of
the authorities. The Governor made his defence for the responsibility
assumed, and a strong appeal to the national authorities for these un
fortunate people, and I record it Avith pride that his action Avas
sustained. Nearly six thousand people Avere thus added to the in
dustrial population of Louisiana.
On the threatened invasion of Louisiana, in 1814, Governor Clai
borne convened the leading free men of color. They expressed a
strong desire to be mustered into military service, and the governor
warmly recommended it to the Secretary of War. " They sustain,
for the most part, good characters," he Avrote. " Many of them have
extensive connections and much property to defend."
On the 23d December, Governor Claiborne, at the head of two
regiments of raUitia, Avas marching from the city to the lines of Gen.
Jackson, when he Avas ordered to take position on the GentiUy road,
one of the approaches to the city, and by far a better route for the
enemy than the one they adopted, Avhere they Avere exposed all the
time to the terrible flank fire of the American gun-boats.
In those critical times he had many duties to perform. ^ In de
fence of the rights of citizens of Louisiana and of the judiciary, he
came in coUision Avith the commanding generah In support of that.
great man's measures for the defence of the city, he came in coUision
with the legislature and Avas bitteriy assaUed. But, pursuing what he
believed to be the line of duty Avith firmness and dignity, he found
himself sustained by the public, and the same legislature elected him
to the Senate of the United States.
He was thoroughly Araerican and national ; ahvays ready to sac
rifice his popularity to a sense of duty. Thus, in 18 11, he vi^rites to
his friend, the Hon. Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy :
"The Territorial Legislature adjourned yesterday, very much dissatisfied
with me for having rejected a favorite bankrupt bill. This act of mine mate
rially aff'ects my popularity at present with the French and Spanish part of
this community, Avho are stimulated by certain aspirants and intriguers of our
own race. But I had no alternative. The bill they sent for my approval was
a mere compilation of French and Spanish law, not reconcileable AVith the

256 Mississippi, as a Province,
spirit of American jurisprudence, and, iu my judgment,^ could not fail to bo
oppressive to the fair trader. Under these convictions, if every man, woman
and child in the Territory had demanded my signature, it would have been
refused." He persistendy endeavored to extend the dominion of the United
States to the east and west, over every foot of territory within the
ancient limits of Louisiana. While governor of Mississippi Territory,
owing to the arbitrary and repressive commercial regulations of the
Spaniards, he asked permission and declared his ability to capture
New Orleans Avith the militia of the Territory.
When transferred to Louisiana, and the Spaniards had crossed the
Sabine, he asked leave to drive thera across the Rio Grande. And in
1810, " Avhile the Spaniards were stiU permitted, wrongfully," to oc-
py Mobile, and to impose burdensome taxes on our citizens navigating
the river, he organized the seaboard into parishes, and extended the
eastern limits of the parish of Pascagoula to Dog river. And again
and again he asked perraission to expel the Spanish garrison.
It being currently reported and believed that the Spaniards Avere
negotiating Avith the British for the occupation of Mobile, he notified
the commandant that no other foreign flag, except the Spanish, which
Avas there by sufferance only, should be hoisted in Mobile. On the
7th January, 1811, he thus addressed the Spanish Governor of Pen
sacola :
" Having received information that your Excellency designed to cross the
Perdido with an armed force, into the Territory which I have been instructed
by my government to consider as a part of the Territory of Orleans, and under
my jurisdiction as Governor of the same, it is proper I should inform you
that such a movement on your part will be regarded as an act of hostility to
the United States, and I shall promptly take such measures as my oavu honor
and the interests of this Territory may demand."
He Avas re-appointed Governor of the Orleans Territory, and Avhen
it was admitted into the Union as a State in 1812, he Avas elected
Governor, by the people, over tAvo raost Avorthy and popular compet
itors. The vote stood : Claiborne, 3,757 ; Villere, 1,947 ; Destrehan,
268. Under the constitution of Louisiana, it then became the duty
of the Legislature to choose the Governor by ballot from the tAvo
highest candidates. The vote stood : Claiborne, 33 ; ViUere, 6.
General "VUlere Avas one of the most influential gentlemen in Louisi
ana — of the most chivalric courage and high personal character. He
afterAvards tAvice filled and honored the chief magistracy of the State.
Mr. Destrehan Avas a planter of large fortune and enterprise, and
became a Senator of the United States.
President Madison, . September 12th, 1812, Avrote to Governor
Claiborne, as foUoAvs :
" I sincerely congratulate you on the high proof you have received of the
confidence and attachment of the people of Louisiana. The event is important
in several political views, as well as highly gratifying to your personal friends.
It has given mo unfeigned satisfaction."
Governor Claiborne Avas re-elected by the voters of Louisiana, and,
on the expiration of his second term, being no longer eligible under
the constitution, he AA^as elected to the Senate of the United States,
but died before he had taken his seat, thus closing an official career
which commenced in the Tennessee Convention in 1796.

Territory and State. 257
I close this sketch Avith a letter marked " confidential," written to
General Cowles Mead, of Mississippi, in the midst of the Burr ex
citement, when General WUkinson Avas exercising very arbitrary poAv-
ers in New Orleans, and had arrested and deported Swartwout and
BoUman as accomplices of Burr : New Orleans, January 2d, 1807.
The scenes that are passing here are novel and important. I may have erred
in my line of conduct, but I am sure my motives have been pure. I have not
coincided in, or approved all the proceedings of General "\Vilkinson, particu
larly the arrest of Bollman and others, which I considered in violation of laAv.
And the refusal to surrender to the civil authorities was Avithout justification,
and the General was aa'cU apprized of my sentiments. Some may think that
it Avas my duty, without being called on by the judiciary, to interpose my au
thority. If I have erred in not doing so, I have adhered to a principle long
acted on. In judicial matters, considering the tribunals of justice as the
interpreters of the law, I have felt that the executive power should never inter
pose until called on to do so by the tribunals. When I was Governor-General
of the province of Louisiana, exercising almost supreme poAver, and with no
appeal from my decisions, although often solicited to interpose in the execution
of some process in the hands of an ofiicer, I iuA'ariably abstained until the court or
the magistrate notified me that their authority was resisted. As Governor of the
Orleans Territory, I have adhered to the same course. The Sheriff once in
formed me that a certain sugar planter, surrounded and hacked by his slaves,
resisted the execution of process issuing from the Superior Court. He was
informed that on a requisition from one of the Judges of th at Court; my aid would
be rendered. The requisition was made and I sent an armed party with theSherift'
to make the arrest. Within my oAvn vicAV and not fifty steps from the Govern
ment House,, some notorious sailors resisted the execution of a Avarrant issued
hy a magistrate for their arrest. A sergeant and ten men Avere then on duty on
the premises. I was applied to by the constable for this force, but it was re
fused until application was made directly by the magistrate.
Eely upon it, my friend, that the danger that menaces us, and our institu
tions, in the future, is from executive interference, and its tendency to usurp
and accumulate poAver."

17

OHAPTEE XX IT.

OBERT WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, and Cowles
Mead, of Georgia, Avere appointed, respectively, Gov
ernor and Secretary of the Mississippi Territory. Mr.
Williams had been a prorainent representative in Con
gress, and had been latterly acting as one of the com
missioners to adjudicate our conflicting land claims. It Avas
not a position to add to one's popularity, and Mr. WUUams
Avas not a man of concUiatory address. He Avas rather repulsive
and peremptory, to please the courtly and refined people among
Avhom he resided. The republicans in the Territory had strongly
recommended Col. Cato West, Secretary of the Territory, and its
raost efficient party leader. But iNIr. WiUiams belonged to a very in
fluential family of Jeffersonian republicans in North Carolina, a State
that required some nursing at that juncture, and it Avas deemed expe
dient to confer on hira the appointment. He arrived at the tOAvn of
Washington, January 26th, 1805, and Avas Avelcoraed by a public din
ner presided over by the venerable Judge Rodney and Thomas H.
WiUiams.* The tOAvn of Washington, six miles east of Natchez, in a rich, ele
vated and picturesque country, Avas then the seat of Government
The land office, the Surveyor-General's office, the office of the Commis
sioners of Claims, the Courts of the United States, Avere all there. In
the iinraediate vicinity Avas Fort Dearborn and a perraanent canton
ment of the United States troops. The high officials of the Territory
made it their residence, and raany gentiemen of fortune, attracted by
its advantages, went there to reside. There were tiiree large hotels,
and the academical department of Jefferson CoUege, inaugurated by
•¦Judge Eodney, of Delaware, had been an oflicer of the revolutionary war, and
was sent ont to Mississippi with the commission of judge. He was the father of
IJies'ar A. Rodney, a distinguished republican member of Congress.
Thomas Hill Williams Avas a North Carolinian who came here in 1S02 and had
a. very successful career. He became Secretary of the Board of Land Commis-
.sioners. Acting Secretary of the Territory, Private Secretary of Gov. Claiborne,
in Louisiana, Eegister of the Land Office, at 'Washington, in ISIO, Collector of
the port of New Orleans, and subsequently Senator in Congress, from the State of
Mis.sis.sippi. His clerk, Parke Walton, succeeded liiin as Eegister of the Land
Office. Mr. Williams Avas a man of excellent sense, and excellent character, but
liy no means brilliant; a striking illustration ot the success of mediocrity, in pol
ities. He and Governor Holmes and GoA-ernor Leake, and Judge Ellis and Judge
Black, were all successful politicians, but intellectually very inferior to many who
vainly competed for the honors they obtained.

Territory and State. 259
Governor Claiborne, Avas in successful operation.* The society Avas
highly cultured and refined. The conflicting land tities had draAvn a
croAvd of laAvyers, generally young men of fine attainments and bril
liant talents. The medical profession Avas equaUy AveU represented, at
the head of Avhich Avas Dr. Daniel RaAvlings, a native of Calvert
county, Maryland, a man of high moral character and exalted patriot
ism, eminent in his profession, and Avho, as a vigorous Avriter and acute
reasoner, had no superior and fcAV equals. The iraraigration from
Maryland — chiefly from Calvert, Prince George and Montgomery
counties — consisted, for the most part, of educated and Avealthy
planters — the Covingtons, Graysons, ChcAvs, Calvits, Wilkinsons,
Freelands, WaUes, BoAvies and Magruders ; and the Winstons, Dan-
gerfields, and others from Virginia, who for a long time gave tone to
the society of the Territorial capital, f It Avas a gay and fashionable
place, compactly built for a mile or more from east to west, every hill
in the neighborhood occupied by some gentleman's chateau. The
presence of the railitary had its influence on society; punctilio and
ceremony, parades and public entertainments Avere the features of the
place. It Avas, of course, the haunt of 'politicians and office hunters ;
the center of political intrigue ; the point to which all persons in pur
suit of land or occupation first came. Was famous for its Avine par-
*The venerable Joseph Caldwell was at the head of it, a man of rare attain
ments. He removed to Monticello, Lawrence county, and as late as 1835 Avas
clerk of the circuit and county court.
fLeonard Covington entered the army at an early age ; was lieutenant in
"Wayne's legion in 1794, and greatly distinguished himself in the battle of the
Maumee, having led a cavalry charge and killed two prominent Avarriors with his
own sabre. Subsequently, returning to Maryland, he Avas elected to Congress
from the Prince George district. When it became apparent that Ave vfere to have
war Avith England he re-entered the army with the commission of colonel, became
brigadier-general, and at the battle of Chrysler's Field, in Canada, Nov. 11, 1813,
while at the head of his brigade leading it to the British entrenchments, he fell
mortally wounded. He Avas riding a white charger, Avaving his SAVord, cheering
his men, and Avas killed by a shot from Chrysler's barn, in which a strong detach
ment of the enemy was posted.
General Covington's widow and children then, and for many years after, resided
near Washington, on the place noAV owned by Mrs. Dr. Branch. His brother,
Alexander Covington, and his son, Levin Covington, and his nephew Covington
Kawlings Avere, successively. Judges of Probates for the county of Adams.
The son-in-law of General Covington, the late B. L. C. "W.ailes, at the time of
•his death State Geologist of Mississijipi, was a man of rare ability and attainments.
In literature and science he Avas the formost man in the State, and Avould have
achieved the greatest eminence had his life been spared.
The family of Grayson has long been distinguished in Virginia. One of them
was an aid to General Washington. Another was a Senator in Congress, and a
member of the Virginia Convention of 1788 — the ablest body that ever assembled
ia this country — and he Avas one of its most distinguished members. He stood by
Patrick Henry against the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and Avas oneof
¦the first, one of the boldest, and one of the most steadfast, in asserting and insist
ing on our right to the navigation of the Mississippi, at a period when Spain
claimed the exclusive privilege, and when, too, many of our statesmen were tim
idly inclined to surrender it.
Beverly E. Grayson came in early life from Virginia to the Mississippi Territory.
He beeame clerk of the Legislature, a Eepresentative in it, Eegister of the U. S-
Land Office, and Avas to the close of his life one of our most valuable citizens.
His brother. Col. Grayson, Avas adjutant-general of the army, and specially in the
confidence of Gen. Jackson. This gentleman left three sons, tAVO of Avhom Avere
distinguished members of the Natchez bar. Both died in the prime of life. One
of the family fell in Gen. Walker's Nicaragua expedition, and another, the late
Mr. Spence Grayson of Yazoo, was a distinguished Avriter on polemics and meta-
P.hysios.

26o Mississippi, as a Province,
ties and dinners, usuaUy enlivened by one or more duels directly after-
Avard. Such was this now deserted and foriorn looking village, during
Territorial organization. In its forums there was more oratory, in its
salons more Avit and beauty than Ave have ever witnessed since— aUnoAV
mouldering, neglected and forgotten, in the desolate graveyard of the
ancient capital.
Governor WiUiams appointed to his staff, WiUiam Scott, Avith the rank
of colonel, Wm. B. Shields,* Wm. Wooldridge and Dr. John F. Car
michael, with the rank of major.
He issued his proclamation for the Legislature to assemble on the
ist July. Matters Avere progressing very quietiy, Avhen suddenly there
occured one of those incidents, comraon in most frontier countries, but
from which, owing to the high tone and conservative character of
our early population, Ave had heretofore been exempt. The 31° of
north latitude, leaving the river just beloAV Fort Adams, it AviU be
remembered, was the dividing line betAveen the Mississippi Territory
and the then Spanish province of West Florida. Both sides of the
line were occupied chiefly by Americans, and no good feeUng existed
among them, the Mississippians regarding many of those below the
line as renegades and monarchists, a judgment by no means just, be
cause most of them had obtained their grants of land and opened their
plantations when the country Avas under the flag of Great Britain.
When the line was defined they found themselves in West Florida,
and under the Spanish flag. Many of them, undoubtedly, Avould have
preferred a residence on the American side, but the act of Congress
precluded them from carrying their negroes into the ncAV Territory,
and to dispose of their lands at that time Avas to sacrifice them for
half their value. Thus, from necessity, they Avere compeUed to con
tinue in the Spanish province. Some, too, as Avas stated bythe people
of the Mississippi Territory in their memorial to Congress, disgusted
with the conduct of Ellicott, and by the arbitrary measures of the first
Governor, had removed beloAV the line, hoping to find there a quieter
refuge. At that period there Avere three brothers, Reuben, Samuel and Na
than Kemper, natives of Fauquier county, "Virginia, residing near the
line, in the vicinty of Pinkney ville. They Avere men of marked indi
viduality, of undaunted courage and great physical strength, thorough
republicans, and devoted to their country. They Avere open and fear
less in the expression of their opinions of measures and of men, were
somewhat domineering in temperament, and took no pains to conceal
their aversion to the Spaniards. Such men, of course, have their per
sonal enemies, who equally hate and fear them.
1805. On the night of the 3d September an armed party, consisting
of whites and negroes, broke into the house known as the Kemper
*A native of DelaAvare, connected with the Bayards and Eodneys of that noble
little State. He Avas a man of education and talent, of ardent aud energetic
temperaments, Avarmiu his attachment, devoted to his friends and greatly beloved
by them. He was a leading member of the Legislature, Attorney-General, and
Judge of the United States Court for the district, all of Avhich positions he filled
with ability. His personal qualities and stern integrity secured for him univer
sal respect. He Avas a recognized leader of the republican (democratic) party dur
ing hia whole career. As a judge he was patient, laborious, discriminating and
scrupulously impartial. It Avas in his house that S. S. Prentiss had hia first home
in Mississippi.

Territory and State. 261
tavern, two miles from PinkneyviUe, seized Reuben Kemper in his
bed and dragged him out of doors, beating hira severely with their
clubs. Immediately afterwards they dragged Nathan Kemper from
his bed, and threatened to kill his wife if she left her bed. The two
were bound and conducted on the road toAvards PinkneyviUe, to the
plantation of Abraham Horton, and thence doAvn the road toAvards the
line of demarkation. Here they Avere joined by another party Avho
had in custody Samuel Kemper, Avho had been seized in his house in
PinkneyviUe. Then they Avere carried across the line into the Spanish
territory, and delivered to Capt. Solomon Alston, of the Spanish
patrol, Avho marched them to Tunica landing and placed them in a
pirogue, under a guard of six armed men, Avith orders to deliver them
at the fort at Baton Rouge. Passing about daylight near the shore of
Point Coupee, Avere Lieutenant WUson Avas stationed Avith a small de
tachment of United States troops, the prisoners cried out that they
Avere Americans. They Avere soon overtaken by a boat from the gar
rison and the AA'hole party taken into custody, and, subsequently,
Avere sent to the Governor of the Mississippi Territory.
The affair Avas made the subject of judicial inquiry before Judge
Rodney, Avho, in a note to Governor Williams, says :
"The outrage appears to have been committed by a combination of persons,
some above the line. Among themAvas a Dr. Bonner, Henry Flower and a Mr.
McDermott, who are said to have been active above the line, though their resi
dence is below it. The party Avas composed of tAvelve Avhite men and seven
negroes. This party Avith their prisoners crossed the line a fcAV feet, and deliv
ered them there to Captain Alston'^and bis party of twelve men, Avho conducted
the prisoners to Tunica landing, and placing them in a boat ordered six of his
men, viz : Wm. ;Barker, Charles StCAvart, John Morris, John Patlifi", George
EoAve and Adam Bingaman, to take them to Baton Eouge. They were inter
cepted by Lieutenant Wilson, U. S. A., Avho released the prisoners and took the
Spanish subjects in custody. It appearing that those six persons had not
crossed the line, they were released. None of this party who acted above the
line were brought before me and no arrests have been made. The three Kem
pers have been required to enter into recognizance to keep the peace, especially
towards Spanish subjects."
It appears that in consequence of previous outrages aUeged to have
been committed by the Kempers and others, residing above the line,
and from a dread of fiUibustering, Col. Grand-pre maintained a patrol
on the Spanish side, comraanded by Capt. Alston and Li'eut. Glass
cock. The affidavit of Adam Bingaman, of Alston's patrol, shows
how the affair was conducted."
"On the night "of the 3d September, I was one of a party commanded by
Captain Alston, stationed within a ievf yards of the line of demarcation, for
the purpose, as he informed us, of seizing the Kempers, Avho Avere expected to
come from the Mississippi Territory. At about fifty yards above the line we
saw a party approach. Captain Alston hailed them, and they silently delivered
the three Kempers to Alston, and retired whence they came."
Reuben Kemper, in his deposition, states that of the party that seized
him he recognized Louis Richie, Minor Butier, Abraham Horton,
James Horton, and tAvo others Avhose names he did not recollect, all of
whom resided in the Mississippi Territory, and Marcus Carr, James
Say, PhUlip Say, and others, Spanish subjects. Three of the negroes
he recognized as the slaves of Abraham Horton.
The fact that persons on both sides of the line took part in this trans-

262 Mississippi, as a Province,
action Avould indicate that it Avas one of those border feuds or ven
dettas, so common on frontiers.
The foUowing letter refers to aUeged outrages of the Kempers on
Spanish subj.ects :
FROM THE MARQUIS DE CASA CALVO, REPRESEMTIXG THE KING OP SPAIN, TO
GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. Neav Orleans, August 11th, 1804.
"I had hoped that the indulgence heretofore granted to the Kemper party,
by the Spanish authorities, on the mere verbal interposition of your Excel
lency, Avould have induced then to remain quiet on their plantations. I am,
however, just notified that Nathan and Samuel Kemper, Avith armed followers,
are constantly riding about, threatening our peaceable inhabitants. They have
cruelly whipped several and on the 3d inst., killed a constable. At the same
moment their brother, Keuben Kemper, is Avriting threatening letters from this.
city to Judge Alexander Sterling. On the 7th they seized the captain of militia,
Don Vincent Pintard, the magistrate, Don Juan O'Connor, and the planter,
Champnes Terry, Avhom they held in custody. They have hoisted a standard,
bearing seven stripes, white and blue, Avith tAvo stars above the upper stripe.
They made an attempt to capture Don Carlos Grand-pre, in his house, and to
surprise the fort of Baton Eouge, but failed. Only two or three bands of tAven-
ty-tive or thirty men have yet been seen, but our alcaldes report the district of
Baton Eouge and of the Tunicas in insurrection. The Governor of West Flor
ida will take measures to repress these disorders. And I now address myself
to your Excellency, in consideration of the good understanding betAveen our
two nations, to prevent these incendiaries from finding refuge in the terri
tories under your charge."
In reply Governor Claiborne informed him that "the insurgents in
West Florida had received no encouragement from the United States
or its ofiicers," and that non-intervention Avould be the pohcy strictly
observed. Governor 'Williams Avas much aggravated, and Avould gladly have
measured SAvords with the Spaniards, and the people of the Territory
Avould have responded, as one man, to his call. But the policy of
the United States Avas patience and forbearance, and he contented
himself Avith a proclamation, and an order to Col. John EUis, of the
5th Regiment, M. M., "to assemble Iavo complete companies, to
patrol the line and arrest all armed parties and equivocal characters." He
likewise reported the matter to Colonel Grand-pre, Avho in reply, said :
"I have received your letter relative to the extraordinary event at Pinkney
viUe, viz : The assault on the Kempers by persons unknown and disguised. I
had no information of this matter until the night of the 7th, from one of my
captains of patrol, Avho, since the inroads committed by the banditti under lead
of the Kempers, have been stationed near the line. He informed me that late
on the night of the 3d inst., Avhile at his post near the 'line, he Avas hailed by
an armed party, disguised, and to him unknoAvn, Avho Avere conducting three
prisoners strongly pinioned, Avhom they immediately abandoned, and retired
hastily on the road they had come, Avithout uttering a Avord. Eecognizingthes&
prisoners as the Kempers he deemed it his duty to dellA-er them to me and was
on his Avay to my fort, Avhen the United States troops interposed. This is all the
information I have of this mysterious afl'air."
Dr. WUliam Lattimore, of Wilkinson county, Avas elected delegate
to Congress, vice Thomas Marston Green, deceased.*
¦*Drs. David and Wra. Lattimore, frora near Norfolk, Virginia, settled at Natchez
in 1801, and became eminent in the practice of medicine. They Avere men of
sense and cultivation and Avrote and spoke fluently and forcibly. In private life

Territory and State. 263
1805.* The city of Natchez had been incorporated Avith ample
poAvers in 1803. In 1805, these poAvers Avere enlarged, establishing a
mayor's court having jurisdiction of all civil cases Avithin the city to-
the amount of five hundred doUars. The proceedings i»f this court,
says Monette, became so arbitrary and oppressive ^that it became the
occasion of a public meeting and of a presentment by the grand jury
as a public nuisance." The late Judge Turner, in a note on this,
says: "The court Avas highly useful and respectable, but its monthly
terms Avere too summary for debtors — hence the outcry."
The same year the Natchez Hospital Avas incorporated. Mr. George
Cochrane had bequeathed $1,000 for such an institution, but Judge
Turner states that Charles MoKiernan, (whose name and memory
have passed aAA'ay,) Avas the principal benefactor. Our most distin
guished physicians, Drs. Frederic Seip, David Lattimore, AndreAv
Macreary, James Speed, G. E. Pendergrast, Joseph Macreary and
AVm. Lyon, offered their services gratuitously.
In this year, the Territory Avas greatly benefitted by treaties nego
tiated by the United States with the Cherokees, Creeks and ChoctaAvs,
by Avhich they conceded the privUege of opening roads through their
respective districts. Previous to this, our communication Avith
Georgia and Tennessee Avas by the old Indian paths or trails. One
of these trails ran from Knoxville, in East Tennessee, through the
Tombigbee settlements to MobUe. One fr^m the shores of Lake
Pontchartrain to the Torabigbee. One frora the Ocmulgee river to^
Fort Stoddart. One from Natchez to Fort Stoddardt, on Tombigbee,
and thence to Pensacola. And one, (the raost traveled,) from Natchez-
to the Grindstone ford, on Bayou Pierre, thence through the Choctatv
and ChickasaAv nations, to Colbert's ferry on Tennessee river ; thence
to Duck river and Nashville. This was knoAvn as the " old Natchez
trace," and Avas the principal scene of the robber Mason's exploits.
AU the country betAveen the Grindstone ford and the ChickasaAV tOAvns
near where Pontotoc noAV stands, Avas called "the Avilderness," and
on horseback and on foot Avere the only modes of traveling, f
IfROM the secretary op AVAR TO CAPTAIN GUION, AT NATCHEZ, DATED-
SEPTEMBER 29tii, 1797.
Mr. Benjamin HaAvkins, principal agent for the Southwestern Indians, has or
ganized a line of runners, through his jurisdiction, to carry orders, letters and
dispatches. One of these Avill pass from the ChoctaAV and Chickasaw nations,
once every three Aveeks, to the little Turkey toAvn in the Creek country, and
thence to "Tellico, in Tennessee, and to Colonel Gaither's headquarters on the
Oconee. A Mr. Mitchell is resident agent among the Choctaws. You will send your
dispatches to him by courier, to be forwarded by the aforesaid Indian runners.
It v.-as not until 1807 that the first Avagon road from St. Stephens,
on the Tombigbee, to Natchez, Avas located and opened under the
greatly beloved. Wm. Lattimore settled in that part of Wilkinson which subse
quentiy hecame the county of Amite ; Avas elected to Congress in 1805, and re
elected a second time, when he Avas succeeded by George Poindexter, vrho, after
.serving four years, declined a re-election. Dr. Lattimore was again elected and
served until 'Mississippi became a State in 1817. His last public service was as
Commissioner, in conjunction Avith General Thomas Hinds and Judge Peter A.
Vandorn, to select a proper .site for the seat of government of the State. They
selected the present city of Jackson.
Dr. Wm. Lattimore died in Amite countA', April 3d, 1843. He Avas one of the
purest of our public men.

264 Mississippi, as a Province,
supervision of James CaUer, Harry Toulmin, and Leonard Henry,
although Washington county, embracing the whole country from Pearl
river to the ^hatahoochie, had been organized by Governor Sargent.
THE SABINE expedition.
1806. March i8th, the Secretary of War advised General WUkinson,
then at St. Louis, that the Spaniards Avere concentrating troops Avest
of the Rio Grande, and directed him to despatch Colonel Cushing
Avith three companies, to reinforce Major Porter, then in command
at Natchitoches, our extreme post in that quarter. The remainder of
the troops (reserving one company only,) Avere to foUoAV under Lieu
tenant-Colonel Kingsbury, to Fort Adams, to be within easy call of
Cushing should the enemy make it necessary.
To understand the movement thoroughly, Ave must recur back to
17 1 2, Avhen St. Denys passed from the French colony of MobUe, up
the Red river, to the Spanish territory. His ostensible object Avas
to open a traffic Avith the people of Ncav Spain, but the real design
Avas to reconnoiter the country Avith a vieAV to the extension of the
French dominion over it. Pie left several Frenchmen at the point
Avhere Natchitoches noAV stands, Avhich Avas then the chief village of
the Natchitoches Indians, Avith Avhom those Frenchmen soon identified
themselves, adopting their habits and costume, learning their language
and taking Avives from their lodges. In 17 16 the French buUt a fort
and established a garrison there. When the Duke de Linares, viceroy
of Mexico, heard of this he ordered troops and missionaries into
Texas, and on the 21st May, 171 7, he Avas notified by Captain Don
Alonzo de Leon that he had erected and garrisoned a fort called San
Miguel de los Adaes, Avithin five leagues of the French post. They
thus remained in observation of each other, Avithout coming into
actual coUision. In 1742 the greatest flood ever knoAvn in Red river,
before or since, occurred. The fort stood near the margin, and Avas
in danger frora the rapid rise of the Avaters. The French comman
dant obtained leave from Don Manuel de Sandoval, the Spanish Colonel
at Adaes, to move a musket shot further back to a higher position.
When the "Viceroy Avas informed of this he immediately sent Colonel
de Brito to supercede Sandoval, Avho Avas despatched under arrest to
Mexico, court-martialed and dismissed the service. The Governor of
Texas received orders to expel the French. But the French com
mandant, by some means, induced the Spaniard to suspend his march
until the Iavo governments could be heard from, and in the interim
they Avould jointiy consider the Arroya-Hondo, (a deep ravine midAvay
betAveen Natchitoches and Adaes) as the boundary. And thus it
stood until 1762, when Louisiana Avas ceded to Spain, by Avhom it
Avas re-ceded to France, and by France sold to the United States,
Avhich, under the French titie, claimed the Sabine river as the true
line of demarcation.
The post or mission of Adaes grcAV to be an interesting village,
having a population made up of Spanish veterans, Mexicans and the
hybrid races which constituted such a peculiar feature of French and
Spanish colonization. As late as 1805, it Avas visited by Don FeUcian
Marrio, Bishop of New Leon, who celebrated high mass, christened
two hundred children and consecrated a grave yard.

Territory and State. 265
In 1806, the Spaniards, by order of the Captain-General, Sal
cedo, under General Cordero, crossed the Sabine, and Colonel
Herrera, Avith the advance, posted himself at Adaes. Governor
Claiborne, of the Orleans Territory, Avas, at that moment,
revicAving and organizing the mUitia of the frontier parishes. On
hearing of the Spanish occupation he posted to Natchez to confer Avith
acting Governor Mead.* Returning to Red River he took measures
to concentrate the mUitia at Natchitoches, and Avhile Availing for them,
addressed a note of remonstrance and of Avarning to Colonel Herrera,
Avhich he, in turn, transmitted to General Cordero. "AVhile the
Governor and Herrera," says Gayarre, " Avere thus confronting each
other, the latter fell dangerously ill. The Governor learning that he
Avas destitute of medical attendance, sent Dr. HayAvood Avith a note
tendering him every civility in his poAver, and expressing a Avish for
his speedy recovery. This act of courtesy made a raost favorable
impression on the sensitive Spaniards, but the iUness of the General
suspended negotiations."
"Governor Claiborne," says Gayarre, "proposed to take the offen
sive against the Spaniards, but Colonel Cushing objected that this
Avould be contrary to the instructions of General Wilkinson." Gen
eral WUkinson arrived at Natchez September 8th, and after an inter-
vicAv with acting Governor Mead, wrote to the Secretary of War :
"I have seen the plan agreed on by Governor Claiborne and himself, the first
article of which appears to be in direct opposition to your order respecting the
the removal of the Spaniard.^ from Bayou Pierre to Avhich they have fallen back
from the vicinity of Adtes. Governor Claiborne has arrayed the militia in the
western parishes, but I shall discourage their march until I penetrate the design
of the Spaniards, and find them deaf to remonstrance. While I pursue this
temperate course in opposition to the ardor Avhich I discern in the executives of
Louisiana and Mississippi,t I pledge my life that no act shall be sufifered to
tarnish the pational honor." MEMORANDUJI.
*The undersigned having learned that a considerable Spanish force has crossed
the Sabine, with the avowed purpose of establishing a garrison at, or near.
Bayou Pierre, in the imraediate neighborhood of Natchitoches, are of opinion :
1st. That unless the orders issued, some time since, by the Secretary of War, to
Major Porter, commanding at Natchitoches, not to permit an armed parly of men
to cross the Sabine, have been rescinded, it is advisable to dislodge the said armed
force, and retire them to the Avest side of the Sabine. 2. That if the United
States troops at Natchitoches should not be deemed sufficient to effect this, that a
part of the militia of the Territory of Orleans shall be ordered immediately to
¦ Natchitoches. 3. That to encourage the militia of the Territory of Orleans to
turn out promptly, Governor Claiborne's presence is necessary in the parishes of
Eapide and Natchitoches. 4. For the security of the two Territories, and par
ticularly ot New Orleans, the militia of Mississippi Territory shall be placed on
the best possible footing. Orders to be issued for battallion and company musters,
and should the safety o'f New Orleans be threatened, the acting governor shall
promptly order to its aid such portion of the militia as the safety of his o^wn
Territory will authorize. 5. In the event of hostilities in the vicinity of Natchi
toches, a detachment ot at least one hundred mounted infantry shall be dis
patched from the Mississippi Territory. 6. That in the absence of Governor
Claiborne from New Orleans, the acting governor of Mississippi Territory shall
maintain a regular communication with the mayor of that city.
Signed at Natchez, August 17th, 1800. „
\Xu. C. C. Claiborne,
Cowles Mead.
¦fThis military "ardor" Avhich General Wilkinson noticed in Governors Clai
borne and Mead, was shared bv the people, and has ahvays been a characteristic ot
Mississippians and Louisianians when the country called for their services.
In a letter now before me from Governor Mead to the Ho n. George Poindexter,

266 Mississippi, as a Province,
The detachment of Mississippi troops coUected by Governor Mead,
at the instance of Governor Claiborne, now marched for Natchi
toches.* General WUkinson arrived September 19th, but the Spaniards (being
all cavalry) had fallen back for the Avant of forage and provisions. On
the 24th he addressed Governor Cordero, Avho replied as foUoAvs :
Camp at Natchitoches, October 11th, 1806.
Your Excellency AVas informed on the 29th ult., of my having sent your let
ter of the 24th to the Captain-General Brigadier General Don Nemesis Salcedo,
under whose orders I act, and must aAvait his reply. I flattered myself that, from
motives of humanity, and from the good understanding between our govern
ments, your Excellency would have awaited the Capain-General's reply to de
termine your operations, inasmuch as I am not at liberty to deviate from the
orders given me, which are to recognize the Hondo and not the Sabine, as the
eastern boundary of this province, and to assert our jurisdiction over the same.
Contrary to this expectation I see by your letter of the 4th Avhich has just
been received, that you have put your troops in motion for the Sabine "without
any hostile intention to the Spaniards, and only to maintain the jurisdiction of
the United States east of that river." Your Excellency knows the sacred duty
of a soldier, and I beg to say that, Avithout attributing to your movement a
desire to provoke hostilities,! must oppose it,'under my orders, to prevent aggres
sion, and to maintain, as long as I am able, the dominions of my sovereign. I
leave to your Excellency tbe choice after the receipt of this letter.
The Spaniards Avere about 1500 strong, Avith reinforcements in their
rear, and Plerrera and Cordero Avere experienced officers.
The general opinion, after the receipt of this letter, Avas that the
Sjoaniards Avould attempt to advance Avhen their reinforcements came
up, but on the morning of November 5th, the foUoAving general order
appeared : Headquarters, Camp left bank oe the Sabixe.
Parole, America, "|
Countersign, Washington, j
His E.xcellency Governor Herrera, the military chief immediately opposed
to this corps haA^ing agreed to Avithdraw his troops to_Nacogdoches, and to pro-
dated "Washington, M. T., February 14th, 1S08, he bears this testimony to a veteran
Avhich should not be forgotten : "When my order issued for the march to Natchi
toches, Col. AVhite of Claiborne county, a gray-haired veteran of 76,Avith the ardor of
youth, entered the ranks as a private in the mounted infantry. He is old, poor
and with a large family."
¦*MUSTER ROLL OP FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS IN^ THE SABIXE EXPEDITION.
Ferdinand L. Claiborne  Major.
Thomas H. AVilliams  Captain, Adjutant and Quarter-Master.
Frederic Seip  Sursceon.
Heritage HoAverton  Quarter-Master Sergeant.
Joshua Knowlton  Sergeant Miijor.
PROM THE NATCHEZ HERALD, OCTOBEK 7, 1806.
A detachment of two hundred and fifty drat^oons and mounted infantry, under
comraand of Major Ferdinand L. Claiborne, crossed theMissssippi attbi's city on
Sunday last, on their march to Nacthitoehes, to assist General Wilkinson in re'pub
sing the Spanish troops frora Avitbin our limits.
Officers commanding the sever.al companies : Captains Benjamin F,-irrar, George
Poindexter, Alexander Bislaml, Basil Abram, William T. Voss, Ralph Began.
A company of dragoons from Jefierson county, under command of Capt.'^Thomas
Ilmds, will march in af«^w days to join the Battalion at Natchitoches— likewise a
company of mounted infantry from Wilkinson county

Territory and State-. 267
hihit their crossing the Sabine river, pending the negotiations hetAveen the
United States and Spain, the objects of this expedition are accomplished and
the command will leave camp to-morroAV. Colonel Cushing will lead the troops
back to Natchitoches."-"
The deposition of Colonel Cushing, 2d Regiment, U. S. A., sAvorn
to November 15 th, 1806, Avhich has been seen by fcAv readers of the
present day, explains the mystery :
On or about the Sth October, 1806, I Avas sitting at table, in my quarters at
Natchitoches, Avitli General Wilkinson, Avhen a gentleman entered the room and
inquired for Colonel Cushing. He presented me a letter of introduction from
General Dayton, of New Jersey, recommending him to my hospitality and at
tention. The gentlemen informed me that he Avas the Mr. Swartwout men
tioned in the letters. I presented him to General Wilkinson aud invited him
to join us at table. He said that he and a friend had come down the river
on their Avay to New Orleans, but hearing at Fort Adams that Ave were assem
bling troops at Natchitoches to march against the Spaniards, he had come to
offer himself as a volunteer. While he Avas in my quarters I Avas called out on
business and was absent fiA'e or ten minutes. Next morning General Wilkin
son informed me that he had something of a very serious nature to communi
cate, so much so that although it Avas necessary to hold it in reserve at present,
he begged me to bear it in mind, that I might be able to make a fair statement
of it at any future period. He then asked me if I knev/ or had heard of an
enterprise being on foot in the Western States ? I replied tliat I had not, and
asked him to Avhat he alluded? He said that a great number of individuals of
Avealth, popularity and talents are, at this moment, associated for purposes in
imical to the government. Colonel Burr is at their head, and the gentleman
who delivered you the letter last evening is one of his emissaries. The story of
serving as a volunteer is only a mask. He has brought me a letter from Colo
nel Burr, which being in cipher, I have not yet been fully able to make out, but
I have discovered that his object is treasonable, and it is my duty to oppose
him by every means in my power. He assures me that he has funds ; that the
navy is with him ; offers to make me second in command, and to give the offi
cers of the army anything I may ask for them, and requests me to send a confi
dential friend to confer Avith him at Nashville. In fact he seems to calculate
that I, and the army are ready to join him. I asked the General if he had
recei ed any instructions on the subject from the government ? To Avhich he
replid he had not, and must therefore adopt such measures as in his judgment
Avere best for the safety of the country. He said he would immediately march to
the Sabine and endeavor to make such terms with the Spanish commander as would justify
*FR0M THE NATCHEZ HERALD, NOVEMBER llTH, 1806.
This day at noon his Excellency General Wilkinson arrived in town, accompa
nied by his xVid de Camp, Walter Burling, Esq., of this Territory, from whom Ave
have the following brief summary of the General's operations on the borders of
province ot Texas, in opposition to the Spanish troops under the orders of Gov
ernors Cordero and Herrera :
The .American army marched on the 23d, and reached the left bank of the Sa
bine river on the 31st ult., The General found Governor Herrera pcsted on the
opposite bank, and encamped near him. Three unarmed Spanish soldiers Avere
taken' by; the, advanced guard on that day, whora the General returned to the
Spanish camp, Avith a desire that the trespass might not be repeated, and Avhicli
was duly respected. On the inarch the General had, by letters from the Spanish
chief, been twice prohibited from crossing the Anoyafunda. On the 29th ult., he
dispatched Captain Burling Avith a letter to Governor Cordero, m reply to these
prohibitions, Avhich produced some discussion between the chiefs, and on
the 24th it Avas agreed by Governor Herrera, on the part of the Spaniards, that
the American troops should retire to Natchitoches, and those of Spain to Nacog
doches, on the same day, and that these should not reeross the Sabine, nor those
tbe Anoyafunda, pending the pacific negotiations of the United States Avith
Thus the statu quo at the surrender of the province of Louisiana to the United
States has been restored, the lives of our citizens spared, and the peace ot our
country preserved.

268 Mississippi, as a Province,
him in removing tlie greater part of his force to the Mississippi ; and that the moment
this should be effected he would send me to NeAV Orleans in a light barge, with
orders to secure the French train of artillery at that post, and to put the place
in the best possible condition for defence, and that he would follow Avith even^
man that could be spared from Natchitoches, Avith all possible expedition. He
told me that he Avould communicate the information he had received to the
President, and solicit instructions for his government, but as delay might prove
ruinous, he would pursue the course suggested as the only means in his power
to save the country, until the executive could be heard from. On our march to
the Sabine the general told me that he thought his presence at New Orleans at
an early period absolutely necessary, and that the moment he could make terms
with the Spanish commander he would set out for that place, and leave me to
bring on the troops."
DEPOSITION OP LIEUT-COLONEL THOMAS A. SMITH, U. S. A.
"Sometime between the 15th and 20th October, 1806, General Wilkin-son com
municated to me, under the strictest injunctions of confidence, the communica
tions he had received from Aaron Burr through Mr. Swartwout. He said it was
necessary to send a confidential letter to the President and decided that I should
be the bearer of it, and it must be delivered Avith all possible dispatch. To
prevent suspicion as to the object of my journey I must tender my resignation
which he would accept in orders, but Avould have the matter understood at the
War Office. The General mentioned the names of many persons of high rank
as being concerned with Burr, and furnished me a cypher to communicate to
him any information I might receive on the journey. He also required me to
take an oath to conceal from all persons the object of my journey.
I delivered his letter to the President, having it concealed between the soles
of a slipper Avhich I opened according to tbe General's order, in his presence."
In that letter, after recapitulating the substance of SAvartAvout's com
munications and of Burr's letter, and his vicAV of the proper measures
for the defence of the country he says, "I believe I shall make the best
compromise I can with Salcedo, and throAv myself Avith my little band
into NeAV Orleans, to be ready to defend against usurpation and vio
lence." General WUkinson's situation Avas delicate and perplexing. While
an armed expedition, Avith treasonable intentions, Avas supposed to be
advancing towards Ncav Orleans, his orders required him to keep the
Spaniards then in his front on the Avestern side of the Sabine.
The foUoAving deposition of Col. Walter Burhng, a prominent citi
zen of Natchez, SAvorn to before Jonathan Davis, Justice of the Peace
for Adams county, M. T., September roth, 1807, gives full and inter
esting detaUs :
" At the request of General Wilkinson, I have draAvn up the following plain
statement of such facts as came within my knowledge, relative to bis conduct,
during the expedition to the Sabine. Immediately after I Avas informed of
General Wilkinson's arrival at Natchez, in the autumn of 1806, I Availed upon
him, merely to express my regard for a valued ac([uaintance, and my respect
for an officer of rank. I saAv him but two or three times. At one interview
he expressed a wish that I should accompany him, or come ou with the militia,
Avhich Avere to be ordered to Natchitoches. I did not positively promise him
that I Avould, but I Avas induced by circumstances Avhich had no relation to
him, to ride as a volunteer in Captain Farrar's troop, one of the corps ordered
from this Territory, to oppose tho aggressions of the Spaniards in Louisiana.
I think the troop reached Natchitoches on the morning of the 14th or 15th of
October. Before we dismounted, I Avas directed by Captain Farrar, who had returned
from making his report, to wait upon the General. I accordingly repaired to
headquarters and Avas received by him Avith great cordiality; observing that
I Avas fatigued and indisposed, he proposed that I should repose an hour or

Territory and State. 269
two, and that when I should be refreshed, he Avished to have some conversa
tion with me, giving me to understand that it would be interesting. I do not
recollect, whether it Avas on the evening of that day or the next morning that
the General communicated to me the information he had obtained respecting
the views of Mr. Burr. After having explained to me the general objects
which Mr._ Burr proposed to attain, he spoke of what he (Mr. Burr) calculated
upon as his means. Among others, Avas the expected support of General .Wil
kinson, and through his influence, that of the majority of the force under his
command. General Wilkinson observed to me that Mr. Burr's expedition Avas
pointed against Mexico ; that Mr. Burr had reason to expect important auxil
iaries in that country ; and that he had held out great offers to him, such as
the second in command, etc.
Without expressing an opinion himself, respecting this scheme of Mr. Burr's,
he desired me to give mine, as to the measures he ought to pursue. Altliough
I should have felt no hesitation in pronouncing, at tbe moment, what I con-
- ceived to be his duty, I deemed it proper to Avaive an immediate reply, and
therefore observed to the General, that the question was of such importance,
and took me so entirely unprepared, that I must demand until the next morn
ing, to give my answer. I accordingly waited on him next morning, prepared
to give my opinion ; but without waiting for it, he told me he had
made up his mind as to the steps proper to be taken. That his orders were
peremptory, to take possession of the country between the Arroya Honda and
the Sabine, and that although he felt the importance of using the most prompt
and efiicacious means to save New Orleans from Mr. Burr, yet he could not
take upon himself to dispense with the execution of the pointed orders he had
received. He had no hope of receiving fresh instructions from the government
in time to oppose Mr. Burr with effect ; he must, therefore, take great responsi
bility on himself ; but expressed his hope and belief that the extraordinary
circumstances in which he was placed, and the importance of the object, would
justify him to the government and the country. His plan.Avas to push on his
troops as fast as possible to the Sabine, to fight the Spaniards if they opposed
his march ; but, if possible, to effect an honorable accommodation with them,
and hasten with all possible expedition to New Orleans, in order to save that
city, provided he should be fortunate enough to arrive there before Mr. Burr.
In the meantime, he sent orders to the officer commanding at that place, to
put it in the best possible state of defense, that his means and the shortness of
the time would permit, without explaining to him the cause which rendered
this measure necessary. In conformity Avith this decision, as soon as the means
of transportation could be procured and other necessary arrangements effected,
the troops moved from Natchitoches, commanded by the General in person,
whom, at his request, I accompanied as an aid-de-camp. It being Avell ascer
tained on our march that the Spanish commander had AvithdraAvn his troops to
the right bank of the Sabine, some little difiference of opinion arose at head
quarters respecting the necessity of proceeding further. It Avag stated that AVe
had as completely taken possession of the country in dispute by one day's
march across the Arroya Honda, as we should do by proceeding to the Sabine ;
more especially as the Spaniards had abandoned the contested ground, and
¦withdrawn themselves to their undisputed limits. It was contended, on the
other part, that unless we went to the extent of the jurisdiction claimed by us,
we did nothing ; that the Spaniards had taken possession of the country Avith a
large force, and had only withdrawn for their oAvn _ convenience, Avithout hav
ing, in the smallest degree, acknowledged our claim; but that, on the con
trary, they StiU continued to urge their pretensions, and expressed their deter
mination to enforce them ; that the moment our troops Avere Avithdrawn, they
would again take possession and establish such posts as they should deem_ nec
essary for keeping it. This was the General's opinion, and Ave accordingly
pressed our march as fast as the state of the roads and means of transport
would permit.
On the twenty-ninth of October, when within about twenty-five miles of the
Sa;bine, General Wilkinson directed me to repair to the Spanish camp, with a
letter to Governor Cordero, (whom we understood to be the commanding
officer on that frontier) together with a copy to be left with Colonel Herrera,
the officer who commanded on the Sabine. I was directed to proceed, if I was
permitted, to Nacogdoches, and after having delivered my despatches to Gov-

270 Mississippi, as a Province,
ernor Cordero, to use every argument I could with propriety suggest, to induce
his acquiescence with the General's proposals. On m_y route to the Sabine, I
met a Spanish officer Avho was the bearer of despatches from the Governor-
General Salcedo, to General AVilkinson. I despatched one ot the escort which
accompanied me, to the General, for fresh instructions, if he had any, in con
sequence of the communications from Governor Salcedo. He rejoined me that
night, with a letter from the General, directing me to proceed and do the best
I could with Cordero, as Salcedo's letter said nothing which I would perceive
by a copy of the translation Avhich he enclosed to me.
I accordingly, next morning, presented myself at the Spanish out-post, and
after a little delay, Avas conducted to the quarters of the second in command.
I was, shortly after, presented to the commanding officer. Colonel Herrera, to
Avhom, after having delivered the copy of the General's letter to Cordero, I
communicated his request that I might be permitted to proceed to Nacogdoches.
Without entering into any explanation, he immediately assented ; ordered an
escort to conduct me ; and in half an hour I left the Spanish camp for Nacog
doches. While I remained Avith Colonel Herrera, our conversation Avas alto
gether on general subjects, and held in the presence of several of his officers,
and some of the gentlemen who accompanied me. I found they had already
constructed barracks, sufficient for five or six hundred men, and Avere busily
employed in erecting more. Everything seemed to indicate their intention of
passing the winter in their present camp, and I began to augur unfavorably of
the issue of my mission.
I reached Nacogdoches about noon, I think, on the 1st November ; after
dinner. Governor Cordero sent for an interpreter to translate the General's
letter, and retired with him. I saw him no more until the evening, when he
informed me that he Avould prepare his reply the next morning, and despatch me,
as I requested, without delay. He observed that the proposal of the General
met his Avishes completely ; but that he Avas tied up by the orders he had
received from his General, and could not stipulate formally for any conditions
until he received instructions from him, which could not arrive in less than
fifteen days. As our object was despatch, I urged all I could think of to
induce him to take the responsibility upon himself ; but all in vain ; the awe
in Avhich he stood of his General Avas not to be surmounted; and I saw with
pain, that at my return, the General Avould find himself in an unpleasant
dilemma. The next morning, after trying once more, if anything could be
done with Cordero, and being equally unsuccessful, I took my leave, and the
second evening reached the Spanish camp, Avhere I was recei\'ed Avith marked
politeness by Colonel Herrera, who informed me that had he been acquainted
Avith the contents of the letter I had left in his hands, he Avould have saved
me the trouble of my ride to Nacogdoches. He said it Avas too late to write
thateA'ening to the General, but that he Avould send the officer, who Avas in
spector of the troops, and second in command, to visit the General the next
morning, upon the subject of his proposal.
I left him and reached our camp about eight o'clock. The next morning I
made a report of the circumstances of my mission to the General.
The folloAving morning, the inspector "Viana, came to our camp, Avhen the
agreement was made, Avhich removed our difficulties for the time; and, shortly
after, the General, leaving the troops under the command of Colonel Cushing,
set off for Natchitoches, Avhither I accompanied him. After a short stay at
this place, Ave proceeded to Natchez, Avhere I took my leave of him as a public
man, nor have I, since that period, had any communication with him of a
public nature.
I talce this occasion to declare, in the most solemn manner, that in all Gen
eral Wilkinson's transactions, from the time that I entered into his family,
until I left him to follow my private-pursuits, he appeared to have no other
object in "view than the faithful performance of his duty. That I did not per
ceive in him the smallest doubt or hesitation, resjiecting the necessity and pro
priety of endeavoring to defeat Mr. Burr's views, bv every means in his power;
and further, that all his negotiations with the Spaniards on the Sabine, Avere
pure and honorable, and directed solely to the attainment of his grand object,
that of being at liberty so to dispose of his force as Avould enable him more
effectually to counteract the plans of Mr. Burr and his .adherents."

Territory and St'A.te. 271
These documents shoAv hoAv and Avhy the Sabine expedition termin
ated Avithout bloodshed. The army, Avhich, of course, Avas not in the
secret, Avas greatiy dissatisfied. The volunteers clamored against the
order to retire. The people and the press denounced General Wil
kinson, and he Avas openly accused of having been bribed by General
Salcedo ! Bribed for Avhat ? He had reclaimed and marched over
every foot of the country the Spaniards had invaded, and had seen
their army retire before him to their OAvn side of the Sabine. And
he had carried out the cherished pohcy of the government and the
injunctions of the Secretary of War to avoid, by every means short
of dishonor, a collision Avith Spain.
It cannot be doubted that Wilkinson believed that Burr proposed
to seize New Orleans, Avith ulterior designs on Mexico. He comrau-
nicated this to the Spanish general, and the necessity of his presence,
with his troops, in New Orleans, in the interest of the United States
and of Spain. The point of honor would not alloAV him to retrogade,
Avith the Spanish army in his front to re-occupy the disputed district.
And he, therefore, proposed that our army should withdraAv to Natch
itoches and the other to Nagadoches, adjourning the question of
boundaries to be arranged by their respective governments, and gave
as a motive the movement of Burr. The Spanish general, startied
hy the intelligence, accepted the proposition.
These negotiations, of course, required some communication betAveen
the parties, and from necessity Avere confidential, Avhich gave rise to
malicious AA-hispers and surmises, and eventually to a Avide-spread sus
picion of the American General.
In 1808, Avhen John Randolph, soured Avith the administration and
Avith mankind, Avas savagely attacking General Wilkinson, George
Poindexter, delegate from Mississippi, (Captain of the Blues in the
Sabine expedition) drcAv up for hira a statement, Avhich embodies the
rumors and suspicions that prevailed in the Territory. It is here in
serted, from the original, in the hand- Avriting of Mr. Poindexter :
STATEMENT.
At the conclusion of the Sabine expedition. General Wilkinson returned to
Natchez and spent several weeks at the house of Stephen Minor, a Spanish
officer, Avho resides at that place. The retreat of the Spanish detachment to
Nachidoches, it was understood, had been procured by stipulation, the grounds
of which remained within the exclusive knoAvledge of the commanders of the
troops of the two countries.
During the expedition, General Wilkinson appointed Walter Burling, Esq.,
then a private in the company of dragoons from the Mississippi Territory, his
aid-de-camp, and intrusted him with the negotiation Avhich was pending with
the Spanish officers. This gentleman resides near Natchez, and is possessedof
an estate Avhich yields him a very large annual income. He accompanied
General WiIkin.son to Natchez and, in a few days after their arrival, he left
the Mississippi Territory under the pretext of an intention to go to St. Antoine,
for the purpose of purchasing a number of mules. It appeared to me extraordinary
that a man of Mr. Burling's fortune should undertake a project of that kind, and
especially as he took no person Avith him to assist in driving the mules he might
purchase to market. The story excited suspicion in the country that he Avas
the agent of General Wilkinson in negotiating Avith the Spanish government of
Mexico, on some dark, mysterious business, which could not bear the light of
day. The result was, that Mr. Burling Avent, under a Spanish military escort,
to the City of Mexico, had an interview Avith the vice-roy, and from thence
proceeded to La Vera Cruz, and from thence to New Orleans, at which place

272 Mississippi, as a Province,
he arrived before General Wilkinson's departure for the city of Eichmond.
This extraordinary mission naturally leads the mind to enquire, what right
General Wilkinson had to appoint an envoy extraordinary to the Court of
Mexico ? Who paid his outfit ? Why he Avas protected by a Spanish military
escort ? What purpose could be answered, favorable to the government of the
Uuited States, by an application to a mere local officerin a country which has
no intercourse with the nations of the earth, and in which an American
citizen is not permitted to travel, unless he has a special license to do so, from a
known Spanish officer, Avhich is never granted except the object of the person
applying for such license has vicAvs favorable to that government. The exec
utive of the United States either knows, or ought to know, of this mission, and
the object which it had in vicAv. If that object was a legitimate one, the nation
ought to be informed of it. Suspicion has attached to the transaction, in the
Orleans and Mississippi Territories, Avhere it originated, and Avhere, perhaps,
testimony of tbe real object might be obtained.
Mr. E. Avill pardon this hasty sketch. A more perfect one will be furnished
if necessary. Yours obediently,
George Poindexter.
Washington City, January 12iA, 1808.
This statement, implicating not only the commanding general of the
army, but a venerated citizen of Natchez, an early immigrant from
New England, conspicuous for his loyalty to the Union and his per
sonal virtues, merits, even at this late day, an examination.
1806. When General Wilkinson reached Natchitoches from the
Sabine November 5th, he found a nuraber of letters and dispatches,
confirming his opinion that there Avas a formidable conspiracy on foot
to detach the Western States, and establish a ncAV government, Avith
Ncav Orleans for its capital and Aaron Burr for its chief After dis
patching his forces doAvn the river, he repaired to Natchez to concert
measures Avitli the executive of the Territory, and on the 12th thus
addressed Governor Claiborne at Ncav Orleans :
"I wrote you from Natchitoches on the 8th inst., by Major IPorter, who de
scends with all the artillery and one hundred men, to be immediately followed
by Colonel C'ushing with every man, but one company. You are surrounded
by dangers of which you dream not. The destruction of the American gov
ernment is seriously menaced. The storm will probably burst in New Orleans
where I shall meet it, and triumph or perish. The French train of light artil-
leryis indispensable to our defence. I conjure you to aid Colonel Freeman in
getting or taking possession of it. Assist him also in getting pickets to stock
ade the town and strengthen the old fortifications.
We shall have one thousand regulars in the city in three weeks and I look
for succour by sea. I have little confidence in your militia, yet I trust we may
find a few patriotic spirits among them. You have spies on your every move
ment, and our safety and success depend vitally on the concealment of our in
tentions." His correspondence Avith Col. Constant Freeman, Colonel Cushing
and Major Porter, then in Ncav Orleans, for its defence, breathes the
same spirit, a deep conviction of the impending conspiracy and a de
termination to do every thing in his poAver to crush it.
Mr. Poindexter thought it very suspicious that the General, on his
arrival at Natchez, became the guest of ' 'Major Minor, a Spanish offi
cer." Major Minor had been in the Spanish service, but on the change
of goverment had given his allegiance to the United States. He Avas
an opulent planter, extremely hospitable, and lived in elegant style, in
the immediate vicinity of Natchez.*
*It had been the residence of Governor Gayoso, and on his transfer to the gov
ernment of Louisiana, Avas purchased by Governor Minor. It Avas called Concord

Territory and State.

273

1806. General Wilkinson had long knoAvn and esteemed Governor
Minor, had often been his guest, as Avere most of the distinguished
persons Avho visited Natchez, and he certainly made no secret of it.
His staff officers Avere at Concord Avith him ; he there received the calls
of the citizens; and on the 12th November, addressing the President of
the United States, he takes the pains to date his letter. Residence of
Governor Minor, near Natchez, Avhich he certainly would not have
done had he gone there to engage in the dark intrigues hinted at by
Mr. Poindexter.*
In respect to the mission of Colonel Burling to Mexico, Avhich Mr.
Poindexter and Mr. Randolph, not being in the secret, considered so
suspicious, Ave Avill let General Wilkinson explain hiraself:
"As soon as I had disengaged myself from the Spaniards on the Sabine river
in the autumn of 1806, and Avas satisfied that an illicit project Avas ou foot
which menaced the Spanish provinces, as well as the peace of the United
States, I determined on grounds of public duty and military enterprise to at
tempt to penetrate the veil Avhich concealed the route to the city of Mexico,
and the military defences which intervened, feeling thatthe equivocal relations
of the two countries justified the ruse. I prepared a suitable passport and
committed the execution of the design to a dear and honored friend, Avhose
zeal and patriotism Avere unequalled but by his integrity and honor, and his
fitness for the undertaking."
In«i7g8, AA'hen constructing Fort Adams, Wilkinson had been sum
moned to the seat of government by General Hamilton, then in actual
command of the army of the United States, and Avas specially called
on by him fer information ' 'as to the disposition of the Spaniards in
our vicinity, their strength and fortifications." And this very informa-
tion could only be obtained by dispatching a confidential and intelli
gent agent to RIexico overland. The jealousy of the Spanish author
ities was proverbial, and strictly prohibited such journeys, but he took
advantage of circumstances, and furnished Colonel Burling Avith the
foUowing passport :
TO ALL PERSONS WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:
Whereas, Aaron Burr, at the head of ¦<>. powerful combination of laivless
citizens of the United States, in violation of the laAvs of said States and with
out the privity of the government, is preparing to carry an expedition into the
territory of his Catholic Majesty, who is at peace with the United States,
I have thought proper, agreeably to the principles of good faith, andto ex
onerate my government from any suspicion of participation iu this design, to
authorize the bearer hereof, Walter Burling, to pass all guards and garrisons
of the United States and to proceed to the city of Mexico, for the purpose of
handing to the "Viceroy a detailed report of said Burr's plans and designs.
Given at Natchez, Territory of Mississippi, Avitness my hand aud seal of
arms. James Wilkinson.
November 15, 1806.
The report of Colonel Buriing, made over seventy years ago, is ex-

by Gayoso, in token of the friendly relations he maintained with the inhabitants,
and as long as Governor Minor or his estimable widow or his highly respected son
lived, Wm. J. Minor, lived there, and untU the late civil war, it Avas maintained
in the highest style of Sonthern hospitality and elegance. _ No residence m Mis
sissippi has so many historical associations connected with it.
-'The General proceeds immediately to New Orleans, leaving Mrs. 'Wilkinson,
we are sorry to add, extremely iU at Goyernor Minor's.— Natchez Herald, INoyem-
ber 11th, 1806.
18

2 74 Mississippi, as a Province,
tremely fresh and interesting, and has as much value topographicaUy,
as though raade but yesterday. And it supplies the information that
Hamilton Avanted frora Wilkinson, Avhen he summoned him to Phila
delphia in 1799— the internal condition of Mexico and the proper line
of approach.
When our volunteers got back to Mississippi they found it in a very
excited condition OAving to the reported movements of Aaron Burr.
A thousand rumors prevaUed, but the one generally received was that
he Avas descending the river Avith tAvo thousand men, to seize Ncav
Orleans, its treasure and its shipping, and then to invade Mexico.
The conquest of Mexico from the Spaniards Avas a very popular propo
sition at that day in this section of the country, and had that been the
sole object imputed to Burr, he Avould have found littie or no opposi
tion. But the seizure of New Orleans Avould be an act of hostUity to
the government of the United States, and the intense Union sentiment
and national pride Avhich have ahvays characterized our people, Avere
immediately aroused. Colonel Burr had his supporters — Avho believed
or did not believe the unlaAvful designs attributed to him — but the
great mass of the people, the AA'hole fighting element of the Territory,
regarded him as a traitor, and many, including Governor Mead and
most of his political friends, unjustly, suspected General Wilkinson of
complicity Avith him. »
1806. On the 27th November, President Jefferson issued a procla
mation, calling attention to an unlaAvfiU expedition reported to be in
preparation. Governor WUliams had left the Territory on the 21st April on a visit
to North Carolina, leaving it in the hands of Secretary Mead. De
cember 23d he issued a proclamation calling attention to the unlaw
ful expedition, and recpiring all officers, civil and mUitary, and all
good citizens, to aid in suppressing" it.*
¦¦¦¦By Cowles Mead, Secretary E.^vecuxing the Powers and Performing
the Duties of the Goa'ernor op Mississippi Territory.
proclamation.
Whereas, Information from various sources, as well by affidavits as otheiAvise,
Ims heen communicated lo me of the designs of an association whose object is
tbe dismemberment of this and the neighboring countries from the Government
of the United States ; and,
Wl-lERE.iS, EA'ery attempt of this kind must be ruinous and destructive of the
numerous blessings Avliioh Ave now enjoy, under the auspices of a Government
founded on the grand ijrinciples of political equality, and indiscriminate justice;
and. Whereas, The conspiracy is directed by men of secret and profound intrigue,
for tiie aggrandizement of themselves and their minions, to tlie oppression of the
great mass of the people, Avhom they are endeavoring to dupe and inveigle;
From the foregoing causes, 1 have thought jiioper to issue this my proclamation,
for the purpose of guarding the good people of this Territory against the agents
of this diabolical plot, and Avarn them of tlieir danger from "that quarter; audi
do hereby solemnly call on and enjoin the otficers, both civil and military, and the
citizens of this Territory, to perform their sacred duties to their country, by aid
ing and abetting in the detection of any agents employed in this country, and if
found, to be brought Avithout delay, before the proper tribunals of the country,
that they may receive their trials for such high oli'ences against the peace and
happiness of the Mississippi Territory, and the dignity an'd sovereignty of the
United States. And I do further enjoin and require tlie ofiicers and citizens of
the Territory, to be on the alert and prove their patriotism by giving such assis
tance for the development of this traitorous project as their respective situations
will attbrd ; and.

Territory and State.

275

CoAvles Mead Avas a A'irginian, Avho Avent, at an early age, to
'Georgia, studied for the bar, and Avhen barely eligible had a violent
WHERE.4S, I am aAvare of the influence ot intrigue and misrepresentation, and
that men of pure intentions may sometime be deluded ; I do therefore iuA'ite all
oi this description if any, to return to the bosom of their country and the confi
dence ot their Government; and,
WHERE.iS, I have reasons to believe that many of the officers of this Govern
ment have not taken the oaths required by the ordinance of Congress and the
.Statute of this Territory ; I do in consequence thereof, require all officers Avho
have not taken the said oaths, to come forward and take the same in tlic course of
fifteen days from the date ot this proclamation ; and in default thereof, I do here
by revoke all the powers, ciA'il or military, whieh they possess, and their commis-
-sions are hereby A'licated and annulled.
GlA'EN under my hand and the seal of the Territory, at the town of Wash-
,[L. S.] ington, this the tAventy-third day of December, 1,S06, and of the Indepen
dence of the United States, the thirty-first.
Cowles Mead.

Headquarters, )^
ToAVN op Washington, Dec. 25, 180G. j
GENERAL ORDERS.
Hriving received information from various and correct sources, of the existence
of a traitorous connection of indiA'iduals, Avho have formed themselves into an
association for the purpose of executing designs inimical to the peace, happi
ness and union of our comraon country ; and being willing and an.vious, as the
Eepresentative of the Government of the United States, to pursue such measures
as may best suljserve its true interests and the interests of this Territoi-y, 1 have
deemed it essential at this crisis to issue these my General Orders, for the more
¦complete organization of the militia of tiie Territory.
The 1st P„egiment Ai'ill muster at the toA\'n of Washington, on Tuesday, the 20th
of January, at 11 o'clock.
The 2d Regiment on Saturday the 10th of January, at Greenville, at 11 o'clock.
The 4th Begiment on Monday the 12th of January, at Gibson-Port, at 11 o'clock.
The Sth Eegiment on Saturday the 17th of January, at Piercy's Plantation, at
11 o'clock.
Every commissioned officer, non-commissioned officer and inuA'ate, Avill appear
on parade equipt according to law, or suffer the penalties therein prescribed.
By order of the Commander-in-Chief. W. B. Shields, Aid-de-Camp.

Natchez, December 25, 1806.
REGIMENTAL ORDERS.
The Commander-in-Chief having issued his General Orders,directing that the 1st
Eegiment muster at the 'ToAvn of Washington, on Tuesday the 20th of January, at
11 o'clock; and having stated the certainty of an association of designing and
laAvless individuals, Avho menace the peace and interest of our country ; I do
hereby enjoin and require the punctual attendance of the Eegiment on the day,
.and at the place ordered ; and at this very criticaPperiod, I solicit the officers
commanding companies, carefully to enrol every man in their respective districts
•capable of bearing arms. It is expected that more than ordinary attention aviU
be observed in bringing the companies to the field of muster, equipped agreeably
to law. Ferdinand L. Claiborne,
Lieut.-Colonel Commandant.

attention !

The Company of militia, composing the Northern Division of this city, are
-ordered to attend a Eegimental Muster, at the tasvn of Washington, on Tuesday
the 20th of January next, at 11 o'clock, armed and equipped according to laAV.
Timothy Terrell, Lieut. Commanding.
Natchez, December 29, 1806.

276 Mississippi, as a Province,
contest with the Hon. Thomas Spaulding, an old politician and very
wealthy planter, for Congress, and Avas returned. Mr. Spaulding co\i-
tested the election. It appears that the statute of Georgia required
all the returns to be made to the Governor Avithin tAventy days after
the election ; that three counties failed to make their returns within
the prescribed period, Avhereupon the Governor proclaimed that
Mead Avas elected by one hundred and sixty-nine votes, and gave him
his certificate. It Avas established by clairaant that a tremendous hur
ricane prevented the returns from these three counties in time, and
that, if counted, they Avould give him a majority of thirty-one votes
over the sitting member. The committee reported in favor of claim
ant, and, after an exciting debate of two days, the report AA'as sus
tained by a vote of 62 to 52.
President Jefferson soon after appointed Mr. Mead Secretary for the
Mississippi Territory, and it avUI be seen that, OAving to the casual
absence of Governor Williams, he performed the executive duties at
the most important junctures.
The oratorical reputation of the young Secretary had preceded him.
When he arrived at the Territorial capital, a public dinner Avas given
in his honor, and the chronicles of the ancient village report that his
speech enchanted the company. His conversational and declamatory
powers were captivating, but exuberant. He Avas too rhetorical to
appea,r logical and practical. His speeches Avere a succession of
beautiful flights, exhprtations and appeals; and although unquestion
ably a man of genius, he Avas classed as visionary, and often felt him
self Aveighed doAvn by very inferior men. In our utilitarian times this
is not uncommon. Fcav statesmen now can venture to be briUiant.
If Edmund Burke, himself, Avith his profusion of metaphors, elaborate,
intricate and subtie, could re-appear in parliament, he Avould not be a
success. Men Avould not stop to scan the deep philosophy, research
and Avisdom at the bottora of his figures, and Avould, probably, pro
nounce him, the most original and prophetic thinker of the century-
bombastic and superficial. This is the consolation of musty prosers
and obtuse inteUects. Stupidity, as soleran and as useless as a China
mandarin on the mantie, AviU look grave and shake its head over the
most splendid effiisions of cultured fancy ; and the merest truisms and
common place are preferred to beautiful thoughts, lit up by the fire
of genius, and the tinted hues of a poetic imagination. It was upon
this rock that Mr. Mead Avas shipAvrecked. His speeches in the
Legislature and in the Convention of 1817, alw-ays produced a sensa
tion, yet seldom carried conviction, and most frequentiy he voted in
the mmority. He scattered gems until the circle around him grew
brUhant and dazzling, but, hke phosphorescent fires, his eloquence
left no impression ; the argument and the impression died away Avith
the melody of his tones.
Mr. Mead Avas an ardent Republican; he had many Avarm friends,
and on the retirement of George Poindexter, he was a candidate for
Congress, and would, probably, have been elected, but for one fatal
error. In i8i2-'i3, while he AA'as at Baton Rouge, AvUh the commis
sion of colonel m a regiment of volunteers, commanded by General
Claiborne, and expecting orders for the frontier, he was induced, by
political friends to throw up his commission and return home to can-

Territory and State. 277
vass for Congress.* This gave his pohtical enemies, Avho Avere numer
ous, violent and influential, their opportunity. Presenting no candi
date from their OAvn number, they contrived to bring out Christopher
Rankin, a young laAvyer of Amite, a republican of calm and moderate
temper, Avith no enemies, and a sensible and logical speaker. He
AVas elected by a decisive majority. Mr. Mead incurred this martyr
dom for his party against his OAvn inclination and judgment. Subse
quentiy he Avas often elected to the Legislature ; usuaUy voted into
the Chair and presided gracefully and Avith marked ability, j He
resided, in his latter years, near Clinton, Mississippi, and died univer
saUy esteemed, an exemplary member of the Presbyterian church.
1806. An undefined apprehension of impending danger pervaded
the Territory. No one knew in what form it Avould come, or from
Avhat quarter, but rumor trod on rumor, and ' ' the airy shapes that
¦syllable men's names" SAvarmed in the atmosphere. At length the
ncAvs came distinctly and specifically, from many and respectable
sources, Avith affidavits and solemn Avarnings, that Colonel Aaron
Burr Avas descending the river, from the Ohio and Cumberland, with
a. flotilla of boats, and from one to tAvo thousand armed men. Dis
memberment of the Union, the seizure of Ncav Orleans and the
conquest of Mexico, Avere the objects imputed to him; and many
persons believed, and some did not scruple to say, that General
James WUkinson, though ostensibly making preparations to oppose
him, Avas really a party to the plot. They condemned the concentra
tion of his forces in New Orleans, a position difficult of defence, and
with a population Avhose fidelity to the United States had not been
tested, and in Avhich the French and Spanish element predominated.
The suspicion of this defection greatly increased the general alarm.
In this suspicion of Wilkinson Governor Mead strongly participated,
and he Avarned Governor Claiborne, who Avas cordially co-operating Avith
General Wilkinson for the defense of the city, to be on his guard
"*Poindexter, was then canvassing for Governor, and in a letter from Win-
¦chester, Wayne county, he says : " Mead has injured himself by coming out
here in a carriage. It is regarded as too extravagant. I fear he will be de
feated." fl recollect, on one occasion, (long after Mr. Mead bad retired to private life)
the House of Eepresentatiyes of Mi&sissippi, and the Chair, had got into a state
-of confusion, thoroughly befogged and at a stand still, on some intricate point of
order. Seeing General Mead in the lobby, I (then representing the city of
Natchez and county of Adams) took occasion to pronounce a eulogy on his public
services, on his distinguished career as Speaker, and his great familiarity with
parliamentary law, and concluded by moving that he be requested to address the
House on the point of order. The Chair very gracefully joined in the suggestion.
The motion was adopted by acclamation. The old General Avas escorted to a
place by the Speaker, and, "in a luminous speech of fifteen minutes, put every
thing right.
In 1808, in a debate in the General Assembly of the Mississippi Territory on the
power of the Governor to prorogue that body," Mr. Poindexter, then the delegate
to Congress, being present, Avas called on, by unanimous consent, for information
in regard to the opinions of the President on this point, Avhich he communicated
.at some length. — Natchez Chronicle, October 5th, 1808.
In the Convention that assembled to form a constitution for the State of Frank
lin, the Eev. Samuel Houston presented a draft of a constitution, and the same
having been read, it was moved that the Eev. Hezekiah Balch, a Presbyterian
minister, then in the lobby, be invited to address the Convention on the merits of
the paper submitted. Mr. Balch came forward and animadverted severely on the
plan submitted, and it was rejected.— ifawwaj/'s History of Tennessee, p. 323.

2y8 Mississippi, as a Province,
against the American general. The old, and, as we have seen, ground
less, scandal about the Sabine expedition Avas still credited m
Mississippi, the documentary proofs which our readers have the benefit.
of, not having, at that time, been submitted to the public.
At this day when we know how feeble the force was with which
Colonel Burr descended the river, the alarm that pervaded the country
seems unaccountable and even ludicrous. But it was then a remote
settiement, and had been the scene of frequent insurrections and po
litical changes. It was encompassed by warlike tribes of savages;
was not too distant from the Spaniards for invasions, and scarcely any
communication with other portions of the United States, a thor
oughly isolated people, but true to every American instinct and tra
dition. . , ,
1807. Early in January, of the coldest winter ever known here.
Colonel Burr, Avith nine boats, arrived at the mouth of Bayou
Pierre, and tied up on the Avestern or Louisiana shore. He crossed
over to the residence of Judge Bruin, (Avhom he had known m the
revolutionary war) and there learned, for the first time, that the Ter
ritorial authorities would oppose his descent, though his landing on
the Louisiana side would seera to indicate that he apprehended some
opposition. He immediately Avrote to Governor Mead, disavowing
hostile intentions towards the Territory or the country ; that he Avas
en route to the Ouachitta to colonize his lands, and that any attempt
to obstruct him Avould be iUegal and might provoke civU Avar.
This communication rather increased than removed Governor-
Mead's suspicions, and he addressed the senior officer of the district,
as foUoAVS : Executive Office, "I
Washington, M. T., 8 P. M. /
Colonel F. L. Claiborne:
Business of the first importance requires your presence at headqu.arters,
Kepair here at midnight. Let not suspicion even conjecture where you are
bound. The fate of fhe country may depend on my movement.
Very respectfully, etc., CoAVLEs Mead.
A more alarming summons Avas, probably, never addressed to a
military man. Governor Mead evidentiy beheved Avhen he seiit
this dispatch that Colonel Burr had arrived at Bayou Pierre Avith his-
advance guard, and that he had behind him a formidable force. On
tbe 14th January, he very clearly indicated his opinion, in tiie foUow
ing orders : Executive Office, January 14th, 1807.
Colonel F. L. Claiborne, Natchez :
More rumors tell us that Burr is reinforcing at Bayou Pierre. My solicitude
Avill induce me to repair there fortliAvith. You Avill, therefore, send to Green
ville,-" by pack horses or carts, one thousand pounds of powder, and as much
lead as you can spare. To-morroAV, at daybreak, I shall leave here with
Farrar's ilragoons. I have issued orders to the militia of Jefferson and Clai
borne counties to rendezvous at their respective places of parade, at which I
shall be present on my Avay to B.ayou Pierre. The militia of this county you
Avill order to rendezvous at some point selected by yourself, to aAvait further-
orders. I am, etc., etc.,
Cowles Mead.
*The then seat of justice of Jefferson county.

Territory and State. 279
Executive Office, January 14tli, 3 p. m.
Colonel F. L. Claiborne, Natchez:
In reply to your request to march .at once, I think it imprudent until I am
better informed of the vicAvs and strength of Burr. I dispatched an express
to Colonel Fitzpatrick (commanding Jefferson county regiment) yesterday
evening, Avho Avould reach that oflBcer last night. Major Bowman left head
quarters this morning for Bayou Pierre, with all tbe orders and poAvers he
may deem proper to employ. I Avish you to collect and organize the 1st regi
ment and attend strictly to their discipline. Should Burr establish himself at
Bayou Pierre in force, Ave shall require the Wilkinson county militia. You
will postpone yonr march until I am informed from above ; but, at the same
time, continue to call out and equip every man of your regiment Avho can
shoulder a fire-lock. I shall detain Captain Abrams au hour or tivo. Am
anxious to hear from above before I move.
I am, etc., etc., Coavles Mead.
On the ISth, Governor Mead and staff arrived at CreenvUle, and
thence repaired to the mouth of Cole's creek Avhere Colonel Fitz
patrick and Fleharty Avere stationed, it having been determined to
guard the river and intercept Burr's flotiUa at that point.*
Here Governor Mead addressed the troops, and dispatched his
aids, Hon. George Poindexter and Hon. Wm. B. Shields, to intervicAv
Colonel Burr. They Avere accompanied by Colonel Fitzpatrick.
On the i6th, they reached the bank opposite the boats, and in
response to their signal, a skiff Avas sent over for them. They Avere
received by Colonel Burr, to whom Major Shields presented a letter
from Governor Mead. Colonel Burr, in a sneering tone, ridiculed
the suspicion of his entertaining vieAvs hostile to the country; de
clared that he should have proceeded directly to Natchez, to call on
the Governor, but for the information received at Bayou Pierre, and
the fear of assassination ; denounced General AVilkinson as a traitor
and scoundrel, making use of these Avords : " If I am sacrificed, my
portfolio Avill proA'e him a villain."
At this moment, the conversation Avas interrupted by an attempt of
Lieutenant Patterson, of the Claiborne county raiUria, to seize three
of Burr's boats. The lieutenant, Avho had been reconnoitering
several days, had anchored his yaAvl behind a AviUow point, Avhich con
cealed it from observation. Perceiving that the majorUy of Burr's
men had left their boats and Avere strolling about in the Avoods, he
landed Avith tAventy AveU armed men, intending to seize the boats
lying tied ro the shore. Noticing this movement, Davis Floyd, a
¦*In addition to these military i-ireparations Governor Wilkinson had induced
Commodore ShaAV, in command o'f the naval forces at NeAV Orleans, to concentrate
the most of his vessels at Natchez, to oppose tlie tremendous flotilla reported to
be coming down the river. from the NATCHEZ HERALD.
The following armed vessels are now anchored in the Mississippi, opposite this
city: Schooner Eevenge, 12 guns. Captain Eeed, flag vessel. Commodore ShaAv.
Ketch Etna, 14 guns. Captain Jones.
Ketch Vesuvius, 14 guns. Captain Leonard.
Gun Boat, No. 11, 2 guns. Captain Dexter.
Gun Boat, No'. 12, 2 guns. Captain Bainbridgc.
Gun Boat, No. 13, 2 guns. Captain Alexis.
Gun Boat, No. 14, 2 guns. Captain Patterson.
Gun Barge Victory, 2 guns. Captain Henly.

28o Mississippi, as a Province,
bold and daring man, approached Colonel Burr, who was conversing
Avith the commissioners, and asked permission to fire on Patterson.
Colonel Burr caUed on Colonel FUzpatrick to interpose, and the lieu.
tenant Avas ordered to faU back to Cole's creek.
Resuming the conversation. Burr pointed to his boats, and asked if
there was anything mUitary in their appearance. The commissioners
rephed that the men did not look like agriculturists ; that they looked
like the right sort of men for a miUtary enterprise. He Avas then dis
tinctly notified that the Mississippi troops had been assembled with
orders to oppose his advance. He replied that he was Avilling to sub-
rait to the civil authorities, and proposed an intervicAV Avith Gov
ernor Mead, next day, at some convenient point; that the commis
sioners should guarantee his personal safety and return hira to his
boats, if the governor should not accept his terms ; that his boats and
men should hold the position they then occupied until the proposed
conference was over, and that in the meantime they should not be
molested, nor should any breach of the peace, on either side, be com
mitted. The proposition Avas accepted, and the home of Thomas
Calvit, near the mouth of Cole's creek, Avhere Colonel Claiborne, in
command of the mUitary, was stationed, Avas designated for the inter-
vicAV. The comraissioners then took leave, much impressed by the
nonciialance, grace, suavity and talent of this extraordinary man.
In pursuance of this agreement, next morning Colonel Burr,
attended by Colonel Fitziaatrick, descended to the mouth of Cole's
creek, Avhence he Avas escorted by Captain Davidson's Jefferson
dragoons to Mr. Calvit's. Governor Mead had arrived the previous
evening, and had there received the foUoAving note :
Camp Mouth Cole's Creek, January 17th.
Sir : Our last advices from Bayou Pierre induce ua to believe that Colonel
Burr's object is delay. The officers of the corps noAV here unanimously join
me in declaring our ability to carry out all orders, arfd in praying you to ac
cept no terms but unconditional surrender. Eespectfuliy, F. L. Claiborne,
Colonel Commanding.
On the arrival of Colonel Burr, Governor Mead immediately pro
posed :
I . That the agreenient entered into should be annuUed.
2. That Burr should surrender unconditionally to the civU au
thority, and be conducted forthAvith to the tOAvn of Washington, the
seat of government of the Territory.
3. That his boats should be searched, and all arms and munitions
of Avar found therein, be seized and submitted to the disposition of
the government. *
"-¦¦At Burr's trial, Jacob Dunbaugh, a sergeant in the United States Army, Avho
had obtained a furlough from Ids eommanding officer at Fort Massac, and come
down with Colonel Burr, sAvore that on the night the boats left Petit Gulf, he
saAV a man named Wylie pass into tlie stern of 'Colonel Burr's own boat with an
augur and hand-axe, and that shortly afterwards he saAv several bundles of muskets
loAvered into the river by cords, tiirough a hole made in the guuAvale of the
boat. It is proper to add that Dunbaugh seems to have been a swift or willing
witness. Colonel Fitzpatrick and officers searched the boats, and reported no more arms
than Avould be needed in making a ncAV settlement. Per contra, Ave give an

Territory and State. 281
To these terms Governor Mead required an unequivocal ansAver in
fifteen minutes, Avith the understanding that if Burr declined them,
he should be forthwith returned to his boats, and the mUitary Avould
then be ordered to capture him and his party.
The terms Avere accepted. Colonel Burr, hoAvever, protesting against
being suffered, in any Avay, to fall into the hands of General Wil
kinson. He received satisfactory assurances on this point, and im
mediately set out for the tOAvn of Washington, escorted by Majors
Shields and Poindexter. f
The surrender of Colonel Burr to the civU authorities did not restore
the tranquility anticipated. A number of his foUoAvers, as ignorant of
his designs as the rest of the comraunity, dispersed themselves through
the Territory, each giving his OAvn version of the expedition. Among
our citizens there Avas much diversity of opinion. Many Avere fasci
nated by the proud demeanor and courtly manners of Colonel Burr.
Some regarded him as the victim of the President's jealousy and
revenge. Some, in the spirit of party, vindicated because Jefferson
accused him. A fcAV there Avere, the vultures of society, Avho boldly
eulogized him, and demanded his imraediate discharge, because they
hoped to share in Avhat they believed to be his schemes of rapine and
plunder. Colonel Burr presented himself to Judge Rodney and gave his re
cognizance in the sum of $5,000, with Col. Benijah Osmun and Ly
man Harding, Esq. , as securities, for his appearance at a called session
of the Superior Court, to be held on the 2d February. His boats
were brought to Natchez, and the men discharged on parole.
George Poindexter, attorney-general, in reply to certain interroga
tories of Governor Mead, responded as foUoAvs :
"Two modes of proceeding present themselves to me. 1. Suspension of the
trial till the next circuit court for this county. 2. Transportation of the ac
cused to the city of Washington for trial before the Supreme Court, or some
district court of the United States. And here it Avould be Avell to consider the
third article of the Constitution of the United States entire, before any meas
ure is taken. I am of opinion that the Supreme Court, established by the
Legislature of this Territory, has not the power to try Aaron Burr for treason,
or misprison of treason. That court is the creature of a Teritorial statute,
and can have no other jurisdiction than is expressly conceded by the letter of
abstract of the deposition of Lemuel Henry, member of the Territorial Legisla
ture from the county of Washington :
"On the Sunday before Burr made his escape, and after his boats had been
searched, and the report made that no arms had been found, a certain Eobert A.
New, Avho appeared to be very intimate with him, and lodged in the same room,
called on me and offered to sell some forty or fifty muskets and bayonets. He
offered them at one-third of their value, and gave as a reason that the OAvners had
no further use for them. KnoAving that there had been a search for arms and an
official report that none had been found, I enquired of Mr. New how and where
they were to be got ? He said that they would not be delivered to me, but should
be deposited where I could get them. I declined the offer."
fPROM GEORGE POINDEXTER TO COWLES MEAD, DATED WASHINGTON CITY,
OCTOBER 27th, 1807.
"Burr is acquitted of treason and held to bail for misdemeanor, to be tried in
Ohio ; also Blennerhasset. The rest of the traitors are discharged. In the course
of my evidence I mentioned that the convention entered into at Bayou Pierre
betAveen Burr, Major Shields and myself, had been made void, by consent, in the
conference at Calvit's. Colonel Burr peremptorily denied this in open court.

282 Mississippi, as a Province,
the laAV. The act of Congress extending federal jurisdiction to the Superior
courts of the Mississippi Territory, Avas made at a time Avhen that was the
style of our highest courts, and therefore could not have contemplated any other
description of courts subsequently established for our OAvn convenience. Again
the Supreme Court has no origin.al jurisdiction, either criminal or civil, except
in Chancery, and all criminal jurisdiction in and over the Territory is exclu
sively vested in the circuit courts of Adams, Wilkinson, Jefferson and Clai
borne counties, and the District or Superior Court of Washington county —
these courts having been substituted in the room of the former Superior Courts,
andbeing exclusively possessed of criminal jurisdiction, making it clear that they
alone can exercise the federal jurisdiction given by the act of Congress. As to
the construction of Colonel Burr's letter, threatening civil war in a certain
contingency, it cannot operate as the basis of a prosecution, but might come
in in aid of stronger proof."
In the raeantirae all sorts of ruraors Avere agitating the commu
nity. Henry Turner, then postmaster of Natchez, exhibited a letter
from the postmaster of NashviUe, stating iDositively that tAvo thousand
of Burr's recruits Avere on the river. Governoi' Mead received the
following dispatch : Petit Gulp, January 20, 1807.
Sir — To-day Capt. W. Calvin, from Pittsburg, informs me on oath that
twelve boats of Burr's are in tAVo day's run of this place, loaded with arms,
ammunition and supplies. When I heard your speech at Cole's Creek all my
doubts as to the military character of the expedition Avere removed, and I am
satisfied that the boats noAv here only Avait the arrival of the others. A'our Ex
cellency Avill, I hope, cause these boats to be removed lower down.
I have the honor, etc., I. L. Patterson, Lieut.
By order of M.ajor Fleharty.
On the same day Governor Mead addressed the foUowing to Col.
F. L. Claiborne :
"Having heard that the house of 'Mr. Callender is made the receptacle of
discontent, and finding a restlessness prevalent with certain characters, I ad
vise you hereof, and authorize you to increase the guard if you deem it neces
sary. Be vigilant. Direct Mr. Snider to supply the men at Fort Dearborn
with rations for one weelc."
The excitement still increasing the Governor deemed it his duty to
resort to A'cry strong measures, as the foUoAving order avUI shOAv :
Executive Office, ]M. T., January 22.
Col. F. L. Claiborne, First Begimenl M. M. :
Sir — Finding that some mischievous persons are about Natchez, who evince
a hostile feeling to the government, and great partiality for the man now in
custody of the laiv, I deem it my duty to order you to apprehend every person
of this description, and send them before a civil officer, when, if a charge can
be subtantiated by affidavit, you will send them here to Judge Eodney, under
guard or otherwise. You Avill aid, on all occasions, the civil authority in keep
ing the peace and maintaining respect to the laws. The number of Burr's
friends demands the utmost vigilance and their licentiousness must be curbed.
Cowles Mead.
Under this order several arrests Avere raade, and the parties put
under bond, but no further proceeding Avas had. Most of his foUoAV-
ers Avere young men, innocent of any 'hostile intent against govern
ment, ignorant of the object of their leader, Avhora they foUoAved from
the mere love of adventure. They di.spersed themselves through the
Territory, and supplied it Avith school masters, singing masters, danc
ing masters, clerks, tavern keepers and doctors.

Territory and State. 283
About this time Blannerhasset and Comfort Tyler, a noted adherent
of Colonel Burr, arrived at Natchez.*
Colonel Burr Avas the reqipient of much attention from a fcAv Avealthy
citizens, and Governor Mead and the President Avere bitterly de
nounced, but the great body of the Territory Avarmly approved their
course. The Mississippi Messenger of February loth, 1S07, published at
Natchez, by Samuel Terrell, gives the foUoAving summary :
On Monday the 2d inst, an adjourned session of the Supreme Court of the
Mississippi Territory Avas helcl in the town of V/ashington, to whieh Aaron
Burr was recognized to appear and answer such bill of indictment as might
then and there be exhibited against him. Col. Burr appeared on the day mention
ed in his recognizance, attended by his counsel, William B. Shields and Lyman
Harding, Esqrs. Agreeable to a venire facias issued by the Hon. Thomas Eodney
and Peter B. Bruin, a jury of seventy-two freeholders appeared in court, and
on the day following tAventy-three of their number Avere selected by the Court
as a grand inquest. The Hon. Thomas Kodney then delivered to them a com
prehensive and impressive charge, and the Court Avas adjourned till ten o'clock
the succeeding day, at which time Mr. Poindexter, the Attorney-General,
moved the Court to discharge the Grand .Jury. Ho stated that after examin-
¦ing the depositions submitte<l to him by the Court, he did not discover any tes
timony which brought the offences charged against Colonel Burr, within the
jurisdiction of the Courts of the Mississippi Territory ; that the Supreme Court
of the Mississippi Territory Avas not a Court of original jurisdiction, either
criminal or civil, and could take cognizance only of points reserved at tbe trial
in the respective Circuit Courts, Avhere all criminal prosecutions must originate,
according to the statutes of the Territory. He further observpd that in order to
secure the public safety, the Territorial .ludges ought immediately to convey
the accused to a tribunal competent to try and punish him, (if guilty of the
charges alleged against him) whicli they might legallj' do, and thereby eflectu
ally prevent the contemplated military expedition against Mexico, and main
tain inviolate the laAvs and Constitution of the United States. He therefore
hoped that inasmuch as the attorney prosecuting for the United States had no
bills for the consideration of the Grand Jury, that they would be discharged.
Colonel Burr made several observations against the motion, and remarked,
that if the Attorney-General had no business for the Grand Jury, he had, aud
that therefore they ought not to be dismissed. On this motion the Court Avas
divided. Judge Bruin declared himself opposed to discharging the Grand
Jury, unless Colonel Burr Avas also instantly discharged from his recognizance.
The Attorney-General then withdrew, and the Grand Jury were directed to
retire to their room, who in the course of the day returned Avith sundry pre
sentments, which are given at large in this day's Mes.senger. We deem it un
necessary to remark that these presentments were not founded on any bill exhib-
*Blennerhasset was sent to Eichmond, but ultimately discharged. Gathering
the wreck of his fortune he returned to Mississippi, and purchased a plantation
near Port Gibson, (since owned by Dr. Thomas Gale, and Samuel and John Co-
burn,) which he called "La Cache." While residing there he, and his eldest son,
Dominic, were indicted, in 1819, and tried in the Superior Court of Chiiborne
county for an aggravated and atrocious assault on John Hays, and found guilty
and fined $1,000. They appealed to the Supreme Court for a ueAV trial but the
judgment of the court below AA-as'sustained. Blennerha.sset and wife Avere certainly
people of culture, but not particularly refined in manner or appearance. Some
other lady must have sat for Wirt's portrait of Mrs. Blennerhasset, or he dreAV his
inspiration from Burke's beautiful description of Marie Antoinette. In 1819,
Blennerhasset removed to Montreal ; thence to Ireland to recover some ancestral
property; thence to the island of Guernsey, where he died in 1831. In 1.S23,
Avhile his family were residing in Montreal, his eldest son, Dominic, disappeared
and Avas never afterwards heard of. His second son died in New "^ork in 18.54,
and.his third son, died in Lincoln countv, Missouri, in 1862. Mrs. Blennerhasset,
after the death of her husband, returned to the United States and died in Ncav
'York in 1842. Her remains were deposited in the family tomb of her countrj'-
nian, Thomas A. Emmett, the eminent lawyer.

284 Mississippi, as a Province,
ited to the Grand Jury, and that being negative, they met no further attention
than a mere perusal.
On Wednesday evening the Grand Jury were discharged, and Colonel Burr
demanded a release from his recognizance — this the Court refused. He did not
appear in Court on Thursday morning, as Avas expected, and in a day or two,
it was reduced to a certainty, that he had made his escape.
AT A supreme court, HELD POR THE MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY, AT THE TOWN
OF WASHINGTON, ON TUESDAY, THE 3d OP FEBRUARY, 1807.
The Grand Jury of the Mississippi Territory, on a due investigation of the
evidence brought before them, are of opinion that Aaron Burr has not
been guilty of any crime or misdemeanor against the laws of the United States
or of this their Territory, or given any just occasion for alarm or inquietude
to the good people of this Territory.
The Grand Jury present as a grievance, the late military expedition, unnec
essarily as they conceive, fitted out against the person and property of said
Aaron Burr, where no resistance had been made to the ordinary civil authority.
The Grand Jury also present as highly derogatory to the dignity of this
government, the armistice (so-called) concluded betAveen the Secretary, acting
as Governor, and the said Aaron Burr.
The Grand Jury also present as a grievance, destructive of personal liberty,
the late military arrests made without warrant, and as they conceive, without
other laAvf ul authority : and they do seriously regret that so much cause should
be given to the enemies of our glorious Constitution, to rejoice in such measures
being adopted in a neighboring Territory, as if sanctioned by the Executive of
our country, must sap the vitals of our political existence, and crumble this
glorious fabric in the dust.
The Grand Jury Avas a very respectable body, but their action was
purely partisan, and they received a severe rebuke from the presiding
judge, the venerable Rodney.
Governor Williams (who returned about this time from North Caro
lina,) issued the following proclamation:
Whereas, Aaron Burr, Esq., late Vice-President of the United States, was
bound in recognizance to appear at the Supreme Court of this Territory him
self, in the sum of five thousand dollars, and tivo securities in the sum of two
thousand five hundred dollars each, "to answer any bills of indictment that
might be found against him, and to continue to appear, from day to day, until
dismissed by the said court," which he had failed to comply Avith, and, as it
appears, has made his escape :
I DO, THEREFORE, issue this, my proclamation, for apprehending the said
Aaron Burr, Esq., and by the powers and authorities which I possess, Avill pay
or^ cause to be paid, to any person or persons who will take the person of
said Aaron Burr, and cause him to be delivered to me at this place, or to the
President of the United States, the sum of two thousand dollars.
Given under my hand at the town of Washington, this 6th day of February,
1807. EoBEBT Williams.
The foUoAving letter, in vindication of acting Governor Mead, ap
peared in the Messenger. The Avriter, a distinguished member of the
bar, it avUI be remembered was one of the comraissioners Avho entered
into the armistice Avith Burr, and had likeAvise appeared as one of his
counsel, intending to plead to the jurisdiction of the court :
„ , Washington, February 26, 1807.
To the Editor of the Messenrjer :
The presentment of tlie Grand Jury, empanneled at the extra session of the
Supreme Court of this Territory, Avhich appeared in the Messenger of the 10th
instant, will no doubt be the subject of speculation, and perhaps of invidious
animadversion abroad as Avell as at home. How far the Grand Jury acted
within the pale of their jurisdiction, in reprehending the acts of the Executive

Territory and State. 285
of this Territory, in the manner they did, even had they merited reprehension,
is a point which is foreign to the purpose of this communication. (3ne general
remark may he proper. It is true that presentments by Grand Juries have be
come too common incur country ; that they embrace matters entirely of a neg
ative nature; complain of grievances which cannot be legally adjudicated, and
which do not come within the control of a Grand Jury, or ol the authorities to
whom they are exhibited. These might be subjects of inquiry for a higher
tribunal. The object of this publication is to do away any undue impressions th.atmay
have obtained by reason of the presentment referred to, with regard to the con
duct of the Executive of this Territory, and the agents whom he had employed
to effect a peaceable surrender of Colonel Burr to the civil authority of our
country. As one of these agents, I hold it to be a duty which I owe to the
public, (and to the characters implicated) as Avell as to myself, to make such a
representation of this affair as Avill enable them to form their OAvn opinions,
and to judge foi themselves. In doing this, it is far from being my intention to
cast any reflection upon the Grand Jury, or to offer the least indignity to them
individually, or as a constitutional body. It is because of the respectability of
that Grand Jury, the important occasion for which they had been summoned,
and the extraordinsry vocation to which they were called, that I have deemed
this measure the more necessary. It is a measure of self-defence. By hoAV
much the more respectable and influential the authority is which charges an
individual Avith having done wrong, by so much the more does it behoove tbe
individual to justify his conduct, and the more especially if it be on a subject
of public concern.
When the presentment was handed to the court, and it was found to represent
the military expedition against the person and property of Aaron Burr, as a
grievance ; and the agreement concluded betAveen our Executive and the said
Aaron Burr, as highly derogatory to the dignity of our Government, I prayed
the court, if they allowed the presentment to be read, that they would suffer it
to be made the subject of animadversion, before the Grand Jury were dis
charged. I stated that I was enabled to shoAV satisfactorily, the propriety, if
not necessity of the measure complained of ; that it Avas calculated to save the
effusion of human blood, and that such probably had been the effect ;¦'' of this
I wished to persuade the Grand Jury in their official capacity. The court re
plied to the Grand Jury, that " the Executive government here, with respect to
the military arrangements presented, had acted in obedience to the express or
ders of the general government, to Avhom the constitution has confided the
supreme guardianship and protection of the country, and therefore there was
a particular impropriety in censuring their conduct." The clerk was then di
rected to read that part of the presentment only Avhich Avent to the acquittal of
Colonel Burr. It Avas my wisli to have informed the Grand Jury, that in our
conference with Colonel Burr, he unhesitatingly expressed a temper voluntarily
to submit his conduct to judicial inquiry, that he appeared solicitous to em
brace the first safe occasion to do so, and in fact had the day before made
arrangements with Colonel Fitzpatrick, of the 2d regiment, to that effect, hav
ing received assurances of protection to his person and property from that gen
tleman, while on his Avay to see our Executive, and to undergo the much desired
investigation. Let it be recollected that this while Colonel Burr Avas without
our jurisdiction, and not amenable in any manner to the process of our courts.
He told us that his reason for leaving the mouth ol Bayou Pierre, and anchor
ing on the western side of the Mississippi, was because of his having been in
formed that a body of our citizens, unauthorized, Avere marching with a deter
mination to arrest him and his boats— insinuated that from accounts he was
liable to be treated as an outlaAV in our Territory, and from these considerations

*During our conference with Colonel Burr, frequent alarms Avere made to
him of a boat approaching his quarters. It was brought to by Colonel h itzpat-
rick, and ordered to return to the mouth of Cole's Creek. There Avere tAv-enty
men well armed. I was informed by the commanding oflicer that they had been
hovering about Colonel Burr's camp for four hours, had ascertained his situation
and that they had Avith one consent agreed to ambuscade and cut off some ot his
party on the beach, if possible. They would have made the attempt in one hour
but for our arrival. The orders were in Avriting and peremptory.

286 Mississippi, as a Province,
Avas desirous of being protected pending his visit to our Executive, and thatthe
laAV, to Avhose authority he meant to bow, should be administered unto him as
to another citizen of the United States. Incorrect as Colonel Burr's informa
tion was, as respected the designs of our citizens against him, it Avas evident
that his fears Avere not a little excited, and that he believed his person Avould
be insecure in our Territory, without a pledge of protection from some officer
of the government. We believed Colonel Burr to be sincere ; Ave kneAV that
he was alarmed at the military preparations Avhich he had caused, and Avhich
were directed exclusively ag.ainst him, and his associates; we knew, too, that
from his almost defenseles.s situation that he could do us little harm. There
fore, we did not hesitate a moment to guarantee his personal safety in the
meantime. The agreement was executed in a few minutes. We thought it of
no importance Avhether this paper Avore a technical shape or not. It was under
stood among us to be a memorandum but for a day. So soon as the anticipated
interview terminated, it became a dead letter. It was proposed to haA'c this in-
tervieiv at Washington — so it Avould have been. The circumstance of our prin
cipal military force being then assembled at the mout'n of Cole's Creek, on
their Avay to attack Colonel Burr's boats, induced us to appoint that as the most
eligible place for many reasons, particularly as it might be imjiortant for the
commander-in-chief, in any event, immediately to see the troops in person who
had so promptly and patriotically obeyed their country's call, to encounter a
force by report much superior indeed to Avhat it Avas actually found to be.
Every citizen in this country Avill recollect the various and exaggerated ac
counts of Colonel Burr's force and military situation, both on his approach and
after his arrival in our Territory. The very day before Mr. Poindexter and I
left Washington, the Executive was advised by a gentleman then from the
vicinity of Colonel Burr's encampment, that his force amounted to four hun
dred men armed — previous tales had given u, greater number. Our troops had
embarked from Natchez the evening before.
To ascertain the real situation of Colonel Burr, to acquire information of his
vieAVS and determinations, and to assure him that if he did not quietly surren
der to the constituted authorities, an effort would instantly be made to compel
him to do so, Avas the object of our mission. It Avas thought advisable that all
this should be done, if possible, before the nearer approach of our troops to
Colonel Burr's boats.
PIoAv far the object of our mission Avas effected, the public know. The day
after his arrival in the Territory, Colonel Burr submitted his conduct to inves
tigation, and his boats to examination. How far the procedure comported with
the dignity and peace of our Territory, the result must evidence. Colonel
Burr's plans are completely and finally deranged. Hoav far the military ar
rangements and expedition Avere warranted or proper, our Executive and the
general government can justify.
I am not disposed to be tbe eulogist of any man. ilr. Mead's conduct needs
not my approbation or countenance. As one of the officers then in his confi
dence, I Avill, hoAvever, take the liberty of speaking Avhat I saw and believed —
that in all his military operations and management Avhile exercising the func
tions of Governor, he acted Avith a single eye to the honor and safety of our
Territory. The spirit and promptitude which he displayed on the two late oc
casions, in my opinion, merited, as I have reason to belicA'e, it gained him the
thanks of his country.
Circumstances prevented me from handing this communication earlier. You
Avill oblige me by giving it a place in vour next paper. "W. B. Shields.
When Colonel Burr Avas released under his recognizance to ap
pear before the Supreme Court of the Territory, he became the guest
of Col. Benajah Osmun, a Avealthy planter residing in the vicinity.
He Avas a bachelor, had been an officer in the Ncav Jersey line, and
intimate Avith Burr. In politics he Avas a high-strung federalist, had
been a strong partisan of John Adams, and had no confidence in Mr.
Jefferson. Near by Colonel Osmun, resided another old military
friend of similar political opinions, the veteran Maj. Isaac Guion, and
Avith these tAvo, and other influential gentiemen, he had daily consulta-

Territory and State. 287
tions. No sterner and truer patriots lived than these tAvo veteran sol
diers, and they reposed unshaken faith in the friend Avhom they had
seen so often tested in the " time that tried men's souls."*
¦¦"Colonel Osmun lived at the pbiee nov,- owned by Dr. Stanton, and Major Guion
resided at the foot of tlie HaU- Way Hill, and there was a rural path between the
two places treUised with vines and shaded by evergreens. This Avas Burr's daily
resort. But its refreshing shade and eliarming prospect Avere not the only attrac
tions. There lived, at that time, near tlie summit of the hill, in a little vine cov
ered cottage, .a widoAV lady from Virginia, whose small farm and two or three
slaves were tlie only remains of a large fortune. Her husb.and had converted his
property into money, and on his Avay to this Territory had been robbed and mur
dered by the notorious Joseph Thompson Hare, a more blood-thirsty villain even
than tlie celebrated Mason. She had but one child, Madeline, avJio must still be
remembered by a fcAV of our older citizens as a miracle of beauty. In form and
feature, in grace and modesty, she was all that tiie obi masters haA'e pictured the
divine Madonna, or that artist ever dreamed of maiden loveliness. Those that
saw her loved her, yet she Avas never conscious of the sentiment until .she listened
to .4«)-ci« Burr. The family Avere Catholics, and there Colonel Burr went to meet,
by appointment, one of his numerous agents and correspondents, the Abbe Vie],
a Jesuit Priest, of remarkable ability, lie was born in Ncav Orleans, in 1746,
studied at Paris, and becarae a member of the Congregation of the Oratory. At
the dissolution of that body by the French government, he returned to Louis
iana, and exercised the priestly function in the parish of Attakapas. He subse
quently returned to France. It is probable that Colonel Burr, in his projected
invasion of Mexico, contemplated securing the influence of the religious orders,
and for this purpose had opened a correspondence Avith the Abbe, and met him
by appointment at this secluded homestead. I find among the papers of Colonel
Burr, (left at Colonel Osraun's,) several pages of a hexameter version of Telema-
chus, in the handwriting of the Abbe, in Latin, tAvo editions of which were pub
lished in Paris ; and the following fragment, which seems to imply that the writer
had resided at least ten years in America :
" At me jamdudum defunctum finibns Indis,
Semiferina inter Carribum commercia voces,
Dedoctum Latics, et barbara verba Sonanteni,
Suadel amor, qua.ssam cursu, revocare phaselum
Tybridis ad repas ; ubi, post duo lustra reA-ersus,
Dulcibus expector, vix agnoscendus amicis,
Fascis crine senem, jam ijie gratissimus oninis
Accipit averse labentem gurgite, nosea
Eeptatam geniinis a fundatoribns oram,
Altricisque lupa; eaveam ; gradiorque sub umbra
Heliaclum, quas digrendiers arbustarelique."
At length, after canvassing bis situation with Colonel Osmun, and six other con
fidential friends. Colonel Burr determined to forfeit his bond. One stormy night
in Febrnarv, 1807, he set forth mounted on the favorite horse of his host. Urgent
as was the "neces.sitv for expedition. Colonel Burr halted tiU daylight at the wid
ow's cottag'e, imploring the beautiful Madeline to be the companion of hi,s flight.
He promised marriage, fortune, high position, and even hinted at imperial honors,
not reaUzins, even then, a fugitive and branded traitor, the crushing downfall
that impended over him. The maiden had given him her heart ; she had listened
to his Avitchery night after night, and loved him with aU the fervor of a Southern
nature. She would have foUoAved him to the end of the earth, and to the scaHold,
and her aged mother would freely haA'c given her to this most captivating man—
for they looked on him as a demi-god— but as with most of our Southern women,
the principles of religion, virtue and propriety were stronger than prepossession
and passion, and the entreaties of the accomplishedlibertme Avere firmly rejected.
Baffled and disappointed he was compelled to proceed, but promised to return,
and carried Avith him the covenant and pledge of the beautiful Madeline, bhe
was wooed by many a lover. The young and gallant masters of the large planta
tions on Second Creek and St. Catherine's, strove in vain for her hand. 1' ortunes
aud the homage ot devoted hearts were laid at her feet; but the Maid ot the
Half- Way HiU remained true to her absent lover; the more so because ot the
rumors t'hat reached her of his misfortunes and his guilt. She lived on the recol
lection of his manly beauty, and the shades he had most afiected were her con
stant haunts. At length, when he fled from the United States, pursued by Mr.
Jefl'erson and the remorseless agents that swarm around power and authority—
AThen he had been driven from England, and Avas an outcast m Pans, shivering

288 Mississippi, as a Province,
The rumor became prevalent that Governor Williams meant to
seize Colonel Burr, in the event of his discharge by the court, and
send him either to the President or to General Wilkinson. This AA'as
no doubt unfounded, but it had its Aveight in determining him to es
cape. WhUe Colonel Burr was at the tOAvn of Washington, he spoke freely,
apparentiy frankly, to many gentiemen, and Avore the air of a perse
cuted man. The Legislature was in session, and he particularly culti
vated an intimacy Avith the members from "Washington county, on the
MobUe river. He learned frora Lemuel Henry, one of the delegates,
that, if he had repaired to that quarter, and satisfied the people that
his enterprise Avas to be directed exclusively against the Spaniards, he
could have obtained volunteers enough to capture Mobile, Avhere he
Avould have found arms, ammunition, money and shipping. Mr. Henry
dAvelt upon the grievous, exactions imposed on his constituents by the
Spanish authorities, of Mobile, Alabama. Burr remarked, that, he
had seen, with regret, the memorial of the inhabitants of that part of
the country treated by congress Avith contempt ; that he was surprised
they had not made a concerted effort to release themselves ; that- gov
ernment having neglected them it was their natural right to erect a
government for themselves, or take protection under one that prom
ised their liberation.
This conversation, no doubt, influenced the direction of Burr's
flight. His companion Avas Chester Ashley. Avho joined him at the
ford of Second Creek, on the Liberty road. The circumstances ofihis
arrest, about the last of February, near Fort Stoddart, on the MobUe
river, are given in detail in the following letter written from Fort
Stoddart :
Dear Sir — When I came home I found that ^Ir. Burr had been taken here.
The mode in which he Avas detected was somewhat singular. He and Ashley,
when they first came into the settlement, inquired for Colonel Caller, to Avhom
they had letters of introduction, aud who it is very probable Mr. Burr thought
he could impose upon by the pretence of hia coming to relieve them from Span
ish oppression, as Colonel C. himself Avas making an effort last year to raise the
militia and go down and take possession of Mobile, where duties are still ex-
with cold and starving for bread — beseems to have felt, for the first time, the utter
hopelessness of his fortunes. And then he wrote to Madeline, and, in a few
formal words, released her from her promise. Stating that he Avould never return
to the United States, he advised her to enter a convent, should she survive her
mother. A year or two after this, she Aventto Havana with Mrs. AV., a highly re
spectable lady, Avho then owned the property Avhere the Christian Brothers now
reside, near Natchez. Her extreme beauty, her grace and elegance, produced the
greatest enthusiasm. The hotel Avhere they put iip was besieged. If sheappearcd
on the balcony a dozen cavaliers were Ava'iting to salute her. A\nien her volante
Avas seen on the Pasco or the Plaza dc Armas, it was escorted by the Grandees of
the Island. She Avas feted by the Governor-General ; serenades and balls foUowed
in rapid succession, and the daily homage to her beauty never ceased nntU the
evening bells sounded the Angelas.
Without surrendering her heart, or being carried away by this universal admir«
ation, she returned to the cottage on the lIall-^Vay HiU. She Avas foUoAved there
by Mr. K., an English gentleman, the head of tlie hirgest commercial house in
Havana,^ and to hira, on his second visit, she gave her hand.
The vine-covered cottage, its trellises and borders, have crumbled into dust.
•The courtly lover and the innocent maiden are long since dead. But the old hill
still lifts its aged brow, Avrinlcled all over with traditions. A favorite lookout of
the Natchez in time of war— the scene of a daring conspiracy against the Spanish
authority— the rendezvous of lovers— the hiding place of brigands, and a depot
for their blood-stained treasure— mute, but faithful Avitness of the past !

Territory and State. 289
acted to tbe amount of twelve per cent, on all our exports and imports, so that
our cotton lies on hand, whilst corn, Avhich Ave Avant to import, is so scarce that
tbe only man Avho has any for sale asks flve dollars a bushel for it. Mr. B. and
his companion, however, could not get to Colonel C.'s ou account of high wa
ter. They, therefore, proceeded doAvn the road and passed the little village
called Wakefield, where the court house stands, about eleven o'clock at night.
There being a light in ^Mr. Perkins' house, they stopped to inquire the way
to Major Hinton's. Their appearance struck Mr. Perkins very much. Mr.
Burr's dress was remarkably and even affectedly shabby, whilst the horse Avhich
lie rode was a remarkably line one. He reflected on it a moment after they
Averegone and Avas struck with the inconsistency, and concluded likewise that it
could not be for Avant of money that men Avho rode such horses would travel so
late at night in order to get to a private house. Pie concluded that it must be
Mr. Burr, and immediately proposed it to Mr. Brightwell, the sheriff, who was
then in bed, to go with him to Major Hinson's, and endeavor to ascertain
ivhether their suspicions were right. They did so, and when they got to Major
Hinson's, whieh is about eight miles fi;oni the court house, they found them
Avarming them.selves by tbe kitchen flre. Mr. Burr wa.s evidently in disguise,
but his countenance and stature perfectly agreed with the description Avhich Mr.
P. had heard of the late Vice-President. Mr. P. pretended to have called there
by accident — that he had come from Fort Stoddart and must get to Wakefield
that night. He therefore rode off and left the sheriff to make his observations
on the travelers.
Mr. BrightAvell found them inquisitive about Mr. Perkins, and noticed when
Mr. Burr was about to put on hi.s night cap, he inadvertently began to uncover
his head, but suddenly checking himself, covered it again and Avent into the
yard and there put on his night cap. In the morning he informed Mrs. Hinson
Avho he was, for her husband was not at home ; but still passing himself as a
traveler on Mr. Brightwell, wished to knoAV the Avay to the ferry, upon which
Mr. B. told him that he was going that way and would accompany him. Ashley
returned to the court house, and immediately began his intrigues, representing
the object of Mr. Burr having been that of taking Mobile and Pensacola and
giving to the people of Tombigbee the free navigation of the river. He seemed
to be pretty successful in making impressions very favorable to Mr. Burr. Mr.
Perkins, however, the preceding night, instead of returning to Wakefield, had
pushed on to Fort Stoddart to inform Captain Gaines, the commanding officer
there, Avho considering himself as fully authorized by the proclamation of
Governor "Williams, took three or four soldiers and going upon the road be
tween the ferry and Major Hinson's, met Mr. Burr and Mr. Brightwell and in
stantly arrested him and carried him to the Fort. Mr. Burr had not informed
Mr. Brightwell who he was, but had made inquiries of him relating to the road
to Georgia, and likcAvise the road to Pensacola ; but Avhen Mr. Gaines de
manded of him if he Avere not Colonel Burr, he acknowledged himself._ I can
not describe his dress ; but from the description which I have heard of it, it ap
peared to me to be that of an Indian countryman carricatured. In this dress
he proceeded to the City of Washington, for his German secretary, whom he
had sent by another route, through the Choctaw nation to the Tombigbee, dtd
not arrive "in time with his Avardrobe, but is now here with a mulatto hoy of Mr.
Burr's. As soon as he was brought to the Fort Captain Gaines sent an express
to Governor Williams to inform him of his arrest ; but before he could return
it, it appeared that Burr had been intriguing with two or three of the sentinels
to favor his escape. The commander of a Spanish vessel had also been up the
river in a boat with several men, and had expressed a great desire to see Mr.
Burr, and Mr. Burr, on the other hand, appeared solicitous for an interview
with the Spaniard. But it was denied ; and Mr. Gaines, apprehensive that
some plan for his rescue or escape might prove effectual, prevailed on several
respectable citizens to escort him to the seat of the national government.
It is-not our province to foUow the fortunes and vicissitudes of this
extraordinary person, beyond what transpired in Mississippi. Those
Avho seek further information should read his trial at Richmond, the
American State Papers, and the memoirs of General Wilkinson This
distinguished officer, having been formaUy charged by Daniel Clarke,
19

290 Mississippi, as a Province,
D. W. Coxe, and AndrcAv EUicott, with comphcity with Burr, and
with other treasons, demanded a Court of Inquiry, and in his defence,
the most famous in our mUitary annals, remarkable for its vigor, its
logic, its searching analysis, its invective and its eloquence, he vindi
cated his Avhole conduct to the satisfaction of the Court and the Pres
ident of the United States, and shoAved that his accusers Avere mer
cenary, perjured and corrupt.
What Burr's real design Avas may have been knoAvn to two or three
prominent persons, but it Avas never definitely communicated to those
whom he or his emissaries approached, nor to those Avho accompanied
him doAvn the river. His trial at Richmond, Avhere Avitnesses v/ere
produced, Avho evidently had a strong desire to convict him, failed to
establish any fixed design, but much was darkly shadoAved forth. He
constantly asserted that his object was to settle the Bastrop grant on
the Ouachitta, a large portion of which, it Avas shoAvn, he had pur
chased from Col. Charles Lynch, of Kentucky, and had paid for in
cash and drafts, and had received a deed which Ava's recorded in Lex
ington. He proved that he had purchased and raade contracts for
provisions and agricultural implements, and insisted that he had never
contemplated the invasion of Mexico, unless in the event of hostiUties
between the United States and Spain, which then, and for some time
previously, had been considered a very probable contingency, and was
anxiously desired by the AVestern people. On his death-bed in 1835,
he declared to Dr. Hosack, Avho had informed him that he had only
a fcAv hours to live, that he never contemplated an act hostUe to the
Union.* His object Avas colonization on the Ouachitta, Avith ulterior
designs on Mexico. He believed that General Wilkinson, then in
command of the United States troops and holding a menacing attitude
on the Sabine, had it in his power and desired to bring on a Avar Avith
Spain, and he so believed until the intervicAv betAveen the American
and Spanish generals on the Sabine. From that moment WUkinson,
he insisted, becarae the pensioner of Spain, and, to conceal his OAvn
infaray, denounced Burr to the President as a conspirator against the
Union. His understanding Avith Wilkinson, he alleges, had been ex
plicit. The comraencement of the Avar Avould have been apparently
under the sanction of the United States, and would have draAvn thous
ands of volunteers to the standard of an invader. Daniel Clarke, of
NeAV Orleans, had recently entered Avarraly into the project, and Avent
to Mexico for confidential conference Avith certain leading personages.
The Catholic bishop of Ncav Orleans favored the scheme. Burr's
plans had been communicated to the British minister at Washington,
and he always believed that but for the death of Mr. Pitt, the Brirish
premier, he Avould have been aided by a British fleet.
This covers the whole defence of Aaron Burr. He is entitled to
the benefit of his statement, and to the doubt that hangs over the
matter. He commissioned his life-long friend, MattheAV L. Davis, a
trained ring politician of Ncav York, to write his life and his vindication,
from his posthumous papers. It Avas a labored attempt to whitewash
Burr at the expense of Jefferson and WUkinson. But it fell far short
of Us purpose, and leaves the impression that Burr Avas a bold and
¦'¦The death-bed declarations of one Avho believed in no future accountability
are of little value.

Territory and St.\te. 201
able, but restiess and bad man, Avith littie conscience or principle,
and that his biographer Avas not much better.
Whether he meditated treason against his country, or is to be
classed merely as a fillibuster, Avill probably remain one of the
problems of history. There are parallel cases on record in Avhich,
where knoAvn facts supplied no positive solution, judgment has been
made up by taking into consideration the antecedents and character
of the party. But the rule Avill not apply in the present instance.
The faults and the virtues — the good and the bad — stand out Avith
equal prominence in the career of this extraordinary man. He had
been a brave, daring, uncoinplaining and active soldier, and sought
the most desperate service, at a critical period of the revolutionary
Avar. He seems to have had, either from his personal magnetism, his
virtues or his talents, the facility of making and retaining very devoted
friends. At the bar, it is enough to say that he Avas the rival of
HamUton. In politics, at a period Avhen, in the contest for supremacy,
condu'ct and character Avere severely scrutinized, he became the
acknowledged leader of one of the great parties of New York, and
attained a national popularity that placed him on the ticket Avith Jeffer
son. The circumstances attending the balloting for the Presidency,
subjected him to suspicion, but his conduct as "Yice-President Avas un
exceptionable, and he finally took leave of the Senate in a speech
that, for the tirae, disarraed his raost violent opponents.
From that moment, hoAvever, he seems to have lifted up the flood
gates that had so long restrained the bitterness of his nature. He had
been, in all his political contests, cool, circumspect, self possessed.
Even the social ostracism and fanatical proscription, the clamor of
puritan and partisan, superinduced by the fall of HamUton, he
endured Avith resignation and reasoned about it like a philosopher.
He took no blame to himself for his part in that transaction, and is
not blameable unless so far as duelling itself, under any circumstances,
may be condemned. Both parties acknoAvledged the code — the
affair was conducted strictly in conformity Avith its regulations. Ham
ilton fell, and neither he, in his last moments, nor his apologists
•afterAvards, had any right to censure his antagonist.
The incidents of his death-bed Avere affecting, but his partisans
made them sensational, and the celebrated Dr. Mason, in his funeral
discourse, employed them for the destruction of Burr. The outcry
was for political effect. Duels had often occurred in Ncav York, and
occasioned Uttle remark. But the politicians gave the hint, and the
preachers then, as noAv, political, represented Burr as a murderer, and
HamUton as a saint.
There is no body of educated men in this country more incompe
tent to decide a question of this nature, or any question involving
fixed principles of morals and reUgion, than a large portion of the
northern clergy. They are SAvayed by passion and prejudice; they
shift about with every wind of doctrine, truckle to the judgment of
the mob, and court the applause of the world. They have SAVung
round from the extreme of Calvinism to the Avildest rationaUsra ; from
the unrelenting doctrine of predestination and the damnation of
infants, to Universalism. From Universalism to the doctrine that
there is no such place as heU, and many of them are Darwinians as
to the origin of man, and even doubt the immortality of the soul !

292 Mississippi, as a Province,
AVhen singing by note, by instructed choiristers, as a substitute for
the old nasal singing, was proposed, all New England rose in arms-
against it. They next denounced instrumental music in churches as
a suggestion from the Pope and the Devil. They now give us, every
Sabbath, the latest opera airs, and a man Avho cannot buy a ticket to
the theater, may go to church to hear the music, but, unfortunately,
no poor man can buy a seat in the church !
So we attach no Aveight to the estimate put by the clergy on Ham
ilton and Burr. Hamilton raay have been a better man than Burr,
but he Avas no Christian, as his clerical eulogists Avould have us believe.
If Burr Avas a libertine, Hamilton Avas no better. If Burr Avas polit
ically impure, treacherous and intrigueing, so Avas Hamilton, if we
accept the testiinony of President John Adams, Avho knew him well,
and has left the proofs on record.*
The clamor against Burr from the pulpits Avas the first display of
that union of politics and fanaticism Avhich has since characterized the
Northern pulpit.
Finding it hopeless to recover his popularity in Ncav York, the fol-
loAvers of Jefferson refusing their confidence, and the friends of Ham
ilton pursuing him with the ferocity of blood-hounds, he ^ directed his
attention to the West, combining in his projects speculation and mili
tary adventure. He began to speak contemptuously of the Union,
as a mere rope of sand, and to predict that the separation of the
Western and Eastern sections Avould inevitably foUoAv from existing
political and geographical causes. We find him thus speaking, in the
outset of his journey, in Avestern Pennsylvania, to Colonel George
Morgan, an officer of the revolution, and long his personal and poht
ical friend. At his hospitable fireside Avhere, untU then, only the
patriotic traditions of the war, and heart-cherished anticipations of
the glory and grandeur of the republic, had been knoAvn,^ Burr de
clared that, Avith two hundred men he could drive the President into
the Potoraac and overturn the governraent. The old soldier replied :
' ' TU be d  d, sir, if you could take our little town of Canoneburg
witii such a force. Our wojnen are all democrats!" These evidences
of attachment, Avhich Avere met at every stage of his Avanderings, did
not uproot the opinion that seems to have been deeply planted in his
mind. Even AvhUe under arrest in the Mississippi Territory, Ave find
him sneering at the instability of the government in the presence of
Mr. Graham, its accredited agent, and of Caller and Henry, members-
of the Legislature from Washington county, on the Tombigbee.
Colonel Burr had fallen into the common error of undervaluing the
people. Educated in the camp, and in the discipline of party drill,
he looked upon the masses as just so much physical force, to be
operated on through their passions or interests, and propelled at aviII
by superior inteUect. He found everyAvhere ambitious men ; disap
pointed men; dissolute men; bankrupts in fortune and character,
¦* Alexander llamOton had been a gaUant and elficient oflicer in the revolution-
So had Burr. IntellectuaUy they had few superiors, and in this respect, neither
could boast ranch over the "other. Burr was, probablv, a licentious man, AVho
bad little regard for the moral code. Hamilton Avas certainly not immaculate, as
his flatterers represent him. His last representative in New "ifork, who publishett
a book of reminiscences, attacking many public characters, was, according to-
his own showing, the best specimen of tlie political flunkey and place hunter Ave
have had in this country.

Territory and State. 293
Teady for adventure, strife and battie. But noAvhere is there any
proof that he met Avith one man Avho agreed to strike a bloAv against
the Union.
He formed an association'Avith General Wilkinson and others, to cut
a canal round the falls of the Ohio, and had no sooner got there than
he conceived the plan of being elected representative to Congress from
"Tennessee, and posted to NashviUe to find that his plan could not be real
ized. He next made a rapid journey to the Orleans Territory, with the
-expectation that he might be returned as its delegate to Congress. Dis-
.appointed in that quarter, he hurries back to St. Louis, (where
•General Wilkinson Avas residing in the capacity of Governor,) and
importuned from him a letter to Governor Harrison of the North
western Territory, to exert his influence to have him chosen there as
delegate to Congress !
This is a singular and but little known episode in the life of Aaron
Burr. Why the late "Vice-President should pertinaciously seek the
position of delegate, is not easy to conjecture. It illustrates, however,
the real character of the man. Without citizenship, property or
•claim in Tennessee, Louisiana or Indiana, he calculated on an election
exclusively through the manipulation of a fcAv persons Avho could
lead the populace, and Avhom he, in turn, would suborn and cajole.
Democrat, as he had been by profession, he regarded the people with
contempt, and relied for the accoraplishraent of his objects on decep
tion, discipline and corruption, and intellectual force against numbers.
Under these disappointments he appeared again at Washington,
and Avas coldly received. He spoke sneeringly, in return, of the
government and its policy. Whatever may have been his purpose,
whether digested or only in incubation, he devoted himself to it with
-characteristic energy. He corresponded with and interviewed raany
prominent characters; collected funds; invented ciphers and counter
signs; dispatched agents in different quarters; made rapid journeys
from point to point, never openly disclosing his intentions, but hinting
•at wealth and pOAver and fame, and leaving everyAvhere the impres
sion that he had the sanction of government for his enterprises.
Fascinated by this mystery, and the light he occasionally alloAved to
ghmmer through his habitual reticence, many influential persons en
listed under his banner. General Jackson and General Adair Avere
Avilling to foUoAV him to Mexico. None of them were privy to his
designs. It is probable that he, himself, had never completely
mapped them out, but left much to depend on contingencies.
It appears from the communications of General Wilkinson, Mr.
Graham (confidential agent of the government) and others, that Burr
contemplated several distinct objects which might be pursued, either
jointiy or separately, and either the one or the other first, as circum
stances should indicate. One Avas the seduction and separation of the
Western and South-western States and Territories, Avith a mUitary
government at New Orleans. The second Avas the invasion and revo
lution of Mexico, Avith the shipping and treasure at Ncav Orleans to
facilitate the scheme. The third was the colonization of a large tract
of land on the Ouachita, Avhich was probably used as a cover under
which to retreat, upon the discomfiture of his other plans. ^
He soon ascertained that the dismemberment of the Union Avas im-
jpracticable. The discontent that had prevailed in the "West, groAving

294 Mississippi, as a Province.
out of the repressive comraercial policy of the Spaniards, had passed
away Avith our acquisition of Louisiana. The Spanish authorities and
the agents of the . French Republic, and British emissaries from
Canada, Avith resources far beyond the means of any private conspir
ator, had calculated, alternately, on these discontents, and for a series.
of years had sent their agents and their money into Kentucky and
Tennessee, Avith no result but the subornation of half a dozen scoun
drels. The Avhole body of the people stood by their country Avith a
firmness and enthusiasm characteristic of their section.
Though discouraged by this unmistakable public sentiment that per
vaded the West, he had gone too far to recede. There Avas no home
or refuge for him Avhence he came, and it is probable that he fixed his
eye on Mexico, making the seizure of New Orleans to depend on the
contingency of a union with General Wilkinson, in command of the
army, and then confronting the Spaniards on the Sabine.
These tAvo remarkable men had long knoAvn each other in society
and on the battlefields of the revolutionary AA^ar. They had some at
tributes in common. Both ambitious; fond of display, extravagant;
thriftless; ahvays in debt ; brave, brilliant, punctUious ; versatile ; par
tial to the sex, and devoted to the pleasures of the table. Each had
been honored by the country and the government, but not in a ratio
Avith their OAvn opinion of their merits. And each had their private
grievances, either fancied or real, against certain characters more
prorainent and more prudent than themselves.
There Avas this difference, hoAvever, betAveen these men. Wilkin
son, Avith all his foibles, Avas a patriot and a man of honor, Avarm in
his attachments and Avith devoted friends. Burr Avas cold, austere,
saturnine and isolated, AvhoUy unscrupulous in private and in public
life, Avith no faith in the chastity of women or the integrity of men.
This may be considered a harsh judgment, but it is formed on the
authentic records of his career, and the disclosures made by his OAvn
chosen biographer.
He calculated largely on the co-operation of the American general.
Wilkinson promptly communicated his overtures to government, and
President Jefferson's proclamation gave the coup de grace to his designs,
Avhatever they raay have been. He Avhora ten thousand gallant spirits
Avould have foUoAved into Mexico, Avith the sanction of their govern
raent, found hiraself an object of suspicion — a fugitive — a prisoner — a
branded traitor.
The prosecutions against hira in Kentuck)', in Mississippi and in
Virginia, had been mismanaged and abortive, and he stood invulnera
ble to the laAV. But a poAver greater than the laAv, or than the courts,
gave the death-bloAv to his designs, Avhatever they may haAe been, and
made hira a Avanderer and vagabond for the remainder of his days.
These prosecutions, though failures, stripped the vizer from his.
movements, proved that he had no relations Avith the government, and
Avas suspected of disaffection. And in the Avhole West not five hun
dred men could be found to foUoAv his standard. And thus it may it
ever be so long as our government shall be administered, as it then
Avas, in the great interests of liberty and humanity, and in conformity
Avith the Constitution.

CHAPTEE XXV.

URING the ^administration of Governor V'.'iUiams, the
great draAvback to the Territory Avas the con flicting land
claims. The Yazoo claim covered about seven-eights of
the settied portion and about two-thirds of the Avhole
area. The action of the Supreme Court, as far as it
Avent, manifested a leaning to the claim, and had
alarmed the government and the . community. The
British land claims, covering the most valuable lands in
the Territory, operated in the same Avay. Many propositions
Avere made to Congress to interpose by non-resident and resident
claimants, and these Avere ably but ineffectuaUy supported by our del
egates, Messrs. Lattimore and Poindexter.
The uncertainty A\'hich hung over the titles to land Avas a serious
obstacle to enterprise and improvement.
This uncertainty of the validity of the tenure by Avhich lands Avere
held in the Territory, resulted from iraportant public events, the chief
of which Avas the Declaration of Independence by the American
colonies. Georgia, the territory of which Avas claimed to extend to the Missis-
.sippi river, Avas originally a proprietory government, but as early as
1752, it Avas converted into a colony, belonging to England.
In 1763, England acquired the Floridas by cession from Spain, and
doAvn to the breaking out of the American Revolution, OAvned both
the territories of Georgia and West Florida, and, consequentiy, could
rightfully grant lands in either. The only question Avhich could arise
in respect to such grants Avas, Avhether they Avere made in accordance
Avith the laws of England.
These grants Avere, in some cases, made directiy by the CroAvn, and
in others, by colonial Governors, under certain restrictions, one of
Avhich was, that there could be no grant by a colonial Governor of
lands to which the Indian titie had not been extinguished ; and
another, necessarUy implied, A\'as, that the colonial Governor must
confine his grants to the territory over which he was appointed.
The boundary betAveen the British colony of Georgia and West
Florida, at the date of the acquisition of the latter by England, Avas
the 3istparaUel of north latitude. In 1764, the Board of Trade,
which then had the administration of colonial affairs, petitioned the
Crown to extend the limits of West Florida to a line beginning at the

296 Mississippi, as a Province,
mouth of the Yazoo river, and running due east. No proclamation
was made establishing this line as the northern boundary of West
Florida. The only evidence that existed of a change of boundary,
Avas found in the commissions issued to colonial Governors. By the
Treaty of Peace of 1782, the southern boundary of the United States Avas
recognized as being the 31st parallel ; and by the treaty Avith Spain in
1795, that boundary Avas acknowledged by Spain.
Notwithstanding the Declaration of Independence, the British Gov
ernraent continued to make grants of lands in the province, as
sovereign of the country, and after that government had retroceded
West Florida to Spain the latter made grants of lands asserting claim
to, and occupying the territory south of the Yazoo line, untU 1795,
and even down to 1797, the date of the final evacuation of the
province, authorized settlements to be made in it, as part of West
Florida. In 1802, Georgia ceded her Avestern territory to the United States,
and the treaty of cession provided for the recognition of both the
British and Spanish grants, provided they Avere accompanied by actual
occupancy, prior to the treaty of Avith Spain of 1795.
In 1803, the Congress of the United States passed a laAV Avhich ex
tended the recognition of the British and Spanish grants, to cases in
AA^hich there Avas a genuine grant or " order of survey," though not
foUoAved by occupancy; and in 1804, another act of Congress gave
to actual settlers, during the Spanish occupancy of the Territory, the
right of pre-emption. Commissioners Avere appointed under this act,
charged Avith tlie duty of investigating the numerous claims under
alleged British and Spanish grants, Avith poAver to confirm or reject
them, as the evidence might Avarrant. This commission adjusted
many claims. Nevertheless, the Avhole subject Avas, in one Avay or
another, brought before the courts of the United States, and these
courts announced certain leading principles, and decided certain
questions, Avhich disposed of the Avhole subject of controversy, defi
nitely and finaUy.
ist. That the treaty of 1782, between the United States and Great
Britain, in recognizing the independence of the colonies, also recog
nized their title to the Territory Avhich they claimed ; that the United
States did not, by that treaty, acquire any of their territory from
Great Britain, but held it by original and indefeasible titie ; that the
Declaration of Independence Avas a denial of the sovereignty of
Great Britain over the country.
2d. Thatthe treaty Avith Spain of 1795, by Avhich the 3 1 st parallel of
north latitude Avas recognized as the southern boundary of the United
States, was not a cession of territory north of that line by Spain, but the
recognition of a pre-existing right in the United States.
3d. That neither the British grants, subsequent to the Declaration
of Independence, nor the Spanish grants, possessed any inherent
validity. The former Avere void because, according to the principles
of public law, the Avar had established not only the independence of
the United Stales, but their titie to the territory they occupied and
ckimed, frora the time they renounced the sovereignty of Great
Britain, and, consequentiy, British grants, subsequent to that event,
Avere Avithout any authority or foundation. The latter Avere void be
cause Spain never had any title to tiie territory north of the 31st
paraUel.

Territory and State. 297
4tii. That these grants Avere without efficacy, except as they were
.recognized by the acts of Congress of i8o3-'4, so that such tities were
in legal contemplation, derived from the United States.
5th. That there Avas not sufficient evidence that the limits of West
Florida Avere ever extended to the Yazoo line, and that the contrary
Avas impliedly conceded by the treaty of 1782, Avhich fixed the 31st
paraUel as the true boundary, as it Avas, also, by the treaty with Spain
of 1795.
6th. That all grants by Colonial Governors of West Florida, of
lands lying north of the 31st parallel should be denied recognition
because those functionaries had no poAver, according to the laws of
England, to make grants in territory over Avhich they had no jurisdic
tion; and lastiy, that grants by Colonial Governors, of lands to which
the Indian titie had not, at this date, been extinguished, Avere not en
titied to recognition because invalid, even according to the proclaraa-
tions of the British croAvn.
The settiement of these points put an end to all doubts and contro
versies.* The arrearages for lands bought of the United States Avere pressing '
¦our people. Public lands Avere then sold, payable by installmejits,
•and this led to competition and high prices for land, and Avas our first
Ulustration of the evils of the credit system. Mr. Poindexter, our
¦delegate, in 1805, obtained an extension of tirae for the purchasers,
and Mr. Lattimore obtained tAvo more extensions, yet stiU the pay
ment Avas burdensome, and a nuraber forfeited their lands.
Notwithstanding these draAvbacks, our population steadUy increased.
The isolated county of Madison, nortii of the Tennessee river, sorae
four hundred miles from the counties on the Mississippi, with the
Creek, ChoctaAv and ChickasaAv territories intervening, attracted many
of the immigrants. The rich settiements on the Torabigbee drew
many settiers from Carolina and Georgia. These two sections Avere
remote from the seat of government at Natchez, Avith the ChoctaAv
Nation betAveen them. And very naturaUy there soon sprung up in
those sections a demand for a division of the territory. Indeed, as
far back as November 25 th, 1803, Mr. Lattimore presented a petition
from the Tombigbee settlers, for a division of the Territory, and on
•the i2th June, 1809, Mr. Poindexter presented a simUar petition frora
the same quarter. During all these years, and until 181 7, Avhen a
¦division Avas authorized by Congress, this question, in one shape or
other, agitated the public mind and influenced the elections. One
party, including a majority of the republicans, (Jeffersonians,) in the river
counties, Avith Messrs. Poindexter, Mead, Shields and Claiborne at their
head, opposed any division, and desired to have one grand State, Avhose
power would be felt in the Federal Union. It Avas a fertile subject to
expatiate upon, and they made the most of it. Another party favored
•a division of the Territory, to form tAvo States. They contended that
we should thus, in time, have four Senators in Congress, Avhich would
more than balance the advantages to be derived from the influence of
a single State. And they insisted that there Avas no community of
interests, no homogeneity, between the people of the tAvo sections.
¦'¦'I am indebted to a distinguished friend, the Hon. Wiley P. Harris, of Jack
son, for this luminous revicAvof the British and Si)ani.sh land claims that so long
harrassed the people of tlie Territory.

298 Mississippi, as a Province,
This party Avas led by Judge Toulmin, Joseph Carson, Nicholas Per
kins, Lemuel Henry, Thomas Malone and others, who had, or
fancied they had, cause to be jealous of the Avestern gentlemen who
thus far had monopolized the Territorial dignities. A party, led by
prominent men in Madison county, favored a division of the Terri
tory, but desired an east and west line from the Mississippi to the
Chattahoochie. Another party, favored by Governor Claiborne of
the Orleans Territory, proposed to annex to that Territory all of Mis
sissippi Avest of Pearl river and south of the 33*^ of latitude. Or as
an alternative, Governor Claiborne asked that the district AA'hich he
claimed as part of Louisiana, and Avhich, it will be remembered, he
had organized in 181 1, into the parishes of BUoxi and Pascagoula,
should be annexed to the Orleans Territory. There Avas still another
party, Avith Wra. Lattimore in the lead, Avliich maintained that all
this agitation Avas premature ; that Ave were getting along very Avell as
a Avard of the governraent, and that it Avould be best to continue such
until the Yazoo and British claims Avere settled, and our people relieved
of the heavy arrearages due for land — thus avoiding the expenses of
State organization, and an exemption frora a direct federal tax on the
people of the State, Avhich Avas then probable.
At this distance of time, it seems that this party had the best of the
argument. The advocates of one great State, no doubt, calculated
somcAvhat on the large amount of federal and other patronage that
Avould pass through their hands. The Tombigbee clique saw no chance
for territorial honors without a division. They desired that Pearl river
should be the dividing line, thus securing the lion's share, including
the entire seaboard. Thus, Avith these numerous projects, it Avas a
game of see-saAv Avith parties and politicians for ten years or more, and
elections Avere decided by the fluctuations from one faction to the
other. Messrs. Poindexter and Lattimore presented strong petitions from the
Torabigbee settiers for a division.
In 1812, Mr. Poindexter carried a biU through the House for the
adraission of the Territory as a State, but it Avas defeated in the Senate
on the ground that a State of such vast dimensions Avould in time have
undue preponderance. At the evening session he effected the pas
sage of a bill for the admission of the Territory, providing for future
division, but the Senate still objected. Mr. Lattimore subsequentiy
introduced the same bill, Avith a similar result in the Senate. Mr.
Poindexter and Mr. Lattimore, of course, presented all the petitions
that were sent to them, and at all times Avere prepared to carry out
the popular avUI, but it Avas difficult to ascertair. tiiis as Mr. Lattimore
puts it. I'l received," says he, "a petition from the Legislature, in
its collective capacity, against division. A petition frora members of
the Legislature, as individuals, in favor of division. A petition from
other members against division. There Avas a majority of two in
the House for division, and two in the Council against it." A conven
tion of delegates, elected as delegates are noAV elected to political con
ventions, met at the house of Mr. Ford on Pearl river, to consider the
subject. This convention remonstrated against a division, but it Avas
contended that the meetings to elect delegates Avere only partially at
tended in many counties, and did not represent a raajority of the peo
ple. The conAcntion appointed a special agent to repair to Washing-

Territory and State. 299
ton and oppose the division of the Territory. He performed his part
Avith industry and zeal, and even Avent so far as to deprecate the undue
influence that apportioning the Territory into tAvo States] Avould give
us in the Senate. He likeAvise contended, very erroneously, that a
large portion of the Territory Avas a mere desert, and that it Avas inca-
pa'ble of supporting an organization of more than one State. Mr.
Lattimore did not feel compliraented by the presence of this agent,
and did not approve his line of argument. He insisted that the pros
perity of his constituents could be best secured by an extension of
influence at the seat of government and a diminution of causes of
contention at horae, and properly denied that any portion of the Terri
tory could be classed as barren or unproductive. Four senators Avould
extend our influence. The separation of the Mississippi and Tombig
bee settlements — the fruitful source of sectional quarrels — would restore
tranquUity. He, therefore, became an earnest advocate for division.
And the division was finally agreed to. There Avas a great squabble
about the line. The committee of the Senate Avas in favor of making
the Tombigbee the dividing line. The committee of the House insist
ed that the Tombigbee should be left exclusively in the eastern divi
sion. In the Territory some people Avere for making the Pasca
goula river the boundary. In the Avestern counties it Avas insisted that
the Une should be so run as to secure Mobile for the Avestern division .
This Mr. Lattimore very justly opposed. Yi\% projet Avas to foUoAv the
ChoctaAV boundary easterly, frora the north-Avest corner of Washington
county to the Tombigbee, thence up that river to Cotton Gin Port,
thence north to Bear creek. It is very evident, from his Avhole course
in this matter, that this inteUigent and conscientious man, intended to
represent the Avhole Territory fairly in this and all other matters. But
a terrible hoAvl Avas made in the West against his surrender of the only
seaport, and of the Tombigbee, and he Avas not only defeated, but
never recovered his popularity, though no man had served the Terri
tory Avith more fidehty. And in private life, of all our public men,
he had ever been the most exemplary and unimpeachable.
The line dividing Mississippi and Alabama left to the former one of
the most beautiful sea coasts in the Avorld, extending from Pearl river
some seventy mUes eastward along the Sound. A chain of islands ex
tends along its front, securing an inside channel perfectly safe in all
Aveather. And between Ship and Cat islands, one of the finest har
bors in the South. In 181 7, Avhen the politicians in Mississippi Avere
decrying Mr. Lattimore for giving up MobUe, "our only sea port,"
they seem not to have knoAvn that we had within our OAvn limits a har
bor far superior and equal to the utmost demands of trade. They
seem to have shut their eyes to the fact that only tAvo years before, in
the dead of winter, when the tides are Ioav and the Avinds high, the
British fleet, with Packenham's array, lay securely at anchor in Ship
Island Harbor, Avithin seven raUes of the main land. To give some
conception of the capacity of the harbor (which has never had one
dollar expended on it) the foUowing Ust of the British fleet is pubhshed:

300 Mississippi, as a Province,
ships. commanders.
C Vice Admiral Sir A. Coch-
Tonnant, 80 guns  \ ranee, K.B., Bear Adm.
( Codrington, Capt. Kerr.
._ , „ , _. /Bear Admiral Malcolm.
Eoyal Oak, / 4 guns  1 Captain Wroot.
Norge, 74 guns  Dalkford.
Bedford, 74 guns  Walker.
Eaminies, 74 guns  Sir T. Hardy.
Asia, 74 guns  Skeene.
Dictator 64 guns  Crofton.
Diomede, 60 guns  Kiiapon.
Gordon (fs) 44 guns  B. B. Bowden.
Armide, 38 guns  Sir T. Troubridge.
Belle Poule, 38 guns  Baker.
Traave, 38 guns  Money.
Weser, 38 guns  Sullivan.
Aleeste, 38 guns  Lawrence.
Hydra, 38 guns  Higey.
Fox, 36 guns  Willock.
Cadmus, 36 guns  Langford.
Thames, 32 guns  Hon. G. L. Irby.
Hover, 32 guns  Bodgers.
Bucephalus, 32 guns  D'Aith.
Calliope, 16 guns  Codd.
Anaconda, 16 guns  Westhall.
Borer, 14 guns  Bawlins.
Manly, 14 guns  Locke.
Meteor, (bm) 6 guns  Boberts.
Volcano, (bm) 6 guns  Price.
Etna, (bm) 16 guns  Gardner.
Pigmy, (fch) 6 guns  Lt. Crossman.
Jane, (cutter)  Johnson.
Speedwell, (fch)  
Up to 1809 the circulating medium of the Territory Avas chiefly
Spanish coin — doubloons, dollars, halfs, quarters, pistareens and pica
yunes. The only currency Avas the receipts given at the public gins
for cotton deposited there to be ginned. A statute of the Territory
(see Toulmin's Digest, p. 232-5) regulated this matter. The planter
hauled his cotton to the gin, it Avas there duly Aveighed and receipted
for, and the ginner Avas bound by laAv to dehver the proceeds baled to
the holder of the receipt Avithin four months, under heavy penalties.*
These cotton receipts Avere made negotiable by laAv, and passed from
hand to hand like other currency. In 1809 the Bank of Mississippi
Avas chartered, the commissioners being Francis Xavier Martin (after
Avards chief justice of Louisiana), Ferdinand L. Claiborne, Abijah
Hunt, Sam. PosticAvaite, CoAvles Mead, Wm. B. Shields, Alexander
Montgomery, Joseph Sessions, Winthrop Sargent and Lyman Hard
ing. The charter Avas to run tAventy-five years, and the directors Avere
made individually liable for any emission of notes or biUs over three
tiraes the amount of their capital stock. This bank, from its outset
to its close, was Avisely conducted, in the interest of the whole com
munity, and supplied a currency that Avas neA"er dishonored. It had
no favorites ; Avas ruled by no clique ; Avas never used to favor monopo
lists and speculators, to depress and augment prices ; or to practice any
of those frauds that have made the American banking system so justly
¦»The customary toll at the public gins in 1805 Avas one-twelfth, and$2 a bale for
packing, baling and rojic.

Territory and State. 301
obnoxious. It Avas a private corporation until 181 8, Avhen the Legis
lature extended its poAvers, established it as a State Bank with an addi
tional capital of $3,000,000, the State to subscribe for one-fourth, and
to appoint one-third of the directors, the charter to run until 1841, and
no other bank to be incorporated during that time. There was a pro
viso for three branches, Avith the privilege of more, if the directors
should deem it expedient.
There never Avas a complaint that this bank did not fulfill its whole
duty to the State. Yet in violation of the solemn pledge of 1818,
the Legislature established the Planters' Bank, and made it the finan
cial agent of the State. When the honest, able and conservative
managers of this institution perceived, by this movement, that there
Avas an irrepressible demand for more raoney to be loaned to irrespon
sible borroAvers, to invest in Avild lands and negroes, foreseeing the
calamities that would folIoAv, they prudently Avound up their business
and refused to accept a reneAval of their charter.* From that date
Mississippi Territory,
House of Eepresentatives,
December 21st, 1814,
Mr. Smith offered the following resolution for tlie consideration of the House :
Resolved, That a committee of seven members be apiiointed to enquire into the
causes of the Bank of the Mississippi refusing to pay specie for notes issued by
said Bank.
The House agreed to consider the resolution, and on the question, .shall said
resolution pass, it was resolved in the affirmative Avithout a dissenting vote— and
a committee was appointed, composed of the foUoAving members :
Messrs. Smith, Moore, Hoggatt, Shields, Downs, Stuart and Bankin.
On the 22d, the chairman of the committee addressed the foUoAving letter to
the President and Directors of the Bank of the Mississippi, their agent or at
torney :
Gestlejiex : Through a member of the General Assembly of the Mississippi
Territory, the House of liepresentatives are informed, that the Bank of the Mis
sissippi has refused to pay specie for notes issued by said Bank— in consequence
of which information, the House of Eepresentatives have unanimously adopted
the foUoAving resolution : [Here the letter contained the resolution adopted by
the House.]
Agreeably to instructions of the committee appointed in pursuance of the fore
going resolution, permit me to request your attention, and an answer to the en
quiry contained in said resolution. The committee is also desirous of obtaining,
in addition thereto, answers to the follow"ine questions :
"VVUl there be any exceptions to the refusal to pay specie ? If any, how far wUl
those exceptions extend? .
How long will those general or parti.al refusals continue, and Avhat aviU be the
circumstances that will probably govern them? ^ ,. ,
The operations of the government, to a considerable extent, being predicated
on the circulation of the notes of the Bank at nominal value, and the Territory
having, by law, made them a tender in the payment of taxes, are motives that
have induced the House of Representatives to institute the foregoing enquiry,
to which answers are respectfully solicited.
I am, gentlemen, Very respectfuUy yours, etc.,
" Samuel Smith,
Chairman Select Committee.
Committee Boom, December 22d, 1814.
On the 23d, an answer to the foregoing Avas received by the committee, signed
by Lyman Harding, Esq., as agent of the Directory of the Bank of the Mis
sissippi. The letter is considerably in detail, and is preserved among the papers
of the House. The agent also met the comraittee in person, and gave copious
explanations on the subject of enquiry instituted by the House. On the letter
and oral explanations of Mr. Hardi^ig, is founded the following report ot the
committee: . . , ^, ?+!,.»
The Committee appointed by this House to examine into the causes ot tne

302 Mississippi, as a Province,
banks sprung up like poisonous fungi in Mississippi, and none of them
were conducted on safe and legitimate principles. Many of them
Avere used in the interest of rings and for the perpetration of deUber
ate and gigantic frauds. They becarae subservient to ambitious poli
ticians and desperate speculators, and scattered broadcast the seeds of
deraoralization and corruption. Political parties, the Legislature and
the courts became tainted, until finally the whole brood of these infa
mous institutions perished of their OAvn rottenness. And their very
records, like the "i'azoo Act of Georgia, Avould have been burned Avith
fire draAvn from the sun, only that it Avas deemed prudent to preserve
them as a Avarning to posterity, as in former times they gibbeted a
malefactor that his grinning skull and raiding bones should remind
society of the crime !
Governor WiUiams, by this time, had become exceedingly unpop
ular. He Avas a man of peculiar temper, not of conciliatory address,
very obstinate in his prejudices and never kncAV Avhen to yield. He
Avas strongly backed by a powerful influence in North CaroUna, and
by a small but active faction in Mississippi. His supporters and op
ponents claimed to be equaUy the friends of the national administra
tion, but at length the President designated his successor.
David Holmes, the appointee, Avas born in York county, Pennsyl
vania, March loth, 1769. His father. Colonel Joseph Holmes, was a
native of the north of Ireland, Avho came to America at an early age,
and served as commissary, Avith the rank of colonel, in the revolu
tionary Avar. He married a daughter of Colonel David Hunter, of
Bank ot Mississippi having failed to give specie in exchange for tlieir notes, feel
a pleasure in being able to report, from information eoraraunicated to them by an
agent specifically appointed by tlie President and Directors, that the failure to
pay specie has not arisen frora any danger of insolvency on the part of the Bank,
but from causes deeply involving the best interests of our country. The Bank
has means of payment more than sufficient to meet any demands against it, bear
ing the proportion of eighteen to eight ; being partly in specie noAV in the vaults
of the Bank, deposits of specie in other banks, and notes due to the institution,
Aviththe best indorsers. The object of the President and Directors is to prevent
the enemy, now on our coast, by their emissaries among tis, from obtaining,
through us, means of supporting tlieir armies and navy, of facilitating their
means of annoying by draining our country of specie. An additional reason
arises from similar measures having been adopted by almost every other bank
ing establishment in the United States, and the necessary connection ot this
Bank produced by commercial transactions. Every facility is jaromised to
be rendered, to make this necessary general measure as" little oppressive as pos
sible, by furnishing those residing at a distance Avith bank notes and checks on
banks in the respective States of the Union Your Comraittee are assured by the
President and Directors, through their agent, that this measure has no founda
tion in motives ot speculation, but has arisen frora imperious necessity, from cor
rect and political views calculated to fester the interests of the institution, and
Avith it tlie interests ot this Territory, and interest of the United States, and to
retard the operations of our eneray. As soon as the necessity which produced
the measure, intended to be general in its operations, ceases to operate, the Pres-,
ident and Directors Avill feel a pleasure in removing all obstacles ; and AviU com
mence receiving their notes, in exchange for specie. From a view of the Avhole
ground, as exhibited by the agent of tbe directory of tbe Bank, to your committee,
they recommended to the House the adoption of the foUoAving resolutions:
Resolved, That the causes and reasons assigned by the agent of the directory of
the Bank of the Mississippi, for refusing to pay specie at the present tirae, are
satisfactory. Resolved, That in the opinion of this House, the refusing to pay specie is not
[dictated by any vieAvs ot unfair speculafeon, nor] founded on aiiy doubt of the
solvency of the Bank, but is ju.stihed by the present eventful crisis.
Resolved, That no further proceedings thereon are necessary at this time.

Gov. (David Holmes.

Territory and State. 303
Berkley county, Virginia, and, after the birth of tAvo children, re
moved to Winchester to reside. The eldest son Avas Hugh Holmes,
of Winchester, a distinguished barrister, Speaker of the House of Del
egates, and for tAventy-five years a Judge of the General Court of
Virginia, Avho died in 1825. The youngest son Avas A. Hunter
Holmes, an officer in tlie United States army, once stationed in Mis
sissippi, Avho fell in Canada during the last Avar Avith Great Britain,
after a career as briUiant as it Avas brief.
David Holmes passed some years in a mercantile establishment
OAvned by his father, but he subsequentiy Avas admitted to the bar and
settied in Harrisburg, in the circuit Avhere his elder brother was then
the leading practitioner. He Avas not an orator, but Avas studious,
painstaking, earnest and persuasive. He became exceedingly popular,
and, after a few years at the bar, Avas elected to Congress, Avhere he
continued until his appointment as Governor of the Mississippi Terri
tory, March 4th, 1809. HisdistrictAvas composed of the famous counties
of Rockingham and Shenandoah, usually called the " loth Legion of
Virginia." S^-.-i-j appointment induced many of his relations and
friends to immigrate to the Territory, including the Thrustons, Danger-
fields, GUdarts, Conrads, Starkes and Nortons. He discharged his
executive duties Avith abUity, firmness and tact. He assuaged th^
violence of party by the suavity of his manners, the blandness of his
temper, and his inflexible official and personal integrity. He had no
enemies. The Indian Avar, and the British Avar, occurred during his
administration, and, of course, his responsibilities Avere greatly aug
mented. Immense amounts of public money passed through his
hands, but his early business training enabled him to keep everything
straight. When the Territory entered the Union as a State, he Avas
elected Governor by the people, Avithout serious opposition, and Avas
subsequentiy transferred to the Senate of the United States. After
eighteen years continuous service in the interests of Mississippi, ad
vanced in years and in broken health, he returned to Winchester in
1827, and after five years of patient suffering died August 20th, 1832.
He Ues buried there, in the sacred soil of Virginia, Avhere, forty-seven
years afterwards, the immortal Stonewall Jackson, Avith an army in
Avhich Mississippi and Louisiana Avere briUiantiy represented, drove
back the invaders Avho threatened to trample upon his grave !

CHAPTEE XXTI.

I EST FLORIDA Avas, at this period, in the hands of
Spain, and she kept a garrison at Baton Rouge, and ex
ercised jurisdiction over all the district noAv known as
the Florida parishes, Louisiana, and the seaboards of
Mississippi, claiming the Avhole country between the
Mississippi and Perdido rivers. The Plnited States
claimed the same district, under the treaty of Paris, made
in 1803, as part and parcel of Louisiana, but Spain had not
delivered it, and a diplomatic correspondence Avas then,
and long had been, pending between the tAVO poAvers. The
Avestern portion of the district Avas occupied chiefly by Araerican
settlers Avho had immigrated there Avhile it Avas a British province,
and their descendants. Many of them Avere men of Avealth and
culture. This population extended frora the 31° of latitude, or Une
of deraarkation, to the shore of lake Pontchartrain. On the seaboard,
and on the Perdido, the population Avas, for the most part, the de
scendants of the foUoAvers of Iberville, Avith an infusion of Indian
blood. The Americans seeing Mississippi and Orleans Territories in
the hands of their countrymen, became dissatisfied Avith Spanish rule,
and, no doubt, Avere encouraged by friends in those Territories, to
strike for annexation or independence. They finally embodied and
marched on the fort of Baton Rouge. Delassers, the Spanish com
mandant, Avas absent, and the fort Avas in charge of Lieutenant
Grandpre, a mere youth, Avith a garrison not exceeding thirty soldiers.
When suraraoned by four times his number to surrender, he calmly
ansAvered that he could not do so Avithout orders, and planted himself
in front Avith his draAvn sword to oppose their progress. And there, at
the post of honor, Avith an antique heroism that should have shielded
him from injury, he fell, the first victim of the assault !
The insurgents, or ' ' patriots" as they Avere then styled, Avere led by
Captain Thomas, at the head of eighty riflemen, and Captain Depas-
sau, Avith a corapany of ca\'alry, and Reuben Kemper, Avith his per
sonal foUoAvers.
With a faculty that Americans haA-e ahvays exhibited for organiza
tion, a temporary government Avas improvised by consent, and an
election ordered for a convention to declare the AviU of the people as
to their future movements. The delegates assembled in September,
Avith John Rhea in the chair, and Dr. AndrcAv Steele, Secretary. A
Declaration of Independence Avas issued, and they announced them-

Territory and State. 305
selves an Independent State, under the name of the CominonAvealth
of West Florida. They gave the President of the United States
formal notice of their action and solicited annexation as a co-equal
State or Territory of the Union, Avith the reservation, for their OAvn
benefit, of all the public domain Avithin their limits, as a compensation
for the expenses they had incurred in rescuing the district from foreign
rule. And they declared that, if annexation Avas not promptly con
ceded, they Avould seek an aUiance Avith some other governi"nent.
They had been assisted, it appears, by numerous deserters from the
United States army, and their proposition to the government stipu
lated for their pardon, and exemption from further miUtary service.
The AA'hole movement, and the propositions that foUoAved, Avere
strictly in conformity Avith American characteristics — full of " cheek"
and particularly cool.
The President made no formal reply, but by his proclamation
claimed the Avhole district as part and parcel of ancient Louisiana,
and that by the treaty of 1803, Avith France, it had been purchased
by the United States. And he directed Governor Claiborne to take
possession, and consider it as a portion of the Orleans Territory. He
was, likcAvise, ordered to apportion it into parishes, establish courts,
appoint civil officers and organize the militia. These orders were ,
communicated to Governor Holmes, of the Mississippi Territory,
Avith instructions to respond to any call that should be made on him
for co-operation.
Returning from a visit to the Northern States Avith these instruc
tions. Governor Claiborne, accompanied from Natchez by the Natchez
Rifles and Adams county dragoons, presented himself in St. Francis-
viUe and Baton Rouge, and hoisted the national flag without opposi
tion or remonstrance. And the government of West Florida, or of
the Convention, as it was commonly styled, peaceably expired! In
December, 1810, on a requisition from Governor Claiborne, Colonel
Constant, Avith a detachment of United States troops, garrisoned
Baton Rouge. Governor Claiborne next issued a proclamation de
claring its incorporation with the Territory of Orleans, and proceeded
to organize it into the parishes of FeUciana, East Baton Rouge, St.
Helena, St. Tammany, (and Avhat is noAV our Mississippi seaboard,)
Biloxi and Pascagoula. In those then remote settiements, where
IberviUe had first planted his colony, the officers of the late Florida
Convention, or more properly, a body of bushwhackers and jayhawk
ers, led by one Sterling Dupree, claiming to hold their commissions
from the Convention, and using its flag, were stUl in arms, robbing
and plundering, and extorting oaths of allegiance from the simple in
habitants. STATEMENT OP JOSEPH COLLINS TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.
A few days ago, at the Bayou St. John, Joseph Eabie, master of a schooner
just arrived from Pascagoula, informed me that a few days before he lelt he
was forced to obtain a passport from one Pierre Nicolet, acting commandant
(as he said) under the Florida Convention. That the Convention flag was
hoisted at the mouth of Pascagoula river. That a party of forty men had
come down, commanded by one Sterling Dupree, who compelled the inhabit
ants to swear that they would take sides with the Convention or remain neutra.
That they pressed and took away the schooners belonging to the settlement,
which they loaded with plunder and five or six negroes, stolen from the resi-

3o6 Mississippi, as a Province,
dence of John B. Nicolet, deceased, and proceeded up the Pascagoula, as he was
informed, as far as the American line, the 31° north latitude, where they halted.
That on his way here he, (the said Eabie,) passed the Bay St. Louis and the
Pass oi Christian. That the people were tranquil, but there was no ad
ministration, no officers and no laws since the Spaniards had withdrawn to
Pensacola, i^Rabie further said that the men of Pascagoula had assembled to res
cue the property which Dupree Avas carrying off, and had fired upon
him, but Avere driven back by superior numbers, Avith Samuel Davis
kiUed, and Allan Gooding and one other Avounded.
-'C'APT.VIK GEORGE PARRAGI't's STATEJIEST TO GOA'ERNOR CLAIBORNE.
January 2d, 1811.
I anchored at Pascagoula on the 2d December last. On the 3d I went
ashore, and a party of some ten men appeared and said that Majors Hargrave
.and Dupree desired to see me. I replied that I Avould call on them next day.
They Avere at the house of the late Jolm B. Nicolet, deceased. On my arrival
they hoisted the flag of the Convention. Next day they pressed the schooners
belonging to John B. Bodraw, Anthony Krebs and Augustus, a free mulatto ;
brought them before Mr. Nicolet's house and loaded them Avith his personal
effects, furniture, provisions, liquors, dry goods and negroes. They even
Avrenched off the locks and bolts from doors and windoAvs. On the 10th, they
left, under command of Dupree, leaving Pierre Nichola as commandant of
Pascagoula. It is understood that Dupree proceeded up the river to his resi
dence, two miles beloAV EUicott's line of demarcation.
Dupree left with Nicolet orders to require the inhabitants along the coast, to
take the oath to the Convention. He had dispatched his sergeant, James
Havens, as far as Bay St. Louis, to summon the people to repair to Pascagoula
for that purpose.
On the 5th January the Governor dispatched Dr. Flood, a well-
knoAvn citizen of Ncav Orleans, on the U. S. sloop, Alligator, Captain
Farragut,t Avith instructions to proceed to the Bay St. Louis, the Pass
of Christian and Pascagoula, and hoist the flag of the United States,
and to distribute copies of the President's proclamation and of his own
ordinances establishing the parishes of Biloxi and Pascagoula. He
Avas entrusted, likcAvise, with comraissions for Siraon Favre, Fortesque
Conning, PhiUip Saucier, Jacque Ladnier and Benj. Goodin, as Justices
of the Peace, each of Avhom to be furnished Avith a copy of the Terri
torial laAvs. DR. flood's report. New Orle.vns, January 2.5, 1811.
GoA'ERNOR : In compliance with your instructions I embarked on the Alli^-
gator, on the 5th, and proceeded to Mr. Simon Fa\'re's on the eastern bank of
Pearl river. He is a planter, oAvns a large stock, and is an educated and very
agreeable gentleman. Ho accepted the commission with pleasure, and will
make an energetic officer, and seems greatly to value the respect you haA'e
manifested for him. I hoisted the flag of the United States, at Bay St. Louis,
on the 8th, and banded a commission to Philip Saucier, a venerable gentleman of
prepossessing manners and with a patriarchal influence. Next day displayed
the flag at the Pass, and proceeded to the bay of Biloxi, where I found Mr.
Ladnler, and gave him the commission. He is a man of excellent sense, but
*Father of the renowned Admiral.
f'Captain George Farragut," said the Governor, is well acquainted with tlie
coast and the inhabitants, understands the Spanish language, and is thorougldv
reliable in any position."

Territory and State. 307
¦can neither read nor Avrite, nor can any inhabitant of the bay of Biloxi that
I can hear of. They are, all along this beautiful coast, a primitive people, of
mixed origin, retraining tlie gaiety and politeness of the French, blended Avitli
the abstemiousness and indolence of the Indian. They plant ;i, little rice, and
a few roots and vegetables, but depend for subsistence chiefly on game and fish.
I left Avith all thes-? appointees copies of the laAvs, ordinances, etc. But few
laws will be wanted here. The people are universally honest. There are. no
crimes. The father of the family or the oldest inhabitant, settles all disputes.
On the morning of the 13th I landed at Pascagoula and planted the national
ihag. Here I met some men Avho had just come doAvn the river from Dupree's,
who said tliat he was at home, and that he had taken down the convention flag
on the 2d inst., and hoisted the national colors. Kemper had dismissed his
men, informing them that the object of their association had been accomplished,
and advised them to strictly obey the laAvs of the United States. After com
missioning Fortesque Coming,-" I dispatched him up the river to Dupree, to in
duce him to restore the property he had carried off. Finding no one able to
read or write in the Pascagoula settlement, and the inhabitants expressing
great confidence in and attachment for Capt. George Farragut, sailing master
in the Navy, on this station, I prevailed on him to accept the commission for
the parish. Benjamin Goodin, the other magistrate, resides on the river twenty
miles up. Finding that only one family resided at Bayou Batre, I did not go
there, liut entrusted a flag vfith Mr. Morrison, formerly of the Navy, who
promised to hoist it at that point. The population of Pascagoula parish is about
three hundred and fifty ; of the parish of Biloxi, four hundre-d and twenty —
•chiefly French and Creoles. A more innocent and inoffensive people may not
be found. They seem to desire only tbe simple necessaries of life, and to be
let alone in their tranquility. I am greatly impressed with the beauty and
value of this coast. The high sandy lands, heavily timbered Avith pine, and
the lovely bays and rivers, from Pearl river to Mobile, Avill furnish Ncav Or
leans with a rich commerce, and with a delightful summer resort. For a can
tonment or military post, in consideration of tho health of the troops, this
whole coast is admirably fitted.
The policy of Governor Claiborne toAvards the people so recently
under the Spanish flag, and afterwards of Convention, Avas very con-
•cihatory. He conferred appointments on General Thomas, John Rhea,
Dr. Steele, John H. Johnson, Ben. P. Thoinas, James Neilson, and
others — men of high personal character Avho had been leaders in the-
Florida Convention movement. And remembering the heroic con
duct of young Grand-pre, he procured for his brother a midshipman's
warrant, and placed him in charge of Commodore Shaw, in com
mand of the fleet of gunboats in the Lake and on the river. f
181 1. ¦ Before the dissolution of the Florida government it had dis
patched Colonel Kemper to the Tombigbee settiements to recruit a
force and make a deraonstration against MobUe, Avhich Avas still held
by the Spaniards, Avho exacted very exhorbitant duties on all produce
and merchandise passing through that port. Kemper brought com
missions for James Hargreaves, J. P. Kennedy and other active and
inteUigent citizens, and he had the countenance and support of Col.

"This gentleman was subsequently appointed Judge of the parish of St. Tam
many, and opened his office at Springfield, tNEAA' Oklean.'', Jan. 31, 1811.
To Colonel Fulton, Eaton Bouge:
Dear Sir— The Adjutant General Avrites you to-day on official business. I
have only tirae to inform you that I haye mentioned young Grand-pre to Commo
dore Shaw, -who wUl receive him immediately as an acting midshipman, until i
can obtain his warrant from the Department. I wiU remember the other brotnei,
Jind do all in my power to serve him. Verv respectfully, etc.,
yVu. C. C. Claiborne.

3o8 Mississippi, as a Province,
James CaUer, who Avas in command of the militia, representative of
the district, and then and for many years the most influential man on
that frontier. He Avas joined by Dr. Thomas G. Holmes, a very in
teUigent and fearless man, Avith a cross of Indian blood in his veins,
by Captain Bernard with a troop of horse, and by numerous AveU-armed
volunteers. From a point then called the White House, near Avhat is
noAv Blakeley, Col. Kemper dispatched Cyrus Sibley Avith a summons
of surrender to the Spanish comraandant. Dropping doAvn to Minette
bay opposite MobUe, they foraged upon Charles CouAvay and other
persons residing then under Spanish protection. Captain Goss, with
a barge loaded with Avhisky, flour, bacon, etc., sent by the Convention
doAvn the Amite and across the lake, arrived at that moment. While
Availing an answer to the summons, Kemper's party became demoral
ized by the too free use of liquor. He dispatched Major Hargreaves
Avith a party in a boat to the mouth of SaAv-Mill Creek, on the west
side of the river, ten miles above MobUe, Avhile he and his cavalry
proposed to join them by Avay of the cut-off. While Hargreaves and
his squad Avere frohcing in their carap at night, they were suddenly
surrounded by tAvo hundred Spanish infantry. Many fell on the first
fire, a few escaped, and Hargreaves and nine others Avere captured and
sent to Havana. Cyrus Sibley, the messenger, shared the same fate.*
The intrepid Kemper was not daunted by this misfortune, but, at
that moment, the information reached him that the government of
West Florida had dissolved and that the American flag Avas flying at
Baton Rouge, and in all parts of the district. He announced to his
men that his object Avas accomplished, and quietly disbanded. _He and
Col. Caller were soon after, at the instigation of Dinsraore, the U. S.
Choctaw agent, an accoraplished but mischief-making man, arrested
by Judge Toulmin, "for setting on foot a hostile expedition against the
subjects of a nation at peace Avith the United States." This uncaUed
for proceeding received no countenance from government. Kemper
may not have acted strictly in conformity Avith laAv, but he was acting
under a regular commission from a de facto government, and certainly
had done no more than the Florida government, Avhich by seizing the
Spanish fort at Baton Rouge had brought the country under the Amer
ican standard — had made it .part and parcel of the Orleans ter
ritory, and its leaders had been appointed to all the parochial ofdces
by Governor Claiborne, with the approbation of the President of the
United States. The act of Judge Toulmin, though strictiy legal, was
considered officious, extorted no applause from high quarters, and
gave a shock to his Avell-earned popularity. Kemper was regarded
everywhere as a liberator and hero.f Caller continued to be the most
influential man on the Tombigbee. Had Kemper taken Mobile it
Avould have passed immediately under the American flag as Baton
Rouge and the country around had done.
LaAvs are silent amid the clash of arms. The Spaniards at MobUe
¦^Governor Claiborne made persistent efforts to obtain the liberation of these
prisoners. The government, for political reasons, did not openly interfere, but it
permitted Goyernor Claiborne to send the United States armed brig. Viper, Cap
tain Bainbridge, to Havana, with an application for pardon. This not being
granted, he Avas allowed to send money and clothes for their relief, thus showing
at least the animus of our government in relation to Kemper and his men.
fMississippi has commemorated his name in one of her finest counties.

Territory and State.

3°9

Avere really intruders; Avere every day levying exactions on the Amer
ican settlers above ; and were knoAvn to be intriguing with the British
to induce them to occupy the country, and Avith the Indians to attack
our frontiers. It Avas neither politic or convenient to declare Avar
against Spain, Avhen a conflict Avith Great Britain was probable, but
it would not have Avitnessed with displeasure the seizure of Mobile by
Kemper and his party. None of his associates at Baton Rouge had
been prosecuted. They had, on the contrary, been rcAvarded and hon
ored, and government adopted a very liberal policy in relation to their
land claims. Judge Toulmin, therefore, interfered at an unfortunate
moment, and Avas not specially thanked. Not many years afterAvards
we saAV General Jackson, Avith no better authority than Keraper, seize
Pensacola, hoist the flag and imprison the governor, and he was sus
tained by the government and by the people.*
1810-11-12. At this period the Territory Avas kept in a state of ex
citement by events on the frontiers. The Creek Indians, and even the
Choctaws, were restless and discontented, under the secret agency of.
Spanish and British emissaries. To the Avestward, on Avhat Avas then
"'¦"Harry Toulmin, sou of the Eev. Joshua Toulmin, a distinguished Unitarian
clergyman, was born at Taunton, England, in 1770. He received a thorough edu
cation, and on attaining his majority was licensed to preach. He soon became
conspicuous, not only for the ability Avitli which he maintained his theological
views, but for'the freedom with whicli he canvassed the measures of government,
and in 1793 he found it expedient to migrate to this country. He landed at Nor
folk, Va., and there established a seminary of high grade and became an estab
lished favorite. "WhUe thus engaged, he accepted the Presidency of Transylvania
University, Lexington, Ky., but resigned it in 1802, for the office of Secretary of
State, nnder the administration of Governor Garrard. In 1804 President Jeffer
son appointed him one of the Judges for the Mississippi Territory, a post of great
responsibility. Traveling by Avay of New Orleans and Mobile, he pitched his
tent at the "Twenty-one Mile Bluff, " then occupied by Dr. Chastang, an educated
and polished Frenchman. He found himself Avidely separated from the western
and cultivated quarter of the Territory, the white population rude and unculti
vated, and environed on all sides by the Creeks and Choctaws; and Mobile,
though a rightful part of Louisiana, occupied by the Spaniards. But this strong-
minded and resolute man Avas equal to the situation, and graduaUy educated the
people into obedience to the laAvs. In 1805 he established himself at St. Stephens,
where the United States Land Office had been opened under Josiah Chambers, and
the Factory Store for supplying the Choctaws, under George S. Gaines. His first
court was held at Wakefield, some twenty imles below St. Stephens. For a num
ber of years he traversed this wild region tAvice a year to hold his several courts.
He acted as distributing postmaster for all the maUs arriving for the Territory
at St. Stephens; he often preached and officiated at funerals and raarriages; and
having studied medical authors a number of years he gratuitously attended the
sick. In 1819, when the Mississippi Territory Avas divided, his judicial functions
ceased. The folloAving year he Avas elected to the Legislature of Alabama, and
continued in that service until his death in 1824.
The white population on the lower Torabigbee and Tensaw, consisted mainly of
loyalists, who had settled there when Florida was a British province; but they
had become thoroughly Americanized and fought bravely and unitedly under our
standard, iu the war that ensued with the British and Indians. Judge Toulmin
rendered eminent service in these wars, as his official correspondence with Gov
ernor Holmes, General Flournoy and General Claiborne, shows.
In 1813 Judge Toulmin was elected to the Territorial Legislature. Objection
was made to his eligibUity on the ground of non-residence m the county from
which he had been returned, and because he stiU held his commission as Judge.
The committee reported against him. In the debate that foUowed, Mr Shields
conceded that actual residence in the county or district was not required by the
Ordinance, and that there was no express provision that excluded a Judge from
the Legislature ; but that the functions of a judge and a legislator were incompat
ible and irreconcilable, and the precedent was dangerous. Mr. Eankin contended,
that where there was no constitutional exclusion, tbe people had a right to send
whom they pleased. Report of the committee sustained ; ayes 14, nays 0.

310 Mississippi, as a Province,
called the neutral or disputed ground betAveen Natchitoches and the
.Sabine, a band of adventurers, of various nationalities but chiefly
Americans, had established themselves beyond the operation of the
laAvs. They had gone there under the pretext of revolutionizing the
Spanish provinces west of the Sabine, but really for robbery and plun
der, and soon became known as brigands. Governor Claiborne issued
a proclamation commanding them to disperse, and Captain Magee, of
the United States army, Avith a detachment of regulars, was ordered
to the Sabine. After restoring order, finding the inhabitants of the
adjacent province in a state of insurrection against the Spanish au
thorities, Magee resigned his commission in the army, and Avas caUed,
by acclamation, to head the insurrection. This news soon reached
the Mississippi Territory, and created great excitement. Col. Reuben
Kemper and Captains Ross, Perry, Luckett, Robinson, Deane and
Wolforth, Avith a number of armed foUoAvers, hastened to his stand
ard. He Avas joined, too, by raost of the outiaAvs Avhom he had re
centiy dispersed. With about five hundred men, Magee marched
AvestAvard and halted in the town of Goliad, (La Bahia) Avhere the in
habitants gave him a cordial reception. Here he Avas beseiged by
General Salcedo, at the head of the Spanish army, for tAvo months
Avith no definite results, until March, Avhen Salcedo suddenly retreated
to San Antonio, the capital of the province. General Magee
died about this time. Don Bernardo, a Spaniard, assumed command,
but Col. Reuben Kemper Avas the active leader, and commenced a.
vigorous pursuit. Marching day and night they overhauled Salcedo,
in camp at Salado creek, nine railes from San Antonio, and immedi
ately feU upon him. He fled in confusion, leaving three hundred
dead on the field, and the patriots marched in and took possession of
the capital.
Governor Claiborne Avrote to President Madison :
" The Eevolutionists have got possession of St. Antonio, the capital of the
Province, and are likely for the present to maintain their-position. Their chief.'i
manifest no disposition to be dependent on the United States, or to grant any
peculiar privileges to Americans. Their object seems to be to encourage im
migration, to replenish their army Avith adventurers from all nations, and set
up for themselves. They may become useful or very dangerous neighbors. In
this uncertain condition, I wish it comported Avith the policy of our govern
ment to take possession of the country to the Eio Grande. The whole is clearly
Avithin the limits of Louisiana. During Mr. Jefferson's administration our
claim was repeatedly asserted, and I have on my journals sundry official letter.'t
addressed by me, as governor of the Orleans territory, (in conformity Avith in
structions) to Spanish officers protesting against their assuming any ncAV mili
tary positions on the Bay of St. Barnard, or elscAvhere in that quarter."
In the action at Salado and the route of General Salcedo, a number
of Spanish officers were captured.*
"•¦¦General Foote, in his '' History of Texas and the Texans," a Avork of great
learning and research, includes among these. Generals Cordero and Herrara, both
distinguished officers, Avho comraanded in the Sabine expedition in 1806— two ot
the most accomplished officers in the service.
I do not, however, find tbem mentioned in the following letter, Avritten immedi
ately after the aft'air, by Don Felix Trudeau to Don Stephen Minor, of Natchez:
"Natchitoches, May 7, 1813.
" At last St. Antonio bas fallen into the hands of Don Bernardo Gutierez, in
command of the insurgents. Salcedo, Corredas and brother, Dominguez, Arcos
and his sons, one aged eighteen and the other fifteen, with a number of other

Territory and State. 311
Colonels Kemper and Ross, and most of the American officers, dis
gusted Avith this butchery, AvithdrcAv frora the enterprise and returned
to the United States.* Bernardo remained in command, but ex
hibited neither energy or abiUty.
Governor Claiborne Avrote (July 9th, 1813,) to the President :
" St. Antoine is still occupied by the insurgents. But the cruel and impru
dent conduct of the ehiefs has disgusted the people. Bernardo is a tyrant,
Aveak, cowardly and brutal. Since the occupation of the capital he has made
no movement, either of organization or invasion. Anarchy prevails and the
Royalists are embodying. The rumor to-day is that he has been deposed and
that General Toledo, who has appeared there, lately from Philadelphia, will be
officers Avho had been captured, or surrendered themselves, and Avere in prison. On
the third day, one Captain Delgado with an escort of eighty men, to( k them from tbe
prison to remoA'e thera, as he said, to the post of Matagorda. " hen they had
inarched eight miles they were suddenly surrounded by the cora;aand, who cut
their throats like so many hogs, and left their bodies on the ground. This savage
atrocity was kept a profound secret, and was not knoAvn until tAvo days thereafter,
a party of Americans passing recognized the bodies and buried tliem. As soon as
this news Avas brought to Kemper and Eoss they bitterly denounced Bernardo.
He very cooly replied, ' That if Kemper corainanded the Americans he Avas master
of the Mexicans, and should act as he deemed proper.'
"You see frora this bloody transaction what may be the fate of those Avho sur
render to the insurrectionists.
"Sambraro and Perez, who refused to surrender, made good their escape with
three hundred men."
•^¦This, it is believed, was the last expedition in which the veteran Kemper was
engaged. With the infirmities of age, he was beginning to suffer the penalties of a
life of excitement and exposure. The foUoAving characteristic letter frora tlie late
Col Gilbert C. Eussell, 3d regiraent U. S. infantr_y, himself a peculiar and remark
able man, Avill close the record:
COLONEL RUSSELL TO REV. DR. POTTS.
Natchez, January 29, 1827.
Rev. Sir — Col. Reuben Kemper, of Louisiana, Avho Avas here on business, died
last night. His remains Avill be consigned to the grave this day at 2>i P. M., of
Avhich his friends and acquaintance will be notified bj' printed cards.
Although I do not knoAV that he belonged to any christian church or sect, or a
professor or observer of all the doctrines taught by the Doctors of Divinity, 1 do
know that he daily practiced and carried out many of their teachings tbe
most useful to mankind. Therefore, as one of the friends of the deceased, I re
quest you and the oiher clergy of this city, to attend his remains to the grave, and
render such funeral services as the rules of your church prescribe.
The deceased was an extraordinary man, possessing a vigorous mind, with a
large stock of information, and an irreskstible resolution and firmness of purpose,
which carried him straight ahead to his object, in the attainment of Avhich he
always believed himself right. He Avas a humane master, a kind friend, an affec
tionate brother— as sincere in his attachments as he was implacable m his resent
ment, when he felt that he had been injured or betrayed. In every thing he did,
he always exercised the utmost candor.
Even in his resentment, which was always felt by those against whom it was
directed, be displayed a nobUity and openness rarely Avitnessed in other men.
Moreover, he was warmly attached to our government and country, and, m every
sense, was a true patriot. In fact, I think with bis old friend, Col. John McCarty,
of Virginia, Avho said the other day that, " AVhen Kemper died the race of the
old Romans would be extinct."* .
Thus, Sir, you have a brief o'-'tline of the deceased, for whose virtues I enter
tain great reverence, AA-hose death occurred remote from fainUy and kindred, and
to whose remains 1 desire every respect .should be paid.
"With respect, vour obedient servant,
'^ ' • G. C. BUSSELL.
¦'This gentleman had not long before kUled his brother-in-law. General Mason,
one of the most eminent Virginians, in a duel. McCarty was the challengeu
party and the duel Avas fought with muskets, charged Avith buckshot at ten paces.

3X2 Mississippi, as a Province.
placed at the head of the revolutionists. But the change is too late. An army
of regulars, chiefly from Vera Cruz, estimated at 3,000 men, is advancing on
St. Antoine."
Toledo Avas a Spaniard of talent and distinction, Avho had embraced
the principles of the French revolution, and had been compeUed to es
cape from Mexico. He appeared at St. Antoine directly after Kem
per had relinquished the command, and Avhen Bernardo had lost the
confidence of his foUoAvers. He had no difficulty in obtaining the
supreme coramand, and he had the address to induce Colonel Perry,
a gallant Araerican, Avith a company of his countryraen, to continue in
the service. His force Avas estimated at 1,700, but Avithout disciphne, ,
Avith incompetent officers and inferior arms. Rumors of the approach
of the royalists Avere rife, but no adequate measures Avere adopted to
ascertain their movements or numbers.
Colonel Perry, making a voluntary reconnoisance Avith hiscompany,
Avas suddenly attacked by the advance of the royal army under Gen
eral Elisando, some 1500 men, and after a severe engagement Avas
compeUed lo fall back. Toledo came out Avith his troops to his assist
ance, but General Arredondo, Avith the Avhole of the royal forces, was
by this time in the action, and Toledo, Avith his undisciplined arniy,
Avas routed Avith great slaughter and pursued as a far as Trinity riA'er,
Avliere many of the fugitives Avere slain or droAvned.
The revolution Avas crushed. A letter published in the Mississippi
Messenger, from Natchitoches, September 4th, 18 13, gives some in
teresting particulars :
" The royalists Avere attacked about twenty miles beyond St. Antonio, by the
army under General Toledo, consisting of Americans, Spaniards and Indians,
amounting in all to about 1250 men. In the commencement of their engage
ment the republican arms Avere victorious, and took tAvo pieces of cannon and
destroyed a company of cavalry ; after whieh a halt Avas ordered, with a design
of falling back and reforming the lines on an advantageous elevation of ground,
and there Availing an attack from the enemy, who had been discovered by tAVo
officers to be laying in ambush ; but tbe Americans, actuated by the facility of
their former conquests, rushed forward,deaf to the orders of their comraanders,
and were not stopped until they found themselves encircled by 3000 Spaniards.
Those few Avho were more prudent and obedient, in A-ain attempted to give
tbem succor, and finding the floAver of their army cut off, were forced for the
preservation of their oAvn li\'es to make a speedy retreat, leaving every thing
behind. And in this distressed situation have a number arrived at Kacogdo-
ches,wliere they are rallying and intend making a stand, but I fear it will be in
vain ; for what can they do after having lost all their ammunition, cannon and
provisions? Accounts state that not less than three hundred families have left
St. Antonio and Labadia in a most destitute situation — fleeing from the fero
cious barbarity of the brutal Aredondo.
( )ur little toAvn will shortly be crowded Avitli the unhappy fugitives Avho have
escaped with their lives. I dread the spectacle whieh their Avants and distress
must present.
The city of Natchez has ahvays been noted for its law-abiding pop
ulation, its social order, and general conservatism and moderation in
the highest party tiraes. Yet all the enterprises for the liberation of
the downtrodden people between the Sabine and the Rio Grande,
noAv known as Texas, originated in this ancient and historic city.
Magee, Toledo, Childs, Archer, Lamar, Hunt, Green, Chambers,
Houston, Quitman — heroic spirits Avho led the van in the march of
freedom — all resided in Natchez, in turn, and here obtained material
aid and co-operation. Generals Long and Walker Avere citizens extensively

Territory and State. 313
connected by marriage Avith our community,* and from this point, not
daunted by the misfortunes of Toledo, they set forth to aid a people
struggling for freedom, and to reclaim for Louisiana a Territory that
rightfully belonged to it. This expedition, like all that preceded it,
and some that foUoAved, Avas a failure, ending in the death or disper
sion of the parties. But the sacred flame — the holy sympathy — the
brotherhood — the " one touch of nature that makes the whole world
kin" — Avas never extinguished in this noble littie city, or in any portion
of the State. In 1836, led by Quitman and Houston, our citizens
marched to the relief of Texas, and in 1850, the sympathy for strug
gUng Cuba Avas equally demonstrative. Men of large fortune and
high station; men holding lucrative offices; men Avhose Avhole income
accrued from their daily labor — all, alike, Avith equal alacrity,
resigned everything, to rally around the standard of freedom. It was
no desire for rapine and plunder — no vulgar fiUibustering — no mere sefish
passion for personal glory — that inspired this universal enthusiasm. It
was something more holy and exalted — an instinct springing from our
common humanity, consecrated and supported by a soleran sense of
duty. The arabition A\'as to rescue a Aveak and struggling people from
oppression, and then to plant there, firmly and forever, the glorious
banner of our OAvn Republic. And if ever the meraorable sentiments
of Daniel Webster — " Liberty and Union; now and forever ; one and
inseperable" — inspired a people, it Avas Avhen the sons of Mississippi
marched for Texas, and afterwards enrolled themselves for the libera
tion of Cuba ! The rescue of their fellow-men, and the extension of
the area of freedom as part and parcel of our National Union, Avas the
sentiment that SAvayed the whole community — a sentiment of devo
tion to a common country and its flag, that Avas born Avith us at our
birth — that grew with us in our youth and governed us in our man
hood, and that Avas never stronger than Avhen we were forced, by a
relentless fanaticism, 10 lake up arms in defence of our liberties and
homes. The seceding States had surrendered more to establish the Union,
and had submitted to more sacrifices to maintain it, and loved it better
in the agony of separation, than some that remained to fight under
its flag ! That we erred in seeking a separate nationality, and in
adopting another flag, and another constitution, avUI not be here
denied. But it Avas an error in behalf of freedom, maintained by
prodigies of valor, and, as Edmund Burke said, ' ' much must be par
doned to the spirit of liberty." Our contemporaries style it a rebel
lion. Impartial posterity avUI recognize it as the act of a free people,
exercising the sacred right of insurrection against oppression, and
wUl consider it a civil Avar between sovereign States.
The South stood upon a platform Avhich had been constructed by
our fathers, and which was universally recognized untU overthroAvn
by the SAvord. The feeling of her people was —
" God judgeth for the best.
God help us do our duty and not shrink.
And trust in heaven humbly for the rest." 
¦^General Long had been an array surgeon. He married Miss "Wilkinson, of
Washington, Adams county, connected with the Graysons, Chews, Calvits and
other Maryland families in that vicinity. General AV. W. "Walker was a member
of the bar- a briUiant and elegant raan— married the daughter of Mr. Job.
lionth, of Natchez.

314 Mississippi, as a Province,
There Avere great errors, on both sides, for years preceding the
mighty conflict; much that Ave now see should not have been done:
much to deplore and to condemn ; but those who are to come after
us, in possession of all the facts, wiU not return a verdict of " Guilty'
only against the South ! Both sections poured out their blood like
Avater, for what they beUeved to be the Right. And on the tombs of
the brave men of both armies, who fell on so many stricken fields,
should be inscribed the Avords that commemorate those' Avho died
at Thermopylae : " Go, traveler, and in Lacedsemon tell
Here, in obedience to her laws, we fell."
Not one Southern raan Avho fought; not one Avho perished in
battle, in prison or hospital, believed himself a rebel, and those Avho
use the terra, insult patriots and trample on the ashes of brave men
Unfortunately, those Avho made the quarrel and forced the issue — the
political and ecclesiastical incendiaries — did not do the fighting, but
men Avhose fathers had stood shoulder to shoulder in defense of our
common flag — men of the same lineage and the same sympathies,
noAv under hostile colors, insanely met in the shock of battle.
May God pardon those that sinned, and in His OA\ai good Avay,
and his OAvn good tirae, convert the fratricidal strife into a National
Blessing.

OHAPTEE XXYII,

lOVERNOR HOLMES entered his office (I812) when
there Avas a probability of Avar Avith the Indians, and
Avith Great Britain and Spain. The agents of both
those powers Avere instigating the Indians from the
Canada frontier to the Gulf of Mexico, to attack the
American settiements. In 181 1 the celebrated ShaAvnee
chief Tecumseh, with a party of thirty Avarriors, in British
pay, visited the soutiiern tribes. He found the ChickasaAvs
firmly attached to the Americans. A number of thera had
fought under Wayne against the ShaAvnees and other northern
tribes in the British interest, and they Avere not to be shaken in their
fidelity. The Choctaws, particularly the loAver tOAvns that were in
frequent communication Avith the Creeks, and the Spaniards at Pensa
cola, Avere manifestiy discontented. He put himself in communica
tion Avith the Spanish authorities, and then traversed the Seminole
country, rousing those fierce savages to the highest state of excite
ment. Entering the Creek territory he harangued the warriors at
Autauga and Coosanda, and the Hickory Ground. Wherever he
went crowds attended, painted for Avar, and dancing the Avar dance.
Those of the tribe who disapproved these demonstrations were taunted
with cowardice, beaten, plundered, and, in some instances, murdered.
In fact, this dangerous emissary had fomented civil Avar. In October
the annual grand council of the nation, in pursuance of immeniorial
usage, assembled at the ancient tOAvn of Took-a-batch-a. These
councUs were ahvays attended by the U. S. Agent, by aU the traders,
by many strangers, and by the warriors and their families. On this
occasion the farae of Teoumseh's visit, and his expected address, had
assembled some 5,000 persons, at Took-a-batch-a.
The day after the council met Tecumseh, with his band of war-
rio|r.s, marched to the centre of the square, and stood still and erect as
so many statues. They Avere dressed in buck-skin hunting shirt and
leggins fitting closely to the person, Avith a profusion of silver orna
ments. Their faces were painted red and black. Each warrior car
ried a rifle, tomahawk, war-club and scalping knife. "TheyAvere,"
says Capt. Sam Dale, "the most athletic body of men I ever saAV."
Tecumseh Avas about six feet high, well put together, not so stout as
some of his followers, but of an austere countenance and imperial
mien. The ShaAvnese madeno salutation, but stood facing the council-house,

3i6 Mississippi, as a Province,
not looking to the right or the left. Throughout the vast assembly
there Avas a dead sUence. At length the Big Warrior, a noted chief
of the Creeks, a man of gigantic figure, sloAvly approached and handed
his pipe to Tecumseh. It Avas passed to each of his foUoAvers, and
then the Big Warrior, not a Avord having been spoken, pointed to a
large cabin, Avhich had previously been furnished with skins and pro
visions. Tecumseh and his band marched to it, and were seen no more
until night Avhen they danced the northern Avar dance. The Creeks
crowded around, but not a Avord Avas spoken. Every morning a
Shawnee Avarrior presented himself at the Council and announced
that his chief Avould deliver a talk at noon, but at that hour he
appeared again, and declared that "the sun had traveled too far,"
and the talk would be delivered next day. At length Hawkins,
the United States Agent for the Creeks, becoming impatient, left
the ground, declaring that Tecumseh was a sham, and that he, H.,
could easily control the Indians. The next day at noon the Shawnese
issued from their lodge. They Avere painted black, and entirely naked
except the flap about their loins, and a small tobacco pouch suspended
under the left arm. Every Aveapon but the Avar club, then first intro
duced araong the Creeks, had been laid aside. An angry scoavI sat
on all their visages. They looked like a procession of devils.
Tecumseh led, the Avarriors followed, one in the footsteps of the
other. The Creeks, in dense masses, stood on each side of the path.
The ShaAvnese noticed no one but marched to the pole in the center
of the square, and then wheeled' to the left. At each angle of the
square Tecumseh took frora his pouch sorae tobacco and sumac, and
dropped it on the ground. His Avarriors did the same. This they
repeated three times as they marched around the square. Then they
approached the pole in the center, circled around it three times, and
facing the north threw tobacco and sumach on the small bark fire that
had been made, as usual, at the foot of the pole. They then marched
in the same order, to the CouncU, or King's house, as it AA'as termed
in ancient times, and drcAV up before it. The Big Warrior, and the
leading men, Avere sitting there. The ShaAvnee chief sounded his
Avar-whoop, a most diabolical yell, and each of his foUoAvers responded.
Tecumseh then presented to the Big Warrior a Avarapura belt of five
different strands, Avhich the Creek chief handed to his coUeagues, and
it passed round the circle frora hand to hand. The ShaAvnee pipe
was then produced ; it Avas large, long, and profusely decorated Avith
shells, beads, eagle feathers and porcupine quUls. It Avas lighted
from the fire in the center, smoked by Tecumseh and his foUoAvers,
and then handed to the Big Warrior Avho, after a Avhiff or tAVO, passed
it around the circle.
All this time not a Avord had been uttered. Everything Avas still as
death ; even the winds slept and the leaves had ceased to rustle. At
length the ShaAvnee spoke, at first sloAvly and in guttural tones ; but
soon he grcAv impassioned, and the Avords fell in avalanches from his
lips. His eyes burned Avith supernatural lustre, and every limb and
muscle qiiivered Avith emotion. His voice resounded over the square,
now sinking into Ioav and musical whispers, noAV rising to its highest
key, hurling out his words like crashing thunder-bolts. His counte
nance varied Avith his speech. The prevalent expression Avas of
hatred and defiance ; sometimes a murderous smUe ; occasionally an

Territory and State. 317
aspect of profound sadness; and at the close a look of concentrated
vengeance. His vocal poAvers and command of the countenance and
the facial muscles, Avere unequalled.
An inteUigent Avitness declares that a deaf man could have inter
preted the harangue, from the play of his face. Its effect on that AvUd,
superstitious, untutored and Avarlike assemblage, may be conceived.
Not a Avord Avas uttered Avhen he closed ; no one applauded; no one
replied; but a thousand Avarriors, the "stoics of the Avoods," .shook
Avith emotion, and many a tomahaAvk Avas brandished in the air.
Even the Big Warrior (Avho thus far had discouraged the Avar-party)
Avas visibly affected, and more than once Avas seen to clutch, spasmod-
icaUy, the handle of his knife.
AU this Avas the effect of delivery, for though the mother of Tecum-
se'h Avas a Creek, and he Avas farailiar Avith the language, he spoke in
the ShaAvnee dialect, and it Avas afterAvards rendered by & linguist.
Tecumseh spoke one hour, but the speech may be thus compressed :
"In defiance of the warriors of the dark and bloody ground, onee our favor
ite hunting range, I have come from the great lakes of the North, and passed
through their settlements like the Avind at night. ISTo war-whoop was sounded,
no track was made, no flre Avas kindled, but see ! there is blood on our Avar
clubs !
The pale faces felt the hloAv, but kncAv not whence it came.
Accursed be the race that has made women of our Avarriors, and harlots of
our women. They have seized our country, and our fathers in their graves
reproach us as slaves and coAvards. Listen ! Do you not hear their A'oices in
the wailing winds ?
The Muscogees were once a mighty people. The pale faces trembled at your
Avar-Avhoop, and the maidens of my tribe, on the distant lakes, sung the proAvess
of your warriors, and sighed for their embraces. And when our young men
set out on the Avar-path the ShaAvnee sachems bade them 'be brave like the
Muscogee ! '
But now your blood has become Avhite ; your tomahaAvkshave no edge; your
bows and arrows Avere buried Avith your fathers. You sleep Avhile the pale
face ploughs over their tombs, and fertilizes his fields Avith their sacred
ashes. Oh, Muscogees ! Brethren of my mother ! Brush from your eyelids the
sleep of slavery, and strike for vengeance and your country !
The red men have fallen as the leaves now fall. I hear their voices in those
aged pines. Their tears drop from the weeping skies. Their bones bleach on
the hills of Georgia. Will no son of those brave men strike the pale face and
quiet these complaining ghosts ?
Let the white race perish !
They seize your land ; they corrupt your women ; they trample on the bones
of your dead !
Back whence they came, upon a trail of blood, they must be driven !
Back— aye, back into the great Avater Avhose accursed Avaves brought them to
our shores !
Burn their dwellings— destroy their stock— slay their wives and children, that
the very breed may perish.
War now ! War always ! War on the living ! War on the dead ! Dig
their very corpses from their graves. The red-man's land must give no shelter
to a white man's bones !
This is the will of the Great Spirit, spoken in the ear of my brother, the
mighty Prophet of the Lakes. He sends me to you.
All the tribes of the North are dancing the war dance. Two mighty war
riors across the seas will send us arms— at Detroit for us, at Pensacola for
you. I will soon return to my country, to wash my hands in the blood of the pale
face. My prophets shall tarry with you. They will stand by your side and
catch the bullets of your enemies. When the white men approach your towns
the earth shall open and swallow them up.

3i8 Mississippi, as a Province,
Soon shall you see my arm of fire stretched athwart the sky. You will
know that I am on the Avar-patli. I will stamp my foot and the very earth
shall shake.-'
When he finished, the northern pipe was lighted at the same fire and
passed round in solemn silence. The Shawnees then gave one appal
ling yell, and commenced their tribal Avar-dance, going through the
evolutions of battie, the scout, the ambush, the surprise, the deathly
struggle, brandishing their Avar-clubs, and screaming in terrific concert,
an infernal pantomine and harraony fit only for the regions of the
damned !
The Avhite traders and the peaceably disposed Indians left the
ground immediately after the delivery of this speech. It Avas ho lon
ger safe to remain. "Yet Colonel HaAvkins, the United States agent,"
says Pickett in his valuable history of Alabama, ' 'seems to have been
strangely benighted, sloAvly allowing his mind to be convinced that
anything serious Avas meditated." He had resided many years among
the Creeks, and early conceived the laudable notion of teaching them
the arts of civilization. In his communications to the Indian Bureau
he flattered hiraself that they emulated the progress of the Avhites,
and that the Avhole nation, except a fcAv fanatics Avithout influence,
sincerely desired i^eace. Even after the Creeks and ShaAAmese had
A'isited Pensacola, to obtain powder and lead, to attack the Tensas set
tlements. Colonel Hawkins assured the Secretary of War and Major-
General Flournoy that there Avas no danger.
Unfortunately, the War Department, and government itself, Avas
then most feebly conducted. President Madison, a man of clear head
and logical mind, Avas better fitted for a professor's chair than for the
position he occupied. He Avas deficient in nerve ; Avas easily intimi
dated; Avas a poor judge of men, and filled many first-class offices
Avith incompetent persons. The War Department particularly, Avhich,
at that period, demanded the utmost vigor, energy and system, mani
fested singular apathy and incapacity.
1812. July i6th, Governor Holmes, on a requisition of General
WUkinson, ordered a draft of the mUitia, a certain quota from each
regiment, to rendezvous at Baton Rouge, to be organized into a bri
gade. Col. Ferdinand Leigh Claibornet Avas commissioned Brigadier
General to comraand thera.
August i8th, General Claiborne reported that the quota had been
obtained from the ist, 2d, 3d, 4th, loth, nth and 13 regiments, fty
voluntary enrolhnent.
"••-Before the battle of Ecannachaha, or the holy ground, the Shawnee prophets
assured the Indians that the earth Avonkl SAvallo-iv up Governor Claiborne and
his troops. The British officers at Detroit had informed Tecumseh that a comet
Avould soon appear, and the earthquakes of 1811 had commenced as he came
through Kentucky. "When the comet soon appeared and tlie earth began to trem
ble, the Creclis attriliuted to hira supernatural jioAvers, and a large majority took
np arras.
fPiclcett, in liis History ot Alabama, says : "This officer, a native of Virginia,
brother of Governor Claiborne, of Louisiana, Avas appointed by President Adams
an Ensign in 1st Regiment, U. S. Infantry, Col. John F. Hamtramck. Promoted ¦
Lieutenant for gallantry in "Wayne's great battle Avith the Indians. Subsequently
at Pittsburg, Fort "Washington, Greenville and Detroit, AA'ithrankof Captain. Re
signed in 180.5 and removed to Natchez. Repeatedly elected to the Legislature,
and presided as Speaker. Conducted the Mississippi battalion to the Sabine.
Appointed Brig-General, 1813. Fought the battle of the Holy Ground, Decem
ber 23d, 1813. Died suddenly near Natchez of exposure on the frontier and the
closing of an old wound in 1815.

Territory and State. 319
The brigade was conducted to Baton Rouge and there kept for A\'ant
of transportation until June 28th, 1813, Avhen General Claiborne Avas
ordered by Major General Flournoy (Avho had succeeded WUkinson)
to march for Mount Vernon, on the Alabama river, " to repel any
attack that may be made on any part of the frontier of the Mississippi
Territory, either from Indians, Spaniards or English. You avUI put
yourself in communication Avith Lt. -Colonel BoAvyer, Avho commands
at MobUe and MobUe Point, Avho will give you the earliest informa
tion of any movement by the English or Spaniards. Tiie defence of
the town of Mobile ztnll be your principal care."'^'-
MobUe, it avUI be remembered, had long been occupied by the
Spaniards, and the American government, Avhose foreign relations
were very precarious, had submitted to the occupation, and to the ex
actions imposed there on our coraraerce. But finding that the Tom
bigbee settiers could not much longer be restrained, and 'that the
Spaniards Avere likely to invite the British to a joint occupancy, the
War Department, at last, under the authority of an act approved Feb
ruary i2th, 1813, passed by Congress, in secret session, had autho
rized General Wilkinson to proceed against it.
He made his arrangements Avith secrecy and dispatch, to prevent
the fort being reinforced from Pensacola. On the. Sth of March,
Commander ShaAv, Avith the general and his troops on board his
fleet, arrived at Dauphine Island, Avhere they seized the Spanish
guard and a Spanish transport from Havana, Avith supplies and a com
pany of artillerists for the post of Mobile. The first intimation the
garrison had was from the American drums. Being short of provis
ions and ammunition, the Spanish commandant deemed it best to
capitulate, after having received the foUoAving courtly summons from
the American general : Before Mobile, April 12.
"Sir — The troops of the United States do not approach you as the enemies of
Spain, but by order of the President tliey come to relieve the brave garri
son which you so worthily command, from the occupancy of a post within the
legitimate limits of the '[Jnited States. I hope that you Avill peacefully retire
from Fort Charlotte, and from the ^Mississippi territory, to the eastern side of
he Perdido river."
The evacuation Avas completed- in a fcAV days, and Colonel Constant,
of the 3d regiment of infantry, was placed in command.
1813. In compliance Avith orders General Claiborne marched from
«Major General Thomas Flournoy avus a distinguished lawyer of Augusta, Ga.,
.an accomphshed gentleman, of high personal character, and a devoted natriot.
General "Wilkinson, while busUy engaged fortifying the approaches to Ncav Or
leans, was suddenly ordered to the Canada frontier, and General Flournoy suc
ceeded him in the comraand of the Seventh mUitary division. He has been cen
sured for inaction and indecision. His health was feeble and he had little mih
tary experience. But the prime source of his failure was the want of support at
Wa,shington. His force Avas whoUv inadequate to the demands upon him. He
was often without funds. He was likewise early misled by the representations of
Colonel Hawkins of the "advanced civilization" and "pacific disposition" of
the Creeks. Even after the massacre at Fort Mims, Colonel HaAvkins reiterated
these assurances, laid the blame of that aflfair on the Tombigbee people, and de
clared that the Avar Avould be " a civil war among the Creeks and not on the
whites," if let alone. Unfortunately General Flournoy adopted these views, and
forbid any aggressive movement on the savages. He Avas paralyzed, too, at every
stage of his command, by the feebleness and incompetency of the "War Depart
ment.

320 Mississippi,' as a Province,
Baton Rouge, June 28 th.* He had six hundred men to transport,
and no assistance was furnished him but a draft for $200 00. His
teams, medicines, and forage, Avere procured on his own responsi
bility Avith funds advanced by Messrs. John and Stephen Minor, of
Natchez, and WUliam Kenner, of Ncav Orleans. His supplies were
obtained from his friends Colonel Nelson, H. M. Harper, Thomas
Waggoner, and other patriotic citizens of Amite county. It was a
season of heavy rains and high Avaters, many SAvoUen rivers and
streams to cross, and it Avas the thirtieth of July Avhen they
reached Mount "Vernon. While he Avas on the march, it
having been ascertained that some four hundred of the war
party, led by Peter McQueen, Josiah Francis, and High-Head Jim,
had gone to Pensacola, for arms and ammunition, Col. James Caller,
the senior militia officer on that frontier, determined to intercept them
on their return. One hundred and eighty volunteers, including such
men as Patrick May, G. W. Creagh, Zacharia PhUips, Wm. McGrew,
Majors McFarlin, Wood, Jourdan, and Captains Smoot, Dale, BaUey,
and Bradberry, repaired to his standard. Early on the morning of
¦¦¦¦BRIGADE OP LOUISIANA AND MISSLSSIPPI TERRITORY VOLUNTEERS AND STAFF
AND COMMLSSIONBD OFFICERS OF THE REGIMENT OF MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY
A'OLUNTEERS. 12-' August, 1813.
Ferdinand L. Claiborne, Brigadier General ; Alexander Calvit, First Lieutenant
and Aid; Joseph P. Kennedy, Captain and Brigade Major; Joseph -Carson, Col
onel; George T. Ross, Lieutenant Colonel; Daniel Beasley, Major; "William R.
Deloach, First Lieutenant and Adjutant; Benjamin F. SalA^age, First Lieutenant
and Quartermaster; John Ker, Surgeon; Benjamin F. Harney, Surgeon's Mate ;
WiUiam R. Cox, Surgeon's Mate ; John Nelson, Captain ; Joseph P. Kennedy,
Captain ; Louis PainbcEuf, Captain ; Philip A. Engle, Captain ; ArchUaus Wells.
Captain of Dragoons; Randal Jones, Captain; William Jack, Captian; Gerard C.
Brandon, Captain ; WiUiam G. Mead, Captain ; Benjamin Dent, Captain ; Hatton
Middleton, Captain; Abraham M. Scott, Captain ; James Foster, Captain ; L. V.
Foelckil, Captain ; Charles G. Johnson, Captain ; Hans Morrison, Captain ; James
Baily, First Lieutenant of Dragoons ; Richardson BoAvman, First Lieutenant:
Audly L. Osborn, First Lieutenant ; SVilliam Morgan, First Lieutenant ; George
P. Lilly, First Lieutenant; John D. Rodgers, First Lieutenant Dragoons; William
R. Deloach, Fir,st Lieutenant; Theron Kellogg, First Lieutenant ; Andrew IMont-
gomery. First Lieutenant; John Camp, First Lieutenant; Alexander Calyit,First
Lieutenant; John Allen, First Lieutenant; Robert Lavson, First Lieutenant;
Benjamin F. Salvage, First Lieutenant; Charles Mooire, Second Lieutenant;
Charles Barran, Second Lieutenant; Spruce M. Osborne, Second Lieutenant;
Nicholas Lockridge, Second Lieutenant; Robert C. Anderson, Second Lieuten
ant; James M. Arthur, Ensign ; John Files, Ensign ; George Dougharty, Ensign ;
Wm. R. Chainbliss, Ensign ;t Thomas C. Vaughn; Ensign Robert Swan, Ensign
Stephen Mays, Ensign; Jaraes Luckett, Ensign; George'"H. Gibbs, Ensign; El
bert Burton, Ensign ; David M. Callihara, Ensign ; Young R. McDonald, Ensign ;
Benjamin Blantcn, Ensign ; Benjamin Stawell, Ensign; WiUiara S. Britt, Ensign;
Isaac W. Davis, Ensign; Benjamin Bridges, Second Lieutenat Dragoons; John
Cohn, Cornet; Kean Caldwell, Second Lieutenant Dragoons.
tWas at Fort Mims— received three wounds, but escaped and died ten years
afterwards at Port Gibson, Mississippi.
OFFICERS OF MISSISSIPPI EEGIMENT MILITIA UNDER COL. GEO. II. NIXON, MOUNT
VERJJON, DECEMBER, 1813.
Robert Twilley, John Lowry, Parmenas Briscoe, Samuel Batchelor, G. Y.Glass-
"i"ti, jS'™^' '^^'^^'^ troops M-cre chiefly from Claiborne and Amite counties,
and the ofiicers were young men of high character. Colonel Nixon greatly dis
tinguished himself during the Aviir, and stood high in the confidence of General
Jackson Hevvas subsequently appointed Brigadier General, and died at Pearl
ington, Hancock countv.

Territory and State. 321
July 27th, his scouts reported that the Indians '(Avith some three hun
dred loaded pack horses,) Avere encamped in a bend of Burnt Corn
Creek, and were then engaged in cooking. Colonel CaUer promptly
formed his party and charged the camp. The Indians stood their
ground bravely for a feAv minutes, graduaUy faUing back to the creek.
Another concentrated charge, and they Avould doubtiess have fled in
confusion, and been slaughtered in great numbers Avhile crossing the
stream. But at that moment the Avord " retreat" Avas sounded in our
lines — by Avhom given Avas never knoAvn — but it produced a panic,
and most of the command fell back, in disorder, and retired precipi
tately, not forgetting, hoAvever, to drive off the Indian pack horses.
Observing this, the Indians boldly rencAved the attack, but they were
met by a party of about eighty men, Avith Colonel Caller and other
officers, and a desperate fight ensued, but the small party of whites
finding themselves overpoAvered, Avere corapelled to retreat. Many
young officers signalized themselves in this action by great personal
heroism. Colonel HaAvkins, Creek agent, even after this demonstration of the
hostile intention of the Creeks, represented to General Flournoy, that
they did not mean Avar, although they had seized and destroyed the
property of the friendly half-breeds and murdered many of the lead
ers of the peace party, and he charged the Avhite people of the fron
tier Avith having provoked hostUities. Such Avas the impression he
made on Major-General Flournoy, it defeated every appeal of General
Claiborne for reinforcements, and for perraission to march into the
heart of the nation. After the battle of Burnt Corn, and only six days
before the fall of Fort Minis, the coniraanding general thus Avrote to
General Claiborne : Headquarters Bay St. Louis, August 25, 1813.
Sir — Your letters and documents, by express, have been received. As I
have already written you, and likeAvise G-overnor Holmes, very fully on Indian
affairs, I will not now go into farther details. A recent letter from Colonel
Hawkins (a copy herein enclosed,.) will show the situation of the Creek In
dians. They must finish their civil war before they can go to war with us. And it is by
no means certain that the Avar party will succeed in overpowering the party
friendly to us."
Among the documents sent to General Flournoy, Avere several let
ters from the Spanish governor of Pensacola to Peter McQueen, show
ing their relations with the Indians, and the foUoAving letter from
General Wilkinson, as he passed through the Creek Nation for Can
ada. But having embraced Colonel Hawkin's opinions, they, unfor
tunately, made no impression on General Flournoy :
GENERAL AVILKINSON TO JUDGE TOULMIN.
Sam. Manao's, Creek Nation, June 29, 1813.
My Dear Sir— Your favor of the 22d, reached me near this place, sur
rounded by dangers ; but I am too far advanced to retreat. Indeed, I dare not
turn my back on reports, and, therefore, shall proceed this evening, to Catoma,
and to-morrow to Doyle's, where I expect to see the Big Warrior, who has
begged an interview with me. He has been entrenched against the war party 1
Aveek or ten days and lives in fear of his life, as his antagonists are daily mak
ing converts and increasing in strength, with the avowed intention to destroy
him and all who have been concerned in the execution of the murderers ; after
Avhich, it is believed by all with whom I have conversed, they expect to intimi
date the rest of the nation to join them, and then it is their intention to make
21

322 Mississippi, as a Province,
war on the whites. This seems to be the general impression ; but no one can
tell or even guess Avhere a bloAV Avill be struck.
To effect the object at Avhich they aim, they have had recourse to religious
imposture. One Joseph Francis, who lived on the road, pretends he has had
a visit from the Lord, who has revealed many things to him, which are shaped
and detailed in the manner most impressive on his barbarian auditors. But in
aid of superstitious awe manual force is employed to convert the obdurate and
unenlightened, and in course of this latter argument, a son of McGilvray, a
son of the Singer, and a nephew of Isaacs the Chief, have been actually killed.
At this place, 1 am assured by Manac and Ward, who are living in the
woods and watching the plantation, that Francis and his folloAvers. to the num
ber of more than three hundred, are assembled at a camp on the Alabama, eight
miles beloAV the mouth of Pithlula Creek, and about sixteen above the big
swamp. The last information received of their doings was on Wednesday, by
Ward's Avife, (avIio has been forced from him Avith her children.) She reported
that the party thus encamped, Avere about to move down the river to break up
the half-breed settlements and those of the citizens in the forks of the river. I
know not what stress to lay on these Avild reports, but the whole road is deserted
— the Indians are all assembled, and their villages ahead of me, many towns oh
the Alabama and Tallapoosa and Coosa, are deserted, and consternation and ter
ror are in every countenance I meet.
I have considered it proper you should receive this information, and, there
fore, I send back Weatherford with this information for your government, and
Avill barely observe, that I think the volunteers should be called up to your
frontier, Avithout a moment's delay.
We are in good health and spirits, our dangers notwithstanding. Jlrs. W. is
acquainted with every circumstance, j-et insists on braving the danger rather
than return.
I have about twenty armed men, and our cavalcade consists of about forty
persons. Our horses and carriages are in good order, and if Ave are not ob-
.structed, we shall cross the Chattahouehie on the 29th.
Colonel Hawkins is profoundly silent. Alexander Cornels has fled the country,
and / cannot hear of any preparation to succor the Big Warrior. I fear that Haw
kins' government will be found too feeble to bind a herd of savages, unless the arm of
the Union is interposed. Truly your.s, James Wilkinson.
Hon. Judge Toulmin, Fort Stoddeii.
1 8 13. General Claiborne arrived at Mount Vernon, on the Ala
bama, July 30th. He found the country greatly alarmed and dis
tressed. The flourishing settiements on the Tensaw, on the Alabama,
and Tombigbee, had been abandoned. The crop everywhere Avas
ready for the harvest, and unless gathered and secured, famine and
pestilence would be superadded to the horrors of Indian warfare. He
put hiraself in communication with the most intelligent citizens in
every quarter, and since the commanding general persistentiy refused
his appeal to march against the Indians, he determined, on his own re
sponsibility, to distribute his brigade for the protection of the people, at
least untU they could save their crops. The citizens of the different
settiements, aided by the local mUitia, had erected stockades or forts,
here and there, and had sought shelter therein.
On the 23d August an express from Colonel Carson, commanding
at Fort Madison, brought ncAvs to General Claiborne that a Choctaw,
who was personaUy knoAvn to Colonel McGrcAv and Captain Cassity,
and vouched for by them, had brought the information that Fort
Easely, on the Tombigbee, the most advanced and feeblest of the
stockades, Avas to be immediately attacked, and he offered to remaia
in custody _ at Fort Madison in support of his statement. Captain
Cassity certified that he had received the same information from John

Territory and State.

323

Walker, a Avhite man, residing on the ChoctaAv line. Captain George
S. Gaines, United States Factor for the Choctaws, communicated the
same rumor in a letter to Judge Toulmin, and the remote and feebly
defended position of the fort, croAvded Avith women and children,
and only ten or tAvelve men to defend them, indicated it as the first
point to be attacked. On the same day. General Claiborne advised
the officers in command of the respective stockades of the intelligence,
and the necessity of increased vigilance. And, in the afternoon,
Avith eighty men, he set out for Fort Easely, considering it the most
exposed, and therefore his proper position. From Fort Madison, on
his route, he dispatched another express to Major Beasely, at Fort
Mims, enjoining the utmost circumspection. This letter Avas re
ceived on the 29th August. On the 30th, soon after roll-call, Major
Beaseley made the foUoAving report to General Claiborne :
Mims Block House, August 30th, 1813.
Sir: I send enclosed, the morning reports of my command. I have im
proved the fort at this place, and made it much stronger than when you were
here. Pierce's stockade is not very strong, but he has erected three substan
tial blockhouses.''"" On the 27th, Ensign Davis, Avho commands at Hanson's
Mill, wrote me : " AVe shall, by to-morrow, be in such a state of defense that
we shall not be afraid of any number of Indians."
There Avas a false alarm here yesterday. Two negro boj's, belonging to Mr.
Randon, were out some distance from the fort minding some beef cattle, and
reported that they saw a great number of Indians painted, running and
Avhooping toAvards Pierce's Mill. The conclusion Avas that they knew the
Mill-fort to be more vulnerable than this, and had determined to make their
attack there first. I despatched Captain Middleton with ten mounted men, to
ascertain the strength of the enemy, intending, if they were not too numerous,
to turn out the most of our force here and march to the relief of Pierce's
Mill. But the alarm has proved to be false. What gave some plausibility to
the report at first, was that several of Kandon's negroes had been previously
sent up to his plantation for corn, and had reported it to be full of Indians
committing every kind of havoc. But noAV I doubt the truth of that report.
I Avas much pleased with the appearance of my men at the time of the
alarm yesterday, when it was expected every moment that the Indians would
appear. They very generally seemed anxious to see them."
Two hours later, the express having been detained. Major Beasely
wrote a a second note to the general, assuring him of his ' ' ability
to maintain the post against any number of Indians."
-A. strong party of Indians actuaUy set out to attack Fort Easely,
but Avere deterred by the unexpected arrival of General Claiborne.
WhUe engaged in strengthening the stockade, he received an express
from Captain Kennedy, in command at Mount Vernon, with the as
tounding ncAvs of the faU of Fort Mims, and the massacre of the gar
rison — on the 30th August — the very day on which Beasely had
written his last letter, and transmitted his morning report— with the
assurance that he was fully prepared for any number of Indians^! On
that same day, when his courier rode out Avith this satisfactory assu
rance, one thousand warriors, led by McQueen, Weatherford and
Josiah Francis, lay in ambush in a deep ravine, Avithin a fcAV hundred
'Pierce's Mill was one mile from Fort Mims. There was a large quantity of
lumber there intended for government use at Mobile, and forty men Avere sta
tioned there under Lieutenant Andrew Montgomery, of the Mississippi "Volun
teers. The Indians, strange to say, did not attack it. When Lieutenant Mont
gomery discovered that Fort Mims was on fire, he evacuated the station and safely
conducted his detachment to Mount Vernon.

324 Mississippi, as a Province,
yards of the eastern gate. At 12 m., Avhen the drum in the fort Avas
beating the dinner signal, and the gate Avas Avide open, they rushed to
the attack. They got Avithin thirty paces pf the fort before they were
discovered! Major Beasely, Avith the courage of despair, ran to
the outer gate to close it, and received half a dozen baUs in his breast
the moment he reached it. Captain Middleton and his company
were posted at the inside eastern gate, and there, nearly to a man,
they feU. Captain Jack, Avith his riflemen, Avas posted in the south
bastion. Lieutenant Randon in the guard-house, and Captain Dixon
Bailey behind the northern line of pickets. The Indians assailed aU
these positions simultaneously, and through the port holes poured a
constant fire on the frantic Avoraen and children, Avhose Avild shrieks
rose above the yells of the savages and the clamor of battle. By
this time the buildings Avere on fire, and every officer had faUen
except the brave half-breed Captain Dixon Bailey, and all the soldiers
were dead or Avounded. As the Indians rushed in and commenced
to massacre the wounded and the Avomen and children, Bailey, Dr.
Holmes, Lieutenant Chambliss and tAvo or three others, all Avounded,
made their escape. Captain Bailey soon died, the others finaUy
reached Mount Vernon. Half a dozen other fugitives subsequently
came in.
General Claiborne could hardly realize the shocking inteUigence.
On the 7 th August, he had personally inspected the Avorks, and had
left a Avritten order with Major -Beasely " to strengthen the picketing,
build tAVO more block houses, respect the enemy, to send out scouts
frequently, and alloAv the suffering people provisions, Avhether Avhites
or friendly Indians." Expresses passed betAveen them once a Aveek.
On the 25th August, he had, from Fort Madison, specially recom
mended to the Major the utmost vigilance, and on the fatal 30th, that
officer had assured him of his ability to repel any attack. The Avhole
testimony, documentary and the statements of the fcAv survivors,
shoAvs that Major Beasely Avas brave to desperation ; that he held the
Indians in conterapt ; Avas angry at Avhat he considered false alarms,
and as a taunt and derision to the timid, had the main gate thrown
open.* Before Major Beasely and his coramand reinforced the fort, and
before General Claiborne reached Mount Vernon, Colonel Carson
had sent Lieutenant Osborn and twenty men to Mims, and on the
28th July, he reported, "this stockade is in good condition, and I
am sure it Avill be Avell defended." On the 30th August, the morning
report .shoAvs that there were one hundred and five men on duty in
the fort, and thirty-five at Pierce's stockade, one mUe off, under the
orders of Major Beasely. Never men fought better — never officers
displayed more heroism ; but all Avas unavailing, and nearly all per
ished. The Avhole number in the fort Avas tAvo hundred and seventy-
five, of Avhora not raore than fifteen escaped. The Indians buried
many of their dead, but left one hundred and nine bodies on the
field, and fifty afterwards died of their Avounds at Burnt Corn Spring.
The effective force in the fort, on the morning of the attack, Avas
_*The gate must have been open several days before the attack. Pickett, in his
History of Alabama, says : " Major Beasely rushed, sword in hand, and essayed
in vain to shut it. The sand had Avashed against it and 'it could not be shut."

Territory and State. 325
greater than Avas ever concentrated in any one of the stations in Ken-
lucky, or in the NorthAvestern Territory, to resist an attack of the
Indians. In the old Cherokee Avar, fifteen men in a stockade, near NashviUe,
repelled four hundred savages.
In Wayne's campaign, Fort Recovery, on St. Clair's battiefield, far
in advance of Fort Greenville, Avas deemed safe Avith one company
of infantry, and was not attacked.
• Forts HamUton, St. Clair and Jefferson seldom had more than one
company, and often only a subaltern's command.
In the last Avar Avith the British and Indians, Fort Chicago, on the
lUinois, Avas successfully defended by fifty raen against an overwhel
ming force of Indians, until it was evacuated by ord.r of General
HuU. Fort Madison, besieged by over four hundred PotaAvatomies, Avas
successfiUly defended by thirty men. And about the same time sev
enteen regulars, in a small post at Bellefontaine, repeUed a similar
attack. In 1812, Fort Harrison, Indiana, Avas besieged by a large body of
savages, led by the Prophet. A breach Avas made in the defences by
the burning of a block house. One company, of Avhich only fifteen
men were able to do duty, defended it for ten days. Of the fifteen
two attempted to escape, clambered over the pickets and Avere shot.
This heroic defence was made by Captain, (afterAvards President,)
Taylor. On our OAvn frontier, after the fall of Fort Minis, Lieutenant
BaUey, with tAvelve men, successfuUy defended Sinkfield station in the
Forks, against one hundred Indians, under the prophet Francis.
Educated in the tactics of Wayne, one of the most impetuous, yet
cautious commanders, and with these precedents of Indian warfare,
General Claiborne could scarcely credit -the fall of Fort Mims.
Rumors of a hostUe movement of the Indians had been received
everyAvhere; had occasioned vigilance and circumspection; had in
duced the general to repair to the most advanced post ; had called
from him an eraphatic warning to his officers ; had raade a deep im
pression everywhere but at the fated stockade. The brave man who
commanded there, unfortunately construed the last admonition of his
general as superfluous and over-cautious; discredited the local alarms,
and, as the morning report shoAvs, had six of his soldiers absent on
permit, so littie did he apprehend danger. Never did an officer more
bravely seek to redeem his fatal over-confidence. He fell at the
gate, in the blaze of a thousand rifles. Never men fought better, but
such Avas the advantage given to the enemy, by neglecting the most
obvious precautions, all their bravery Avas thrown away.
With a bleeding heart, the General ordered Captain Kennedy to
bury the dead. On repairing there he found thousands of buzzards
and hundreds of dogs, as wild and ferocious as Avolves, devouring the
rotting remains.
This terrible tragedy spread consternation through the Territory.
On the immediate frontier, the whole population fled to the stockades,
leaving their abundant crops ungathered. No one kneAv where the
next blow would fall, and a coalition of the Creeks and Choctaws was
generaUy apprehended. The citizens on Chickasawha and Pearl

326 Mississippi, as a Province,
rivers erected stockades. The alarm penetrated to Baton Rouge, St.
FrancisvUle, Natchez, Port Gibson, Winchester and Walnut HiUs,
and strong Committees of Vigilance and Safety Avere organized."*
When the ncAvs reached Tennessee, the Legislature immediately
authorized a call for fifteeen hundred volunteers, and pledged the
revenues of the State for one hundred years to pay their expenses!
And it authorized the Governor to borrow money for the expedition
Avherever he could get it. He drcAV a note for $20,000, endorsed by
Wm. G. Blount, John Russell and Enoch Parsons, (author of the
resolution,) and the old State Bank discounted it.
Thus, by this martial and patriotic people, Avho have never flinched
on any battlefield, Avas inaugurated the movement of General Jackson
into the Creek nation, Avhich resulted in that series of victories that
have no parallel in Indian Avarfare — victories Avhich demonstrated the
superiority of the Avhite man, but left no dishonor on his brave an
tagonist. Governor Holmes likeAvise made every effort in his power. Sep
tember 2d, 1813, he called for a draft of five hundred men from the
militia, and the several cavalry companies to hold themselves ready
for niarching orders. In three days the Jefferson troop. Captain
Dougherty, Avith sixty raen, reported at Pleadquarters, and set out im
mediately for the frontier, foUowed next day by Captain Bulhn's and
¦¦¦¦Port Gibson, September 18th, 1813.
At a meeting held at Port Gibson, in Claiborne county, for the purpose of tak
ing measures for the public safety of said county. Colonel Daniel Burnett was
called to the Chair, aud Jefferson 11. Moore appointed Secretary.
On motion of H. Blennerhassett,
Resolved, That a committee, to consist of seven persons, be appointed to enquire
into the foundation of the late alarm ; and also to recommend and report such
means as they think best calculated for our defence.
The following gentlemen Avere appointed members ot said Comraittee, viz:
Major Clarke, H. Blennerhassett, H. Harraon, Colonel Ragan, Captain P. Bris
coe, "VV. Briscoe and Thomas Barnes, Avbo made to the meeting tlie following
REPORT.
That, From the best inforraation they can obtain, the late alarm of invasion on
the frontiei-s of this county by a saA'age enemy, has been groundless and un
founded. But a crisis is at present arrived, at Avhich it is no longer doubtful that
such a calamity ought to be expected and provided against by a system of de
fence the most speedy in its creation, and efi'ective in itself.
That, For this purpose, the Comraittee recommend the erection of three stock
ade forts at three points to be viewed and determined upon by a committee on
the frontier ; also one strong fort to be erected in such central part of the
county as shall be fixed upon by a committee. The Comraittee think that other
dangers to which the county ia exposed, frora a local source, as well as from sav
age invasion, should cause the erection of all the forts at one and the same
time. Your Comraittee further recommend to such planters as can conveniently, by
their OAvn force and that of neighbors, Avithin convenient distance, the erection
of local hlock houses on their plantations.
They invite and recommend every voluntary aid their felloAv-citizens can lend
to the militia duty, of keeping up a reguhir aiid constant piirtv of rangers and
spies on the frontiers. DAN'L BUENETT, Chau-man.
Jeff. II. JIoore, Secretary.
Frontier Commiltre—'Ma]or CX&rke, Captain Jolmson, Captain Briscoe, David
M'Caleb, .Tohn Booth. Gibson Clarke and Moses Shelbv.
Central Committee— Thomas Barnes, WiUiora Tabor,' Samuel Gibson, "WiUiam
Briscoe, H. Blennerhassett, Colonel R. Ragan, James Watson, Dan'l Burnett,
Thomas Farar, Judge Leake and Robert Cochran.

Territory and State. 327
Captain James Grafton's companies of infantry ; next day Captain
Kempe, Avith the Adams troop, marched in the same direction.
There was soon concentrated at Mount Vernon, five companies of
infantry and four full companies of horse, the latter under Colonel
Thomas Hinds.
They were placed under the orders of General Claiborne, Avith
instructions from General Flournoy to employ the cavalry as rangers,
for the protection of the settlers in gathering their crops. This service —
though very important — was not Avhat Avas expected Avhen they voh
untarily left their comfortable homes. They came for battie and
glory, and could see neither in the lonely scout, over swamp and cane-
brakes, and the weary Avatch over isolated corn-fields and log cabins.
Chafing under this service, they sent an address — or rather a remon
strance—through General Claiborne to Major-General Flournoy, not
at all in conformity Avith established notions of military propriety and
subordination. In the absence of this address or a copy of it, its
nature may be inferred from the foUoAving correspondence :
MAJOR HINDS TO GENERAL CLAIBORNE.
Camp Pine Level, October 26th, 1813.
Dear General : I have the honor to enclose you an address to Major-
General Flournoy, from the officers of the squadron of volunteer cavalry, with
a request that you will be so good as to permit the same, to be forwarded forth
with. And it gives me sincere pleasure to s^y that I am instructed to assure
you, that nothing contained in it is intended to apply to yourself, but, on the
contrary, every officer feels himself indebted to you for your constant politeness
and attention to the interests and comfort of the squadron.
With sentiments of sincere respect.
Your obedient servant, Thomas Hinds, Major.
FROM general FLOURNOY TO GENERAL CLAIBORNE.
Mobile, October 28th, 1813.
My only response to the address of Major Hinds, and the officers of his
corps is, that they were sent to me as volunteers by Governor Holmes. They
tendered me their services and asked to be employed. I accepted them, and
ordered them to report to you. They have lived roughly, but as well as you
or I. If they leave, we cannot help it. I cannot discharge them, because
that would imply that their services are no longer necessary, which is not the
case. As to stationing them at St. Stephens, Pine Level, or elsewhere, that
cannot be allowed. If they remain, they must be kept constantly employed,
in protecting the people who must noAV gather their crops, for subsistence, for
our troops, and for the men who are exiled from Tennessee. I am_ sorry these
gentlemen should have entered the service under such erroneous impressions.
The fault is theirs, not mine.
FROM GENERAL FLOURNOY TO GENERAL CLAIBORNE.
"The injudicious and unmilitary conduct of the dragoon oflBicers under the
command of Major Hinds compels me to believe, that they are not disposed to
co-operate with us in defence of their country. I have consequently returned
them to Governor Plolmes, to be disposed of as he may think proper. You
will, therefote, give them no orders, and they are not to be considered a part
of your force. You will take care to get their arms when they leave. They
will have no use for them where they are going, and Ave shallwant them for
men who are willing to remain on the frontier and defend the inhabitants."
This was an unfortunate rupture. It is probable that General Clai-

328 Mississippi, as a Province,
borne endeavored to reconcile matters, and Avith that view Avent a lit
tle beyond the line of duty. Major Hinds was his personal friend,
and relative by marriage, and most of the corps were the sons of his
friends and neighbors. He received from Major-General Flournoy
the foUowing reprimand : Mobile, Nov. 10th, 1813.
Sir — The enclosed paper came to my hands after I had boarded the vessel
that brought me to this place. A sense of duty requires me to tell you that, in
sending me such a report, you have not only acted without, hut against orders.
From Avhence do you derive your authority for calling the militia under Major
Hinds, sent here by the Governor of the Territory, United States troops ? You
know I have decided that they 'are not in the service of the United States. There
is no laAV or regulation that can make them so, even had they remained in ser
vice under my acceptance — which acceptance expressly stated that they
Avere not receiyed as United States troops.
Besides, you know that I have returned them to the Governor, declaring that
in consequence of their insubordination, I would no longer undertake to com
mand them, and they are now under the Governor's orders. And in my letter,
handed to you at Mount Vernon, in relation to these men, I instructed you to
this effect. The paper is returned to you for correction, and explanation, and
in future you Avill have no men on your rolls and returns, but those Avhom the
laws and my orders declare to be United States troops."
The ncAvspapers and politicians of the Western counties, violentiy
denounced the stern old Georgian for his course in this raatter, but he
was sustained by the frontier people and the authorities at Washington.
The sarae corps, under the same intrepid leader, transferred afterwards
to a different theater, became, as avUI be shoAvn hereafter, "the admir
ation of one army and the astonishment of the other."
By this tiine General Claiborne, chiefly through the agency of Col.
George H. Nixon, a very gallant officer, George S. Gaines, John
Pitchlyn and Simon Favre, of Hancock county, Miss., had secured not
only the neutrality, but the co-operation of the Choctaws. Pushmat
taha, one of the three raedal-chiefs, and the raost eloquent speaker in
the nation, had been invited to his carap, had been arrayed in the fuU
uniform of a general, and soon reported for service with a number of
his Avarriors. General Claiborne's command had been greatly depleted
by the expiration of the term of service for Avhich his men had en
listed, and many had returned horae. After building Fort Claiborne
he, at length, prevailed on Major-General Flournoy to reinforce him
Avith the 3d United States Infantry, Colonel Russell, and to authorize
his advance into the Creek nation.
The contemplated expedition Avas not agreeable to most of his officers,.
and they placed in his hands the foUoAving paper :
"The undersigned, volunteer officers, as republican soldiers devoted to their
government, and Avarmly .attached to yourself, and disclaiming any authority to
remonstrate or complain, nevertheless, respectfully ask permission to lay their
opinions before you, in relation to tbe movement into the Creek nation. Con
sidering that winter and the Avet season have set in ; the untrodden wilderness
to be traversed ; the impossibility of transporting supplies for the want of
roads; that most of our men are Avithout Avinter clothing, shoes or blankets;
that a large majority of those ordered to march will he entitled to their dis
charge before tbe expedition can be accomplished ; for these, and other consid
erations, Ave trust the enterprise may be reconsidered and abandoned, declaring
at the same time that, be your decision Avhat it may, we shall cheerfully obey
yonr orders, and carry out your plans."
Louis Painboeuf, C. G. Johnson, C. V. Foelkil, Ben Dent, Philip A. Engle,.

Territory and State. 329
E. Jones, A. Wells, James Foster, H. Morrison, Captains'; Alexander Calvit,
Lieutenant and, Aid-de-Camp ; Ben. F. Harney, Surgeon ; John Allen, John
Camp, Wm. Morgan, R. Bowman, E. C. Anderson Layson, J. Lockridge, The
ron Kellogg, A. L. Osborne, Lieutenants; George Dougharty, B. Blanton, M.
Calliham, H. O. Davis, E. Burton, Stephen Mayers, James Luckett, Ensigns.
"Their objections," says General Claiborne, in a dispatch to the
Mississippi Republican, pubUshed soon after, "were stated with the
dignity, feeUng and respect those officers had always manifested. But
those abused, calumniated defenders of their country, in a situation
to try the stoutest heart, rose superior to privation and suffering. As
soon as the order to march Avas issued, each man repaired promptly to
his post. Many, Avhose term of service had expired, and had not
received a dollar of their arrearages, volunteered for the expedition,
and with cheerful alacrity moved to their stations in the line." This
includes every officer Avho signed the address. "Yes," continues the
General, "when they were exposed in these sAvamps and canebrakes
to an inclement Avinter Avithout tents, blankets, warm clothing, shoes
and food ; Avhen every countenance exhibited suffering ; Avhen they
Avere nine days without meat, and subsisted chiefly on parched corn,
these brave men won an important battle, and endured without a mur
mur the exigencies of the service."
Most of these volunteers Avere young men accustomed to the luxu
ries of life. Among them Avere men who becarae Senators and Judges,
and two (Gerard C. Brandon and A. M. Scott) afterwards filled the
Executive chair of Mississippi. "Officers and men," says Captain
Dale, "were averse to the expedition, but when their General reminded
them of the taunts of their traducers on the banks of the Mississippi,
and that their comrades, slain at Fort Mims, had yet to be avenged,
Avith one voice they SAvore they Avould follow him or die in the Avilder
ness."* After the massacre at Fort Mims, under the advice of the Prophet,
a town or fortress had been built, in a remote place, and to which no
path led, called E-can-a-cha-ha, or Holy Ground. The Prophets here
took up their abode, and assured their deluded foUowers that no Avhite
man could approach it. "It had been strongly fortified," says Pickett,
"in the Indian manner; some two hundred houses were erected, and
it was the point to which those Avho had been on marauding expedi
tions or in battie retreated Avith their plunder and for safety. It
stood upon a bluff, on the eastern side of the Alabama river, just be
low PoweU's ferry, in the county [of Lowndes. Here many of the
white persons and friendly Indians had been burned to death."
To destroy this fastness— the chief centre of Indian fanaticism, and
break down the confidence of the savages in their Prophets— was the
object of the expedition.
Eighty miles from Fort Claiborne, near Double Swamp, m the
present county of Butier, a stockade Avas erected, and leaving there
the sick, the baggage and teams, in light marching order, they
struck out, through the pathless woods, for the Holy City, some thirty
mUes away.
¦ December 23a, the troops advanced in three columns. The town
was on a small wooded plateau, with ravines and swamp on three

'Claiborne's Life of Sam Dale.

330 Mississippi, as a Province,
sides, and the Alabama river on the other. It was protected by
faUen timber, and by stakes driven firmly in the ground. The
Indians, cheered by their prophets, Avho assured an easy victory,
and headed by Weatherford — who had led them at Fort Mims — met
the troops on the brink of the ravine, and fought with desperation.
But after a heavy fight of thirty minutes, seeing many of their best
Avarriors wounded or dead, they fled to the swamp and river, their
intrepid leader being the last to retreat. Mounting a grey charger —
well knoAvii on the frontier — he dashed to a bluff on the river, and
with his rifle in hand and a Avhoop of defiance, he plunged in, and
reached the Avestern bank safely.
On advancing into the great square, Mrs. Sophia Durant, a half-
breed lady of respectabUity, and ten other half-breeds, friendly to the
whites, were found tied to stakes, Avith piles of lightAvood around.
Their lives Avere saved by the sudden assault.
Many savages fell, and the town, heretofore deemed invulnerable,,
Avas burned. The moral effect Avas great. It demonstrated that they
had no fortress too sacred, too remote or too strong to be exempt from
assault, and it destroyed their fanatical faith in their Prophets, and
their incantations and assurances.
In this battle a number of Shawnese Avere engaged. Three of
them Avere killed the next day, and a town of sixty houses, eight
railes higher up the river, destroyed.
In Weatherford's house, at the Holy Ground, a number of letters
from the Spanish authorities at Pensacola, Avere obtained, showing
their close relations with the savages. In transmitting these to the
War Department, General Claiborne said : ' ' Seize Pensacola, and
you disarm the Indians. It is the real heart of the Creek confed
eracy." By this time the term of service of two-thirds of his A'olunteers had
expired. But the General intended to prevail on them to pursue the
Creeks still farther. At that juncture, he received a letter from Gen
eral Jackson, dated Deceraber i8th, 1813, urging him to remain at
Weatherford's Bluff untU further advices.
This determined the return to Fort Claiborne. On his arrival
there, Carson's Mississippi volunteers, and the cavalry, Avere mustered
out of service, and there Avere only sixty men left, 'whose term Avould
expire in a month. These troops, the General complains, had been
permitted to serve Avithout clothing or shoes, and had been disbanded
with eight months pay due thera ! What a commentary on the War
Department of that day ! What an illustration of the patience and
patriotism of the volunteers of Mississippi !
The volunteers had served over and above their term; had re
mained, from attachment to their General, and started on the weary
journey for their distant homes on the Pearl, the Amite and the Mis
sissippi Avithout a cent of their pay. Their General soon foUowed, as
poor as themselves, and, Avith a constitution broken by exposure, soon
died. He Avas accused by critics Avho remained in their comfortable
retreats, Avith inactivity. He Avas held responsible for the faU of
Fort Mims. He Avas charged with a want of enterprise in not in
vading the Creek nation, on his arrival on the Alabama. His vindi-

Territory and State. 331
cation AviU be found in the preceding narrative, and in the following
memoir, -f-
WhUe our frontier Avas being desolated and most of our able-bodied
men had repaired there for its defence, the condition of things at home
was bad. The Avar Avith Great Britain had brought down the price
of cotton to seven or eight cents, and the crop then and for several
preceding years, had been greatly reduced by rot. For three years,
in succession, the river lands had been overflowed. Neither real or
personal property Avould command more than one-half their previous
value. There Avas a heavy debt owing the United States for lands
purchased, faUing due at the end of the year, Avhich, if not paid,
under the terms of the sale, would operate a forfeiture of the land,
Avithout any -illoAvance for the improvements made thereon. The
usual official vermin and revenue detectives and agents, that SAvarm
at periods of distress, in the arrogance and pride of place, had made
their appearance, like vultures scenting their prey afar off. The war,
besides drawing aAvay the laboring white men, augmenting the price
of commodities by blocking up the avenues of trade, had largely in
creased the taxes, Avhich many of the people Avere unable to pay.
The situation Avas bad. It had been aggravated by experimental
and very injudicious legislation. Before the Avar commenced, when
cotton readUy commanded fifteen cents, and Avhen there could be no
pretext for interfering betAveen debtor and creditor, the legislature
passed Avhat Avas designated as the Forth-Coming Bond Law, which,
in its operation, amounted to a suspension of judicial process — since
it was, ultimately, raore difficult to obtain an execution on such a
bond than on the original judgment. Tempted by the high price of
cotton, people had plunged recklessly in debt for land and slaves, and
this interference Avith old and established laws, Avas in the interest of
the improvident and speculative, but not authorized by any sound
principle of political economy.
Cotton Avas received at fourteen and fifteen cents in payment of
debts. The Forth-coming bond act Avas repealed, but an Act was
passed " to prevent the sacrifice of property," followed by "an Act
for the relief of debtors." Subsequentiy, another so-caUed relief law
was passed.
The motive for this legislation might be good ; the intention, osten-
«At a meeting of the militia otficers of the Mississippi Territory, Avho have
lately been discharged, the foUowing address Avas unanimously agreed j;o:
TO BRIGADIER-GENERAL CLAIBORNE.
The undersigned, whose term of service has just expired, being about to re
turn to their homes, desire to express their high appreciation of your military and
personal character, and of your uniform kindness and attention to your officers
and men. "With your limited resources and your restraining orders, you haT?_e
done aUthat a General or man could do, and every member of your command,
from the private soldier to the highest in rank, regards you as their trusted leader,
and as a father. 'We shall carry this feeling with us to our homes, and shall teach
our families and our chUdren to revere your name. , . u
R. Robinson, Major; John H. Shanks, Jacob Guice, PhUip HiU, Zacchariah
X-ea, Captains; John C. Cox, Surgeon; C. G. LleweUen, Ozias Austin, David
Guice, W. W. Blanton, Peter C. Chambliss, M. Kinchew, G. W. "Weatherly, ti.
Alexander, John Stephens, Hiram Baldwin, Jaraes Green, W. M. Leake, James
McGowen, Lieutenants; W. King, Sam. Nicholson, Joel White, Ellis E. Spellman,
Ensigns. Baton Bouge, March 22, 1813.

332 • Mississippi, as a Province.
sibly, was to prevent the sacrifice of the brave men then defending
our frontier, but really more to shield the gambler in land and negroes
purchased at high prices, and whose value, owing to the war, had
rapidly depreciated. But since, by no act of the Legislature, could
the debt be sponged out, these so-called relief laws only superinduced
an accumulation of interest and costs that, in the end, swept every
thing into the pockets of the creditor.
Yet, with the knoAvledge that their crops had faded, or been des
troyed by the rot ; that the Avar with Great Britain, and the blockade,
and its domination of the seas, had reduced cotton below the cost of
production ; that the national government, pressed by its necessities,
Avas clamoring for the last installment due on land, and that, in aU
probability, their families would be evicted and homeless — these brave
Mississippians, badly clothed, badly fed, and not paid, continued in
service to the last moment;, many, after their terras had expired;
patient, uncomplaining, obedient, as fifty years since Ave have seen
their sons and grandsons, on the frozen banks of the Potomac, in the
deadly trenches of Petersburg, in the defiles of Georgia — whenever
there was an invader tt) confront, or a duty to discharge, though they
knew their families at home were Avithout shelter and often Avithout
bread !

CHAPTEE XXTIII.

' HE name of Gen. Ferdinand Leigh Claiborne has so
frequentiy occurred in the course of this narrative, and
, there are so many proofs of the zeal and perseverance
he manifested in defence of the frontier, that a brief
memoir of his career is called for. He Avas a native of
J Sussex county, 'Virginia, of a family prominent in that com-
mouAvealth from the tirae of Charles I. On the 21st of No-
(vember, 1793, in his tAventieth year, he Avas appointed an ensign
in the Legion in the service of the United States, and Avas
ordered forthAvith to the headquarters of Major-General Wayne,
on the NorthAvestern frontier. He Avas in the great battie in Avhich
that able General soon after defeated the Indians, and for his good
conduct was promoted to a lieutenancy. At the close of the war he
Avas stationed at Richmond, and Norfolk, in the recruiting service,
and subsequently Avas ordered to Pittsburg, Fort Washington, Fort
Greenville and Detroit, Avhere he remained Avith the rank of Captain
and acting Adjutant General, ist regiraent U. S. infantry, army of the
Avest, until 1805, AA'hen he resigned and removed to Natchez, in the
Mississippi Territory. Entering extensively into mercantile and agri
cultural operations, he Avas soon after elected a representative to the
Territorial Legislature, and Avas called by that body to preside over
its deliberations. When General WUkinson applied to the authorities
of the Territory for volunteers, to aid him in repelling the hostUe
demonstrations of the Spaniards on the Sabine, he was placed at the
head of the expedition, and when Avithin one day's march of the
Sabine, Avas met by an order from the commanding general, to
retrace his march, and disband the volunteers — an order predicated
on private negotiations between the Spanish and American Generals,
that occasioned great dissatisfaction in the Mississippi Territory, and
permanentiy impaired the popularity of Gen. Wilkinson. On the Sth
of March, 1813, Col. Claiborne Avas appointed Brigadier General of
volunteers, in the service of the United States, and Avas ordered by
Major-General WUkinson to take command of the post of Baton
Rouge, where a considerable number of volunteers were stationed.
In the latter part of June, 181 3, he was ordered to march with his
command from Baton Rouge to Fort Stodart, on the Alabama; "the
defence of MobUe," said the order, "will be your principal care."
The foUowing letter addressed to Major-General Flournoy (who had
succeeded Wilkinson in the command') wUl show the difficulties of the

334 Mississippi, as a Province,
march, and the miserable condition of the Quarter-master's depart
ment : Buller's Plains, 21 miles from Baton Eouge, "l
July Sth, 1813. /
Sir : I arrived here last evening, preceded by 250 men of Col. Carson's regi
ment, Mississippi Volunteers. The rear will be up to-raorrow evening, under
the command of Lt.-Col. Eoss, who will proceed with the regiment to Liberty,
Avhere he will be joined by a wagon-train from Natchez. I shall join the com
mand at Liberty. It has rained every day for six weeks. The roads are in
tolerable. Already tbe two hundred dollars advanced me have been expended
for wagon hire. I will, however, meet all the necessary disbursements on the
march ont of my OAvn means. Very respectfully, your most obedient servant,
Ferdinand L. Claiborne,
Brigadier General Volunteers.
extract from a letter from gen. CLAIBORNE TO COL. BEN. HAWKINS, XJ. S.
AGENT, CREEK NATION.
Cantonment, Mount Vernon, near Fort Stodart, "l
August 14th, 1813. /
"On the 30th ult., I reached this place, with 700 men, from Baton Eouge,
and expect to be re-inforced by the 7th Eegiment, U. S. regulars, in a few
days. I cannot say what Avill be the determination of Maj.-Gen. Flournoy,
under whose orders I act, but I hope to receive permission to strike for the
heart of the Creek nation."
The foUoAving letter, Avritten soon after the command reached its
place of destination, shoAvs, in a strong light, his solicitude for the vol
unteers and the self-sacrificing spirit of this patriotic officer:
Cantonment, near Fort Stodart, "I
August 13th, 1813. i
To the Officer in Command al Liberty, Mississippi Territory :
Sir : I write for the express purpose of sayin.g that under no circumstances
must the sick Avho have been left at Liberty, suffer for the Avant of any comfort.
Should Surgeon Cox be out of medicine direct him to send forthwith to his
father, at the town of Washington, and I will see the amount paid."-' If you
cannot procure groceries and other supplies from the dealers in town without
cash, apply, in my name, to my friends. Col. Nelson, H. !M. Harper, Thomas
Waggoner, Esq., or either of them, to assist you in obtaining them, and I will
be personally accountable. Your obedient servant, F. L. Claiborne,
Brig. Gen. Vols.
Although ordered to the Alabama for the express purpose of co
operating in the "defence of Mobile," his attention Avas immediately
drawn to the condition of the frontier. Unfortunately, as fully ap
pears from the documents before us, the communications from the
U. S. Agent in the Creek nation. Col. HaAvkins, to Gen. Flournoy,
had persuaded the latter, that the agitation among the Indians Avas of
a domestic nature, and would only lead to a civil Avar among them
selves. Gen. Claiborne, and the best informed citizens on the
frontier, thought otherwise, and he accordingly applied to the Major-
General for a smaU reinforcement of regulars, Avith permission to
march at once .into the heart of the nation. The foUowing extract of
a letter from Major-General Flournoy, in reply to Brigadier-General
Claiborne, wUl illustrate the state of things. It is dated Bay St. Louis,
August I Gth, 1813 :

¦Dr. John Coxe, an eminent surgeon and physician.

TliRRITORY AND StATE. 335
"I shall send tho 7th Eegiment by Avater to Mobile. I fear that it is the de
sign of the Spanish Government to draw our force to the upper country, by
playing off the Indians upon us there, and then to make an attempt to retake
Mobile. To guard against this, Maj. Gibson will be directed to remain Avith
his regiment at Mobile, till further orders from myself. I have to entreat you,
not to permit your zeal for the public good (which I know you have at heart as
much as any man), to draw you into acts of indiscretion. Your Avish to pene
trate into the Indian country, Avith a vieAV of commencing the Avar, does not
meet my approbation, and I again repeat, our operations must be confined to de
fensive measures."
Gen. Claiborne had, likewise, urged the commander-in-chief to call
out the militia of the Territory for the defence of the country, but, in
the same coraraunication. Gen. Flournoy says: "lam not authorized
to make the call."* Several murders having been committed by the
Indians, Gen. Claiborne had taken the responsibility of establishing a
chain of posts on the waters of the Tombigbee and Alabama, for the
protection of the settlers. He also dispatched Maj. Bellanger, to the
Choctaws, then balancing betAveen Avar and peace, to secure their co
operation, Avithout Avhich the whole territory Avould have been exposed
to the tomahaAvk. In the letter above quoted. Gen. Flournoy says:
"You may dispose of the volunteers according to your judgment, but
for the reasons stated, viz : a fear that the Spaniards design attacking
Mobile, and Mobile Point, I must enjoin you not to give any order
or interfere with the instructions to the officers at those posts." Hav
ing distributed his troops into posts to protect the adjacent settlements,
and enable the citizens to secure their crops, according to universal
usage in Indian warfare, Avith more men at each post than ever Avere
assembled at any one post on the Northwestern territory in Wayne's
campaigns, or during the last war with Great Britain, or in the san
guinary settlement of Kentucky and Tennessee, Gen. Claiborne per
sonaUy inspected each of them, and urged the utmost circumspection
against the treacherous enemy. On the 7 th of August, he arrived at
Fort Mims, and ordered Maj. Beasely to strengthen his picketing, to
build two additional blockhouses, and to send out scouts constantiy.
The foUoAving is the statement of Lieut. Chambliss, a gaUant officer,
and one of the few Avho survived the fatal catastrophe of the 30th
of August :
" I certify that I delivered, on the 7th of August last, a letter from Gen.
Claiborne to Maj. Beasely, commanding Fort Mims, instructing him to
strengthen the pickets, and to build one or two additional blockhouses. And
I further certify that Maj. Beasely received a. letter, one or two days before the
attack on Fort Mims, from Gen. Claiborne (Avho was on his Avay to Fort
Easely), advising him of the reported movements of the enemy.
Wm. E. Chambliss,
Lieut. Miss. Vols.''
Port Gibson, July 16th, 1814.
Having returned, from this tour of inspection, to St. Stephens, in
telligence reached him on the 2 sth of August that an attack was to be
made on Fort Easely, the most advanced and feeble post on the
frontier, where many families were coUected, with but six men to de
fend them. He immediately sent despatches to the different posts,
and with 30 men of Scott's, and 30 of Dent's company, and 20
*It was the duty of Gov. Holmes to have made this caU. But he postponed it
until after the faU of Fort Mims. And we have seen how promptly it was
responded to.

336 Mississippi, as a Province,
dragoons, repaired to Fort Easely to take the coramand. Here he re
ceived the astounding iicavs of the fall of Fort Mims — astounding,
because his last cautions had been directed to its gallant command
ant; because the morning report, the day preA'ious to the attack,
showed the effective force to be 106, besides 35 men at Pierce's and
Kennedy's raiUs, in the vicinity, who received orders frora the fort;
and because, ia a letter, written on the very morning of the attack,
Maj. Beasely had reported hiraself prepared to repel, any force that
raight assail hira. As far back as the 28th of July, Lieut. S. M.
Osborn (Avho afterwards fell in the fort), in a letter to Col. Carson,
says: "This stockade is in good condition, and I ara sure avUI be
Avell defended." And it would have been successfuUy defended, but
for the fatal confidence and contempt of the enemy that prevaUed,
and rendered all subsequent gaUantry unavailing. Educated in the
tactics of Wayne, General Claiborne could hardly realize the fall of
Fort Miras — and with a bleeding heart gave orders to Capt. Kennedy
to repair to the fatal spot, and bury the remains of the gaUant dead.
The fort, on the morning of the attack, mustered 106 effective men,
and a plentiful supply of provisions and munitions of Avar. The origi
nal fortification Avas a line of pickets, Avith one blockhouse, a large
dAvelling, kitchen and smoke-house, and two bastions placed in posi
tion to throAV upon an enemy a cross fire, in Avhatever direction he
might approach. These Avorks had been materially strengthened.
Had the gates been kept closed, and the men properly posted in the
bastions and blockhouse, all experience shoAvs, that such a force
might have kept at bay a thousand Indians.
The courage of Maj. Beasely amounted to desperation. Although
often warned, he turned a deaf ear to all idea of danger. At th e
onset of the enemy, in the blaze of three hundred rifles, he rushed to
close the front gate, Avhich opened into the outAvard Avork not yet
completed. Here he fell — too soon to perceive his inabiUty to repel
a superior force fighting on equal terras ; too late to enable the g^Uant
officer Avho succeeded hira, to gain possession of the bast ions and
blockhouse, Avhich were now occupied by the eneray. Informed of
this great disaster by express frora Capt. Kennedy, in command at
Mount "Vernon, Gen. Claiborne left Fort Easely, and immediately
repaired to the several posts and settiements, to rally the .flying inhab
itants, and urge them to enroll for the defence of the country. He
Avas actively and zealously aided by Col. Haines, Col. PhiUips, George
S. Gaines, Maj. Smoot, Judge Toulmin, Col. Caller, Capt. Henry,
and Messrs. McGriffin, Sewall, Bohannan, Irvin, BaldAvin, Cols.
Patton, Skinner and Bates, Capts. Lester, Dale, and other influential
citizens. His attention Avas next directed to the ChoctaAvs, Avho then
occupied the Mississippi Territory north and south from the Wayne
county line to the Tallahatchie river, and east and Avest from the
Tombigbee to the Bayou Pierre. The young warriors of that power
ful tribe had snuffed the scent of blood, and Avere panting for the
strife. The Chickasawhay tOAvns began to paint and to chant their
Avar songs. Some of thera had been present at the great councU held
by Tecumseh Avith the Creeks, and runners were constantiy passing
from one nation to the other. At this juncture Fort Mims fell, and
the ChoctaAvs were on the eve of draAving the scalping knife against
the whites. Their aspect Avas so menacing, and the consternation so

Territory and State. 337
great, that the people of the southeastern counties. Green, Wayne and
Perry, forted at Winchester, and on the Mississippi many famUies
abandoned tiieir homes, and fled to the swamps. More than once it
AA'as reported that the ChoctaAvs Avere in arms," marching on Port
Gibson and Natchez. Had they united Avith the Creeks, the Avhole
Territory Avould have been desolated. No possible force in the
poAver of the federal or territorial authorities to rally, could have
stemmed the tide of butchery and conflagration. Gen. Claiborne, it
Avill be recoUected, had some time before dispatched Maj. Ballenger
into the nation to ascertain the temper of the ChoctaAvs, (where he un
fortunately died), and he Avas constantly advised of their movements
by George S. Gaines, then residing among them at the U. S. Factory,
and to Avhose zeal, activity and sagacity there are abundant testimonies
in the papers of Gen. Claiborne. Through the agency of this gentle
man, and by liberal expenditures from his private purse, the General
induced Pushmataha, a renoAvned Avarrior, orator and medal chief of
the ChoctaAvs, to visit St. Stephens and Mobile. The result of his
A'isit Avas the union of the ChoctaAvs with the Avhites, and thus one
great point for the protection of the Territory Avas secured. From
MobUe Gen. Claiborne returned to Mount Vernon, accompanied by
Maj.-Gen. Flournoy, aa'iio assumed the command. An expedition
was resolved upon, to consist of the 3rd and 7th regiments, U. S. in
fantry, one company of artiUery, the volunteers under Gen. Claiborne,
including Maj. Hinds' dragoons, and a detachment of Choctaws,
making tAvo thousand effective men, to be led by the Major-General
in person. Active preparations Avere set on foot. On the 12th of
October, 1813, Gen. Claiborne Avas ordered to advance Avith the
volunteers, and Hinds' dragoons. The object of this detachment
was to march through the forks of the Tombigbee and Alabama,
routing the parties of the enemy supposed to be lurking there, and
then to take post at some eUgible point until the main body of the
army,-could move. On this march the savages continually hovered
round the troops, in small parties, a fcAv skirmishes occurred, but no
stratagem could induce the Indians to appear in force. Gen. Clai
borne then encamped at Pine Level, in a plentiful country, to aAvait
further orders. The coramand Avas in high spirits, and burning for
an opportunity to Avin distinction on the battie-field. On the 6th of
November Gen. Flournoy announced to Gen. Claiborne that he had
determined to abandon the enterprise.' This determination was pro
duced by an order frora the War Department directing Lieut. -Col.
RusseU to correspond Avith the officer in command of the Georgia
troops, Avhich, by implication, constituted the 3d regiment a separate
command. Besides this unlooked-for event, Avhich reduced the
effective force of Gen. Flournoy nearly one-third, it was the opinion
of CoL McKee, U. S. Agent for the Choctaws, that the Avhole force
on the frontier Avas inadequate to the proposed expedition. The
Major-General therefore resolved to return to New Orleans with the
7th regiraent. He had declined recognizing Hinds' Dragoons as
being in the service of the United States, and that gaUant corps of
Mississippians Avere preparing to return horae, deeply mortified, but
not without saying to Gen. Claiborne, in a letter from Major PLnds:
"It gives me sincere pleasure to inform you, that I am instructed to
say, that nothing contained in our address to Gen. Flournoy is m-

338 Mississippi, as a Province.
tended for yourself; but on the contrary every officer feels himself in
debted to your politeness and at:;ention to the interest and comfort of
the squadron." On the Sth of November, Gen. Claiborne addressed
Gen. Flournoy, as foUoAvs :
"I this moment recei\'ed your letter of the Gth inst. I am distressed at its
contents. I hoped and believed that you Avould lead us into the enemy's
country. If you think yourself bound to relinquish the command of the 3d
regiment, and to abandon the movement contemplated, Avhat disposition will
be made of my command ? AVe have about eighty drafted men, and 375 men
of Col. Carson's regiment. Give me Pushamataha, and his warriors, and
we Avill make a dash at the Cahawba toAvfis. We cannot leave the service
without achieving something. I send my vVid and Dr. John Ker, of the medi
cal department,'* to urge our claim to this favor. Should you indulge us we
need pistols, flints and cartridges, and $300. I have not a dollar. My OAvn
funds are exhausted, and my men are unpaid, and Avithout shoes or blankets.
Should you refuse this request, what duty are we to perform ? I hope it Avill
not be that which will disgust my brave comrades. — garrisoning stockades aud
securing crops. The two gentlemen avIio wait on you know the pride and the
temper of the 1st Eegiment, Mississippi Volunteers, and Avill strongly urge
our wishes. "
In reply, Gen. Flournoy Avro'te : " I do not Avish you to engage in
any rash enterprise. You must act on the defensive." On the loth
of November he ordered Gen. Claiborne to proceed to Weatherford's
Bluffs (noAv Fort Claiborne) and establish a depot of provisions for
Gen. Jackson, Avho had Avritten that he Avas "in more dread of famine
than of the Indians, and that Avithout a supply he could not carry on
the campaign." The foUoAving from Gen. C. Avill be read Avith
interest : Cajip Pine Level, Nov. 12th, 1813.
Major-General Flournoy :
Sir : Your letter of tlie 10th Avas receiA-ed, and -.x, part of my command-is
already on the march for Weatherford. To-morroAV the whole Avill be in
motion, and in three days we shall be established there. My volunteers, half
naked, evinced the greatest satisfaction on learning their destinv. The ad
vance toAvards the enemy, and the probability of Avinning distinction on the
path to Pensacola, inspired them all. It seems to be intended that you should
act on the sea- board, and not in the Creek war. WithdraAving the 3d regiment
is eA'idence of the fact. But at every hazard, I wish you would enter the Creek
nation." The operations at Weatherford's are briefly stated in a letter from
Gen. Claiborne to Gov. Holmes, dated Nov. 21st, 1813 :
" I am on the east bank of tbe Alabama, 85 miles above Mims, and in the
best part of the enemy's country. From this position we cut the savages off
from the river, and from their groAving crops. We likewise render their com
munication Avith Pensacola more hazardous. Here Avill be deposited, for the
use of Gen. Jackson, a supply of provisions, and I hope I shall be ordered to
co-operate Avith him. Col. Eussell, of the 3d U. S., has been ordered to co
operate Avith the Georgia troops, aud is now on his march to this place. We
have by several excursions alarmed the Indians, and the possession of this im
portant position Avill induce them to retire. I have Avith me Pushamattalia,
Avho Avith 51 Avarriors, accompanied by Lieut. Callaham of the volunteers, Avill
march tliis morning, and take a position to intercept more effectively the com
munication of the enemy Avith Pensacola."
^ As far back as the 2 2d of October, Gen. Claiborne, in a letter to
Gen. Flournoy had recommended that bold achievement Avhich Gen.
Jackson afterwards accomplished — " I would advise a stroke at the
root of all present distress — Pensacola."
¦••'An eminent physician ot Natchez, then attached to the Volunteers.

Territory and State. 339
WhUe engaged in constructing Fort Claiborne at Weatherford's
Bluff's on the Alabama, he received a letter from Gen. Jackson urging
him, in his disabled state, not to make incursions, but to maintain his
position and cut off the communication Avith Pensacola, Avhence the In
dians obtained their poAvder and lead. He urged likcAvise, the im
practicability of prosecuting his own campaign, Avithout the supplies for
Avhich he relies on Gen. Claiborne*. Off Steother, Ten. Lsl.vxds, Dec. 18th, 1813.
¦sG«m. F. L. Claiborne:
Sie: — Your letter of the 12th niU. was handed me last night by Mr. Mc-
Canless. Accept, sir, my thanks, for the disposition you have manifested to afford
me aid and co-operation.
Before this reaches you, you Avill have heard of our battle at Talladega. It AVas
fought on the 9th of Xovember, and Avas indeed a severe bloAV to the eneray. It
is impossible to tell, with any ijrecision, the loss they sustained. We counted,
however, two hundred and ninety-nine dead on the field; but this is known to fall
considerably short of the number really killed. Could 1 huve followed up that
victory immediately, the Creek war, before this, bad been terminated. But 1 Avas
compelled by a double cause — thcAvant of supplies and tlie Avant of co-oiaeration
from the East Tennessee troops, to return to this place. On my arrival here, in
stead of plentiful supplies, I found the most distressing scarcity. Discontents
arose among my men, Avhich my utmost endeavors have been nnayailingly used to
remove. Another and more stubborn cause of enibarras.smeut was at length ad
ded to the former. The old volunteers who composed a part of ray force, believ
ing their term of service to liave expired on the 10th inst., refused to prosecute the
campaign any farther; and not considering myself erapoAvered to discharge them,
Iwas compelled to permit them to be marched to Nashville — there to aAvait such
orders as the Governor or Secretary of War may think proper to give them.
Gen. Cocke Avith the East Tennessee troops formed a junction with me on the
r2th inst, and to my great surprise 1 learned, afier his nrrival, thatthe term of
service of ihe greater part of his raen would expire in a few days, and of the
whole, in a few Aveeks. 1 had supposed that 1.500 of thera had been raised under
the order of Governor Blount founded upon the requisition of the President; and
that they were bound to six months servi'-e. Tliis not being the case 1 have or
dered him to march back and discharge that portion of his troops Avhose term of
service is within a few diiv.s of expiring, and to raise, with all practicable dis
patch, loOO in conformity to the President's requisition. He left here on the 16th
inst., — leaving one regiment whosi teri-n of service Avill expire about the middle
of next month.
After the battle at Talladega tbe cav.alry and mounted gunmen were permitted
to return into the settlements to recruit their horses. Haying assembled again,
they are ordered to remsin at the nearest point where forage can be procured,
(which is about 70 railes distant) until supplies arrive to justify another move
ment. When supplies sufficient for this purpose will arrive I durst scarcely ven
ture a conjecture— having been so often disappointed by the contractois. 1 hope,
however, that by the 25th I shall be able to commence operations ag.ain. 1 learn
that the enemy are again erabodA'ing in considerable force at the " Fish-traps " on
this river, about sixiy miles beloAV me ; and I ara exceedingly anxious to exchange
salutations with them once more.
When I arrive at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, where, but forthe
causes I have assigned 1 should have been long ago, 1 shall erect a strong gaiTOon
—keeping the coraniunication open with the posts I shall have established be
hind. Thus, General, I have stated to you my situation and my prospects. Would to
God they were more flattering ; but as they really exist I ara bound to represent
them. NotAvithstanding, hoAvever, the delays and difficulties Ave have been ex
posed to, the campaign must be prosecuted to a successful termination. The sup
plies whieh can be forwarded up the river, and Avhich, I am happy to learn
from you, will be forwarded, Avill be of tbe utmost seryiffe in the accomplishment
of this most de.sirable object. So Avill also your active co-operation with the men
Tinder your comraand, which I kn.oAV you Avill at all times, most cheerfully ren
der. AVhenever 1 get again in motion, which 1 hope to do m a few days, and pro
gress far enough to" operate in concert Avith you, IavIU advise you of it by express.
In the meantirae permit me to suggest to you the propriety of retaining your po
sition at Weatherford (Fort Claiborne), and of collecting there all the supplies
you can procure from the lower country. It is not understood by the govern
ment that this war is to be confined to mere temporary incursions into the enemy s

340 Mississippi, as a Province,
ToAvardsthe close of 1813, Gen. Claiborne, seeing that the term of
service of his volunteers was rapidly drawing to a close, determined on
an expedition to the Holy Ground. The main body of his officers
were opposed to it. The difficulties anticipated by these brave men,
Avere Avell knoAvn to the General ; they Avere ftUly realized on the march,
but it ended in that decisive battie at the Holy Ground, AA'hich we have
elscAvhere fully detailed. These difficulties and the patience Avith
which they Avere endured by that patriotic corps, are briefly sketched
in the foUoAving letter, the last Avritten by Gen. Claiborne on the fron-
.tier, that has faUen into our hands :
Mount Vernon, .lanuary 14th, 1814.
To the Secretary of War :
Sir : — The term of service of the volunteers enrolled in this Territory and
Louisiana, composing my brigade, having generally expired, there being only
some sixty left Avho have yet a month to serve, I am left Avithout a command,
and Avill myself leave this frontier for Natchez in a few days, by permission of
Gen. Flournoy. In my previous letter I stated the circumstances that prevented
me from marching, after the battle of Eccanachaca, to the Quewallie towus,
45 miles above, where McQueen Avas reported to be. We were destitute of sup
plies. My Avbole command, on their return march, subsisted four days on
parched corn and Avere nine days Avithout meat. The expectation of finding
beef in the course of our march, the Avant of transportation and the neglect of
the contractor, occasioned this. My volunteers are returning to their homes,
with eight months pay due them, and almost literally naked. They have served
the last three months of an inclement winter, without shoes or blanlcets, and almost
Avithout shirts, but are still devoted to their country, and properly impressed
Avith the justice and necessity of the Avar. "
Such Avere the resources with Avhich Gen. Claiborne Avas left to cover
this extensive frontier — a fcAv skeletons of companies — soldiers Avhose
terra of service Avas constantly expiring — men Avithout tents, blankets
or shoes — scantily supplied Avith provisions — compeUed, on a march,
to pack these upon their backs — and for eight months enduring the
hardships of frontier service Avithout a dollar of their pay ! Yet much
Avas achieved after the fall of Fort Miras. The country Avas effectu
ally protected; material aid Avas rendered Gen. Jackson in his career of
victories, and the Indians Avere effectually chastised on one of their
sacred fields. Honor to the memory of our frontier defenders ! Gen,
Claiborne did not long survive the date of this letter. He returned to his
famUy in the vicinity of Natchez, his constitution broken by exposure,
and his fortune totaUy Avrecked in the public service, and died sud
denly about the close of 1815, in his forty-fourth year. The last actof
his life, and the last dollar of his fortune, Avere expended in illuminat
ing his house and grounds, on the news of Jackson's victory at New
Orleans. The fall of Fort Mims, the butchery of so raany Avoraen and children,
and the defenceless condition of the settlements, aroused everyAvhere
country— such movements might distress them, but Avould produce none of those
lasting and beneficial eff^ts which are designed to be produced. Perhaps, too,
there arc ulterior objects, not yet avowed, Avhieh may be within the contemplation
of^ government. Tho force under your comraand is sufficient to enable you to re^
tain any position Avhich yon may think proper to cstablisli- Avhile such diversions
are making in other quarters, aiid I am clearly of opinion that a strong fort at
some middle point on the Alabaraa, will be found ot great service in the future
prosecution of the campaign. The hostile Creeks, no doubt, derive raost of their
railitary resources from Pensacola, and that communication ought to be, and must
be, broken up. 1 ain, dear General, your very ob't., bumble serv't.
A'ndreav "Jacrson, Major-Gener.il.

Territory and State. 341
the sympathies and martial spirit of the people. The citizens of Ten
nessee, Avho had literally fought their Avay to the Holston, and from the
Holston to the Cumberland, and whose frontiers Avere paved Avith hu
man bones, rose, solidly, in arms, and demanded to be led into the In
dian Territories. A leader erainently fit for the Avork presented him
self Intrepid but self-restrained, impetuous yet proverbiaUy circum
spect, Avith a faculty for command and a personal magnetism only
found in rare instances, and a thorough knOAvledge of the men he was
to lead, and the men Avhom he had to fight. These Avere no comraon
enemies. They Avere not the brave men that fought DeSoto on the
Alabama. That unhappy race had perished under the SAVords of the
Spaniards, or from pestUence or intestine Avars, and the finest hunting
ground and most productive district in the South had long been de
populated. It Avas at length occupied by the Muscogees, a martial
tribe that migrated from the remote NorthAvest, and fought their Avay
' to the Alabama river. Here they halted. They waged Avar on the
neighboring tribes, and after a time incorporated those whom they
subjected, among themselves. The refugees of the Natchez Avere re
ceived into the faraUy, and fugitives frora every quarter. Gradually,
by intermarriage and a common sense of danger, these various ele
ments became amalgamated, and knoAvn as the Muscogee or Creek
Confederacy. They Avere supplied Avith such goods as they used, Avith
arms and ammunition, before the American revolution, by British
traders from Charleston. Afterwards, chiefly by the great British
house of Wm. Panton & Co. , Pensacola. TAvice a year the Creeks,
with caravans of pack-horses, laden Avith skins and peltries, visited
that city. Trading houses Avere likewise established in the nation.
Most of the traders and their employees were Scotch, Avho usually
took Indian Avives, and the issue of these marriages had been, for a
number of years, the rulers of the country. Many of them, like
McGiUivray, McIntosh, and Weatherford, had been educated and
amassed large fortunes.
Had the American Indians, in their conflicts Avith the Avhites, been
able to restrain their ferocity Avhen victorious, there Avould be no
nobler record of courage, patience, perseverance, of all that consti
tutes heroism. Naked, without shelter or subsistence, with neither
medicine nor surgeons, nor transportation, and Avith inferior arms,
they often overwhelmed regular armies and captured fortified posts.
But, unfortunately, their successes Avere accompanied by the raost
shocking atrocities. Amalgamation does not seem to have mitigated
this characteristic. Wherever there Avas a drop of Indian blood it
¦cropped out, and its manifestation has been more in the half-breed
than in the original. It Avas not the capture of Fort Mims — a strongly
garrisoned post — weU calculated to alarm the country, but the dreadful
massacre of the captured, that roused our people. It is not on our
schedule to follow the avenging Nemesis. The memorable march of
Jackson and the Tennesseeans — and their Avonderlul achievements —
have been often recorded.
1814. After the terrible battie of the Horse Shoe and the surrender
of Weatherford, Gen. Jackson had at his command some 3,000 men.
Col. Thomas Hinds, AA'ith his battalion of Mississippi dragoons, Avas
ordered to report to him for duty. The General had seen the Spanish
papers captured by Gen. Claiborne at the Holy Ground, and had

342 Mississippi, as a Province,
ever since kept his eye on Pensacola. He knew that the Spanish
forts there Avere garrisoned in part by British troops, and by a number
of Indians Avho had participated in the massacre at Fort Mims. Two
or three British armed vessels lay in the harbor. Crossing the Ala
baraa at Miras ferry, Jackson marched for Fort Montgomery, with
three regiments of infantry, the Tennessee railitia under Coffee, and
Hinds' Mississippi dragoons. He advanced rapidly on Pensacola.
Halting tAVO miles out, he sent a reconnoitering party under Lieut.
Murray of the dragoons. They captured a Spanish out-post, but
Lieut. Murray Avas killed by an Indian in ambush. Gen. Jackson sent
a flag to the Spanish Governor and deraanded his authority to occupy
Forts Barancas and St. Michael, to protect the province against the
British and Indians, Avho Avere then at Avar Avith the United States, and
by their occupation Avould endanger the friendly relations between the
United States and Spain. This the Governor declined, and Jackson
finding that the Spaniards Avere in league Avlth the British and Indians,
determined to carry the place by assault. It is not Avithin my Umits
to go into the details. The General, as usual, Avas successful. He
compelled the English to retreat and drove the Indians, Avith severe
loss, into the Avoods. And then divining the object of the British
squadron, he put his army in raotion, for Fort Montgoraery, on the
Alabama, and halting them there, and at other convenient points, he
proceeded to NeAv Orleans. Hinds' Mississippi dragoons Avere or
dered to report at New Orleans as soon as practicable. They marched
to Liberty, Amite county, Avhere, as many as desired it Avere
furloughed for three days to get a remount, and rendezvous at Camp
Richardson, Wilkinson county. The march Avas pushed on day and
night, the Aveather very cold and Avet, the road exceedingly bad.
They entered the city on the night of the 23d of December, at 2
o'clock, and bivouacked on Avhat is noAv knoAvn as Lafayette Square.
We quote noAv the MS. of the late venerable M. W. Trimble,* a
member of the Jefferson troop, of Avhich Isaac Dunbar Avas Captain,
Battle Harrison, ist Lieutenant, and Malcolm Curry, Cornet:
" As soon as we had camped. Col. Hinds proceeded to Jackson's headquarters
for orders. Before he returned, about eleven o'clock in the morning, we heard
the alarm guns. In ten minutes he appeared in sight, at full speed, waving
his SAVord. We had mounted, aud immediately formed four abreast, and
folloAved him in a brisk trot, down Eoyal street. Every balcony was crowded,
and the ladies were Aveeping and Avringing their hands. Three miles or so
below tlie city Ave came in A'iew of tAvo Louisiana rifle companies, and saw them
fired upon by a large party of British concealed in an orange grove. Discover
ing our approach this party rapidly retreated beloAV. Our first service was to
throAV down the cross-fences, from the levee to the Avoods, so as open the way's
for our army. We Avere then ordered to get as near the British lines as safety
Avould authorize,, and keep a vigilant watch on their movements. Under cover '
of night Ave rode silently doAvn the levee, Avith a .single file of Louisiana riflemen on
foot. By the light of their fires we perceived a British outpost or guard, Avho Avere
¦•¦¦¦Eobert Trimble came from the Holston to Bayou Pierre, Miss., in 1798. He
married the daughter of Samuel Gibson, Avho lived Avhere the beautiful town of
Port Gibson now stands. This Avas then the first Avhite settlement after passing
from the Curaberhnnd settlements, through the Chickasaw and ChoctaAv nations,
and Avas on the old Indian trading path, usually called the Natchez trace. In
1811 the father of Robert Trimble and the other branches of the family, left
Holston and settled near the line between Claiborne and J etferson counties,
Avhere he met his old friend. John Bolls, and soon aftei-Avards the Rev. Wm.
Montgomery and Rev. Jacob Rickow, and thus Ava.-^ formed the nucleus of the.
Presbyterian organization in Mississippi.

Territory and State. 343
evidently making arrangements to throAv out their pickets. Concealed by the
darkness, Ave quietly passed betAveen them and the main army, and surrounded
them. They seemed to be astounded, and surrendered Avithout firing a gun —
some sixty men. Eesuming our march Ave halted Avithin four hundred yards
of the long line of camp fires, indicating their position, and Ave could both hear
and see their different detachments defiling from the SAvamjj into the open
field. About ten that night Jackson marched doAvn from the city. The ar
tillery formed on the levee. The Tennesseeans passed by us, and took position
between us and the enemy. Two American schooners dropped down the river
and anchored near by, so as to throAV a flank fire on the British line. AU
these movements, on our part, Avere made in profound silence, and under cover
of the darkness, and the enemy could haA-e no distinct conception of our presence
or our numbers. A sky-rocket rose from our lines, and hissed through the air, and
at the same moment a blaze of fire from our artillery, our rifles and our
schooners. The atmosphere seemed to be on fire, ond the very earth trembled.
The surprise Avas complete. They ceuld not discern us or estiuiate our force,
but these brave men, fresh from their terrible conflicts with j apoleon's A-ete-
rans, coolly extinguished their fires, and issued orders througl. their trumpets
to form for action. Even amidst the roar of battle A\'e could hear the thud of
the balls mowing doAvn their files, the cries of the Avounded, and the cool and
clear orders given by their officers. ' Steady men, steady ! ' ' Eemember you
are Britons !' Avas sounded from rank to rank. The fire on both sides was rapid
.md continuous. In tbe heat of the engagement a, company of our regulars
changed their position, to make room for a battery. In making this moA'e-
ment they encountered a company of Tennessee riflemen, and it being too dark
for recognition, and each company out of position, they opened fire upon each
other at short distance, and soon closed in a general hand to band fight. The
brave Col. Lauderdale, recognizing from tbe familiar yell on both sides, the
fatal mistake, rushed in between them and commenced knocking down their
guns with his sword, but lost his life iu the fray — the saddest incident of this
night attack !
" Finally the British, after having suffered severeh-, fell back, and Ave con
tented ourselA'Cs Avith the occupation of the ground. Our command was posted
as sentinels, from the levee to the sAvamp, in front of and near to the British
line. When day-light appeared their dead and Avounded covered the field."
Night engageraents are hazardous, but this one, unquestionably,
saved New Orleans. Had the enemy concentrated his troops and ad
vanced before this attack. Jackson Avould have been compelled to
abandon and burn the city. One-third of his forces had not arrived,
and he had no defences. But the audacity of this attack, and its suc
cess, produced a great moral effect. It persuaded the British- that
Jackson had his whole army on hand, and kncAv hoAv to handle it
against their veterans ; and it inspired our men with new confidence
in their General, and shook the prevaUing impression of the invinci-
bihty of British regulars, fresh from their Peninsular triumphs over
the marshals of Napoleon. It gave time for re-inforcements to arrive,
and for earth-AVorks to be constructed. More than aU, it paralyzed the
English for many precious and critical days ; made them timid and
doubtful about moving untU they had received and marshaled their
entire array, and when they did come, on the Sth of January, Ave
Avere ready for them.
On the morning of the 24th of December, Jackson had all his in
fantry throwing up earth-Avorks. A^olunteers came flocking in by la>id
and Avater, singly, in squads and by companies.
" Our first breast-work." savs Mr. Trimble. " was some three miles above the
British line, a ditch about six feet Avide, and a bank of earth about four feet
high, extending from the levee to the AVoods, some six hundred yards. At the
extremity, next the levee, a bastion Avas constructed. A lot of cotton bales
piled on the .shore there, was used in making the bastion. Half a mile up was

344 Mississippi, as a Province,
a second ditch aud breast-Avork, and still another in the rear, our General evi
dently intending to fight, if necessary, from one to the other.
" Our dragoons Avere Ivcpt constantly in observation, in front of the enemy,
and Ave had frequent skirmishes Avilh pickets and reconnoitering parties. We
made no fires. Just after dark every night the British Avould kindle their
fires, and then our riflemen Avould pick them off. Many of their sentinels Avere
killed. Gen. Packenham sent a flag to complain of this shooting of sentinels
as barbarous Avarfare, and that in the Avars of Europe the pickets of opposing
armies drank Avater out of the same stream. Jackson said this Avas a Avar of
invasion, and he ordered his men to capture and kill every man within the
range of their guns. On Chri.stmas day my mess-mate, the late Lieut. C.
Harris, and I, were eating our ration ; Col. Hinds rode up and pointing to
some seventy or eighty horses grazing between us and the enemy's lines, or
dered us to drive them in. He interpreted our look to mean that we thought
it a dangerous duty, and he cried out: "Dash on, boys! If you are killed I
will recover your bodies, if it takes everj' man in the army to do it." They
Avere Tennessee horses, that had got loose in the night, Avith their bridles and
saddles on, had strayed round the army and Avere now nearer the British than
to us. 'Ws started and part of the Avay were concealed by a strip of sugar
cane, but on passing out of it found ourselves in full view of the British army.
It Avas very ticklish, and Ave looked back at the thicket of sugar cane, but there,
Avhere Ave had left him, sat our stern old Colonel, Avith his eye upon us, looking
like an equestrian statue of iron. We dashed around the horses just as the
whole line of musketry opened upon us. This fire wounded several of the
horses and startled the others, and shouting and yelling, Avith the balls whis
tling around us, Ave drove them Avithin our lines.
" On tlie 30th of December the famous adventure of the ditch occurred.
Col. Hinds reported at headquarters that his pickets had detected a strong
party of the British creeping up a Avide and deep ditch traver.sing the field
before us. Some doubt being expressed, he obtained permission to make an
immediate reconnoissance. He formed the battalion, and said : "Boys, you see
that big ditch/ It's full of red-coats. I'm going over it. Whoever wishes may follme
me. Whoever chooses to stay here may stay !" And off he went at full speed, and
ever}' man close behind bim. Tliey leaped the ditch, which was croAvded Avith
soldiers, made a circuit in front of the British lines, and charged OA'er^ the
ditch a second time, each dragoon firing his pistol on the astounded soldiers,
as they bounded oA-er. The Avhole affair was phenomenal and almost super
natural, and apparently stupefied the crouching red-coats. But they recovered
in time to give us a general A'oUey, which wounded several of the troops, and
tumbled over a number of horses. L. C. Harris and Charles II. .lonrdan, each
got a bullet in the right shoulder.
Gen. Jackson, in general orders, referring to Hinds aud his com
mand, in this affair, said : " They were the pride of one army, and tiie
admiration of tiie other."
"On the night of the 7tn,'' says Mr. Trimble, " Ave Avere driven from our
position in front, and compelled to fall back by an overwhelming force. There
was a scattering fire during the night, and the note of preparation in the
British camp could be distinctly heard. Our troops Avere in arms, and in their
proper places, at break of day. Our cannon bristled on the breast-work from
the levee to the Avoods, and behind this Avas our long line of riflemen. I hie
hundred and fifty yards in tbe rear sat our grim old colonel on his charger,
Avith the Avhole of the cavalry, 'We were placed there to cover our army, in
the event of its being compelled to fall back to tbe second position. As it
turned out, Ave Avere merely silent spectators of the dreadful battle that ensued.
'I About sunrise tlie whole British army Avas in motion. They adA'anced in
solid columns, at a slo^v, measured step, tbroAving a shoAver of congreve rockets,
and Avith n continuous artillery. Our batteries and the destructive fire from
the schooner Louisiana, made terrible gaps in their front and flank, but these
Avere immediately filled up. And on they came as steady as though on dress
parade, until they got Avithin range of our rifles, and tlien the havoc Avas
dreadful. Three tiraes they recoiled and AA'ere rallied again by their heroic
ofiicers, who led tbem up to our intrenchments. Tliree of' these brave

Territory and State. 345
leaders were shot on our breastwork, Avhile Avaving their sAVords and shouting
to their men to follow. By this time the commander-in-chief and the two
senior British generals had fallen ; scores of officers and hundreds of men lay
dead or dying on the field. The British had displayed their hereditary valor,
illustrated on a thousand battle-fields, and not in one more conspicuously than
in this, but they noAV sought the cover of a canal, and the mighty conflict
w.as over ! "
In this great battie Avhich has been described here, in the Avords of
a venerable citizen, then a private in Hinds' dragoons, it Avill be seen
that our Mississippians took a distinguished part. Another Missis-
sippian, the late Col. Chotard. is thus referred to by Gen. Jackson,
in his report of the battie of 23d December: "Cols. Butler and
Piatt, and Maj. Chotard, by their intrepidity, saved the artUlery."
In the battie of the Sth of January, Maj. Chotard Avas on the staff of
Gen. Jackson, and Avas Avounded by a shell near the Villere mansion.
He was a most accomplished and gaUant officer.
There Avas present, too, the veteran Mississippi partisan, Capt.
Sam Dale, Avho took part in the combat with his unerring rifle. He
had traveled night and day frora the Creek Agency, in Georgia, Avith
a dispatch from the Secretary of "War for Gen. Jackson. Crossing
Lake Ponchartrain frora Madisonville, he landed at Fort St. John, at
day-hght on the Sth. Quartermaster-General Piatt mounted him im
mediately, in charge of an orderly, to guide him to headquarters on
Royal street. There he learned that the general Avas beloAV, Avith the
army, confronting the British. But he shall tell the story in his OA\'n
Avords :
" Galloping through the city, and down the river side, I heard the roar of
artillery. The battle was in full blast. I gave my horse to the orderly, and
rushed to the intrenchments. It Avas a magniflcent vision. Our men stood
silent and resolute, with their guns cocked. The enemy Avere advancing in
deep columns, Avith loud cheers. Their martial approach to our lines, in the
open field — the fearful recoil, as Avhole detachments Avere swept aAvay by our
batteries and the terrible flank fire from an American schooner in the river —
and the heroism of their generals, who rushed to the front, and led their men
into the jaws of death and died there with them — was a spectacle so sublime
that, for a moment, it silenced the clamor of the conflict, and inspired every
one with awe and admiration. There was a^mutual pause ; for several minutes
an awful stillness prevailed ; not a gun was discharged ; not a shout was
heard. The British slowly reformed for the third time, and advanced to the
assault. And then there burst forth along our whole line, a blaze of fire, a
crash of small arms, a deafening roar of cannon, and when the dim smoke
rolled away, the field was covered with the fallen, and the British columns,
shattered and broken, were in retreat — not flying ingloriously, but staggering
back, like men reeling under unexpected and overpowering bloAvs."''*
A gallant company of Natchez riflemen, led by Capt. James C.
WUkins, by the most strenuous efforts, reached the city on the Sth, at
an early hour in the morning. They Avere hurrying to the battie-field,
Avhen they perceived the American forces on the opposite bank of the
river, in great confusion, retreating before a British regiment. Hav
ing received no orders, it occurred to Capt. Wilkins that the best
service he could render Avould be to cross over and re-inforce our
defeated party. A couple of plantation ferry boats enabled hira to
cross, and he iraraediately took a strong position behind a ditch, and
sent Lieut. Bingaman to report to Gen. Morgan. A number of fugi
tives here joined him. While calmly Avaiting, determined there to
* Claiborne's Life of Dale.

346 Mississippi, as a Province.
check the enemy or die. Col. Thornton, Avho had been driving our
disorganized forces before him, suddenly fell back. He had just been
apprized of the disasters on the other side, and ordered to re-cross the
river. Gen. Jackson highly appreciated this military instinct and
gaUantry of Capt. Wilkins, and it laid the basis of a life-long friend
ship between them.
The Hon. George Poindexter, then U. S. Judge for the district of
Mississippi, Avas in the battie of Ncav Orleans, as a volunteer aid of
Gen. Carroll. And an incident that occurred Avas made a scandal
and the foundation of many bitter attacks on him. This Avill be re
ferred to and explained in a subsequent chapter.

CHAPTEE XXIX.

N i8ii,*and iintU 1S17, Mr. Poindexter, and his suc
cessors, Avere actively appealing to Congress for a
division of the Territory. It Avas shoAvn that there had
existed in the Mississippi Territory, a temporary govern
ment founded or. the ordinance for the government of
territory northAvest of the river Ohio, since the nth
'AprU, 1798. That although this ordinance had under-
^ gone some modifications, extending in a limited degree, the
C> rights and privUeges of the citizen, it still contained provisions
incorapatible Avith political liberty, and unfavorable to a due ad
ministration of justice. The chief magistrate Avas charged Avith the
execution of the laAvs; Avas commander-in-chief of the railitia ; had the
sole poAver of appointment to offices, civU and miUtary, Avithin the
territory, and the removal of these officers at pleasure ; Avas vested
Avith an unqualified veto on all bUls passed by the legislature, and Avith
arbitrary authority to prorogue and dissolve that body Avhenever, in
his opinion, it should be expedient. These imperial prerogatives, ap
pertaining more to an absolute monarchy, than to a free State, were
confided to the discretion of a magistrate, Avho Avas neither chosen by,
nor responsible to the people. He Avas generally a total stranger to
"*This was the year of the alarming series of earthquakes that shook the Avhole
western country and destroyed New Madrid. The folloAving graphic account was
Avritten by Capt. John Davis, Natchez, January 5th, 1812, to a friend in "Virginia :
''We arrived at night on the 15th of December, at the 25th island, and on the
16th, at ten minutes past 2 o'clock a. ra, Ave Avere surprised by the greatest
emotion that can possibly be supposed of the boat, Avhich I could corapare to
nothing more picturesque than that of a team of horses running aAvay with a
Avagonover the most rocky road in our part of the country. There were forty
boats in the com]iany, and each thought his boat adrift and running over the
sawyers; but a man on board a boat lashed to us hinted it to be an eartlic[uake.
An old naAdgator of the river just above hailed us, and said it was occasioned by
the banks faUing in. We Avere under a bluff bank, which immediately cast off,
and fell in about a quarter of a mile, Avhicli drcAV us into the current on the right
side of the island, Avhich Avas much the shallowest, where Ave staid till day ; Ijut
in the intermediate time Ave experienced about fifty partial shoeks, Avhich shook
our boats with great agitation. At 7-12 we heard a tremendous distant noise, and
m a few seconds the boats, island and mainland became perfectly convulsed, the
trees twisted and lashed together, the earth in all quarters Avas sinking, and the
Avater issued from the center of the twenty-fifth isle, just on our left, and came
rushing down its side in torrents, and on our right there fell at once thirty or
forty acres of land — some say 300 acres — but as I was till then perfectly collected,
and, although then much alarmed, was less so than any person in the corapany.
The shocks at this this time becarae frequent at about every fifteen rainutes; the

348 Mississippi, as a Province,
the people, and the local interests of the country, over which he pos
sessed such unlimited control, and was accountable for mal-conduct
or corruption in office only to the President of the United States. The
only security Avhich existed against the abuse of these poAvers, was in
the mild and conciliatory disposition uniformly manifested by the
general government tOAvards its territories. But experience has shoAvn
that in aU colonial governments, officers situated at a remote distance
frora the tribunal to which they are responsible, frequently "feel
poAver and forget right," and by eluding investigation, are enabled to
practice acts of oppression Avith irapunity.
Executive powers, like these, are obnoxious- to those principles
Avhich form the basis of the federal constitution, and Avdiich are trans
fused through the constitutions of the several States. The people had
no voice in the choice of those Avho administered the laAvs; and
public functionaries Avere, to a great extent, independent of public
opinion. Both justice and sound policy recommended the advance of
the Territory to the grade of a separate commonAvealth, Avhenever it
contained the nuraber of inhabitants necessary to entitle it, under the
ratio established by laAv, to a representative in the Congress of the
United States. With regard to population there Avas no difficulty,
Avhether the Territory should be taken in connection Avith West
Florida, or Avith its existing limits. From the official returns of the
census, made in iSio, it appeared that there Avere in the Mississippi
Territory forty thousand, three hundred and fifty-tAvo souls. This
enumeration really fell considerably short of the actual population of
the Territory at that time. OAving to the vast area over Avhich the
settiements Avere dispersed, and the remote and isolated position of
many of them, the census had been imperfectly taken. It Avas argued,
that the progressive emigration from the old States, added to the
length of time Avhich it Avould require to form a constitution and put
the same in operation, gave assurance, that before the admission
of the Territory, the number of inhabitants Avould amount to at least
sixty thousand, Avhich Avould give the right, in conformity Avith articles
of cession and agreement between the United States and Georgia, to
be admitted into the Union on an equal footing Avith the original
States. This view of the subject Avas presented Avithout reference to the
augmentation of population, Avhich AvoiUd result from the annexation
of West Florida, if ' it should be added to the Territory. In that
event the number of souls in the Territory, exclusive of the county of
Madison (Avliich Avas in the great bend of the Tennessee river), might
Avater rose frora the first shock, till about S o'clock that day, seven or eight feet
perpendicular, and the current ran seven or eight miles per liour, as Ave ran from
Twenty-fifth Island and landed on Flower Island, a distance of thirty-five miles,
in five hours and twenty-five minutes, and lost halt an hour endeavoring to make
a landing at the loAver end of Nine-mile reach, which place and Ten-raUe reach
Avere in perfect commotion. The logs, which had sprung up from the bottom of
the river, were so thick that it appeared almost impossible for a boat to find a
passage. There Avere three boats sunk, two of Avhich belonged to Mr. Jas. AtweU,
and laden from Kentucky, in value about $3,000 ; the utlier, a family boat. The
logs and roots Ave passed had the sand and mud on them, which, probably, for
inany years lay in the bottom of the river, and Avhich gave the appearance of
timbered fields frora Nine to Ten-mile reach, so that it appeared as if the order of
nature had been reversed. We experienced frequent shocks of earthquakes fd-
eight days, and I have heard of no place more convulsed than Avhere I Avas."

Territory and State. 349
be estimated at about 80,000. And from the geographical conforma
tion of the territories belonging to the United States, south of the
State of Tennessee, and north of the IbervUle and the lakes, it Avas
argued by Mr. Poindexter, that an alteration of the limits so as to in
clude the Avhole population between the Yazoo and the IberviUe,
where they unite Avith the river Mississippi, and from these points
respectively east to the boundary line of the State of Georgia, Avould
greatiy contribute to the convenience and prosperity of the in
habitants. At a very early period after the treaty of 1763, betAveen France
and Great Britain, by Avhich the latter became possessed of the
Floridas, the jurisdiction of the province of West Florida Avas extended
north, by a line draAvn from the mouth of the Yazoo, due east of the
river Chattahoochie. The government of Spain, also, Avhen that
poAver succeeded to the possession of the country by conquest, in
1 781, continued to exercise authority over it, in the same extent
Avhich the British government had exercised, until by the treaty con
cluded betAveen the United States and Spain, on the 27th of October,
1795, the southern boundary of the United States Avas declared to ex
tend to the thirty-first degree of north latitude. The government of the
United States, by the treaty of 1803 Avith France, having acquired
Louisiana in the extent that France then held it, and that it had in
the hands of Spain prior to the treaty of St. Ildefonso, there could be
no doubt as to the claim of the United States to the country east of
the Mississippi as far as the river Perdido, Avhich lies between Mobile
and Pensacola.
The entire tract of country formerly possessed by Great Britain,
under the name of West Florida, and subsequently transferred to
Spain, as forming a part of Louisiana, having fallen under the do
minion of the United States, it seemed proper to re-establish its
ancient limits, in conformity with the Avishes of the people whose in
terests were immediately concerned. It Avas the duty of the govern
ment to make such a partition of its territories, on the AA'aters of the
Mississippi, as would be agreeable to the people occupying the same,
Avith a due regard to the national poUcy. These objects could not be
accomplished Avithout a proper division of the sea-coast, acquired by
the purchase of Louisiana. It Avas obvious that to confer on the
State to be formed of the territory of Orleans, the Avhole extent of the
sea-board from the river Perdido to the Sabine bay, as Avas then
proposed and strongly supported, Avould give it an influence over the
commerce of the western country, not expedient pr politic. Although
the legislative authority of the State could impose no tax or duty on
articles exported from any other State, yet there are many iraportant
regulations Avhich Avould materially affect the navigation of the
numerous rivers, flowing through this country into the Gulf of Mexico,
falling within the legitimate range of State powers. Among these
may be enumerated the incorporation of navigation companies, and
appropriations of the pubhc revenue for the purpose of opening
canals. Thus, by affording every facility to the trade passing doAvn
the river Mississippi to Ncav Orleans, and by interposing vexatious
obstructions to the commerce of those rivers emptying into the bay of
Mobile and the lakes, that city Avould become a great emporium, _ to
the detriment of those Avho inhabited the vast fertile and extensive

350 Mississippi, as a Province,
region Avatered by the Tennessee, the Tombigbee, and Alabama,
besides other iraportant streams, affording outiets through the Missis
sippi Territory into lakes ^Maurepas and Pontchartrain. To guard
against such contingencies, and to unite a people whose language,
manners, principles and usages are assimilated, it Avas proposed that
all that tract of country Avhicli Gov. Claiborne had taken possession
of under the President's proclamation of the 27th of October, 1810,
be added to the State to be formed of the Mississippi Territory,
Avhenever the same should be admitted into the Union.
WhUe Mr. Poindexter Avas thus struggling to acquire for Mississippi
the Avhole country lying between the 31'^ of latitude and the lakes
beloAV, and Avhich the people of that district earnestly desired. Gov.
Claiborne of the Orleans Territory (Avho had already divided it and
the present sea-coast of INIississippi into parishes), Avas urging its per
manent incorporation Avith his Territory.
The Tombigbee politicians, led by Col. Joseph Carson and Col.
Jaraes Caller, both influential raerabers of the Legislature, Avho had
heretofore deprecated continued union Avith the western counties and
insisted on a division, now suddenly changed their ground ; opposed
any division and accused Mr. Poindexter of covertly opening the
Avay for it by his proposition to annex the West Florida parishes!
The foUoAving letter from Cowles Meade Avill exfilain the attitude of
parties : Tov.'x OF Washington, .Ian. 3, 1812.
Hon. George Poinde.der, Delegate in Congress :
Since I last Avrote a change has occurred here in the condition of affairs
that you should be apprised of. A formidable opposition has developed itself
against you. The Avhole delegation east of Pearl river has declared against
you, Avitli Franklin and Amite and Warren, part of Claiborne, Adams, Jeffer
son and Wilkinson. This formidable combination was instigated by Carson,
Caller and Kennedy. The former was an open aspirant for your position, and
Avas favorably considered by many Eepublicans. Many, including a number
of your former supporters, appealed to me to be a candidate, to prevent a
schism in our ranks, and the friends of Carson agreed to withdraw him in my
favor. Upon this ground I consented, provided it met your approbation, de
claring that you and I would never come in collision. While this matter Avas
in abeyance, the President transmitted to me a commission as colonel of a
regiment of A'olunteers, to be raised in this Territory and in Louisiana, and
Carson received at the same time a, commission as Major, Avhich Ave have both
accepted iu the expectancy of Avar. I seized the opportuuity to try and bring
about a reconciliation between you and your opponents, and urged them to
support you and avoid the oviis of dividing the party. To this Caller and
Kennedy have assented. Carson is noAV my guest, and I ivill press the subject
on him. His present ground of opposition is that he believes you are, covertly,
in favor of dividing the Territory. Satisfy him and others on this point, and
some of your most violent opponents Avill succumb.'"
^ Mr. Poindexter favored the annexation of West Florida, and then a
division of the Territory by an east and Avest line, admitting the lower
section immediately as a State, and establishing the upper for the
time being as a Territory.
¦•» This Avas a radical change. Carson had been one of the earliest agitators for
a division. It can be explained, perhaps, by his having lately by marriage aUied
himself to a poAverful family in the west, then predominant iii Adams, Jefferson
and Claiborne. CoAvles Mead and himself had both married daughters ot Abner
Green of Adams county.

Territory and State. 351
The foUoAving letter from a representative man, one of the most
active and useful men of his day, sheds more light on this subject :'¦'¦•
Tuscaloosa, December 23d, 1812.
Hon. George Poindexter:
My Dear Sir ; A rumor which has just reached us would seem to render a
visit here, on your way from Washington, expedient. The story is that it is in
contemplation at our seat of government, among certain of our sapient legis
lators, to hold a caucus to nominate another for the seat you occupy. It Avas
expected to be a strong demon.stration, and some, whom I used to knoiv as
your friends, are mentioned as dramatis persona:. It is whispered that Col.
James Carson, of Tombeckbee, is to be nominee. I knoAV not what offence
you have given, nor do I know anything of Colonel Carson, and his pretensions.
But, I am morally certain that if you will show yourself here again, you Avill
receive, at the least, tAvo-thirds of the votes of this county. And I incline to
think the authors of this scheme Avill be made to feel the recoil.
I notice your bill for tbe admission of the whole of this Territor}', Avith a
part of West Florida, has passed to u third reading in the House. It
may therefore be too late to say anything concerning it. It may
already have become a Iuav. But I have some hope that it may be arrested by
the Senate, Avith the vieAv of making tAvo States of our vast domain, giving to
your section the right of admission noAV, and establishing our part as a new
Territory. Not having seen the bill, I knoAv not Avhether it provides for total
and unqualified admission as one State, or Avhether it admits the Avliole noAv
Avith the condition of subsequent partition ; and if the last, Avhether the line is
to be east from the ilississippi or north from tbe bay of Mobile. If it provides
for entire and unqualified admission, I shall oppose it to the bitter end. It
Avill be too large for self-government, and is too much beyond the dimensions
of any other State in the Union. And I love the Union too well to endanger
il, even to render my own State poverful ond, pre-eminent. I Avish therefore
to see it divided, because I Avould cut up by the roots all local jealousies — all
collision between up-country and low-country interests. For this reason I
Avould run the line from east to west. It may be that you have provided for a
future division by such a line, and next to an inunediate division in that Avay,
such a provision Avould meet mv vieAvs. And I have to ask of you — for I am
persuaded th.at at bottom we think alike— if the bill should be returned to your
House — that you exert yourself to oljtain the one or the other. The first I
prefer, because Ave should then be immediately to ourselves, and may manage
our affairs in our ov,"n Avay. By the other Ave should be subject to the evils we
have endured for several years. ]5y a north and south line these evils Avould
be prolonged indefinitely. Our Avliite population here is nearly about the
same as that of this Territory when it Avas admitted to the second grade ot
government, and I suppose that privilege Avould be extended to us at once.
Your.s sincerely, J- W. Walker.
Plad the project for attaching West Florida to Mississippi Territory
prevailed, the east and Avest line Avould, most probably, have been
adopted. But Governor Claiborne succeeded in securing that fine
district (noAv known as the Florida parishes) for Louisiana, conceding
only to Mississippi the two sea-coast parishes, noAv known as the
counties of Hancock, Harrison and Jackson.
Wm. Lattimore succeeded Poindexter in i8i3,and in 1817 the
Mississippi Territory Avas divided, the Avestern portion admitted as a
State, and the eastern organized as Alabama Terrritory. The line was
drawn north and South, as it stands at' present, and Avas recoraraended
by Mr. Lattimore— a line adopted with regard to the population then
existing in the Territory, Avhich secured the immediate admission of
*This gentleman left four sons, Percy, Kichard W., John J., and LeRoy Pope
WaU^r, all of whom became eminent at the bar and m the councils of f-J^^^^'
and the latter Avas the first Secretary ot War after the organization ot the Con
federate government.

352 Mississippi, as a Province,
the Avestern portion and opened the door for the eastern to come in
two years thereafter.
The bUl authorizing the Avestern portion of the Territory to form a
State Government passed January 21st, 181 7, and a convention to form
a constitution assembled in the town of Washington, Adams county,
on the first Monday in July of the same year, in the old Methodist
meeting-house, Avhich had been built, mainly, by the efforts of
Lorenzo Doav, the famous itinerant preacher.*
His ExceUency David Plolmes Avas elected President, and Louis
Winston, Secretary. For personal respectability, moral worth and in
teUigence this convention Avas not inferior to any that ever assembled
in any country, and Avas a fair representation of the people who had
been so much traduced by Governor Sargeant.
Of Governor Holmes mention has been made, and this seems to be
the appropriate place for sorae notice of a few of the most prominent
merabers. Josiah Simpson, a native of Pennsylvania, educated at Princeton,
studied law, married Miss StCAvart near Fredericksburg, Va., and in
1812 Avasappointed by the President one of the Judges of the Mississippi
Territory, to succeed Judge Fitz. He resided at a place then called
Green HUl, in the vicinity of Natchez, hoav knoAvn as Devereux HaU.
Nature had given him a vigorous intellect, and being a close student,
and very methodical in his habits, with great purity of character and
simplicity of manners, he Avas fully equal to the high station to Avhich
he had been called. The bar before Avhich he dispensed justice Avas
extremely able — the people Vv^ere intelligent, cultivated and Avealthy —
they had lived under three governments, and the due administration
of the laAvs required a very extensive range of study and of inquiry.
Judge Simpson soon impressed himself on the bar and the community
as a man of great ability, learning and rectitude, and no man was
more beloved. In this Convention — a position he Avould h.ave avoided,
but was literally forced into it by a universal call — he took a
very prominent part, and his conservative character is impressed on
the raost iraportant features of our first constitution. He died soon after
the Convention dissolved, j"
¦-^¦list op delegates.
Adams County — David Holmes, Josiah Simpson, Jaraes C. Wilkins, John Taylor,
Joseph Sessions, John Steele, Christopher Eankin, Edward Turner.
Jeff'erson County — CoAA'les iUead, H. I. Balch, Joseph E. Davis, Geo. W. King,
Cato West, Dr. John ShaAV.
Jtiirion County— John Ford, Doug;il McLaughlin.
Hancock County — Noel Jourdan, Araos Burnet.
Wayne County — James Patton, Clinch Gray.
Green County — Laughlin MeKay, John MeUae.
¦Tackson County— John McLeod,' thos. Billbo.
Ijnrrenee i'nnnty — llarnion Runnels.
Claibor)ie < 'unntii—\fi\\tvr Leake, Thomas Barnes, David Bennett, Joshua G.
(.Tark. Warren fV/HH^y— Henry D. DoAvns, iVndreAV Glass.
FrankUn, Cnnnly — .Jaraes Knox.
117tt"/«,TOn, C'oj(7((//—(;eo. Poindexter, Daniel Williams, Abram M. Scott, John
Joor, Gerard C. Brandon, Joseph Jolmson.
Amite County— llenrj Hanna, Thos. Batchelor, John Burton, Thomas Torrence,
.Angus Wilkinson, Wm. Lattimore.
Pike Comity— Da.\id Dickson, Wm. I. Jlintim, James G. McNabb.
Louis Winston, Secretary.
t He left an only daughter, who became the Avife of the Hon. Thos. L. Dobyns,
a native of Mason county, Ky., who resided at Kodnev, Miss., a leading lawyer
and prominent politician, and died there in l.s.Ol.

Territory and State. 353
James C. Wilkins Avas a native of Pittsburg, Pa., of a very promi
nent and patriotic family. He came to Natchez at an early age,
where some of his relatives had preceded him, and during his Avhole
life Avas largely engaged in commercial affairs. His marriage first in
the Bingaman, and afterAvard in the Minor family, secured for him
great influence, and resources, and he had a raind capable of brilliant
conceptions and the utmost energy of action. In connection first
with Wm. Kenner, and afterAvard Avith John Linton — both 'Virginians
and eminent merchants — he controlled for a long time the commerce
of Mississippi, and nearly all the cotton it produced. He Avas very
prompt — rapid in his decisions — brusque and incisive in manner —
somcAvhat imperative — impatient of opposition — but Avith a heart as
tender and a sensibility as delicate as a Avoman's. Of all men whom
I have knoAvn he Avas the most impulsive, generous and forgiving.
He Avas the counsellor of the old, and the guardian and patron of the
young. The AvidoAv, in her distress— the debtor, Avhen pressed by
embarassments — the enterprising, when they saAv an opportunity that
only needed a little aid to make them independent — the orphan, left
desolate and destitute — all found in hira an unfailing resource. For
aU these — for hundreds all over the State, he incurred liabUities Avith
a free heart and a lavish hand. No raan noAv living knoAvs the Avide
sweep of his charities, and the many fortunes he built up for others,
by giving thera the use of his raeans and his credit. He Avas im
patient of thanks, and Avould not listen to them. In 1815 he raised
a company of volunteer riflemen, and took part in the defence of New
Orleans. He had all the qualities to make a great soldier, had he
dedicated his life to military pursuits. In his latter years, owing to
great comraercial revulsions — chiefly, however, by failures of others
Avhora he had endeavored to sustain — this eminent man saw the Avreck
of his splendid fortune. But the unsullied honor that distinguished
his whole Ufe never lost its lustre. He died just in time to escape the
great changes and calamities that fell upon a people Avhom he loved
so well.
John Taylor was from West Chester, Pa., the son of a deputy
sheriff Avho OAvned a small farm near the viUage. The boy Avorked in
the summer and went to school in the Avinter. He Avas frequentiy in
attendance on his father in the sheriff's office and court-house, and
seeing the respect and attention paid to the judges and the bar, it in
spired him Avith a resolution to become a laAvyer. With a very
limited education, which Avas apparent in after life in conversation
and even in his most impressive speeches, he entered a laAvyer's office
in his eighteenth year, and at court assisted his father, and there^ ob
tained a practical knowledge of proceedings In 1804 he obtained
his license, and immediately moved to St. Louis, then the capital of
upper Louisiana, and put up his shingle. In 1805 he Avent to Ncav
Orleans, but finding the bar crowded with adventurers, he returned
up the river to Natchez- The May term of Superior Court -was then
in session. There was a criminal case then pending, Avhich from
the character of the parties, excited peculiar interest. Young Taylor
volunteered for the accused and displayed remarkable acuteness and
dexterity in the examination of witnesses. His speech to the jury was
rough but forcible. It betrayed his ignorance of grammar, but Avon-
derful mental power. Evolving from the compUcated and contra-
23

354

Mississippi, as a Province,

dictory testimony a single strong point, drove it in to the heart of the
case, and contrary to all previous opinions, obtained a verdict of ac
quittal. He Avas immediately retained in a dozen cases, and in a fcAV
Aveeks had an extensive practice. Mr. Taylor Avas seldom seen
except in his office or the court-house. He had no poUtical aspira
tions, but Avas often elected to the Legislature, and in 1817 was sent
to the Convention, where he took a leading part. In 1818, three
judicial districts having been established, he was unanimously elected
by the Legislature Judge for the second district, AA'hich included the
city of Natchez. The three District Judges constituted the Supreme
Court of Mississippi, and John Taylor Avas our first Chief Justice. In
this tribunal, as Avell as on the circuit, he commanded universal con
fidence and respect. He lived simply, in bachelor apartments, his
favorite companions the great expounders of the common law. He
had no ambition for office or for Avealth. His practice, and afterwards
his salary yielded a sum far beyond his Avants, and he usually loaned
the surplus to personal friends, always witiiout intei-est. He died in
Natchez, in the meridian of life, in 1823.
ChristojDher Rankin, Avho becarae distinguished as a laAvyer and
politician, Avas born in Pennsylvania, and educated at Cannonsburg.
Receiving his diploma, he Avent to Georgia, and obtained a viUage
school, and Avhile thus engaged studied laAv, and in due time AA'as
licensed. Many Georgians had emigrated to Mississippi — it having
once constituted the county of Bourbon of that State — and they in
duced him to remove. He took up his residence in Liberty, Amite
county, in 1S09. He Avas Avell read, studious, very careful in the
preparation of his cases, strictly moral and temperate, mild and per
suasive in his manners, and rapidly acquired practice, reputation and
popularity. In 18 16 he removed to Natchez, and became the partner
of Charles B. Green, then an eminent laAvyer, Avho soon after retired
and turned his lucrative practice over to Mr. Rankin. In 181 7 he
Avas elected to the Convention, and Avas one of its leading members.
He came out of that body Avith so much reputation that Avhen the first
Legislature met, his friends placed him in nomination for the Senate
of the United States. The contest, hoAvever, ended in the election of
Walter Leake, Avho had been one of the Territorial Judges, and
Thomas H. Williams, who had been Register of the Land Office,
Land Commissioner, Secretary of the Territory, private secretary of
Governor Claiborne, and Collector of the Customs, Ncav Orleans.
In 1820, he Avas announced as a candidate for Congress against the
Hon. George Poindexter. Mr. Poindexter considered himself invinci
ble, and underrated the strength of his adversary, Avho traversed every
nook and corner of the State, Avhile his competitor paid littie attention
to the canvas. Mr. Rankin Avas returned, and his first speech in the
House of Representati\'es gave hira reputation. He Avas re-elected
twice thereafter, and died in Washington, Avhile a member of the
House. He Avas a prudent, practical, sensible and industrious man,
of unexceptionable character.
EdAvard Turner Avas a native of Fairfax coupty, Va., Avent early to
Kentucky, and thence came to Mississippi in iS'oi. He married the
daughter of the Hon. Cato ^^'est, of Jefferson county, a gentieman of
great influence, at the head of a poAverful family connection then per
vading the Terrritory. Mr. Turner became Clerk to the Legislature,

Territory and State.

355

Register in the Land Office, Circuit Judge, delegate to the Conven
tion, Judge of the Criminal Court of Natchez, Representative, Chan
ceUor, Judge of the Supreme Court, maintaining in all of them the
reputation of an industrious, conscientious and upright officer. He
Avas an entertaining companion, of elegant manners, extremely hospi
table, and greatiy beloved. He died at his residence in Franklin
county, before the "late unpleasantness."
Joseph Sessions, a nati\"e of Sampson county. North Carolina, came
to Mississippi Territory in iSoi, as a surveyor, then a very valuable
vocation Avhere there Avere so raany conflicting land claims. He mar
ried the daughter of Joshua HoAvard, Avho had settied here, on Sandy
Creek, in the county of Adams, Avhen it Avas the British province of
West Florida, Being a man of fine sense and coraraanding presence,
and a good talker, the young surveyor rapidly became popular and
Avealthy, Avas repeatedly elected to the Territorial Assembly, then to
the Convention, and afterAvards as -Representative and Senator from
the county of Adams.
John Steele had been in office in the Continental army ; Avas Secre
tary of the Territory in the time of Governor Sargeant. Was ahvays
greatly esteemed, and frequently a member of the Legislature. He
died at Natchez, about 1816, unmarried, and far advanced in years.
CoAvles Mead has been already mentioned.
H. I. Balch Avas a laAvyer from North Carolina, to Tennessee, thence
to this Territory. Some of his faraUy figured in the State of Franklin,
and afterAvards in Nashville.
Joseph E. Davis, a native of Kentucky, came in very early life as a
lawyer and settled near the noAV extinct toAvn of Greenville, Jeff'erson
county. He Avas the elder brother and guardian of Jefferson Davis, a
name not born to die. He Avas a Avell-trained laAvyer, a thorough man
of business, a close, logical speaker, Avho raade every Avord tell, raild
in manner, but of cool and tried courage. He Avas often in official
position, but more frequently declined it. He resided for many years
on his extensive plantations on the Mississippi beloAV Vicksburg, and
as long as he lived impressed his opinions on the country. He died
in Vicksburg, soon after the close of the civil Avar.
John Ford Avas a South Carolinian, Avho early settied on Pearl
river — a farmer and a man of fine sense and unimpeachable integrity
— of patriarchal influence — Avho has left numerous descendants Avho
inherit his characteristics.
His colleague, McLaughlin, Avas from the settiement of Scotch
Highlanders in North CaroUna, Avho contributed so large and valuable
an element to our early population — remarkable then and to this day
for their industry, thrift and temperance and their clanship. They
may be traced in one continuous chain from Union Church, Jefferson
county, through Claiborne, Franklin, Copiah, Simpson, Lawrence,
Covington, Marion, Greene and Perry, into Alabama — the same
people representing the old historic clans of Scotland, strict Presby
terians, and in every neighborhood a school-house and a church.
McLaughlin settied on Pearl river and accumulated a princely estate.*
Noel Jourdan Avas the son of a raan Avho came out as sergeant of a
French regiment Avith Count Rochambeau. He served until the sur-
¦*¦ Governor Humphries AA'as one of his sons-in-laAv.

3S6 Mississippi, as a Province,
render of Cornwallis, and Avas finally discharged, on account of his
ill-health, in the West Indies, and made his Avay to Ncav Orleans.
He established a bakerv, and soon became a man of Avealth. He
obtained from the Spanish authorities a concession on the Catahoula,
noAv known as Jourdan river, in the present county of Hancock, and
Avent extensively into the breeding of cattle and the manufacture of
tiles. His only son he educated in France. On his return he became
Judge of the county, its rejDresentative in the Convention and in the
Legislature, and Avas the most influential man, especially with the
Creek population, in that quarter of the State. He subsequentiy re
moved to and became a large sugar planter in St. Jaraes, La., where
he died.
Amos Burnet lived on Pearl river, at a place still knoAvn as Burnet's
old field or bluffs, in the present county of Hancock. A man of
limited education but strong mind and very much confided in. He
Avas a brother of Col. Daniel Burnet, of Grindstone Ford, Claiborne
county. Gen. James Patton Avas one of the leading raen of his day, of great
personal popularity, and for raany years Avas the most conspicuous
man in East Mississippi. Pie resided in Winchester, then a beautiful
village, Avhich he made a centre of political influence, second only to
Natchez. Judge PoAvhatan EUis and Judge John Black, Avho both
became U. S. Senators, commenced public life there under his
auspices, as did several other prominent raen. He Avas a man of
courtly manners, a fine Avriter and impressive speaker; Avas elected
Lieutenant-Governor and Avould have attained the highest honors of
the State but for his premature death.
His colleague. Clinch Gray, AA-as a laAvyer of Virginia famUy, Avho
came from Tennessee to Mississippi, a very estimable and popular
man. Greene county, in Laughlin ]\IcKay and John McRae, sent two
worthy representatives of the Scotch clans, and so did Jackson in the
person of " Long John " McLeod, who afterAvards, for many years,
Avas Senator from that district, and Avho AA^as, at one and the same time,
a cannie Scotchman and a true American.
Thomas Bilbo, his colleague, AA'as a surveyor from Georgia — a man
of inteUigence — Avho subsequentiy removed to Avhat is noAv Calcasieu
parish, Louisiana.
Harman Runnels — the founder of the Avell knOAvn Runnels family-
had been a hard fighting captain in Georgia, in the Continental army —
had many a fight Avith the British Tories and Indians — Avas a Hard
shell Baptist — a devoted foUoAver of Gen. Elisha Clark — was de
cidedly pugilistic in his temperament, and Avould fire up and fight,
anybody and at any time, for a slur on his religion, his politics or his
friend Clark. He had strong friends and bitter enemies, but he
Avhipped the latter into submission, and Avith four sons to back him,
(one of Avhom became Governor) as ready to fight as himself, he
ruled the Pearl river country as long as he lived, and died an octa-
genarian, at Monticello, "in the order of sanctity." No truer patriot
ever lived or died.
Walter Leake Avas a lawyer of Albemarle county, Va., sent out
here as one of the Territorial Judges ; a man of sound, soUd sense
and undoubted integrity. Becarae United States Senator, and subse
quentiy was elected Governor of the State.

Territory and State. 357
Thomas Barnes Avas from North Carolina, representing a large
family connection in Claiborne county — the Barnes, Humphries,
Bridges, WUUses, Moores, Freelands, and numerous others.
Joshua G. Clark Avas a laAvyer from Pennsylvania, long settled in
the Territory, and Avas our first Chancellor, Avhich office he held at
his death in Port Gibson, July 23d, 1828. Not a briUiant, but a
solid, pains-taking, and AveU-read laAvyer.
Warren county, in Henry D. Downs, sent an accomplished gentle
man, of a famUy AA'hose influence long sAvayed that coun'}'. His col
league, AndrcAv Glass, Avas a settler under the British rule, and Avas
living at or just by the present site of Vicksburg, then known as Fort
Nogales or Walnut HUls, Avhere the Spaniards evacuated it in 179S.
George Poindexter avUI be the subject of a separate m ;moir. Tavo
of his colleagues, Gerard C. Brandon, and Abram M. £..ott, became,
in turn. Governor of the State. As young men they both laid the
foundation of their popularity in the regiraent of volunteers under
General Claiborne. Scott Avas from South Carolina. Brandon Avas a
native of Adams county, son of a gentleman Avho came to the province
when it belonged to Great Britain. They Avere both planters, men of
high character and of great popularity. After a long term of service,
during Avhich he Avas never defeated, the former died on his planta
tion in Wilkinson county.* Governor Scott died of cholera in 1833,
in Jackson, before his term of service had expired.
Daniel Williams Avas a North Carolinian, Avho came from Tennessee
to Mississippi, a laAvyer, Avas chiefly engaged in planting, and a man
of decided talent. Died in the prime of life.
'Gen. John Joor Avas a Avealthy planter from South Carolina, of
Huguenot extraction. The name Avas originally loor. A convivial,
elegant gentieman, a "fire-eater" in politics, and an adept in the duel.
Maj. Joseph Johnson, a Avealthy planter from Virginia, a sensible
and useful man, Avhose brother Henry Johnson Avas Governor of
Louisiana, Representative and Senator in Congress for many years.
Wm. Lattimore, of Amite, has been often mentioned. His col
leagues, Hanna, Batchelor, Burton, Torrence and Wilkinson, Avere all
substantial planters, of high and pure character, and a fair illustration
of our best population.
Gen. David Dickson Avas a Georgian, an eminent physician, but
with strong inclination for politics, and always prominent and influ
ential in pubhc affairs. He Avas not an orator, but an inimitable
talker, fuU of information, anecdote and humor. He filled numerous
responsible positions, and in 1835 Avas elected to Congress from the
State at large. There Avere tAvo tickets in the field for Congress,
Governor and other State officers — one knoAvn as the Van Buren, and
the other as the White ticket, both claiming to be Democratic. Gen
eral Dickson, on the White ticket, and J. F. H. Claiborne, on the
Van Buren ticket, Avere elected by large majorities. General Dickson
was in bad health and continued to decline, and during the inter
mission of Congress died at the Hot Springs, in Arkansas. f • 
*No family in Mississippi sent out more representatives into the Confederate
army; they fought and fell on nearly every field, and no taint of defection at
taches to any of tiiem.
tHis colleague, Mr. Claiborne, announced his death, to the House of Eepre
sentatiyes, as follows : , , . ,, . ., T
"Mr. Speakep.: It is only a few vears since, Avhen a student in tins city r
witnessed, from that gallery, the affecting honors paid to the remains of Christo-

358 Mississippi, as a Province,
Louis AVinston, the Secretary, afterAvards one of the Circuit Judges,
was of the old Virginia Winstons, of Hanover county, Avhich has pro
duced many eminent men, distinguished in the annals of North
Carolina, Alabama and Mississippi.
The first Legislature of the ncAV State assembled in the town of
Washington, in October, 1817, and continued in session until the
foUoAving February, arranging the machinery for the ncAv Government.
Walter Leake 'and Thomas H. Williams Avere elected Senators. At
the first popular election David Holmes Avas elected Governor, and
George Poindexter, Representative to Congress.
February Sth, 181S, tAvo days after the adjournment, EdAvard
Turner Avriting to George Poindexter, says :
" We happily, but Avith some effort, accomplished your Avishes in regard to
appointments. Mr. Harding was elected Attorney-General for four years. Mr.
Eeed® and Mr. Burton Avere run against him. After the first ballot Mr.
Eeed's friends Avent oA'er to Burton, but ive eventually elected our man. It has
been made his duty to attend the General Assembly, and give his legal opinion
when called on and to draft bills if required. He is likeAvise to attend the
counties in the 1st and 2d judicial districts. We fixed his salary at S1,000,
and i?7 for every day of bis attendance on the General Assembly. Wm. B.
Shields is appointed Judge of the 1st district; John Taylor for the 2d; J. P.
Hampton for the 3d, and Powhatan Ellis for tbe 4th district.! John A.
pher Eankin, the distinguished Eepresentative of my natiA'c .state. Since that
period she has lost two Senators, Thomas B. Reed and Eobert H. Adams, eminent
for their talents and virtues. AVe are noAV called on to render the last homage
to another.
"Tlie time that has intervened since the death of my laraented colleague, saves
me the painful jjart uf being the first to communicate it to his friends hoav
present. He died, sir, as lie had lived througli a life of many vicissitudes, with
characteristic firmness, Avith but one wish ungratified — a Avish so natural to us all
— that, in the last, d.ark hour he might be supported by his nearest and best
beloved, and the cherished ones that clustered around his hearth. Ah, sir, let
death come, in what shape it may — iu the battle, in the Avreck, in prison or in the
solitude of the cloister, it is appalling to human eontemplation. No man can
look into the dark, unfathomable abyss of the dread future, without a shudder.
But AA'hen it overtakes us in a distant land, and Ave know that our last moments of s
infirmity and agony are to be witnessed by strangers, that Ave shall lie in an
unwept grave, Avhere no kindred dust Avill mingle Avith ours forever, aud the last
hope of home and family fades frora the filmed view — oh, sir, this is death! this
is to die.' Such was the death of my venerated friend. " By strangers honored,
and by strangers raonrned I " His dying Avords Avere for the broken-hearted now
in orphanage and Avidowliood — his last sigli a praA-er for thera. I can pronounce
no studied eulogy on the dead. For thirty years he maintained a high position
in the public service, and died poorer than Avheii he entered it, letiA'ing to his
children only the riches oE an honorable name. If it be praise to have liA'ed
beloved, and to die without reproach, then it is due to hira. It only remains to
pay the last honors to his memory — sad, because it breaks tbe only link that
liinds the liA'ing to the dead; solemn, when Ave reflect how soon — liow very soon-
some friend now present, may invoke the same tribute for ourselves ! "
"Thomas B. Eeed, a Kentuckian, ot unusual talent and learning in liis pro
fession, but never personally jiopular. He Avas of haughty exterior, and mani
fested too much condescension and patronage when desiring to be familiar, lie
subsequently becarae Attorney-tfeneral, and afterwards, in 'spite of-A'iolent and
formidable enemies, Avas elected to the Senate of the United States, aud died
Avhile holding that office, in the meridian of his powers, and Avhen he Avas just
beginning to command sueeess. When Jfr. Reed first landed at Natchez his
means Avere exhausted, and he had some diffieulty in getting his baggage trans
ported frora tho laudiii.c;. At length a young white man, with his dray, volun
teered to do it. In a luw years the young laAvyer stood at the head of the bar,
and tbe kind-hearted drayman liad become' Sherift' of Adams county, a very
lucrative ofiice, Avhich he held, for a series of years, until his death.
t Powhatan Ellis was a "Virginian, with the blue blood of Pocahontas in his
veins, .an honor claimed by all dark complexioned people from that State. He

Territory and State. 359
Girault has heen appointed Auditor, and Col. P. P. Schuyler, late of the U. S.
A., Treasurer, in place of the late Judge Samuel Brooks. We have passed a
health and quarantine laAV for Natchez, and extended the powers of the corpo
ration, and finally have converted our bank into a State bank. Tbe next
General Assembly Avill meet in this city in January next."
Lyman Harding, confessedly the head of the Mississippi bar for
many years, Avas born and educated in Massachusetts. When barely
of age he Avent to Maryland and taught a school Iavo years, during
Avhich he studied laAv, and obtained a license. Placing his trunk in a
Avagon for Pittsburg, he traveled on foot (as John A. Quitman did af
terwards,) and thence on a flat-boat to Louisville, then a new tOAvn, in
the first promise of its present opulence. Here he put up his shin
gle, and paid one month's board in advance at a very humble house
of entertainment. Just as his month exi^ired he Avas employed in a
single case, traveled ten or tAvelve mUes on foot to argue, and named
a fee of four doUars. He handed this over to his landlord for a Aveek's
board, during Avhich time, he hired himself as a hand on a flat-boat
bound for Natchez, and in due tirae arrived there. The first territo
rial governraent had just been instaUed. Ncav emigrants, mer
chants and planters Avere arriving every day. A brisk business Avas
going on in lands, and much inquiry as to confiicting titles. Young
Harding was sooti discovered to be a Avell read lawyer, and an ex
pert draughtsman, and he stepped at once into a profitable business.
He had the proverbial talent of the Ncav Englander for making raoney
andknoAving hoAV to use it, and by 1805 he had over $10,000 at his
command. He invested this in cotton, sent it to New Orleans,
and Avent Avith it by sea to New York, Avhere he sold it at a very large
advance on the original outlay. He placed the proceeds in the hands
of Wm. Biggs, a citizen of Natchez, to be invested in Maryland or
Virginia in negroes, then a favorite article of merchandise Avith Ncav
Englanders. Biggs Avas a judicious trader, and in due tirae the ne
groes reached Natchez, and Avere sold, and Mr. Harding realized a
snug profit of $5,000 on the transaction.
While Biggs Avas buying the negroes Mr. Harding visited Boston
and there married the divorcee of a West India merchant, a lady of
noble character, of great beauty and superior accompUshments. She
became the idol of society in Natchez, but unfortunately she soon
died. He now devoted himself exclusively to his profession, and his
practice was the most lucrative in the Territory. He had no ambition
for office; Avas a Federalist in his opinions, but not mingling in poli
tics, and his great abilities and integrity being universally recognized,
his best personal friends and clients Avere Republicans. They elected
him Attorney General in 181 7.
was a man of A^ery stately and courtly demeanor — of mild and polished manners —
of amiable temper and extremely indolent habits. He talked but little, but had
the art of making other people talk, and Avas a most patient listener. He Avas
never knoAvn to look bored or to manifest indifference under the raost drowsy
conversation, and Avould sit for hours Avithout ever changing his position, ap
parently deeply interested. He Avas, therefore, universally voted the most
charming of companions, and was in great demand on all social occasions. On
the bench he was equally attentive and patient Avith the mo.st prosy speakers,
and though proverbially slow, Avas universally popular. He never had an enemy.
He was elected U. S. Senator, and after his terra was sent to Mexico. He died in
Virginia during the late war. We never had a purer or more honorable man in
•our service."

360 Mississippi, as a Province.
Mr. Harding subsequently married the beautiful and accomplished
daughter of Rev. Dr. Abercrombie, of Philadelphia, (afterwards the
wife of D. Vertner, Esq., of Claiborne county.) In 1818 both his
mental and physical powers rapidly declined. He died in 1820.
The career of George Poindexter covers so much of our early politi
cal history, his memoir will now be introduced. The history of his
career is, in fact, the history of the Territory and the State, so closely
and prominently was he connected with everything that occurred.

CHAPTEE XXX

HERE Avas nothing romantic, picturesque or imagi
native about Poindexter. He Avas neither fanciful nor
classical, but a strictiy logical, demonstrative, matter-
of-fact man. Yet his story commences Avith a romance,
which shall be told by his nephew, the Rev. A. W.
Poindexter, in a letter from Richmond, i860 :
" In reference to the Poindexter family, I send you an extract
from Taylor's Lives of Virginia Baptist Ministers, remarking that the
authority for the facts was a MS. found by me among the papers of my
uncle, the Eev. John Poindexter : ' The ancestry of Mr. Poindexter Avere
highly respectable. His grandfather was a French Protestant, Avho for
the sake of his religious opinions was compelled to seek an asylum in England.
He carried with him a large family, and considerable means. Soon after his
settlement there, one of his sons, Thomas Poindexter, became attached to a
young Avoman of respectable parentage, whom he addressed, and who recipro
cated his affection. As there was great disparity in their circumstances his
father peremptorily forbade the connection, and the more eifectually to prevent
it, gave his son a handsome sum of money and sent him to Virginia to become
a planter. Six months afterwards the woman he loved determined to follow
him ; and not having the means to pay her passage, she indentured herself as
a servant for four years, and thus, Avith many others who obtained transpor
tation by this species of service, she arrived in Virginia. The young French
man, who had noAV become a planter, repaired on board to procure one or more
of these indentured passengers, AA'hen, to his astonishment and joy, he dis
covered the woman he had asked to be his wife. The meeting may be im
agined better than described. He purchased the indenture, and repaired
forthwith to the church. From this marriage sprung the Poindexters in the
United States.'"
The father of George Poindexter, a Baptist rainistef, left seven sons,
viz: John, Thomas, James, Gabriel, Robert, Richard, George, and
several daughters.
John Poindexter was a Baptist minister, and for many years clerk of
the court in Louisa county, 'Virginia, Avhere he died in 1819. Thomas
and James Avere respectable farmers, and lived and died in their
native county. Gabriel and Robert removed in early life to Kentucky.
Richard became a Baptist minister, and a prosperous planter in North
Carolina. '
George was the youngest, and Avas brought up under the care of his
eldest brother. Rev. John Poindexter, and in his office doubtiess ac
quired a practical knoAvledge of process and pleadings, so useful to
him in after life. He Avas remarkable as a boy for his acuteness, but
was restiess, versatile, insubordinate and fond of a frolic. When quite

362 Mississippi, as a Province,
young he professed a change of heart, was immersed, and became a
member of the Baptist church. He soon left it for a singular reason.
It Avas then the custom, in fashionable circles, to wear queues, and
young Poindexter chose to foUoAv the fashion. Sorae of the brethren
considered this a violation of Paul's pronunciamento against long hair.
Young Poindexter refused to part Avith it, and the consequence was
his withdrawal or excommunication from the church.* The incident
illustrates the man throughout his career. He Avas a stickler in small
as Avell as in great tilings, fond of squabbling, Avould never give way
a hair's breadth, and was, consequently, perpetually embroiled.
He Avas often sent to school, but could not or Avould not stay. The
greater part of Avhat education he had, he got in his brother John's
office. " I had occasion," says James Poindexter, "to go to Ken
tucky, on business. I had not been there long before, to my great
surprise, George presented hiraself. 'Why, Avhat does this mean?'
said I. 'I can't stand Brother John,' said he; ' he is too tight and
exacting, so I have corae to you.' ' Well, Avhat do you Avisli to do?'
' Study laAV,' Avas his ansAver. I got hira into the office of an attorney
in full practice, and soon after returned to Virginia. I had not been
there long before George made his appearance. ' Why, AA'hat brings
you here?' ' Oh, I have left Kentucky for good. I Avon the confi
dence of my patron, and he entrusted rae AA-ith his collections and
paid me a per centage, and I got to gambling and frolicing,, and he
took his papers, etc., out of my hands. That implied suspicion,
and I can't stand that. So I have returned to you.' ' "What do you
propose noAv?' ' I mean to be a laAvyer.' I got hira a situation in
Richmond, and after reading three months he obtained license and
opened an office at Milton."
Milton, not now on the map of Virginia, in Albemarle county,
Avas then a ncAV tOAvn that sprung uj) very ra]")idly under the auspices
of the Jaraes River and Ohio Canal Company. He purchased a lot
or tAvo there, and obtained a fair practice, but the fees in those days,
fifteen shillings and five dollars in ordinary cases, Avere scarcely ade
quate to meet the expenses of a young laAvyer, A\-ho Avas fond of cards,
Avine, horse-racing and society. So he got in debt, and determined
to emigrate. He did not abscond, as his enemies afterAvard reported,
but he Avasted no unnecessary time in leave-taking, nor did he ride
round to advertise his creditors of his intention. He left a statement
of his liabilities, and his professional business in the hands of Hugh
Nelson, Esq., a leading laAvyer of the circuit, (afterAvards a prominent
member of Congress and Minister to Spain) and authorized his
brother John to sell his property in Milton, Avhich at the then assess
ment of lots Avould probably have paid all his debts. Borrowing
"<¦ In 1798, the first United States troops that came down the Mississippi, Avere
quartered at Fort Adams. General Wilkinson, Colonel Hamtramck, Major
Butler, Captain Guion and other officers, becarae rather merry over their punch
one night, and the General, by some accident, got his queue singed oft'. Next
clay he issued an order forbidding any oificer appearing on parade Avith a queue.
Major Butler refused to obey, and "Avas put under arrest. He was soon after
taken sick, and Avhen the surgeon. Dr. < Carmichael, informed hira that he could
not live, he made his AviU and gave directions for his burial, which, be knew,
would be attended by the whole coramand. " Bore a bole," said he, "through the
bottom of ray eoflin, right under ray head, and let my queue hang through it, that
the d— d old rascal may see that, even Avhen dead, 1 refuse to obev his orders."
These directions Avere literally complied Avitb.

Territory and State. 363
^120 from Wm. Ragland, for Avhich his brother Avas security, he left in
September, 1802, made his Avay to Ncav York, and saUed for Ncav
Orleans. Poindexter, ho\A"ever, Avas mean in money matters, sIoav in paying
his debts, and ahvays cramped for funds. His lot, Avhich he valued
at $1000 cash, Avas finally sold for $500 on a long credit, and in 1810
he had not paid his brother, and Avas squabbling over the claim. "At
a time," Avrote his brother, "Avheii you could not remain here, and
could not go for the Avant of means, I borroAved that raoney for you.
Avliich no other raan on earth Avould have done, and the payraent of
it, as you raust knoAv, has cramped rae, and corapelled rae to stint
my large family. Since I got the money for you, more than seven
years have elapsed, of prosperity Avith you, and adversity Avith
me."* He arrived at Natchez about the close of 1S02, and on the iSth of
January, 1803, Avrote his sister: "Here I ara, Avithout society, and
Avithout the hope of forming any." He Avas all his life subject to fits
of despondency. When this letter Avas Avritten he Avas in a strange
community, proverbial for its gaiety, and perhaps Avithout a dollar in
his pocket. Hoav soon he impressed himself on the public as a man
of talents, and hoAv rapidl)' he advanced, may be inferred from the
fact that some four months after this gloomy letter, he Avas appointed
by Governor Claiborne, Attorney General for the district Avest of
Pearl river. "Your impressions," Avrites his sister, "of the ladies of
your ncAv country seem to be unfavorable. You, hoAvever, have this
consolation, that you are not dependent on their beauty and graces for
advancement in your profession. A man of business is not obliged
to attend fashionable assemblies." Mr. Poindexter Avas not at any time
a ladies' man, nor had he traits of character, nor the refined and defer
ential manners to make hira a favorite Avith them. He Avas coarse and
boisterous, Avithaloud, peremptory voice, and a decided inclination for
courthouse and tavern circles.
As soon as his arrival at Natchez Avas knoAvn at MUton, MathcAv
Camden sent hira a diploma or certificate of membership from the
WidoAv's Son Lod=;e, No. 60, of that place, Avhich he thought might
be of service to him.
Mr. Poindexter's temper and associations jierpetuaUy involved him
in altercations, and in ncAVspaper controversies. In 1S03 an anony
mous commmunication appeared against him in the Herald, (printed
at Natchez,) and he had a difficulty about it Avitii Mr. R. R. Keene,
which Avas settied by the intervention of Hore BroAvse Trist, Avho had
been sent out here by President Jeff'erson as CoUector of Customs, and
Avas afterAvards transferred to the Custom House, New Orleans, Avhere
he died.
In 1804 he married Lydia, the daughter of Major Jesse Carter,
a Avealthy planter of Adams county. His friend, Mr. Trist, Avrote to
him: "You have drav.-n a valuable prize in the raatrimotiial lottery.
Her great beauty is, as far as I can judge, her least recommendation,
*In the Richmond Vih\g, February 2.3d, 1S37, Poindexter explained the circura
stances under Avhich be le'ft Virginia, but the narrative is Avritten coulenr de rose.
According to his brother's letters he Avas much involved; could not stay Avithout
liability to arrest ; could not go for the want of means, until his brother borroAved
the moiiey for him, Avhich money as late as 1810 he refused to refund, on the
ground that his brother should have made it out ot his lot in Milton !

364 Mississippi, as a Province,
for she blends grace and intelligence Avith every amiable trait that
adorns her sex. Only preserve yourself an evenness of temper, dis
pel gloom Avhen it assaUs you as your bitterest enemy, as well as too
much levity, and your prospect for happiness AviU be bright indeed."
Mr. Trist kncAV him in Virginia, and kncAV his fadings; at times des
ponding, superciUous and quarrelsome; then volatUe and wanting in
dignity, Avith a decided inclination for rowdyism.
In 1805 he quarreled Avith Abner L. Duncan, then a leading mem
ber of the Natchez bar ; — charged him Avith having used towards him
disrespectful language, and recommended him to be more careful there
after, on pain of serious consequences. Mr. Duncan denied using the
expressions; but said "if you believe that I used such language you
should not hesitate in making me accountable."
In 1S06 he Avas elected member of the Territorial Assembly, from
the county of Adaras, and by that body Avas chosen delegate to Con
gress over CoAvles Meade and Thomas H. WUliams.
In 1807 he figured both as a military man and as counsel for the
United States in the arrest and prosecution of Aaron Burr, by the Ter
ritorial authorities, Avithout adding much to his fame. Col. Burr had
seen more service and Avas a better soldier than any of those concera-
ed in his capture, and in Kentucky and in Richmond, as AveU as in
this Territory, he proved to be a better laAvyer than any of those Avho
undertook to convict him.
February 13th, 1S08, as his term of service in Congress Avas draAV-
ing to a close, he addressed the foUoAving circular to his constituents.
It is a reliable record of our advance frora the first and second grades
of our territorial organization, and it explains the relations our coun
try held at that time with England and France — relations that directiy
affected the people of this Territory :
Washirgton City, February 13th, 1808.
Dear Sir — In compliance Avith the obligations of my duty, I now commu
nicate to you, the several acts Avhich haA'e passed during the present session of
Congress, in relation to the local police, and internal Avelfare of our territory.
The act extending the right of sufl'raac, in the Mississippi Territory, and
for other purposes, passed the House of Eepresentatives, in its most desirable
shape, requiring that the elector should be a citizen of the United States, resi
dent in the Territory one year, and have paid a tax assessed, at least six
months previous to an election. This qualification Avould have extended the
elective franchise to the groat body of the community, liable to perform militia
duty, and subject to bear a portion of the public burdens ; Avhich in my judg
ment is a right inseparable from freemen, and cannot be abridged, Avithout an
infraction of tbe principles ou which our republican institutions are founded.
Another consideration also, rendered me particularly solicitous that this just
aud liberal system should have been adopted. The payment of a tax is a mat
ter of fact, capable of direct and immediate proof, by a reference to the roll of
the tax collector, Avho is an officer of public responsibility, and therefore, no
fraudulent voter could haA'e imposed himself upon the inspectors appointed to
preserve the chastity of Elections. Exiieriencc has shoAvn us that thelree-hold
qualification is lialde to the abuse of fraudulent coiiA'eyances made for the ex
press purpose of enabling a dislionest candidate to obtain a factitious majority
over the virtuous and Avorthy citizen Avho Avill not stoop to the violation of the
plain djctates of morality, "and the knoAvn laAvs of the land, to acquire either
surreptitious fame or illegitimate power; but tbe Senate, for Avise rea.sons, no
doubt, thought proper to restrict the riglit of suffrage to the holders of real
estate.'-' I assented to this modification because its provisions are more expan-
-¦¦The free-bold qualification had led to many abuses in the Territory. The
Mississippi Messenger of July Sth, IbO.s, referring to a recent election, says:

Territory and State. 365
sive than those comprised in the ordinance for the government of the Missis
sippi Territory. ^ There Avere numerous citizens of Avealth and respectability,
residing in the city of Natchez and otlicr small towns in various parts of the
territory, OAvning toAvn lots of considerable value, Avho Avere not heretofore en
abled to vote for i-epresentatiA'es to the general assembly ; to this class of citi
zens, and to purchasers under the United States, and also to those possessed of
equitable estates in fifty acres of land, the right of sufl'r.age is extended. I
therefore trust, that although the laAV may not meet our wishes in their fullest
extent, it Avill put the subject at rest until the arrival of that auspicious period,
in which Ave shall be entitled to the enviable privileges of self-government. In
the formation of a constitution suited to the genius of a free people, the elective
franchise Avill be fixed on the basis of equality as the best means of securing
the liberty and independence of the citizens. The second section of the act au
thorizes an apportionment and augmentation of representatives, in the several
counties of the territory, provided the AvhoIe number does not exceed tAvelve.
As I have no doubt, that an immediate convention of the legislature Avill be
deemed expedient by the executive for the purpose of making the necessary
apportionment previous to the next election, to give the people a full and fair
representation, in tbe general assembly, permit me to express a wish, that of the
number assigned to the county of Adams, one may be be designated, as the sole
representative of the City of Natchez. A regulation of that kind Avould put an
end to the collision, Avhich so often arises betAveen a supposed conflict of city
and country interest, and thereby destroy the prevailing jealousy Avhich has
tended to ferment the public mind, and to sever the social obligations
Avhich ought ahvays to exist iu a country of refinement and civilization. I am
impressed Avitli tbe belief that the measure Avould meet the approbation of the
citizens of Natchez, as it Avould increase their importance as a corporate body,
and at the same time remove the inconvenience of attending elections at a dis
tance from the circle of their respective employments. The third section
of the act transfers the right of choosing a delegate to Congress, from the legis
lative council, and House of Eepresentatives, to the great body of the people.
There are manj' reasons Avhy this change in our system of government is prop
er. No principle is better supported by reason and common sense, than that
which recognizes the people as the source from whence all poAver must flow. If
an individual is to be entrusted with the care and management of tbe general
concerns of a community he ought to possess their entire confidence.
A man AA'ho is deemed unAvorthy of public trust, cannot now be imposed
upon the people of the territory Avithout their consent ; and it is surely much
safer to confide the choice ot u representative to the general suffrage of the
territory, than to the two houses of the legislature, who may often select an
individual, whose pretensions would not pass the ordeal of public investiga
tion. The conduct of your representative Avill be submitted to your impartial
judgment and discretion; if it be meritorious your grateful approbation will
constitute his best rcAvard, and form around him a bulwark impenetrable to
the shafts of calumny and detraction, while he who violates the sacred con
fidence reposed in him will meet the froAvns of his fellow citizens, and be con
signed to obscurity, branded Avith public disgrace, and detestation. I rest sat
isfied that this new privilege Avill be exercised Avith that sound discretion and
prudence which is calculated to prove its utility, and to produce the most
favorable result to the territory. An act extending the right of preemption
to actual settlers on public lands on the third day of March, one thousand,
eight hundred and seven, who have complied with the requisitions of the act,
passed at the last session of Congress, prohibiting settlements on lands ceded
to the United States until authorized by law, has also met the sanction of the
national legislature. The provisions of this laAV are as extensive as they
"Siveiii patriotic citizens of this citv exerted themselves to create voters, to de
feat the Republican ticket. Gov. Williams opened an ofiice for this purpose.
Every drayman, alien and free negro in the city hostile to our government be
came, by magic, a Freeholder."
A still more flagrant instance occurred iu Louisiana— the infaraousPlaquemine
fraud by which hundreds of fraudulent Freeholders were raade and the vote
of the State was cast for James K. Polk, Avheu it Avas unquestionably due to
Henry Clay.

366 Mississippi, as a Province,
could have been made Avithout a departure from that system which the
government of the United States has adopted for the disposal of the public
lands. The quantity of land is limited to one section to be surveyed according
to sectional lines, but that quantity may be produced from tAvo adjoining sec
tions, so as to include the whole improvement, which an actual settler may
have made, on a part of each section.
If a claimant chooses to locate one-half of Section No. 5, and one-half of
section No. 6, adjoining thereto, making in the Avholo six hundred and forty
acres, if thereby he does not interfere Avith the claim of his neighbor, I am of
opinion that he may do so under tlie limitation cnntained in the first section of
the act. The tract of land claimed may be reduced to one quarter section at
the option of the settler, but a smaller quantity cannot be granted. With a
A'iew to secure those emigrants Avho have settled on lands, claimed by virtue of
ante-dated Spanish patents and British patents held by absentees, I have ex
cepted only such lands as are claimed by A'irtue of a certificate from the
boards of commissioners, east and Avest of Pearl Eiver, and inasmuch as ante
dated Spanish patents and British patents, held by persons Avho do not
reside in the territory, are directed by law to be reported to Congress for consid
eration, persons resident on lands held under these titles, Avill obtain a cer
tificate of preemption from the United States.
The time fixed for filing notices of these claims is the first day oi October
next, and on the first day of January next the first payment of the purchase
money Avill be required.
The committee on public lands liave agreed to report a bill authorizing the
President of the United States, to direct the sale of that portion of land in the
territory, Avhich may belong to the L'nited States, and Avhich is noAV in a situa
tion to be ofi'ered for sale, and so on progressively from time to time, until the
whole is purchased. Consequently future emigrants Avill experience no embar
rassment in procuring lands from the government at the moment of their ar
rival in the country. This regulation Avill be a security for the increasing
population' of the territory, and the laAV respecting preemption is a guarantee
to those who have made improvements on lands heretofore.
I therefore hope that every fear, Avith respect to the justice of the goA'ernment,
toAvards our distant and insulated country, will be dbspelled, and that these
measures Avill inspire the most perfect contentment and satisfaction.
It is with much pleasure that I communicate to you, tbe final ratification of
the ChoctaAV treaty. A bill is now on its passage in the House of Eepresenta
tives making the necessary appropriations for carrying it into effect, and I ap
prehend in the course of the present year, an ofiice will be opened for the sale
of lands in the district of country ceded by that treaty to the United St.ites.
The various local and political advantages, resulting not only to the Missis
sippi territory, but to the Union at large, from the acquisition of that tract of
country, are so Avell known to you, that it Avould be a waste of tirae to say any
thing on tho subject. It cannot fail to invite an influx of population into
the territory wliich must in a short time enable us to add another star to
the American constellation, an event not more desirable to ourseh'es than
to the general government.
The board of commissioners West of Pearl Eiver has made no report on
the scA'eral descriptions of claims, directed by law to be submitted to Con
gress for consideratiqn. The Avant of this report has induced the committee on
Public Lands to delay an investigation of the other questions respecting ti'les
to land in the territory, in the hope that it Avould arrive, at a convenient
period to be acted on, (luring the present session ot Congress. I have hoAV-
ever thought it advisable to draw their immediate attention to the situation
of persons claiming lands under warrants of survey granted by the British and
Spanisli governments, whose claipis Avere not confirmed by the original law
"regulating the grants of land, and providing for tbe disposal of the lands of
the United States, south of the State of Teiinessee." On these claims a de
cision Avill be had in a few days, and I shall talw tlic earliest occasion to in
form you ot tlie result. In relation to the county of Washington, particu
larly, the committee on public lands have agreed to report in favor
of an extension of time, until the first day of October next, to enable
those who Averc entitled to certificates of preeinption, to introduce the proof

Territory and State. 367
necessary to obtain a right of donation on the 30th day of March, 1798, and to
exchange the preemption for a donation certificate. They have also agreed
to allow, until that time, for persons Avhose residence above the line of de
markation hetAVeen the Spanish colony of West Florida and the United States,
has been recently ascertained, to file their respective claims with the register
of the land office, and receiver of public monies, east of Pearl Eiver, to be en
acted on in the same manner as other claims have been in that district. All the
other matters relative to the territory, generally, or to individuals, Avill be
attended to Avith every degree of A'igilance and dispatch which circumstances
render practicable.
Among the laws of a general nature whieh have passed during the present
session, the "act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels Avithin the ports
and harbors of tbe United States," is calculated to excite the deepest interest
and solicitude Jn the Mississippi territorj'. This measure Avas not only justified
by existing circumstances at the time tbe laAv was enacted, but it was demanded
by the dictates of imperious necessity. Subsequent events have tended to
show the increasing dangers to Avhich our commerce Avould be exposed, and
the opinion derives additional strength, that this precautionary expedient Avill
produce the most salutary consequences to the nation. France by enforcing a
rigid observance of her decree of the 26th of November, 1806, declaring the
British Islands in a state of blockade, had interdicted all commercial inter
course betAveen tbe PTnited States of America and Great Britain, and all mer
chant vessels bound to or from a British port, having on board goods, Avares and
merchandize of British origin, Avere subject to capture, and condemnation by
the prize courts of France. (Spain, also, had adopted a similar policy. Great
Britain, by an order of the 11th of November, 1807, declared all the ports and
places of France and her allies, or of any other country Avith Avhom she is at
Avar, and all other ports or places in Europe from which the British flag is ex
cluded, and all ports or places in the colonies of their enemies, to be in a state
of blockade, and vessels bound to or from such countries or colonies, are sub
ject to be captured and condemned as laivf ul prize to the captors. Thus the
ocean presents to us a theatre on Avhich plunder, piracy, robbery and murder
are legitimatized by the belligerent poAvers of Europe, and the alternative left
to the American nation is either to participate in the disgraceful scene, and
brand our national character with infamy, or to Avithdraw within ourselves,
until reason and justice shall resume their empire and become the rule of con
duct to those peculators on all honest commerce. The people of the United
States can look Avith certainty to their oAvn internal resources for the means of
subsistence and comfort; the variety of climate and soil in America is such, as
to make it next to impossible that there should ever be a failure of crops, so as
to render us dependent on a foreign country for provisions of any kind ; and no
people possess in more abundance than ourselves, tbe rude materials for manu
facturing the most essential articles of clothing. The embargo, therefore, can
produce no domestic inconvenience to the people of the United States, except
so far as they are thereby deprived of a market in which to vend the surplus
products of the soil. What prospect is there that our merchants would find
their way to a European market if permitted to adventure their cargoes on the
seas? "VVe are excluded from commercial intercourse Avith the British islands
by France and Spain, and by Great Britain we are excluded from the ports of
the world ! The consequence is, that our property, if an attempt be made to
export it from the United States, would fall a sacrifice to the rapine of some
piratical band, and our citizens Avould be impoverished. The nations of Eu
rope, and particularly Great Britian, cannot sustain the privations to Avhich,
by the loss of our commerce, they are subjected. If they stubbornly persist in
those arbitary measures which have constrained us to relinquish our commer
cial pursuits for a season, the horrors of famine, desolation and civil discord, must,
at no distant period, induce an acquiescence, on their part, in those principles
of justice for which we are bound to contend. If this crisis should not arrive
until twenty years shall have passed aAvay, I trust the government of my coun
try will not relinquish the strong ground it has taken. I however believe that
France and Great Britain will soon be conA'inced, that they had better contend
for our friendship, than to obstruct that free intercourse, Avhich it is our Avisli
to preserve Avith each on terms of justice and reciprocity. Should the embargo

o

68 Mississippi, as a Province,

continue only one year, (and I do not think the causes which have induced it,
Avill endure longer) it cannot injure, materially, the planters of the Territory.
I have no doubt that a large proportion of the crop of the preceding year
has already been disposed of ; and the crop of the present year wUl not be in
a state of preparation for market, until the Avinter of 1809, previous to which
time I earnestly hope that the cloud Avhich covers tbe aspect of our political
horizon Avill vanish ; and that our flag Avill once more be hoisted in the ful] tide
of commercial intercourse Avith the world.' I cannot close this subject without
expressing my ardent wish, that upon this occasion there may b'e but one senti
ment among the people of the Mississippi Territory ; and that their utmost ener
gies will always be exerted in the support of such measures of the general gov
ernment as may be deemed essential to the common defense and general welfare
of the Union.
Whether pending the embargo, it may not be proper to suspend executions
against the property of our citizens, is a question well Avorthy the serious con
sideration of the general assembly. The example has been given by the Legis
latures of Maryland and Virginia, and in all probability it will be followed by
most of the other States, if circumstances should require it.
With regard to the pending negotiation between our Government and Great
Britain, I am unable to speak with certainty at present. Nothing has trans
pired officially on that subject, and 1 cannot confide in mere conjecture, on a
matter of such high importance to the country. Great Britain may fairly be
considered as at Avar Avith the Avorld, unless an accommodation is made of her
differences Avith America. How long that kingdom will be able to sustain the
Aveight of such a conflict, let her infatuated ministry determine. But I think
it not improbable that they Avill learn to appreciate the trite adage that "hon
esty is the best policy."
It now becomes me, sir, to state to you, that after tbe most mature reflection
and consideration, I have determined to decline a re-election as the delegate
from the Mississippi Territory to the Congress of the United States. The elec
tion of my successor Avill take place at your general election of representatives
in July next, which renders it proper that I should take the earliest occa
sion to make known to you my intention to AvithdraAV. I am well assured that
you Avill find no difficulty in conferring your suffrage on an individual more
able to piromote your interest than myself. My best exertions shall continue
to be used iu the discbarge of the trust confided to me ; and I most devoutly
pray that the benefits to the Territory resulting from those exertions may be
commensurate Avith sacrifices which in my present situation I am corapelled to
make. I am. Sir, with sentiments of respect, your most obedient servant,
Geo. Poindexter.
The last paragraph in this circular Avas not acceptable to his friends,
and the foUoAving correspondence ensued :
To the Hon. George Poindexter :
Sir : The citizens of this Territory have been Availing Avith anxiety your re
turn, that they might learn the causes Avhich induced you to decline the further
service of your country. The public mind has been su.spended and now wait
your decision ; for this purpose Ave have been deputed by a respectable portion
of the citizens of Adams county, to solicit you to dispense with your objections
and once more enter the service ot a people whose highest confidence you have
gained by your faithful and patriotic exertions in their behalf. When we re
view your conduct during tbe late session of Congress, your efforts are marked
with the strongest evidences of republicanism, and associated with a judgment
and success which command our just admiration and applause.
With ^ these sentiments, Ave beg that you Avill once more give your name to
the territory, as a candidate at the ensuing Congressional election. The duties
of that station are important and require the efforts of our best talents — 'tis to
yours that we would Avish to commit them.
With the highest respect, we are sir, your very obedient servants,
Joseph Sessions,
A. Montgomery,
F. L. Claiborne,
Washington, June 11, 1808. Committee.

Territory and S'tate. 360
MR. poindexter's ANSWER.
Gentlemen : Having obtained the passage of an Act, transferring the right
of electing the Delegate to Congress in this Territory from the Legislative
Council and House of Eepresent.atives to tbe great body of the people, I Avas
extremely solicitous that their choice should devolve on an individual more
able to promote their welfare than myself. Nothing could induce me to remain
longer in my present situation, by Avhich I am. compelled wholly to relinquish
the management of my own domestic concerns, short of the very high respect
Avhich I feel for the varions proofs of confidence and attachment which I have
received from a large and respectable portion of my felloAV-citizens since my
return. The primary duty of a good citizen is to merit Avell of his country,
and to receive its approbation is his highest reAvard.
Conscious that I have used every exertion in my poAver to vindicate the
rights and advance the prosperity of this Territory, my mind is impressed with
a deep sense of gratitude at the sanction bestowed on these exertions by my
felloAV-citizens. If upon a view of my past services, I should be again honored Avith the con
fidence of my country, it Avill become my indispensable duty to endeavor to
discharge the important trust Avith vigilance, industry and attention.
Accept, gentlemen, the assurance of my highest respect and esteem,
George Poindex'ter.
Messrs. Sessions, Montgomery and Claiborne.
Washington, June 11, 1808.
He Avas re-elected Avithout difficulty, and during that term dis
tinguished hiraself by his reply to the celebrated disunion speech of
Josiah Quincy, of Massachusetts.
The acquisition of Louisiana and of the Florida parishes, was
bitterly opposed in the House of Representatives. Josiah Quincy, of
Massachusetts, one of the raost finished orators that ever appeared in
Congress, led the opposition. In the course of his speech he said :
"I declare it as my deliberate opinion, that, if this bill passes, the
bonds of this Union are virtually dissolved ! That the States Avhich
compose it are free from their moral obligations, and that, as it avUI be
the right of all, so it will'be the duty of some, definitely to prepare for
a separation, amicably if they can, violently if they raust!"
Mr. Poindexter, delegate from Mississippi, here interrupted hira
and made the point of order "Avhether it Avas competent in any
member of the House to threaten a dissolution of the Union, and
invite the people to rebellion?" Mr. Quincy, in a defiant voice, de
liberately repeated his Avords, and that they should not be mistaken or
forgotten, he wrote them doAvn, and handed them to the clerk.
The Speaker decided that the concluding portion of Mr. Quincy's
remarks were not in order; but the House reversed the decision ; and
the orator proceeded to declare that there Avas nothing hidden, or
mysterious, or sacred about the constitution ; that it Avas a mere com
pact — an article of partnership between equal parties for convenience
and mutual benefit ; that new partners could not be taken in Avithout
the consent of all the members of the old firm ; and that the adoption
of this measure Avould be the forcible introduction of foreign members
into the concern, and virtually dissolve the partnership. "With
respect," said he, "to this boasted love of our Union, concerning
which so much sensibUity is expressed, I have no fear of analysing its
nature. Sir, the first love of my heart is the Commonaa'ealth of
Massachusetts ! "
Mr. Poindexter, in the course of his speech, said "this is not the
24

370 Mississippi, as a Province,
first time Ave have heard of the dissolution of the Union from the gen
tieman and his friends. In the debate on the Embargo the gentieman
told us that New England Avas prepared for insurrection and revolt,
and at the same moment the British Minister here dispatched the same
opinion to his government."
The acquisition of Louisiana, carrying Avith it the free navigation of
the Mississippi river, and its OAvnership to the sea, Avas unquestionably,
indispensable for the preservation of the Union ; but on the constitu
tional points aUeged by Mr. Quincy, there Avas not and never has
been a satisfactory ansAver. Like Lincoln's emancipation proclama
tion, and the acquisition of Ncav Mexico and California, the power
exercised Avas one of expediency or necessity, and not of right — as
surgeons justify the resort, in desperate emergencies, to the Csesarean
operation. In a pointed address to his constituents Mr. Poindexter
explains very clearly the position of national parties, on measures that
directiy concerned the people of the Mississippi and Orleans Ter
ritories :
" A bill is noAV before the Senate, one of the provisions of ivbich is to extend
the laws .of tbe Territory of Orleans to that portion of West Florida lying west
of the river Perdido. The title of the United States to that tract of country is
strongly contested by the federalists, and the Executive is charged with a
violation of the Constitution, in the proclamation declaratory of that title. A
fcAV Aveeks previous to the meeting of Congress, that class of politicians Avere
clamorous against the administration, for delaying a step so necessary to our
national security. " The hand of Napoleon was visible in this criminal pro
crastination of a measure called for by a proper respect for our own rights, and
Avarranted by a rigid enforcement of the conA'ention of the 30th of April, 1803,
Avith the French government." But so soon as the strong ground taken by the
President in relation to that country Avas displayed, the High Priests of the
Essex Junto, true to the cause of England, vibrate to the opposite extreme, and
censure an act Avhich a short time before they had recommended. AVe are now
told that " AVest Florida was not included in the Louisiana purchase — that to
step over the national boundary was an usurpation on the part of the Execu
tive of the Constitutional poAvers of Congress, who are exclusively authorized
by that instrument to make war on a foreign country" — and though " last not
least" of the bug-bears Avhich they conjure up to frighten the nation, Ave a're
reminded that Great Britain has solemnly undertaken to guarantee to the
Spanish Junta, in the name of Ferdinand the 7tb, all the colonies which Spain
possessed, anterior to the downfall of her late monarch, and that this violation
of territorial boundary will lead to open rupture Avith that nation. We are
oven charged with an intention to occupy the country till France is in a situa
tion to receive it out of our hands. Should Great Britain listen to these
frantic ravings of political madmen, it is highly probable she will embark a
force for Pensacola, for the purpose of restoring the Spanish authority in West
Florida; but what I think more probable is, thit she Avill obtain a cession from
the .lunta of the two Floridas, and claim them as British colonies. In either
event, I hope the government of the United States will permit the valor of its
citizens to plant the American Eagle on the Avails of St. Augustine. That such
will be the result of a struggle to trench upon our present limits, cannot be
doubted. The God of nature manifestly intended this great continent to be
united under one common goverment connected by a community of interests
and of municipal regulations. Time alone can mature these important objects,,
Avhich by interposing between the ncAv and the old Avorld, an ocean of vast
extent and ditflcult navigation, Avill afford a sure pledge of the peace and pros
perity of our beloved country for ages to come.
Connected Avith the Acquisition of West Florida, the est.ablishment of boun
daries for state governments on the waters of the Mississippi, is a subject of
primary importance. I have Availed with anxious solicitude, to learn the
sense of the Legislature of the Territory as the course which it became my
duty to pursue, in relation to our advancement to the rank of an independent

Territory and State. 3yi
State. It being doubtful here, whether the newly acquired territory should be
attached to the Orleans or Mississippi Territory, or a portion of it, added to
each, I have carefully avoided an exposition of my own views, until by knoAV-
ing the Avishes of my fellow-citizens, I might carry them into effect so far as
they might meet the sanction of the National Legislature. No memorial has yet
arrived. We have indeed heard of a project to accompany that instrument Avith
aconstitution to be formed by a convention, authorized by the local Legislature
of the Territorv. This step is deemed premature by tliose who are acqujiinted
Avith the incipient proceedings necessary to the introduction of a territory into
the Union as a separate commonwealth; and although I attribute no unworthy
motive to its mover, I am not Avithout fear that it Avill be productive of un
favorable consequences ivitli reference to the object Avliich it Avas intended to
promote. To give the subject every facility in my power, and to evince a
proper subordination to the general government, I have moved a resolution
which is adopted for the appointment of a committee to " Enquire into the ex
pediency of .admitting the territory into the Union as a separate and independ
ent State." The committee aa'III no doubt postpone their report until the views
of the Legislature of the Territory shall be presented to them."
1808. About the time that his term in Congress Avas draAving to a
close, the Hon. Peter B. Bruin, Avho had long been one of the Judges
of the Territory, resigned, and the President appointed Mr. Poindexter
to succeed' him. He had established his reputation in Congress as a
man of talents, but Avas extremely unhappy. He had already sepa
rated from his beautiful wife, Avho had borne him tAvo sons, and he
publicly accused her of criminal relations Avith one avIio had been a
favorite Avith both.*
In iSii, one of the raost unhappy events of his life occurred-^his
duel with Abijah Hunt.
Mr. Hunt Avas a native of Ncav Jersey, had come early to Ohio,
thence to this Territory, and had become the most extensive merchant
in it. He had large establishments and public cotton gins at Natchez,
Washington, Greenville, Port Gibson and Big Black, and by his
capital, enterprise and intelligence exerted great social and political
influence. He Avas a man of high personal character, and a decided
partisan of Avhat was then knoAvn as the Federal party. He took an
active part against Poindexter, and indulged in some expressions,
Avhich. in the then state of public sentiment, could not be submitted
to. Parties were not wanted to aggravate Poindexter, Avho, being a
Virginian, did not need much spurring; and some of those who
bitterly hated him were anxious to have him shot, even though it
risked the Ufe of or.e of their most influential leaders, Avho had the
usual scruples of his race against dueUing. After the chaUenge
passed, Mr. Hunt Avas arrested, and the other party Avas closely pur
sued. Poindexter's friend, Capt. ^m. C. Mead, sent Capt. E.
Bradish, the friend of Mr. Hunt, the foUoAving note:
Near Natchez, June 6th, 1811—11 o'clock p. m.
Sir: Having evaded the constables by whom Ave haye been harassed, and
understanding your friend has escaped, wo have reason to hope there will be
no farther difficulty,' and that you and your friend Avill meet us on the oppo
site side of the river by 4 p. m. to-morrow, if agreeable to your friend, or at as
early an hour as possible. My friend, his surgeon and myself cross over im
mediately under cover of night, and Ave shall anxiously aAvait the arrival ot
¦*1 have critically examined the evidence in his own papers against this lady,
and though she may have been indiscreet, and the more so from resentment ot
ber husband's suspicions, I am sure she Avas never criminal— that she was a pure
and true wife. ,She subsequently married Mr. Williams, a clergyman ot l>rim-
field, Massachusetts, and maintained an nnsnllied reputation.

372 iMississippi, AS a Province,
your party. Our friend Lieutenaut Peyton Avill deliver you this note and Avill
then rejoin us. He will inform you precisely Avhere we are to be found.
Your obedient servant, ^V. C. Mead.
Both parties being on the Louisiana side of the river, the foUoAving
terms Avere agreed upon :
" "Wm. C. Mead, on the part of George Poindexter, Esq., and Ebenezer
Bradish, on the part of Abijah Hunt, Esq., adopt and agree to the following
terms for the meeting about to take place :
1. The ground shall be measured iu presence of the seconds, and their prin
cipals shall then be placed at ten paces apart facing each other.
2. The seconds in presence of each other shall charge two pistols Avith
powder and one ball each.
3. These pistols shall be placed in the hands of the principals at their posts
by their respective seconds, and shall be held Avith the muzzle down.
4. Tbe giving of the word shall then be decided by lot. The second who
Avins the jirivilege, shall then say, sloAvly and distinctly — "Gentlemen, are you
ready?" If both principals answer " We are," he shall then proceed thus:
" One — two — three — fire ! "
.5. After the word ''one" has been pronounced the principals may elevate
their pistols, but if either shall raise it from its perpendicular position before
the AVord one the second of the opposite party shall shoot him.
6. If either of the principals shall discharge his pistol before the word /re,
or shall Avithhold his shot after the Avord fire, and then attempt to fire at his
adversary, the second of the latter shall shoot bim down.
7. The parties shall remain on the field until the challenging party shall
declare himself satisfied, or until one of the parties shall be too much disabled
to continue the fight.
8. A snap or a flash of the pistol shall be considered a fire. Wji. C. Mead.
E. Bradish.
June 8th, 1811.
This cartel evidently meant businesss. The seconds Avere both
Avhat Avould bc'iiOAV called fire-eaters. Bradish Avas a Ncav Yorker, a
loyalist, and had held a comraission in the array frora John Adams,
and like most of the officers of that day, Avas a high-strung Federalist,
and fierce and passionate. Mead Avas a Georgian, had likeAvise been
in the army under a comraission from Jeff'erson, and Avas an ardent
Republican. His coadjutor, Jos. R. Peyton, a Virginian, Avas at that
tirae a lieutenant in the United States Army. Elijah Smith, a highly
respectable citizen, Avas present, as a friend of Mr. Hunt. The
meeting took place on the grounds of Maj. Stephen IMinor, about a
mile above the port of Concord, (the present A'idalia.)
Capt. Bradish Avon the Avord and gave it. Tavo pistol shots Avere
heard, and Mr. Hunt received a Avound in the abdomen, Avhich in a
fcAv hours terminated his life. His death made a great sensation, and
then, and as late as 1815 in his controversy Avith Dr. BroAvn, and
other influential parties of Lexington, Ky., Mr. Poindexter Avas ac
cused of firing before the Avord.
-¦Vs late as December 4th, 1815, the late Judge Elijah Smith, says ;
^ That the fire did take place Jc/ore the Avord j?.re, (Avhich I understood to be the
signal,) I lio nio,-;t unequivocally declare to be tbe fact, and that it commenced
Avith Mr. Poindexter / cannot doubt. Tliis statement was made by I\lr. Hunt's
second and Dr. Duncan, tlie attending surgeon, in the most positive manner;
and what I consider more forcible by 3Ir. Hunt himself on his dying bed, Avho
declared to me that Mr. Poindexter did /ire 6c/orc ^/le word, and thereby drCAV
his fire before he Avas ready. He confided this communication to me alone,
from a delicacy towards his second, it being too late to remedy the evil. These
statements are corroborated by another circumstance — Mr. Hunt usually shot

Territory and State. 373
remarkably Avell, and his friend, used to his mode of firine-, gave the Avord.
The parties stood Avith their pistols hanging by their sides, and were to raise at
the words "one"— '"two"- "three"— and fire at the word "fire." The ball of Mr.
Hunt struck a log some little distance behind Air. Poindexter, not higher
than his knees. Air. Hunt being only in the act of raising his pistol Avhen lie
received the ball of his antagonist.
Mr. Poindexter replied to this statement by inquiring Avhy, under
such circumstances, the seconds of his adversary did not avail them
selves of the si.xth article of the cartel. And he published a number
of affidavits, one of Avhich Avas from Col. AVm. AVard, of Kentucky,
( brother-in-laAv of A'ice President Richard M. Johnson, ) AA'ho swears
that he saAv Mr. Hunt as they Avere carrying him from the landing,
and that Mr. Hunt's seconds and friends informed him that he had
fallen in a fair fight. The foUoAving statement is from a Avell knoAvn
citizen of the Territory : Alis.sissippi Territory, Ad. :.is County.
I, Duncan AIcAlillan, of the county and Territory aforesaid, dc -ertify that in
thesummer of the year 1811_, I resided in the State of Louisiana, (then called the
Orleans Territory,) and parish of Concordia, opposite the city of Natchez ; that
sometime in the month of June, as Avell as I recollect, several gentlemen came
to my house, Avhose names I did not know at that time," but AA'honi I was imme
diately informed Avas Air. Poindexter, then a Eepresentative in Congress from
the Mississippi Territory, a Air. Mead, and a Air. Peyton. The gentlemen
made known to me that the object of their crossing the river, Avas to settle a
difficulty between Air. Poindexter and Mr. Abijah Hunt, Avhich the parties had
agreed to put to the decision of a jjersonal conflict, Avith pistols ; Avith Avhicli
weapons, these gentlemen were provided. After some small interruption, given
them by Air. Dunlap, then Sheriff of Concordia, the parties met about three
hundred yards beloAv my house. Having a desire to see the issue of the fight,
I advanced Avithin about ten paces of the spot Avhere it took place. Air. Poin
dexter and Air. Hunt were placed opposite each other, at the usual distance of
ten steps ; the pistols were then loaded by tAvo gentlemen, Avhom I did not
then know, but, Avliom, I was informed, Avere a Air. Peyton, who acted for Air.
Poindexter, and a Air. Smith Avho acted for Air. Hunt. The pistols after be
ing loaded and cocked, were put into the hands of the parties, by the gentlemen
who had charged them. Air. Bradish gave the Avord. The fire took place so
nearly together, that I could not distinguish Avhich pistol Avent off first. On
discovering that Air. Hunt had received a Avound, I ivent up to Mr. Poindex
ter, Avho continued in the same spot and the same position from which he
had fired, until he had leave to quit the ground, from the gentleman Avbom
I understood to be Air. Smith. He than retired, and I Avent to the place
where Air. Hunt had been taken, and looked at his situation. Pie Avas very
soon removed across the river to Natchez. During the Avhole time of my
being present, I heard ;iot a word from any person of anything unfairin the
firing. The affair seemed to me to be conducted with great solemnity_ and
fairness. After all the gentlemen concerned had left the ground, a Air. Bridges
and myself found the log in Avhich the ball from Air. Hunt's pistol had lodged.
We cut it out, and measured the probable distance Avhich it must have passed
from Air. Poindexter's body, by one of us taking the position Avhich he occu
pied, and then draAving a line, by Avhich Ave discovered that it passed very
near to him, little above the hip, so that if it had struck it would have
passed through the abdomen. Having no concern ;in this unpleasant busi
ness, I did not expect to be called on, at this late period, for a statement of
the above facts. I have hoAvever, given it at the request of Air. Poindexter,
and am willing to swear to the truth of it, if necessary, Duncan AIcAIillan.
December 30th, 1815."*
Hoav dueling was conducted in those days raay be inferred from

«The pistol he used on this occasion, Avas u.'ied in 1832 by Judge Sam Caldwell
in his afl'air Avith Jos, Smith, at Clinton.

374 Mississippi, as a Province,
the following narrative of an affair between Major ( afterAvards Gener-
eral ) Claiborne and Capt. Benjamin Farar, a prominent citizen of
Adams county. The writer, Hon. Wm. Bayard Shields, afterAvards
United States Judge for the district of Mississipppi, Avas one of the
raost distinguished raembers of the Natchez bar, and one of the most
high-toned and gaUant of our citizens. Capt. Bradish, referred to iu
this statement, is the gentieman Avho acted for Plunt in the duel Avith
Poindexter : FROM the NATCHEZ MESSENGER DEC. 9, 1806.
December 8, ISOG.
A v.ariety of reports liaA'ing been circulated relative to, the affair of honor
between Maj. Claiborne and Capt. Farar, I feel myself impelled as the friend
of the former gentleman, to present the public Avith a brief narrative of the
affair, and the manner .in wliich it terminated.
The parties met on the Avestern margin of the Alipsis.3ippi, on Sunday morn
ing the 30th ult. The arms on our part Avere a brace of pistols, on theirs
two brace. The friend of Capt. Farar Avore a dirk. Agreeable to arrangement
the principals exchanged a shot at the distance of ten steps. AVhile charging
the pistols for a second fire, the friend of Capt. Farar suggested the propriety
of a compromise. I informed him that I Avould receive propositions, but was
not authorized to make any. Propositions Avere then made and reduced to
Avriting. I deem it unnecessary minutely to detail, the various interviews and
discussions between the friends of the parties. As to these propositions, it is
sufficient to say, that after a long and deliberate discussion, Alajor Claiborne
finally rejected them, unless Captain Farar would first give assurance that in
bis advertisement of Jett he had no intention to AVound his private or public
character, for that such Avas the general impression. Captain Farar's friend
asked if this Avas our ultimatum? I answered in the affirmative. He then
said the parties should take another shot. The principals took their posts for
a second fire. The friend of Capt. Farar, with a pistol under his arm and one
in his hand, stood nearer to Alajor Claiborne than to liis friend — I Avas opposite
to him. He observed, looking at Alajor Claiborne, that this business had be
come serious, and he would shoot the man Avho acted unfairly. Alajor Clai
borne replied, "if I act unfairly j'ou are at liberty to shoot me.'' I called to
order and desired the friend of Capt. Farar to gi\'e the word. A second fire
took place. Capt. Farar's ball passed through the cape of Alajor Claiborne's
coat, and the IMajor's ball struck Capt. Farar under tiie right arm, and glanced
Avithout doing any material injury. Aly friend assured me that he Avas un
hurt, and asked for the other pistol. Capt. Farar's friend desired me to give
Alajor Claiborne a brace of pistols, as the affair should uoav take a course of
which it appeared we were not aware. I Avas proceeding to charge my pistol, un
der an impression that it Avould be resoU'ed to change the mode of combat,
liaving been authorized by Alajor Claiborne to adopt any mode Avhich might be
projiosed. In tbe interim, and before I reached tbe place of loading, Capt.
Farar's friend advanced to'AIajor Claiborne, with a brace of pistols in his
hands, and one under his arm, apparently in a violent passion, said to him,
"you must now fight me," repeatedly tendering one of the pistols, Avbich Alajor
Claiborne rejected, replying that he came there to fight Captain Farar, and
that he would do so as long as Capt. Farar pleased. Capt. Bradish said, "Capt.
Farar has a family, and he shall not fight any more." Alajor Claiborne re
marked, "avc both liave families." I attemjited to interrupt the friend of Cipt.
Farar, but in vain. Astonished at the novelty and uuwarrantableness of such
il proceeding, unable to divine the legitimate object of it, and knoAving that no
unfair practice had been used on our part, I Avas really at aloss hoAvto act for a
moment. By the rules of etiquette, and according to the proposition of the
friend of Capt. Farar, I Avould have been warranted in shooting him onthespot.
I had not the temper to pursue so sanguinary a conduct. Alajor Claiborne twice
asked me if he .should fight him. I peremptorally said, "you shall not, sir."
He then advanced to Capt. Farar's friend, and said, "noAV if you are disposed
to assassinate me, .shoot."

Territory and State.

375

This procedure was so unprecedented, unjustifiable, and violatory of every
rule of etiquette, that I determined to take my friend from the ground, and
we proceeded to reeross the Alississippi.
Having given tbe preceding narrative, in Avhich I have endeavored to be as
accurate as posible, I think it proper to remark, that Major Claiborne, through
out the whole affair, acted Avith the firmness and intrepidity of a soldier and a
man of honor. I must take the liberty to state that my conduct on this occa
sion, from the commencement to the close, Avas influenced by a disposition to
preserve unsullied the honor of my friend, to adjust the matter amicably,
if practicable, to the satisfaction of both parties, and that in every attempt to
effect that desirable object, I Avas governed by motives of humanity. W. B. Shields."'
His life, at this period, Avas a perpetual embroUment. He made a
call on Major Stephen Minor, through Col. F. L. Claiborne, for cer
tain derogatory statements. Col. C. Avrites to him, Natchez, Septem
ber, nth, 1811, "I Availed on Maj. Minor, to knoAv on Avhat au
thority he made the statements, and he very frankly assured rae, on
his honor, that they Avere raade on the authority of  . You
must look to Iiim. AVhatever Major Minor states, upon his honor, you,
and every other gentleman, are bound to accept."
Jefferson County, Alay 8th, 1811.
Hon. Geo. Poindexter:
There is a formidable electioneering story in circulation. I am informed by
Dr. Alaxwell that he saw a letter addressed to Hon. Air. Bullock, of Claiborne
county, by Air. Dixon, stating th-at you had, through him, in 1805, borrowed
from widoAv John Smith, S600, for Avhich you promised to pay her 12 j per cent.;
and that you placed in her hands, as security, a letter of credit from Col. John
Ellis, of Adams county, and your oAvn promissory note. That some months
afterwards you called at her house and said you wished to settle up. She
handed you your note and Colonel Ellis' letter, and you put them in your
pocket, promising to return the next day Avith the money, but that you did not
return and have never paid any attention to her repeated demands. This state
ment. Air. Dixon says, in the aforesaid letter, Mrs. Smith made to him just be
fore her death.
This story is greatly injuring you in this county, and you have little time to
defend yourself. I am so exasperated by this story, that I can scarcely ex
press myself. Your friend, .John Hopkin.s.
He thus refuted it :
AIlssissippi Territory, Jeff'erson County, to-wit:
This day, Eichard Caradine, of said county, personally appeared before the
undersigned, a, J'usticeof the Feace for said county, and made oath, that about
four or five years ago, he had a demand against the estate of the late John
Smith, and made frequent applications to his widow, for payment, and in the
course of conversation on this subject, she informed this deponent that there
was an unsettled account between herself and George Poindexter, Esquire, and
that she expected to OAve him money. Some time afterwards this deponent Avas
at the house of Airs. Smith, and she informed him that Air. Poindexter and
herself had settled their accounts, (either that day or the day before,) on much
better terms than she expected, having thought before, that .she Avould have
fallen in his debt. Eich'd Caradine.
The above deposition Avas sAvorn to and subscribed before me, this 29th day
of May, 1811.
Felix Hughes, [W. Q.]
^¦The writer Avas not aAvare of the affair between his father and these gen
tlemen until aU the parties were dead. They survived their adversary a niimber
otyears, and Avhenthe Avriter returned from Virginia and entered the law office of
Criffith & Quitman, Messrs. Farar and Bradish were clients, and it was frequently
bis duty to Avait upon them. They were always marked in their civilties and
kindness to him.

376 Mississippi, as a Province,
This is but a sample of the annoyances by which he was assaUed. His
enemies Avere numerous, violent and implacable. He was dogged by
calumnies from the moment he left Virginia, and to the last hour of
his life he Avas thus pursued.
He displayed on the bench the same ability, acuteness and capacity
for labor that had distinguished him in Congress, but his appointment
displeased his old enemies, and they used the columns of the Repub
lican (printed in the town of Washington, then the Territorial capital,
by AndrcAv Marschalk,) very freely against him. This culminated in'
an unpleasant proceeding in court, Avliich would not be referred to
here, but for the excitement it occasioned and the long continued
attacks on Judge Poindexter in the public ncAvspapers, Avhich is a per
manent record against him. In justice to hira, his version should be
recorded. The individual who engages in a controversy AA'ith the con
ductor of a ncAvspaper encounters fearful odds. No matter how just
his quarrel, or great his abilities, the advantages are Avith his opponent,
Avho can ahvays have the last Avord, and is more or less regarded as
the guardian of the public Avelfare. The Avriter may be malignant
and unjust, Avholly influenced by personal or party resentments, or
even by mercenary motives, but the people have been educated to
regard him as their representative and champion, and the majority are
ahvays sure to side Avith him, especiaUy if the antagonist be one Avhose
talents or virtues have made him obnoxious to the base and envious.
In this case his quarrel Avas Avith AndrcAV Marschalk, of an old
Knickerbocker faraUy, of Ncav York, Avho had been a lieutenant in
AVayne's army, and had corae doAvn the river Avith the second detach
ment of U. S. troops, after the Spaniards evacuated the province.
He Avas a printer by trade, and personally bore a strong likeness to
Dr. Benjamin Franklin. He soon resigned from the army and estab
lished a paper in the toAvn of ^Vashington, then the capital of the
Territory, called the "Republican." Parties in the Territory of that
day were personal rather than political. There Avere a fcAv gentiemen
of federal (Hamiltonian) principles, but as a party the federalists ceased
to exist after the deposition of AVinthrop Sargent. During Governor
Claiborne's term there Avas little political excitement; but under the
AViUiams and Mead administrations there Avas great exasperation, but
all dainied more or less to be friendly to the administration of the
national governraent. Governor Williams claimed to be a good Re
publican, and came of the best Republican stock in North Carolina,
though every Federalist in the Territory Avas his supporter.
Governor Holmes Avas, unquestionably, a Republican, but many
Republicans Avere adverse to him, Avhile the Federalists generaUy
stood by him.
Marschalk's paper Avarmly supported the Williams and Holmes
administration, and as bitterly opposed George Poindexter and many
of his personal and political friends . Judge Poindexter, particularly,
Avas assailed Aveek after Aveek, in the most aggravating style. At length
it terminated in the manner related bv the Judge himself, in the fob
lowing letter to the Hon. Langdon Clieves, Speaker of the House of
Representatives, United States : Natchez, December 5th, 1814.
Sir :— At the last term of the Superior Court, for the county of Adams, in this
Territory, u, person by the name ot Andrew Marschalk, printer of a newspa-

Territory and State.

377

per, styled the "Washington Eepublican," published an anonymous letter, ad
dressed to myself, containing a tissue of false, scandalous and libelous matter.
The press from Avhich this paper emanated, is conducted Avithin vicAV of the
building designated as the seat of Justice for the county, and it came within
the knoAvledge of the editor that the Court was in session at the time he pro
mulgated the libel. A considerable number of these papers Avere sent directly
from the printing office and distributed among the jurors, and other persons
attending to transact judicial busines.s, and a copy placed on the Bench, so as
to attract the notice of the Court. This indecorous and unwarrantable pro
ceeding had a tendency for the moment to interrupt that even and orderly ad
ministration of justice, Avhich ought ever to characterize a court of judicature.
The attention of CA'ery one present was drawn from the immediate and solemn
duties, which they Avere called on to perform, and seemed exclusively occu
pied in the perusal of the insulting publication against the honor and integrity
of the Judge, under whose superintendence they Avere assembled to fulfill the
respective functions assigned to them by the Constitution and laws of the
country. The dignity of the Court was directly and flagrantly assailed in a
manner Avhich imperiously demanded the infliction of legal punishment com
mensurate Avith the offence. The customary rule was awarded on the editor
to show cause Avhy an attachment should not issue against him for a contempt.
He appeared by counsel, and refused to ansAver interrogatories. The rule Avas
therefore made absolute, and the offender sentenced to tAventy-four hours' im
prisonment, to pay a fine of tiventy dollars, and give security for his good
behavior. On the expiration of the time of imprisonment, he was brought into
Court, on his discharge, andbeing required to enter into a recognizance of good
behavior, he refused to do so, and said in the presence of the Court, "I thank
your honor for the sentence — I pay the fine. / meant a contempt." These ex
pressions might well have justified an augmeiitatiiin of his punishment, but,
having no Avish to extend his imprisonment, after he should have complied
Avith the original order of the Court, I remanded him for that purpose, aud
took no notice of the offensive language Avhieli he had used. These proceed
ings so necessary to preserve the respect due to the judicial tribunals of the
country, have been grossly misrepresented, and perverted by a small faction
here, who seek to disturb the] community, through the agency of a prostituted
press. These misrepresentations may possibly reach the seat of tbe National Govern
ment, and require of me some explanation, to guard against any improper im
pressions they may make to my prejudice. I therefore. Sir, take the liberty
which I hope you Avill pardon, of enclosing to you a transcript of the^ Eecord,
with the request that you Avill give to this communication such publicity, asin
your judgment, may be jiroper for my vindication against any attempt Avhich
may be made to inculpate my conduct in relation to the matter to Avhich it
refers. I have the honor to be, Avith great respect. Yours obediently, Geo". Poindexter.
Hon. Langdon Cheve?, Speaker H. E., U. S.
Subsequentiy the proprietor of the Washington Republican Avas in
dicted for libel on Judge Poindexter, and in a trial Avhich lasted four
days, he avaUed himself of his right to justify, or plead the truth in his
defence. The case is presented in a clear and authentic light in the
foUoAving letter frora Judge Leake, afterAvards Senator in Congress,
and Governor of Mississippi :
Spring Plains, Claiborne County, AL T., July 28th, 181-').
Hon. Geo. Poindexter:
Dear Sir— In your letter you Avish my answer to the following queries:
, 1. Whether I did not preside in the trial of Andrew Marschalk, for sundry
libels printed in his paper against you ? ¦ r -,
2. Whether under our laws the defendant has or has not the right to give [the
truth of the matter charged as libelous in evidence? ]
3. Whether in that case the attempt was or ivas notmade, and whetheryou did
not permit him to go into a specification of anything Avhich his Avitnesses could

378 Mississippi, as a Province,
state concerning your conduct at any period since your residence in this country?
4. AVhether after occupying four days on the trial, he established any one
fact Avhich reflected the least dishonor on your moral character, and Avhether
the defendant's counsel did not in the argument abandon the ground of justifica
tion altogether?
In ansAver, I have to state — that I did preside in the trial of Andrew Alars-
chalk on tAvo indictments for libels printed in his neAvspaper, called "The
AVashington Eepublican," against you. Under our laiv the defendant in such
cases has a right to give in evidence in his defence, the truth of the matter
charged as libelous ; and this privilege the defendant on that occasion availed
himself of, to the fullest extent. He Avas permitted at your instance to go into
a particular specification of all the circumstances relative to any transaction of
yours Avith others, Avhether of a professional or private nature, since your resi
dence in this countrj'. A solitary case only excepted, which took place be
tAveen yourself and the unfortunate. Air.  , and which is, hy some, called
"an afl'air of honor." In that, _a witness Avho was an important friend of the
unfortunate. Air.  , Avas brought into Court, Avho stated the subject about
Avhich hcAvas called to testily, and that he had not voluntarily come forward on
that occasion. This Avitness was objected to by the Attorney General, on the
ground that his evidence, if ¦ fully given, would implicate himself in an af
fair of a most serious nature. His testimony, Avas, on that ground, rejected by
tlie Court, with this remark that the Court did not feel itself bound to notice
officially every rumor Avhich might be afloat, on subjects of that or any other na
ture, but if a person came voluntarily forAvard and made oath to such facts as
Avould make an investigation necessary, it Avould feel itself then bound to insti
tute the inquiry ; but as the Avitness had not voluntarily come fonvard, he
might retire ; Avhich he accordingly did.*
After a trial which occupied three or four days, your character exhibited as
much purity as any man's could have done, Avhich had been subjected to such
a rigid scrutiny. For the trial liaving taken place in the county wherein your
residence had been fixed since your first arrival in the country, an opportunity
Avas the better afforded to exhibit evidence relative to every transaction of
yours, in which any kind of dispute had arisen with others ; and that evidence,
too, derived from Avitnesses Avho were parties against you in those disputes,
and whom, though honest, might be fairly supposed, to be much under the in
fluence of self-interest in forming the opinions of your conduct, about Avhich
they Avere to testify. And no person Avho heard the trial can be of opinion
that the opportunity which was thus afforded, Avas in the least neglected, but
that it Avas pursued Avith the most rigid assiduity.
Indeed it was a matter of much surprise to many, Avbose minds had been
somewhat affected by so many scandalous charges, as had been published iuthe
defendant's newpaper, that somethingAvas not produced in evidence Avhich would
at least cast a shade over your character.
After the trial Avas oyer I heard a gentleman ol "high standing and great res
pectability," and Avho Avas not one of your Avarmest friends, declare that lieAvas
never more disappointed in his expectations than on hearing the evidence deliv
ered in that trial, for after so much had been said and Avritten relative to your
character, he did expect to have heard something proved Avhich would Inave
placed it iu a very unfavorable point of a'Icav; but so far from that, that he
Avas AA'cll satisfied that the fairest character among us, which had had many
transactions Avith the Avorld, could not have appeared more fair, after having
been subjected to such a rigid examination, embracing every transaction for a
lieriod of fourteen or fifteen years. I have heard several other gentlemen
express themselves in similar terms.
In the argument of the cause the defendant's counsel did not pretend to have
proved the truth of the matter charged as libelous, but rested the defence of
their client on the latitude Avhich ought to be given to the liberty of the press,
and the propriety of taking, by means of tbe press, a Avide range in scrutini
zing the conduct of public agents.
I am sir, very respectfully, your most obedient and very humble servant,
Walter Leake.
¦•¦This refers to liis duel Avith Hunt.

Territory and State. 379
The result of this trial, asstatedby Judge Leake, must be held to acquit
Poindexter, not only of the particular matters charged by Marschalk,
but generally of the calumnies by Avhich he had been assailed since his
residence in the Territory. His temperament and indiscretion, as
AveU as the decided part he had taken in politics, had exposed him to
misconceptions and misrepresentations. But on the trial he challenged
an inquest, and after four days of active effort, prompted by a host of
enemies, they failed to establish any one of the countiess slanders
floating about in the community.
The Washington Republican, persisting in its abuses, the Judge, not
satisfied Avith this vindication, very reprehensibly and indiscreetiy
caned Col. Marschalk in his own office, and that gentieman in his
paper of March Sth, 1815, gave the following account of the affair:
Judge Poindexter was arrested on Saturday last, on a Territorial Avarrant,
for an assault on the editor of this paper, in the door of his office ; and being
brought before tbe justice Avho issued the warrant, refused to enter into recogni
zance for his appearance at court (the justice not requiring security ; ) Avhile a
mittimus was making out, to commit him to prison, he withdrew from the court
house, and Avas followed and taken into custody by the deputy sheriff. He then
issued a habeas corpus for himself, returnable before the Hon. Judge Leake, and
lefttoAA'n on Suiidav' morning, in custody of an officer, for the residence of the
Judge, in Claiborne county, after giving bond and security to tbe sheriff, that
he Avould not escape ; since Avhich we have no account of him.
Being about to leave the Territory for a northern tour about this
time, the leading members of the bar, embracing men of every shade
of political opinion, addressed hira as foUoAvs :
To the Honorable George Poindexter :
The undersigned, members of the Bar in the Superior Courts of the Alissis
sippi Territory, understanding that j'our Honor is about to leave the Territo
ry for some time, beg leave to express to j'ou our high approbation of the
promptitude, ability and impartiality, with which you have discharged the arduous
duties of your judicial station. A'ou have introduced a system of practice
into our courts, and preserved an order and decorum in the dispatch of busi
ness, the beneficial eff'ects of Avhich have been felt in all classes of society. We
will only add, that our best wishes for your health and happiness Avill attend
you through life. W. B. Shields, Ch. B. Green,
Lyman IIarding, .1. Keeth,
John Taylor, Edavard Turner,
D. P. January, Coavles Mead, &e., &c.
This must not be construed as a mere act of courtesy, but raust be
read in proof of his ability and integrity on the bench. And a good
and honest judge cannot have been a bad and dishonest man — cer
tainly not the monster that Poindexter Avas represented to be. Of the
signers to this note, four only Avere his political friends. Harding,
Taylor and Green Avere leaders of the Federal party, eminent laAvyers,
and men of the highest social position.
The object of this journey was not so much for the recuperation of
his health, as to trace up and refute many injurious reports in circula
tion in Kentucky and Tennessee. On his arrival in Lexington he
found that these reports originated chiefly Avith Dr. Sarauel Brown
(formeriy of Natchez) and Col. Thomas G. Percy, of Mississippi, men
of high social position, but for some time past his bitterest enemies.
Dr. Brown and Colonel Percy Avere brothers-in-laAv, and the latter
Avas the man whom Poindexter 'suspected of seducing his Avife. He
made an immediate demand on BroAvn, foUoAved by an abusive publi-

380 Mississippi, as a Province,
cation, to which BroAvn responded in a pamphlet of forty pages, set
ting forth that :
1. A report Avas iu circulation at Natchez, as early as February, 181.5, that
Judge Foindexter had disgraced himself at New Orleans.
2. That Poindexter's opponents, so far from exaggerating his acts and
doings, omitted much that Avas disgraceful.
3. That he fled to Ncav Orleans from the lines, on the 1st of January, three
or four minutes after the battle commenced, and afterAvards wrote his friends
in Natchez that he had been under fire the Avhole morning.
4. That during the entire battle on the 8th of January, he sat behind a
brick chimney, in the lap of the negro servant of General Carroll.
5. That he killed Abijah Hunt unfairly in a duel.
0. That he attempted a rape on a young lad}' in the family of General
Cocke, ChickasaAV Agent, (during his absence) and had to make a precipitate
retreat. In support of the first five of these charges Dr. BroAvn pubUshed the
certificates of General Carroll, Dr. Samuel L. I"fogg, James H.
Ficklin, and others, and the inference to be draAvn therefrom, it must
be conceded, are very unfavorable to Poindexter.*
But among his papers there are letters and certificates from several
of these same parties, and from other respectable citizens, that explain
or qualify materially the certificates in BroAvn's publication, and
others directly contradicting them.
Had Poindexter disgraced himself in the manner aUeged, General
Carroll Avould never have AA-ritten to him, and Major AVm. BuUitt, as
he did, January 2 2d, 1815 :
" The tender of your resignations as volunteer aids is hereby accepted. You
Avill carry with you, gentlemen, my affectionate Avishes for v'our happiness and
safe return to your homes, and I Avill remember Avith pleasure your zeal and
meritorious serA'ices."
February J7th, 1815, Colonel Grayson, adjutant general of the
army, Avrites :
" I am soiTy to notice in a. Natchez paper remarks to your prejudice. I
ought certainly to knoAV the services you rendered our division, Avhen I had
you on my roster, and detailed you, in rotation, for night services and all other
duties recpiired. You relieved us of much hard dutj' during the seige."
* Dr. Hogg states that on the morning of the 8th, the moment the first cannon
Avas heard. General Carroll, AA'ho Avas at his quarters, mounted his horse and gal
loped to the lines, accompanied onh' by Major Priestly, a volunteer aid. That
immediately thereafter a cannon ball passed through the room where be. Judge
Poindexter and some other parties Avcre assembled, tore down part of tlie Avails,
and a fragment of brielv struck Judge Poindexter on the arm ; that he lay down
on a mattress a liitle Avhile, said the injury Avas slight, and then the party took
shelter in the rear of the house, behind some brick chimneys. Several others
had repaired to the sarae place, and it being croAvded, the Judge took a seat in
the lap of Henry, Cieneral Carroll's serA'ant, where he remained during the
action. Manuel, a negro boy attached to headquarters, incautiously exposed
himself, had his head carried aAvay, and !iis brains and blood were scattered
over the Judge.
In the Poindexter papers I find the folloAving letter, addressed to him, while he
Avas in the Senate: Nashville, November 16th, 1830.
1 .am directed by my father. Major J. Shaw, to ask your assistance iu procuring
compensation for bis negro servant, Manuel, who Avas killed in your presence, on
the Sth of January, 1.S15. From the promient part you bore on' the occasion, you
are more capable of explaining the catastrophe than any other person. Hon.
Felix Grundy and lion. John Bell will introduce a bill for the purpose, and Ave
shall be gratified for your aid. Joseph Shaav.
This letter was doubtless .an unpleasant reminder, and on it Mr. Poindexter
significantly endorsed — "No answer."

Territory and State. 381
June 13th, 1816, Poindexter, in a letter to General Carroll, pro
pounded the foUoAving interrogations :
1. Were not the operations of the enemy on the 1st of January, 181.5, con
fined to a cannonade on our breastworks ?
2. Was not the Avhole army directed to find shelter behind the breastworks,
or elseAvhere, except those engaged Avitli the artillery and engineers ?
3. Did not the whole of your division remain inactive during the cannonade
on the 1st ?
4. Did I on that da^' belong to any corps iu your camp?
5. Was I not engaged Avith you, performing duty on the lines, until a very
late hour of the night of tlie 7th of January ?
6. Was there not on the night of the 14th prevailing opinion that the enemy
Avould rencAV the attack on the 15th, and did I not pass the night, at the breast-
Avork, Avitli Colonel Simpson ?
7. On the 19th, when the cavalry passed a our quarters in pursuit of the
enemy, did I not ask your permis.sion to join them, and did I not afterAvards
return, with the surgeon in charge of the Avounded ?
8.^ Did I, on any occasion, Avithin your knoAvledge, show an inclination to
avoid any service to Avhich I Avas assigned ?
To which interrogations General Carroll, June 28th, returned satis
factory and conclusive ansAvers. Dr. Hogg, in Brown's pamphlet,
states that Poindexter's conduct on the 1st of January, Avas spoken of,
and ridiculed at the mess-table in presence of General Carroll and
staff, Poindexter being present. This is difficult to reconcile Avith a
friendly letter from General Carroll to Judge Poindexter, dated in
camp, February 17th, 1815, giving him the news, and concluding
thus : "Present rae respectfuUy to Major Bullitt, and I am charged to
offer to him and to you assurances of the esteem and friendship of the
members of ray military family. "
There is likcAvise a letter from Colonel Simpson, AA'ritten from
Sparta, Tennessee, bearing the strongest testimony to his conduct at
the lines.
If the certificates published by Dr. BroAvn be true, Poindexter must
haA'e become an object of conterapt Avith the ofiicers of the army
and Avith the people of Mississippi, Avho, though proverbially generous
and indulgent, never have or never avUI forgive a coAvard on the field
of battie. Yet in less than one year after his alleged disgraceful con
duct at Ncav Orleans, he Avas elected by the proud, fastidious and gal
lant people of the Mississippi Territory, to represent them in Con
gress. He there met Dr. Sarauel Hogg, Avho had been elected a repre
sentative in Congress, from Tennessee, and that gentleman, in a formal
article, qualified the certificate he had given Dr. BroAvn, and the two
gentiemen agreed to meet as friends.
General Jackson, Avho was never known to overlook a mean or das
tardly action, remained the staunch friend and frequent correspondent
of Mr. Poindexter, until 1832, when they were separated by the
course of parties.
January i8th, 1819, General Thomas Hinds writes to him .at Wash
ington': "The conduct of General Jackson, and' the Seminole Avar,
AviU doubtiess be brought before Congress. Your constituents expect
you to defend him, and Ave expect you to distinguish yourself"
This expectation Avas fully realized. Mr. Poindexter did distinguish
liimself. He Avas the champion of General Jackson, and defended
him against Mr. Clay and a host of able opponents. In the debate,

382 Mississippi, as a Province,
long protracted, and the influence of Avhich Avas felt on parties for
tAventy years afterAvards, his speech raust be classed above every other.
It Avas both logical and eloquent, and it settied the question in the
opinion of the people. He delivered it February 2d, i8ig, and three
days afterwards thus refers to it in a letter to his Avife :*
" I attended the President's levee last evening. General Jackson Avas there,
Avhich occasioned the attendance of a very large and brilliant assemblage. We
have been, for three weeks past, discussing his conduct in the Seminole war.
I defended him at great length, a few days ago, and Avhen I closed there was a
burst of acclamations. I enclose some printed notices because I know you Avill
be gratified to perceive that I am acquiring the confidence of my country."
March 6th, he Avrote to her ; "I ara Avriting out my speech in de
fence of General Jackson. It avUI occupy me three or four days.
My reputation is at stake, and I knoAv you avUI excuse the delay."
In 1 8 18 he Avas the guest of General Jackson.
In 1820 General Jackson Avrote him a friendly letter, introducing
the Rev. Austin Dickinson, and descanting, quite fervenfly, on mis
sionary effort, tract and Bible societies ["f
In 1821 he introduces to Poindexter a member of his household,
Col. R. E. W. Earl, a painter, Avho confined hiraself to portraits of
the General, and, in this letter, gives his vicAvs of the Fine Arts gen
erally ! !
In 1823 the General gave Mr. Poindexter a stronger proof of his
confidence and respect. He Avrites : "On hearing of the death of
our respected friend. Judge Shields, I iraraediately Avrote to the Pres-
dent, recommending you for the position."
The President, hoAvever, appointed the Hon. Peter Randolph, of
WUkinson county, a recent immigrant frora Virginia.
The charge then, of coAvardice and disgraceful conduct at New
Orleans, as aUeged by Dr." BroAvn, and by numerous personal ene
mies, must be held to be grossly exaggerated, or a flagrant perversion
of facts. In his papers there is direct proof, from creditable sources,
that he performed his duty, and Avas often at the point of danger.
Throughout his Avhole career it Avas his misfortune to be involved in
personal difficulties, generally, too, Avifli persons Avith Avhom he had
been intimate, and he has taken special pains to preserve the papers
and correspondence in every case. But in relation to the disgraceful
charge made by Dr. BroAvn — his attempted outrage on a young lady
in the faraUy of General Cocke — I find no jiapers. Nor, except in
the BrOAvn pamphlet, do I find any reference to it AA'hatever even in
the newspapers of that day that habitually assaUed him. Such an
outrage could never have been suppressed or compromised. It AA'ould
have crushed a public man immediatel}', and forever. Had the guilty
party fled, as Dr. BroAvn alleges, he Avould have been pursued until
brought to bay, and then shot doAvn Avithout ceremony. Such Avould
have been the case then, such it Avould be noAV. Such crimes are
never compromised or forgiven in the South. It must therefore be
rejected as unfounded. The faintest rumor of such an assault — the
*Mis3 Agatha Chinn, of a prominent family of Lexington, Kentucky, and a
most amiable .and accomplished Avoraan. Slie died in 1S22.
fin this year lie had a difficulty Avitli his former friend, Col. W. S. Hamilton,
and being Governor, he declined to accept a challenge, and referred the matter to
Gen. Jackson, Avho sustaineil him, and expressed some very laudable sentiments
ag.ainst dueling !

Territory and State. 383
shadOAV of such a suspicion, could not have reached the household of
Gen. Cocke, Avithout subjecting the party to summary punishment.*
One year after the publication of Dr. BroAvn's pamphlet and its
array of certificates, Mr. Poindexter Avas elected to the Convention of
181 7, that framed the first Constitution of the State of Mississippi,
and Avas the master spirit of that distinguished assembly. Was soon
after elected our first Representative in Congress^elected by raen
AA'ho had Avitnessed his conduct at Ncav Orleans, Avho Avere associated
Avith him every day, and Avho would have scorned to give him their
support had they accepted for one moment the disgraceful charges
referred to.
In Congress he Avas a frequent speaker, and had taken high rank
as an expert and able debater. He Avas not only a vigilant guardian
of the interests of his constituents, bui took a leading part, and ahvays
a broad and national vicAv of all matters affecting the general welfare.
In 1820 he became a candidate for Governor, to succeed David
Holmes. General Thomas Hinds had reluctantly been induced to
submit his name at the same time as a candidate, with the popular
name of Colonel Daniel Burnet, of Claiborne county, on his ticket,
for Lieutenant-Governor. With Poindexter Avas associated General
James Patton, of Wayne. In this canvass, all the candidates were
Jeffersonian Republicans, and from the earliest period had acted in
concert. The issue Avas purely personal, and all the old slanders, and
particularly the imputed coAvardice at Ncav Orleans, Avere revived
against Poindexter. And to give them more effect, his competitor
was one of the heroes — one of the historical characters of the great
battie! The result shoAved a majority of nearly tAVO to one for Poin
dexter and Patton.
1820-1-2, he [discharged the duties of the oflSce Avith his usual
industry and abiUty. The labors and responsibilities of the office
probably afforded him some relief, for this period of his life Avas full
of sorroAvs. By his first Avife, the beautiful Lydia Carter, he had a
son, for Avhose education he had provided. The divorced mother
-s ¦VVUliam Cocke, a native of Virginia, of a Avell knoAvn family, Avas admitted
at an early age to the bar, and went to the Holston settlement (now East Tennes
see) then attached to ZSTorth Carolina, Avhere he held the office of prosecuting
attorney. In 1784 he appeared as delegate from Sullivan county in the Jones-
boro Convention, and Avas made Chairman of the Committee to devise Avays and
means for a separation from the parent State. In the Convention that foUoAved
Mr. Cocke represented the county of Washington, and took a leading part in
establishing the State of Franklin, or Frankland as he always Avrote it. He was
then appointed Brigadier General, member of the Executive Council, and Com
missioner to Congress, to plead for the recognition of the new State. "We next
hear of him on a mission to the Cherokees, and as Commissioner to the authori
ties ot North Carolina. He appeared at the bar of the House of Commons, and
delivered an able and elaborate argument, reported by Haywood. In 1796 he
was a delegate from the county of HaAVkins in the Convention that framed a Con
stitution for the State of Tennessee, and Avas on tbe committee that drafted it.
The first Legislature of the new State elected him to the Senate of the United
States and gave his name to a ncAV county. On retiring from the Senate he Avas
elected Judge. In 1813 he was a member of the Legislature, and on the fall of
Fort Mims, on a call for volunteers, though seventy-five years of age, he enrolled
himself as a private, shouldered his musket, and fought at the desperate battles
of Talledega and the Horse Shoe. He Avas subsequently appointed United States
Agent in the Chickasaw nation, and resided chiefly at Athens, in Monroe county.
His son, General Cocke, Avas for many years a distinguished representative in
Congress from Tennessee. His second son. General Stephen Cocke, an eminent
lawyer, Avas Chancellor of the State of Mississippi.

384 Mississippi, as a Province,
placed hira at a school near Philadelphia, and the father agreed to
defray all expenses. The teachers raade no encouraging report of the
youth, yet he Avas capable of Avriting this affecting letter:
" Hamilton Village, Feb. 7th, 1821.
"Dear Father : I am very sorry that I cannot please you in any Avay. I try
my best. I have just left a school Aviiere I Avas not made to study, and I hope
you Avill not expect so much from me here the first qu.arter. Ido not think I
can enter college for a year or more, no matter hoAV I try ; but if you Avill keep
me at school I will tvy'to do my best. Dear father, do you intend to put me
upon the Avorld, without either the care of a father or mother, or without any
means of support? Do you intend I shall have no more education after this
year? Please tell me what I am to expect. I have felt as any boy would
"when he has parents to take care of him, ever since your last hard letter. I
hope you do not intend to let me enter into the Avorld without some support.
Mr. Dodge received a letter from you yesterday. He read it over to me. You
spoke to him about locking me in a room, to compel me to learn. Dear father,
I Avill try to learn Avithout being locked up. Dear father, won't you Avrite to me?
I have -written to you many times, but have ncA'er receiA'ed a letter from you.
I still remain your affectionate son."
This letter explains it all. The boy Avas not bright ; but he had
good materials in him. The harsh, exacting father placed a. barrier
betAveen them, and he Uved to see the boy, the very image of himself,
a pauper, vagabond and criminal. This unfortunate youth died
in 1S32.*
In 1816, Poindexter had married his second wife, Miss A. G.
Chinn, a most estimable lady, and whUe discharging his duties as
Governor, at Columbia, he Avas informed of the death of their only
son. The mother did not long survive. Yet in the midst of all these
troubles he performed his executive duties, codified the laws at the
request of the Legislature, a Avork of vast labor and abUity, and on the
expiration of his term of office became a candidate for Congress in
opposition to Christopher Rankin, aa-Iio had succeeded William Latti
more. It Avas supposed that Poindexter Avould distance liis adversary,
but to the surprise of every one he Avas defeated, and by a man, com
paratively, of ordinary abilities.
The people of the North, and even our OAvn citizens, avUI be aston
ished to learn that this defeat Avas attributed by Mr. Poindexter's
friends to some provisions he had introduced into his Revised Code,
in relation to slaves — provisions deemed harsh and radicaUy Avrong
by the religious classes, Avho concentrated against him, and occasioned
his rejection.
September 14th, 1822, his friend Walter Leake, Avho had succeeded
hira as Governor, Avrites : "The result of the late election Avas as un
expected, as I conceive it avUI be injurious to the interests of the
* DR. PE.NDERGRAST TO SENATOR POINDEXTER.
•"Louisville, Ky., Feb. 19th, 1832.
"Early this morning your son Albert sent for me in great haste, that he Avas .
suffocating. I set out immediately Avith the messenger, but he Avas dead before 1
saw him. The disease Avas infiararaation of the throat and tonsils. The individual
iu Avhose house he died had ajiplied to the Mayor to have hira buried, as he had
left nothing but the clothes he had on. This 1 Avould not permit, and have taken
the necessary steps to have hira decently and respectfully interred to-morroAV.
Notwithstanding the coldness you exhibited to me Avhen vou were here, I cannot
perrait the son ol an old friend to fill a pauper's grave". No m.atter what your
feelings raiiy have been towards the poor boy, or may be towards rae, I am simply
doing what 1 would wish done for me, or mine, under similar circum.stances."

Territory and State. 385
State. It Avas brought about by the most nefarious means employed
by unprincipled men, Avho were too successful in making false state
ments, to excite the feeling and enlist the sympathy of the religious
part of the community against some of the provisions of your Revised
Code"* These provisions Avere intended as matters of police and as safe
guards against insurrection, but a majority of our citizens regarded
them as, substantially, excluding the colored people from religious
privUeges, and they expressed their disapprobation by casting their
votes against their favorite and ablest statesman. He who had here
tofore carried every election by large majorities, and had trampled
doAvn innumerable slanders, Avas defeated by a sentiment of religious
duty and compassion for the blacks ! This was long before the
fanatics of the North had kindled their incendiary fires, and com
menced an agitation that compeUed the South, in self-defence, to'
adopt more rigorous laws. With no extraneous influences acting upon
*An Act to alter and amend an Act entitled " An Act to reduce into one the
several Acts concerning slaA'es, free negroes and mulattoes." (Passed January
16, 1823.)
Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of
Mississippi in General Assembly convened. That if any master, overseer or em
ployee shall knowingly permit any slave or slaves, not belonging to him or her,
to be and remain in and about his or her house or kitchen, or upon his or her
plantation, above four hours at any one time, Avithout leave of the owner, overseer
or employee of such slave or slaves, he or she so permitting shall forfeit and pay
ten dollars for every such offense. And every master, etc., Avho shall Avithout
such leave permit or sufi'er more than five negroes, or slaves, other than those in
his or her OAyn employment, to be and remain on his or her plantation or quarter,
at any one time, shall forfeit and pay ten dollars for every such negro or slave,
which said several forfeitures shall be to the informer, and recoverable Avith
costs, before any justice of the peace of the county or corporation where such
offense is committed. Provided, always, that nothing herein contained shall be
construed to prohibit negroes or slaves of the same owner, though living at dift'er-
ent quarters, from meeting, with their owner's or overseer's leave, upon any plan
tation belonging to such owner ; nor to restrain tbe meeting of slaves on their
master's or overseer's business, at any public place, nor on any other lawful occasion,
by license or writing, from their master, employee or overseer.
Sec 2. AU meetings or assemblies of slaves or free negroes or mulattoes, mixing
or associating Avith such slaves, above the number of five, at anyplace of public re
sort, or at any meeting house or houses, in the night, or at any school or schools, lor
teaching them reading or writing, either in the day or night, under whatsoever
pretext, sAaii he deemed and considered an unlawful assembly, and any justice ot the
peace of the county or corporation wherein such assemblage may be, either from
his own knowledge or the information of others, of such unlawful assemblage or
meeting, may issue his warrant, directed to any SAVorn officer or officers, author
izing him or them to enter the house or houses Avhere such unlawful assemblages
or meetings may be, for the purpose of apprehending or dispersing such slaves,
free negroes or mulattoes, and to inflict corporeal punishment on the oflender or
offenders, at the discretion of such justice of the peace, not exceeding thirty-
nine lashes, in the manner hereinafter directed.
Sec 3. The said officer or officers shall have power to summon any person or
persons, to aid and assist in the execution of any warrant or warrants directed to
him or them, for the purpose aforesaid, who, on refusal, shall be subject to a fine,
at the discretion of any such justice of the peace, not exceeding ten dollars;
Provided, that nothing herein contained shall be so construed as to prevent the
master, employee or overseer, of any slave or slaves, from giving permission m
writing to his, her or their slave or slaves to go to any place or places Avhatever,
for the purpose of religious worship ; Provided, that such worship be conducted
by a regularly ordained or licensed white minister, or attended by at least two
discreet and reputable white persons, appointed by some regular church or
religious society."
25

386 Mississippi, as a Province,
them, the citizens of Mississippi, feeling that all mankind are equals
in the sight of God, and that all are equally entitled to hear His word,
indignantly rejected the laAv proposed by Mr. Poindexter, and con
signed him to private life. There Avas at that time no ultraism in the
South, in regard to slavery. Many persons emancipated their slaves.*
The American Colonization Society Avas chiefly supported in the
South. Maryland, and other Southern States, had established and
munificentiy supported similar associations, and planted flourishing
colonies of liberated slaves on the coast of Africa. Mr. Clay, the
great statesman of the West, had always favored the gradual abolition
of slavery in Kentucky, and yet to the last hour of his life he com
manded the confidence, affection and support of the large slave
holders of Mississippi and Louisiana, and in those States his popu
larity was ahvays in proportion to the density of slave population.
The debates that foUoAved the Southampton insurrection in Virginia,
indicated that many of her leading statesmen favored the gradual ex
tinction of slavery, and the Richmond Enquirer, Avith its poAV-
erful influence over public opinion, Avas, unquestionably, at that
juncture favorable to the change. This would, in good time,
have been accomplished in Virginia and Kentucky, and, undoubt
edly, in other States, but for the Avicked and insane attempt on
the part of the northern politicians, to accomplish it by national
intervention. The French first introduced the yelloAv fever and
slaves, on the sea-coast of Mississippi. The British afterwards
prosecuted the trade. And then our northern brethren embarked in
it, and by their superior energy soon raonopolized the business of
kidnapping Africans, to sell to the southern planter. And they re
ceived in payment indigo, tobacco, rice, sugar and cotton produced
by the kidnapped slaves. It Avas ahvays a question of conscience in
the Soutii Avhether slavery Avas right, and public opinion Avas inclining
to the conclusion against it, Avhen the very parties that had introduced
the slaves, thrcAv the question, for ambitious ends, into the cauldron
of national politics. There was no authority outside of the respective
States to abolish, or in any Avay interfere Avith negro slavery. The
Southern States resisted the attempt as Ulegal, unconstitutional, dan
gerous to their independence and tranquiUty, and finally resolved to
"*In one of his earliest communications to the Secretary of State from New
Orleans, and frequently afterwards, Governor Claiborne expressed an earnest de
sire to prevent tbe introduction of slaves into Louisiana. In 1828 Governor
Brandon, one ot the purest and ablest of the Chief Magistrates of Mississippi, iu
his message to the Legislature, used tlie following words:
" The Southern States gener.ally, having passed laws to prevent the importation
of slaves for the purposes of traffic, has left Mississippi almost the only receptacle
forthe surplus black population of the Middle States, Avhere their labor is not
found so productive as in tbe South; the vast nnmlier annually imported into
our State, has excited uneasiness in the minds of many of our felloAV-citizens, and
caused tliem to leel ranch solicitude that we should adopt the policy of ourneigh-
boi-ing States. Slavery is an evil at best, and has invariably operated oppressively on
the poorer cla.-s of crrry community, into which it has been introduced, by destroying
that mutual dependence which woidd otheririse exist betu-ecn therich and thepoor,and
r.vcludes from the State, in proportion the number of slaves, a free white population,
tliriitir/h the means of n-liieh. alone, can ire crpect to take rank with our sister Slates.
With these reflections 1 submit it to the Avisdom of the General Assembly, to say
Avhether the period hasjjot arrived Avhen Mississippi in her OAvn defence, should
as far as practicable prevent the further introduction of slaves for sale."

Territory and State. 387
AvithdraAv from a union in Avhich they could not abide as equals. It
Avas not the institution of slavery, nor a desire to retain it, that brought
about secession. Very far from it. A large majority of the men Avho
volunteered in the Southern army, Avere non-slaveholders. They
were not fighting for slavery. Nor Avas that the motive of the opulent
slave-holder, Avhen he abandoned his luxurious home for the rugged
and perilous life of the private soldier. It was for the nobler and
higher duty of defending the independence of the State against out
side interference and usurpation.
Without conceding that secession Avas expedient at the time it Avas
resorted to, it must be insisted on that the Southern people Avere in
fluenced by a solemn sense of duty, and that the Northern people
are, morally, responsible for the blood that Avas shed in that terrible
and unhappy Avar.
The obnoxious provisions proposed by Mr. Poindexter had been
rejected by the Legislature in 1822. The colored people had the
same religious privileges as the Avhites. They had their colored minis
ters. They often knelt in prayer in the family circle, in the parlors of
their masters. And the very system of plantation preaching Avhich it
was charged Mr. Poindexter desired to prevent, Avas in full operation.
The foUoAving letter from an estimable minister of the Presbyterian
Church, to Gen. Quitman, (a native of Ncav York, but a large slave
holder, and one of the fcAv of our citizens that defended sls-wery per se)
illustrates the point : Pine Ridge, Sept. 4th, 1831.
Gen. J. A. Quitman —
Honored and Dear Sir : I doubt not you will excuse me for trespassing
upon your attention for a few moments — especially Avben you learn the occa
sion. The Church of Pine Ridge, within Avhose bounds you have a planta
tion, is now making an effort to give the gospel to every rational being under
its care — the yerung as well as the old — the bond as well as the/ree.
In order to do this efi'ectually, it is necessary to adopt the system of plantation
preaching which is now acknowledged to possess more advantages than any
other. It requires, however, a greater number of preachers,than where all can
be assembled iu one place.
One minister can take charge of about nine plantations, giving them instruc
tion, preaching and catechising every second or third Sabbath ; preaching during
the week when desired, celeWating marriages, visiting the sick and burying
the dead.
There are already two such assistants employed in my parish, and thus far
the plan has succeeded admirably.
Nearly all the planters here feel their responsibility for their servants,_ so
deeply, that they have united to provide reguhir und frequent religious instruction
for them bv good and competent teachers. In this way the servants are made
accountable for themselves and the master is relieved from his most solemn
responsibility in this respect. . .
Nearly every plantation has adopted the plan, and by uniting, the expMise
is very trifling, about one dollar per head, for all over four years ot age. ihe
services of an educated man, (and none others are so well suited to the work,)
cannot he obtained for a salary less than five or six hundred dollars. _
Some of the smaller plantations, in order to have as frequent service as the
others, give rather more than a dollar apiece. _
As a church, we are laboring and praying for the conversion of the whole
world, and we deem it but reasonable that the good work should commence at
home. And masters, when they remember their accountability, and that they are

388 Mississippi, as a Province,
to meet their servants at the judgment bar of God, readily concur with us.
They acknowledge their obligation to provide for the spiritual as well as tempo
ral wants of those whom God has entrusted to their care.
I would further add, that the teachers employed will be under the constant
supervision of the session of the Church, some of which are themselves
planters in this neighborhood.
Hoping to hear from you as soon as convenient, and to learn your views and
feelings, as regards the subject in general, and also in reference to your own
place in particular, I remain. Yours most respectfully and truly,
B. W. Williams.
The Legislature, as a matter of public and internal tranquUity, had
found it necessary to prevent the manumission of negroes who were to
remain in the State, the residence of an intermediate class between
the slave and the owner having been found incompatible. But there
was a growing feeling in favor of emancipation and colonization, and
the example of the Maryland Society, and the writings, particularly,
of its most active manager, the Hon. J. H. B. Latrobe, of Baltimore, had
materially influenced public sentiment. Judge Jaraes Green, of Adams
county, a native Mississippian, of Virginia parentage, emancipated by his
will one hundred and fifty negroes, provided for their transportation,
with one year's provisions and medicines, and a full supply of agricultu
ral implements ; and his will was faithfully carried out by his heirs-at-
law who Avere large slave-holders. Greenland, on the African coast,
was the home selected for his people.
The celebrated case of Ross and Ross vs. Duncan, et ah, and
same vs. Vertner, etal. — Freeman's Chancery Reports, 587-702, mer
its notice, in this connection, as iUlustrative of public sentiment in
Mississippi, on the slavery question.*
*Gen. John D. Freeman is a native of Cooperstown, New York. He
came to Mississippi when very young, opened a Iiav office in Grand Gulf, (then
a flourishing city,) and soon acquired a handsome practice, and was made Dis
trict Attorney. He soon afterAvards removed to Natchez, and formed a partner
ship Avith the Hon. J. S. B. Thatcher, (subsequently one of the Judges ot the
High Court of Errors and Appeals,) and took position at once as one of the leaders
at a bar distinguished for its great ability and Iiigh character. In 1841 the Dem
ocratic State Convention nominated hira for Attorney Generah "With^ the Hon.
"Wm. M. GAvin, (then one of tbe Democratic nominees for Congress, since Sena
tor from California, and one of the ablest and most remarkable men of his times,)
he made a thorough canvass, during which he defended the general issues of the
party, and the action of the State on the Union Bank bonds, and challenged all
comers to meet him in debate. His argument on this overruling question was mas
terly and conclusiA-e. He encountered Messrs. Prentiss, George and J. S. Yerger,
and other greatlegaland political lights, and the popular verdict was always in his
favor. Some of his adversaries attempted what, in those days of dueling and the
bowie-knife, Avas knoAvn as tlie "frowning down"- system, taking it for granted that
so young and raild a raan, of northern birth, might be easily intimidated. But
it was soon ascertained that Avith placid exterior and northern education, he had
brought a courage firm as the granite of his native hills, and a susceptibility to
affront or dictation not to be trifled Avith.
Gen. Freeman Avas subsequently elected to Congress on the Union ticket, as
contradistinguished frora the secession or separate state action ticket. He sup
ported the coinpromise ineasiures Avhich, had they been respected, would have
averted civil war. Since the war he has resided in Jackson, in the practice of
his profession.
During the occupancy of Jackson by the Federal troops, they sought out and
burned his beautiful mansion, extenslA'e library, and costly furnittlre.
No native son of Mississippi bas, under all reverses, and at every personal sac

Territory and State. 389
August 26th, 1834, Isaac Ross, a native and citizen of Jefferson
county, Mississippi, made a avUI to Avhich he, subsequentiy, attached
four codicils of different dates. He died January 19th, 1836, leaving
three heirs, Jane B. Ross, Isaac Ross and Margaret A. Reed.*
The wUl of Isaac Ross, amended by the codicils, was substantially
to this effect :
1. To his grand-daughter Adelaide Wade, he gave his cook, a Avoman named
Grace, and all her children living at the time of his demise, unless the said
Grace should elect, of her own free will, to go to Africa, in Avhich case she and
her dhildren were to be transported there with his other slaves as hereinafter
provided for. And then the said Adelaide, in lieu thereof, was to have an
additional $2,000 besides her other bequests.
2. His aforesaid grand-daughter shall take charge of and maintain com
fortably, during their natural lives, testator's negro man Hannibal, and his
three sisters, and he gave to Hannibal $100, annually, for life, and to each of
his sisters $50, annually. But should they elect to go to Africa, they shall be
permitted to go with and on the same footing with the other slaves ; and should
he so elect he shall be paid Avhen he embarks $500, in silver, in lieu of the
aforesaid legacy.
3. Enoch, wife and children Avere to be conveyed free of expense, in twelve
months, to the free State they might prefer, there to be manumitted and receive
$500, in coin, or to Africa ii they chose, on the same footing with the others,
and receive $500.
4. Excepting Tom, William, Joe, Aleck and Henrietta, and Jeffers, (who
are to be sold as hereinafter provided,) all the slaves aged twenty-one and
upward, within ten days after the groAving crop shall be gathered, shall be
called together by the executors and the provisions of the will be fully ex
plained. Those electing to go shall be sent to Africa under the authority of
the American Colonization Society. And the remainder of his estate, real,
personal and mixed, (excepting always the negroes whose names are men-
mentioned above,) be offered for sale at public auction, one-half the purchase
money to be paid in cash and the balance in twelve months. The proceeds of
sale, and any money on hand or due, after deducting enough for the aforesaid
legacies, to be paid over to the A. C. S., provided it will consent to appro
priate it as follows, to-wit : 1st, To pay the expense of transporting to Africa
to such of my slaves as may elect to go. 2d. To expend the remainder for
their support and maintenance while there.
5. Should the slaves refuse to go there, they (except those that have been
specially named) are to be sold, and the proceeds paid over to the A. C. S., to
he invested at 6 per cent., the interest to be employed for 100 years, in main
taining au institution of learning in Liberia, in Africa. If there shall be no
government jn Liberia, the said fund to be transferred to the State of Missis
sippi for a similar institution.
rifice, been more faithful to her and her people, than this gifted son of NeAV York.
Had he been a mere political bummer, he would have attained the highest
and most lucrative positions iSider the reconstructed government, but he pre
ferred private life and poverty to wealth and power, obtained by duplicity, and
desertion of the people who, in their days of prosperity adopted him as a son.
He is the author of "Freeman's Chancery Eeports," a Avork of acknoAvledged
ability and authority.
Gen. Freeman married the daughter of the late Hon. George Adaras, United
States District Judge for Mississippi, and is brother-in-laAV of those distinguished
Confederate officers — Gens. Daniel and "Wirt Adams.
^¦This lady, the accomplished daughter of Isaac Eoss, in early life, had prom
ised her hand to Mr.  Fry, a prominent young lawyer, but he Avas killed m a
duel, opposite Petit Gulf, (Eodney) with Maj. Daniel Beasely, who shortly after
wards fell at Fort Mims. She subsequently married Mr. Archer, a gentleman
from Maryland, and after his death became the wife of the Hon. Thomas B. Eeed,
United States Senator from Mississippi.

390 Mississippi, as a Province,
6. Daniel Vertner, James P. P.arker, Dr. Elias Ogden, Isaac Ross Wa de and
John B. Coleman Avere appointed executors Avithout bond.
After the death of Margaret A. Reed, James B. Ross and Isaac A.
Ross, represented by Joseph Holt (so AveU known since at Washing-
ington) and James B. Thrasher, (a northern man) filed tAvo separate bills
in the Vice Chancery Court, one against Vertner, et al., executors of
testator, and one against Butier and Duncan, devisees of Margaret
A. Reed.
The bill, in the first case, Avas based on the averment that the- pro
visions or trusts in relation to the transportation of the slaves to Africa,
Avere in evasion or violation of the policy of the State in relation to
domestic slavery, and in fraud of the statute prohibiting manumission.
And that the bequest to the A. C. S. was illegal and void, being for an
iUegal purpose.
The bUl against Butler and Duncan was on the ground of fraud, in
that the devise Avas for a secret, iUegal trust, having for its object
the manumission of slaves, etc.
To both of these bUls demurrers Avere filed by defendants, repre-
resented by Montgomery & Boyd.* The Vice Chancellor sustained
these demurrers, and the complainants carried the matter before the
Superior Chancery Court, Robert H. Buckner, Chancellor. The
Vice ChanceUor's rulings Avere sustained, and the parties went up to
the High Court of Errors and Appeals.
Here the demurrers Avere again sustained, and the bills dismissed.
"*"This was a firm of high rank. S. S. Boyd was a native of Maine, highly edu
cated, and retained through life the habit of a student. He was a logical and de-
monstratiA'e speaker, and deeply read in the learning of his profession. He never
coveted office or sought popularity, yet no man comraanded more confidence
and respect throughout the State.
His associate, Alexander Montgoraery, was a native of Adams county, of lim
ited education, but of vigorous and inquisitiA-e raind, and he liad been the pupil
of George Poindexter and Edward Turner. He abvays desired to know the why
and wherefore of every matter, great or small. He became an expert Avrangler,
vei'y difficult to stump or head off from tlie main issue under a cloTid of witnesses
or an avalanche of rhetorical pyrotechnics. He carried this reputation to the
Bench. Judge Montgomery belonged to one of the most influential and exten
slA'e families, with Avide spread connections over many counties.
The family originated in the famous old ^WaxsaAV settlement, of South Carolina,
and like most of the settlers there, Avere of Scotch ancestry, but had emigrated
from the north of Ireland. They Avere originally in independent circumstances,
affluent for those times, hut were robbed and impoverished by the British and
tories. Alexander Montgomery, the first of the name known here, first removed
to Tennessee, and thence to Mississippi. He was AvhoUy without means, but
Avas a man of fine personal appearance, of much intelligence and indomitable
firmness and energy. These Avere qualities that rarely failed of success in this
then ncAV country. He r.apidly acquired property and position. He married
first a daughter of Maj. Eichard King, and secondly Miss SAV.ayze, of highly res
pectable families that came to Natchez in Spanish tiraes. He became one of the
leaders of the P^epublican party; Avas, year after year, placed at the head of its
legislative ticket, and was made Speaker of the Ilouse, and Avould have been
made Governor, had he lived Iavo years longer. Hon. P. K. ^Iontgomery, of
Jefferson, is his only child now living.
Four of his brothers, "William, S.arauel, Eobert and Joseph, all men of fine
sense and sterling char£icter, foUoAved bim to Mississippi, and laid the foundation
of the very large and influential family of that name. They have been distin
guished in the pulpit, at the bar, on the bench, in the public councils, and in the
army. Several fell in battle in the civil war, and others greatly distinguished
theniselvet as gallant and distinguished oflicers.

Territory and State. 391
The court decided (Freeman'^ Chancery Rep. 587) : i. That it is
competent for a slave-holder, during his life, to take his slaves to
Liberia, or elscAvhere, there to remain free from the condition of slavery.
2. The right to dispose of property by will is as broad and comprehen
sive as the right to dispose of it while living. 3. The statute of Mis
sissippi regulating the manumission of slaves, does not prohibit, either
in letter or spirit, a citizen from directing, by will, that his slaves be
removed out of this State to Liberia, or elsewhere, even though con
sequential or avoAved intention be emancipation. The right to eman
cipate slaves is not destroyed by the statute. It is only qualified
Avhen exercised within the limits of the State. 4. The court avUI not
look beyond the act of moving slaves from the State to their place of
destination, to see whether, by the laAvs of that place, emancipation
Avould be a consequence of such removal, in order to establish a fraud
upon the laws of Mississippi.
Thus we have an authoritative exposition of the laws of Mississippi,
on the subject of sla\'es, and the power of enfranchisement. And
but for the mischievous interference and menaces of northern poli
ticians and clergymen, in pursuit of poAver and pelf, raany slaves,
after this decision, Avould have been transported to Africa from the
South. Their concentrated efforts and gigantic combinations over
whelmed the conservative element in the free States — fired the West,
recently filled up by a foreign population, with the revolutionary cries
of Europe, for freedom and equality, and brought on that fratricidal
Avar, the bloodiest and most deplorable record on the scrolls of
history. This defeat closed, for a series of years, Mr. Poindexter's pubhc
career. He had been Attorney General, Representative in the Leg
islature, twice Delegate to Congress, Judge, member of the Conven
tion of 181 7 to frame the first Constitution, Representative in Congress,
and Governor — in every instance elected by triumphant majorities.
The Convention embraced many men of ability, but he threw all of
them into the shade. No one can read his executive comraunications,
or his Revised Code, Avithout noting the foot-prints of a master intellect.
In Congress his career had been very distinguished. He was a fre
quent debater, and usually grappled Avith the strongest men. On all the
great issues of that day he made his mark, and in the great debate of
1819, that involved not only the reputation of General Jackson, but
important international questions, and the complexion of political
parties for the next decade, he confessedly took precedence. It was
one of the most memorable and exciting debates that ever occurredin
Congress. Mr. Clay, then in the meridian of his inteUect, popularity
and influence, led in the arraignment of Jackson, aided by Mr. Cal
houn and many of the most prominent statesmen. Mr. Poindexter
led in the defence, and the national verdict then Avas that his argu
ment was unanswerable. He returned to Mississippi Avith the Avreath
of victory on his brow, and became the idol of the people. He had
been triumphantiy elected Governor over a popular favorite, and had
increased his popularity by his able administration. Yet a single
clause in a law that he recommended, in relation to slaves, .offended
the religious sentiment of a conscientious people, and they promptiy

392 Mississippi, as a Province,
discarded him for a young attorney of northern birth and ordinary
capacity !
He became sour and ascetic. Dyspeptic, rheumatic, indiscreet in
many particulars, his first wife still living, his second in the grave,
his son a vagabond, no wonder he grew cynical and morose. In one
of his letters at this period, with a pardonable egotism, he says : "The
Indians give no quarter, because they believe that they shall inherit the
prowess and weapons of every adversary that they destroy. Perhaps
the hatred and animosity I encountered may be explained in the same
Avay."* He Avas too important a man, however, to be overlooked by politi
cians in other quarters. And in 1822, Avhen the first movement was
made to bring forward Gen. Jackson for the Presidency, a move
ment Mr. Clay's antagonism to the General had greatly stimulated, if
it did not actually produce it, Mr. Poindexter received the following
letter from Major Wm. B. LcAvis, who then, and for many years,
stood in a very confidential relation to the General — was, in fact,
his most trusted adviser, f Nashville, October 10th, 1822.
Dear Sir : At the last session of the Tennessee Legislature, resolutions were
adopted, having for their object the recommendation of General Andrew
Jackson as a suitable person to succeed Mr. Monroe in the presidency. These
you no doubt haA'e seen. The friends of the General in this State calculate
that Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama, in the South, will pass resolu
tions by their Legislature, of similar import to those adopted by our State,
and they know of no one in your State, on Avhom they can rely with more con-
"•¦¦The same thought, in nearly the identical words, wasntteredbyLordBathurst
in 1721, in the House of Lords, when the Eight Eeverend Prelates in that body,
with a single exception, voted for the deprivation and banishment of Bishop
Atterbury, intellectually superior to them all.
fAVm. B. LcAvis was a quiet, reserved, but well informed, observing man, of a
diplomatic turn, and much addicted to political Avire-working. He was the
habitual adviser and amanuensis of the General. Accompanied him to "Wash
ington, and accepted a position as Auditor. In the subsequent competition be
tween Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Polk, Maj. LeAvis preferred the former, and was
subsequently evicted during Polk's administration. President Polk was said to
be very pious, but he never was known to forgive an opponent. "When he be
came President there was but one relative of Henry Clay in office. His son-in-
law, the late Martin Duralde, Avas naval officer in New Orleans, a position with
out patronage or political influence. His father, an opulent planter of Louisi
ana, had been the friend and correspondent of Jefferson. The son was a man of
nnexoeptionable character, had lost a large fortune by endorsement for friends,
was a Whig in principle, but sided with the Democrats in favor of Texas annexa
tion. I Avas then the editor of the Democratic' organ in New Orleans, and I
suggested to the President that the retention of Mr. Duralde would be very ac
ceptable to tbe ancient inhabitants of Louisiana ; a graceful homage to Mr. Clay,
and be peculiarly agreeable to the Hon. Henry Johnson, Senator from Louisi
ana, a whig, a Avarm friend of Mr. Clay and Mr. Duralde, but Avho proposed to
vote with us on the annexation question. At that moment one of the nomina
tions for the Cabinet bung fire in the Senate ; one vote was wanted to carry it
thr ough. The President expressed much solicitude on the subject, and suggested
antintervicAv with Senator Johnson. When it terminated the President said,
wi h more empressement than usual with him, "gentlemen, AVrite to your friend
that he is safe."
The Cabinet nominee Avas confirmed by the vote ot Senator Johnson. Texas
Avas annexed with the aid of Senator Johnson, Avhose term of office expired about
that time. And then, without a Avarning, without a charge, or an explanation,
Martin Duralde was removed.

Territory and State. 393
fidence than yourself to effect that object, provided you entertain the same opin
ion of the General's qualifications as the members of the Legislature of this
State do. It is thought you will feel no unwillingness to assist in this under
taking from the high opinion, it is believed, you entertain of his merits — and
also from the known friendship that has long existed between you, and which,
I am confident, is not in the least diminished on the part of the General. His
friends have recommended him to the people of the 'United States as a fit per
son to he the next President, Avithout even consulting his inclination upon the
subject, nor has he any knowledge of the course it is expected to pursue to se-
secure his election, but they entertain no doubt of his willingness to serve if
elected. 'Tis thought that North Carolina will support the General's election, as it
is known he is exceedingly popular in that State, and some influential men
there have pledged themselves to have resolutions similar to those above
named, adopted by the Legislature of that State ; and if Mr. Calhoun shall not
be run by his friends, (aud it is believed he will not,) I think there is very little
doubt but that South Carolina Avill also support him. Mr. Calhoun, I think, stands
no chance to he elected, for the present, and of this he and his friends must shortly,
if not already, be sensible. It is then calculated by the friends of General
Jackson, that Calhoun, who is one of his warmest friends and admirers, to
gether with his friends, will give him the whole of their influence. The same
calculations are made, with respect to DeWitt Clinton, who, although he at
this time belongs to the weaker party in New York, has unquestionably great
influence in that State.
But what is still more encouraging, it is discovered that the Philadelphians
are coming out very handsomely in favor of the General; and most of the papers
from the interior of Pennsylvania, and particularly those of Harrisbourgh, the
seat of government, are supporting him. When we take into consideration
the local situation of Pennsylvania, it must be viewed as the pivot on which most
of the presidential elections are made to turn. If then, this State can be calcu
lated on in the support of the General, no doubt can be entertained as to the
result of the election. Indeed, I have uo doubt, nor have his friends here any
doubt but that he will be the next President, for the scheme, so far, has suc
ceeded far beyond their most sanguine calculations.
If your leisure will permit, I shall be glad to hear from you upon this subject,
and in the meantime, I have the honor to be.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. B. Lewis.
Mr. Poindexter gave in his adhesion to the General, and was recog
nized as one of his best friends. He had, however, now become a
chronic invalid, crippled with rheumatism, at times incapable of walk
ing, and passing most of his time outside of the State, in search of
health. In 1828, while in Philadelphia, under the care of Dr. Chapman,
Gov. Brandon, on the death of John G. Clark, tendered him the com
mission of Chancellor. In declining the office on account of physical
incapacity, his love of fame and of popularity crops out, and thoiigh
then a mere wreck, it is evident the old fire still burned within :
"Your favorable opinion of my conduct, public and private, derives
additional value from your intimate acquaintance with both, during
the whole period of my residence in Mississippi, commencing with
your school-boy days, and continuing up to the present moment. If I
have erred, in anything material for the last twenty years, it could not
have escaped your notice and disapprobation." A pretty piece of
white-washing. Sept 5th, 1828, he addressed from Philadelphia, along, able and
artful letter to Gen. Jackson, in which, after an elaborate apology for
not writing for several years, he says :

394 Mississippi, as a Province,
Another motive was in the attitude in which you now stand before the coun
try. I desired to avoid the implication of seeking to draw from your declara
tions of your views in the confiicting doctrines, and subjects that now agitate
the public, and thus commit you before hand — views that ought generally to be
Avithheld until ofiicial duty require their p'romulgation. Grave opinions of
men and measures should be cautiously declared. I would not presume, by
any act of mine, to invite such disclosures, even by implication, nor seek to
become the depository of sentiments which prudence demand should be held
in reserve. The high estimation in Avhich I have ever held your claims to the
gratitude of your country has undergone no change, amidst the calumnies by
which you have been assailed, to the disgrace of the American press. My
opinions do not readily change. Yet I have been compelled to relinquish the
partiality I felt for Mr. Adams, and his cabinet, at the commencement of his
administration. In the last election for the presidency, I should have voted
for Mr. Adams in preference to any man, before the people, except yourself."*
I regarded him as favorable to a strict and liberal construction of the Consti
tution, and in favor of state-rights, to the full extent of the Eepublican doc
trine. I also distinctly understood him to be against an extravagant tariff, and
to confine his vieAvs stictly to a judicious selection of specified articles of for
eign manufacture on Avhich duties ought to be laid to encourage home produc
tion. I have been disappointed in him and his entire administration. '* ¦*"
Whether he has foUoAved his own chart or been misguided by a master spirit, (a
hit at Henry Clay, whom, of all men. Jackson most hated,) is matter of inquiry
In 1829 the death of Thomas B. Reed occasioned a vacancy in the'
Senate of the United States. The old friends of Poindexter in Missis
sippi brought him to the front. But he Avas in Louisville, in the hands
of a physician, and it was currently reported (and was probably true)
that he Avas unable to Avalk. Notwithstanding these reports, his
friends pressed him for the position, and he was brought from Ken
tucky to his home in Wilkinson county. His principal opponent was
Robert H. Adaras, of Natchez, who had come there, a fcAV years
previous, frora Tennessee, and taken high rank at the bar. Mr.
Adams Avas not a man of education, but had made himself a good
laAvyer, and as a speaker was eloquent and forcible. He had taken
an active part for General Jackson, and just before Mr. Reed died,
had been elected to the Legislature from the county of Adams. The
principle argument in his favor, among the Jackson men, was the
physical inabUity of Poindexter. The friends of this gentieman urged
his attendance at Jackson, but he persistently refused on the ground
that he would not stoop to personal solicitation.
This was a mere ruse. He had "stooped" to solicit the suffirages
of the people, in successive campaigns for Congress and for Governor,
and there certainly could be no degredation in repairing to the seat
of government for consultation Avith his friends. The restraining
motive, hoAvever, Avas his physical inability, Avhich he Avas afraid to
exhibit. His friend, WiUiam Burns, of Natchez, thus announced the
result to him :
" The die is cast. The vote stood : Adams 24, Poindexter 18, Childs 8, B. J.
Walker 2. The Speaker, Jo. Dunbar, and Haile, of your own county, voted
for the latter. We counted on them for you through thick and thin. You
lost Dunbar's vote on account of your health. He Avould not vote for Adams
under any circumstances, and threAV aAvay his vote on Walker. As for Haile,
he is a man of impulse, Avhose eccentrity defies all calculation. J. F. H.
,"»Adains, Clay, CraAvford, Calhoun and Jackson were the candidates before the
people. ,

Territory and State. 395
Claiborne's vote excited the greatest interest. He and Adams Avere elected to
the Legislature on the same ticket before the vacancy in the Senate occurred.
The whole har of Natchez took strong ground for Adams. The citizens of
Natchez, and a good many in the county, sent up a sort of instruction to
Claiborne to vote forAdams. The Senator from this district Avas warmly for
Adams. Claiborne is very young — they noAv say he is a minor — but he re
sisted all these influences and cast his vote for you. Adam's friends swear he
shall never he elected again, but he is very strong in the county, and Avill he
hard to beat."
Mr. Adams served one session in the Senate very creditably,
making one speech, AA'hich Avas Avell received, returned to Natchez,
and died 'of congestive chill in August, 1830.
Poindexter had returned to Louisville for medical treatment, and
on the Sth of September, Governor Brandon appointed hira to fill the
vacancy. November 19th, his devoted friend, Lieutenant-Governor A. M.
Scott (afterwards Governor of the State) Avrote to him from Jackson :
"I have the heart-felt joy to announce that yesterday you were almost unani
mously elected Senator. It was the proudest moment of my life, when as pre
siding officer of the two houses, on joint ballot, I announced officially that you
were duly elected a Senator of the United States. I have always said that the
people Avere for you. and on this occasion they Avent so far that some of their
representatives were instructed to vote for you dead or alive. Every mem'ber
Avas at his post. General Dickson and Charles B. Green declined. Judge
Childs alone had the hardihood to stand, assisted by Gen. Pray, of Hancock,
and John Gildart, of our county. They Avere exceedingly active, and we have
drawn black lines around them. You received every A'ote but six. Claiborne
is the most delighted fellow I ever saAV. All your friends congratulated him.
They made the issue of his voting for you in preference to Adams, against him
in Natchez and the county, and Ave all apprehended his defeat, but he was
re-elected by the largest majority ever cast for any one there."
No man ever Avent into office more emphatically the choice of the
people, than General Poindexter. They had learned to regret his
defeat by Mr. Rankin ; to feel the Avant of his great experience and
abiUty in the public service, and having elected General Jackson to
the presidency, and seeing the powerful coalition against him, the
people of Mississippi desired to send their ablest citizen to aid him
against his enemies. This Avas reaUy the feeUng that elected Poin
dexter to the Senate.*
But, to the astonishment of every one, he gradually drifted into the
ranks of the opposition, into the embraces of men Avho had been his
inveterate enemies, and from those Avho adhered to him at the sacrifice
of their own popularity. He became one of the most active and im
placable enemies of the administration. Honest convictions raay
have placed him in this attitude. It is likely, hoAvever, that he had
anticipated a place in the Cabinet, on the election of General Jackson,
and fancied himself neglected. His vanity and vindictiveness were
strongly developed. It seems, too, for some unexplained reason, per
haps for some distrust, he had not received the usual civiUties ten-
"*Oneof his most devoted friends. Col. John A. Griraball, then Secretary of
State, in a letter dated Jackson, Nov 20th, 1830, after warmly congratulating him
on his success, adds : "The joy that your election affords rae is increased by the
consideration that our illustrious chief magistrate will find his ablest champion
in him who, in 1819, drove back and trampled doAvn a host of enemies."

^gS Mississippi, as a Province.
dered to a Senator. The following characteristic letter is to the
point : Washington City, Feb. 13th, 1832.
Hon. Edward Livingston, Secretary of State :
Sir : As an acquaintance of many years has existed betAveen us, a part of
Avhich period our intercourse was of the most friendly character, and as a com
peer iu the Senate of the United States, during its last session, I deem it in
cumbent on me to state more particularly to you, ihe real causes, why I could
not, without a sacrifice of the respect which I owe to myself, accept your card
of invitation to dinner on the 10th inst. But for the high respect which I en
tertain for you as an eminent citizen, and a patriotic statesman, I should not
trouble myself with this matter farther than to decline the invitation. I have
been three months in this city, and yours is the first intimation I have received
of an intention on the part of those connected Avith the Executive Department of
the Government, to extend to me any civilities whatever ! This marked neg
lect could not have been accidental, and as I have been informed (perhaps erro
neously) was the result of the knoAvn wishes of the President himself.
Without feeling the slightest solicitude as to the attitude Avhich the Execu
tive and his Secretaries may choose to assume towards me, in my public or
private relations with society, this state of the case, left unexplained, will pro
duce non-intercourse betAveen myself and tliose high officers of the government
as at present organized, Avhile I remain a member of the Senate.
I have the honor to he, with great respect.
Your most obedient servant, George Poindexter.
February loth, 1832, he addressed J. F. H. Claiborne, Repre
sentative in the Legislature, as foUoAvs :
My duties in the Senate have prevented me from carrying on a correspond
ence except strictly on business. This will account for my not having written
you, nor have I received a communication from you since I took my seat in
the Senate. I now take the liberty to address you, for the purpose of en
abling you to remove impressions Avhich have been attempted to be made on
my mind, in regard to the attitude you have assumed toward me since I
left Mississippi. I have received tAvo letters from Clinton, Avritten by persons
well known to you, stating that you had become my open enemy, and had
written several abusive articles in the paper of AndreAv Marschalk, a man
known to me, and to you, to have been destitute of principle or common
honesty throughout his life. I expressed to these gentlemen my doubts of the
correctness of their information, and must be permitted still to doubt it, until
I am assured of the fact by yourself. I have made it a rule through life never
to depart from a friend Avithout giving him due notice of my intention, Avith
the reasons that influence me, affording him a fair opportunity for ex
planation. The friendship Avhich existed between your father and myself, during his
life, and which I have ever cherished for your respected mother, with the
solicitude I have ever manifested for your advancement, ought to have shielded
me from any hostile movement on your part, for any act whatever, until you
had satisfied yourself that it Avas not in my poAver to give a suitable explana
tion. Not having heard one word from you as to any vote or movement of
mine which gave you dissatisfaction, I confess it Avas not without surprise that
I heard those publications attributed to you. It is impossible for you to know,
at the distance of one thousand miles from this city, Avhat causes exist to
govern my senatorial conduct in reference to persons or measures. And if in
any respect my actions have not corresponded with your views of my public
duties, it was your duty to inquire of me. So far as I may have dissented from
the course pursued by President Jackson, I am able to justify every step which
I havetaken. And I cannot see how any one claiming to be a citizen of Mis
sissippi, can approve his attempt to invade the rights of the people of the State,

Territory and State. 397
or censure me for resisting his encroachments. Believing that it is not in your
disposition to sanction corruption in any form, I cannot doubt that were you
in my place you Avould do as I have done.

PROM J. p. H. CLAIBORNE TO HON. GEO. POINDEXTER.
Natchez, March 8th, 1832.
Dear Sir: Your letter of the 11th ult. reached me this moment, and I com
mence my reply by declaring that, not a line detrimental to your fame or char
acter has ever been written hy me. The ascription of articles in the news
paper referred to, no matter hoAV inconsistent they be with my known opinions
I sup]50se may be imputed to the fact that during the Presidential canvass'
while in a law office here, at the request of the Jackson Executive Committee,
its editorial columns Avere confided to me. You should have given, and I uoav
ask you for the names of your informants, and I doubt not I shall be able to
trace their correspondence to some selfish or vindictive motive. If I remember
the articles referred to, they Avere based exclusively on your past career, not on
recent events. Hoav then can you suspect me of such an attack, Avhen Avith a
full knowledge of every charge made against yon for twenty years, and against
my own personal interests, and in defiance of every kind of influence, intimi
dation and cajolery, I voted for you on two different occasions, for the Senate,
against my OAvn colleague, the leader of my party, and doomed myself to
unrelenting hostility ?
While, however, denying that I ever wrote a Avord against you, it is due to
candor to say, that I have not and do not accord with your course in the
Senate. If it be true that you have arrayed yourself against the administra
tion, that you have denounced General Jackson, and avowed yourself a Nulli-
fier in such a sense of the word, as would destroy the Union or involve us in
civil war, to get rid of an unpopular tariff, if such be your position, then I
state liow, as I have heretofore stated, I can no longer be classed among your
friends."* Early prepossessions — hereditary friendship — admiration of your talents — -
will no farther influence me. I am a young man, but my opinions on political
subjects have been radically and deliberately formed. I imbibed them in the
mountains of your native Commonwealth, and like the rocks on those moun
tains they are not easily upturned. I am in the habit of expressing these
opinions freely, and of defending them when assailed. I came into public life
very young, and found arrayed against me most of those that had been your
bitter enemies. The friend's of General Jackson stood by me, and the princi
ples they inculcated were such as I had been taught in Virginia, and which
you ahvays professed. I supported General Jackson because I believed that in
his triumph our principles Avould triumph. Believing as I have ever believed,
and do now, that he is pure ; that he is competent ; that he is firm ; that he is
endeavoring to run the Government in its true constitutional groove; you
may be assured that I have heard with the deepest regret of the position you
have considered it your duty to assume.
As one of your constituents, as a member of the Legislature who, at two
¦¦•I find in the Poindexter papers the following letter frora the eminent publisher
ot Philadelphia: Philadelphia, Dec. 20, 1833.
I am much pleased Avith your definition of Nuliirication, as not a right, but
a remedy. I am convinced that this distinction is not unimportant, and believe
that it wUl clear the minds of many.
I beg leave to inclose you a currency scheme, Avhich I am also sending to Mr.
Calhoun and Mr. Clay, and others. "With great respect, sir.
Your obedient servant, E. Littell.
To the Hon. Geo. Poindexter.

398 Mississippi, as a Province,
successive sessions contributed his utmost to your election, and who would have
shed his blood to sustain you, I say to you frankly, that the people of Missis
sippi will never doubt the patriotism, competency or republicanism of Andrew
Jackson ! Flatterers — closet politicians — visionaries — may tell you otherwise.
For God's sake do not credit tbem. For your fame, and your future, turn a
deaf ear to all such representations. If you haye abandoned the Administra
tion, if you have exerted your great abilities to destroy the man we expected
you to defend, and are in league with politicians who are against us in every
thing, then, no matter hoAV short may be my life, I shall live to see the sudden
and utter prostration of your popularity and influence. I speak candidly—
yes, affectionately. You well know the feelings of my heart. I shall cease to
folloAV your standard. Only yourself can make me your enemy. I have read
volumes of detraction against you, Avithout having my constancy shaken. But
if you acknowledge an abandonment of your ancient principles, as it is said
you do, then I must no longer manifest my old attachment for you, however
long it may linger in my bosom.
These letters indicate the state of things in Mississippi at that time.
There had been a complete change on the chess board. The party
that elected Poindexter arrayed itself against him. His old opponents
and revilers became his friends, and both sides believed that they Avere
right.. There is no doubt, as heretofore intimated, that Mr. Poindexter's
hostiUty to the administration Avas first occasioned by some disappoint
ment or fancied neglect. But the pretext for the rupture, Avhich he
had, doubtless, long contempleted, grew out of sorae land office ap
pointments Avhich promised to be lucrative, and Avere eagerly sought
after by some of his adherents — Avho, hoAvever, zealous in iiis support,
Avere not classed as the friends of General Jackson. He first endeav
ored to have one of these appointed Surveyor General. He apphed
in person to the President, and Avas politely refused, for reasons which
seemed to be satisfactory. But, Avith his usual pertinacity, he pressed
the application in Avriting, and received the foUoAving reply;
Washengton, Dec. 20th, 1830.
Dear Sir : I have just received your note of this date in relation to he
appointment of a surveyor for the district of public lands. South Tennessee.
Your views correspond Avith mine and the practice of the Government in most
cases, heretofore ; but they do not seem to have embraced the fact that the dis
trict in question, includes Iavo States instead of one ; and that, therefore, an
appointment, upon the principles stated by you, Avould not necessarily fall to
Mississippi. Seeing that Louisiana would remind me of her claims as forcibly
as you have represented those of Mississippi, it occurred to me that both, not
being able to obtain it, would consent to relieve the President of the delicacy
of a choice between them, and allow him to offer them a citizen every way
qualified from another State. Another consideration, suggesting the propriety
of this course, may be found in the fact that the public interest had been much
neglected by the various removals and resignations, to which that office had
been lately subjected, and the consequent necessity for the appointment of one
who Avould certainly devote his whole attention and time to its duties. My
friend. Col. Hays, combining all the necessary qualifications and having been,
on various occasions, strongly recommended for ofiice by many distinguished
citizens, has been selected and nominated for the oflEice in question.
Should the laud district be divided and Mississippi be formed into a separate
one, then the claims of the worthy gentleman you have named Avill be re
spectfully considered.
I have expressed my concurrence Avith your views generally as such Avhich
must, in the main, influence the appointments. You must be sensible, however,
that these views do not derive their force from any claim which the citizens

Territory and State. 399
of any State can urge as a matter of right. These are national offices, open to
citizens from all the States. They have been established for the public good,
and must be be filled to that end. Very respectfuly, Andrew Jackson.
A fcAV months thereafter, the President, under peculiar circum
stances, appointed Samuel GAvin, a native of Tennessee, but a citizen
of the District of Columbia, Register of the Land Office, Mount
Salus, (now Clinton) Mississippi. Colonel GavIu had been for years
a protege of General Jackson. He was the son of one of his most
valued and confidential friends, the Rev. James Gwin, the pioneer of
Methodisra in Tennessee. Both father and son had foUoAved his
standard in many a sanguinary fight, and had risked their lives and
shed their blood on the soil of the Mississippi Territory, to save our
women and children from butchery. It Avas not supposed that the
appointment of a gallant soldier, of unexceptionable character and
qualifications, Avould be objectionable to the people of Mississippi.
As a citizen of the District of Columbia, too, he had claims on the
National Government. The Americans there are virtually stripped of
their birthright. They are, substantially disfranchised. 'They are not
represented in Congress, and have no voice in framing the laws that
control their fortunes, their liberty and lives. They should be in
effect, the true wards of the nation, and may be properly sent by the
National Government into any of the States, to occupy federal offices,
without Avounding the nerve of State pride.
But Colonel GAvin shall tell his own story, in the foUoAving letter :
Washington, Oct. 14th, 1831.
Hem. George Poindexter, U. S. Senator :
Sir : My recent appointment, Eegister of the Land Office at Mount Salus,
makes it my duty to explain to you, why I sought the position, and to say
something of my antecedents. I am a native of Tennessee, was a "volunteer
under General Jackson in his Indian campaigns; Avas in Coffee's brigade in
the assault and capture of Pensacola in 1814, and in all the engagements with
the British below New Orleans. I lost my health by long protracted exposure,
and to this day am a habitual sufferer. In 1829 the Postmaster General was
good enough to give me a clerkship in his Department, since which I have
never been absent a day from my post. My beloved wife is now threatened
with confirmed consumption, and I am advised that the only hope for her re
covery is to take her to a warmer climate. Under this advice, aud with this
hope, and for the happiness of a young family, I submitted the case to the
President, and, with the noble sympathies of bis nature, he conferred on me
the Mount Salus appointment.

bu ask indulgence. _   ...
blood on her soil, in her defense,' as the records of our battles will attest.
My venerable father, and six brothers, were soldiers of the Bevolution.
The whole Tennessee delegation in Congress, a majority of the members
from Kentucky, and the late member from Mississippi, Gen. Thonias Hinds,
recommend my confirmation. Many citizens of Mississippi will unite in this
recommendation. .
I was introduced to you during the siege of Ncav Orleans, by my friend,
Gen. Carroll, but you have probably forgotten the incident.
I shall enter on my duties with a determination to discharge them faithfully,
and to the satisfaction of the government and the people.

400 Mississippi, as a Province,
When I applied for the place not a single application had been received
from the State of Mississippi, though there were several from other States.
Within a few days past, some applications from Mississippi have been made.
I have the honor to be, Eespectfuliy, your obedient servant,
Sam'l Gwin.
This was an affecting, yet modest and manly letter. But Mr. Poin
dexter, having (from personal pique, and for reasons that will be found
hereafter in his correspondence Avith influential personages in PhUa
delphia,) determined to break with the administration, made a terrible
outcry over the nomination, and conjured up the bugaboo of states-
rights — a name sacred, recognized and defined by the framers of the
Federal Constitution, and in the debates in the several states on the
adoption of that instrument; but so frequently prostituted to base
purposes ; so often dragged, like the body of Hector, by some politi
cal Achilles, around the walls of Troy ; so often rendered filthy in the
mire of faction, it has ceased to be a source of inspiration or respect.
In the mouth of a man Avho was then, and long had been preparing
to desert his ancient creed derived from the doctrines of Jefferson, to
enter into a coalition, in the interest of a gigantic and menancing
monied institution, to intimidate and break doAvn the independence
of the Executive department of the government, these words Avere
sacrilege. But Mr. Poindexter rang the changes upon them in the
Senate ; was supported there by men Avho regard state rights as a
heresy; and in Mississippi by some Avho had been cowering and
hiding in their comfortable homes when young GAvin was exposing
his life, in a series of campaigns, on the frontier.
Col. Gwin was by no means unacceptable to the people of Missis
sippi — much more acceptable than most of those Avho were applying
for the office. He was a man of amiable disposition and polished
manners, of commanding presence and superior mind, and soon took
a high social position. As an offset to the clamor of Mr. Poindexter,
a memorial in his behalf, headed by the Hon. Powhattan EUis, Gen.
Thomas Hinds and Robert J. Walker, signed by every Democratic
member of the Legislature, and by one thousand of the most influen
tial citizens, was sent to Washington. A number of distinguished
gentlemen of the opposite party, such as George R. and J. S. Yerger,
and Fulton Anderson, who had known him from boyhood in Tennes
see, bore testimony to his noble character and qualifications.
Mr. Poindexter Avas baffled, but he now thrcAV aside the mask, put
on his war paint, and rushed over to the ranks of the opposition. More
vindictive, perhaps, than any other senator, he Avas the peer of the
brightest of them in ability. And he sought every opportunity to as-
saU with all the vigor of his inteUect and the venom of his nature, the
iUustrious man whora he had so Avarmly vindicated in 1819. His
health had improved since his election to the Senate. StUl, physically,
he was a mere Avreck ; but this seemed to have no effect on his mental
powers and capacity for labor, nor did it moderate his temper. He
became a marked man in the Senate, and his speeches Avere widely
disseminated. He was not a man of education. He had littie fancy,
and no partiality for rhetoric. He never quoted poetry or evinced
any acquaintance Avith literature. There was no refinement in his

Territory and State. 401
countenance or manner. His voice Avas poAverful, not melodious. He
was a profound lawyer rather than a statesman — capable of arguing on
both sides of a question, and of making the most of the side he adopt
ed ; adroitiy covering up all his weak points ; concentrating all his
efforts on the vulnerable points of his adversary ; Avorrying and tear
ing and tormenting his victim, even when he had hira prostrate at his
feet. His style Avas incisive and peremptory ; his manner dogmatic and
overbearing. He had a keen appreciation of humor — told a good
story — and his sarcasm bit like vipers. He never loved refined
society; indulged freely in cards and liquor; Avas a habitue of the race
track, and Avas seldom Avithout a quarrel on his hands. His personal
courage has been doubted, but there is nothing in his history to sus
tain the doubt. Until he became paralyzed and unable to visit the
gaming table and race grounds, he Avas never tAvelve months Avithout
a personal difficulty on his hands. In most of these, Avhere challenges
passed, and no fight occurred, the correspondence shoAvs that he never
yielded an inch. He occasionally made explanations, but he Avas
contentious, and a stickler on every point of the established etiquette.
Men of his irritable, domineering teraper seldora lack personal courage.
In several of these affairs, after chaUenges had passed, influential
friends intervened. The late Col. Wm. S. Hamilton, of Wilkinson
county, Avho had been an officer in the United States Array, a man
distinguished for his chivalry of character and delicate sense of honor,
adjusted affairs of this kind for Poindexter, with Col. Ficklin, Gen.
Joor, Maj. White, and Judge Hampton. But finally, AvhUe Poindex
ter AA'as Governor, for some very insulting remarks made in a drink
ing saloon, on a race-track, and reported to Col. Hamilton, he felt
compelled lo challenge him. This challenge Poindexter refused, on the
ground that he Avas Chief Magistrate of the State, and if he fought a
duel, Avould not only violate the laws he had SAvorn to support, but
subject himself to irapeachment. And one of his friends, a young
man, one of his most violent partisans, served on him a Avritten notice
that, if he accepted a challenge lie Avould demand his impeachment.
This incident, at that time, by those who kncAV the relations of the
parties, looked like a contrivance, and the documents that have been
exEfmined make it certain. Col. HamUton insisted that a magistrate
who wantonly provoked a difficulty, and inflicted an injury for which
there Avas no remedy at law, Avas not exempt from the usual personal
responsibility, if he refused to apologize for his conduct. And he
persisted in his demand. Poindexter refused to apologize or fight, and
appealed to Gen. Jackson, on the naked question, Avhether while
Governor, he could properly fight a duel. Of course, the General,
though not over-scrupulous in such matters, could only answer m
one Avay.
General Jackson did not knoAV, Colonel HamUton did not knoAv,
but Mr. Poindexter knew very Avell that, when he held the office of
Attorney General, and Robert Williams was Governor of Mississippi
Territory, he sent a peremptory challenge to Governor WUliams, by
the hands of Capt. Wm. F. Voss, an alderman and justice of the
peace in the town of Natchez ! Governor WiUiams was a very blunt
man, given to a rough manner of talking and writing, and he replied
26

402 Mississippi, as a Province,
that he would neither dirty his hands or his public character with
such a man. And in tAventy-four hours he deposed Captain Voss
from his official pedestal. There was a terrible clamor and outcry
against Governor Williams at the time, and the facts were perverted
in the newspapers of the day, but he was unquestionably right. Mr.
Poindexter had long been his violent enemy and traducer ; his tongue
was unruly and licentious ; and his sending that chaUenge to the
Chief Magistrate, while Attorney-General, should have been foUowed
by his removal frora office.
1832-3. By this tirae Mr. Poindexter, the Senator from Missis
sippi, had become an extreme member of the opposition, distin
guished by the vehemence of his phiUipics against the President and
his policy, and for his uniform support of every proposition intended
to embarrass it.
On the removal of the deposits, the investigation into the affairs of
the United States Bank, the appointment of government directors and
recharter of the institution, he Avent as far as the farthest in the in
terests of the bank; and farther than any other Senator in his ascrip
tion of irapure motives to the administration, and his personal attacks
on the President, and on those most intimately connected with him.
This course, so opposite to the opinions he had ahvays professed, and
Avhich Avere distinctiy understood by those that elected him to the
Senate, was at the time the subject of much animadversion, comment,
and conjecture. The following letters, transcribed literally from the
originals, published noAv as a Avarning to public men, may be con
strued by each reader for himself :
EROM SAMUEL P. CARSON, M. C. OP NORTH CAROLINA, TO GEORGE POINDEXTER.'
Philadelphia, May 7th, 1832.
My Dear Governor : I feel surprised, as Avell as mortified, that I have not
received a letter from yourself, Mangum, Davis, and Daniel. I can't account
for it. Mr. B. (Biddle) called on me yesterday, and said that he promised you
a statement of the arrangements, etc., Avhich Avill be evidence in your possession of
the nature of the arrangement. I told him I should certainly hear from you
yesterday evening, and Avould call to-day. In this, hoAvever, I am disappointed.
Do Avrite me immediately on receipt of this, and let me know the result of my
application to my friends Mangum, Daniel, and Davis.
From this letter it appears that Messrs. Nicholas Biddle, President
of the U. S. Bank, and George Poindexter, Senator from Mississippi,
had agreed upon an "arrangement," not yet perfected in all its de
taUs, and the inference is obvious that Congressman Carson AA'as in
possession of the facts, conversed confidentially Avith Mr. Biddle on
the subject, and was in PhUadelphia himself to make an "arrangement,"
if he could get the friends referred to, to back him.
The nature of these "arrangements" AviU probably be understood
after reading the following :
prom nicholas biddle, president op the u. s. bank, to senator
poindexter. Bank op the United States, \
Philadelphia, May 15, 1832. J
Dear Sir : I have had the pleasure of receiving your favor of the 13th inst..

Territory and State. 403
in which you apprize me of your wish to substitute the name of the Hon,.J. S.
Johnson for that of Colonel ToAvson on the bill discounted for you. The neces
sary instructions have been accordingly given to Mr. Smith, the cashier at
Washington.

prom the same to the same.
Philadelphia, December 28th, 1832.
I feel much obliged by tbe interest you are good enough to take in the choice
of the bank directors. All that Are Avish is to have honest and respectable col
leagues, and if any others are proposed Ave rely on your aid to exclude them.
PROM the same to THE SAME.
Philadelphia, December 23d, 1833.
Dear Sir : You Avere good enough last year to give me notice of the nomi
nation of government directors and to ask my views of it. Whatever my
opinion then was, the conduct of these directors since has satisfied me that they
ought to be rejected by the Senate. They have made themselves so completely
odious that the other directors will hold no intercourse Avith them, so that they
are entirely useless as members. They have, too, set themselves in opposition
to the rest of the board, and if they are confirmed, it will be construed by them
as a triumph — a triumph which the kitchen cabinet ought not to be alloAved to
enjoy. If, therefore, you concur in this view I shall be very happy to hear of
their rejection by the Senate.
With great respect, yours, N. Biddle.
To Hon. George Poindexter.
These bulletins frora the bank brought about the desired result.
The President nominated PI. D. GUpin, John T. Sullivan, Peter
Wager and Hugh McEldery as government directors — "men," he
said, "Avhose high characters and standing are Avell knoAvn to the
community, and eminently qualified for the office to Avhich I propose
to appoint them." The first of these gentlemen AA'as an emment
lawyer, afterwards Attorney-General of the United States. The
others Avere among the solid business men, and capitalists of PhUa
delphia. They were summarily rejected, and Avith Mr. Poindexter's
active assistance.
1833. By this time the bank Avas moving all its vast machinery, to
produce pressure and panic, the faUure of traders and the suspension
of State banks, in order to extort a re-charter. Ncav Orleans, and
the South and West generaUy, were made to feel the power and re
sentment of the bank. In New Orleans, at the very commencement
of the season, Avhen the products of the West were pouring down the
river for export, it caUed in its loans, refused accommodations and
extensions, broke up domestic exchange, ran doAvn the price of pro
duce, and transferred at one time a miUion and a quarter in specie
from Ncav Orieans to PhUadelphia, to be used in gambling in foreign
exchange. Mr. Poindexter was apprised of aU these criminal movements, and
the object was to intimidate the government and compel a re-charter
of the bank. December 29th, 1833, his brother-in-laAv, Mr. Wm. G.
Hewes, cashier of the Commercial Bank of Nevv Orieans, an honest,
conscientious and sensible man, thus addressed him :
" Ours is one of the deposit banks. We have had to exert ourselves to the
utmost to accommodate the public, under the heavy pressure brought about
by the unnecessary curtailments of the United States Bank. I really wish it
could be [permitted to die. Not ten merchants in New Orleans would shed
a tear."

404 Mississippi, as a Province,
Mr. M. AUen, a large manufacturer at Pittsburg, writes him a panic
letter for exhibition, Avith this significant postscript : " Read the letter
extensively, and to our recreant Senator Wilkins, who knows he' is
misrepresenting his constituents. But don't give my name." I am a
Branch Bank director."
February loth, 1834, the editors of the Washington Globe gave a
detailed statement of Mr. Poindexter's transactions with the bank,
Avhich was controverted in some particulars, but resulted in establish
ing the fact, shadowed by the foregoing correspondence, that in May,
1832, he drcAv at tAvelve months on the Hon. Sam. P. Carson for
$10,000, and the bank in Philadelphia gave him the money on it.
It appears, likcAvise, that he drew for the sarae amount on Colonel E.
Towson, Avho declined accepting, and the name of J. S. Johnson was
substituted, and the "arrangement" was made.
These were equivocal relations for a Senator who had recentiy been
elected as an anti-bank, Jackson Democrat. Mr. Clay, proud as he Avas,
and defiant of public opinion, when he came forward as the champion
of that bank, felt it due to himself, and to the course he was pur
suing, to declare that he was under no pecuniary obUgations to it, and
asked no favor frora it. But the Senator from Mississippi had placed
himself in such a position that a branch bank director at Pittsburg,
the same Mr. AUen, Avliom he had never seen, felt authorized to
Avrite to him, February 26th, 1834 : "Van Burenism must be killed
as dead as Jacksonism. Kill thera both, sir, dead! dead! dead! And
then we business raen and manufacturers can expand. Hold on to
the appropriations I Yes, sir, hold on to them ! Don't vote a dollar
for the government !"
A relative of his own, one Robert W. Poindexter, writes February,
ist, 1834: "I ara extensively engaged as a merchant in Pittsburg.
The accounts .you see of our suffering are not exaggerated. Should
our Senator ( Judge WUkins, one of the raost eminent men in the
United States,) return here, he would certainly be mobbed and prob
ably tarred and feathered."
¦The foUowing arrogant letter (indicating another "arrangement,")
is in the tone of one who feels himself master of the situation :
PROM NICHOLAS BIDDLE TO SENATOR POINDEXTER.
Bank op the U. S., Philadelphia, Feb. 22d, 1834.
I duly received your favor, or rather one that I suppose was yours, for you
had forgotten to sign it. I infer the writer from the frank, and the contents.
In consequence of it I obtained from the proper oflicer a memorandum, but on
examining it to-day, I perceive it will require some little change of form, and
I must therefore postpone sending it till Monday.
We are all delighted at the energy with which you and your friends are car
rying on the Avar against those miserable people in poAver, Avhom, I think, you
can utterly demolish before the session closes.
March 21, 1834. The cashier of the Branch Bank at Washington
recommends his nephcAV, B. P. Smith, for the clerkship of an investi
gating committee which the Senate had authorized.*
Mr. Poindexter had sold a plantation and negroes to Dunbar and
¦* One Jacob Bigelow, a notorious claim agent, applied also for this clerkship,
which, it Wii.^ .supposed, Avoidd afford good pickings. I have no means of ascer
taining Avlietlier the Bank protege or the claim speculator was the lucky man.

Territory and State.

405

Enos, and held their paper for the same. It appears from the foUoAv-
ing that he Avas in the habit of having it cashed by the Bank in PhUa
delphia, whUe he' was vehementiy pleading for it in the Senate :
PROM NICHOLAS BIDDLE TO SENATOR POINDEXTER.
Bank op the U. S., Philadelphia, April 30th, 1833.
I received yonr favor of the 28th inst. On examining the protest I observe
that the reason assigned by the Notary is that " he Avent to sundry places in
this city and inquired for "Messrs. Dunbar and Enos, and Avas informed that
they were not in this city."
It is probable that when these gentlemen return to Natchez they will take
this bill up and pay it. D will be better, probably, to wait until we hear
farther from them before we do anything here.
The country is under great obligations to you for your prompt and bold
movement against the (Jackson) Protest. Bely upon it the Senate is now the
popular branch of the Government, and if you maintain your position the
people will stand by you. None more steadfastly than myself.
The opposition to President Jackson's indignant protest against
Senatorial usurpation of Executive poAvers, made the protest on a bill
of exchange a matter of indifference.
1834. This year, AvhUe still a member of the Senate, feeUng per
haps a premonition of his downfall in Mississippi, Senator Poindexter
was casting around for a residence somcAvhere else. And he was
astute enough to "milk old Brindle" again before she went dry.
Looking over the Avhole expanse of the Union, he fixed upon Avhat
was known as "the Ward farm" in the vicinity of Louisville, the
property of the United States Bank. The agent of the Branch Bank
informed him he could have it cheap, on one, tAvo, three and four
years, no payment for tAvelve months; and the parent bank would
doubtless extend it to five years and make other convenient "arrange
ments." "The purchase," says the accommodating gentieman, "shall
be put on the most favored terms of mortgaged debts as to calls, which
are now at the rate of 2;^ per cent, every sixty days, ff t/ie Bank is
re-chartered satisfactory arrangements are. certain. "
The foUowing letter calls for the rejection of two of the most emi
nent citizens of Philadelphia, and made the first suggestion of a meas
ure which the opposition immediately adopted— the rejection by the
Senate of the nomination of Martin Van Buren who had been ap
pointed Minister to England, and was then in London. This rejec
tion made him President of the United States :
Philadelphia, May 22, 1834.
My Dear Sir : I have sent this evening, at the request of a friend, to Mr.
Southard, the newspapers containing the attacks on the Senate by Henry Howe
and others, which I really think ought to prevent the confirmation of any other
signers to so outrageous and intolerant assault on that body. Mr. Vaux is a
man not respected and a violent enemy of the Bank, and Mr. McAllister was
rejected by the stockholders after serving one year on account of his conduct as
a Director not at all connected with politics. I do not think that he should be
appointed. Of Mr. Alley and Mr. White Ave know nothing and care nothmg.
I believe myself that the thing which would do more than any other thing to
raise the Senate, to alarm the mercenaries, and purify the public sentiment, w
the rejediem of the Minister to London. If I were in the Senate, I would not
listen for a moment to such a nomination. If men will desert their state, de-

4o6 Mississippi, as a Province,
sert their constituents, and cling to the Executive, the Senate may well prove
that the Executive favor is not a sufiicient shield for political subserviency.
With great regard, yours, N. Biddle.
Hon. George Poindexter.
When this letter was Avritten the Bank of the United States was, and
for some years, had been, insolvent, and Mr. Biddle's opposition to
the directors nominated by the President was to conceal its true con
dition untU a re-charter could be obtained. It had abandoned the
legitimate operations of banking, and had become simply a machine
to influence public sentiment by pressure and bribery, and to gamble
in cotton and in stocks. When President Jackson felt himself bound
to withdraw the public funds from its keeping, they were deposited in
the soundest banks that could be selected. One of these Avas the
Commercial Bank of Ncav Orleans. The following letter from the
President of that Bank shoAvs the action of the United States Bank,
and the persistent efforts it raade to erabarrass the Government, thus
creating the business panic and pressure which it hoped to make
available for its own ends. Mr. Hewes was the brother-in-law of Mr.
Poindexter. He could not doubt the truth of his statement. But be
ing a pensioner of the Bank, he stood up, day after day, in the Senate
vindicating it frora the charge of interference in politics, and charging
all the distress in the country to the Governraent :
FROM WM. G. HEWES, PRESIDENT COMMERCIAL BANK, NEW ORLEANS, TO
SENATOR POINDEXTER, MARCH 21ST, 1834.
" The Bank in Philadelphia is endeavoring to crush us. I state this to
you after mature reflection, and Avith perfect conviction of the truth of my
statement. That bank has too much power for the peace and safety of the
country. I have no special complaint to make of the Branch here. It serves
me as well as it does others. But its last curtailment Avas made most rapidly
and rigorously, and Avith certain and arbitrary regulations which have pro
voked indignation even among its partisans. Our Senator Porter could not
have defended the Bank had he been apprised of these proceedings. The State
banks are doing all they can to relieve the community, but specie on the
spot is demanded by the Branch here the moment a balance appears in its
favor, and this is immediately transferred to Philadelphia.
" The Deposit Banks, I see, are the subjects of constant assault in the Senate^,
as though they had a corrupt understanding with and were the instruments of
the government. I speak only for the Commercial Bank. Our weekly state
ment is regularly published. You see our strength. Our specie equals our
circulation. We only loan on short paper, very little of Avhich is renewable.
The deposits are of some benefit to us. We loan freely on them, and yet
could pay, deliver or transfer the Avhole at any moment. The transfer of the-
Deposits from the Planter's Bank at Natchez to our Bank was the result of no
bargain or understanding, political or otherwise, with the Government. I have
never written a letter or received one, except the official notice advising us that
the Planter's Bank Avas directed to place Avith us, on the 1st May last, '1250,000..
Since I left Washington in November last I have never received a communica
tion from the Secretary of the Treasury, or from any one connected Avith the
administration, iu office or ont of office. After the Deposits Avere removed
from the Bank of the United States, and no Bank having been designated in
New Orleans, I felt it my duty to put in a claim for the Commercial Bank, on
the ground of its having been established for the construction of a great public-
work, the city being interested witli us. I made no profession of Jacksonism.

Territory and State. 407
No political questions Avere asked me. I had strong letters to the Secretary ;
some from distinguished gentlemen opposed to the administration, vouching for
our Bank and my oAvn character. Secretary Taney received me Avith much
kindness, and gave us the deposits. We haA'e received and pay them pre
cisely as Ave receive and pay individual deposits. The contract between us and
the Treasury is open to the public."
Thus, by an honest, practical business man, writing in confidence,
were all the charges made by Mr. Poindexter refuted, but Avith this
letter in his pocket he to the last moment reiterated his charge of a
corrupt understanding betAveen the Treasury and the banks. Under
its influence, he voted for the rejection of every man nominated by the
President to take care of the interests of the government in the United
States Bank ; voted for the rejection of Mr. Taney Avho, as Secretary
of the Treasury, had pointed out its malpractices ; exculpated it from
the charge of creating pressure and interfering in politics ; had per
mitted it to dictate how he should vote on the nomination of a Min
ister to England, and had so far become his master that he and his col
league, (John Black) both voted, in the interests of Philadelphia,
against the establishment of branch mints in New Orleans, North Car
oUna, and Georgia. Such Avas the position to which bank influence
had reduced the senators of the proud State of Mississippi.
In a brief period this aspiring, colossal and corrupt corporation lay
a huge, helpless Avreck upon the Avaters, leaving assets not sufficient to
pay its funeral expenses. Its administrators brought suit against its
autocratic President, Nicholas Biddle, for $1,018,000 paid out by him,
or used by him, and no vouchers on hand to show how it had been
used. Its own stock $3 5 , 000, 000, Avas entirely lost, and with it $ 2 1 , 000, -
000 belonging to other companies and institutions. Its marble palace
Avas sold by the sheriff". True bills for fraud and corruption were found
by the grand jury against the officers and managers of the bank.
The insolvency and corruption charged against it Avere sustained in
every particular, and noAv the institution, and the name, " at Avhich
the Avorld grcAv pale," lives only in history —
" To point a moral or adorn a tale."
January 30th, 1835, President Jackson and several members of the
Cabinet had gone to the capitol to attend the obsequies of Mr. Warren
R. Davis, of South Carolina. Just as the President reached the
portico from the rotunda, a young man stepped out of the crowd, ad
vanced Avithin eight feet of the President, pointed a pistol at his breast,
and pulled the trigger. The cap exploded— instantaneously he drew
another, leveled it and it, failed to fire The cap again exploded. 'The
President rushed at him Avith his cane, but, before he could strike.
Lieutenant Gedney, of the navy, had knocked the man down, and he
was secured and locked up. He Avas named Richard LaAvrence— a
mechanic, out of employment, Avho had heard and read all the inflam
matory speeches for the bank, attributed all the distress of the country,
and his own want of occupation to the President, and his mind had
become unhinged. He felt it his duty to rid the country of a tyrant,
beUeved he Avould be applauded, not punished, and Avith the cunning
of a monomaniac, deliberately planned and then waited for his oppor
tunity. This Avas the opinion of medical experts, and of the public
generally.

4o8 Mississippi, as a Province,
Gen. Jackson ahvays believed that Lawrence had been tampered
with, and led astray by some one, and for certain reasons his suspi
cions pointed tOAvards George Poindexter. Many of the General's
friends endeavored to remove this impression, but while declining to
investigate the matter, or to give his reasons, he never relinquished
his impression. Among Mr. Poindexter's papers are two letters
squinting at assassination.
The first is dated August ist, 1833, Avritten in Mississippi, from a
man Avho Avas prospecting for a seat in Congress, and writer of a long
letter, asking from Mr. Poindexter a loan or an endorsement, to ena
ble hira to prosecute his canvass. Pie promises to signalize himself
at Washington, by "caning the raembers of the Kitchen Cabinet, one
after the other, and if necessary using a musket and buck-shot on the
Kinderhook Dutchman" — (Mr. Van Buren.). He says "the country is
ripe for this sort of redress, and tired of reraonstrance. Your friend
 , Avho attends the courts in seven counties, has talked the
matter over with me."
The next letter is dated Washington, Feb, 6th, 1834, from a Capt.
Wm. Tharp, who seems to have been an army contractor, and had
for some years been attempting to settle some unadjusted accounts.
For his failure he throAvs the blame on the President, although in the
body of the letter he insefts the foUoAving note, Avhich completely ex
onerates the President, and shows that he had gone as far as the Ex
ecutive can lawfully go in such cases :
To Capt. Wm. Tharp :
Your letter of the 30th ult. has been received. I hasten to answer it. The
President is willing that you should have every opportunity of justice in the
investigation of your claims, and can have no objection to your taking the tes
timony of Gens. Gibson and Jesup, or any other officer of the army, or in
having a copy of any record, in any of the departments of the government,
that may relate to your claims. Andrew Jackson.
July 2d, 1829.
The accounting officers failed to adjust matters to Capt. Tharp's
satisfaction, and he addressed a long and inflammatory letter to his
friend, Mr. Poindexter. "I pray you interpose your authority as Sen
ator to afford me justice and protection, and show to the Senate the
abominable and ruinous persecution exercised tOAvard me by a tyrant.
If one party has a carte blanclie to plunder and destroy the citizen, as
Csesar, the citizen has a right to act the part of Brutus, and take sum
mary redress."
Suggestive Avords !
It is probable, that the known intimacy of Mr. Poindexter with des
perate men like these, who Avere often seen in conference with him,
occasioned the suspicion of his complicity in the Lawrence affair.
In 1835 Mr. Poindexter's term expired, and it Avas knoAvn that he
meant to canvass the State for re-election. It Avas obvious that to defeat
him, Avould demand the utmost energy and highest talent. He Avould
have the support of the Whig party, Avhich, as long as it existed, ni
Mississippi, Avas formidable, compactiy organized, embracing a large

Territory and State. 409
part of the Avealth, talent and moral Avorth of the State, aiming at a
broad national policy, and steadily looking to the Ulustrious Kentuck
ian as its leader and exponent. Amidst the wreck of State institutions,
they considered a national bank the only reliable regulator of the
currency, and as Mr. Poindexter had come over to them on that great
question, and had distinguished himself by unusual activity, and Avas
found uniformly voting Avith Mr. Clay, it was determined to support
him to the exclusion of such men as Yerger, Anderson, Prentiss,
Sharkey, and others in their ranks, Avho coveted the honor. It is due
to this great and high-toned party to explain that they had not seen,
and had no suspicion of the evidence Avhich has been hero published
for the first time, that Senator Poindexter had become a pensioner of,
and received his instructions on raatters of public poUcy, from the
bank. There were vague rumors of transactions, but these were attri
buted to the violence of party, and rather raised their sympathies in
his favor. In addition to the formidable masses of the Whigs, he
was supported by the NuUifiers, or state-rights men, who claimed hira
¦ as one of themselves. It is true, on almost every question in the Sen
ate, he had voted Avith the most extreme men of the North, even on
questions vital to the South, but so had other Southern leaders. . There
Avas, at that time, as the journals wiU show, littie or no perceptible
difference in Congress between a Southern NulUfier and a Northern
Federalist, and so in Mississippi, there Avas a close coalition between
the Clay Whigs and the Calhoun NuUifiers in support of Mr. Poin
dexter, and for other objects.
Gen. Thomas Hinds, a man of good .tense, but of limited education
and ability, Avas anxious to be the candidate. He had a large and in
fluential connection by marriage — Avas an affluent planter — had been
delegate to Congress — had served a campaign against the Indians —
had the rough manner and bronzed aspect of the soldier — and was still
bright with the varnish of the battie of New Orleans. But it Avas
clear that he wotUd be a mere pigmy in the grip of such a Avrestler as
Poindexter. The late George Adams, then United States District Judge for Mis
sissippi, and Wm. M. GAvin, United States Marshal, in a conversation
on the subject of Parker's Hotel,* Natchez, agreed that Robert J.
Walker would be the most available man, and almost the only man in
the Democratic ranks who could meet Poindexter in debate. 'Walker
was a Pennsylvanian, and claimed to have been the first man in the
United States that nominated Jackson for the Presidency. He had
arrived in Natchez, without a dollar, but by dint of great abUities and
energy, and the support of citizens from Pennsylvania, then rich, nu
merous and influential, he had obtained a very lucrative practice, and
stood at the head of the bar.f
The only objection to him Avas— first, he was but littie known to the
people, and secondly, that on the removal of the deposits from the
* Destroyed by the tornado.
t Cob Jaraes C. "Wilkins, President Planter's Bank, Dr. Stephen Duncan, Pres
ident Bank of Mississippi, the Gustines Minors, Davis, Stockmans, etc.. all
from Pennsylvania, controlling vast capital and influence, Avere patrons of Mr.
Walker.

4IO Mississippi, as a Province,
Bank of the United States, he had groAvn weak in the knees, and
crept over to the camp of the enemy. This, however, under the de
lirium of the panic, many others had done. Mr. Walker had repented
of his momentary weakness, and was anxious to be forgiven, and
go as far as the farthest in defence of "the greatest and best." The
tAVO gentlemen summoned him to their conference, and he wept like a
child over the blunder he had committed, and said "the party" would
never pardon him. A little soothing syrup was administered, and he
agreed to encounter Poindexter, provided a letter of endorse
ment from General Jackson could be obtained. He feared that
he had committed the unpardonable sin, and he trembled under the
dread of a sentence of excommunication from the political pontiff.
Dr. GAvin undertook to manage this matter, and the next point was to
get Gen. Hinds out of the way. Next morning Judge Adams set out
for Jefferson county. How he contrived it is a secret he never dis
closed. Hinds was characteristicaUy head-strong and stubborn, but
the negotiator came back authorized to announce that he Avould sup
port Walker.*
These two gentlemen managed the whole matter. Dr. Givin
speedily obtained a satisfactory letter from General Jackson, long
known, and often produced as the "original letter," Avhich carried Avith
it the authority of a verdict, and wherever it Avas seen, or read, or
heard of, the faithful ceased to grumble and shouted for Walker. The
Democratic party was at a Ioav ebb, at that juncture in Mississippi.!
"•» Gen. Hinds never forgave thi,5 interference, and often referred to it as a "con-
sxnraey." In 1840, on his return frora NeAv Orieans, General Jackson and suite
stopped at "Vicksburg, the guests of Dr. Gwin, who on that occasion entertained
a vast croAvd of people. General Hinds Avas present, got very tighr, and began to
talk loudly to General Jackson, about the "conspiracj'." The old chief stopped
him at once, put his hand on his shoulder and said, " Hinds, it is time you should
go to bed," Avhich he immediately did.
fin 1834 it had so dwarfed in the city of Xatchez, by desertions on the bank
question, that it could not recruit raerabers enough to make a demonstration in
support of the President. The United States District Court being in session, and,
the jury having been drnwii from Jefferson, it wtis considered a good time to
make a shoAving. But a Whig gentlemen of that daA', Mr. Charles E. Wilkins,
member of the bar. shall tell the story. Writing to Poindexter, March Sth, he
says : "A high-handeil piece of knavery avus attempted to to be played off here a
fcAV days since by our handful of collar men. Finding the city tul'l of Jefferson
county men, jurymen, and others In attendance on tbe Conrt, they improvised an
anti-bank meeting in the Court House. At this stage the alarni was rung, and
our citizens carae rushing inio the Court House by hundreds. At thnt moment J.
F. H. Claiborne moved that Gen. Hinds take the chair. 'Xever, by G — d,' shouted
Felix Huston, and 'No!' 'No!' No!' Avas the response from three himdred freemeu.
Claiborne cried out, 'the ayes have it,' and took Gen. Hinds by the arm and es
corted hira to the bench. He rose to spe.ak, but at that moment a light commenced.
1 don't kiioAV, and nobody knows hoAV, but S. M. Grayson Icnocked old Joe Dun
bar down, and McNeill knocked Claiborne down, and General Hinds Avas hustled
out of the chair. A call Avas then made for all in favor of tbe bank, and
'"^^'ijnst the adrainisti-atien to retire behind the bar. Only ten remained inside.
Claiborne addressing these ten, said: '"We are not allowed to use this Coupt
House. 1 give notice that we Avill iissemble to-morrow, at 12 M., at John Holden's
Tavern, at the race track. 1 will rent the room, and we Avill have the right to
defend it.' Only one bank man attended that meeting, your friend, Dempsy P.
Jackson. He was drinking a little, and swore he Avould' enter. Claiborne lev
eled a double-barrel gun at him— said he Avould kill him if he advanced one step.
Jackson attempted to draw a pistol, but Avas pulled back by Holden and others.

Territory and State. 411
The United States Bank, and its branch at Natchez, had compeUed
all the banks in the State to pursue the same policy of pressure and
curtailment. The abandonment of the administration was the condi
tion precedent to the slightest indulgence or accommodation to mer
chant or planter. An absolute reign of terror prevailed, and apostasy
at home found its example in apostacy in high places. George
Poindexter and John Black, Senators, and Harry Cage, all elected as
the special friends of General Jackson, and as anti-bank men, had
gone over to the other side. Franklin E. Plummer, our other repre
sentative, was vaciUating. Col. James C. WUkins, the most influential
Democrat in the river counties, and the Hon. Charles Lynch, who
held the same rank in the East, had publicly abandoned the adminis
tration, carrying Avith them a host of foUowers. Lynch was a raan of
large estate, quiet, discreet, a skillful manipulator, and was looked on
as " a power in the State." Col. WUkins had long been an acknowl
edged party leader. He Avas a great cotton factor. Very many citizens
owed their fortunes to him. Thousands were indebted to him, and
StiU more had to apply to him, or expected to apply, for pecuniary
.assistance. He and his connections controlled, virtuaUy, the whole
banking capital of the State, and at that era of expansion and specu
lation, this Avas a prodigious power, especially Avhen exerted by men of
ability and of high social position.
Mr. Poindexter returned from the Senate Avith a plethoric purse,
and the reputation of a R'oraan gladiator capable of crushing any
opponent by a single bloAv. He affected a State Rights feeling in
his opposition that sharpened the sword he wielded, and rallied
around him many Avho admired General Jackson, but apprehended
that he Avas indifferent to constitutional restraints. Senator Black had
been elected frora the Bench as a thorough and reliable Jackson man.
He had a reputation for solidity and sincerity, and his secession gave
color to these apprehensions. Judge Cage, in his canvass for Con
gress, had claimed to be the special pet or protege of General Jackson,
whined about him Uke a child, and doted on him as a father. Liis
desertion, it was argued, must have been occasioned by frightful dis
coveries. Mr. Plummer had been for several years a leading member
of the Legislature. He had been elected to Congress as the represen
tative of Jacksonism, frora the eastern or pine-woods section of the
.State, then occupied by small farmers, untainted by banks and uncor-
rupted by wealth or the desire for it — a population as primitive and as
pure as was to be found in the civilized Avorld. Yet this man— the
representative of such a people— seeing the surging tide, the union of
powerful leaders, the conspiracy of the banks, the clamor of the press,
the unanimity and fury of the cities and towns, against the old hero,
abandoned his cause as hopeless, and swam Avith the tide. He was
the most adroit tactician in the State— as a cross-road and stump orator

There Avas not more than twenty in the crowd, but they passed a set of inflamma
tory resolutions." „ , _ i. aj. ^ r^
'This afiair produced general excitement, and a call for a Democi-atic State Con
vention. It assembled in Jackson in a short time, and Mr. J. 1. H. Claiborne,
then in his twenty-third year, was nominated lor Congress from tlie State at
Large, Avithout opposition.

412 Mississippi, as a Province,
unequaUed— as a bush-Avhacker and log-cabin electioneerer unrivalled.
Those who only knew him in his decadence as a defunct politician
and a ruined man, can have no conception of his talents, and of the
influence he exerted. At this juncture, too, the administration of
Jackson was draAving to its end. The iron wUl that swayed the
miUion ; the firmness that defied intimidation ; the inborn, incisive
sagacity that detected the raost covert scheme to ensnare or delude —
the popularity that enabled him to realize the boast of Pompey and
raise up legions in his support — all these were soon, under the forms of
the constitution, to vanish with this great man to the shades of the
Hermitage. Martin Van Buren, of New York, had been designated
as the Democratic candidate, and though a man of great ability, with
the highest qualifications, he had no local popularity in the South, and
was assaUed, as General Cass, Mr. Pierce and Mr. Buchanan were
afterwards, as an abolitionist.
In this era of apostasy the opposition had found an opponent for
Mr. Van Buren in the Hon. Hugh L. White, Senator from Tennessee,
Avho during a long course of public service, had justly earned the title
of the Cato of the West. He had been the life-time personal friend,
associate, coUeague and adviser of General Jackson. He had for
years been the intimate friend of Mr. Van Buren, and they had almost
uniformly voted together. Yet suddenly, and to the surprise of the
whole country, he became the recognized candidate of the opposition.*
With some reluctance the Democracy accepted Mr. Walker. It
was not easy for those who had seen their printing offices assaulted,
and their public meetings dispersed by violence and bloodshed, to
accept as their leader, in the impending struggle, one Avho had gone
to the enemy on the field of battle, and had witnessed these outrages
in the community in Avhich he resided, Avithout any overt sign of dis
approbation. But the "original letter" salved all this over, and it
was acknoAvledged that there was no other man so able to encounter
the redoubtable Poindexter. It was deemed prudent that Mr. Walker
should leave Natchez, and indentify himself with the East. He, or his
friend, Dr. Wm. M. GavIu (then the chief manager of the party) for
him, purchased a large plantation on Pearl river, above Jackson, and
"•--' Mr. Benton, Avho had been his close personal and political friend, for half a
century, and chei-ished to the last a high appreciation of his integrity, iu his
thirty years in the Senate, ascribes his delusion, on this occasion, to his wife. In
extreme old age he had married a buxom widow, proprietor of a cheap boarding
house, Avhere he had long been a boarder at East Tennessee prices. It Avas a
monstrous stride from that position to the head of a rich Senator's table, and the
ambitious lady Avas readily persuaded that she might become Mistress of the
^Vhite House. The coterie that hung about Senator "\Vhite were not Whigs, not
Democrats, not State-Eights men, but a conglomeration of the three. They had
originally been elected as Jackson men, but usually voted with his enemies, and
though a mere corporal's guard, they aspired to the dignity of a juste miliea.
These eccentric gentlemen operated on the good old Senator through his Avife,
and in violation of all party discipline, and of the precepts and teachings of his
Avhole life, he permitled hiraself to be a candicate after Mr. Van Buren had been
regularly nominated. The "Whig party in the South concentrated upon him, and
his high character, and the suspicion of Mr. "Van Buren's soundness on the
slavery question, drew many Jackson men to his support. This Avas, particularly,
the case in Mississippi. His nomination was the chief obstacle the Democratic
candidates in Mississippi encountered.

Territory and State. 413
he removed there into a log cabin, and from that central point issued
his address to the people. The Union Democratic ticket Avas : For
Senator, Robert J. AValker; for Governor, Hiram G. Runnels; for
Congress, J. F. H. Claiborne, B. W. Edwards ; for Secretary of State,
B. W. Benson; for Auditor, J. H. Mallory ; for Treasurer, Upton
MiUer. The White-Whig State-Rights ticket : Senator, George Poindexter ;
Governor, Charies Lynch; Congress, David Dickson and J. C. WUkins;
Secretary of State, SUas BroAvn ; Auditor, John P. Gilbert; Treasurer,
C. C. Mayson. The Van Buren Electoral Ticket was elected.
The State Avas canvassed from one end to the other. Mr. Poindexter
delivered numerous elaborate addresses, and Avouhl have made a bet
ter impression, but for his extreme virulence against General Jackson
and Mr. Van Buren. Like Paganini, Avho achieved some of his
musical miracles on one string, he harped only on this therae, and
slurred over great issues to indulge in malignant personal invective.
The spectacle of his oavu political carcass, tomahaA\'ked, scalped,
stripped of flesh and muscles, and gibbetted for public derision,
seemed to have determined him to flay others in the same style, and
he thoroughly dissected these distingiUshed men.
This gave Mr. Walker his opportunity. WhUe vindicating them
against the charges of Poindexter, he spoke Avith respect and venera
tion of Judge White. All the candidates on the Democratic ticket
pursued this policy. The candidates on the other side, with one ex
ception, were extreme men. The exception was General Dickson.
He was an early immigrant from Georgia— an eminent physician Avho
practised extensively, and rarely ever collected a bill — had lived in
and represented five different counties — had an extensive and influen
tial connection — a man of imposing presence — full of information — a
good talker and a humori.st. He made no speeches and Avould not
squabble about politics. He received the entire strength of the com
bination, and many votes from old Democratic friends.
The result of this exciting canvas Avas : For Governor, Lynch
9,867, Runnels 9,441 ; for Congress, Dickson 9,823, WUkins 7,831,
Claiborne 9,781, Edwards 8,297; for Secretary of State, Benson
7,960, BroAvn 7,605; Auditor, MaUory 10,813, Gilbert 6,214; Treas
urer, Mason 6,821, MiUer 6,588. And an anti-Poindexter majority
of members of the Legislature.
This Avas the coup de grace from Avhich he never recovered.
In November, 1836, he was boarding at the Mansion House,
Natchez, and passed his nights for the most part at the gambling table.
One night after he had lost heavily, and Avas someAvhat fuddled, he
set out for his room, and opening a door, Avhich he supposed opened
on a gallery, he was precipitated some twenty feet to the brick ban
quette below, breaking the bone of his right leg in two places, dislo
cating both ankles, fracturing the left leg above the knee, and receiving
. severe contusions in various parts.
Such an accident would have kUled raost persons of his years, but
in a few months he was on his crutches.
The day after it happened, a reverend gentieman caUed to tender

414 Mississippi, as a Province, Territory and State.
religious consolations, and seeing him so badly crushed; said, "Gov
ernor, what did you fall against?"
"By G  d, sir, I feU against ray Avill ! "
Twenty days after this dreadful accident, in reply to some com
mentaries that had been made, he dictated a long article overflowing,
in every line, Avill gall and venom.
The last years of his life were chiefly spent at the card table, and
Avith bar-room companions, sneering at his former friends, and inciting
the sectional hatreds which, in a few years, produced such bitter fruits.
His mind was AveU preserved, and his latest ncAVspaper articles exhibit
the ancient style and vigor. His countenance had assumed a harsh,
suspicious and cynical expression, and his heart, could it have been
revealed, was doubtless a whited sepulchre of dead men's bones. He
had contracted the habit of looking frequently over his left shoulder,
as though he heard unexpected and unwelcome footsteps. Were
these spectres of a guilty conscience ? The vision of an innocent wife,
blighted in her youth and beauty, by his shameful suspicions ; of a
son driven from his household, to live the life of a vagabond, and die
the death of a pauper — of bloody feuds — of friendships severed — of
faith and covenants sacrificed for gold — all these doubtless came like
chiding ghosts, to embitter and disturb his last days. Neither the rat
tle of dice, the lucky run of cards, nor the jests and gibes of low
associates, brought a smUe to his lips. His licentious eye, glazed and
frozen, knew not the luxury of a tear. In the largest croAvds, almidst
ribaldry and revelry, he felt the solitude and the torments of Prome
theus — chained to the rock of his OAvn remorse !
Mr. Poindexter died in Jackson, September 5th, 1855.
Note— Some time after the death of Mr. Poindexter, I applied by letter to his
representative for his papers, with the view of writing his biography, but a gen
tleman living in Jackson, Avho had been for the last tvelve months very much
with him, and proposed to write his memoirs, Avas preferred. During the war this
gentleman came to my residence at Bay St. Louis, and informed me that he was
going to Europe, and oflered me the papers for $300 in gold. The terms were ac
cepted. There are very many of these letters and other papers, referring to all
his personal quarrels, and dealing very freely with the frailties of his contempo
raries, during the whole of his public career.

OHAPTEE XXXI.

ROBERT J. AVALKER  FRANKLIN E. PLU.MMER — WM. M. GWIN  JACOB
THOMPSON.

OBERT J. WALKER was a native of Pennsylvania,
and practiced law there a nuraber of years Avith some
reputation, but little profit. He arrived at Natchez
very poor, but found there a rich colony of Pennsyl-
vanians, more or less related to him, Avho controUed a
large capital, and with their aid he soon stepped into an
extensive practice. He Avas a mere Avhiffet of a man, stoop
ing and diminutive, Avith a wheezy voice and expressionless face,
but like the French Minister Louvois, and our Amos KendaU,
he concealed under this insignificant exterior a vaulting ara
bition, seconded by great abilities and consummate cunning. General
Jackson was in the Presidential chair, and, of course, his bold and
aggressive policy provoked opposition, and party spirit everyAvhere
ran high. Mr. Walker claimed that, at a public meeting in Pittsburg,
he made the first nomination of Jackson for the presidency, and at
Natchez he was immediately recognized as one of his leading partisans.
In the meanAvhile his practice becoming lucrative, and having access
to the banks, through his wealthy connections, he embarked in specu
lation; purchased large bodies of wild lands (much of it of spurious
title*) and sugar and cotton plantations and slaves, running up a debt
of several hundred thousand dollars . Everything, hoAvever, went on
swimmingly, untU the President issued his famous order for the re
moval of the deposits, which brought about a sudden collapse of the
credit system, and of those aaUio operated upon fictitious values. Mr.
Walker Avent down with his brother speculators, and it is painful to re
cord that his poUtical principles were wrecked at the same tirae. He
suddenly became a croaker ; canted about executive usurpation, and
affiliated with the enemies of the administration. He Avrote a letter to
Hon. John Black, one of the Mississippi Senators, Avho had gone over
to the bank party, approving his course. This enabled him to retain
for a few years longer, Jiis extensive plantations and negroes. He
contrived to borrow from the Planters' Bank, at Natchez, a large por.
*The famous Bowie claims, for example, many of which the late Judge Isaac
T. Preston, of Louisiana, Special Agent of the United States, reported as
forgeries.

4i6 Mississippi, as a Province,
tion of the sinking fund, which had been expressly set apart to pay
the bonds issued by the State, then held in London. And when the
money was wanted for that purpose, he refused to pay except in
treasury warrants, worth less than fifty cents on the doUar! It re
sulted in his evasion of tiie debt, though no man said more, or could
speak more eloquentiy, of the inviolabUity of contracts ; and ia Am
sterdam and London, Avhere many of our State securities were held,
and this sinking fund transaction v/as unknoAvn, he was often quoted
as the champion of public faith !
It Avas at this juncture, when our Senators, Poindexter and Black,
had gone over to the bank, and the former had announced his inten
tion to canvass and revolutionize the State, that, as has been stated in
the preceding chapter, Judge Adaras and Wra. M. Gwin, casting
about for a man for the crisis, fixed on Robert J. Walker as the man
most capable of meeting George Poindexter. Adams had a personal
aversion to Poindexter; Gwin had, naturally, never forgiven his un
generous course towards his brother ; and by the promise of a letter
of amnesty and recommendation from General Jackson, they ob
tained Walker's consent. General Plinds desired to succeed Poin
dexter, but they persuaded him to endorse Walker.* In due course
of raail arrived the letter signed AndrcAV Jackson, really written by
Gwin, and copied by AndrcAv J. Donelson, the President's private
secretary, a shalloAv, self-iraportant personage, Avho was in his native
element Avhen engaged in petty intrigue. Armed Avith this document.
Walker went to our seat of government, still doubtful and irresolute,
where he fell into the hands of Gen. H. S. Foote, a bold and fearless
raan, who soon inspired him with his own courage. It Avas agreed
that they should canvass the State together, for Senator and. Chan
cellor; and Foote, to prevent all backing out, immediately announced
him for a speech at Raymond. Walker invariably wrote his speeches,
but once Avritten he never referred to the manuscript. Plis speech at
Raymond was masterly, and at once concentrated the party upon him.
He evaded all collateral issues, and confined himself to the questions
betAveen General Jackson and Poindexter, dealing in fierce invectives
against tiie bank, though he had only recently Avhined over it as Sterne
Avhined over his dead jackass ! Whenever he Avas hard-pressed, as he
often AA-as, by some Whig orator, Foote made a flank attack on the
enemy, and thus enabled Walker to retain his position, or retreat in
good order. Poindexter made a fcAV poAverful arguments, blended
with ferocious denunciation of General Jackson and his advisers ; but
he was physically incapable of foUoAving his adversaries over the
State. Franklin E. Plummer likewise took a part in the contest, was
an independent candidate for the Senate, but really in the bank and
Poindexter interest. The banks furnished him Avith $25,000, and
under his famous Avar-cry, " Plummer for the people, and the people
for Plummer," he took the field, and Avas then, and at all times, a
troublesome custoraer. He Avas the master spirit of the canvass in the
opposition interest, but directed his efforts mainly against Governor
Runnels, who headed the Democratic ticket, and in this he suc-
"•¦ General Hinds never forgave Messrs. Adams and Gwin for this manoeuvre.

Territory and State. 41 ^
ceeded. William M. Gwin was then United States Marshal, Avith a
large income, and exerting great political influence— a man 'of high
personal character, of an intrepid and manly spirit, of strong intellect
deeply versed in human character, and Avith a wonderful faculty for
organization. He directed the senatorial canvass, and supplied the
means. Walker made the attack, and Foote, the Murat of the field,
promptiy charged Avhenever there was the slightest Avavering in the
ranks. Walker exhibited great abUity and versatility, extraordinary
bottom for one of his insignificant make-up ; a marvellous genius for
traps, _ ambushes and masquerades; Avas lavish in his expressions of
devotion to the South and her institutions, and had a fountain of
tears ahvays at his command. He represented Poindexter as having
traitorously aUied himself Avith the great monied poAver of the North,
Avhich had already ruined the South financially, and would next turn
its batteries against our domestic institutions. Never, untU this can
vass, had a sectional complexion been given to our political dis
cussions. Mr. AValker, a Pennsylvanian, first introduced this mis
chievous element, against the remonstrances of his Southern coadjutors,
Foote and Gwin ; but he persisted, and used it effectuaUy, to alarm
his hearers, a large majority of whom Avere planters and slave-holders.
To him more than to any other man, do we OAve this crop of dragon's
teeth, Avhich, in after years, sprung up into armed legions, and ended
in fratricidal war.
It AviU be seen hereafter, that he adhered to this mischievous line of
policy after his election to the Senate.
This great canvass resulted in the return of a majority of anti-
Poindexter members of the Legislature, and in due time Mr. Walker
was elected a Senator of the United States.*
At this period Mr. AValker had become exceedingly poor ; the estates
he purchased had been badly managed and never paid for ; the money
borrowed from the banks had been expended, and Avas still due, or the
liabihty had been evaded by professional ingenuity. He borrowed
the money to get to Washington, and was undoubtedly the poorest
member of the Senate. He Avas badgered at his house and in the
lobbies by creditors, and his per diem was often hypothecated before it
became due. His office exempted him from arrest, but some of these
men took their seats in his hall, and refused to leave until he gave
them an order on tlie Sergeat-at-Arms. Nevertheless, Avith unruffled
exterior, he plunged into the tumult of politics. The leading ques
tion was, the annexation of Texas, then a maiden republic, freshly
garlanded with the glory of San Jacinto, coquetting with France and
* In this canvass Avas first introduced the practice of sending political runners
over the State — avant couriers to make appointments, circulate documents, and
make cross-road and bar-room speeches. "Walker invented the plan ; the State
Avas mapped out, and each runner had his particular district. The most noted of
these was Major Isaac McFarren, now of California, a gentleman claiming to haA'e
received a diploma at Albany during the days of the regency, and competing with
the famous Dr. Puckett, of Brandon, for the title of the Talleyrand of Mississippi.
To iWajor McFarren was assigned the southeastern or pine-woods counties. His
adventures would fill a volume, and will probably be published with the proper
illustrations. His reply when challenged for his opinion on the bond question
and his " right hand of fellowship story," have become historical.
27

4x8 Mississippi, as a Province,
England, but preferring to be the bride of the Great Republic. This
great issue Avas dividing and reorganizing parties, and to this day its
consequences are recognized and felt. That the new Senator from
Mississippi took a prominent part is only saying half enough. He
became the champion of the movement ; was constantly consulted by
the Texas envoys, Messrs. Wharton and Hunt, and greatly distin
guished himself as an orator and tactician.
He voted steadily with the Democratic party, and took a leading
part in the debates on the Independent Treasury, the graduation of
the public lands, and the preemption system, the three great conserv
ative and national measures of that day.
AVith bad taste, and from motives not creditable, soon after he took
his seat he provoked a controversy Avith Mr. Clay, a man venerable
with years, and illustrious for his public services. But he achieved
the Avished for notoriety, and the cross-roads politicians at home re
garded him as the ale-house audience regarded Goldsmith's school
master Avhile disputing Avith the parson :
— "And still the wonder grew.
That one small head could carry all he kncAV."
In 1836 the slavery agitation— that poisoned shirt of Nessus which
tormented us for so many years — assumed an alarming aspect, and
was mischievously employed, for political purposes, by Northern
fanatics and Southern extremists. There was a large majority in Con
gress, representing all parties and sections, Avho, though differing
more or less on the subject, were disposed to let it rest; but the incen
diary press in the free States, the Charleston Mercury, the Crisis,
at AVashington, and a few other papers in the South, insisted on agi
tation. Up to this period there Avas a solid majority against interfer
ing with slavery in the States, but that majority was broken by the de
nial by Mr. Calhoun of the right of petition. On the presentation of
one for abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, instead of ad
hering to the established usage of receiving and laying it on the
table without reading or discussion, Mr. Calhoun moved instantly
to refuse to receive it. His motion Avas rejected by 35 to 10, nearly
every Democrat voting Avith the majority. Mr. AValker, a Pennsyl
vania?!, voted in the minority, being too ultra a pro-slavery man to
vote with Clay, Benton, Crittenden, Grundy, Kent, King, of Alabama,
King, of Georgia, Linn, Goldsborough, and other Southern Senators,
and Avith such conservative men as Webster, Buchanan, Clayton,
Ewing, Hendricks, Southard, Wright, WaU, and others, Avho consti
tuted the majority, and Avere for suppressing agitation. In the House
of Representatives, about the same time, Henry L. Pinckney, of South
Carolina, representative from the Charleston District, a man of distin
guished character and illustrious lineage, proposed that aU petitions,
on the subject of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia be re
ceived and referred to a select committee, Avith instructions to report
' 'that Congress has no constitutional authority to interfere with slavery
in this District, because it Avould be a violation of the pubhc faith,
unwise, impolitic and dangerous to the Union. Assigning such

Territory and State. 419
reasons as may be best calculated to enlighten the public mind, to aUay
excitement, to repress agitation, to secure and maintain the just rights
of the slave-holding States, and of the people of the District, and to
restore harmony and tranquility among the various sections of this
Union." The question Avas divided. On the first proposition to refer all the
memorials to a select committee with instructions, the vote was 1 74 to
48. On the second, "that Congress has no constitutional authority
to interfere with slavery in the States," the vote Avas 201 to 7. On the
third, "that Congress ought not to interfere with slavery in the Dis
trict," the vote was 163 to 47.
The committee soon made an exhaustive and very able report in
conformity Avith these resolutions, Avinding up with the recommenda
tion, "that, in future, all petitions, resolutions or propositions relating
to slavery, or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being printed, or
referred, be laid on the table, and that no further action shall be had
thereon." Adopted by 117 to 68.
The eleven slave-holding States Avere represented, at that period, by
about one hundred members, and nine-tenths of these voted for the
Pinckney resolutions. But a measure projected by a Pinckney, repre
senting three generations of slave-holders, and supported by most of
the representatives of the great slave-holding districts, was not ac
ceptable to the Pennsylvania statesman representing Mississippi in the
Senate. He affected to consider it a surrender of Southern rights, as
sailed the North in fierce invectives, and greatly contributed to array
one section of the Union against the other. This vi'as a mischievous
pohcy, and sorely have we felt its consequences . Mr. Calhoun had,
at that time, in Mississippi, a strong following. Most of his friends
had opposed the election of Walker. And, as he was a politic man,
who usuaUy counted the effect of measures upon himself, it is likely he
affected ultraism, to concUiate Mr. Calhoun, and his friends. Some
of the Southern representatives, natives of the South, and large slave
holders, who voted for the Pinckney resolutions, and the right of peti
tion, were denounced as abolitionists, while the Pennsylvanian Avas
applauded by the multitude in Mississippi, as the most othodox of
statesmen. On all the other great measures that followed, he displayed industry,
talent of a high order, and consummate tact. On the death of Presi
dent Harrison — as pure a man as ever reached that station — Mr.
Walker soon obtained the ear of President Tyler, who was a man
easUy flattered. Mr. AVise and his corporal's guard, the whole
strength that Mr. Tyler could then command, were soon reinforced by
Walker, the most adroit manipulator then in public life. Mr. Tyler
had been an opponent of the bank on constitutional grounds; he had
afterwards consented to run for Vice-President on the nomination of a
party pledged to recharter the bank. In his first message, after the
death of Harrison, he used language which was construed as favora
ble to a recharter. But he subsequentiy vetoed the bUl, which had
passed by a large majority, and squarely resumed his original opinions.
Mr. Walker was often clo.seted with him during this period of incuba-

420 Mississippi, as a Province,
tion. He stimulated, if he did not inspire the veto, that astounded
and paralyzed the Whig party. He was apprized of it weeks before
it appeared, and so informed, confidentiaUy, the Avriter of these
annals. He whispered in Mr. Tyler's ear the dream of the Presi
dency, and his organs in Mississippi were instructed to play, and did
play that tune. Mr. Tyler yielded to the tempter, and returned to
his first love. This administration was fruitful of important events,
and Avas quite as democratic as though it had been elected by party
machinery. The great Whig party, brilliant with statesmen and
orators, had been completely jockeyed . No wonder they denounced
Tyler; but had they been in the secret, AValker would have been
the chief subject of denunciation. He was the Delilah that sheared
the locks of Sarason. SUent, subtle, capable of the deepest plots and
most intricate complications, he whispered Democracy and the Presi
dency into the ear of Mr. Tyler, while he Avas playing for the glitter
ing prize himself. Expert as Senator Walker Avas in this line, and
thoroughly unscrupulous when he had an object to accomplish, he
nevertheless had a master. Not his equal as a scholar or an orator ;
not versed, like him, in the learning and strategy of the laAv ; but equaUy
astute, far more practical and resolute ; blending a rare combination of
sagacity, energy and firmness, Avith courage equal to any emergency ;
a man trained in the best political school, long in close communion
Avith the great statesmen of the Democratic party, Avho had then, and
has since, taken part in many important movements, and is intimately
acquainted Avith the secrets of parties, and the motive-poAver of great
results. WiUiam M. Gwin, late Senator from California, is the person
referred to. To avenge the injustice done by toindexter to a noble
brother, he had caused the election of AValker to the Senate, and he
Avas his constant adviser and prompter in that body. Mr. AValker
was an impulsive and spirited man ; but Avas versatile and unstable,
and required some stronger and more inflexible nature to lean upon.
He found that support in GAvin, and became, in fact, his puppet — an
automaton moved by a stronger will, and so continued until Walker
retired from the Treasury Department Avhere he had been put, mainly,
by the instrumentality of others, and not by the desire of President
Polk, who feared his intrigues, and was jealous of his abiUties.
AVith the acquisition of Texas, Oregon, Ncav Mexico and California,
and the great question springing therefrom, Mr. AValker's name and
fame are inseparably connected. He displayed in the discussions
very marked ability, and pressed them with untiring energy. Unfortu
nately he could not resist his propensity for speculation in lands and
mines, and this cast a doubt over his motives.
Mr. Walker had been elected to the Senate ,as a Van Buren man
by the Jackson-Van Buren party of Mississippi. He had defended
him at aU points and extoUed him to the ¦ skies. But he was among
the first to abandon him, and took an early and a leading part in the
intrigue that placed James K. Polk in the Presidency. Indeed, that
event may be attributed more to him than to any one else. Mr. Van
Buren, like Mr. Clay, was opposed to the acquisition of foreign terri
tory. Both predicted the consequences that have occurred.
Either could have reached the chief magistracy by surrendering

Territory and State. 421
honest convictions to the popular clamor for annexation, but they had
rather be right than to be President. Mr. AValker, more politic and
less conscientious, issued his celebrated letter in favor of annexation
that gave him for aAvhile a great reputation, and an enthusiastic foUoAv-
ing. Having engrafted the tAvo-thirds rule in the Democratic Conven
tion, and thus secured the nomination of James K. Polk, a compara
tively unknoAvn man, over Mr. Van Buren, it followed that he should
be invited into the Cabinet. Mr. Polk desired to make George Ban
croft Secretary of the Treasury, and AValker Attorney-General, and
he adhered to this slate, with characteristic obstinacy, until AValker
was induced to refuse the Attorney-Generalship, and there was likely
to be serious complications. Mr. Walker even then had ' ' Presidency
on |the brain," and he was ambitious of the Treasury from the vast
patronage it carried with it.
The veteran intriguer, Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, (then a
leading Democrat,) with Wm. M. GAvin, A. G. Brown, and Col. J. D.
Stevenson,* for his lieutenants, soon brought about a neAV combina
tion by which Bancroft was made Secretary of the Navy, and Walker
placed at the head of the Treasury . f
He filled the position Avith great ability. He supplied the means for
carrying on the Avar Avith Mexico, and his reports, strongly flavored
with free trade opinions, Avere quoted and applauded by the anti-pro
tectionists in the British parliament, and in some instances, re-printed.
His official labors were protracted and intense. When engaged in
writing and compiling his reports, he seldom went to his house, but
took a scanty meal in his office and sat up until two or three o'clock,
A. M., surrounded by Bureau officers, clerks and stenographers. He
fiUed aU the offices in his gift, from the highest to the lowest, with his
own creatures, and with the vievv to the increase of his patronage and
power, he insisted in the Cabinet on the retention of all Mexico, as
fast as it was conquered, as an appanage of the republic. In this, as
in most of his ambitious projects, he found an opponent and a rival in
that trained and wiley old politician, Wm. L. Marcy. They were in
constant antagonism, the other members of the Cabinet being, in those
discussions, mere negatives.. The President, constitutionaUy timid,
was afraid of Walker's eccentricities, and was constantiy bullied by
Marcy. Had the old New Yorker been out of the way, Walker would
* Commanded the first regiment sent to California.
tMr. Bancroft's nomination, for some reason, hung fire in the Senate. The
President had become exceedingly nervous. At that juncture the Avriter called
on him, and suggested an interview between the President and the Hon. Henry
Johnson, Senator from Louisiana. Mr. Johnson was a Whig, a warm friend of
Mr. Clay, but was inclined to favor annexation. I informed the President that
the then Naval Officer of New Orleans, the late Martin Duralde, (son-in-law of Mr.
Clay,) a man of high character, Avas the particular friend of Senator Johnson, and
that he would consder his re-appointment a special personal favor. The interview
took place next day-sentiments liberal on both sides were exchanged— the o»e
vote wanted to confirm Mr. Bancroft was given— Mr. Johnson likewise voted with
the Administration on the Texas question. „ ,, .,. ^
When leaving the President, his last words were : Gentlemen, write to your
friend to have no anxiety— he shall be continued and re-nommated But as soon
as the favorite measures had been carried, Mr. Duralde was, without notice or
charges, summarUy dismissed/ He Avas the only relation of Mr. Clay in office,
and it would have been a graceful act of homage to that great man to retain him.

422 Mississippi, as a Province,
have carried his points, up-tripped Polk, and secured the succession.
The rivalries caused the nomination of Franklin Pierce, a man of
noble attributes, but never thought of until his name was sprung upon
the Convention. Mr. Walker expected high position under the new
Administration, but there were controlling elements about it not favor
able to his ambitious schemes, and he resumed his profession in the
Supreme Court at Washington. If ambition for the Presidency had
governed his appointments whUe Secretary of the Treasury, it must
be recorded to his honor that he came out of it a poor man. He had
gone to Washington first in 1837, greatly embarrassed by his own
debts and by endorsements. In one single instance he was endorser to
the amount of $150,000. As a laAvyer however, he was unrivalled
for his skill in finding his way out of these liabiUties, and it was often.
his boast that he had never paid a dollar of them.
When Mr. Buchanan was casting about for his Cabinet, he was
Avarmly urged to make Mr. Walker Secretary of State. A circular
went the round of the Senate just as we recommend a postmaster,
but Mr. Buchanan was a cautious, circumspect man, and Avas afraid
to trust his impulsive friend, who would, in all probability, have sought
a foreign Avar to silence our domestic embroilments. He gave the
portfolio to General Cass, who to constitutional timidity added the
infirmity of age, but still dreamed of the Presidency, and saw in this
new position an easy road to it. Little did any of them heed the sub
terranean fires then burning, soon to break out in violent eruption.
Mr. Buchanan proposed to send Mr. Walker as Governor to Kansas,
a place at that time full of peril and responsibUity, not at all desirable
to an aspiring politician ; and he had the address to persuade him that
with his popularity and eminent talents he could settie the controversy,
restore harmony and peace, make himself the benefactor of his coun
try, and be called by acclamation as his successor. Mr. Walker grasped
at the vision, and though his best friends advised, and his most excel
lent wife implored him not to accept, he yielded to the temptation, and
made a failure. He was by no means the man for the position. Though
a man of great talent and personally brave, he lacked stability, and
firmness of purpose. He required a stronger man to lean upon, some
man of sagacity and indomitable will. His course was vascillat-
ing and unsatisfactory to the Government, and to the people. He
ceased to be a conservative and identified himself with the Radical
mob. He Avas denounced at the North by conservative men, and in
the South as a Radical, and, in fact, lost reputation as rapidly as he
had won it in former days. He returned to AVashington extremely
embittered with the President, and resolved to make war upon him.
He became intemperate in his denunciations, and equaUy so in his.
habits. FinaUy, after much manoeuvering. Senator Gwin got the two
ci-devant friends together, and they fell into each other's arms and
blubbered and drivelled mutual apologies. But to the last hour of his
life, whenever Mr. Walker indulged too much, his disappointment
and hatred of Buchanan cropped out into savage expletives. When
drinking, Mr. Walker became quarrelsome and pugnacious. On one
of these occasions, when the case of the new Almaden mine (in Avhich

Territory and State. 423
he Avas a stockholder) was before the Supreme Court, he took excep
tion to the argument of the Attorney General, (Jerry S. Black,) and
chaUenged him. Of course, his ofiicial position and his religious sen
timents prevented Mr. Black from taking any notice of this absurd
demand. In his professional life, after his retirement from the Treasury, his
practice was chiefly confined to a fcAv large cases with heavy contin
gent fees, and he thus became associated Avith a class of reckless and
sometimes not very clean speculators, more or less to his injury, though
sometimes profitable.
Among these he got as a fee an interest in the celebrated ' ' New
Almaden quicksUver mine," in CaUfornia. After protracted and ex
pensive litigation his party won it, but the defeated party refused to
give possession, and military preparations were made on both sides.
A compromise, however, was effected by alloAving a million and three-
quarters for a peaceable relinquishment. Mr. Walker disposed of his
interest for near $500,000, and was about that time appointed by
President Lincoln, on the recommendation of Secretary Seward,
Financial Agent in Europe for the United States. The main object
of his mission Avas to discredit the Confederate States, and cripple
their efforts to obtain money and recognition. In this he fully suc
ceeded. Forgetting that all he Avas he owed to the generous people
of Mississippi, Avho had lifted him from poverty and obscurity, he de
nounced her for repudiating just debts, and implicated President
Davis, who had never had any connection, direct or contingent, with
the subject. But while Casca Uke, stabbing his best friend, he forgot
to mention that the Sinking Fund, which had been set apart for this
very debt, he had contrived to borrow, and afterwards refused pay
ment except in depreciated warrants. The spirit of nationality might
properly have induced Mr. Walker to adhere to the Federal Govern
ment, but he should never have accepted a service directly against his
early benefactors and best friends. On this mission Mr. Walker ap
peared in great state. He traveUed with a large retinue of attachees
and servants, with the air of an imperial prince. How much of the
public money, and how much of his own he expended in this pagean
try, it is needless to inquire. This suddenly acquired fortune melted
rapidly away, and the great financier, after this last crusade against his
early friends, is understood to have died in embarrassed circurastances.
He was indebted to Mississippi for his earthly honors, and it is painful
to record that his last energies were earnestiy employed to crush and
destroy her.

Franklin E. Plummer Avas a native of Massachusetts. Before he
was twenty-one, he worked his way on a saiUng vessel to Ncav Orleans.
His possessions consisted of a wallet of clothing, and five doUars in
cash. WhUe stroUing around, nibbUng some hard tack for his dinner,
he feU in with Capt. Brown, who was running a small schooner on
Lake Pontchartrain, who told him there were some Yankees in Pearl-

424 Mississippi, as a Province,
ington. Miss., and offered him a free passage. At Pearlington he
found Messrs. Pray and Learned, lawyers frora Maine, Samuel White,
L. Kimball and other Ncav Englanders, all of them prosperous and in
fluential. By their advice he set out, on foot, for the new county of
Copiah, Avhere he took up his residence Avith John Coor, the first sher
iff of the county, and there opened a log-cabin school. The first
functionaries of our new counties Avere plain people, often unlettered,
who kncAV but little of their official duties.* Plummer had such edu
cation as the common schools of New England at that day afforded.
He could read, Avrite and cipher up to the Rule of Three. He had
push, shrcAvdness and the "gift of gab," and Avas considered at that
time, and in those ncAv settlements, a walking enclyclopedia.
"The country all declared hoAV much he knCAV,
, 'Twas certain he could write and cipher too;
Lands he could measure; terras of tides presage.
And eA''n the story ran that he could guage !
In arguing too, the parson OAvned his skill.
For ev'n tho' vanquished he could argue still,
"While Avords of learned length and thundering sound.
Amazed the gazing rustics rang'd around !"
It was not long before Plummer became virtually sheriff, clerk and
county judge, though the commissions of course, were held by three
respectable citizens.
What noAv constitutes Copiah and Sirapson, Avas then embraced
within the limits of Copiah. A year or Iavo later, Pearl river was de
clared to be the dividing line, and a new county, called Simpson, was
organized, and the seat of justice located at Westville. Plummer saw
his opportunity, squatted hiraself at Westville, and stuck out his shin
gle as attorney and counsellor-at-law. His library consisted of Poin
dexter's Revised Code, a pamphlet copy of the acts of the last legis
lature, and one volume of Blackstone on crimes and misdemeanors.
If he had ever read anything else he kept it a secret, and nobody ever
saw him reading. He spent his tirae among the boys, in the crowd,
and on the steps of the courthouse, but when the courts came on he
was found employed on one side of every case, and to the astonish
ment of older lawyers, and of the Judge, he was generally on the
winning side ! He talked fluently ; his manner Avas insinuating; his
smile irresistable; his good humor contagious; he kncAV his jury;
fathomed the depth of the judge, and had the most consummate
audacity. His career at the bar Avas short, but no man was ever more
successsful. Of course, he extended his reading as his practice in
creased, and in several counties heNvas soon employed in nine-tenths of
the cases. Tavo men quarreled about a Avill, in a neighboring county.
One said, "I AviU sue." The other replied, "sue and be d — d I"
They separated. Each started for Plummer by different roads,
and faced each other at his ofiice at the same moment. Each claimed
him as counsel, but he made them decide it by pitching up a dollar —
heads or taUs ! And he who Avon, paid him the fee.
As a matter of course he was the first representative from his county.
"*I served my first session in the legislature Avith a worthy, modest, sensible man,
who had been sheriff of his county, but could neither read nor Avrite. He served
several times in both Houses, and was never defeated.

Territory and State. 425
He was elected as often as he chose, and soon became the leader in
the legislature of Avhat Avas, in those tiraes, almost a distinct political
organization, knoAvn as East JSiississippi. He raade hiraself raaster of
parliamentary law, and could embarrass the House or disentangle it,
at his pleasure. This, Avith his free and easy Avay of speaking, and his
imperturbable good humor, made him both a popular and influential
member, Avielding more power than men of higher grade and culture,
or than all of them combined. In 1829, to the surprise, not to say dis
gust, of the old politicians, he announced himself for Congress. The
candidates Avere AVm. Haile, (late member) of AVUkinson, AVm. L. Shar
key, of AVarren, and John H. Norton, of Hinds. They regarded it as
a greatpiece of impertinence in Plummer. Buthe cooly took the stump,
and routed them Avithout difificulty. It was on this canvass he played
off a good joke on Monsieur Parisott, Avho had opened a hotel at
Benton, Yazoo county. Mr. Plummer put up there; made free use
of the bar; invited many friends to drink and dine Avith him ; made
his speech and ordered his horse. Parisott had the bill in his pocket,
attended him to the door, intending there to present it, Avhen Plum
mer caUed out to the crowd, "Attention, Gentiemen!" Before leaving
Benton I desire publicly to acknowledge the unbounded hospitality of
my worthy friend Parisott, Avho stands here modestly behind me. He
is a true Samaritan. He found me weary, hungry and thirsty, and he
comforted me. He has placed his table and bar at my disposal, as you
gentlemen, can testify. He is the prince of tavern keepers, delights
in feasting his guests, and never says a word about a bill. God bless
you, my dear friend. Plummer will never forget you. Gentlemen,
fareweU !" And vaulting on his horse he rode off, amidst the hurrahs
of the crowd. He Avas re-elected as often as he presented himself,
beating, without difficulty, the most popular men in the State. In one
of his contests, he and one of his competitors. Judge Harry Cage,
agreed to canvass together. They raet at Holraesville, and Avhen they
stopped at 12 m. at a farm house for dinner. Cage pleased the mother
very much by kissing her littie girl and praising its beauty ; but she
was completely carried away when she saAV Plummer pick up her
wee toddling boy, lay it gentiy across his lap, turn over its littie petti
coat, and go' to hunting red bugs! "They are powerful bad," said
Plummer, "and mighty hard on babies." She was enchanted, and
never forgot that tender hearted Congressman.
That night they stopped with an aged couple, whose chUdren had
all married, and settied around, and formed quite a colony. Cage
recommended himself by cutting a turn of wood and bringing it m
for the old lady to get supper. In the morning he missed Plummer,
but soon found him at the cow pen, the old lady milking and he hold
ing the calf back hy its tail! Cage was furious; he found himself headed
at every turn, by the cunning Yankee. So when they rode a mUe_ or
so, and came to Avhere the roads forked. Cage halted and said :
"Plummer, here we part. You are too aggravating. Choose your
road. If we travel together another day I shall shoot you. And so
they parted. Mr. Plummer was good tempered, full of humor, a
hearty laugher, lived at a period when street fights and duels were the

426 Mississippi, as a Province,
order of the day, but was rarely involved in difficulties. His personal
courage was doubted, but without any reason whatever. On very ex
citing occasions, in the presence of an angry crowd, and of some
who would have been glad to shoot him, he exhibited singular coolness
and self-command. He and Governor Runnels were bitter enemies,
and in the canvass of 1835, Plummer followed him around, and goad- .
ed him with irritating speeches and newspaper squibs. They met at
Gallatin on the day of the election. Runnels was like a mad buU,
tearing up the earth, and indulging in most profane language, and
Avas so carried away by passion that he broke down in his speech and
lost the vote of that large county on which his re-election depended.
Mr. Plummer stood in the street perfectly calm, made a speech that
pleased all parties, and though the county was largely Democratic, and
gave a large majority to all the other Democratic candidates, he car
ried it for his friend, Judge Lynch, the opponent of Runnels.
Mr. Plummer, being from Massachusetts, Avas once, in some news
paper, taunted with being an abolitionist in disguise. He met it by
having secretly printed and distributed, a hand-bill, in which he wa,s
charged, on the authority of Gen. Arthur Fox, a Avell-known planter
and politician of Lawrence county, Avith having confessed abolition
opinions to him, and having instigated several of his slaves to abscond.
This produced a great excitement. Mr. Plummer Availed until his en
emies began to use it on the platform, and then he came out Avith the
printed declaration of Gen. Fox, that the hand-bill was a tissue of lies;
that Mr. Plumraer Avas as orthodox as any man in the South; was his
frequent visitor and cherished friend, and he would personally chas
tise the author of the hand-biU if he dared reveal himself!
The reaction was tremendous. Plummer was never taunted
on that subject again. The late PoAvhattan Ellis, avIio was,
in turn Circuit Judge, United States District Judge, Senator
in Congress and Minister to Mexico, though ahvays a straight-
out democrat, was aristocratic in his tastes, habits and appear
ance ; very dignified, precise, and dressy. Somewhere in the
east, in some canvass, when fording a creek which proved to be swim
ming, he lost his portmanteau. Plumraer published an adA'ertisement
in the Monticello paper : "Lost by Hon. PoAvhattan EUis, in crossing
Tallahala, the following articles : 6 lawn handkerchiefs ; 6 cambric
shirts ; 2 night do. ; r nightcap ; i pr. stays ; 4 pr. silk stockings ; hair
brush, flesh-brush, nail-brush, clothes brush, razors and dressing-glass,
pomatum, perfume, &c., &c." That advertisement killed the Judge
east of Pearl river ; such a sample of ' 'sAvelled head " effeminancy,
and Natchez dandyism, Avas not wanted in the piney Avoods.
In 1830, when Mr. Plummer Avas on his first canvass for Congress,
he Avas so little known and appreciated in Natchez, the commercial
metropolis of the State, it was made a charge against the writer (who
was before the people for re-election to the legislature) that he was a
friend of that gentleman, and had invited him to visit the county !
The charge created quite an excitement, and on the 5 th July he had
to issue a circular, in which he said: " I have not invited him to this
county, nor have I, thus far, taken any part in the canvass. Mr.

Wm. M. Gwin.

Territory and State. 427
Plummer is my personal friend, and however unpopular it may be here,
I am not ashamed or afraid to own it. In becoming a candidate to
represent you in the legislature, I did not relinquish my rights as a
citizen, and I shall exercise my privileges at the polls without consult
ing any man or set of men. I may make myself obnoxious to power
ful raen, and be harried by their bull-dogs, but I shall steadily pursue
the course that my own judgment approves." This, had it occurred
to-day, would have been called " bulldozing."
In 1835, only five years afterwards, Mr. Pluramer was invited to
Natchez by leading citizens ; Avas entertained and lionized by the very
gentlemen who had attempted to "bulldoze" his friend; and then and
there, he made out his slate for Congress, for Governor, and for
State officers, with his own name, at the head of the ticket, for U.
S. Senator. The banks were thrown open for his accommodation.
He purchased a stylish barouche ; mounted his servant in livery, and
set out on the canvass. He was then at the height of his power and
popularity. But from the date of this visit, both began to decline.
Previous to this, he had had no connection Avith intriguors, cliques,
banks, or combinations. He stood upon his OAvn platform of "Plum
mer for the people, and the people for Plummer," and had been found
irresistible. But now he had become one of a ring ; in alliance with
capitalists and men of aristocratic habits, and the illusion was over.
He was no longer a lion whose roar had frightened the stock-jobbers
in their dens, but a house-cat purring about their slippered feet, to be
petted and caressed. He could no longer use his favorite slang, so
acceptable to the multitude, of " sweUed heads" and "bloated bond
holders," but had to deal in the cream and sugar of flattery and false
hood. This was in the bond. He had got their money, and he had
nominated two or three of them for high office, and his mission was to
eulogize, and not to denounce. This Avas out of his line. His forte
was ridicule and fault-finding; to set the poor against the rich; to con
solidate the pine-woods counties against the river section. This policy
he had to reverse, and consequentiy faded. It was no longer "Plum
mer for the people," but " Plummer for the banks, and the banks for
Plummer," and he lost his popularity. The combination slaughtered
him. He seems to have lost courage, and never afterwards occupied
a public position ; never indeed aspired to any ; neglected, or rather
abandoned his profession, and went down rapidly in the social sca.le.
He never seems to have had any thirst for money. He was lavish
with it when flush, but generally had none or very littie. At one time
he estabhshed, and was President of the Bank of Grenada, which
flourished for a time, and he owned many of the town lots. He died
in Jackson, in 1847, in an obscure cabin, and in poverty. Those who
only knew him, in his decade, as a defunct politician, and a sot, lurk
ing in mean places, with low associates, can have no conception of the
power he once exerted. Those who knew him in his better days,
what he had been, and what he might have been, sincerely lamented
his indiscretions and unhappy fate.

William M. Gavin, whose name has been so frequentiy introduced,

428 Mississippi, as a Province, ,
is a native of Sumner county, Tennessee, son of the Rev. James Gwin,
a distinguished Methodist minister, Avho removed from North Caro
lina, in 1790. He was a man of pronounced ability, and great decis
ion of character, an evangelist in the pulpit, highly valued by Bishops
Asbury and McKendree, the first American Methodist Bishops;
a soldier, Avhen the frontier had to be defended, enjoying, through
life, the confidence and respect of Andrew Jackson. From this sturdy
pioneer of religion and patriotism, a typical Western American, Wil-
Uara McKendree GAvin, derived his prorainent characteristics. After
receiving a classical education, he qualified hiraself in Gallatin for the
practice of law. The bar of Tennessee was then famous for its abUity.
The names of Grundy, Campbell, Whitesides, Crabb, BeU, Foster,
Fogg, and others, Avere known throughout the Union. Young GavIu
witnessed, from day to day, in the courts, the learning, logic and elo
quence of these great lawyers, but it inspired him Avith a want of con
fidence in himself. His modesty was equal to his merit, and he, pre
maturely and unwisely, concluded that he Avas not adapted for the
profession. He next turned his attention to medicine, and, in 1828,
took his degree at Transylvania University. He soon after removed
to Clinton, Mississippi, and obtained an extensive practice. In 1833,
he retired from practice, on being appointed, by President Jackson,
United States Marshal, for the District of Mississippi, an office always
of great responsibility, and at that lime, and for a nuraber of years
thereafter, highly lucrative. The President had previously appointed
the elder brother. Colonel Samuel Gwin, Register of the Land Office
at Mount Salus, (Clinton,) as has been related in the memoir of Poin
dexter. This young man, while a student at college, though so crippled
as to be unfit for service except on horse-back, on the first call for
volunteers, ran away frora his studies, and joined General Coffee's
mounted brigade, in which he served until the end of the Avar, acting
meanwhile also as secretary to the General.
Mr. Poindexter, Senator from Mississippi, as has been before
stated, had several favorites who Avere looking to him for the appoint
ment of Register, and not being successful, he comraenced a bitter
war on the norainee and on the President. He suddenly aUied him
self with former political enemies, Avith the understanding that they
would vote for the rejection of GAvin, and he would co-operate with
them against the administration. He urged the point that Gwin Avas
not, and never had been a citizen of the State. The President took
the ground that the office Avas national in its character ; that all the
States had an equal interest in it ; and that though young Gwin may
not have been a citizen at the time of his appointment, he had passed
several years of his life in defending the soil and the citizens of Mis
sissippi against the British and Indians, and thus established a fair
claim to recognition. The coalition, [hoAvever, Avas strong enough to
reject Mr. GavIu, although the strongest testimonials to his character
and qualifications Avere on file. This rejection, and the apostasy of
Senator Poindexter, occasioned great excitement in Mississippi. Re
monstrances against the rejection poured in frora all quarters, and a
caU signed by one thousand citizens, including every Democratic
member of the Legislature, was made on the President for his reap-

Territory and State. 429
pointment. The President compUed with the request, soon after
Congress adjourned. The President believed this to be within his
prerogative, and to be right, though there Avas no precedent on record.
It Avas charged that he had violated the Constitution, and the privi
leges of the Senate. The war raged furiously without results, when it
was corapromimised by transferring Mr. Gwin to the new land office at
Chocchuma, and appointing another to the vacant place at Mount
Salus — a compromise that decided nothing against President Jackson,
and gave Mr. Gwin a more profitable position.
AVhen Wm. M. GAvin's name, as Marshal, Avas sent to the Senate,
Mr. Poindexter savagely denounced it, and succeeded in having it
rejected; whereupon Gen. Thomas Hinds Avas nominated. But imme
diately thereafter. Senator Grundy, of Tennessee, Avho was a staunch
supporter of the administration, and at the same time had long been
the personal friend of Mr. Calhoun, and his connection by mar
riage, made an appeal to him, and it being understood that that dis
tinguished Senator would withdraw his opposition, the President with
drew the name pf Hinds, re -nominated Gwin, and he was confirmed.
The well known intimacy betAveen the President and his old chap
lain and comrade. Rev. James Gwin, and the attachment he mani
fested for the sons, of course made them central figures in the Demo
cratic party of Mississippi. Both of them had the talent, the courage,
firmness and fidelity to friends, to qualify them for leaders. The bit
terest contest that ever occurred in the State, before or since, was
then raging. Mr. Poindexter was a candidate for re-election, backed
not only by his OAvn foUowers, but by the enemies of the administra
tion, of every faction. The GavIus had brought out Robert J. Walker
as the antagonist of Poindexter, "a man of great talent, but inferior to
his adversary, and with no hold whatever on the affections of the peo
ple, and no claims on their support. He Avas presented simply as the
most avaUable instrument that could be found, adroit, indefatigable,
and flexible, and to sponge out his tergiversation on the bank ques
tion they armed him with a special endorsement of Gen. Jackson.
Poindexter was defeated, as he deserved to be ; but Walker should
not have been elected. He had littie identity with the State, and was
even then contemplating a move to New Orleans, He had been a polit
ical trimmer, and deserted his friends at the moment o6||heir greatest
peril. Had been a truckler to the banks, and one of ffieir directors,
until they had become embarrassed and powerless ; had consented to
be white-washed by the chief magistrate whom he had so recentiy de
nounced, and then, without a blush or a pang, sought senatorial hon
ors under the shadow of his overpowering popularity.
Under such circumstances the new Senator would have been less
an object of envy, than the defeated statesman, but for his infamous
private character and his corrupt political career.
The result of this exciting canvass demonstrated the great influence
exerted by the two Tennessee brothers. It terminated in a duel be
tween Judge Isaac Caldwell, the law partner of Poindexter, and Col.
Gwin. The challenge passed, and was accepted, and though it was
the usage to go beyond the limits of the State, on this occasion it was

430 Mississippi, as a Province,
agreed to fight at Clinton, where they both resided — a fight designed
to be a Voutrance, and in which both, doubtless, had a presentiment of
death. Both parties fell. Caldwell expired in two hours. Gwin was
shot through the lung, and survived about a year.
Mr. Wm. M. Gwin, after the death of his brother, became a large
operator in lands, in conjunction with the late H. R. AV. Hill, of Ncav
Orleans; subsequentiy with Dennistoun & Co., of New Orleans and
Liverpool, and Samuel Davis, of Natchez. In the summer of 1836,
he entered for this company over 100,000 acres, chiefly in Arkansas,
and was offered by a New York firm a profit of $100,000 for the in
vestment, which he vainly urged his friends to accept. The great
financial revulsion of 1837 proved the wisdom of his advice.
It is singular how private matters interweave themselves with, and
influence great public affairs. The nomination of a protege of Presi
dent Jackson to a land office in Mississippi, agitated the Senate of the
United States, superinduced new and important coalitions, re-organized
parties in Mississippi, broke down forever the ablest man that ever lived
in the State, and brought into notice, and into power, a man who had
no claim Avhatever on the dominant, or any other party, and who
held no property within her limits.* Gov. Sam Houston's eccentric
conduct, and unaccountable separation from his wife, and Wm. M.
Gwin's purchase of land in the Mexican province of Texas, blazed
the way to its independence, recognition, and annexation.
Sam Houston was a favorite and pet of Gen. Jackson. AVhen a
youth he had gallantly fought, under the eye of the chief, at the ter
rible battles of Talladega, Erauckfa and the Horseshoe, and came back
covered with wounds. With the cc^ntenance of his general he had
won many civil honors, had been elected from the Hermitage district
to Congress, and in 1828, under the same auspices, entered the field
successfully for Governor, against Col. Cannon, who had served with
distinction in Jackson's campaigns. Gen. Carroll had been Governor,
but was constitutionally ineligible to re-election. In the contest be
tween Cannon and Houston he thrcAV all his popularity in the-
scale of the forraer. General Jackson supported the latter, and he
was elected, but had scarcely been installed before Gen. Carroll an
nounced that at the next election he would be a candidate against him.
Gen. CarroHjjWas a native of Pennsylvania — had been a blacksmith, a
man of vigorous frame and vigorous intellect, and had been the right-
hand of Gen. Jackson in all his wars. He always professed the utmost
attachment for his chief, but was suspected of a lurking partiality for
Mr. Clay. This, after the sudden coalition between Mr. Clay and
Mr. Adams, in 1824, by which he believed, and his friends believedhe
had been defrauded of the Presidency, was an unpardonable sin, and
* Shortly after Mr. Walker became a candidate it Avas found necessary to
identify him more thoroughly with the State. He purchased (conventionally)-
from Dr. Sam Puckett, of Brandon, a large plantation on Pearl river, near Madi
sonville, Madison county, which he called Pearl Dale. He moved there into a
log cabin, and ostentatiously addressed all his newspaper publications from that
point, thus gammoning the public into the belief that he was a citizen of the cen
tral county of the State, and identified with the great Pearl river interest. After
the election Mr. "Walker quietly returned to Natchez, and the Pearl Dale as quietly
reverted to Puckett.

Territory and State. 4,1
the contest with Houston Avould have Avidened the breach. It is
doubtful hoAv it Avould have terminated. Carroll exerted almost as
much influence as Jackson, and he Avas backed by all the adherents
of Mr. Clay, who controlled neariy the entire capital and manufactur
ing interests in the State, especially the great iron industry.
Houston was a man of shoAvy talents, a florid and attractive speak
er, of magificent physique, and imposing manners. He had been
elected Governor over Cannon by a decisive majority, but in rieAv of
the raore formidable opposition of Carroll, it Avas deemed advisable
that he should seek alliances. Pie accordingly addressed and married
an accomphlished lady of Sumner county, of great beauty and attrac
tiveness, of a wealthy, influential and wide-spread famUy, with some
reluctance, it was said, on her part, but Avith the entire approbation of
her friends.
Very soon thereafter, for reasons that Avere not explained then, and
have never since been ascertained, he suddenly resigned his office,
abandoned his young Avife, and disappeared. He lived for a while
among the Cherokees in the AVest, wore the Indian costume, and Avas
adopted into the family of a prorainent chief. Finally, he settied at
Nacogdoches, Texas.
Mr. GAvin, AvhUe Marshal of Mississippi, made it a point every
summer to visit General Jackson, either in AVashington or at the
Hermitage. In 1834 he Avent to AVashington, and Avas for several
Aveeks the guest of the President; and Houston, and Texas, were
frequent subjects of conversation. Soon afterAvards Mr. Gwin re
paired to Nacogdoches, and spent a month with General Houston,
and General Rusk, who had recently arrived.
President Jackson, it Avas well known to his confidential friends,
had enlarged views as to the legitimate boundaries of Louisiana to the
west, and had, in his own mind, no very pronounced conviction that
the Spaniards or Mexicans had any title east of the Rio Grande. It
was generally believed that he had not exerted his power to prevent
citizens of the United States from joining the "rebels" in Texas, then
being organized and led by his old friend Houston.
AVhen General Felix Houston, and others, were, pubUcly, with
drum and fife, recruiting in Mississippi for the Texas army of Inde
pendence, it Avas remarked that the United States Marshal and Dis
trict Attorney Avere unaccountably absent ! AVhile Mr. GAvin was at
Nacogdoches, for himself, and for the late James C. AVUkins and L. R.
Marshall of Natchez, then classed as capitalists, he made large invest
ments in Texas lands ! At this day, when the grave has closed over
all the parties but one, it will be no breach of confidence to say, that
Mr. Gwin made that visit to General Houston at the instance of the
President, and that the great programme was then planned, which Avas
subsequentiy followed as closely as events permitted.
In 1837, Judge Black, a Senator from Mississippi, elected as an
anti-bank Jackson Democrat, but who had fallen under Bank influ
ence, in his negotiations for plantations and negroes, was compeUed,
by public opinion, to resign. Mr. GAvin was in Tennessee at the
time, but he' was immediately written for to return and enter the lists.

432 Mississippi, as a Province,
He had great personal popularity and political influence, and he held
the most lucrative office in the South, which, of course, in the event
of his election, would devolve on one of his adherents.*
It was objected, hoAvever, by the friends of other aspirants, that
Senator Walker and Mr. Gwin both resided in Natchez, and that to
disregard the Northern portion of the State, where the party strength
was located, would be unjust and impolitic. Then was the opportu- -
nity for Walker to have asserted his domicUe at Pearl Dale, but he
Avas. silent. Mr. Gwin, feeling the force of the objection, and seeing
that the office of Marshal would become a bone of contention, made
no farther effort. His friends, however, insisted on placing him in
nomination in caucus, Avhere he Avas defeated by one vote, by the
late Jaraes F. Trotter. This gentleman, a respectable and well read
lawyer, Avas chosen for the short term. No election Avas had at that
session for the long term. On the accession of Mr. Van Buren he
re-appointed Mr. Gwin Marshal. AVhen General Harrison went into
office, Mr. GavIu resigned. Although recognized as a faithful and
raost efficient officer, and with raany Avarm personal friends in the
Whig party, he had been too decided a party raan to expect or desire
to hold office Avhen the opposition came into power. The Demo
cratic party had been thoroughly disorganized by the election of Har
rison. Many had caught the contagion of that remarkable canvass,
and had joined in the log-cabin, hard-cider, red-pepper and coon-skin
processions. Many who had been ruined by their own improvidence
and reckless speculations, suppleraented by swindling banks, fancied
that a change of administration would enable them to retrieve their
fortunes. Many, and with good reason, believed that Harrison was
pure and incorruptible ; that he Avould never ' ' give up to party what
Avas meant for mankind," and that the office Avas due to his long and
illustrious career. He was, in truth, the American Cincinnatus, and
the only one Ave have had, Avith the exception, perhaps, of Silas
Wright of Ncav York.f No man in the public service ever had greater
opportunities than Harrison for amassing Avealth. He Avas in high
position for many years. Millions of public money had passed through
his hands. But, though born to affluence and to social rank, he was
simple, unostentatious and economical in his habits, und lived and
died a poor man, with an iramaculate reputation. J No Avonder that
such a man, Avhen brought from his modest farm before the world as a
candidate for the Presidency, should sweep aAvay party lines, and
mass men of every organizati-on in his support. Such Avas the effect
* Governor Runnels and Hon. Volney E. HoAvard, noAV of California, urged the
election of Gwin, and would have competed for the Marshalship.
fThe writer once paid a visit to the great Ncav York Senator. He found him
in a smock-frock, at Avork on his little farm, near Canton, Kt. Lawrence county,
and living in the simplest style. He talked of his grain and grass, and vegetables
and poultry, and showed them all with evident satisfaction.
j".When Gen. Harrison died, the Avriter, in the Natchez Free Trader, Avrote an
editorial, (that was copied everywhere,) suggesting the propriety of voting one
year's salary of the Presidential office to iMrs. Harrison. This, 1 take pride in
saying, Avas the first suggestion of the kind that A^'as raade. There was no prece
dent for it, but Congress adopted it, the more readily as the suggestion came
from a Democratic quarter.

Territory and State. 433
everywhere, and nowhere more than among the impressible people of
Mississippi. Our Democratic legions melted away, and left the party
stunned and disorganized. Had Harrison lived, there is no teUing
how long it Avould have thus continued ; but on his death a re-action
foUowed. A Democratic Convention had been called and convened at Jackson,
January Sth, 1841; but there Avas an absence of harmony, co-opera
tion and confidence ; the ticket presented did not seem acceptable,
and most of the nominees declined. The prospect was by no means
encouraging. At that juncture Mr. Gwin, having concluded to run
for Congress, thrcAv all his energies into the Avork of organization.
Hon. A. G. Brown, the most popular man in the State, had declined
to serve any longer in Congress, and Avas a candidate for Circuit
Judge. Hon. Jacob Thompson, his distinguished coUeague in Con
gress, had declined another canvass, and was running for State Senator
in his district. Mr. Gwin induced him to change front, and again
announce himself for Congress. Mr. Tighlman M. Tucker, of Monroe,
had been nominated for Governor, and had declined. Mr. Gwin in
duced him to revicAV his decision and accept.
The canvass, it was well knoAvn, Avould not be conducted on national
issues, but on the Union Bank bond question. That was the great
issue of the day, and would absorb every other. In reference to it,
the Whig Convention had selected as their candidate for Governor, the
Hon. David O. Shattuck, a Methodist preacher, an eminent laAvyer,
then Circuit Judge, and a prompt and powerful debater. He Avas
averse to the canvass, but his forensic strength, his geographical posi
tion, and his influence with a powerful religious sect, made him a
formidable adversary. On the other hand. Tucker was illiterate, slow
and prosy; he had, however, much shrewdness, a good deal of dry
humor, a fund of smutty anecdote, and a certain popularity connected
with his nick-name, old Til-le-toba, or the blacksmith, to which re
spectable craft he once belonged. And he Avas an earnest, sincere
and honest man. But he had been broken doAvn by typhoid fever,
and was not able to take much part in the struggle.* Mr. Thompson,
an able debater and thorough master of the leading issue, Avas inva
lided by chiUs and fever, at the commencement of the canvass.
The outiook was not auspicious. Mr. Gwin, though a man of great
energy, in vigorous health, and with no equal as a tactician, was an
untried debater, and, in fact, had never made a speech. With fea
tures, expression, and manner that indicate an intrepid and resolute
soul, he was timid as a woman before a popular audience. Under
these circumstances he induced John D. Freeman of Natchez, a young
lawyer well knoAvn to the Democracy, to become a candidate for
Attorney General. Mr. Freeman was then the partner of the late
* Though no orator. Tucker was not wanting in confidence. He occasionally
met his adroit adversary in debate. He said to me : "I have several times run
Shattuck, like a hare, into a hollow tree ; have made my smoke and waited for
hun to tumble down ; but the feHow always found some augur hole to slip out."
28

434 Mississippi, as a Province,
Judge Thacher.* They had a lucrative and rapidly increasing prac
tice, Avhich Mr. Freeman was reluctant to abandon ; but he was an
impromptu speaker, a trained debater, Avith sufficient audacity, and
was indispensable to the ticket. These tAvo gentlemen took the field
and opened the canvass in Columbia, July 4th. Then, for the first
time, Mr. GavIu presented himself as a speaker. He Avas much em
barrassed, but soon recovered his composure, and the vote he received
wiU attest the irapression he produced.]' He was elected by some
25,000 raajority, about the sarae that had been cast for the Harrison
ticket the previous year.
He took his seat in Congress, not as a stranger. His frequent visits
to Washington had introduced him to all the prominent leaders, and
he Avas known to be the confidential friend of Ex-President Jackson,
who, in the retirement of the Hermitage, Avas stUl a "power in the
land." Mr. GAvin found lodgings in the same house Avith Mr. Calhoun,
and like most other men thrown in contact Avith him, he soon fell
under his personal magnetism. So much so, indeed, that notwith
standing his relations with General Jackson, and his knoAvn antagonism
to Calhoun, Mr. GavIii came to the conclusion that Mr. Calhoun
should be the next President.
He kncAV, however, that there Avas no chance for it, unless a recon
ciliation Avith General Jacksoii could be had. This raediation Mr.
GavIu undertook, Avith the approval of Mr. Calhoun, who then, as at
all other periods of his career, was tortured, like Tantalus, with an
insatiable appetite for the Presidency, Avhich could never be appeased.
At that raoraent, VirgU Maxey of Maryland, late Solicitor of the
Treasury, had written a campaign life of Calhoun, to influence the
action of the forthcoming National Democratic Convention. The
MS. was referred by Mr. Calhoun to three confidential friends, viz:
Mr. Hunter of Virginia, Mr. Anderson of Tennessee, (successor to
Judge AVhite,) and Mr. GavIu of Mississippi. It Avas found that Mr.
Maxey had briefiy, but strongly, presented and defended Mr. Cal
houn's vicAvs on the subject of nullification, and the position he had
maintained in that controversy. Mr. GAvin and Mr. Anderson pro
posed to strike out that portion, considering it as an adjusted question,
and that its introduction would revive the controversy, and the antago
nism betAveen Jackson and Calhoun. A"nd, in their opinion, though
General Jackson Avas rapidly sinking in health, no raan could be elected
President Avithout his approval. Mr. Hunter, Avho had never been a
Jackson man, but was now giving a qualified support to the Demo
cratic party, objected to the erasure, and the matter was submitted to
Mr. Calhoun. |
¦* J. S. B. Thticher, native of Boston, ot a well-known family; graduate of Har
vard; came very young to Natchez; allied himself at once with the Democratic
p^arty ; established alarge practice; elected to the bench of the High Court of
Errors and Appeals. Died young and greatly lamented.
fThe writer accompanied these gentlemen thrjugh the eastern counties and
took part in the debate. Mr. Gwin became a forcible and impressive speaker,
very prompt in reply. It is remarkable that Avhen elected to Congress and to the
Senate, he addressed those bodies without embarrassment and with great force
and effect.
t Mr. E. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, a professed States-rights man, but often in
allian ce Avith the wildest latitudinarians and consolidationists in Congress; an im-

Territory and State. 4,5
In due time he summoned the referees to his apartment, and said
that he kncAv the decision he had arrived at Avould exclude him from
the favor of both the great political parties; but father than have an
authorized history of his life to ignore his doctrine of state sover
eignty, and his course in defence of it, he Avould forfeit all his pros
pects for the Presidency. This, of course, ended the matter, and
quashed Mr. Calhoun's chances through the coalitions then proposed.
It is not probable that anything Mr. GavIu could have done, seconded by
the influence of Maj. A. J. Donelson, private secretary of Gen. Jackson,
(who Avas alwas a secret adherent of Mr. Calhoun), could have recon
ciled Jackson to favor Calhoun's election. He Avas implacable in his
resentments, dogmatical in his opinions, and thorough and demonstra
tive in his patriotisra. He considered Mr. Calhoun a traitor, and
had, at one crisis, a strong inclination to hang hira. These opinions
and convictions overruled every effort at reconciliation, untU the brave
old soldier came to die. And at that supreme raoraent, Avhen we
most feel the need of forgiviness, and the foUies of the past and the
uncertainties of the future croAvd upon us, Mr. GAvin tells us, that
there came from the dying chief a message for Mr. Calhoun— that he
was not his enemy, and had full faith in his patriotism. This is given
on the authority of Maj. Donelson. It raay haA'e been like a christian
to send such a message, but it was very unlike Andrew Jackson. He
was a member of the Presbyterian church, but Avas certainly no saint.
He had, there is no doubt, an unfaltering trust in God, but no fear of
the devU, and nothing but that fear would have made him send such a
message.* The annexation of Texas had now become the absorbing question.
It was being pressed by President Tyler and Mr. Calhoun, supported
by a strong portion of the Democractic party. Gen. Jackson was
known warmly to favor it; but many of his staunchest friends, Benton.
Blair, Van Buren, Wright, etc., were opposed to it. Francis P.
Blair had ¦ been expressly induced by President Jackson to remove to
Washington, and there to establish the Globe newspaper, to defend
his administration. He had filled this responsible mission with un
shaken fidehty, and extraordinary ability. Never, at the most mo
mentous crisis, when the party seemed shivering into atoras, Avas there
any flinching on the part of the Globe. It fought like Dentatus, with
its back to the rock, and never receded one inch. No party, in any
country, ever had an organ so poAverful or so fearless. The raost in-
practicable man, and idealist, who, with all his talents, has, in every position,
proved a failure. During the war into whieh he had helped to precipitate us, he
subsided into insignificance, and in the memorable intervieAV with President Lin-
oln and Mr. Seward, his impracticability, as usual, was apparent and pernicious.
Such men, guided by sterner wills, make excellent head clerks, but never rise to
the dignity of statesmen. In revolutions, they become non-entities.
*One of the truest and best illustrations of the character of Jackson Avas given
by the famous Tom Marshall, of Kentucky, in one of his stump speeches: "We
have Jackson to fight, gentlemen— and he is a host of himself. He has Avhipped
every adversary; he whipped the Indians; he whipped the Spaniards at Pensacola;
he whipped the British at New Orleans ; he whipped Clay, and Adams and Cal
houn ; he whipped King Biddle and the bank, and now he lias turned Presbyterian
and wiU whip the devil.

436 Mississippi, as a Province,
defensible act of the Democratic party was its abandonment of this
well-tried friend, for Thomas Ritchie, of Virginia, and Mrs. Jack
son's nephew, A. J. Donelson, of Tennesse. The first had been
Jackson's bitter enemy, at the turning point of his career, and had
his efforts been successful, would have crushed him forever. He had
likewise, been a trimmer, in the great conflicts betAveen the indepen
dent treasury and the state banks, when Blair had stood, like the
Roman sentinel, at the gate of Pompeii. Ritchie was an accomplished
and genial gentieman, a superb tactician, a sincere Republican, but
too sectional, and circumbscribed, and timid, to conduct a national
organ. Donelson was a weak man, inflated with conceit, whose
Avhole importance floAved from his proximity to Jackson. These men
superseded Mr. Blair, and established the Washington Union — be
came the organ of Mr. Polk, and an utter failure. It passed through
many hands but was the feeblest paper ever published at the capital.*
Mr. GAvin declined a renoraination which was earnestly pressed
upon him. He had become financially embarrassed. WhUe United
States Marshal, in the general panic and distress and shrinking of
values, he had, under the ruling of the United States Circuit Court, re
ceived in satisfaction of judgments, or at sales under execution, the
issues of the best of the State banks. These had depreciated in the
general collapse, and the plaintiffs, for the most part, refused to receive
¦•¦¦The annexation policy, of course, demanded an organ, and as Blair and Rives,
editors and proprietors of the Globe, would not vary their views even to oblige
Gen. Jackson, they were induced to sell ont, and the new paper, the Union, be
came the organ of Polk and annexation. Mr. Eitchie, of :he old Eichmond Enqui
rer, was designated by acclamation as senior editor, but very many objected to
Mr. Donelson as his associate. He was placed in tbe position, mainly by the per
sistent efforts of Mr. Gwin, Avith the active support of Gen. Jackson. He Avas an
incubus on the establishment from the outset, a bad economist and a feeble
writer. He was got out of the paper by an appointment to some foreign mission.
Messrs. Blair and Eives became for a while hostile to Mr. Gwin, in consequence
of his efforts for Donelson, and they asserted that Gen. Jackson had lost confi
dence in hira. Then it was that the old hero, dying with asthma, Avrote his
last touching letter in the following words :
THE LAST LETTER WRITTEN BY GEN. ANDREW JACKSON.
Hermitage, May 9th, 1845.
Doctor Wm. M. Gwin:
My Dear Sib.: Your kind letter, dated at "Wa.shington, April 28th, is received)
and now before me, and although unable to Aveild my pen, hasten to reply to it;
It is the day of vituperation and slander, and you, like all other public men,
must expect your share.
I trust ray character is too well known to believe, that I would ever abandon a
friend, who once had my confidence and esteem without positive proof that he
had done some act sufficient to forfeit it. I have been your friend, I am still so,
as 1 Avas your venerated deceased father's and brother's, whose memories I cher
ish with the livest recoUec'tions. I have full confidence in your patriotism and
Democratic principles, and you possess too much honesty and personal worth,
and those high, lofty and honorable feelings ever to permit you to do an act dis
honorable, or such as Avould tarnish that good moral character, which you
lirought into life with you, and have sustained to this present day. I am, as J
have ever been, your friend, and my best wishes for your prosperity and happi
ness, and that of your family, will attend you through life, and if we should not
meet again here beloAv, I hope to meet you in a blissful immortality. My whole
household salute you and yours. Your sincere friend,
Andrew Jackson.

Territory and State. 437
tills currency. The ruling of the Circuit Court had been reversed by
the Supreme Court, and thus a heavy liability had been thrown on
him. He had, likewise, become Uable as endorser for a large amount,
and many for whom he had endorsed, reraoved to Texas, or sponged
out their responsibUities under the bankrupt act of 184 1. He retired
from Congress expressly to relieve himself of these liabUities, by dis
posing of his large property.
In 1844 he was appointed a delegate to the Baltimore Convention.
He was in AVashington Avhen Mr. Van Buren's celebrated letter
against the annexation of Texas appeared. * Mississippi had instructed
her delegates to vote for Van Buren, but when his letter appeared,
Messrs. Walker and Gwin exerted their influence against hira, and
with some other delegates published a pronunciamento in the Wash
ington papers. Under positive instructions from an enlightened con
stituency, that had contemplated this very contingency, their course
cannot be defended. Mr. GAvin acted under very strong proclivities
for Texas, having been so long in contact with Jackson and Houston,
but Mr. Walker's subsequent connection with Mr. Polk throAvs sus
picion over his motives. A northern-born man, with no affinities for
southern institutions, and, as his future shows, Avith very strong
northern predUections, he could not have been influenced by the
sympathies that influenced GavIu. And there can be no defence
whatever for his violating the positive instruction to vote for Van
Buren. It resulted, however, in the nomination of a man not thought
of— James K. Polk — a cold, austere and selfish man, jealous of his
friends and suspicious of his own shadow ! In the crisis of the can
vass, when he was threatened with defeat, he had to appeal to Silas
Wright (the best friend of Mr. Van Buren) to save the party. He
magnaminously consented to run for Governor, and thus rally the
disaffected Democratic masses. But for this, New York would have
voted for Mr. Clay.f Mr. Polk Avas supported, of course, by the
*This letter was the production of a statesman and patriot, and, in the light of
events that have followed, may be considered prophetic. Mr. Van Buren knew
it would defeat his renoraination, but with a sublime honesty and disinterested
ness, he expressed his convictions. This letter opened the road to the Presi
dency for Mr. Clay. If he had favored annexation, he would have demoralized
the Democratic party, and carried every Southern State. He was so informed.
He was implored "to cross the Eubicon," — to give even a qualified assent. He
sternly refused to disobey his conscientious convictions, and thus signed the
warrant for his political execution. fCANTON, N. Y., Oct. 17th, 1844.
My Dear Sir : Your note of September 24th, did not reach me till this day.
It is not the first time I have had occasion to thank your eloquent pen and warm
heart for praise beyond my deserts. My present position, as I am sure you Avill
believe, is not one of personal choice to myself, but assumed with the strongest
personal reluctance. Yet the caU was such an one as.no Democrat with us, Avho
had received the honors and favors of that noble party, could decline. If it shall
turn out that the use of my name can give any aid toAvards securing national suc
cess, any personal sacrifice on my part of personal feeling, or personal interest,
wUl be cheerfully, proudly made. If the time of transit of your letter is a guide,
the Presidential election will be decided before this can reach yon. The returns
from Pennsylvania and Ohio Avill satisfy you that we have a dreadful, fearful
battle to fight. We believe we shall succeed ; but when I see the desperation of
the Whigs, and remember that we have a formidable Native American faction m
our great city, and in some of our other cities an " anti-Eent" faction, so-called,

438 Mississippi, as a Province,
great in influence of General Jackson. The victory won, how did
Mr. Polk manifest his gratitude ? By habituaUy ignoring the friends
of Silas Wright, and appointing his bitter enemy, AVm. L. Marcy, to a
place in the calDinet. And after a Avhile, and cautiously, of course,
until the old hero died — turning his back on his best friends, and on
men whom Jackson had specially recommended I
As soon as the election of Polk was declared, Mr. Walker began to
itch for a place in the cabinet, which he never could have had from
Mr. Van Buren. He wished to be Attorney-General, and Mr. Polk as
sented. Mr. Calhoun, (whose friends had warmly entered into the in
trigue against Van Buren) was anxious to be retained as Secretary of
State. But Mr. Buchanan had been too strongly presented to be
overlooked, and was appointed against the wish of Gen. Jackson, who
had never trusted him after the Kramer affair. There was a fierce
struggle among the New York politicians, for a cabinet appointment.
Mr. Polk knew thit all the equities required him to make' a selection
from the friends of Mr. Van Buren, but he yielded to the clamor of
the annexationists, and appointed Wm. L. Marcy, Secretary of War,
the raan, of all others most obnoxious to Van Buren and AVright, and
who had not been sound on the great financial measures of the Demo
cratic party. The Treasury Department had already been promised
to Geo. Bancroft. When this became public it aroused a violent op
position, not that there could be any personal objection to that emi
nent scholar, but the Presidential schemers and annexationists needed
a man Avho Avould exert the great patronage of that department in their
interest. Mr. R. J. Walker was, therefore, appointed, and the Navy
Department Avas given to Mr. Bancroft; but his nomination hung fire,
and he was finally confirmed by the vote of the Avhig Senator from
Louisiana, Hon. Henry Johnson, to whom the President made special
acknoAvledgments. *
About this tirae an incident occurred that created some excitement
in Mississippi. Mr. Walker being assured of a position in the Cabi
net, transmitted his resignation as Senator, by a confidential friend, to
Gov. Brown. On its reception the Governor filled out a commission
for Hon. J. Thompson, then one of the representatives from Missis
sippi, and transmitted the same to AA''alker, to be delivered on his con
firmation to a seat in the Cabinet. This commission, for reasons of
his own. Walker never delivered. He never communicated the facts
to Thompson, with Avhora he Avas in daily association. It seems that
on resigning he had urged the appointment of GAvin, and Avithheld
in several of our old counties, AA'here the lands are extensively held underleases;
and an abolition faction in almost every county, and knoAV that they are making
the strongest efforts to coalesce with all these, I dare not speak positively, and
cannot divest myself of some emotions of fear. Successful, or defeated, 1 shall
not forget your generous friendship, or cease to remain,
With sincere respect, raost truly yours, Silas Weight.
Hon. J. F. H. Claiborne, Natchez.
¦* This opposition to Mr. Bancroft Avas stiraulated by Mr. Calhoun and Mr.
Walker. 'They desired to have John Y. iMason, of "Virginia, retained as Secre
tary. Failing in this, he Avas raade Attorney-General. He Avas a genial, clever
gentleman, but by no means a great laAvyer, as the Attorney-General should be.

Territory and State. 439
the commission hoping that his recommendation, deriving additional
force from his high position in the Cabinet, might stUl be adopted.*
In 1845 IMr. Gwin authorized the use of his name in the canvass for
Senator. On Iavo previous occasions, one or two votes would have
given him the nomination in caucus. Gov. McNutt and Gen. Quit
man, likewise, announced themselves, and the former declared his in
tention to canvass the State, and to attack the antecedents of his com
petitors. These tAvo gentiemen encouraged Gen. Foote to take the
field against McNutt. Mr. GavIu had not the time for a canvass, and
Quitman Avould have been no match for McNutt. Though a man of
good sense, and finely educated, he was a feeble debater, and was too
modest to encounter the incisive and vulgar weapons of McNutt. He
made war not only on his competitors, but on Tucker, Mathews, and
other leaders of the Democratic party, and traveled through the State
like an Ishmaelite. He was, hoAvever, followed everywhere by Gen.
Foote, Avho encountered hira personaUy at every opportunity, and gave
bloAv for blow. The result Avas that Gen. Foote became the most
prominent candidate, and Avas elected by the legislature over all the
others. Very soon thereafter Mr. GavIu removed to Ncav Orleans. Mr.
Walker, Secretary of the Treasury, appointed him to superintend
the building of the ncAV Custom House, and Disbursing Agent. The
city had presented a square of ground to the United States for' such an
edifice. Mr. Gwin laid the foundation of the building and was busily
engaged thereon until the election of Gen. Taylor, AA'hen he promptly
resigned and set out for Ctiifornia, where he arrived June 4th, 1849.
"'•"FROM A LETTER FROM HON. JACOB THOMPSON.
¦' My relations Avith Eobert J. "Walker were intiraate and confidential. We co
operated in getting up his annexation letter, and in the movement to shelve "Van
Buren and substitute Polk. When Polk Avas elected. Walker informed me, that
he had applied for a place in the cabinet, and the President had replied that he
could only ofl'er hira the post of Attorney General. I protested against this, and
said, "we secured Polk's norainatiou, and you can only accept the State Depart
ment or the Treasury." He insisted that it was better to take the Attorney Gen
eralship than to have nothing. 1 declared 1 would see Mr. Polk ! He begged me
to do so, but said, "get what you can, but don't decline the Attorney General
ship, if you can't do better." 1 did see Mr. Polk on the night of the 3d March.
He re-cast the cabinet, and assigned Walker to the Treasury, and pledged himself
that his name should be thus sent to the Senate. 1 went to Walker at a late hour
the same night, and told him how the matter stood. He was overwhelmed with
emotion ; seized me with both hands, and said, " Oh, Thompson, you are my beet
friend. Your zeal and firraness have saved me. I can never, never forget you."
At that very moment, and for sorae tirae previous, he had my commission to suc
ceed hira in the Senate, in his pocket, and he never said a word to me on the sub
ject ! I remained in Washington until Walker was installed in the Treasury, m
intimate communion Avith him every dav. I left him with his kindest wishes and
warm expressions of friendship and obligation, and not one AVord did I hear of
the comraission till I met Gov. BroAvn in Mississippi ! Gov. Brown wished rae to
accept it, but I had been unaniraously re-nominated for Congress, and had ac
cepted it, and I declined to change my position. I Avrongly blamed William M.
Gwin at the time, and had likewise Avith him a controversy on another subject,
but subsequently our relations became very friendly. I never recognized Walker
afterwards. He was a man devoid of fixed principles, controlled by any man
who had decision and will. He had a fertile genius, as readily employed on one
side of a question as another. He was true to a friend, so far only as that friend
could serve him. He always claimed that he used his colleagues as puppets, when
in fact, they used him as clerk and man-of-all-work."

440 Mississippi, as a Province,
His attention had first been called to that country by Mr. Calhoun,
then Secretary of State, who, after a conference with Mr. Gwin, resolv
ed to send a confidential agent to Santa Anna to propose a new boun
dary between Mexico and the United States, to start from the Pacific
at a point between Monterey Bay and San Francisco Bay. The secret
agent was dispatched Avith an offer of ten miUion dollars, but Santa
Anna peremptorily rejected the proposition. Laying his finger on the
map Avhere San Francisco now stands, "there," said Mr. Calhoun,
"when this bay coraes into our possession AviU spring up the great ri
val of NeAV York."
The establishraent of a State Government was the absorbing topic,
and Mr. Gwin immediately entered into the discussion and addressed
the people in favor of that policy. He was elected to the Convention
which met at Monterey in September to frame a constitution. Cali
fornia at that time had no organized government. The United States
had established no form of government. The discovery of gold had
attracted thousands of iraraigrants frora all quarters, and there was
imminent danger of anarchy and outrage. Organization became a ne
cessity and the Convention Avas the regular raode of procedure. The
Convention was a mixed body, some of them foreigners, not speaking
our language ; but there Avere able men in it, and they framed a con
stitution under which the country has developed with miraculous
growth, until the present year it has been cancelled and a neAV one
adopted. The first Legislature met in the ensuing December, and elected
General Fremont for the short term, and Mr. GavIu for the long term,
United States Senator. On his arrival in Washington, February ist,
1830, Mr. Calhoun sent for Mr. GAvin. The Carolina statesman was
then near his end, and Avith prophetic vision he looked into the future,
and predicted, with deep feeling and solemnity, that the admission of
California as a State would establish the dangerous precedent of squat
ter sovereignty ; would destroy the equUibrium betAveen the North and
the South in the Senate ; Avould intensify and perpetuate the agitation
of the slavery issue ; and the civil Avar, centralism, and the destruction
of the Southern States, Avould follow.
'"Tis the sunset of life teaches mystical lore.
And coming events cast their shadows before.''
NotAvithstanding these predictions of the dying statesman, and the
irregularity and illegality of the initial proceedings, California was ad
mitted into the Union as a State, and her Senators took their seats.
Mr. Gwin's labors for the Pacific coast, for its multifarious interests,
adjustment of land claims, mining interests, fortifications and public
lands and buildings, raihvay connections, etc., etc., are recorded on
every page of the journal. During his Avhole term his labors were
incessant, in the Senate, and in committee; and no pubUc man ever
had more success. He Avas a clear, impressive and forcible debater,
addressed himself always to his subject, indulged in no " Buncombe,"
and stirred up no animosities. He maintained amicable relations with
all parties ; his hospitable mansion beeame a neutral ground, Avhere
the leaders of rival factions met on social terms. He brought this

Territory and State. 441
social influence to bear in obtaining for California almost all that she
desired. On his return to San Francisco, in 1851, he was received
with a spontaneous Avelcome, and the Legislature tendered him the
thanks of the State, for his indefatigable and most successful efforts.
At the foUoAving session he was made a member of the Finance Com.
mittee, and Chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs, and in these
positions he secured the establishment of a mint in California, the survey
of the Pacific coast on a grand scale, the establishment of a Navy
Yard and Station, and large appropriations for the same; and carried
through the Senate a bill providing a heavy subsidy for a line of
steamers between San Francisco, China and Japan, via Sandwich
Islands. The great raUroad Avhich now connects the Atiantic Avith the
Pacific, OAves its existence more to him than to any other Senator.
Viewed not only as an international comraercial medium, but in its
political aspect as a bond of perpetual union, the history of this great
work is interesting. December 2nd, 1852, Mr. Gwin introduced a
bUl to aid in the construction of a railroad from the Atiantic to the
Pacific. His idea Avas a main trunk from San Francisco to the Atiantic,
with branch roads into the Southern States, and into Oregon. This
biU was defeated, mainly by Southern votes. At the next session he
obtained an appropriation of $200,000, for the survey of the proposed
trans-continental railroads. In 1853, various projects for these roads
were before the Senate, without results. In 1854, on his motion, a
special committee of nine was appointed, of which he was chairman,
to examine and report on these various propositions. In 1855, on the
report of the committee, a bill, drawn by Mr. Gwin, passed the Sen
ate, but Avas not acted on by the House. In 1857, on Mr. Gwin's
motion, a select committee of nine was appointed, viz : Messrs. GavIu,
Douglass, Bright, Seward, Jefferson Davis, Hunter, BeU, Foot of Ver
mont, and Iverson — representative men, of national fame. In the
selection of this committee it Avas hoped, that by bringing together the
great leaders of the rival sections and parties, the hostile feelings then
cumulating might be appeased, and that mutual concert in a great
national work Avould arrest the tendency to secession and civil Avar. Mr.
Gwin often assembled these distinguished men at his table, Avhere the
social amenities extinguished, for the time, political asperities, until
they were rekindled again in the Senatorial arena. January i8th,
1858, Mr. GAvin reported a bUl for the construction of the Pacific
road, but owing to the agitating questions of the times no action could
be had upon it. On the 30th January, 1861, virtuaUy the sarae biU
passed the Senate, and would have passed the House, but for the de
sire of the Republican members to defer action upon it untU Mr, Lin
coln entered on his official duties.
Mr. Gwin having been re-elected for another full term, had the
United States Circuit Court system extended to the Pacific, and se
cured the passage of his bill for a sub-marine telegraph to Europe.
There Avas a tie on this biU, but Mr. Gwin induced his coUeague, (Mr.
Weiler,) who had some scruple against the measure, to absent himself,
and thus by his own vote he saved the bill.
March 5th, 1861, this active and distinguished Senator closed his

442 Mississippi, as a Province,
])olitical career. It had been erainently useful, and briUiant in great
results. WhUe acting consistentiy with the Deraocartic party, respect
ing its tradition and usages, and never bolting a regular noraination, he
exerted hiraself to concUiate all parties in the interest of his constitu
ents, and to avert, if possible, the approaching calaraities of civil
war. He was never forgetful of the teaching and example of Andrew
Jackson. For twelve successive years he canvassed the mines, moun
tains and plains of California, in the interests of the National Demo
cratic party, and crossed the Isthmus of Panama twenty-four times,
during that period, exhibiting an almost supernatural energy and per
severance. The condition of California was exceptional. The sudden dis
covery of the precious metals ; the extraordinary productivenes of her
soil; the splendid capacities of her harbors; the unparalleled influx of
population and capital, had no precedent in history, and demanded of
its representatives corresponding ability, influence and address. Mr.
GAvin, frora the outset, had many difficulties to encounter. The self-
inaugurated and unauthorized Convention of California, and the ad
vent of her Senators, took the whole country by surprise. It was re
pugnant to all precedent, and by raany was considered disorganizing
and revolutionary, and can, unquestionably, only be excused by the
phenoraenal condition, at that juncture, of the people on the Pacific.
Positive laAvs, as Avell as political usages and precedents, must some
times yield to inexcusable popular necessities. The National Congress,
and the people it represented, Avere, at that crisis, divided into hostUe fac
tions on momentous issues every day becoming more aggressive and men
acing, and he who fraternized with one Avas sure to incur the hostility
of the other. The friendly aid of both parties, and of all factions and
cliques, was indispensable to California. Without sacrificing his prin
ciples, or surrendering, or even Aveakening, his life -long connection
with the democracy, Mr. GAvin, as Senator, contrived to maintain
friendly relations with men of every shade of opinion. As he had
become a favorite Avith Mr. Calhoun after having aided Gen. Jackson
to crush nulUfication, so, it is well known, he secured the friendship
of Mr. SeAvard, while voting on opposite sides, every day, in the Sen
ate. This erainent statesraan, whose career is a problem, and who
Avas so much of an actor, that it is to this day a question, as to Avhat
were his real sentiments on many vital issues, and of Avhom Ave may
say — " Too bad for a blessing, too good for a curse,
I Avish, from ray soul, thou Avert better or Averse " —
supported all Mr. Gwin's measures.
Mr. Seward, it Avill be seen, Avhen the secret history of that event
ful period shall be fully disclosed, Avas not placed at the head of Mr.
Lincoln's cabinet, Avithout very pronounced opposition. Many of the
radicals distrusted his tendency to conservatism, and the great body
of them had no fancy for his culture and social proclivities. He was,
by long odds, the ablest man in the conglomerate party that elected
Mr. Lincoln. Though occasionally wUd, metaphysical and oracular,
he Avas always in his proper element, and stronger and raore impres-

Territory and State. 443
sive, when standing on the broad, national doctrines of the old whig
party— doctrines which, had they been adopted in time, would have
averted secession. Mr. Seward, against his own convictions, was
swept along by the resistiess flood of radicalism, and by the war that
followed ; but there is reason to beUeve that he often saw, and deeply
deplored, the excesses and crimes that were committed, in the name
of liberty and the constitution.
Senator GavIu, of California, strange as it may seem, had several
interviews Avith President Lincoln, to urge Mr. Seward's appointment
to the Premiership, which was not agreeable to the extreme radicals.
And he also acted as the intermediary between Secretary ScAvard and
the commissioners of the Confederate Congress, to confer with the in
coming administration on terms of peace and reconciUation. He
thought then, and now thinks, that President Lincoln, and Mr. Sew
ard, if left to themselves, Avould have effected a restoration of the old
relations, with some proper concessions and securities on both sides.
But they Avere dominated by other cabinet members, of more ultra
and inflexible opinions, and by an irresistible outside pressure. What
can one man, or a dozen men, however eminent, accomplish against
a party, counting its numbers by millions, and frantic with excitement?
In 1863 Mr. Gwin was in Paris. The recognition of the Confeder
ate government by France and Great Britain was under consideration
in the cabinet of the Emperor. At a dinner given by W. W. Corcoran,
the Washington banker and philanthropist, at Avhich were present
Messrs. Mason and SlideU, the Confederate plenipotentiaries to Great
Britain and France, Mr. GavIu, and a few others, the Marquis de
Montholon stated that the Emperor favored the recognition of the
new government, but that he could not move in the matter without
the co-operation of Great Britain. The nobUity and the commercial
classes there favored recognition, but the Queen was averse to it. He
said if Messrs. Mason and Slidell would address an assurance to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs, that the Confederate government Avould
certainly inaugurate measures for immediate or gradual emancipation,
the recognition by France and Great Britain would soon follow. But
both the plenipotentiaries disclaimed any authority to make any such
overture, and discouraged the proposition.
" Whom the Gods wish to destroy they first make raad."
The Marquis, whose confidential relations Avith the Emperor were
well known, had many conversations with ex-Senator Gwin about Cali
fornia, and the adjacent provinces of Mexico. Subsequently, he was
invited to several private audiences with the Emperor, who seemed
deeply interested, had miUtary and geological maps before him, and
made many notes during these conferences.
The French army, under Gen. Bazaine, was then occupying Mexico,
under the pretext of adjusting certain large claims' held by Frenchmen
on the government of Mexico. The Congress of Notables of Mexico
had recentiy offered the empire to MaxiraiUan, and the French Era-
peror had approved the offer.
On the invitation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Gwin drew
up a plan for the colonization of the northern provinces of Mexico,

444 Mississippi, as a Province,
with the view to mining and agriculture, protection of colonists against
Indians, and against the jealousy of the Mexicans, Avho are inimical to
all foreigners, and especiaUy to Americans. Immigrants were to be
invited on liberal terms, and on the guarantees of the two imperial
governments. The programme of a colony, essentially French, was
complete in aU its detaUs. It was discussed, article by article, in a
cabinet councU, in the presence of the Emperor, and approved with
only one or tAvo verbal modifications. It was next submitted to Maxi
milian, who was then in Paris, preparatory to his departure from
Europe. He requested Mr. Gwin's attendance at the Tuillieres, and
after prolonged and minute inquiries signified his approbation, and de
clared the enterprise should be cordially supported. He said he desired
American immigration into that quarter ; that it would be a bulwark
for the new empire at its weakest point. These were likewise, the
views of Louis Napoleon, who saw in the vast mineral resources of
Sonora and Durango a second California, to be protected against the
Apaches by Araerican pioneers, while the mines were being developed
by French capital.
Two Aveeks after Maximilian left Europe for his new empire. Sen
ator GAvin sailed for Vera Cruz, with an autograph letter from Napo
leon to Gen. Bazaine, directing him to furnish the proper mUitary aid
in executing the projected colonization. Mr. Gwin was presented to
the General by Marquis de Montholon, and delivered his credentials.
He was not pleased with the intervicAv. He found there was an ab
sence of confidence — entente cordial — between the new imperial gov-
ernmert and the French mUitary. The General did not directly dis
courage the projected colony, but, diplomatically, cautioned him to
have no intercourse with the Mexican authorities; not even to wait
upon the Emperor ; that he Avas surrounded by spies and traitors, and
was blind to their intrigues ; that they were stirring up jealousies against
the French and their General, but he would soon show them who had
the control. AVith this bravado, and evidently evading any specific
arrangements, he terminated the intervieAV. Mr. GavIii next asked
an audience of the Emperor, and received a note from his Secretary
that his Imperial Majesty was about starting on an excursion, and would
receive him on his return, and meaiiAvhile desired hira to confer Avith
the rainisters of Foreign Affairs and of the Interior. Tavo formal at-'
tempts-at an interview Avith the first of these dignitaries resulted in
failure; and the ex-Senator very justly inferred that these Mexican
advisers of the new Emperor were no friends of the proposed colony,
and especiaUy to the American element in it.
In the meantime, the misunderstanding betAveen the Imperial gov
ernment and the French array of occupation, especially in regard to
the interference of the latter Avith the collection of the revenue, con
tinued and increased. The suraraer of 1864 passed in abortive at
tempts to obtain a mUitary escort to Sonora. Bazaine made repeated
promises, but Avhen the moment arrived interposed some new obstacle,
until Mr. Gwin concluded that the French general, Avith limited abili
ties, had unbounded ambition, cherished some secret design for his
own future, and was not at all reliable.

Territory and State.

445

He returned to France in January, 1865, sought an early audience
with the Emperor, in Avhich, with the freedom of an American, he
exposed the condition of affairs in Mexico. He told him that Max
iraiUan was unequal to his high position ; that he had no force of wiU;
no faculty for command ; no adaptabUity ; no influence or power be
yond Avhat Avas derived from the French army, and the countenance
of his Imperial Majesty. That he was a paper sovereign, and should
be so treated, not as an independent sovereign, but as a feudatory of
France. Napoleon listened attentively, but replied that that condition could
not be realized, and that the neAV Emperor's dignities must be main
tained. Pie expressed much interest in the proposed colony, said he
had given it much thought, suggested sorae modifications, and desired
Mr. Gwin to submit a new profile of the scheme, on an enlarged scale,
so as to embrace one or more available provinces. This was done,
examined, discussed, and approved, and the Emperor urged his im
mediate return to Mexico, with a peremptory order to his General-in-
Chief to supply the necessary troops. Armed with this mandate, Mr.
Gwin returned to Mexico, Avith no faith in either Maximilian or Ba
zaine. The ncAv Emperor Avas a man of culture, fond of the fine arts,
and a connoiseur in pictures — nothing more, and of all men then
living was least qualified to rule the Mexicans. Though a rigid Catho
lic, devoting much time to processions and ceremonies, he was soon
in open conflict Avith the hierarchy of Mexico. He squandered his
salary, of a million and a half, in erapty pageantry, while the people
were scourged by famine; and he surrounded himself with guards
splendidly equipped, while every highway in the empire SAvarmed with
ragged beggars and brigands.
As for Bazine, Avho had just received the baton of Marshal of
France, Mr. Gwin found him celebrating his new dignities and his
marriage with a girl of sixteen. It was impossible to divert him from
his pleasures, and every day he made new excuses for not obeying the
orders that had come frora France. The Emperor Maximilian, to evade
his share of responsibility, set out on another excursion !
At length, the Mexican journals began to ventilate the project, and
it was denied that the Emperor Napoleon had given any authority to
encourage or execute such a plan; that it infringed on the sovereignty
of Mexico, and could not be allowed. Mr. Gwin called on Marshal
Bazine to notice these aUegations. His answer was that he dared not
do so ; that MaximiUan, doubtiess, inspired these commentaries ; that
he had lost faith in the Emperor Napoleon ; regarded Mr. Gwin as his
emissary, and beheved that should he and his foUowers get a foothold
in the northern provinces, they would soon subvert the empire. And
finaUy, that, if the French array in Mexico supplied troops for such a
colony, he, the Emperor, declared he would return to Europe.
In this, it must be conceded, MaximUian was not far wrong. He
had formed or imbibed frora his Mexican advisers, a rather accurate
conception of Anglo-American enterprise, and the probable result of an
American colony, armed with Spenser rifles and Bowie knives, receiv
ing accessions every day, and with such a man as William M. Gwin, a

446 Mississippi, as a Province,
protege of AndrcAV Jackson, a Tennessee-Mississippi-California-Amer
ican in command ! No Avonder the Imperial dawdler trembled in his
slippers. However, Mr. Gwin had no such programme on his slate at the time.
His object was to rescue the country from the savages, protect all our
exposed frontiers from their bloody incursions, and to develop the
richest metallic region of the world. A grand enterprise, the concep
tion of a great and original mind. Seeing, however, that it had faUed,
and that great changes were impending, Mr. Gwin demanded an es
cort to take him out of the country, Avhich Avas promptiy furnished. On
taking leave of the Marshal he said : "I hope your guard will secure
me safe deliverance out of Mexico, and unless you and the Emperor
leave very soon, I doubt if you wUl be permitted to go." Words that
soon proved prophetic in the case of Maximilian.
The idea of Louis Napoleon was to extract from these northern
provinces metal enough to extinguish the Mexican national debt,
guaranteed by France, and to give stability to his new creation, the
ncAv Mexican empire.
Here we close this sketch of the Hon. Wm. M. Gwin, who was so
long and so prominently connected with Mississippi, and since so
conspicuous in the development of the Pacific coast. The incidents of
his useful, eventful and patriotic life would fill a large volume. He
resides a't San Francisco, at an advanced age, in full possession of his
raental and physical powers, surrounded by all the happy auxUiaries
of faraUy, fortune, hearth and home.

Note. — By the indefatigable efforts of this able Senator, California obtained
a mint, a marine hospital, a floating dock, a minute coast survey of near 2,000
miles, lighthouses, a navy yard, numerous Indian agencies, the introduction of
the United States Circuit Court system, regular mails from Panama to Califor
nia and Oregon, authcrity for numerous mail contracts, a right of transit over
the Isthmus of 'Tehuantepec, the reduction of postage on letters from forty
cents to six cents, the appointment of a Surveyor General, provision for the ad
judication of land claims, and the extension of the United States system of
surveys, and division and sub-division of public lands, over California.
His speech, (or rather series of speeches, but which make one great connect
ed argument on the bill, "to ascertain and settle the private land claims in the
State of California,") Avas commenced January 2d, 1851, on his motion to strike
out all after the enacting clause, and insert an entirely new bill, was made,
chiefly, in reply to Mr. Benton, the author of the original bill. He occupied
several days in its delivery, and won the victory over that great master of
logic, history and parliamentary law. This speech exhibits deep research, and
is a complete mastery of the British, French and Spanish land systems on this
continent. It was learned, eloquent and demonstrative ; may be studied with
advantage by every lawyer, and by every student of history. Upon this speech
Mr. Gwin may safely rest his claims as an enlightened statesman.

The following memoir of a distinguished man, remarkable for his
successful career, and for his integrity and consistency, elucidates
much of our history, and discloses many interesting incidents, that
¦ have not previously been revealed. The narrative of the enterprises
set on foot, in Canada during the war, by Mr. Thompson, reads like
romance, though perfectly authentic:

Jacob Thompson.

Territory and State. 447
Jacob Tho-aipson Avas born in 18 10, in Caswell county. North Car
olina. Entered the University of N. C. in his 17th year, where he
continued for four years, ahvays receiving the firsi honors of his class.
Graduated in 1831. On the day of graduation, he Avas appointed one
of the tutors of the college ; and discharged the duties acceptably for
eighteen months, Avhen he resigned, and commenced the study of laAv,
in the office of Judge John M. Dick, of Greensboro, and in eighteen
months received his license to practice in the inferior courts. In 1835
he was admitted attorney and counseUor-at-law, in the superior courts
of the State. In the same year he left North CaroUna, proposing to
settie in Natchez, Avhich at that time Avas in the hey-day of its pros
perity, and Avhose people Avere living in great luxury, and Avere be
lieved to possess unbounded Avealth. Just as he Avas leaving Colum
bus, Miss., to resume his journey to Natchez, his brother, Dr. Jaraes
Y. Thompson, drove up unexpectedly, and induced him to dismount.
He remarked that the ChickasaAV Indians had lately ceded their splen
did country to the government; that already a large portion of the
lands had been surveyed ; and that the Land Office had been located
at Pontotoc, near the centre of the cession, and it Avas expected that
a day for the sale of the lands Avould soon be proclaimed. That he
Avas on his Avay there, and expected to buy land, and urged hira to
forego his trip to Natchez, and go with him. This chance meeting
brought about his residence at Pontotoc. The ChickasaAV cession em
braced the greater part of that portion of country known as North
Mississippi. The soil was fertile, the climate healthy ; and the cus
tom of the Indians of annually burning the woods had been so care
fully observed that there was no underbrush, and the Avoods through
out presented the appearance of a well kept park, the scenery varie
gated and beautiful.
Soon after his settleraent at Pontotoc, the Indian Agency was trans
ferred to that point. The U. S. Land Office had already been opened
there. Each Indian Avas alloAved a reservation of land under the
treaty, and as it was the policy of the government to remove them to
the west of the Mississippi river, the greatest facilities Avere afforded
them for the alienation of their lands. This brought together at Pon
totoc, the Indians in great numbers, and capitalists and land specula
tors from aU parts of the Union. The crowds Avere iraraense, and
often turbulent. The Legislature had extended the jurisdiction of
Monroe county over the whole ces.sion, and the courthouse was about
fifty miles from Pontotoc. At this distance from the seat of justice,
surrounded by the unbroken forest, few felt the restraints _ of law.
And of course the business of a young lawyer mainly consisted of
office business, and that chiefly relating to conveyancing. As the In
dians were daily receiving large amounts of money, and as they were,
as a general rule, as improvident as chUdren, money found its way
into everybody's pocket. Every business prospered, and the greatest
extravagance was everywhere practiced.
The first public question which divided the coramunity, was in re
lation to a vote whether the State should endorse the Union Bank
bonds, for $5,0,00,000, and the first speech ever made m the State by

448 Mississippi, as a Province,
Mr. Thompson on any political question, was at a meeting at Ponto
toc, for the purpose of favoring that policy, and instructing the repre
sentatives in the legislature to vote for the indorsement. Mr. Thomp
son opposed the resolution, in a speech of great force, which attracted
much attention in that portion of the State, and elsewhere. He de
nounced, in the strongest terms, the banking mania which at that
time was running riot over the State. He predicted that the se
quence would be overwhelraing ruin, and universal bankruptcy.
He believed if the Union Bank, borrowed this money, by virtue of the
State's endorsement, and commenced operations, it would not prove
an exception, and then appealed to the people to say if they were
wUling, by taxation, to make good this proposed endorsement, after
speculators and gamblers had squandered the raoney. The feeling in
favor of banks Avas, hoAvever, too strong, and the resolutions passed
by a meagre raajority. The argument used in their favor was, the
more banks Ave charter, the more money we shall have, and the
greater the amount of raoney, the greater will be the prosperity of the
people. In the year 1837 the legislature divided the ChickasaAV cession into
ten counties, attaching a portion of it to the old county of Mon
roe. A session of the legislature having been called, Gov. Lynch was
applied to for writs of election for members of the House from each
of these new counties. He declined to issue the writ, and in a pub
lic letter gave his reasons. The Democratic party was greatiy in
censed at this refusal, and as the constitution expressly provided that
each county should be entitied to at least one representative, a pub
lic meeting was held to review the governor's letter, and to devise
some plan for electing representatives independent of the governor.
This meeting proved to be a trial of strength of the two parties in the
county of Pontotoc. Mr. Thorapson Avas on this occasion the cham
pion of the Democratic party, and was opposed by AVm. Y. Gholson,
T. J. AVord and others. The discussion at the first meeting Avas ex
tended into the night, and, as no vote could be taken, an adjourned
meeting was held, at Avhich the opponents of Gov. Lynch's views pre
vailed by a handsome majority, and Mr. Thompson Avas elected to
draw up an address to the ChickasaAV counties. A very large edition
of this address Avas printed and distributed. Soon after this the bar
of North Mississippi very generally called on Mr. Thompson to sub
mit his narae to the people as a candidate for Attorney-General of the
State. He accepted the nomination, although a comparative stranger
in Mississippi. In this canvass he Avas defeated by a very small ma
jority, but in the counties where he Avas known, although party spirit
ran high, he received nearly a unanimous vote. He was present at
the organization of the first circuit courts in nearly all the new counties,
and aided in the sarae, and his practice frora that day becarae exten
sive and reraunerative.
In 1837 there was a general suspension of the deposit banks, which
forced President Van Buren, who had been inaugurated on the pre
vious 4th of March, to call an extra session of Congress. Under a
regular writ of election issued by the governor of the State, John F.

Territory and State. 449
H. Claiborne and Samuel J. Gholson Avere duly elected. They ap
peared and took their seats, and were declared duly elected for that
Congress by the House of Representatives. At the fall election in
November, notAvithstanding this decision by the House of Represen
tatives, Sargeant S. Prentiss and Thomas J. Word stood a canvass,
(the sitting members not appearing in the field) and Avere elected
members of the same Congress. This led to a most exciting contest,
which resulted in setting aside both elections, and remanding both
parties to a ncAv election by the people. After a heated canvass, Pren
tiss and AA'ord Avere returned to the House of Representatives.* Early
in the year 1839 the Democratic party raet in convention. The defeat
of the preceding year, the gloom which overhung the State, owing to
the universal distress occasioned by the suspension of aU the banks,
the supposed strength of the banks Avith the people in despite of their
suspension, and the ncAvness of the radical issue Avhich the Democratic
party AA'as bound to presenti that the banks must resume or forfeit their
charters, greatly dampened the ardor of the merabers of the conven
tion. They made norainations, but they had faint hopes of success.
A. G. McNutt Avas nominated for governor, and Albert G. BroAvn and
Jacob Thorapson for congress. The canvass was thought to be des
perate, and nothing but a determination to stand by their party, and
abide the issue, induced the nominees to accept the nominations.
With a hearty good will they entered the field, and each made a can
vass of the State. The shameless mismanageraent of the banks, and
the ruin and distress which they had brought upon the country, Avhen
ever exposed, excited the resentraent of the people, and the indignant
cry of resurae or forfeit, AA'as re-echoed throughout the State. The
nominees of the Democratic convention were elected by handsome
majorities. Brown and Thompson were both young raen, but they
conducted the canvass with marked ability, and to the entire satisfac
tion of their party. To shoAv how distinct party lines were drawn,
and how well the parties of the country were, at that time, balanced,
the foUoAving incident may serve to illustrate : The election Avas held
in November ; the session of Congress began on the first Monday of
December. As Ave had no telegraphs, and no railroads, the returns
from the different parts of the State came in sloAvly, and in case of a
close contest, it often required fuU six weeks to determine the question
of election. President Van Buren wrote to Gov. McNutt that the
members from Mississippi, if Democratic, should be in their seats at
the opening of Congress. By special runners the returns were col
lected, and as soon as it was known that Brown and Thompson Avere
elected, couriers were dispatched to them with their credentials, with
a letter informing them of the necessity of their presence at the open
ing of Congress. The courier found Mr. Thompson at one o'clock at
night, and he left for Washington by day-break next morning, and
arrived on Monday morning, took his seat, and on the first division
his vote tied the House. If was on the New Jersey contested election

* Mr. Gholson had declined, Mr. Claiborne down with hemorrhage of the lungs
and unable to canvass.
29

45° Mississippi, as a Province,
case.* A majority of the popular vote had been given to the Demo
cratic members, and the certificates of election had been given to the
Whig candidates. This question produced a great acerbity of feehng,
and engrossed the attention of Congress for the larger portion of the
session of 1839 and 1840.
The people of Mississippi had but lately settied on the pubhc lands,
and the cases of difficulty in perfecting tities under the pre-emption
laws, the irregularity of the public sales, and the conflicts with Indian
locations of land, were innumerable. Ncav settlements had been made
in almost every portion of the State, and therefore ncAv post-routes had
to be established, and new post-offices opened. By emigration, pen
sions had not been regularly received, and the pensioners' roUs had to
be changed and corrected. A vast number of contracts for the sur
vey of the public lands, and for carrying the mails, had to be adjusted
and settied. With a constituency so many of Avhom had business
directly Avith the general governraent, which Avas so far removed from
them, the correspondence of the representative was necessarUy volu
minous. To this business Mr. Thompson assiduously devoted himself,
and the services he rendered, and the success Avhich attended his
labors, made for him hosts of friends throughout the State. After this
period his popularity was greater than his party strength.
In the 'summer of 1840, Mr. Thompson returned horae to partici
pate in the stormy Presidential canvass between Van Buren and Har
rison. He traversed the larger portion of the State, giving to Mr.
Van Buren an earnest support. But the administration Avas held re-
•sponsible for the pecuniary distress which prevaUed everywhere
throughout the United States, and General Harrison SAvept over Mis
sissippi, and the country generally, like a tornado. In 1841, Mr.
Thorapson desired to retire frora public life and devote himself to pri
vate business, but, when the Democratic Convention convened, he
was unanimously re-nominated for Congress, and Gen. Brown having
positively refused to stand another canvass, Dr. William M. Gwin was
nominated as his colleague. President Harrison survived his inaugu
ration but a short time, and John Tyler became the President. An
extra session of Congress was called, and the great issues raised during
that session became those of the canvass for the most part. Yet there
was a question forced upon the people during the summer of 1841, on
which every candidate was compelled to take position. The Union
¦^' While the writer was a representative in Congress, and parties Avere nearly
balanced on the Independent Treasury question, there Avas an exciting contest
for a seat between General Graham, of North Carolina, the sitting member, and
a Democrat whose name is not remerabered. General Graham Avas a pronounced
Whig, and a prorainent raeraber. The contest had been going on six Aveeks, a
large volume of testimony had been taken and printed, and tlie committee had
just made their report adverse to Graham. The writer had been down "with hem
orrhage during all this tirae, and had not been in his seat five minutes "before he
was called on for his vote. He asked to be excused, but there Avas a general No I
Not on the Democratic side. He then said, he regarded all contests of this char
acter as judicial, to be determined by the' evidence exclusively. That he had not
heard any of the debates, or read one word of the printed testimony, and Avas not
qualified to vote. He asked time for examination, or to be excused. But if the
House refused his request, and coerced his vote, then he should cast it for the
sitting member, who Avas prima faeie entitled to the seat. He was excused.

Territory and State. 42 1
Bank had become utteriy bankrupt; the bonds of the Bank which had
been endorsed by the State, and with which the Bank had raised the
capital on which it had run its brief career, had been dishonored, and
the State Avas caUed on to make good its endorsement. The Governor
had refused payment, on the ground that the State Avas not legally or
morally bound, and an appeal was made to the people. Mr. Thomp
son, being a candidate for Congress, was called upon for his vieAvs,
and in a letter to Mr. AVebster, of Vicksburg, he maintained that the
Governor Avas right in his refusal to admit the binding obligation of
the State's endorsement. This letter stated the whole case with so
much clearness, force and eloquence that it satisfied the pubhc mind,
and from that day to this no one has been or could be elected to any
position of honor by the people of the State, who did not endorse the
sentiments of that letter. The succeeding Legislature, in proclaiming
the position it took in regard to the Union Bank Bonds; embodied in
substance the whole letter. In November the nominees of the Demo-
•cratic party, Thompson and Gwin, were elected Representatives in
Congress. During the ensuing session, offensive allusion having been
made, on the floor of the House, to the course which Mississippi had
taken in reference to these bonds, Mr. Thompson denounced her tra
ducers, and delivered a masterly speech, Avhich put a stop to aU sneers
and jeers, or objectionable epithets for that session. In 1843 the rep
resentation from the State was increased to five members in the House
of Representatives. When the Democratic Convention met, it again
unanimously nominated Mr. Thompson for Congress, with W. H.
Hammet, T. H. Tucker, and Col. R. W. Roberts, for his colleagues,
and in the fall they were duly elected.*
Early in 1844 the annexation of Texas became the prominent ques
tion. This was made more especially an issue after the celebrated
letter of Robert J. AValker, Senator from Mississippi. Mr. Clay and
Mr. Van Buren had been called on for their vIcaa's. Mr. Van Buren
was then not only the acknowledged favorite of the Democratic party
for re-election, but it was conceded that in equity and good faith he
was entitled to tli,e nomination. Well knowing the controlling agency
"•*Col. Boberts was a native of Delaware. As soon as he attained his raajority
he removed to Tennessee, carrying with him the slaves that he had inherited
from his father's estate. Before he left Deleware he had fought two duels, mar-
Tied and was the father of a fine boy. He was just the man for Tennessee and
Andrew Jackson, and they soon made him a Circuit Judge, and would have sent
him to Congress, but he followed the tide of immigration to the rich lands of
North Alabama, and from thence moved to Mississippi. He was a leading mera-
Iier of our Legislature, presided as Speaker with marked ability, and was a mas
ter of parliamentary law. It used to be said that he slept Avith old Hansard under
his head. No one ever successfully appealed from his decisions. He Avas an im
promptu, forcible, and sometimes a very fiery debater, with an eye, and manner
that meant business. As a man of honor, a patriot, a good citizen, a true and
conscientious and skillful party leader, Ave have never had his superior.
Hammet was a handsome adventurer from Ireland, of classical education and
insinuating manners. He had been, at sorae period of his life, a Methodist
preacher, and must have been rather fascinating. But, as seen by tbe Avriter,
there was little of the ecclesiastic in his appearance, manners or habits. He was
a man ol literary tastes, of polished address,>nd a handsome and fluent speaker.
Since his death it has been doubted whether he was ever naturalized under the
laws of the United States as a citizen. See Acts of Missisippi Legislature, 1861,
.58 page.

452 Mississippi, as a Province,
this question would have on the Convention — that it could be used
and perverted by ambitious leaders — and that acquiescence in annex
ation Avould secure his nomination, he nevertheless responded only to
his honest convictions, and pronounced against it. The effect was
electrical. The Convention adopted the two-thirds rule speciaUy to
defeat the nomination of General Cass, who had given in his adhesion
to the annexation policy, but Avas by no means their choice. Mr.
Robert J. AValker Avas the active manipulator of that memorable Con
vention. He was himself aspiring to the Presidency, in the future,
and it was by springing this question of annexation, and the adoption
of the two-thirds rule, that he secured the nomination of a man not
previously thought of, and Avhose successor he proposed to be. Mr.
Polk gave an unasked for and voluntary pledge not to be a candidate
for re-election, and Mr. AValker selected for himself the Treasury De
partment, which would open the door of the Presidency for him after
wards. Mr. Polk regretted his pledge almost as soon as he had made
it, and was shrewd enough to perceive the game of his raost active
supporter. It was on this occasion that the illustrious statesman of Kentucky
gave a sublime instance of political integrity. He had seen the down
fall of Mr. Van Buren frora the honest confession of his opinions. He
had Avitnessed the nomination of an untried man, of the second class
of politicians, and of vulnerable antecedents. And he kncAv that one
Avord in favor of annexation, a qualified assent, or a sUght modifica
tion of his opinion, Avould secure his election to the Presidency, by
acclamation, but he refused to yield. He wrote his own sentence of
exclusion from the supreme magistracy of the Republic, and then and
there predicted the eventful consequences that have followed. That
was the crisis in Mr. Clay's political life. He had then no peer in the
United States. If not superior to Mr. AVebster intellectually, he Avas
far ahead of him as a statesman, and practical politician, and in the af
fections of the people. His candor, courage, and thorough American
ism, endeared him to the raillions, and thousands of Southern voters
in the Democratic party, who had been in opposition to him, would
have gladly seized that occasion to give him their support. Mr. Van
Buren and Mr. Clay sacrificed their opportunity to their convictions,
and for the first tirae in our history the Presidential chair Avas filled by
a raan not thought of by the people, Avorking in the harness of a cau
cus, and riding into poAver on a single issue. On that single issue,
without having been even dreamed of for the Presidency, he defeated
Clay, Van Buren and Cass, the three grandest figures tiien in pubUc
life. He was constitutionaUy a timid man, and only bold when sup
ported by others bolder than himself. He had a vigorous cabinet,
and the achievements of our army in Mexico gave strength and iclat
to his administratibn ; but he can only be regarded as a man of medi
ocrity, Avho rose to poAver in the train of Gen. Jackson, exempt from
positive vices, remarkable for his prudence, and a thorough master of
the strategy of politics. AVith all the poAver and patronage of the Gov
ernment, (greatiy augmented by the Avar) and with the lustre of victory
and vast territorial acquisitions reflected on him, he nevertheless wit-

Territory and State. 453
nessed, before his term expired, the decay of his popularity, and no
one, but himself, hoped for his re-election. Pie owed his nomination
more to Messrs. AA^alker, GAvin and Thompson, of Mississippi, than to
any others in the Convention. Mr. Thompson and Mr. GAvin took
an active part in securing the Treasury Department for Mr. Walker.
This Avas by no means an easy matter. The Van Buren wing of the
party, though they could not secure the nomination of their chief, was
too powerful and too essential to be disregarded, and they desired to
suggest the man for the Treasury, and Mr. Polk desired it also, to
strengthen himself. But the pertinacity and firmness of Mr. Walker
and his friends, amounting almost to a menace, forced him to suc
cumb. Mr. Polk had carried the vote of Ncav York, by Mr. Silas Wright
consenting — very much against his inclinations — to become a candi
date for Governor and to canvass the State. That great man and
able politician Avas then at the zenith of his popularity and influence.
And he unquestionably secured the election of Mr. Polk. Mr. Polk
had no rightful claim to the vote of Louisiana. It Avas given to him
by fraud, yet from the moment he went into office he Avas merely
coldly courteous to Mr. AVright, from a jealousy of his popularity.
The Secretary of the Treasury discouraged no intimate relations with
statesmen likely to become formidable.
When Mr. Walker's position in the cabinet Avas settled, and he no
tified the Governor of Mississippi that he should vacate his seat on be
ing nominated and confirmed, the Governor (Brown) made out a
commission appointing Mr. Thompson, and sent it to Mr. Walker to be
delivered as soon as the vacancy occurred, so that Mr. Thompson
could occupy the seat at the extra session of the Senate that always oc
curs after the 4th of March, and the inauguration of a new President.
Mr. AValker, in due time resigned, but failed to deliver the comraission
to Mr. Thompson, or even to mention that he had it. This extraordi
nary incident produced a breach between them that Avas never repaired.
Mr. Thompson returned home to find himself re-nominated for Con
gress by acclamation . Governor Brown again offered him the com
mission of Senator, but he deemed it his duty to decline. He Avas
elected to the House of Representatives by an overwhelming majority.
As chairman of the Comraittee on Public Lands at the preceding ses
sion, and now as chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs, he had
been very efficient and influential.
The settiement of the northwestern boundary on the line of latitude
54, 40, or on 49, the Mexican war growing out of the annexation of
Texas, and the acquisition of new Territory, and the passage of the rev
enue tariff biU, were the great measures of this Administration. On aU
these Mr. Thompson made impressive speeches, and no member of
the House exerted a larger influence. The State was laid off into con
gressional districts in 1847. Mr. Thompson fell into the Northern
District, and the Democratic Convention insisted on his returning
again to Congress from that District in 1847- On his return to Con
gress he was again appointed chairman of the Committee on Indian
Affairs, and served in that capacity for two years. In 1849 the Whig

454 Mississippi, as a Province,
party brought out Gen. A. B. Bradford, of Marshall, a very popular and
influential citizen, for Congress, and Mr. Thompson's friends refused
to allow him to withdraw, and again he stood the canvass in that year
and was elected. These two years ending on the 4th of March, 1851,
completed the term of twelve years of continued service in the House
of Representatives.
Mr. Thompson, though comparatively a young man, began noAv to
be considered one of the Fathers of the House. Cautious and delib
erate in taking positions on all new issues, yet firm and resolute in
maintaining them, he was ever consistent, and became a leader on
Avhom the most implicit reliance could be placed. Always prudent,
yet firm and determined, sure of his position and well able to defend
it, no constituency was ever served with more fidelity, honesty and
efficiency, and none ever trusted a representative with more constancy
and confidence. He was never known to dodge an issue, or fail to
maintain the course he advocated, or prove untrue to a colleague or
poUtical friend. But the time was coming in which he was to be stiU
more thoroughly tried. In 1850 the compromise measures were
passed, which admitted California as a State, and provided Territorial
Governments for New Mexico, Utah and Arizona, and prescribed the
northern boundary of Texas. Mr. Thompson had opposed these
measures; and the issue made up at home was either to advocate these
measures or insist upon disunion, and he knew well that his constitu
ents Avould not at that time favor disunion.
Mr. Thompson having previously openly announced his determina
tion to retire, published a masterly review of these measures, and
avowing his determination to withdraw from another canvass for Con
gress. He deprecated the issue which had been made by his friends,
but made known his Avillingness to stand or fall with them. When the
Democratic Convention, in 1851, met and looked for a candidate to
fill his place, they failed to come to an agreement upon any one, and
finally unaniraously resolved that the party needed the use of his
name and services in that canvass, and adjourned. Friend after
friend appealed to him to run for Congress, and to let the general
ticket take care of itself, and the people would take care of him. Un
der these circumstances he reluctantly consented, but instead of taking
care of hiraself, he undertook to carry the Avhole ticket through his
district, which proved a weight too heavy araid the storra Avhich had
been raised, and he, and all his ticket, Avere defeated in this canvass.
In 1852 Mr. Thompson became a delegate to the Baltimore conven
tion, and contributed as much, perhaps raore than any one of its mem
bers, to the nomination of Gen. Franklin Pierce for the Presidency,
one of the purest and best raen that ever occupied the office. He
served on the comraittee to carry to the ncAvly nominated President the
news of his selection, and to receive from hira his acceptance. Du
ring the incumbency of President Pierce, Mr. Thompson Avas tendered
the consulship to Cuba, an important, and supposed at the time to be
a most profitable office, Avhich he respectfully declined. During the
canvass of 1855, his friends throughout the State insisted upon his be
coming a candidate for the U. S. Senate. He consented that his name

Territory and State.

455

should be used, and a majority of the members, it was supposed, fa
vored his election. But there were other aspirants who had their fol
lowers, and to preserve the harmony of the party, when great issuefi
were pending and southern unity indispensable, it was decided, in
caucus, to nominate Col. Jefferson Davis, who had not been seeking
the position.
In 1856 he was again a delegate to the Presidential convention
which met at Cincinnati in that year. He Avas the open and active
supporter of Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, for Avhom the nomina
tion was finally secured. After the election President Buchanan in
vited Mr. Thompson to become a member of his cabinet, and take
charge of the Department of the Interior. This position Mr. Thomp
son accepted and entered on the discharge of his duties- in March,
1857. AVhen he took charge of the department he found it a mere ag
gregation of Bureaus, having jurisdiction of different branches of the
public service, Avorking independentiy, without concert, and appar
entiy without control, making the Secretary a mere figure-head. It
consisted of the Bureau of PubUc Lands, Indian Affairs, Patents, Pen
sions, the Census and Statistics, and the Comraissioners of Public
BuUdings and Grounds. And it had often happened that the com
missioner of one of these Bureaus would recommend in his reports
one policy for Congress to adopt, and the Secretary another, and out
of this state of things arose divisions, Aveakness and confusion. Mr.
Thompson determined to stop this irregularity, and introduce a sys
tem which promised unity and efficiency. He first made known his
views to the President, who cordiaUy sanctioned his policy, and prom
ised his support. He then caUed together the several commissioners
and made known his wish to make the department a unit, and for that
purpose it must have one head. He hoped he would have the cordial
co-operation, and the frankest interchange of opinions and vicAvs of
aU his associates. All appointments to and removals from office would
be made by the Secretary. Each Bureau would be expected and re-
qmred to take hold of and dispose of all old cases, and be ready to
dispatch all current business, and when any policy was ¦ to be recom
mended for the action of Congress, the freest discussion and interchange
of views would be invited, and the subject AveU considered ; but when
the Secretary decided the course to be recommended, all had to ad
vocate and sustain his views or resign their positions. An appeal
clerk from each Bureau would be appointed, and the final decision of
the Secretary would be the law of the case, so far as the department
was concerned. These avowals at first led to some commotion, and
although there was an advance expression of acquiesence, yet practi
caUy the machinery seemed for awhile to AVOrk heavily. The result
was he lost two of his ablest commissioners, but their places were
soon filled with successors of equal abiUty; cheerfulness and harraony
prevaUed in all the Bureaus. The Secretary being a working man,
the whole corps of clerks caught his spirit, andm twelve months neariy
every old case had been disposed of, and the different offices were
fully up with current business. The result was, the department grew
in favor and popularity with the whole country. No recommendation

4S6 Mississippi, as a Province,
made by the Secretary but Avas readily adopted by Congress. There
Avas in no quarter, notAvithstanding its many and varied transactions in
all parts of the Union, the first suggestion of fraud or corruption or
any intimation of undue influence in any of its decisions. The vol
umes of the decisions of Secretary Thompson in land cases alone,
Avere larger than the volumes of the opinions of the Attorney-General.
Just at the close of Mr. Thompson's administration of the Interior
Department an act of treachery and bad faith to the head of the de
partment Avas committed by one of his trusted clerks, which occa
sioned gross and malignant charges against him. By law, the Secre
tary of the Interior was the custodian of the Indian Trust Fund. The
fund amounted to more than $3,000,000, and consisted mainly of the
bonds of different States. Ever since the organization of the fund, it
had been the custom of the head of the department, to leave the actual
custody of the bonds in the hands of a clerk of the Indian Bureau.
Mr. Goddard Bailey, Avho came to AVashington from Alabama, having
been brought up in South Carolina and connected by family relation
ship Avith the best people of the State, and also a man of decided tal
ents, had been appointed Appeal and Disbursing Clerk of the Indian
Bureau, and Avas directed to take charge of this trust fund, and for
nearly four years discharged its duties in a satisfactory manner. WhUe
he was thus engaged a great Avestern company, under the name of
Russell, Majors & AA^addell, entered into a transportation contract with
the AVar Departraent, which amounted to miUions. Their resources
were thought to be almost unlimited, and their operations were on a
magnificent scale. Their funds, hoAvever, running short, application
was made to the Secretary of AVar, for perraission to anticipate their
earnings by draAving drafts on the Secretary, and his accepting the
same. In an evil hour the Secretary of AVar yielded to this solicita
tion, and accepted drafts to a large amount. The drafts were known,
in moneyed circles, as acceptances of the AA^ar Department. For
awhile money Avas raised upon them, and they Avere floated by capit
alists. But in the year i860, it seems, the earnings of the Transporta
tion Company Avere not sufficient to bear up the great load upon it. It
was then that the leading member of the firm raade the acquaintance
of Mr. Bailey, who had the custody of the Indian Trust Fund, and
persuaded him to let him have, in the most secret manner, $150,000
of these bonds, and take in lieu of them the notes of Messrs. Russell,
Majors & AVaddell. The avOAved object Avas to save the Secretary of
War from protest on his acceptances. This Avas in July. In October,
i860, RusseU again appealed to BaUey for more securities, to save
the credit of the Secretary of War, and to enable him to control the
bonds already received, so as to return them. Mr. Bailey again se
cretiy took from the trust fund $387,000, taking the precaution first
to clip off the January coupons, so as to escape detection. Again,
RusseU deposited with Bailey the notes of RusseU, Majors & WaddeU,
as security for the bonds. In December, i860, RusseU once more
applied to BaUey for aid to save the credit of the War Departraent,
and at this tirae obtained from him 333 bonds, Bailey retaining the
coupons. This tirae Bailey seems to have groAvn suspicious of the

Territory and State.

457

notes of RusseU, Majors & AVaddell, and required RusseU to leave
Avith him the acceptances of the AVar Department for the full amount
of all these bonds delivered, Avhich Russell succeeded in doing very
promptly. In the raeantirae the Secretary of the Interior, having not
the least thought that anything Avas Avrong, caUed on Mr. BaUey to
make out a full statement of aU the securities on hand, and bring it to
him for examination, and report to the proper auditing officers. This
Avas promptly done, and the accounts Avere neatly made out as though
every bond Avas in the safe. AVhen the coupons Avere called for they
Avere readUy produced, and no one could have suspected that anything
Avas amiss. But, suddenly, Bailey hearing that the Secretary Avould
resign his position, reasonably presumed that, before doing so, he
would order his chief clerk, or some one else, to examine the safe, and
verify its condition, then it Avas he sent to the Secretary his confes
sion, and avoAved his abstraction of the bonds, and explained his mo
tive for committing such a crime. The moment it was made known
to the Secretary, he called on the Secretary of State, and the Attorney-
General, and went with them to the Department, and called around
him three confidential clerks, and had the safe examined, and the crimi
nal's confession tallied Avith the facts. The culprit Avas of course dis
missed and handed over to the officers of the laAv. On the next day
Secretary Thompson addressed a coraraunication to the House of Rep
resentatives informing that body of the abstraction, and asking for a
committee of investigation, and requested the Speaker to select for the
committee only those Avho Avere known to hold political opinions ad
verse to the Secretary. This committee was appointed, and of the
five upon it, only one belonged to the Democratic States Rights party.
They gave the subject a thorough examination, and raade a unani
mous report. A single extract frora that report will shoAv the senti
ment and feeling of the Committee.
" They," the Committee, " deem it but justice to add, that they have discov
ered nothing to involve the late Secretary, Hon. Jacob Thompson, in the slight
est degree in the fraud, and nothing to indicate that he had any complicity in
the abstraction, or that he had any knowledge of it until the time of the dis
closure of Goddard Bailey."
At the time of this investigation and report, the greatest bitterness
was felt and expressed towards all men of the South Avho made known
their purpose to stand by their States. Such a verdict, at such a time,
wrung from political enemies by the most unquestioned and unques
tionable facts, ought to have silenced forever the tongue of _ slander.
But it did not. Unprincipled men attempted, again and again, to fix
the stain of fraud upon the Secretary, but this had already been an
swered by the report of the Committee. It seems, however, that
when the worid once gets hold of a lie, you may beat it in the head,
and trample it in the earth, yet it seems impossible altogether to kill it.
In the year 1861, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the
United States. As soon as the result was knoAvn, several of the South
ern States adopted measures looking to secession from the Union.
Mr. Buchanan, in his December message to Congress, had taken the
position that the States had no constitutional right to secede, and that
Congress or the Government had no constitutional right to use force

458 Mississippi, as a Province,
of arms to coerce obedience on the part of a State. But South Caro
lina, notwitiistanding, precipitately passed her ordinance of secession
on the 2oth December, i860. This action forced upon the Govern
ment the gravest possible issue, and greatly embarrassed the adminis
tration. UnAvUling to give any sanction to the act of South Carolina,
but still unAvilUng to plunge the Government into a conflict of arms,
which would cut off all hope of comproraising the difficulties, the only
course or line of conduct left open for the administration was to agree
to allow the status quo to continue, until Congress and the country
should have time and opportunity to arrange some programme which
would save the Union, and satisfy the disaffected States. Mr. Thomp
son, being a member of the cabinet, and from the State of Mississippi,
which Avas then discussing the proposition of Avithdrawal from the
Union, Avas placed in a delicate position. He raade known to the
President, and to his colleagues, that he felt bound to go with his
State, but would adhere to the administration as long as peace could
be preserved and bloodshed avoided. A mischievous raovement,
made by Major Anderson, without orders, brought up a perplexing
question. On the 26th December he evacuated Fort Moultrie, and
took possession of Fort Sumter. An appeal was made to the
President to order him to return to his old quarters, Avhich Avere re
garded by Major Anderson as less desirable, and Aveaker than Fort
Sumter. The President felt unAvUUng, now that the movement had
been made, though without his authority, to order him to return. This,
Avith other coraplications, led to the resignation of Gov. Floyd as Sec
retary of War. On the 6th January, 1861, Gen. Scott, the head of
the array, fitted up the "Star of the West," with troops and niUitary
stores, to reinforce Maj. Anderson. Mr. Thompson was not made
aware of this movement until the morning of the 9th January, and
believing that it would necessarily result in a conflict of arms, and
moreover, Mississippi having passed her ordinance of secession that
same day,'he sent in his resignation as a member of the cabinet. In
severing his connection with the cabinet, and the Interior Department,
simultaneous with the appearance of the "Star of the West" off the
harbor of Charleston, with supplies and soldiers to reUeve and
strengthen Fort Sumter, and also the AvithdraAval of the State of Mis
sissippi from the Union, the pubUc mind Avas greatly startied, and it
was obvious that a crisis Avas upon the country. Mr. Thompson's
family Avere favorites in the fashionable circles of Washington, and his
house had been the resort of leading men of both parties. He Avas
personally extremely popular in AVashington, and his resignation and
departure Avere much regretted. On his arrival at home, a crowd of
neighbors and personal friends met hira at the depot, and received him
Avith cordial greetings. In the formation of the Confederate Govern
ment, and in its organization Mr. Thompson took no part whatever.
He went dUigentiy to work to set his house in order, and prepare him
self as Avell as he could, for the storm Avhich he deemed inevitable.
AVhen troops Avere called for, he contributed largely and freely of his
means to equip and prepare them for the field. His only son, C.
Macon Thorapson, becarae the quarterraaster of the regiraent com-

Territory and State. 459
manded by Col. Mott, but after holding the post untU the regiment
was regularly assigned to duty in Virginia, his son, preferring more
active service, resigned the position and accepted a staff appointment
from Gen. Longstreet, and actively participated in the batties of Bull
Run and First Manassas. When Gen. Beauregard carae out to take
charge of the army of the West, and fixed his headquarters at Jack
son, Tennessee, Hon. J. Thorapson volunteered his services as an aid.
He Avent Avith the army to Corinth, engaged actively in the two day's
fight at Shiloh, went Avith the reports and trophies of that battie to
Richmond, and returned to the army at Corinth until tlie retreat to
Tupelo, Avhere he had been sent in advance to select the camping
ground for the army. When the army reached there, the campaign
on that line evidently Avas ended, and Mr. Thompson returned home.
But soon Gen. ViUipegue invited Mr. Thompson to the post of heu
tenant colonel in what was known as Ballentine's regiment. He re
mained on duty Avith the regiment for some four months, until after
the retreat of the army of the West frora Tallahatchie river to Grenada.
On that retreat, in a charge at Water Valley, where the enemy had
massed for the purpose of cutting off the cavalry, Mr. Thompson's
horse Avas shot under him, but he escaped unhurt. The regiment was
in the battle at Coffeeville, when the enemy Avas driven back Avith heavy
loss. On reaching Grenada, General Pemberton, who had just taken the
command of the army of the West, sent for Mr. Thompson and insist
ed on his taking position on his staff as chief inspector of the army.
When he reached headquarters he laid before Gen. Pemberton a sug
gestion that Gen. Van Dorn should be placed at the head of the cav
alry, and ordered to move around Gen. Grant's army, then encamped
at Oxford and cut the railroad in his rear, and force him to retreat.
This suggestion was matured, the order issued, and most successfully
accomplished. After the retreat of Gen. Grant from Oxford to Mem
phis, the attempt Avas made to invade Mississippi through Vicksburg;
and the firstproject, to overrun the State by marching through it, from
North to South, Avas abandoned. As soon as this design was known,
it became necessary to change headquarters to Vicksburg. General
Sherman, Avith four divisions, made divers desperate assaults above the
city from the Yazoo river, to break through our lines and enter Vicks
burg from that direction. But in each attack he was driven back by
Gen. Stephen D. Lee with heavy loss, and at last withdrew his forces
up the Mississippi river. Mr. Thompson was present during these
attacks, and afterwards was engaged in the battie of Baker's Creek.
He returned with the troops into Vicksburg, and as the enemy was
closing around us. Gen. Pemberton dispatched him to the headquar
ters of Gen. Johnston, who was then encamped at Canton. After the
surrender of Vicksburg, Mr. Thompson retreated with the army _ to
Enterprise, Miss., and as Vicksburg forces could not engage m active
service until an exchange could be effected, Mr. Thorapson returned
home, and Avas, during the faU of 1863, elected to the Legislature of
the State from the county of Lafayette. He served in the session
which was held in Columbus. Afterwards there was a called session

460 Mississippi, as a Province,
of the Legislature at Macon, in which he urged strong measures for
the defense and protection of the State. At the close of the adjourned
session, he received a telegram from President Davis caUing him to
Richmond, and advising him he must come prepared to go abroad.
He promptly obeyed the summons, anxious to render any service in
his poAVer, to advance and maintain the Southern cause. On his ar
rival at Richmond he was informed that friendly parties from the
West had been there, and given the authorities assurance that there
were thousands of people in Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, who were
weary of the Avar and desired a pacification. All these people needed
was the means of organizing and arming, and as soon as they found
themselves strong enough, they would demand of the government of
the United States a cessation of hostilities for the purpose of readjust
ing all the questions between the North and South. The Confederate
Congress had privately received these messengers, had fully conferred
with them, and had voted a large appropriation, and directed the
President to select and send on this mission one of our most discreet
and reliable citizens, who should repair to Canada, and there or there
abouts, confer and advise with those who, in any way, sympathize
with, and were willing to carry out the proposed measures. When
Mr. Thompson was advised that he •fvas expected to enter upon a se
cret mission, and to be entrusted with the secret service fund, with no
requirements to furnish vouchers for his expenditures, and no restric
tion on his discretion, he hesitated to accept the appointment. He sav/
at once how such a position subjected hira to slander and raisrepresen-
tation by the unscrupulous, and how meager were the opportunities
afforded for doing what Avould reflect honor or credit on himself But
difficult and embarrassing as was the mission, hopeless as he considered
it, andliable, ashekncAV he would be, to misconstruction, he felt it to be
his duty to serve his country and her cause in any honorable manner
and in any capacity. As soon as he signified his wiUingness to accept
the appointment, his commission Avas made out and delivered; his in
structions consisted of a night's intervicAv and exchange of ideas with
the President, and Avere only verbal. Mr. Thompson left Richmond
for Wilmington, N. C. , being instructed to seek to run the blockade
from that point. The day after his arrival there he Avas informed the
government had associated Hon. C. C. Clay, of Alabaraa, Avith him,
and had appointed Maj. AV. W. Cleary, of Kentucky, as Secretary. Af
ter the delay of a few days the party ran the blockade in the English
steamer Thistle, and though chased by one of the blockading ves
sels, succeeded in reaching the Bermuda Islands. Thence they saUed
in the regular English packet. Alpha, to Halifax, Nova Scotia.
At the date of arrival at Halifax, Gen. Grant, with an immense
array, was moving down on Richmond, declaring ' ' he Avould fight it
out on this line, if it took him all summer." Gen. Sherman had
taken up his line of march, endeavoring to outflank and drive Gen.
Johnson back to Atianta. The army of the Confederates were resist
ing their ouAvard march with stout hearts and cheerful spirits. Mr.
Clay being very much indisposed, Mr. Thompson, with the Secretary,
pushed on to Montreal, Avhere he remained a few days, to ascer-

Territory and State. 461
tain the feelings of the Peace party of the Northern and Eastern
States. Intelligent and reliable friends from New York were sent for
and visited him, but he soon found that the people of those States,
being satisfied they were rapidly groAving rich by the continuance of
the Avar, Avere unwUUng to join in any movement Avhich had for its
object the termination of hostilities. Therefore he Avent on farther
west to ascertain the feeling in Ohio, Indiana and lUinois. There ex
isted, at that time, a secret order in those States, Avhose membership
was large, and Avhose original object had been jDersonal protection
against radical terrorism. The late C. L. Vallandingham of Ohio,
was the grand commander, or chief officer of the associated societies
of the three States, and at that time Avas at AVindsor, Canada. Mr.
Thompson, betAveen Avhom and Mr. VaUandingham there had long
existed the raost friendly relations, soon learned from him the strength
of the order, and the principles Avhich united and bound them to
gether. The enroUed membership in lUinois Avas 80,000 fighting
men; in Indiana 40,000; in Ohio 40,000. Their articles of associa
tion declared that each State Avas sovereign, in the sense of the Vir
ginia Resolutions of i798-'99. That an invasion by the General
Government of a State Avas unconstitutional, and without authority,
and each member covenanted to stand by and defend the rights of
every other member, as Avell as the constitutional rights of all the citi
zens of the United States. Mr. Thompson was invited to become,
and did become a member of the order ; and as soon as he familiar
ized himself with its workings, he employed and sent a confidential
party to visit the societies, wherever they had been organized, Avith
the information that the Confederate prisoners at Chicago, and Rock
Island, numbered about 15,000; at Indianapolis about 5,000; and at
Johnson's Island about the same. It Avas exceedingly desirable to re
lease these prisoners, and return them ^o their respective coraraands
in the Southern States. That the United States Governraent had per
sistently refused to exchange prisoners of war. That every day he
was notified of the sufferings of the prisoners, and that humanity as
well as the obligations of the brotherhood, demanded a concerted
effort in their behalf. He desired the aid and co-operation of the
Order. That he could organize and arm the escaped prisoners, who
were good soldiers, and would delight in a stirring adventure. They
were sufficiently strong to overcome the guards, and all that was
needed was a force to protect the prisoners untU they could be armed
and embodied. His agent, James A. Barrett, returned with the an
swer that with some additional arras and transportation money, they
were ready and williiig to co-operate. The escaped prisoners Avere
organized and armed, and were ready at a given signal to repair to
their respective posts. Day after day was appointed as the time for
meeting, and making the attack. But before the appointed time roUed
round, a message would come from the leaders that they could not at
that time bring up their men. , Concert of moveraent, and concentra
tion, seemed almost impossible. The leaders expressed the greatest
confidence in their men, and the greatest readiness on their own parts.
Four times a certain day was designated and agreed upon for a simul-

462 Mississippi, "AS a Province,
taneous movement on the prisons at Chicago, Rock Island, and Camp
Chase, but on each of these several days, Avhen the escaped prisoners,
embodied and armed, looked for their aUies, they faUed to make their
appearance. At last Mr. Thompson became thoroughly disgusted,
and lost all confidence in the nerve and pluck of the leaders of the
Order. Thereupon he organized a company of escaped prisoners for
the purpose of releasing the prisoners on Johnson's Island. This
Island is situated in Lake Erie, some three miles from the city of
Sandusky. Between the city and the Island had been anchored the
United States gun-boat "Michigan," carrying 14 guns. Every boat
passing from the shore to the Island, necessarily passed under her
guns. It Avas apparent nothing effective could be done, Avithout hav
ing the control of the Michigan. The bold design was formed to sur
prise and seize her. Capt. Cole, an escaped prisoner, had made the
acquaintance of her officers, and Avith some of them Avas on such inti
mate relations, that he proposed a certain evening for having a Avine
party on board at his expense. This Avas agreed to, and the prepara
tions were raade. The champagne Avas bought and ready to be sent
over to the Michigan. This arrangement was communicated to Lieut.
John G. Beale of the Confederate navy, and he had organized a band
of tAventy-two men to act under his orders. The party concealing
their revolvers, went on board the mail packet Philo Parsons, from
Detroit to Sandusky, as passengers, and, at an opportune moment,
took possession of her, and put all on board under guard. To obtain
a supply of fuel it became necessary to come to at Middle-Barr Island.
While laying there the steamer Island Queen came in for the same
purpose, and lashed alongside of the Parsons. She had on board
many passengers and some thirty soldiers. Lieut. Beale and party
sprung on board Avith their revolvers, and soon had possession of the
steamer, and the soldiers and passengers in custody. These soldiers
and all the passengers Avere paroled under a pledge not to leave the
Island for tAventy-four hours. When the boats had made some head-
Avay, they scuttled and sunk the Island Queen. This Avas the after
noon for Capt. Cole's wine party on the Michigan. But Avhen they
sighted the Michigan, the expected signal Cole Avas to have given was
not made, and it was believed that something had gone Avrong with
him. And such indeed was the fact. By treachery he Avas betrayed
at twelve o'clock in the day, and had been arrested and carried on
board the Michigan. Expecting an attack the fires had been started
in the furnace, and Avhen the Philo Parsons came in sight, instead of
surprising, they were surprised to find the Michigan apparently ready
to weigh anchor, and pursue them. To attack her Avas hopeless, and
a mere act of desperation. So the Philo Parsons was compeUed to
return, and land her brave men on the Canada shores, and let the
OAvners of the steamer take possession of her. This bold but abortive
movement led to such a strengthening of the guards around the several
prisons, and such strict and rigid surveiUance, that further efforts to re
lease the prisoners Avere impracticable. ' Mr. Thompson then ordered
the escaped Confederate prisoners in Canada to return home. Many
of them were reluctant to do this, wishing to strike some bloAv at the

Territory and State.

463

enemy, in retaliation for the sufferings they endured at their hands,
and the devastation and cruelties Avhich their armies Avere then inflict
ing upon the South. It was in this spirit, and against the express
orders of Mr. Thompson, that the raid was made on St. Albans, in
Vermont, Avhich involved the perpetrators in so much trouble. But
when the United States demanded their extradition, the authorities at
Richmond required Mr. Thompson to stand by these raen, and to see
they were properly defended. This of course it Avas his duty to do.
And for performing this duty he Avas presented to the Avorld by the
radical press as an incendiary and assassin. He made no defense
against these inflammatory misrepresentations, trusting to time for a
just judgment on his motives and actions. He Availed on the Cana
dian Cabinet to say that if at any time, or in any way, he had violated
their laAvs, or abused their hospitality, he Avas then ready to answer
and vindicate his conduct. But to his conduct, AvhUe in Canada, the
authorities took no exception.
As soon as the trial of the Raiders Avas over, and they Avere released,
Mr. Thompson set out on his return South. AVhUe he Avas on his way
from Montreal to Halifax, President Lincoln Avas assassinated. The
Avhole country, without distinction of party or of sections, felt outraged
by the act. AndreAV Johnson, the then Vice-President, succeeded to
the Presidency, and kept about him the old cabinet of Lincoln. The
pubhc mind sought for some reasonable solution of the atrocious crime.
And as the public scrutiny began to look to Washington, and to insinu
ate that those directly interested in President Lincoln's death Avould
most likely be implicated in his assassination, it became necessary for
the President, and his imraediate friends, to direct the public atten
tion to a different quarter, and therefore, the raost unpardonable and
damnable plot Avas conceived to charge the President of the Confed
erate States, and his coramissioners in Canada, with deliberately plan
ning and arranging this terrible crirae. This dastardly and villianous
plot could only be sustained by bribery and perjury. WiUing Avitnesses
Avere found, as they ahvays have been found at such times ; and men
in high places did not scruple to pay out of the public funds, for what
they weU knew to be perjured testimony procured by their OAvn bribes.
A proclamation appeared, offering a large reward for Jefferson Davis,
Jacob Thompson, Clement C. Clay, and others, for contriving, aiding
and abetting this foul murder. This proclamation against innocent
parties, dooming them to the odium of aU mankind, and to an igno
minious death if captured, was, in the eye of Heaven, as great a crime
as that Avhich had been perpetrated. And those that projected it, and
she, the innocent victim, whom they executed not long after— and
Booth, the monomaniac, who fired the fatal shot— have long since
confronted each other before the bar of God, and to that judgment
we leave them.
When this proclamation appeared, Mr. Thompson's first impulse
was to present himself at Washington and demand a trial. But his
fiiends Avisely prevailed on him to abandon any such confidence in the
justice of the ruling authorities. Andrew Johnson was then courting
the extreme radicals, and Mr. Thompson's doom would have been de
cided even before the organization of the court.

464 Mississippi, as a Province,
Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Thompson had served in Congress together,
in opposite parties, it is true, but their relations had been friendly and
kind. There was a dry humor, a bonhommie, a rustic cordiality and
brusqueness of manner, Avith a homely, but vigorous style of talking
and speaking, about Mr. Lincoln, that attracted people to him. He
was a good type of the Northwestern frontiersman, and it is doubtful
Avhether he ever had an enemy. He Avas certainly kind-hearted and
conscientious, and a better man than most of his advisers. He was
driven into the war reluctantiy, by skillful conspirators. He had no
miUtary ambition ; no passion for pageantry or glory. He loved his
country, and had only moderate prejudices against the South. He
was a republican, Avho believed in the constitution, not a radical, who
believed in the "higher law " doctrines and hated the constitution. He
did not desire to interfere with slavery in the States, because he kncAV
there was no Avarrant in the constitution for such interference. He
beUeved that it might be legally excluded from the ncAV territories, and
that the good of the whole country, and the voice of mankind, de
manded that exclusion. To issue the celebrated Proclamation of
Emancipation cost him many pangs. He agonized over it. He knew
that he had no constitutional poAver to liberate the slaves. But after
Aveeks of meditation, and self-examination, and many sleepless nights-
seeing that the Union Avas in jeopardy — he decided on this great
measure, as the surgeon, when all other remedies have failed, resorts
to the Cesarean operation, to save the life of the raother. This memo
rable act, which was applauded by nearly all the Avorld, and has ren
dered him immortal, haunted Mr. Lincoln the remainder of his days,
no matter what his biographers have said, or may say. He was
strictly conscientious, and all the sophistry of Mr. ScAvard, one of the
most subtle of casuists, failed to satisfy him that the act Avas legal and
constitutional. And he only justified it on the plea of an overruling
necessity. In the early stages of the Avar he Avould willingly have
made terms stipulating for non-interference Avith slavery in the States.
And, after the appearance of his proclamation, if left to his own coun
sel, he would have made peace, and favored compensation for the
liberated slaves, on the return of the South to the Union.
These impressions of President Lincoln Avere general in the South.
Many of our statesmen kncAv him, and they kncAv he was no fanatic.
He was a Kentuckian by birth ; a citizen of Illinois, whose population
was largely composed of Southern iraraigrants ; and his wife's family
were Southern ; her three brothers in the Confederate army. We had
much more to expect by the life of such a man than to gain by his
death, and nowhere Avas the terrible tragedy more lamented than in
the South.
When Lincoln perished, we lost the best friend that Ave had at Wash
ington during the Avar, and the country lost a chief magistrate, homely
in exterior, but of a fresh, vigorous mind, aiming always for the pubhc
good, and whose hands Avere never stained Avith filthy lucre or Avith
fraud. While Mr. Thompson Avas in Canada, President Lincoln expressed
a Avish to have an interview Avith hira, and Judge Emmons, Avho was

Territory and State. 465
at that time special agent for the United States, in Canada. Judge
Emmons communicated this to Mr. Thompson, and he consented to
go, incognito, with Judge Emraons to Washington, if the proper safe
guards should be sent to him. The proposed interview did not com
port witii the views of the Secretary of State, and the negotiation
ceased. But to shoAv the animus and kindly nature of Mr. Lincoln, Ave now,
for the first time, disclose the fact that, to escape from the country,
Mr. Thompson had gone, in disguise, to Portiaud, Maine, to seek a
vessel, but had been recognized, and the Secretary of War was about
to issue an order for his arrest. Hearing of this, a few hours before
he Avas assassinated, the President suspended the issuing of the order,
and expressed his wish that Mr. Thorapson should be allowed to leave the
country unmolested. When Johnson's proclamation appeared, Mr.
Thompson appealed to the pubhc for its judgment, and it is safe to
say the verdict was spontaneously and eraphaticaUy in favor of himself
and friends, who had been so shamefully accused.
Mr. Thompson, Avith his family, sailed for Europe, and there spent
several years before returning to his home at Oxford, Miss., from
whence he went to Memphis, Avhere he now resides, taking no part in
politics, but actively engaged in business.
In 1876, it wiU be recoUected, Gen. Belknap, Secretary of War,
was impeachedfor malfeasance of office. To escape conviction and
the penalties, he resigned his office; and the argument was that being
no longer an official, he could not be pursued by impeachment*
This impeachment question became a party question, and by way
of showing the absurdity of prosecuting Secretary Belknap after he had
resigned his place, Mr. Chandler then Secretary of the Interior, stated
publicly that as Mr. Thompson had been guilty of abstracting a large
amount of the Indian bonds during his administration of the Interior
Department, he would be liable to irapeachraent, and that he Avould
insist on his prosecution if Congress should claim jurisdiction in the
case of Belknap. As soon as Mr. Thompson saw the report of this
conversation, he went to Washington, and through his friends called
upon Mr. Chandler to withdraw this charge in as public a manner as
he had made it. At first he consented to do so, but after Mr. Thomp
son remained some days in Washington, waiting for the retraxit, and
had again insisted upon it, the Secretary of the Interior, instead of ma
king the expected and promised withdrawal, taking advantage of his
official position, instituted a civil and not a criminal action, for the
recovery of two millions of dollars. The institution of this suit was
heralded all over the country with a view of creating the greatest pos
sible prejudice against Mr. Thompson, and a cover for Belknap. The
process was served, and a plea was filed of non assumpsit, and the
*This point was made in 1798, in the case of Senator Blount, of Tennessee.
He was charged with treason and conspiracy, and was expelled from the Senate.
It was afterwards determined to impeach him. He refused to surrender on the
¦ ground that he was no longer a Senator and could not be impeached, and the
Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate, who had been sent after him, and the U. S. Mar
shal, could get no posse to assist in his arrest. When the case came before the
Senate again, his counsel made the point. It was sustained and the proceeding
was dropped. 30

466 Mississippi, as a Province, Territory and State.
case was continued upon the docket during the Presidential canvass.
But although the institution of the suit Avas unjust, and wholly ground
less, intended exclusively for political effect, and to injure the Demo
cratic party, when the Presidential canvass was over, and Mr.
Chandler about to retire from office, he quietly directed the suit to be
dismissed, at the cost of the United States.
Thus we close our memoir of a man, still in the prime of life, whose
career has been both honorable and eventful, never evading duty, and
shrinking from neither labor nor responsibility.

OHAPTEE XXXII.

EFORE entering on a review of the unhappy events
that foUoAved the election of Mr. Lincoln, and how
they affected Mississippi, it may be proper to glance at
the jurisprudence of the Territory and State, and the
administration of justice; and hoAv these were affected
by the ordinance of secession, and the events of the war.
_ _ The Natchez district, as has been shoAvn, Avas rightfully
¦within the limits of Georgia, but it had long been occupied
bythe Spaniards. In 1783, Georgia extended her laAvs over
this district — on paper. Two years later she established it into
a county caUed Bourbon, and appointed justices of the peace.
ButitAvasnot until 1795, that Spain, by treaty with the United States,
recognized the title of Georgia. In the sarae year, the legislature of
Georgia authorized the sale of a large part of this valuable domain,
for a very inadequate consideration, usually known as the Yazoo
Fraud. These sales were annulled by the ensuing legislature. This
gave rise to the celebrated case of Fletcher vs. Peck, 6 Cranch, when
the Supreme Court decided that cognizance could not be taken of the
alleged fraud of the legislature, in a suitbetween individuals contesting
rights under the Act ; that a grant was in its nature irrepealable, and
that the purchasers under the law had a valid title. Before this extra
ordinary decision had been made the purchasers from the original
grantees applied to Congress, and a compromise had been effected.
At the same time the United States agreed to recognize, in favor of
actual settlers, all grants of lands regularly made and authenticated by
the authorities of Great Britain, Spain or Georgia, previous to the
27th October, 1795 — the date of the Spanish treaty recognizing the
boundary of 1783. In March, 1798, the Spanish authorities retired to
their own territory, south of the 31°, north latitude. AprU 7th of the
same year Congress established the Mississippi Territory, and adopted
the ordinance that had been framed for the North-western Territory,
Jan. 13th, 1797, with the exception of the clause prohibiting .slavery.
This was the organic law for the government of the Territory, and
then was the time, and the only time, when Congress, at the cost of
a moderate compensation, might lawfully have struck from the Natchez
district the stain of slavery.* This ordinance provided for the de-
* There were at that period, a few slaves in the Natchez district, that had been
brought from Carolina and Georgia, or introduced from Jamaica and other parts,
butthe number was limited. But before applying the famous ordinance to this
district, it would have been just and proper to have the consent of Georgia; for
though in Spanish occupancy during the Eevolutionary war, and for a short time
thereafter, it was unquestionably within the chartered limits of Georgia, where
slavery legally existed.

468 Mississippi, as a Province,
scent and distribution of estates, and the ordinary regulations for pre
serving the peace. A Governor was appointed, with extensive powers.
He had the appointment of all civil officers, and, with the assistance
of two judges, framed, promulgated, interpreted and executed the
laws. It was near nine months before counties were organized, infe
rior courts established, and justices appointed. This was the first
grade of government, and, as has been shown, was unsatisfactory and
oppressive. In 1800, Congress, extended the territorial boundaries,
and provided for a legislature, reserving to the governor an unqualified
right of veto. The first digest of the laws was prepared by Harry
Toulmin, a learned English juris-consult, living in Washington county,
on the Alabama. .This work was completed and adopted in 1807.
It was framed under authority of an act of the legislature which di
rected, "Thatthe Digest, and the acts of the present session, shaU,
when printed, be entitled the statutes of the Mississippi Territory, re
vised and digested by authority of the General Assembly, and that
from and after the ist day of October next thereafter, all the laws
made by the governor and judges, all the acts of the general assembly,
and all statutes of Great Britain, not contiined in said volurae of stat
utes, shall cease to have any force or validity." In regard to this en
actment the High Court of the State afterwards said: "When the
Territory was organized the ordinance secured the inhabitants in the
enjoyment of judicial proceedings according to the common laAV."
Toul. Digest, 473. This, together with the provision in the first
State Constitution, (1817), sec. 5, has been considered to exclude all
British statutes, for the determination of the rights of the citizens.
Boarman vs. Catlett, 13 Sme. and Mar., 152. Eight years afterwards
Edward Turner, of Natchez, was authorizd to compile the statutes,
embracing all the laws in force up to 1816. On the 7th of July, 1817,
the Convention raet to frame a constitution, preparatory to the admis
sion of the Territory into the Union as a State. On the 15th of Au
gust they completed their work, and on the loth of December Mis
sissippi took her place in the Federal Union.
Under that constitution a property qualification was required of the
governor and members of the legislature; ministers of the gospel were
excluded from office, and most civil officers were to be elected by joint
vote of the legislature. Judges were to hold their office during good
behavior, but to be retired at sixty-five years of age. The judicial de
partment consisted of a Supreme Appellate Court, coraposed of the
district judges, with poAver in the legislature to establish such inferior
courts of law and equity as should be deemed expedient. There
was a SAA'eeping clause which provided, that "All laws and parts of
laws, noAV in force in the Territory, and not repugnant to the constitu
tion, shall remain in force until they expire by limitation, or be altered
or repealed by law."
There Avere many able lawyers in this convention, but the most
prominent features in the constitution emanated from George Poindex
ter, a powerful debater, who usually carried Avith him a majority of the
members.* ¦••¦¦ This Convention assembled at Washington, Adams county, and occupied the
old Methodist meeting-house, which had been built chiefly through the efforts of
Lorenzo Dow.

Territory and State. 469
After this, a new digest of the laws became a necessity. In 1821
an Act was passed to ' ' revise and consolidate the statutes of the State,
with amendments and additional bills, and to report them to the legis
lature for their concurrence and approval." And George Poindexter,
then Governor of the State, was requested to undertake it, and was
authorized to call on the Attorney General, and the Supreme Judges
for advice and co-operation. It was further enacted, that all Acts of
a general and public nature, not contained in the revision, should be
considered repealed, but not to the extent of impairing existing rights,
or preventing prosecutions for previous offences. Private or local Acts
Avere to continue in force.
This code was modeled somewhat after the revised code of Virginia,
of 1819, by that great lawyer, Benjamin Watkins Leigh, and was ex
ecuted with marked ability. It was adopted by the legislature, then
sitting at Columbia, in 1822, not, hoAvever, without opposition, particu
larly that portion relating to the police of slaves, and their assembling
for worship, which was obnoxious to the religious classes, and defeated
Mr. Poindexter in the canvass for Congress, at the ensuing election.
The Supreme Court was organized soon after the State was admitted
into the Union, and continued tUl the revision of the constitution, in
1832. Of its labors during this period, nothing remains but one vol
ume of Reports by Robert J. AValker. The decisions of that court are
scarcely now relied upon as binding authority, yet some of them will
stand " the test of scrutiny and of time."
In December, 181 8, the court decided that "during the existence
of the Spanish rule in this territory, the laws of Spain governed the
descent and transfer of property here." The principle announced is
undoubtedly correct, but the court overlooked the fact that the Span
iards were intruders, and had no legal claim to any part of the country
north of 31°. The Supreme Court of the United States, 6 Cranch,
87, and 12 Wheaton, 523-35, sustain this view. The original botind-
ary stood on the line of 31°, but under a proclamation by the British
Governor of AVest Florida, this boundary, it wUl be recollected, was
extended to the mouth of the Yazoo river. Spain claimed the benefit
of this extension, and an appeal to arms was imminent when the treaty
of 1795 was made.
The Supreme Court of the U. S. deemed that a proclamation from
the sovereign, something more solemn than a commission, Avas the
established mode in Great Britain, for the extension of jurisdiction.
The difference in the views of the two tribunals was rather as to the
effect of the commission, as distinguished from a proclamation, than
as to the law. This point was afterwards discussed, but not decided
in the case of Montgomery vs. Ives, involving titie to the town of
Rodney, 13 Sme. & Mar., 16.* The matter has now no practical
significance, and the conclusion has been generally accepted, that the
Spanish law never had any intrinsic force here. In the construction
of grants made by Spain, and which were recognized in the articles of
«This is a very interesting case, and should be consulted by all students of our
early history. Judge Sharkey and Judge A. M. Clayton delivered very elaborate
and able opinions, conflicting on some points, but arriving at the same conclusion.

470 Mississippi, as a Province,
agreement and cession betAveen the United States and Georgia, the
only effect given to the Spanish law was by comity.
Another case, in this connexion, may 'be noticed : One Decker, a
citizen of Virginia, carried some slaves with him and settied in Indi
ana, in 1784, three years before the ordinance of 1787 prohibiting
slavery therein. He remained there until 18 16, when the territory of
Indiana became a State, with a constitution prohibiting slavery.
Decker immediately brought his negroes to Mississippi, and sold them.
They instituted a suit for their freedom. The court held that, until
the treaty of 1763, the northwestern territory belonged to France, and
was then ceded to Great Britain. That it was conquered from Great
Britain by the arms of Virginia, under Gen. George Rogers Clark,
during the revolutionary war, but there was nothing to show that she
had ever extended her laws over it previous to her cession of it to the
United States. That neither the laws of France or Great Britain ad
mitted slavery, and that, therefore, independently of the ordinance of
1787, the parties Avere entitled to their freedom.* In one case the
court, without an express decision, intimated that a bill of exchange
draAvn by a resident of one State on a person residing in another State,
must be considered an inland bill. The Supreme Court of the United
States held the law to be otherAvise. 2 Peters, Buchanan vs. Finley.
A court of chancery existed during this period, and many of its de
crees came up for review. It Avas held that a party Avho had a clear
legal title to slaves, could not enforce it in a court of equity, contrary
to what Avas afterwards established, on the ground that the pretium
affectionis gave a right to the thing itself, a right which daraages could
not adequately compensate.
Upon the Avhole it may be said, that the judgments of the old Su
preme Court of Mississippi exhibit good sense, and an earnest desire
to dispense justice, without much display of learning and research.
The names of Edward Turner, John Black, Isaac E. Nicholson,
Harry Cage, Powhattan Ellis, John Taylor, Richard Stockton, Joshua
G. Clark, Joshua Childs, George Winchester, Alex. Montgomery,
George W. Smyth, Eli Huston and Chief-Justice Hampton, appear
as Judges at different periods. Of these, Judge Turner and Judge
Ellis seem to have delivered the most opinions — not surprising in the
case of the first, who was industrious, but the latter, with his Poca-
¦•- This decision is quoted in connection with the celebrated case of Ward vs.
Duncan, et al., to shoAV that, at all times, the colored man in Mississippi might
safely claim the intervention of the law. It is not easy to perceive how the court
carae to the conclusion that neither Great Britain nor France recognized slavery.
France introduced slavery into Louisiana, and for years the slave trade was car
ried on under British colors. When Louisiana passed under the Spanish flag, the
authorities desired to exclude the farther introduction of slaves into the province,,
but Great Britain then OAvned West Florida, and her vessels going up the river to
the railitary posts of Manshac, Baton Eouge, and Natchez, surreptitiously supplied
the planters Avith negroes from Jamaica. As late as 1827, Lord StoweU, the
greatest jurist in England, in the case ot the slave Grace, reversed the famous
dictum of Lord Mansfield, in 1771, that " the moment a slave touched the soil of
England he became free," and showed that there was no ground for it in the com
mon law of England ! Lord StoAvell sent a copy of this decision to Judge Story,
who replied: " Upon the fullest consideration, I entirely concur iu your views;
If I had been called upon to pronounce a judgment in a like case, I should cer
tainly have arrived at the sarae result."

Territory and State. 4^1
hontas blood inherited the characteristic indolence of the race so it
must be construed as a high sense of conscientiousness and official
duty that induced him to write an opinion.* Of aU these gentiemen
only three were men of collegiate education. Richard Stockton a
native of New Jersey, had taken the first honors at Princeton re
moved to Mississippi, became Attorney-General, and then Judge' and
feU in a duel in New Orieans, in the prime of Ufe. George Winches
ter, educated at Harvard, read laAv with Judge Story, and came to
Mississippi with the highest testimonials from that great jurist He
was deeply grounded in the science and so much attached to the
common law, that it used to be said, jestingly, that he considered all
statutory changes of it as unconstitutional. It is fashionable to speak
of the harsh features of the common law, and the necessity of mitiga
ting its asperities to suit modern social conditions, but it is no less
true that social demoralization has been in an exact ratio with these
changes. Those communities that retain the common law in its
greatest purity are, unquestionably, the best governed, and have the
best conceptions of social order. Judge 'Winchester had great pow
ers of analysis. He was an adept in tracing every case back to first
principles; he had an inexhaustible store of learning at command, and
a logical, demonstrative style, fluent, copious, always courteous. With
.great talent, and inflexible integrity, he blended a charm of manner
and chUd-Uke simplicity, that made him a general favorite. He never
had an enemy. He Avas universaUy loved, and in return no man
loved Mississippi, with all her faults, better than himself He was an
ultra State-rights man; a great admirer of Mr. Calhoun ; the confiden
tial friend and adviser of Quitman. He presided over the "Southern
Rights" meeting at Jackson, in 1849, which was the first organized as
sociation to resist anti-slavery encroachments, and he wrote the ad
dress and resolutions adopted on that occasion.
George W. Smyth was a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, of a
famUy of distinction in Ireland. He rose rapidly at the bar in Natchez,
and was on the threshold of a distinguished career Avhen he died.
The other Judges were men of limited education, but of solid sense
and natural acuteness, and by long practice at the bar had qualified
themselves for the bench. There Avere relative grades of merit and
qualification among them, but they all stood unchallenged for integ-
nty in the discharge of official duty. And here it may be observed
vyith proper pride, that in the history of the State, amidst all our po
litical vicissitudes, there is no instance of judicial corruption. Men
from every section of the Union, men from foreign countries, men of
aU the conflicting parties have administered justice here, Avhen there
was much to excite the passions and mislead the judgment, but no
suspicion of impure motives attaches to their decisions. Though
subjected for many years to the taint and temptation of popular elec
tion, to the eternal honor of our people, and of the profession, the er
mine has remained uncontaminated.f
* Judge Ellis was an inveterate smoker, but he has often been known to take
his seat before the fire, put a cigar in his mouth, and sit two hours until some
servant passing Avould hand hini a coal to light it.
fOur strongest Democratic Districts have often elected Judges of opposite pol
itics, and vice versa. Since the war Ave have had a number of gentlemen on the

472 Mississippi, as a Province,
Septeraber loth, 1832, a Convention assembled in Jackson to re
vise the Constitution ofi8i7. Gen. P. R. R. Pray, a distinguished
laAvyer from Hancock county, presided over it. It decided that all
officers, civil and military (with the single exception of the Clerk of
the High Court of Errors and Appeals) should be elected by the peo-
— then an untried experiment, but since adopted by other States.
Another original and valuable feature Avas the restriction it imposed
on any legislative pledge of the credit of the State, for the redemption
of any debt, unless such debt Avas created under the special provisions
of the Constitution. It was in defiance of this restriction, and in fla
grant violation of the Constitution, that the Union bank bonds were
disposed of, the party purchasing being fully aAvare that he Avas ma
king a transaction expressly forbid bythe fundamental law. Another
remarkable clause prohibited the introduction of slaves as merchandise
or for sale from and after May ist, 1833, thus conceding that slavery
had already been considered a social evil, and indicating that, in the
future, proper steps would be inaugurated for its gradual extinction.
This Avas at a time Avhen slave labor Avas more remunerative here than
in any quarter of the Avorld, and therefore, more in demand. Yet
with a generous phUanthropy, and a sublime self-denial, the Conven
tion, (and subsequently the people ratifying its action) determined to
circurascribe, and thus gradually to dispense with corapulsory labor..
It was at this period, too, and in conjunction with this prohibition, that
our churches, of every denomination, raade a combined effort to in
struct and evangelize the colored people ; everywhere inculcating it as
a christian duty ; all looking forAvard to the period, however distant,
Avhen that race Avould be qualified to exercise the privileges of free
men, and to be the instruments of civiUzation and evangeUzation, in
the country Avhence they came — the grand beneficent scheme pro
jected by the Araerican Colonization Society, composed ciiiejly of slave
holders, and to which the citizens of Mississippi had largely contribu
ted. Thus that would have been accoraplished in the providence of
God, by the Southern planters, at the proper tirae, without disturbing
bench, who affiliated, more or less, with the Eepublican party, whose integrity
stands unimpeached and unimpeachable. Tbe venerable Judge of our United
States District Court, Eobert A. Hill, is a Eepublican, but his impartial aud en
lightened course on the Bench has secured for hira universal confidence and re
spect. This venerable citizen Avas opposed to secession, and considered it most
nnfortunate, but no man did raore to alleviate the suffering and sorrow that fell
on our people. Unionists and secessionists had equal confidence in him, and he
knew no difference between thera in his sympathies and ministrations. He had
free entrance into the two hostile armies that respectively occupied Corinth, and
both Federal and Confederate comraanders listened to his appeals. On the
Bench he carries with him tiie same rare faculty of commanding universal con
fidence and respect, the natural result ot his benevolence and integrity. He is
learned in his profession, Avith quick perceptive powers, and a happy capacity
for analyzing facts. He means to be absolutely impartial, and is as nearly so as
it is possible for frail humanity to be. If he has faults the higher qualities of his
nature make us blind to thera, and of him, both as a man and a magistrate, it may
be said, "Ev'n his failings lean to virtue's side." Judge H. is a native of North
Carolina; commenced his career in Tennessee, where he served in the Legisla
ture, was Attorney-General and very prominent at the bar, moved to Tishomingo
county, in this State, elected Probate Judge, and was appointed to his present
position by President Johnson.

Territory and State. 473
social order, which has since been effected by the sword* — by sinking
miUions of capital, by overthroAving and trampling down the Consti
tution and the laAvs, extinguishing the ancient feUowship, and the
confidence that everyAvhere prevailed in the supremacy of laAA*, and
the security of the States !
This prohibition of the introduction of slaves as merchandise, sub
sequently gave rise to a conflict between our Court of Appeals and
the Supreme Court of the United States, Avhich wiU hereafter be re
ferred to.f The ncAv Constitution, likewise, entirely abolished the
property qualification for office and suffrage, and the exclusion of
ministers of the gospel from office. And all laAvs then existing in the
State, not repugnant to the ncAv instrument, Avere to continue in force.
After these radical changes, and 'the raodification of existing laAvs
that necessarily foUoAved, a new Digest was called for, and, in 1833,
Mr. Pray, the President of the Convention, Avas authorized to prepare
it. Mr. P. was a native of Maine, had a collegiate education ; and
taught school for a while in Westchester county. New York. J He was
industrious and methodical, Avith abundant learning, but his code was
not a success. It Avas by no means satisfactory to the profession. It
was two ambitious of originality, and was too much' flavored with the
civil law. Mr. Pray resided at Pearlington, near the sea-board, Avhere
lands Avere chiefly held under old French and Spanish grants, and .he
had occasion to study the civil law, and, like many others, became
enaraored Avith it. He often attended the courts in New Orleans,
and occasionally practiced there in connection with the late
Gen. E. W. Ripley, who, besides being a gaUant soldier, Avas an
eminent civilian. Hence, the leaning in the new Code to the Roman
laAV, which made it unpalatable to the disciples of Coke. In 1838-9,
Volney E. HoAvard, State Reporter, and Andrew Hutchinson, were
appointed to make a new Digest. They did not give sufficient time
• to the Avork, and it did not realize the public expectation. There were
some errors, and material omissions. ||
"«"He Avho conquers by the sword, shall perish by the sword."
fin 1860, when the Legislature and the Secession Convention were both in ses
sion, and when Commissioners Avere being appointed to visit the difterent South
ern States, to solicit their co-operation, the Governor in his message recommended
an Act to prohibit the introduction of slaves nnless the OAvners came Avith them,
and became citizens. This was to prevent tbe influx of slaves from the border
States, growing out of the anticipated troubles.
tin a curious book, "The History of Westchester, N. Y., Vol. 1, p. 67, there is
an account of a raonnment erected at Peekskill to Lieut. McCham, Avith an in
scription by P. E. E. Pray, written Avith much terseness and beauty.
II No one ever doubted the capacity of these distinguished gentleraen. Mr.
Howard is a native of Maine ; came early to Mississippi, qualified tor the bar,
and connected hiraself Avith the press. He-rose rapidly in both vocations ; be
came the leaderof the Democratic party; established a high reputation for talents
firmness and sagacity; removed to Texas; became a member of Congress; took high.
rank as a debater ; removed to California, where he now resides, among the most
distinguished of her public men, and is understood to have been, mainly the au
thor of the new constitution. He certainly contributed, more than any other one,
'"Ml.^^fZtVlinte'ot the most learned laAvyers in the State of great
purity and simplicity of character, and much beloved. He died m the prime of
life.

474 Mississippi, as a Province,
In 1843, J''^!'- Hutchinson, dissatisfied with the faUure, determined,
of his own motion, to frame a Code. He devoted to it five years of
incessant application. It was not strictly a Revision, nor a Digest.
He called it an "Analytical Compilation — or the first of a Series of
the Municipal Statutory Code of the State." It was, however, the
only one of the series ever pubUshed. It is an excellent compendium,
and affords many faciUties for reference to the statutory law from 1798
to 1848. On submitting it to the Legislature, a resolution Avas passed
authorizing the Governor to appoint three suitable persons to examine
it. On the favorable report of this commission, that it Avas "a full and
complete compUation of the statute laAvs of the State," it was adopted.
It was acceptable to the bar, and to the community. StUl something
more seems to have been caUed for, and in 1858, three eminent jurists
of Mississippi, Judges Sharkey, Ellett, and W. L. Harris, gave to the
country what is knoAvn as the Revised Code. The programme indi
cated by Hutchinson was not followed, and a Avork more like that of
Poindexter was produced . Of course, any work emanating from such
a quarter evinced ability and research, but it Avas criticised likcAvise,
and the inquietudes that soon enveloped the State left no opportunity
to establish its foothold.
The first Judges elected by the people, under the Revised Constitu
tion, were AVilliam L. Sharkey, Cotesworth P. Smith and D. AV. Wright.
Of these, Judge Sharkey was selected as Chief Justice, by his asso
ciates, and his long career in that position fully proves the Avisdom of
the choice. He was not a man of liberal education. He was not then
even learned in the laAV, nor deeply versed in it as a science. But his
inteUect Avas vigorous, and his sagacity almost unerring. He had the
rare faculty of eviscerating truth from the most tangled web of sophis
try and fraud. His conclusions, as Avell of law as of fact, were gen
eraUy correct, and he extracted the true principle from the most
discordant and irreconcilable authorities. His style Avas masculine, '
strong and lucid, tending rather to diffuseness. As presiding Judge,
he Avas affable and patient. The most prosy speaker Avas assured of
an attentive hearing, and his manner Avas such as seldora to give
offense. Before taking his seat in the morning, he usually spent a few
minutes in social and famUiar intercourse with the bar, giving and re
ceiving pleasant hits. Thus the business of the day commenced in
good humor, wdiich was rarely interrupted. He presided in the Court
nearly twenty years, and at last resigned a place Avhich seemed to be
his by right. In pohtical life he was timid, Avavering, inconsistent,
and wholly unreliable.
His associate. Judge C. P. Smith, at first served but a single term,
and was succeeded by Judge Pray. Judge Smith Avas again elected in
1840, and succeeded Judge Sharkey as Chief Justice in 1852, and
served until his death in I863. The estimate in which he was held is
reflected by the resolutions adopted, after his death, by the bar, over
Avhich he had presided nearly tAvelve years. They justly accord him
an enviable reputation in saying "that he Avas a great and good man,
learned, conscientious, fearless and upright — that he administered
justice Avithout sale, denial or delay, and did his duty regardless of

Territory and State. 475
men or parties and with an eye single to laAv and justice." High eu
logy from a high source, but not higher than Avas deserved. He was
a native of South Carolina, but had long resided in Wilkinson county.
Judge Daniel W. AVright, a citizen of Monroe county, of great pop
ularity, from some cause took but littie part in the business of the
court, and has left scarcely an opinion, which found its way into the
reported decisions. He was succeeded by Judge Trotter in Novem
ber, 1838.* One of the most unique cases, in our early Reports, is
that of Fisher vs. Allen, 2 Howard, 611, in 1837, involving the ques
tion of the rights acquired by the husband of a Chickasaw Indian
woman, to property Avhich she OAvned at the time of the marriage. It
was held that as the marriage, in that instance, had taken place, before
the act of the legislature of 1830, which abolished the tribal customs,
had been passed, the rights of the parties were governed and fixed
by the tribal customs. By these, the husband acquired no right to the
property of the Avife, -which she owned at the time of the marriage, or.
to the subsequent acquests and gains, and that no part was subject to
the debts of the husband.
It has been said that the late Tappan Reeves, the founder of the
famous laAV school at Litchfield, in his work on the Domestic Relations,
Avas the first to advocate, on a comraon law basis, the separate right of
a married Avoman to her property. It is probable, hoAvever, that this
tribal custom of the Chickasaws long antedated his work, though there
is no authentic account of the date of its origin. This decision of the
court was made in 1837, Iavo years before the enactment of the first
law in this State, which secured the property rights of married women.
It is beheved that our Mississippi statute on that subject, was the first
which was passed, in any state in the Union, which was governed by
the principles of the common law. Courts of equity had been a long
time in defining, limiting and upholding these rights, when secured by
marriage settiement, often veering from one extreme to another. The
uncertainty and contrariety of decisions, both in this country and in
England, are clearly set forth in the case of Jaques vs. Methodist Ep.
Church, 3 Johnson's N. Y. Chy. Reports, and in Morgan vs. Elara, 4
Yerger, Tennessee Reports, especially in the brief of counsel in the
latter case.
Most of the States have adopted the principle, and England, after
standing out untU 1870, finaUy gave it recognition by an act of Parlia
ment. It is singular that an uncivilized tribe of Indians in the interior
of Mississippi, in this respect, have anticipated the action of raore en
lightened communities, in a reform of the common law, now acknowl
edged to be not only just and proper, but in strict conformity to the
highest principles of equity, f
It may not be out of place to say, that the statute of this State Avas
passed mainly through the exertions and influence of a lady, Mrs. T.
B. J. Hadley, who kept the most popular boarding house m Jackson
at the time. She had resided in Louisiana, had become enamored of
the civU law principle there, and had it engrafted on the statute book
» Originally of Lowndes, afterwards of Marshall, subsequently U. S. Senator.
t The same custom prevailed among the Choctaws of Mississippi.

476 Mississippi, as a Province,
here. If any of her boarders opposed it, they Avere put on short com
mons, and served with the traditional hash, and had no comfort tUl
they gave in. It is an appropriate accompaniment of a noble work,
that the property rights of married women should have been wrested
from the stern grasp of the common law, which altogether denied them,
by the skill and address of a married woman.*
The negotiability of bills of exchange and promissory notes, was
established, with a single anti-commercial feature ; payments by the
maker to the payee, before notice of assignment, were good as against
the assignee. It is established, that a bill of exchange drawn in one
State and payable in another, is a foreign biU, in conformity with the
decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, but in opposition
to the opinion of the old Supreme Court of this State. With the now
prevalent doctrine, that this is one nation, it may be doubtful whether,
as an original question, such a decision would now b'e made, in the
Courts of the Union.
The provision in the Constitution of 1833, of this State, Avhich de
clares, "that the introduction of slaves into this State, as merchandise,
or for sale, shall be prohibited, from and after the ist day of May,
1833," gave rise to a series of interesting cases, and caused a conflict
of opinions and decisions betAveen the Supreme Court of the United
States and the High Court of Errors and Appeals of this State. The
latter held that the provision was a prohibition in and of itself, and of
its own force ; the forraer held that it was only directory and required
action by the Legislature to give it vitality and efficiency. Graves vs.
Slaughter, 15 Peters, 455. The Suprerae Court did not pay that defer
ence to the opinion of the State Court which Avas usual with it, and
the difference Avas never settled.
Chief Justice Sharkey, in AVilliamson vs. Bryan, 7th Howard Rep.,
delivered one of his raost forcible and vigorous opinions in reply to
the decisions of the Supreme Court.
It will be adraitted by every unprejudiced mind, at this day, that
the State court was right, and that it was unreasonable to hold that a
clause in the constitution, imperative in its terms, and intended to
frame the policy of the State, upon a raatter of great moment, should
be left for its operative effect, to the discretion of the legislature.
It was in the argument of this case, in the Supreme Court of the
United States, that Mr. AVebster, in behalf of the vendor, set forth
and defined his vicAvs in regard to property in slaves. He says :
"What is the foundation of the right to slaves? There is no law de
claring slaves property any more than land. 'Slaves' are property by
the term slaves. The master has a right to their services and labor.
This is property. The constitution recognizes slaves as property; it
was adopted during the existence of slavery in more than one-half the
States : and thus the protection of this right of property, in the inter
course betAveen the States, became a duty under the constitution." It
cannot, with justice, be said that this was the opinion of a mere advo-
¦* Her husband. Auditor of Public Accounts, Avas a citizen of Wilkinson county.
She Avas a daughter of Maj. David Smith, an old Indian fighter, after whom Smith
county Avas named. The faraily subsequently raoved to Texas. Gov. Eunnels, of
Mississippi Avas a son-in-law of Maj. Smith.

Territory and State. 477
cate. Every lawyer is sworn to support the constitution of the United
States, and that oath imposes the same obligations upon him who ar
gues the cause, as on the judge who decides it. No casuistry can draw
a distinction betAveen them. This vicAv was promulgated by Mr. Dex
ter, Attorney General of the United States, at a very early day, and
accords entirely Avith good sense, sound judgment, and morality. It
was this out-spoken conviction, together Avith others of the same char
acter, Avhich aUenated the abolition sentiment from the great constitu
tional expounder.
A singular constitutional question arose, shortly after the organiza
tion of the Chickasaw counties. A special election was held for Cir
cuit Judges in the ncAvly created counties, at a time different from the
general election. Those elected Avere commissioned " for the time
prescribed by the constitution," not specifying any particular duration,
though the tirae prescribed was four years. Before this period expired
a general election came on, and other judges were elected. One of
those elected at the special election, claimed in opposition to the judge
elected at the general election, that his time had not expired, and that
he was entitled to hold the office, and enjoy its emoluments, tUl the
four years had elapsed.
A test cise Avas formed and taken, ultimately, to the Court of Ap
peals, where it was decided in favor of the officer last elected. The
decision seems to have been made on arguments ab in convenienti, from
a view of the difficulty of executing the law in any other mode, rather
than on the express language of the constitution, or the terms of the
commission. Another constitutional question, in connection with the Judiciary,
grew out of the creation, by the legislature, of Vice-Chancery Courts.
The constitution provided that there should be one Superior Court of
Chancery, with jurisdiction over the whole State. In practice, it was
found unequal to the dispatch of all the equity cases that arose. Hence
a biU was passed by the legislature, creating a system of District Vice-
Chancery Courts, with the right of appeal to the Superior Court of
Chancery, and to the Court of Appeals. The constitutionality of this
law was contested, but it Avas sustained by the AppeUate Court, for the
reason that, although the legislature could create but one Superior
Court of Chancery, it was not prohibited from establishing Inferior
Courts of Equity, under the clause which gave authority to establish
such Inferior Courts as might be deemed necessary.
In the eariy days of the State, a large number of banks were char
tered, and an almost equal number of unchartered institutions— real
estate banks— were put into operation. For a brief season they pro
duced inflation; debts were heedlessly contracted; speculation ran
riot, and a glittering, delusive prosperity threw its bewildering hght
over the land. Such a state of things could not last. Soon revulsion
came with financial ruin and wide spread bankruptcy m its tram. One
of the immediate effects was a war with the banks. It was then the
undisputed doctrine, that upon the dissolution of a corporation, the
debts to it and from it were extinguished, and its real estate reverted
to its grantors. To have the banks dissolved by taking their charters

478 Mississippi, as a Province,
from them, was deemed the easiest and readiest way to get rid of aH
debts to them. Hence quo warranto proceedings were instituted
against nearly every bank in the State. All had suspended specie pay
ments, and continued suspension Avas regarded as cause of forfeiture
of charter. The banks offered determined opposition to these pro
ceedings, and additional legislation was found to be necessary to facili
tate the legal remedy. Accordingly a bUl was introduced for that pur
pose, by the Senator from Claiborne county, which, from his name,
became knoAvn as the Briscoe biU. To this biU Judge Guion,* the
Senator from Warren county, appended an amendment, Avhich pro
vided that the debts due to or from a bank, should not be extinguished
nor its property lost by its dissolution, or by judgment or forfeiture of
its charter, but that it should be the duty of the judge who pronounced
a judgment of forfeiture, to appoint trustees, whose duty it should be
to collect the assets of the bank, and apply them to the payraent of its
debts. This amendment met Avith violent opposition in the legislature,
but the bill thus amended became a law.
The controversy did not cease with the enactment of the law, but
was carried into the courts, and continued Avith very unusual acrimony.
It was contended that the act was unconstitutional, and its validity was
contested upon every ground which forensic acumen and ingenuity
could suggest. Its validity, however, was sustained in the Court of
Appeals, though by a divided opinion, but the decision was acquiesced
in, and the controversy died out. In this way, something was saved
from the general wreck, for the creditors. But it was also held, as
the true construction of this statute, that the trust which it created,
extended only to the collection of so much of the debts due to the
banks as Avas required to pay their indebtedness, and that if there was
anything beyond this, the trustees had no right to collect it, and that
it was extinguished under the comraon laAv rule. Nevitt vs. Bank of
Port Gibson, S. & M., 513 ; Comraercial Bank of Natchez vs. Cham
bers, 8 Smedes & Marshall; Coulter vs. Robertson, 2 Curl., 278.
At that day, the existence and the effect of the common law rule, as
thus stated, were not denied. It was fully recognized and acted on
in the case of Port Gibson vs. Moore, 13 Smedes & Marshall, 157.
The authority of this case, hoAvever, has of late been questioned in
very high qflarters, and may be deemed to be shaken, if not destroyed,
because alleged to be in conflict Avith the provisions of the constitu
tion against acts which impair the obligation of contracts. Field on
Corporations, section 492 ; DUlon on Municipal Corporations, section
115, and cases cited. But the decisions in the Suprerae Court of the
United States do not seem to be consistent and harmonious. For in
Rees vs. AVaterson, 19 AVall; and Heine vs. Levee Commissioners,
in the same book, the Supreme Court held, "that the Federal Courts,
sitting in equity, do not possess power to appoint the marshal to col
lect the taxes, noB to subject the taxable property Avithin the corporate
limits of a city, in any way, to an assessment, in order to pay judg
ments." It is probable that court Avill be caUed on to review the whole
¦••• Son of Maj. Isaac Guion, so often referred to, and one of the most brilliant of
the sons of Mississippi. He died in the prime of life.

Territory and State. 479
subject, in a short time; and it is certain that some legislative action
would be appropriate.
The Avar Avith the banks gave rise to another question of some im
portance. This Avas, whether, if the banks exacted more interest than
Avas authorized by their charters, it caused a loss of the whole sum
loaned, or Avhether they feU under the law appUcable to individuals in
such cases, and Avere subjected only to the loss of the excess? It Avas
held, that Avhere a corporation makes a contract, Avithin the scope of
its granted poAvers, but in so doing, exceeds them, the contract wiU
not, by reason of such excess, be AvhoUy void, but avUI be good to the
extent of its power, and that the taking of usury Avould not invalidate
the Avhole contract. Farther, that the violation of charter could not
be enquired into, in a collateral proceeding betAveen individuals, but
only in a direct proceeding by the State to resume the granted fran
chises. Commercial Bank of Manchester vs. Nolan, 7 How., St. Rep.,
568; Am. Col. Society vs. AVade, 7 S. & M., 663, 697.
AUied to the general warfare against the banks, Avas the controversy
as to the Union Bank bonds. They Avere five and a half mUlions in
amount — a sum, at that day, regarded as of great magnitude.
The constitution of 1833 contained a provision, introduced by Gen.
Quitman, that the faith of the State should never be pledged for any
loan or debt, unless passed at one session of the legislature, by a ma
jority of the members of each house, and entered on the journals, with
the yeas and nays taken thereon, and then referred to the next succeed
ing legislature, after publication for three months, in three ncAvspapers
of the State, and again passed by a majority of each branch of the
legislature, and a like entry of the yeas and nays on the journals.
The objection to the validity of the bonds Avas founded upon an al
leged non-compliance with these requirements of the constitution.
But in Campbell vs. The Union Bank, 6 How., Chief Justice Sharkey
delivering the opinion of the court, and in The State of Mississippi vs.
Johnson, 25 Miss. Rep., 625, Chief Justice Smith dehvering the opinion,
the law Avas held to be constitutional, and the bonds binding upon the
State. These decisions, hoAvever, seera to have had but little effect on
public sentiment. There could he no coercion or compulsory pro
cess against the State — the legislature never made any appropriation
for their payment, and the decrees were poAverless.* Tlie bonds of
the Planters' Bank were not liable to the same objection, though they
were objected to on very strong grounds. No provision was ever
made by the legislature for their payment. The whole dropped out of
view, except for an occasional newspaper paragraph, and slept the
sleep of death. FinaUy, a recent amendraent of the constitution em
phatically forbade their payment, and this put an end to all further
agitation of the subject. The policy of Mississippi Avas expressed by
Gen. Quitman, in the clause before quoted, Avhich he introduced into
* The controversy had entered into the popular elections— bond and anti-bond
candidates were put forth, for almost every office— the contest was heated and
bitter, but in the end the anti-bond party prevailed by a large majority. It must
be borne in mind too that both Judges Sharkey and Smith were active and violent
political partisans, entering personally into every canvass, andAvere often charged
with political bias.

480 Mississippi, as a Province,
the constitution of 1832. It is to keep out of debt, and have no con
nection Avith banks. The credit Avhich so many States are craving we
do not desire. Credit is a public curse on ourselves and our posterity.
It is the source of debt, high taxation, litigation, and war. Our own
resources and the labor of our own people, are sufficient to accomplish
all the public improvements we require. The true political economy
is never to borrow a dollar, and to grant no exclusive or irrepealable
privUeges to any corporation.
The exceeding scarcity of money, induced by the failure of every
bank in the State, and the consequent depreciation of the currency,
caused an extraordinary amount of pecuniary distress and embarrass
ment. The courts Avere crowded Avith suits; judgments were rife in
proportion, and property Avas literally covered Avith executions. The
pressure Avas so great and heavy that as a means of relief, the legisla
ture, in 1840, enacted a stay measure, in the shape of a valuation law.
It provided that property levied on, should be appraised, and should
not be sold under execution, unless it brought two-thirds of the ap
praised value. If it did not, all proceedings were to be stayed for
twelve months — the lien of the judgment to be preserved in the inter
val. Under such circurastances sales becarae Avell nigh irapracricable,
and Avere seldom resorted to. The law remained in force but a short
period — and was repealed.
Its constitutionality was never tested, although several cases under
its provisions Avere brought before the High Court of Errors and Ap
peals. In one of them, one of the judges expressed his opinion that
it was unconstitutional, but the point received no adjudication. The
Supreme Court of the United States has, in several cases, held similar
laws to be invalid, because in opposition to the constitution.
The doctrine is, that remedies upon contracts may be changed or
modified, but that sorae effectual, existing remedy must always be kept
in force, so as not to impair the obligation of the contract.
The limitation of estates, in this as in most of the States of the
Union, has formed rather a conspicious feature of jurisprudence. At
the time of our revolution, there had been centuries of legislation and
judicial discussions in England, in which the object on one side had
been to establish the right to tie up property in strict settlement, in
order to preserve it in the same families, for the purpose of accumula
tion ; and on the other, to establish a free and unfettered right of alie
nation for the benefit of the community at large. At last it had been
settled in the English law, that both real and personal estate might be
so far fixed in settlement as to be confined in a particular course of
devolution, arid rendered absolutely inalienable, during one life, or
any number in being at the same time, and a farther period of twenty
one years and ten months. At the end of this period, the property
again became open to alienation, Avith this difference, that at the end
of the period the real estate must vest in some person either as an ab
solute estate in fee simple, or in some person as an estate tail, liable to
be converted into a fee simple by fine or common recovery; but at the
end of the sarae period, personal property Avas to becorae absolutely
vested.

Territory and State. 481
These rules appear to be simple and easily understood, but their ap
plication has been a source of exceeding difficulty and intricacy, and
the rules so covered with modifications and exceptions, that scarcely
any two minds entirely concurred in their construction.
The existence of estates-tail met with decided reprobation in the
United States, as soon as their independence was established. They
were thought to be incompatible with republican institutions, and
statutes Avere passed prohibiting their creation, and converting them
into simple fees. It Avas contended, soon after these statutes were en
acted, that the main design of abohshing entails was to destroy all
estates of every name and nature, Avhich tended to create a perpetuity,
and to consider all remainders and other contingent interests entirely
barred. But this view did not prevail, and the courts held that only
estates-tail proper Avere destroyed, and that all other classes of limited
estates, executory devices, and bequests, executory trusts, and other
contingent interests, Avere preserved, Avithin the bounds prescribed, to
prevent perpetuities.
This Avas the condition of the laAv when Poindexter's revised code
was adopted, in this State. There had been no case in our courts pre
vious to that time. In that code, two sections, the 24th and 26th, in
the chapter on conveyances, bear directly on this point.
The first of these declares, " that every estate inlands or slaves,
which are or shall be estates-tail, shall be an estate in fee simple ; Pro
vided, that any person may make a conveyance or devise of lands to
a succession of donees then living, and the heir or heirs of the body
of the remainder-man, and in default thereof to the right heirs of donor
in fee simple.
The 26th section of the same act, seems to have been intended to
affix a precise and determinate significance to certain words, and to
make thera mean a definite and not an indefinite failure of issue,
unless a contrary intention was clearly expressed, and thus bring them
within the legal bounds prescribed for the duration of limitation of
estates, and make them valid.
The proviso in the 24th section appears to have been directed
against the rule in Shelly's case, and intended to annul it. . That rule
may be briefly stated as follows, as set out by Keyes on his work on
"Future Interests on Real Estate." When a freehold is limited to a
person and afterwards to his heirs, the liraitation is not void; but it is
held to be nothing more than an extension of the first limitation, and
therefore the first limitee takes the whole by purchase. The earlier
cases in the Court of Errors and Appeals in this State, deemed that
these provisions of the statutes abolished the rule in Shelley's case,
and in and of themselves established rules amply sufficient for the de
termination of all cases which might arise on the subject.
The above proviso is not contained in the Virginia Statute of 1819,
which was the original of the other parts of the sections ; but its princi
ple was embodied in a statute in that State in 1850, and cleariy put an
end to that artificial and arbitrary rule. Similar enactments in Massa
chusetts, and in other States, have been held to abolish this celebrated
rule. 4. Kent Com. 228; 2 Jarman on WUls, 176.
31

482 Mississippi, as a Province, Territory and State.
After the decisions in this State, just adverted to had been made,
other cases followed, in which it was held that the rule in Shelley's
case had not been abolished, and was stiU in force, and that words
which render the meaning attributed to them under the statute, were
not entitled to that interpretation, and that such limitations were void.
This was especially the ruling in Jordan vs. Roach, 3 George, Miss.
Reps. Other cases have foUowed, Avhich do not harmonize with one an
other, or with those which preceded them, and the same incongruity
seems to prevail as if no statute had ever been passed on the subject.
The cases are collected and very ably reviewed by Judge A. M, Clay
ton, in George's Digest — titie, liraitation of estates — and it is there
shoAvn that they leave the doctrine in a wholly unsettled state. Sorae
legislative enactment appears to be not only an appropriate, but a nec
essary measure. One which should declare that whatever words may
be used to limit an estate, shall be held valid to the extent of the du
ration of a life or lives in being, and 21 years and ten months there
after, and no farther, and that any attempt to create a greater estate
by way of limitation either in a deed or wiU, shall not have the effect
wholly to invalidate such limitation, but the same shall be good to the
extent above set forth, and void for the excess. This Avould tend to
render the complicated rules Avhich surround this subject more simple
and intelligible, and better accommodated to the wants of society.
The criminal law in this State has always been administered with
due regard to the benign inculcation of the common laAV, "'that it is
better that ninety-nine guilty men should escape, than that one inno
cent man should suffer." This branch of the law itself, and its ad
ministration cannot incur the withering invective of Macaulay, where
he says : "The earlier volumes of the British State Trials are the most
frightful records of baseness and depravity in the Avorld. Our hatred
is altogether turned away from the crimes and the criminals, and di
rected against the law and its ministers. "

OHAPTEE XXXIII.

the MISSISSIPPI INDIANS.

I HE Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks, or Muscogees
Avere inthe occupation of a large portion of what noA^
constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama, when
the French first colonized the country. How long they
had been here, and whence they came, is merely tradi
tional and has never been established. The Natchez tribes
and the Caddo's on Red river, had preceded them, and these
had been preceded by the mound builders. AU the Indian tra
ditions dimly .shadoAv a gigantic race of people, their predeces
sors who were contemporary with the mammoth, and the fossU-
ized monstrous reptiles,birds and quadrupeds that have been frequentiy
unearthed, aU Avhich becarae extinct by the wrath of the Great Spirit
about the same time.
The late Gen. Sam Dale, of Lauderdale county, Mississippi, who
hved to an advanced age, had passed many years of his life among the
Southern Indians. He spoke the Cherokee, Muscogee and Choctaw
tongues, and was familiar with all their traditions and customs.* And
from conversations with him, reduced at the tirae to Avriting, this ac
count is chiefly derived.
In 1842-3, the writer presided over a Board of Comraissioners es
tablished by the United States to inquire into and adjudicate the
clairas of the Choctaws growing out of the last treaty raade with them
prior to their removal West, and for months at a time a thousand In
dians were assembled around the Commission. The examinations
took a wide range, and having skilled interpreters, the opportunity was
used to elicit much curious information, which is embodied in this ac
count, f
The Choctaws believed that their ancestors came from the Avest.
They were led by Iavo brothers, Chactas and Chics-a, at the head of
their respective Iksas or clans. On their journey they foUowed a pole
which, guided by an invisible hand, moved before thera. Shortly
after crossing the Mississippi, the pole stood still, firmly planted in the
ground, and they construed this as an augury that here they must halt,
*See Claiborne's Life of Dale.
fMueh interesting information has been communicated by H. S. Halbert, Esq.,
of Lowndes, a gentleman of decided literary and ethnological tastes, and by JVJr.
H. B. Cushman of Texas, a gentieman of great inteiligence, who spent his early
years among the Choctaws, where his father, Eev. Dr. Cushman, presided over
the mission among them — a man of refinement, education and talent, who conse
crated his whole life to these poor nomads of the wilderness.

484 Mississippi, as a Province,
and make their homes. What connection this may have with, and how
far it has been derived from, the exodus of the Israelites, and "the
cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night" is for the curious to deter
mine ; but the pole moving in the march before them, is the oldest
and best established tradition of the Choctaws and Chickasaws.
The two leaders concluded to reconnoitre the country. Chics-a
moved first, and ten days thereafter Chactas followed, but a tremen
dous snow storm had obliterated his brother's trail, and they were
separated. He went southerly to Nanawyya, on the head-waters of
Pearl river, about the geographical centre of the State, and the other
brother, it was afterwards ascertained, settled near where Pontotoc
now stands. At the first meeting of the brothers it was determined
that the two clans should constitute separate tribes, each occupying
their respective territories, and the hunters of neither band to encroach
on the territory of the other. The present Oktibbeha and the Nusi-
cheah, were indicated as the line of demarkation.
The Choctaws preserve a dim tradition that, after crossing the Mis
sissippi, they met a race of men Avhom they called Na-hon-lo, tall in
stature and of fair complexion, who had emigrated from the sun rise.
They had once been a mighty people, but were then few in number
and soon disappeared after the incoming of the Choctaws. This race
of men were, according to the tradition, tillers of the soil and peacea
ble. There had likeAvise been a race of cannibals, who feasted on the
bodies of their enemies.* They, too, were giants, and utilized the
mammoth as their burden bearers. They kept them closely herded,
and as they devoured everything and broke down the forests, this was
the origin of the prairies.
This cannibal race and the mammoth perished about the same time,
by a great epidemic. Only one of the latter escaped, who made his
home for several years near the Tombigbee. The Great Spirit struck
him several times with lightning, but he presented his head to the bolt
and it glanced off. Annoyed, however, by these attempts, he fled to
Soc-te-thou-fah, (the present Memphis,) and at one mighty leap cleared
the river, and made his Avay to the Rocky Mountains.
They have a tradition of a great drought that occurred during the
early part of the eighteenth century. It Avas particularly severe in the
prairie region. Not a drop of rain fell for three years. The Nox-u-bee
and Tombigbee rivers dried up. The forest trees perished. The elk
and buffalo, then numerous, migrated beyond the Mississippi, and
neither of these species returned. ToAvards the close of the third year
it began to rain, and continued for two moons, and the Great Spirit
had forgiven thera.
The Choctaws and ChickasaAvs had occasional conflicts, particularly
after the whites appeared in the country. The former were allies of
the Frencli. The latter were under English control, and the rivalry of
these kept the tAvo kindred tribes on bad terms. They had a great '
battie about Iavo miles south of West Point. There may yet be seen
two mounds, about one hundred yards apart. After the fight they
¦¦¦The Attakapas Indians were cannibals, according to the early French writers.
Tlie Toukoways of Eastern Texas, once invited Gen. A. S. Johnston to dine on a
roasted Lipan brave they had just killed. Lite of Johnston, p. 90.

Territory and State. 485
came to terms, and erected these mounds over their dead, and to the
neighboring stream they gave the name Oka-tibbe-ha, or Fighting
Water. The Nox-u-bee river OAves its name to one of these bloody frays.
Nox-u-bee is a corruption of Oka-nahka-shua, Stinking Bullet Water —
Oka, water; nahka, bullet; shua, stinking.
The hunters of the Chocchumas — a once powerful tribe that occu
pied the Tallahatchie and Yalobusha valleys — had intruded on the
Tombigbee prairies, the hunting grounds of the Chickasaws and Choc
taws, and the warriors of these tribes attacked theni, slew many and
cast their bodies into the river. Hence the name given to the stream.
This, of course, caused retaUation, and a general war ensued. The
Chocchumas had once lived low down on the Yazoo, were in alliance
with the Natchez, and had immigrated to the Tallahatchie valley about
the time the ChoctaAvs arrived from the west. Each regarded the
other as intruders. They were a warlike race, and had been greatly
reduced by war. They Avere finally exterminated by the allied Chicka
saws and Choctaws. Their last battle was fought ^six miles west of
BeUefontaine, on the old Grenada road, on the land now owned by
C. M. Roberts. Chulahoma, Red Fox, their rriost renowned warrior,
resided there with his followers. He was attacked in his village, and
all but a few AVomen and children were slain. In 1830, an old half-
breed, Coleman Cole, resided there, and claimed to be the sole warrior
of the Chocchuma tribe. The decisive battle occurred at Lyon's
Bluff, on the south side of Line Creek, eight miles northeast of Stark-
viUe. This bluff was the site of a cemetery of the mound-builders.
Here the Chocchuma warriors, with many of their wives and children
were posted, and here they were besieged by the Choctaws on the
south and in front, whUe the Chickasaws were in position on the north
side of the creek, so there was no outlet for retreat. The siege was
one protracted fight, until the last of the Chocchuma warriors fell, and
then the women fought until most of them had perished.
At the conclusion of this war the two victorious tribes re-established
their tpundaries. Line Creek was afterwards known by the Chicka
saws as Nusic-heah, "you asleep;" because not long afterwards the
Choctaws attacked them there when unprepared or "asleep."
AU the Southern Indians were addicted to gambling and betting.
At their ball plays they bet their ponies, their crops, their clothing and
trinkets, and in a game between two, tribes, they would sometimes
stake a part of the territories that they claimed. The Creeks and
Choctaws had several international games in which territory was lost
and won, sometimes resulting in war.
As late as 1835, there died in the southern part of Noxubee, an
Indian known as Stonie Hadje, supposed to be over one hundred
years old. He was much esteemed by the whites. He was a Creek
by birth, a Choctaw by adoption. He said that in ancient times—
perhaps about 1790— there was a large pond near Noxubee river much
resorted to by beavers. The Creeks claimed it because they had dis
covered it; the Choctaws because it was within their boundaries. _
Beaver skins were in demand at Pensacola and Mobile. Neither

486 Mississippi, as a Province,
party would give in, but it was finaUy agreed to determine it by a ball
play. Each tribe selected fifty champion players. They commenced
their preparations with the new moon, and these were not completed
until the full of the third moon. Large supplies of provisions were
provided, and the players had been subjected to the proper regimen
and drill.
Five thousand Indians camped around the ground. The principal
Creek chief then paid a visit of ceremony to the great chief of the
Choctaws. In three days the visit was returned, and next day the
contest comraenced. The play was nearly equal. Each competitor
seemed to have met his match. Fortune vacillated from one to the
other. The excitement was tremendous, and rival parties even
stripped themselves of their clothing, blankets and ornaments to stake
upon the issue. All the rounds had been played but one, and the
parties stood even. One more round would decide. The struggle
was terrible and continued two hours. The Creeks were the victors,
and a yell of triumph resounded over the field. They indulged in
insulting insinuations. They called the Choctaw champions squaws,
and flung them a pettitcoat. A Choctaw warrior immediately seize.d
his tomahawk and a general fight ensued, with knives, clubs, guns
and hatchets. This affray commenced before sundown and lasted all
night and until eight next morning. The combatants ceased from
sheer exhaustion, and the two chiefs were then able for the first time,
to intervene. Three hundred warriors, the flower of the two tribes,
lay dead on the field, and as many desperately Avounded. Many
women had been slain. It required a week to inter the dead, and
then the survivors met, smoked the pipe of peace, and separated.
Until the two tribes removed to the Avest, it was their custom to assem
ble at this fatal field every year, to mourn for the slain. After the
fight, the Creeks, though they had won the pond, tacitly relinquished
it to the Choctaws, who say, however, that the beavers deserted it
directly after the fight, denoting the displeasure of the Great Spirit..
In 1832, one Charles Dobbs settled on this battle-ground.. The
aged Indian told him the dolorous story, and pointed out the places of
sepulture. Dobbs found therein many silver ornaments and a consid
erable sura in Spanish dollars, thus verifying the story; , but his dese
cration of these tombs Avas universally condemned. This place is on
the east bank of Noxubee river, some five miles west of CooksvUle,
and some three hundred yards north-east of the junction of Shuqualak
creek with the river. The pond Avas on the west bank of the Noxubee,
half a mile north-west of the battle ground, but has been drained and
cultivated. A nuraber of years afterwards, another ball play look
place between the two nations, Avhich resulted in Avar. A. pitched
battle occurred on what is noAv the FitzGerald farm, in the north
eastern part of Noxubee county, on the south side of the BrooksvUle
and Pickensville road. The Creeks Avere victorious, but having an
impending quarrel with the Cherokees, they granted the Choctaws
liberal terms. But the vanquished never forgot their defeat, and cher
ished a bitter resentment.
In 18 II, when the celebrated Tecumseh visited the southern tribes,

Territory and State. 487
to enlist them in a general coalition against the whites, he met the
Choctaws in councU in this same locaUty. Pushmataha, Mashulet-
ubbee, Hopiah-skatena, and other renoAvned leaders were present
The Shawnee made a vehement harrangue, pointing out the wrongs of
the red man, and invoking vengeance on the pale faces, and it had
its effect on an untutored people, whose very names indicate their pro
pensity for war and blood. Pushmataha was the steadfast friend of
tiie whites, but Mashuletubbee was vacillating, and Hopiah-skatena
(the Littie Leader), was decidedly hostile. The young men were evi
dentiy restiess, and inclined to folloAv the Shawnee. The next day
Pushmataha delivered his talk. He was a man of imposing presence,
of dignified deportment, and with great Aiatural oratorical gifts. He
dwelt a long time on the friendly relations that had existed between
tiie Choctaws and the whites, ever since the first of that race appeared
in the country, and said that no ChoctaAv had a drop of a white man's
blood upon his hands. "You are noAv on your way, Tecumseh, to
visit the Muscogees, and to court an alUance with them. In three
days you will enter their villages, and eat out of their bowls.
They abhor the white man, and wUl listen to your talk, and when
they hear your war Avhoop they will be ready to strike.
But the Choctaws and Muscogee can never travel on the war path
together. Our old men, and our traditions forbid it. The ghosts of
our fathers would meet us, and drive us back to our hunting grounds.
The bones of our warriors, slain by Muscogees, are mouldering near
by, unavenged, and last night I heard their complaints around my
camp. Even now I hear the voices of the dead in the passing breeze,
and I see their spirits in yonder cloud. They hold the pipe of peace
to the white man, and the tomahawk to the Muscogee.
Then turning, menacingly, to Mashulatubbee and Hopiahskatena,
he said, in angry and imperative words : ' 'Return home with your
warriors, and put to death any of thera that join the Muscogees."
Tecumseh abruptly departed, followed by his retinue of Northern
Indians, uttering in their OAvn tongue, a bitter imprecation.
The proceedings of the famous council with the Muscogees have
been related in onother place.* Soon after this last councU, the noted
half-breed, Weatherford, and a Muscogee chief, Ojilli-hadjo, had a
secret interview with Mashulatubbee, Avho had the disposition, but
not the nerve to unite with Tecumseh. A few of his young men, as
the war progressed, joined the hostile Indians and were nearly all
killed in the battie of Calibee sAvamp. The survivors, on their return
home, were put to death.
Ne-ta-ka-cha, who succeeded his uncle, Pushmattaha, was a chief
of great firmness, sincerity and decision of character.
Among the Choctaws, and the Indians generaUy, the wife was lit-
eraUy the servant of the husband. She would consider him dishonor
ed to carry a burden, to till the ground, or even to bring home the
game that he killed. All menial labor was cheerfully done by the wo
men, while the men spent their time in war, in hunting, feasting, gam
bling and sleeping. 
*01aiborne's Life of Dale.

488 Mississippi, as a Province,
Their criminal code was very simple— blood for blood. This may
be Ulustrated by the story of Pi-in-tubbee, a young Choctaw brave,
Avho lived in the present county of Winston. Shortly before the first
emigration west, he quarreled "with a warrior and kiUed him on the
spot. He fled, but not so far that he did not know that he had to die,
and that a day had been appointed when the Choctaws would assem
ble at a designated place, and he was expected to appear and surren
der his Ufe for the blood he had shed. The day came, and the peo
ple met on the crest of a hill overlooking the valley of the Nan-awy-yah,
about a mile from the sacred mound. But the fugitive was not there,
and the day was waning. At length, they perceived him rapidly ap
proaching. There was general rejoicing, for to have been derelict
would have been a disgrace to his clan, and one of his kindred Avould
have had to die in his place. He excused his delay; that before his
misfortune he had made a promise to attend a dance a long way off,
and as it was his last on earth, he desired to keep it; that after it was
over he had traveled night and day, and was now ready to die.
At this moment a missionary rode up. He made an earnest appeal
for the pa'rdon of the culprit, but the answer was, "life for life." He
then turned to Pi-a-tubbee, and Avith great want of tact and discretion,
depicted his sins, his unprepared state and the horrors of heU, so viv
idly that the poor felloAV became nervous. He had believed that by
surrendering his life to atone for his crime, he would pass at once to
the happy hunting grounds of his fathers, and spend his tirae in a per
petual feast with beautiful maidens, and on the verdant banks of re
freshing streams. But now the wise raan, the prophet of the pale
faces, by his terrific pictures of perpetual torment, had shaken his faith
and his courage. An expression of fear was visible in his face — he
trembled and stepped back. His mother's brother standing near by
had noted all this ; he felt indignant that one of his blood should be
tray such weakness, and with one blow of his tomahaAvk he cleft him
to the brain. He was immediately buried where he fell. The AVOmen
of his faraily cried over the grave, but the Avarriors closed the day
Avith a feast and a dance.
When a ChoctaAv coraraitted horaicide, he was never put under ar
rest. He knew the debt had to be paid, and how it was to be paid,
and there is no instance in Avhich he failed to appear on the day and
at the place appointed. Re-adjustments, reductions and compro
mises were not tolerated. It soraetiraes happened that if the party
was a young man, with a family, his aged father, or uncle, or some-
one of his blood would offer to die in his place, and this Avas always ac
cepted in satisfaction. The party about to die spent the preceding
night in chanting his death song, and continued to sing until he reach
ed the appointed spot. He then calmly knelt, and Avas shot or toma
hawked by one of his kindred, and thus the feud Avas extinguished.
Homicide and Avitchcraft were the only crimes punished capitaUy.
It was a point of honor not to permit their fallen braves to be
scalped. They Avould risk their lives to carry off or conceal their
bodies. Ancientiy, when one Avas killed or died a long way from
home, they buried hira in a sitting posture, to indicate that he was
only resting, and Avould return.

Territory and State. 489
In ancient times, the bones Avere enveloped in a covering of bark,
and deposited in a shallow grave near, and often in, the house. The
shrivelled integuments stripped off by the bone-pickers, were buried
in a separate place, over which a pole Avas planted, to which was sus
pended thirteen hoops, raade of grape vine, to represent the thirteen
lunar months, which they counted a year. To the top of the pole was
attached a smaU streamer or flag. The spirit of deceased .was sup
posed to ascend by these hoops to the top of the pole, Avhere it lingered
tiU the funei;al ceremonies were over. At certain intervals, the kin
dred came to cry over the grave, each tirae removing a hoop. When
the last hoop Avas removed, the ceremony of the "pole pulUngs" and
"dancing home" took place. The tAvo oldest men that could be
found, were employed to take up the pole, receiving a fee for the ser
vice. Two supple-footed young men then seized and bore it off, and
buried or concealed it where it could not be seen again. Then the
spirit takes its flight, and the warriors dance it home. This dance lasts
aU night, and often continues until the whole party is exhausted, be
cause it is a long journey the spirit has to make. At length he comes
in view of the happy hunting grounds, and finds it encircled by a
river of Avhirlpools, dark and deep, and the only crossing is a small
shppery pole, from Avhich the bark has been stripped. Two fierce-
looking giants, armed Avith clubs, guard this crossing, and assail all
who approach. If the spirit is that of a brave warrior, he escapes the
bloAvs, Avalks boldly over, and is there met by a kind-looking man, Avho
presents him Avith superior weapons, and conducts hira Avhere there is
abundant game.
The bad spirit plants his foot on the pole — is knocked into the angry
stream — is swept a long way down, and at last finds himself in a cold,
desolate country, Avhere an old, ill-natured man gives him a vvorn-out
bow and broken arrows, and with this he has to provide a scanty sub
sistence, and live on roots and very poor meat.
They believed that the souls of women and chUdren went direct to
the happy grounds.
The scaffolding of the dead Avas abandoned raany years since ; the
pole and the hoops continued much longer, and the cry over the
grave — an affecting spectacle — continues even to the present day.
The Choctaws, from time immemorial, were divided into three beats
or districts, each under charge of a head chief, who never exercised
their authority, in important junctures, without the counsel and con
sent of the sages and warriors. Government, in aU uncivUized com
munities, is lax and of precarious tenure.' If the chief be general in
war and judge in peace, he is general only from dread of the enemy,
and because submission to the one best qualified becomes the interest
of aU. He is judge, because even the most untutored communities
know that a common arbitrator is indispensable. But when matters
concerning the society and public welfare generaUy, can be debated
and determined, the power of consulting and determining is exercised
by the whole society, or by the heads of its different divisions. As
one of the society, the chief has a right and is expected to be present,
and he asserts and is aUoAved the right of presiding over the delibera-

490 Mississippi, as a Province,
tions. But his power is really no greater than any of the other parties
in consultation, except from the moral influence his fame for valor and
Avisdom may, and doubtless does exert.
AVhen one man exercises all the power of a community, that is des
potism ; a condition that never existed among the southern tribes.
Their governments had many of the characteristics of the feudal sys
tem, and had they been found in Germany, we should have traced
them to that source of modern civilization.
The Indian organization tended to an oligarchy. The warrior con
sidered himself, in peace, the peer of his chiefs. They Avere not his
vassals or bondsmen, but like the Norman leaders, were the Comites,
or companions of the conqueror, and equally noble.
The names of the chiefs in the three ChoctaAv districts, at the re
moval west, were Ne-ta-ca-che, for the lower district; Ma-shu-la-tubbee,
for the central, and Greenwood Le Fleur, for the northern.
They Avere independent of each other, and, with the co-operation of
the head men, were supreme in authority in their respective districts.
They consulted and acted in concert only in external matters, when
the whole nation assembled to decide on peace or Avar. In latter times
the Avhole nation assembled to receive their annuity, the goods, on the
occasion, being delivered to the chiefs or captains, and by them im
partially apportioned to the people. These captains were taken from
the respective viUages in which they lived.
In each of the districts, there were sub-chiefs or captains, caUed in
the Choctaw tongue, mingos, who Avere the leaders in their respective
towns or beats. Their jurisdiction and authority embraced all matters
of local concern.
In the event of Avar, the sub-chief or mingo, leads the Avarriors of
his village or town. The Choctaws, for a long period, had no regular
Avars, untU Pushmataha joined Gen. Claiborne against the Creeks or
Mus-cogees. But their hunting parties often went west of Red river
and into Arkansas, and had many bloody forages there.
The Choctaw orator always proudly boasted that their nation had
never shed the blood of a white man.
OccasionaUy, a general council of the nation, or of the district, was
called. The head chief of the district, or if it be a national councU,
the three chiefs, send out runners to the subordinate chiefs, giving to
each runner a bundle of sticks, corresponding to the number of days
to intervene between the time of despatching and the day of meeting.
The runner, every morning, throws away a stick, until he reaches the
chief to Avhom he has been sent. He then delivers the bundle, with
the remainder of the sticks, and the sub-chief throAvs away one every
morning, which brings him to the place appointed when the last stick
has been thrown aAvay. This was the primitive method of transmis
sion between the Indians, and was long adhered to, after they had
becorae raore civUized, out of respect to the ancient custom.
On the day appointed the Chiefs and Mingos assembled in the
square or open space of the tOAvn, and the common people make it a
holiday and engage in ball playing or dancing.
The council square Avas generally central, and about 60 feet long

Territory and State. 491
and 40 wide. On each side were two rows of posts, the outer one
filled in with mud, about six feet high, and the whole roofed over with
straw or boards. There were two rows of wooden benches covered
with matting of woven cane, or white bark; on these benches the
Chiefs and Captains take their seats and smoke their pipes, slowly
passing them from one to another. The Indians are very deliberate,
and are slow in reaching conclusions. The Speaker or Orator of the
district or nation (as the case may be) usually opens with a speech,
explaining why the assembly has been called, and discloses the views
of the Chiefs. If the Speaker be absent, the Chief himself opens the
assembly, and sometimes does so whether the Speaker be present or
not. The Speaker is a salaried officer, and his share of the annuity is
only inferior to the head chief. Any sub-chief or Mingo is then at
liberty to give his opinion. Ample time is allowed. After the debate
has ceased, and the pipe has been passed all around, the Head Chief,
or the Speaker, by his orders gives the Big Talk, collecting the decis
ions of the council from the opinions that have been expressed, and
giAfing his vicAvs as to how the conclusion arrived at is to be realized.
He speaks very deliberately, and at the end of each sentence, if what
he says be approved, the Mingos exclaim Ma ! (yes) in a loud voice.
There is seldom any collision between the Chief and the subordinates.
If the superior be a man wise in council and bold in war, the counsel
lors usually decide in consonance Avith his recommendations, and if
he be a man of tact he generally recommends what he finds, from their
debates, is most agreeable to them. The Southern Indian is a
bom politician and diplomatist, and usually carries his point.
The Creeks or Muscogees, from time imraemorial, Avere divided into
two districts or parties, the Upper and Lower Towns. Over each of
these divisions there was a ruling Chief, and over them, and over the
whole nation, a Suprerae Chief, or King. With this exception the
government of the three tribes was about the same.
When the Creeks meet in councU they smoke and have what they
caU ' 'the black drink. " It is made of the leaves of the Cassina Yapon,
a tree resembling the haw-bush. They put the leaves in a basket and
deposit it in a long earthen pot and boil them over a fire made in the
middle of the square under a scaffold. The ceremony of drinking "the
black drink," says Gen. Dale, is this: When they are all seated around
one of them takes the gourd, (kept for that purpose) holds it over the
pot, pours into it the liquid and continues pouring in until it foams and
runs over. He then takes the gourd to the Head Chief and begins
making a long note, drawing out his breath longer than one would sup
pose he could ; he then draws his breath a second time, giving another
long note, but in a different key. He then carries the gourd to the
other chiefs, giving each of them a grunt as he presents it. There is
no fixed time for the latter to drink by ; the head chief drinks during
the making of the two notes. They drink a quart at a time as hot as
they can bear it. Some 15 minutes afterwards they vomit the drmk
without any effort or artificial means. The virtue of the drink is ex-
hiliration and warmth to the system. ¦* 
»The ancient Germans debated when they got drunk but never A-oted or deci
ded till they got sober. Tacitus de Germ. 22.

493 Mississippi, as a Province,
"The Choctaws, Creeks and Cherokees aU believe in a Deity, whom
they call '-The Great Spirit, the Giver of Breath," but they have no
particular notion of his attributes, nor any mode or form of testifying
their belief in or dependence on Him. Nor did I ever hear them say.
anything further about Him but as "the Great Spirit, the Giver of
Breath." Nor had they any notions of a hereafter, neither Choctaws,
Cherokees or Creeks. I have never known them to intimate at any
tirae whether, Avhen about to die or on any other occasion, any dread
or thought of a hereafter, neither any hope of pleasure or fear of
pain. The saying that they anticipate in another world good hunting
grounds, I believe to be unfounded in truth. So far as the Creeks,
Cherokees and Choctaws are concerned, all their notions of good or
ill seem to be bounded by their present existence. Each of the tribes
have conjurers whom they reverence very much. They tend their
corn for them and make them presents. In latter times, the chiefs of
the villages gave thera more of the annuity than the comraon people.
The office of these conjurers is to attend to the sick as doctors, to tell
who are witches, to predict coming events, to make it rain and make
it stop raining. "It generally rained as they predicted," says General
Dale, "predicting frequently when there was no sign apparent to me.
This made me believe that they had paid sufficient attention to astron
omy and the study of nature to enable them to judge scientifically upon
the subject." When any of their prophecies fail they say that some of
the Indians have spoiled the physic by something they had done.
There are frora one to six conjurers in each vUlage. When the con
jurers point out a witch the chief has her forthwith put to death.
Among the Choctaws and Cherokees marriage is nothing but a ver
bal agreement. They live together as long as they please and part
when they please. Among the Creeks the marriage ceremony is this :
The man gives the woman a piece of venison or some kind of meat,
and she gives hira an ear of corn in the presence of witnesses. They
are then man and wife, at least until the green-corn dance. Then the
married couple are released if either of them thinks proper to break
the contract. In such case the woman keeps the children. If the
woraan violates her fidelity before the green-corn dance (among the
Creeks) she is whipped severely, her ears cut off and tied to the sticks
with Avhich she Avas beaten and the sticks set up in the town square
for the people to look at. They serve the man who seduced her in the
same way. If the man clears out, and cannot be' caught, the clans
men of the injured husband punish his nearest relation in his stead. If
the woman be punished and not her seducer, or his relation, the clan
of the woman inflict upon the leader of the party that punished her,
the same punishment which she had endured, and there the thing
ends. Among the Cherokees there is no punishment for the inconti-
nency of women whether married or single, but on the contrary the
most tormenting ridicule would be heaped upon the man who should
complain of the infidelity of his wife or sweetheart. The Choctaws,
Creeks and Cherokees, have from one to six Avives. The wives do
not occupy the same house, but different houses to themselves.
The green-corn dance takes place when the first roasting-ears come,

Territory and State. 493
before Avhich no ncAv corn is touched. At this dance they extinguish
all their fires, and make new fire by rubbing two hickory sticks to-
getiier until it is produced, from Avhich they supply their houses. The
green-corn dance is the ancient jubUee ; — all former crimes are forgiven
except murder — Avhich never can be expiated but by life for life.
Theft, among the ChoctaAVs and Cherokees, is punished by Avhip-
ping. The Creeks not only whip severely, but cut off the ears of the
culprit, and fasten them up in the town square.
The ChoctaAvs scaffold their dead until the flesh rots off thera ; the
scaffold being eight or ten feet high and built on the edge of their yard.
They then scrape the bones clean, place them in a box or put boards
or bark around them and bury them in the ground — -burying them
sometimes in their yard, sometimes under their house.
" AVhen I assisted," says General Dale, "in moving the first body of
Choctaws that went west, there Avere some of them whose dead were
StiU on scaffolds. They remained to bury the bones and chant the
funeral rites the required time, and came on afterwards." With the
Creeks, when a man dies, his wives cannot dress up, or go into com
pany, or attend the dances or appear in the town square, or bind up
their hair for the period of 1 2 months, during which time they must
remain chaste under the penalty of beating and cropping as above
stated. * The relations of the deceased husband have the privUege of re
leasing them from the observance of this custom before the year is out,
but they seldom do so. The Cherokees bury their dead without any cere
mony, burying them in the woods soon after their death. AU the
Indians compute time by the moon ; Avhen they compute a less time
than a lunar month, they do so with sticks as already stated. They
have 13 separate names for the 13 moons in the year.
Neither ChoctaAvs, Cherokees, or Creeks had any tradition of who
built the mounds, when they were buUt, or for what purpose they were
buUt. There is one peculiar feature in the "division of the people common
to the three tribes. They are distinguished by clans which run through
the whole nation without any regard to the Districts. They are six in
number, and caUed in English— the Wind clan— the Bear clan— the
Deer clan— the Wolf clan— the Panther clan— the Holly Leaf clan.
When one Indian kills another, one of the clan of the party kiUed is
certain to kill the slayer. When the Choctaws kill each other, the
slayer voluntarUy delivers himself up to the opposite clan to be kiUed.
The Choctaws in rare instances take pay to release their victim ; the
Creeks and Cherokees never do; no sura can induce them to spare the
life of their prisoner, and if one were to take pay, the others of the
clan would nevertheless certainly kill him.f If an Indian's wife is
» We learn from Blackstone that the laws of the Eomaus, Saxons and Danes re
quired the widow to remain single for a year after her husband's death-which is
called the annus luctus, or year of mourning. 1 Bl. Coram., 457. Perhaps the
widow's quarantine, during which she can remain in her husband s mansion-and
during which it is the duty of the heir to assign her dower, had 1^ origin m re
spect for her grief, so that she might uninterruptedly bemoan the loss ol her
lord. 2d Bl., 135.
tThis custom of requiring the murderer to satisfy the relatives of the deceased
with his life, or a heaVy fini, seems to have been universal with all rude nations.

494 Mississippi, as a Province,
killed, some of the clan of the deceased wife must kill the slayer.
Should the husband do it the clan of the slayer would kill hira. They
are very tender towards their chUdren, treating them generally with
greater kindness than is customary with other people.
Suicides araong the Indians frequently occur, occasioned generally
by ridicule or disgrace. The father and mother of an Indian arrested
and imprisoned in Mississippi killed themselves on account of the im
prisonment of their son. The father shot himself, and afterwards the
mother hung herself on account of the accumulated distress. The
law of distribution of their personal effects is the sarae in the three
nations. AVhat carae by the husband or by the Avife, upon their death
without issue, goes to their respective relations. When the wife dies
leaving children, her property goes to her children — her relations
taking care of it for them and of them. The Avoraan having to raake
the crop and raise the hogs does not miss her husband so much when
he is killed, except on account of the game, because with the excep
tion of the game she had the support of the family on her hands pre
vious to his death. The land is in common to the nation — chiefs and
people ; particular lands being unknoAvn among thera but by reserva
tions in the treaties. Their tUle to their houses and fields of corn is
entirely by occupancy. As soon as the house is abandoned, any other
person may take it. Their right, however, AA'hile in possession or use
of the property, is scrupulously respected. When the husband and
wife die leaving no children, the relations of the wife generally take
their house. But if the house was built entirely by the husband,
without the assistance of the wife, in such case, his relations usually
take possession. If the house be an old house and buUt by neither,
it goes to the blood of him Avho built it. But these rights mean noth
ing unless acted upon at the time of the house being left vacant, for if
another be permitted to enter, occupancy, as above stated, becomes the
sole title.*
Among the Jews, among the Gothic nations, Eobertson's Charles V, p. 31-
Among the ancient German, Tac. 21. Among the ancient Irish and Anglo Saxon's,
4 Bl. Coram., 313, 314, 413. Among the Abyssinians— Nubia and Abyssinia, by
Eev. M. Eussell, Harper's edition, p. 268. Among the modern Persians, Hist, of
Persia, by James B. Frazer, Harper's edition, 224. Among the Afghans, Ibid, p.
300. Eussell, in his history of Nubia and Abyssinia, compared the people of the
upper Nile to the Indians, p. 56-58. He says, also, that those people have no idea
who built the splendid temples and edifices among which they live, nor do they
exhibit any curiosity to know, p. 194. This will tend to show the fallacy of rely
ing upon a mere comparison of manners and customs, but if Hume's plan were
fully carried out, and comparison of languages also made, perhaps something
more satisfactory might be discovered.
"* The Indians, like all other barbarous people, have no property in real estate,
and never could comprehend the white man's greed for it. By the law of nature
they had an individual or exclusive claim to the spoils of the chase or of war; and
the temporary use of any spot they chose to camp upon, and to what grew there
on as long as they chose to occupy it. This right, thus limited, [exists in all
societies, however primitive or uncivilized. It owes its origin to the necessities
of man, and commenced before the institution of civil societies and the organiza
tion of communities. Political associations are organized to secure this national
right. Property in land never becomes more permanent till government becomes
more defined and stable, or, to speak more accurately, permanent property in the
soil and perraanent government are not only inseparable concomitants, but they
are simultaneous, and the gradations of each are distinctly defined in the march
of nations. If we possessed the unbroken series of the laws of any people, from

Territory and State. 495
The Indians have an art, common to them all, of subsisting on less
than a man can subsist on in any other way. They take the corn when
it is fit to roast, boil it in an earthen pot, take it out in the ear, barbe
cue it on a scaffold over a fire untU it is perfectiy dry and hard ; they
then shell the corn, place it in a pot, sift ashes with it, and parch it
over the fire, stirring it around aU the time Avith a stick. They then
take it out, sift the ashes from it Avith a sifter made of split cane, and
pound the corn in a mortar. This parched corn flour, (generaUy
knOAA'n among the traders as ^^ cold meal,") keeps Avithout spoiling as
long as it is kept dry, and a man can travel a Aveek on a quart of it.
A spoonful of it put in a pint of Avater, is a delicious and sufficient meal
for one raan. After it is put in the Avater they let it stand until it mixes
and becomes like soup; it then serves both for meat and drink. They
barbecue venison and beef by putting it on sticks and placing it over
the fire until it is perfectly done, using no salt for preserving it.
All the Indian nations have a particular kind of Avar-whoop and war-
dance. AA^henever they get any news threatening Avar, or of a warlike
character, the Avar-whoop is raised by those Avho hear it, hearing Avhich,
the people of the town assemble at the square. When a chief gets
news that the Avhite people are coming, or that war is at hand, he
despatches runners to the head chief and to the different towns to
carry the news. AVhen the runner gets close enough to the town, he
gives the war-whoop and continues whooping and running on through
the town to the square, where all AA'ho are present raise the war-Avhoop,
which speedily assembles the people. Other runners then are imme
diately started off, and in this Avay the ncAvs spreads speedily through
the nation — swifter than it could be carried on horseback. A well-
trained young Indian can run 50 miles frora day-light to dark — going
all the time in a long lope, and never tiring or stopping. The war-club
was introduced among the Creeks by Tecumseh and his followers in
1811, at the Great Council at Tookabatchie, of which Gen. Dale was
a witness. The Avar-club is shaped like a gun-stock, made of heavy
wood; on the bend of some of them is a steel or iron spike 3 or 4
inches long. Previous to that time the Creeks only used the tomahawk,
bows and arrows, the gun and scalping-knife. The scalping-knife is
something Uke the common carving-knife rounded at the point. The
real scalp is the crown of the head — a piece about as big as a dollar.
They take off a larger piece, however, and afterwards cut, scrape and
dry it. They leave the hair on it, paint the skin and preserve it with
a great deal of care.
The Creeks and Cherokees have, in winter, what they caU hot-houses.
Two or three families club together and buUd a hot-house. They make
it of logs, cover it with poles on rafters placed close together, add
the period when all property was in common to that when it became several, we
should behold the idea of exclusive property in the soil emerge out of its tempo
rary possession, and advance with a slow, but steady progress, to perraanent ten
ure. The Indians were, in this relation, like the ancient Germans, whose policy
it was, according to Ca;sar and Tacitus, not to protect, but to discourage agri
culture and fixed habitations, that the men might always be at leisure to rob. lo
this end, only temporary possession of land Avas allowed. No family was permit
ted to occupy the same place more than a year at a time. At the end ot that
period the chiefs made a new allotment.

496 Mississippi, as a Province,
another covering of bark or boards, and daub the whole thickly with
mud, inside and outside. The hot-house is a small square building,
with a fire in the middle, raised on a hearth. They heat the house at
night, rake the ashes over the coals and sleep on cane mats round the
house, opening the fire as the house gets cold towards day. In this
house, the chUdren, who are naked, are kept warm all the winter.
While the hot-house is heating, they are at the fire in their parents'
houses. The hot-house is only heated in very cold weather, for, unless
it is very cold indeed, the children, though naked, can stand it, play
ing about and running from house to house.
The Creeks and Cherokees always have a flag-pole about fifty feet
high, planted in the ground, about thirty yards from their town square.
Upon this pole they generally raise, in times of alarm, a flag of Avhite
cloth. Around this pole is a circular yard about thirty yards in diam
eter, nicely scraped and clean, Avhere they play at foot-ball, in which
game they kick with the foot, and do not touch with the hands. The
women and raen play at this garae. The ball is about the size of a
large orange, and to complete the victory, after they get the ball through
the sticks, they must strike the pole Avith it. This is the only game
played in this yard.
The ball-play proper, when they play with sticks, (the Indian's great
game) is somewhat difficult to describe.
An open, level piece of land is selected, and four poles are planted
some two hundred yards apart, two at each end, two feet apart at their
base, but inclining outwards to a width of three feet at top. From
twenty to fifty players, on each side, engage in the game, Avhich never
fails to attract a crowd. The parties, respectively, assemble at the pole,
and then advance, whooping and leaping, to the centre, where they
lay their sticks down in tAvo roAvs. These sticks are about three feet
long, one end fashioned, very ingeniously, of basket-Avork, in the form
of a hand half open, with which to catch the flying ball. The object
of one party was to throw the ball through the posts, and the business
of the other party was to intercept the ball, and cast it through the
posts at the other extremity. After depositing their sticks, an interval
of about an hour was allowed for betting. Men and women, old and
young, almost without exception, staked everything they could com
mand, blankets, leggings, ornaments, moccasins on their feet, horses,
and money. AVhen two persons make a bet, the stakes are placed in
the hands of a stake-holder, to be delivered to the Avinner. The play
ers then post themselves along the line, and one of them, standing in
the centre, tosses up the ball. The struggle then to catch the ball be
gins between the rivals. It must be caught only Avitii the stick. The
ball is about the size of an ordinary trap-ball, stuffed Avith deer-hair
and covered with buckskin. Two mingos, one for each side, kept the
tally. The ball had to pass twelve times through the poles. The
party that succeeded first was tiie winner. The instant a player caught
the ball it was his aim to cast it, with all his might, towards his own
poles. But it was lucky if it was not snatched from him before he
could throw it, or caught in an instant after he had hurled it. "Stand
from under," and "look out," were the rules in this game. No re-

Territory and State. 497
sponsibility for accident or injuries, even should such injuries be fatal.
No respect for rank, or age, or sex. AVhen the play opened, the play
ers were supreme. If you got in their way, you Avere remorselessly
run over. If an arm, or a leg, or a rib, head or neck, Avas broken in
the struggle to catch or throw the ball, it was all in the game, and no
one Avas censured. They ran like a stampeded herd of AvUd horses or
buffalo, over everything in their way, -and if one or more fell the others
passed over him. As the ball would come whizzing by, with the veloc
ity of a buUet, a player would spring four or five feet in the air to in
tercept it, and just as he Avas in the act of casting it to his OAvn poles,
or starting to run with it in that direction, a rival would seize and hurl
him to the ground, clutch the ball and be, in turn, overthrown as he
was about to cast it.
One of these games, sometimes, lasted all day. VUlage played
against village; clan against clan; tribe against tribe ; the sarae rules
governing in each case.
In all the villages, facing the public square, is the tOAvn house, de
voted to dancing. These houses, among the Creeks and Cherokees,
are circular, running up sorae twenty feet in the form of a cone or
sugar loaf. Just before night, a fire is made in the center of this house',
and by eight o'clock the dancing begins. The music is a very
primitive drum, made of a dressed skin drawn over the section of a
hoUow tree or box, accompanied with a Ioav, monotonous drawling
chant by the musician. The leader of the dance chants the same tune,
and the dancers keep time with wonderful accuracy. These town
dances were intended for amusement, but the ball flag-dance and the
war dance were religious solemnities, and required long practice and
regular drill. The step or motion began at one end of the semi-circle,
gently rising up and down, upon their toes and heels alternately; Avhen
the first was up on tiptoe, the next was on the heel, and thus, from one
end of the rank to the other, so that some were up and some down,
alternately, without any confusion, and moving with the regularity of
machinery, obliquely or sideways, so that the circle performed a double
or complex movement in its progression, and at intervals exhibited a
general, uniform movement, by each rank turning to the right and left,
taking each other's places. These movements were made with won
derful alertness, accompanied, occasionally, with the shrill war-whoop.
The green-corn dance (boos-ke-ta, in the Muscogee tongue,) was
celebrated when the corn became fit for roasting. The day was ap
pointed by the head chief, after a solemn smoke with his counseUors.
The festival lasted from three to six days. The ground is sprinkled
with sand. Four logs of wood are brought in, by four appointed war
riors, from the east, west, north, and south entrances, and placed in
the centre, end to end, in the shape of a Greek cross, the outer ends
facing the cardinal points. The new fire is kindled by the friction of
hickory sticks, and all the old fires are extinguished.
The first dance— the Pin-e-bun-gaw, or turkey dance, is by women
exclusively, during which the black (or Yopan) drink is brewed. Next
foUows the Tad-pole dance, by four women and four men. After this,
32

498 Mississippi, as a Province,
the men dance the E-ne-hon-bun-gaw, or dance of the comraon peo
ple. This continues all night.
On the second day, the women dance the It-ho-bun-gaw, or gun
dance. At 12 m., the warriors go to the ncAV fire, take up a handful
or ashes and rub themselves on the chin, neck, and abdoraen, and
then, Avith a wUd yell, plunge into the nearest water.
By this tirae the new corn has been prepared by the Avomen, in
various Avays; the men rub some of this on thera, as they did with the
ashes, and then the feast commences.
On the third day, the warriors sit on the square, frora sunrise to sun
set, in solemn silence.
On the fourth day, the women renew their fires from the four logs
in the tOAvn-house ; the men rub themselves again Avith ashes, and
bathe ; they all eat salt, and dance the Obunguachapeo, or long dance.
On the fifth, they renew the sacred fire, and drink the black drink.
On the sixth and seventh, they march in procession around the
square. On the eighth, they boil fourteen physic plants together, under the
direction of the E-lec-chil-gee, or physic-makers, and the warriors
drink it.
They next reduce a quantity of corn cobs and pine burs to ashes.
Four young virgins mix up these ashes Avith white clay, and after carry
ing a portion to the Mico (head chief,) the warriors rub themselves
with the remainder.
Then some tobacco, of a peculiar kind, called It-an-chu-le-pue-
pug-gee (old man's tobacco, ) is brought by two officials, and the Avar
riors all repair to the house of the Mico, and each secure a portion of
it. The Mico and the warriors then walk four times round the fire,
and every time they face the east they throw a little tobacco into the
fire. They then face to the west.
Next, a cane is set up in the cabin of the Mico, with Iavo Avhite
feathers at the end of it. One of the Fish clan (Shot-lo-gulgee) takes
this cane, just as the sun is setting, and proceeds to the river (or nearest
water,) foUoAved by all the warriors. "When he gets half-way he gives
the death-whoop, and repeats it four tiraes before he reaches the water.
The warriors form a compact body on the edge of the water. The
cane-bearer plants it on the bank, then every man puts a grain of the
old man's tobacco on their heads and in each ear. Then they each
throw a littie into the water, and plunge in, and each picks up four
pebbles. With these they cross themselves four times on the breast,
each time casting one of the pebbles into the water and sounding the
death-whoop. They then bathe, and take the cane and plant it in the
center of the square, and visit frora house to house. About ten at
night they dance the 0-bun-gaw-hadjo (Mad dance,) and by day-daAvn
the festival of the Boos-ke-taw is over.
On this occasion, a general amnesty for offences committed during
the past year, is proclaimed. All quarrels cease. The fugitive may
return home. All crimes are sponged out, homicide alone excepted.
The inexorable rule of life for life overrules even this general amnesty.

Territory and State. 499
AU the tribes had the green-corn dance, but it was more protracted
and imposing among the Creeks.*
The Muscogees were a poAverful confederacy, lying south of the
Cherokees, and east of the Choctaws. They received and incorporated
Avith themselves any broken tribe that carae to them for refuge, as
signed them a district to live in, aUoAved them to retain their usual cus
toms and language, but required their aid for the common defence.
This conglomeration of tribes accounts for the fact noted by aU the
early travelers that sometimes, even in contiguous villages, a different
dialect prevaUed.
They Avere caUed Creeks from the numerous Avater courses in their
territory, upon Avhich their tOAvns were generally situated, and they
were divided into the upper and lower Creeks, the latter sometimes
caUed Seminoles. In 1773-4, Bartram, the naturalist, traveled through
the Cherokee, Creek, and ChoctaAv nations, and has recorded raany
interesting details of their customs and habits. The Creeks, emigrat
ing from the westward, fought their way through many tribes, and
halted in the forks of the Okeraulgee and Oconee, in the present State
of Georgia. Here Bartram found the vestiges of an ancient metropo
lis, mounds, terraces, squares, and embankments, enclosing a large
area. The cleared land extended up and doAvn the river fifteen or
twenty miles, and Avas then called the Okeraulgee old fields. Here
they concentrated, and resisted their enemies through Avhose country
they had fought their way. Here, too, they were attacked by the
Yamasees, once a formidable tribe in South Carolina, and whom the
Creeks, after many bloody encounters had nearly exterminated; and
the Savanas, Oguchees, Santees, and others, shared the same fate.
The Creeks early entered into a friendly negotiation with the British
authorities in Charleston, and their amicable relations Avere never dis
turbed. But they made Avar on the Spaniards of East Florida, for
giving shelter to the Yamasees, and even threatened St. Augustine.
Owing to the number of their enemies, the Indians usually settled
in towns or villages. The ground they cultivated in corn, beans, po
tatoes, pumpkins, and mellons, was under a common enclosure, in
which each family had its particular portion. Among the upper Creeks,
some of these villages were large and populous. The old "Uchee town,
for example, on the upper waters of the Appalachicola, contained, in
1774, over 2,000 inhabitants. In 1798, Col. Hawkins, so long United
States agent, enumerates fifty tOAvns in the Creek nation. The Appa
lachicola town was considered the mother town of the Creek confed
eracy. It was sacred to peace. No human blood was alloAved to be
shed in it.. No capital punishments were there inflicted. Criminals
were sent beyond its limits for punishraent, and all treaties for peace
were there negotiated. The great Coweta town, twelve railes higher
up, was known as the Bloody town. There all great criminals Avere
put to death, and there the Mico, his chief and warriors, assembled to
prepare for war.
In or near most of these towns there were evidences of occupation
by a numerous people long preceding the advent of the Muscogees,
* These primitive customs have long been obsolete.

500 MissLSSiPPi, AS a Province,
but no tradition as to what they were, or what becarae of them. Their
mounds, embankments and terraces remained, and the fields that had
been cleared of the primitive forest, but nothing more. The Musco
gees claim to have come into the country from the southwest, beyond
the Mississippi, before Charleston was settled by the English, and their
tradition as to whence they came, and why they left their native coun
try, is very nearly the same as the Natchez, as related by DuPratz.
Upon the downfall of the Natchez confederacy, the Muscogees rose to
poAver, vanquished every nation they came in collision with, except
the Choctaws, and incorporating the remnants and suppliants into their
own body. In 1798, in the fifty towns visited by Bartram, two-thirds
of them spoke different dialects.
In 1 77 1, Capt. Roman, of the British army, passed from MobUe, by
land, through the Choctaw nation to the Chickasaws, and returned
down the Torabigbee river. He crossed the head waters of Dog river
to Bogue Hooraa, (Red Creek,) and there entered the Choctaw
country. It was then divided into two districts, the eastern called
Oy-pat-os-coo-la, or the Small District ; the western was called Os-coo-
la-Faylaya. There were some seventy villages.
He found the Chickasaws chiefly concentrated in a large, rolling
prairie, some three miles square. They had a continuous town, divided
into seven vUlages : Melatan, hat and feather ; Chatetan, Coppertown;
Chickafalaya, long town; Hickaha, stand stUl; Chuccalesssa, great
town ; Tuckahaw, weed town ; Ash-wic-boo-ma, red grass.
This last was fortified with pickets, and was where the unfortunate
D'Atagnette had been defeated when he came from Canada to meet
BienviUe. As hunters and warriors the Chickasaws have had no superiors on
this continent. Never numerous — and frequently at war — they never
failed to defend their country from invasion, but Avere at last expelled,
or rather seduced away by the predominating craft of the whites.*
As long as their ancient kings, and the pure bloods retained the ascen
dancy, the Chickasaws and Choctaws rejected every proposal for the
purchase of their country. But when the half-breeds or hybrid races
became predominant, accumulated wealth and monopolized authority,
the country, which their forefathers had so long defended, Avas sold to
the United States for only a tithe of its real value. AVith it went their
towns, their fields and the bones of their ancestors, and they made
their sad and reluctant exodus, with but a single consolation — the
solemn promise and covenant of this Great Republic, that their new
territory should never be encroached upon — that their independence
should be maintained — their laws and institutions respected, and that
they should be, in all respects, under its guardianship and protection.
How far this covenant between a powerful nation and a feeble people
has been respected, is a question that each reader may ansAver for
himself. The missionaries commenced their labors among the Choctaws in
** Those who are curious about the Southern tribes should read, Adair's Ameri
can Indians, Hawkins' account of the Creeks, Bartram's Travels, HayAVOod's His
tory of Tennessee, Roman's Florida, 'Willett's Narrative.

Territory and State. 501
181 8. They were found in a semi-civiUzed state, living in huts or
cabins, cultivating small patches of corn and beans in a very primitive
fashion, and some of them owning herds of a small breed of horses
and cattle. The crops were planted and worked exclusively by the
Avomen, who were never idle, doing the cooking and sewing for the
family, providing fuel, making baskets, etc., etc. They were the bur
den bearers and bread providers of the tribe, and if ever woman's
mission, Avith all its trials and grievances, has been faithfully and un
complainingly performed, it has been by the Indian women of the
Soulli. Untaught, bred in the wilderness under all the leveling influ
ences of poverty and want, and riot and debauchery, without the
divine light that points out the path of duty to more fortunate races ;
with only the instinctive tenderness, delicacy and sense of duty
of their sex to guide them, they uniformly manifested the highest
attributes of human nature. Chaste, modest, resigned, patient, indus
trious, honest, devoted to husband and children, and always faithful
to their country. They brought up their girls like themselves ; they
taught their boys to be honest, truthful and brave. And until cor
rupted by the whites, and tainted with the lust of gold, and other vices
of civilization, there was no purer race than the Indians of Missis
sippi. Until we introduced the accursed fire-water into their country,
they had no intoxicating liquors, nor was there a profane epithet in
their language. Marriages took place in early life, and it required
very littie capital to go to housekeeping.
The land was free to all ; a littie cabin was easily buUt by the side
of some bubbling spring. A small iron kettle to boU their venison
and. hominy, and a wooden bowl to put it when cooked, were suffi
cient for the young couple. They needed no mahogany tables, be
cause, like the orientals, they sat upon the ground. If they had com
pany the bowl Avas placed in the center, and the guests sat round and
helped themselves one after the other. The same great wooden or
horn spoon passed round the circle.
Tom-ful-la was their standing and favorite dish. It consisted of
corn, soaked in lye to take off the husks, then thoroughly boiled, and
seasoned with bear's oil, deer-taUow, and sometimes with the kernels
of walnuts or hickory nuts.
They served their venison and turkey stewed with bear's oil ; they
made delicious tortillas or corn-cakes of pounded corn, and a pleasant
beverage of acidulated honey and water. The ribs of a fat bear and
the liver was a luxury. They would put a slice of venison, a slice cf
the breast of a turkey and a slice of bear's meat on a stick and barbe
cue it before the fire, the grease from the bear's meat dripping on the
turkey and venison, and thus serve a dish that no metropohtan cuisme
could surpass. They made a very refreshing jeUy by pounding the
roots of the China briar, {Smilax pseudo C/iina, smilax aspero,) strain
ing it through baskets, drying the farina, and then raixmg it with
honey They likewise pounded walnuts and hickory nuts, passed
them through boiling water, and then through strainers of fine basket
work, and thus produced an inspissated liquor, the color and consist
ency of cream, and richer and of finer flavor. _
The Missionaries found that the Choctaws recognized a Supreme

502 Misissisppi, as a Province,
Being or Great Spirit, who made and ruled all things. But they had
not even a traditional knowledge of any other religion. They believed
that the air was peopled with good and evil spirits, the latter more
numerous, and to their influence they attributed individual and nation
al misfortunes.
The males, Avhen not at war, were usually hunting, not in parties,
(unless they went into a region where they would probably encounter
enemies) but singly and alone, his only companion a small dog. They
Avere dexterous with the boAv and arrow, and became expert with the
rifle. They universally believed in witches and sorcerers. Old and
ugly Avomen Avere often accused as witches, found no defenders even
among their kindred, and were summarily put to death.
They had among them, as privileged castes, the Rain-maker and the
Medicine-raan, the Prophet or Seer. The Medicine-man interpreted
dreams, charmed away spells, and healed the sick ; the Rain-maker,
in periods of protracted drought, was invoked to save the crops, and
the Prophet lifted the veil frora the dim and raystic future.
When the Medicine-man was called to a patient, he placed him on
a blanket, then bending over him, he used his mouth as a cupping-
glass, sucking the seat of pain, and growling during the process, like
a dog worrying a cat. He often put his left hand to his mouth, pre
tending to deposit what he had extracted from the patient. And then,
after sucking, pounding, kneading, and growling, , for an hour, he
would repair to a tree and affect to wipe his hand upon it. This pro
cess of rubbing and manipulating usually put the patient to sleep, and
he often woke up relieved, and the fame of the Medicine-man went
abroad. If, however, the patient grew worse and died, the doctor im
mediately declared Ijiat the intervention of some powerful and malic
ious witch had defeated his efforts. The relatives would formaUy de
mand of him to point out the Avitch, and after some days of apparent
deep thought, he would indicate some old, decrepid, and isolated
wonian, who, without formahty, or interposition, even of her kindred,
was promptly put to death.
In 1818, the chUd of a warrior sickened and died, in spite of all the
manipulations of the Medicine-man. He attributed it to witchcraft,
and pointed out a very old woraan in the neighborhood. Several young
braves iraraediately volunteered to kill her. They repaired to her
house, and she, with true Indian hospitality, placed before them all
the food there was in the house. They chatted pleasantly during the
repast, and then suddenly sprang up, gave the war Avhoop, and literally
cut her to pieces.
The Rain-maker had one privilege over other specialists. He always
demanded a respectable fee in advance, giving them to understand
that the spirits did not do business on credit, and as they never called
on him till their crops were burning up, and their supply of water Avas
exhausted, they were in no condition to haggle about terms.
If the Rain-raaker fails, he does not attribute it to witchcraft, but
says that he himself is Na-koo-a. Na-koo-a-fa-na — raad, too raad to
be heard by the Great Spirit when'he asks for rain, and that their crops
must burn up. The credulous Indians gather about him, implore him

Territory and State. 503
to try again, and eagerly beg to knoAv what can de done to restore his
good humor. -He replies that he will tell them after awhile, he is too
mad noAv to think or to talk. He remains secluded until he notes the
signs of an approaching change of the weather, and then he appears
in pubUc, and tells them if they double his fee the rain shall come.
Glad to propitiate his anger, they promptly brought even more than he
demanded. And very soon the rain comes as he had promised.
The Choctaw, like most Indians, was taciturn, of haughty demea
nor, patient, abstemious, apparentiy insensible to pain or emotion —
"the stoic of the Avoods." They Avere hospitable, grateful for favors,
unobtrusive, neither forgetting nor forgiving. They Avere fond of dress,
of paint and plumes, of trinkets and jewelry, and would spend hours
in adorning their persons and admiring themselves in the small mirrors
they carried in their bosoms. Red and blue Avere their favorite colors.
In early times, they Avore a profusion of silver ornaments. The metal
was obtained in their predatory excursions about the sources of the
Arkansas and Ouachitta, and from the earliest times there were skUled
artisans in metal among them.
The Choctaw had no fear of death. He regarded it as a mere jour
ney to a better hunting ground ; and formerly, his pipe, tobacco pouch,
knife, tomahawk, and gun Avere hurried with him, and sometimes his
horse was slain on his grave, as it Avas supposed he might need them
on his arrival. Thus the Natchez killed the attendants of a great per
sonage, that he might have servants in the other Avorld.
The cry over the grave was never omitted. At a time appointed,
relatives, neighbors, and friends assembled, and one group after another
sat around the grave in a circle, Avith their blankets over their heads,
and made their lamentations. They continued several days and nights,
and then they had a feast and a dance. AVhen this Avas over, the narae
of the dead was pronounced no more.
The Choctaw woman had one blessing amidst all her burdens. She
was exempt frora the curse which the scriptures tell us was bestowed
on parturition. They Avere as prolific as other races, and yet the sage
femme Avas unknown among them. A Avoman about to become a
mother, retired into the woods, and in a few hours returned with her
child, and resumed her occupations.
It is the testimony of the Missionaries that they found the Choctaws
strictly honest, scrupuously punctual to their engagements. If one
borrowed an article, to the very hour he proraised to return it, it Avould
be brought.
The itinerant white trader was the potent instruraent of demoraliza
tion, and counteracted many of the wholesome teachings and regula
tions of the Missionaries.
These devoted teachers, however, succeeded in accompUshing raany
reforms, and in destroying many of the ancient superstitions. The
Medicine-man, Rain-maker, and Prophet, were soon recognized as im-
posters. It was affecting to observe with what intense interest they listened
to the history of the Redeemer, and how soon, under the Divine
guidance, they seemed to comprehend and feel the regenerating influ-

504 Mississippi, as a Province,
ence of revealed religion. They heard, with amazement, the story
of the cross and the atonement. For a man to yield, his life for the
life he had taken, for a friend to die for a friend, was their own law
and creed, but for one to die for his enemy, for the son of the Great
Spirit to die for those that reviled, scourged and crucified him, re
quired more than the eloquence of the raissionary could accomplish,
but it pleased God to enlighten their understandings, and they soon
manifested an earnest faith, visible in their prayers, and in their lives
and conversation.
In 1818, under the auspices of the American Presbyterian Board of
Missions, the Rev. Messrs. Kingsbury, Byington, Gleason, Hooper,
Touse and Cushman, with their families, and Dr. Pride and Misses
Burnham, Foster and Thacher, established themselves near what is now
MayhcAv station on the Mobile and Ohio Railroad. They gave their
settiement the narae of Mayhew.
Not long afterwards a similar establishment was made under the
name of Elliott, some sixty miles southAvest on the Avaters of the Yal
obusha. After laboring several years as evangelist and teacher at Mayhew,
Rev. Dr. Cushraan, who Avas greatly beloved, Avas induced by the
Folsom's and other leading Choctaws, to remove ten miles west of
Mayhew and establish the mission of Hebron, three miles northwest of
the present StarkvUle. He built on a spot knoAvn to the Choctaws,
by tradition, as the old Chocchuma Fort, and where the last of their
people had been slain. The Indians regarded it as haunted ground,
and were, terrified by the ghosts of the departed. They believed that
the presence of the white race would frighten them away.
Every Sabbath, no matter hoAV cold or stormy, the missionary chap
els would be croAvded by these untutored people, never tired of listen
ing to the narrative of the redemption, and eagerly inquiring for the
bread of life.
The women arranged themselves on one side, the men on the
other, the sexes never sitting promiscuously. The preacher, (until he
acquired the language) stood Avith his interpreter, fronting the assem
bly, and spoke a few sentences Avhich Avere immediately rendered by
the interpreter. At the end of every sentence the men Avould ex
claim Yum-77ia! (very good.) Now and then, a warrior would quietly
leave the church, and in a few moments return with his capacious
pipe filled Avith tobacco and sumach, resurae his seat, draAV a few
whiffs and pass it to his neighbor, and so the pipe traveled round un-
¦tU its contents Avere exhausted. Then he, who had been favored with
the last puff, silently AvithdrcAV, replenished it, returned, and the pipe
thus went round till the exercises Avere closed.
The raissionary schools were well attended, and contrary to expec
tation the pupils Avere found extremely docile and subordinate. The
parents frequently visited the schools, manifesting intense interest, of
ten making "a talk" to the students and pointing out the great advan
tages they possessed over their forefathers.
There Avas a farm and a farmer attached to every mission, under
charge of a competent Northern farmer, and the boys were taught to

Territory and State. 505
ploAV and to hoe, and gradually Aveaned from their traditional preju
dices and indolence.
The farmer had a Avife and daughters, and sixty years ago these
NeAV England women, well educated, refined and pious, Avho had fol
lowed their husbands and fathers into the Avilderness, did what Miss
Corson is now doing in New York. They reclaimed the daughters of
the savage — taught them to scav and knit — to spin and Aveave— initia
ted them into the making of butter and cheese, and drilled them in
a regular Ncav England kitchen.*
They sang the hymns taught them by the missionaries in their own
language. These had been translated from the English, but some
times, it Avas evident, they improvised to the missionary airs. The
Choctaw language is musical and some of the Avomen sang beauti
fully. The voices of Choctaw women are low and sweet, correspond
ing with their gentle manner and modest deportment. Two villages
stood in the vicinity of Hebron on opposite sides. On the Sabbath
morn the people Avould assemble, one procession from the North, the
other from the South, the men in front, the women and children fol
lowing, and with measured step march to the church, singing a hymn
in their native tongue. When they met at the door each party si
lently shook hands Avith each other, continuing to sing during the cer
emony, and then entered, took their seats and engaged in silent prayer.
The greatest solemnity prevailed, and not a whisper was heard during
the hour of worship.
No people were more rapidly advancing in civilization, particularly
in the prairie districts underthe jurisdiction of David Folsom, and the
Yazoo district under Greenwood Le Fleur. The Indians in the two
other districts under Ma-shu-la-tubbee and Ne-ta-ka-cha, had made
little progress, these two chieftains being pure ChoctaAvs, uninstructed,
and opposed to any innovation on the original uses.
LeFleur and Folsom organized a mounted patrol, called "light
horsemen," Avhose duty it was to punish all criminals and desperadoes.
The constituted a sort of ambulatory jury, and first tried and then
punished offenders.
If a homicide had been committed the light horsemen coUectedthe
testimony, and if the party was found guilty of wilful and malicious
murder, they announced the verdict and appointed the time and place
of execution. They never arrested the party, and he never faUed to
appear. He repaired to the grave that had been already dug, knelt by
the side of it, made a target on his naked breast for the executioner,
was instantly shot, the grave filled up, and he was never mentioned
afterwards. Sometimes the condemned would ask a respite of a fcAv
days or weeks, giving as a reason that a baU play in which he was to
take part, or a feast or big huht which he had promised to attend, was
on hand, and he desired a few days of enjoyment before he died. He
proposed the day on which he could return ; the request was always
^¦The author was often in very early life, the guest of Capt. Smith, the farmer at
Elliott. He has often been the guest of worthy Choctaw citizens, Avhose wives had
enjoyed these advantages, and he never saw, even in NeAV England, neater and
better housekeeping. As for hospitality, he has never seen the equals ot the
Choctaw and Chickasaw.

So6 Mississippi, as a Province,
granted, and on the designated day he never failed to appear. The
rifle was invariably the instrument of execution.*
For minor offences the lash was applied, t He who had been con
demned to receive this punishraent never attempted to evade it. He
promptly presented himself near the church dOor, where, singularly
enough, this punishment was inflicted. Before the hour appointed
the neighborhood assembled, where they chatted and smoked, never
refering to the matter in hand. The culprit was as gay and as free as
any of thera. Precisely at the raoment designated the light horsemen
would appear. The crowd then went into the church, closed the door
and struck up a hymn. At the same moment the culprit Avould say,
"I have come, I am ready;" he would strip off his shirt, elevate his
hands, and, turning his back to the light horsemen, say "proceed."
He was severely scourged with a hickory SAvitch. When fifteen or
twenty strokes had been given he Avould turn each side to receive the
blows, uttering no Avord and manifesting no pain.
When the blows ceased, the church door was opened, and the whole
assembly marched out and shook hands with the sufferer, thus mani
festing their appreciation of his fortitude, and the subject Avas then
and there dropped forever.
Deformity, dwarfs, humpbacks, Avere rarely ever seen. The men
were models of manly beauty, tall, Avell developed, active, graceful,
with classic features and intellectual expression, grave, dignified, de
liberate and always self-possessed.
The women, particularly the maidens, small, delicate, beautifully
forraed, with sparkling eyes and tresses that swept the ground, droop
ing their eyes before a warrior's glance, but gay, social, fascinating,
their voices low and lute-Uke, and their laugh like the ripple of a
brook over its pebbly bed.
The tribe had great pride of race. The Avarrior's proudest boast was
Chah-ta-se-a-ho-cut-ba. I am a ChoctaAv !
They Avere bitterly opposed to the sale of their country, and de
clared that their chiefs, by coUusion with the United States authorities,
had defrauded themof their homes, and had they not been poAverless,
the agreement never would have been executed. But reading their
doom in the setting sun, they silently left the graves of their kindred,
and coraraenced their march for the distant west.
They meditated a bloody revenge on LeFleur and Folsom, the chief
factors in the sale, and would readUy have resisted the moveraent by
force of arms, had their leaders not been in league Avith the Avhites.
¦¦¦¦In the winter of 1824 a party of ChoctaAvs bad been picking cotton for the
planters near Eodney, and closed their labors with a frolic; of course, the men
got drunk, and the Avomen, as Avas their Avont on such occasions, concealed all the
Aveapons they could get hold of, to prevent bloodshed. A quarrel sprung up be
tAveen two young raen. They were separated by the Avomen. Next day at noon
they were seen standing witli their rities twelve feet apart. They fired at the
same moment, and one fell dead. The survivor immediately seated himself on
the ground, stripped off his shirt, with a piece of charcoal drcAV the outline of a
heart just over his own, and chanted tlie death-song. Tlien Avith a look of defi
ance, heyelled the war-whoop, and his own brother, in pursuance of the ChoctaAv
code, shot him through tlie heart, and thus terminated Avhat Avould otherAvise have
become a family vendetta.
fThis punishment was not known until they fell, more or less under Avhite in
fluence.

Territory and State. 507
These tAvo chiefs were originally opposed to the sale, and for years
had opposed it, and the question by their influence, and through the
representations of the missionaries, had interwoven itself with the
politics of the country. The Indian question becarae an absorbing
issue in national politics, and the religious classes and the AVhig
party generally, opposed the policy of removal, and deprecated any
pressure upon the Indian. In Georgia it had brought us to the verge
of civil war. Gen. Scott, Avith the array of the United States, Avas dis
patched to the Cherokee country to restrain any hostile demonstration
on either side, and the Cherokee chiefs carried their case before the
Supreme Court of the United States and demanded an injunction to
restrain the authorities of Georgia from enforcing the State laws, or ex
ercising any jurisdiction in their territory, which they claimed to be a
Nation. The decision of Chief-Justice Marshall demonstrated that
they had little to expect from our courts. And if they ever had an in
dependent nationality it appears that by the treaty of Hopewell, they
had surrendered it to the United States, and conceded to it the right
to regulate their affairs.
President Jackson, then in the zenith of poAver and popularity, fa
vored the removal of the Indians to the West, and the great tidal
wave of immigration at that period towards the new lands of the south
west, constituted a force that neither the Indians, nor the missionaries
and phUanthropists, could resist.
To increase the pressure, in 1820 an act of the Mississippi Legisla
ture abolished all the tribal rights'''privileges and immunities enjoyed
by the Indian within the limits of the State. Persons exerci
sing the functions of chiefs, or acting under their authority, were sub
ject to prosecution. Citizenship was confeired on the Indians. The
laws of the State were extended over them. Justices and Constables
appointed. No white person was alloAved to intrude or settle in their
territory. Marriages according to their usages were recognized as
vaUd. And to exercise temporary jurisdiction the territory was at
tached to the adjoining counties.
The constitutionality of this act was much debated. It became the
leading political issue, and ambitious men made it a hobby to ride into
office. Many of the religious classes became intolerant. Even some
of the missionaries forgot the proprieties, and preferred denunciation
to persuasion.* The country became thoroughly aroused, and it was
soon seen that the submission and departure of the Indians had be
come inevitable. Every effort made by indiscreet champions to blend
the question Avith the Presidential and local elections injured their
cause. The chiefs, Le Fleur and Folsom, had the sagacity to recog
nize this. They knew, too, that the provision in the act forbidding
the intrusion of the whites would be a dead letter; that the Indian
district would soon swarm with speculators prospecting for land, with
squatters and traders, and that their people would be swindled out of
their property, involved in quarrels and litigation, and that general
demoralization would ensue. The wisest of the missionaries saw this

» The Eev. Dr. Tally became extremely violent and denunciatory, issuing in
flammatory hand bills, and interfering with the local elections.

5o8 Mississippi, as a Province,
likewise, and it was concluded that it would be best, under the cir
cumstances, to submit. The great body of the Indians, however, did
not concur with them. And the chiefs, Ma-chu-la-tubbee and Ne-ta-
ca-cha, were violently opposed to it, and began to denounce Le Fleur
and Folsom as traitors and cowards — an opinion they never afterwards
wholly relinquished.
Among the ChickasaAvs and Choctaws, and indeed among all the
tribes, the half-bloods, from their superior intelligence and talent for
accumulating property, usually obtained the ascendancy. The Col
berts, for many years, virtually ruled the Chickasaws, and the Pitch-
lyns, Folsom and Le Fleur controlled the Choctaws. Peter Pitchlyn
was a white man, with one or more Indian wives, a man of sterling
integrity, who for many years was the Interpreter for the United States.
He had several sons, who were men of education and talents, but one
became a desperado, killed his brother and made more than one
attempt on the life of his father, but was finally shot as a measure
of self-protection. Several of the Folsoras were men of high char
acter. All these jjerceived the necessity of yielding to the pressure for their
removal. But the full-blooded chiefs were blind and deaf to argument
and appeal. Ne-ta-ca-cha was nephew of the renoAvned Push-mat-ta-ha,
and like him a full-blooded Indian, of commanding mien and an in
domitable spirit. Ma-shu-la-tubbee was of the pure blood, a politician
more than a warrior, plausible, diplomatic, and by no means reliable.
Neither of them hid any partiality for the missionaries, and adhered
closely to the dress, usages and traditions of the tribe.
In 1828 a general council had been convened to consider the affairs
of the nation, and the overtures of the United States for the purchase
of their country. The half-bred chiefs, backed by the agents and
emissaries of the United States Avith lavish promises of protection,
bounties, and bonuses, urged the necessity of a treaty, but the full-
blooded chiefs persisted in their refusals and retired from the confer
ence. The rumor soon began to circulate that the two lower chiefs and
their foUoAvers, Avere coming, and meant mischief. They promptly
despatched runners, from village to viUage, in their districts, and soon
assembled their followers. They concentrated them at the .old CouncU
House ne.ir David Folsom's residence on the Robinson road. They
marched southwardly to confront the hostile chiefs. ' ' AVhen Ave had
travelled sorae distance," says Mr. Folsom, "I saw Ne-ta-ca-cha and
his colleague, at the head of a numerous band, all in. full war-paint.
Up to this time I had hoped for peace, but noAv a conflict seemed in
evitable. I kncAv that the Avar-Avhoop would be to Na-ta-ca-cha the
sweetest music, and I was Avell apprized of the dark designs and
revengeful disposition of his wily coUeague. Our men were chiefly
mounted, Avell armed and raore nuraerous. The others Avere mostly
on foot and indifferentiy armed, some of them Avith boAvs and arrows.
When within a hundred and fifty yards Ne-ta-ca-cha halted. I did the
same. For ten rainutes the two parties stood gazing at each other in
profound silence. Then, to my surprise, Ne-ta-ca-cha advanced to-

Territory and State. C09
wards us alone. AVith sIoav but firm and undaunted step he continued
to advance until he reached a point just half-way between the two
armies. He halted, folded his arms across his breast— looking like
tiie effigy of war— and stood firm and statutesque as though moulded
out of bronze. AVhat he meant, or Avhat inference was to be drawn
from tills movement, I did not comprehend. But after a hasty con
sultation Avith Le Fleur and a few of my principal men, I concluded
to advance and meet him. AVhen I had taken a fcAv steps, I saAv his
Avarriors bring their rifles^to their shoulders, and at the same time heard
the chck of ray own rifles behind rae. AVith deadly aira they held
their rifles upon me as I drew nearer— nearer to their chief, and I
knew, and he saw, that a thousand rifles Avere levelled at him. I saAv
and comprehended the crisis. I knew that the slightest altercation or
token of coUision betAveeen their chief and myself, Avould make us the
target for an avalanche of bullets, to be followed by a dreadful carnage
and the destruction of our nation.
By the time I approached within thirty steps of the chief, I resolved
to offer hira my hand, in evidence of my desire for a reconciliation.
If accepted, I hoped a compromise might be arrived at. If refused,
I knew that in five minutes both of us would die. His countenance
Avas forbidding and scowling, his lip compressed, a dark cloud resting
on his brow.
I extended my hand ; a smile like sunshine softened his expression,
and he promptiy and warmly grasped it, Avhile each of us said Bar-ba-
she-la (friends.) The Indians never cheer like the Avhite man. No
acclamations were heard ; but on both sides the rifles Avere lowered.
A warrior from each army advanced with some dry sticks ; a fire was
buUt where Ave stood ; a council was held ; the pipe smoked, and the
impending curse of civil war averted.*
Le Fleur was more of a man of business than a warrior. He was
not deficient in courage, for if he had been, he could have exerted no
influence over the ChoctaAvs, and Avould have been deposed. But he
was of nervous organization, and Avhen he and Nu-ta-ca-cha met he be
trayed his emotion, and the chief exclaimed, "Why dost thou tremble?
The wind don't blow." f
This condition of things could not continue. The Choctaws could
no longer resist the pressure of the General Government and the State
Government, and they reluctantly, and against the Avill of a very large
majority of the nation, consented to negotiate. A general council was
held at Chook-fa-hithla — bogue, (Dancing Rabbit Creek. )
The powerful name of General Jackson, then President of the United
States, was efifectually used to accomplish the treaty; the power of the
State was exerted to intimidate the Indians; improper means were
used to persuade, intimidate, deceive, and demoralize them. A corps
of persons, familiar with their dialect, were in requisition to operate
upon them. Reservations, and bounties, and other privileges, were
freely promised. Even then the negotiation would have failed ; large
* This is, substantially, the account of that memorable incident given by Mr.
Folsom, many years ago.
t This interview between Folsom and Nu-ta-ca-cha would make a grand tableau,
and should be put on canvass for the Capittl of Mississippi.

510 Mississippi, as a Province,
numbers of the Indians had left the ground, refusing to treat on any
terms ; large numbers who remained, announced to the United States
Comraissioners that they never would leave their country. The pre
vailing policy Avas to make a general sAveep of the Indians to the west,
but the United States Coramissioners, finding it impossible to effect
this, offered to insert what is known as the 14th article of that treaty,
which secured to every ChoctaAv who would signify, within six months-
to the resident agent of the United States, his intention to remain, a
section of land, and a portion for each of his chUdren, said reserva
tion to include the place of his residence at that tirae. But for this
clause, with all the influence of the chiefs in favor of a treaty, it never
could have been made. More than three thousand of the Choctaws
remained in the country, and at fhe appointed time applied to the agent
to register their naraes. He was frequently drunk, and often absent from
his post. He interposed every obstacle to registration, and finally, after
registering a few, absolutely refused, declaring that he had his orders
frora AVashington. The Indians were required to travel frora remote
paints to his agency, with their families. They abandoned their home
steads for that purpose; taking their famUies along; enduring all the
severity of the weather, hunger and sickness, at last to be told that he
would not Avrite down their names ! On returning to their homes, they
often found them in possession of a Avhite man, Avho said he had bought
it; and sadly and sorrowfully they lingered around their forraer homes,
in poverty and humiliation, or wandered into the swamps in search of
food, and perished from exposure and hunger.
There has been a great deal of philanthropy wasted in our times, and
mostly for ignoble political objects, and at the dictation of corrupt
political clubs, but no evidence of its intervention to relieve these un
happy people can be recorded. They suffered and they died, those
noble natives of our soil, while the whole energies and capital of the
religionists of the north were employed to stir up strife between the
sections, calumniate their southern brethren, and lay the foundations
for fratricidal war ! May the Father of Mercy forgive them !
The operation of the 14th article (which had accomplished the
treaty, ) was deceptive and destructive. Many who had left the ground
were in ignorance of their rights, and Avere not informed in time to
make the required application to the agent. Many Avho knew the pro
visions of the 14th article, would not apply because they distrusted the
white man, nor could they comprehend that there was any power on
earth that had a right to dispossess them of the land whereon they
were born, and which they occupied and cultivated. The agent re -
sided at a long distance from many of them, and the old and infirm
could not present themselves. Many who went, found the agent in
toxicated, in an Ul-humor, were long delayed waiting for him to become
sober, and finally he peremptorily refuses to register them, and they
returned, starving, penniless, despairing, to find their country swarm
ing with speculators, Avho readily persuaded them to part with their
rights, and wander away.
This condition of things attracted public attention, and on the 25th

Territory and State. ch
February, 1837, the following preamble and resolutions passed both
branches of the Mississippi legislature :
"AVhereas, the United States did, by a certain treaty held and
raade Avith the tribe of ChoctaAv Indians, residing for the time being
within the limits of the State of Mississippi, to-wit : the treaty of
Dancing Rabbit Creek, made and concluded on the 28th September
1830; and whereas, by the 14th article of said treaty, certain reserva
tions of land were granted to such Indians as should remain on such
land for five years next succeeding such treaty ; and,
AVhereas, Such claimants were, by the 14th article in the treaty
referred to, compelled to signify their intention of claiming under the
provisio.ns of said treaty, Avithin six months after the ratification of the
treaty, or forever forfeit the rights thus acquired ; and,
AVhereas, It appears, from recent developments, that large claims
to land have been preferred, conveying the richest and most valuable
portions of the unsold ChoctaAv lands, and purported to be founded on,
and growing out of, the treaty above referred to, and on a part of
Avhich lands thus claimed, no ChoctaAv does noAv, or ever did, reside ¦
and, ' '
AVhereas, It is evident frora the face of the case, that these clairas
are manifestly unjust in their character, oppressive in their . operation
on the freemen of Mississippi, and calculated to secure no ultimate
benefit to the Indians originally claiming, but in their consummation,
AviU have a direct tendency to impair the confidence which the good
people of this State have in the correctness of the law, and in the
honesty of the administrators of our public institutions ; and.
Whereas, This most iniquitous transaction avUI, if it be consum
mated, not only rob Mississippi of her just and unalienable right to her
five per cent, on the amount which ought to accrue from the large
portion of valuable land thus reserved ; and.
Whereas, This body have satisfactory evidence of the fact that a
large portion of the claims to said land, under the provision of the
treaty already referred to, are set up and attempted to be sustained on
the testimony of Indians, who are unacquainted with the nature of an
oath, and utterly regardless of the obligation thus incurred, and on
the testimony of other individuals, wholly unworthy of the confidence
of amoral and intelligent cornmunity; and, whereas, the permission
of such abandoned and licentious profligacy would injure our coramu
nity, disgrace our social and political compact, and license corruption
and perjury to stalk at large through our land; now, therefore, be it
resolved by the Legislature, etc. , That our Senators in Congress be
instructed, and our Representatives requested, to use the raost speedy
and efficient means to prevent the consummation of such of said titles
as have originated in fraud, to the end that the aforesaid land may be
disposed of in the regular Avay, and in accordance Avith the law in such
cases made and provided.
Resolved, That his Excellency, Charles Lynch, be requested, at as
early a date as may be possible, to furnish our Senators and Repre
sentatives in Congress with a copy of the foregoing preamble and reso-

512 Mississippi, as a Province,
lutions, and with the testimony taken thereon, with a request that they
lay the same before both branches of Congress.
John L. Irwin, Speaker or the House of Reps.
John A. Quitman, President of the Senate.
CHARLES LYNCH.
B. AV. Benson, Secretary of State.
See House Doc, No. 202d, 24th Cong., ist Sess.
This action brought about a Commission, under the authority of the
United States, to investigate and adjudicate the clairas of the Indians
under the 14th article of the treaty.
The great body of the Choctaws, under pressure and persuasion,
and speciaUy the operation of the State laAvs upon them, went to the
territory assigned them in the west. They Avent under many promises
and covenants Avith the Federal Government — promises of certain
liberal assistance — ^covenants for protection, independence, security
for their property and institutions, and for adraission into the Union,
or separate nationality, at their option.
AVhether these covenants have been coraplied Avlth — whether they
have been treated as a kind and honest guardian treats his Avard —
whether their property and institutions have been respected — Avhether
the promises have been fulfilled — whether the Great Republic has
evinced magnanimity and justice for a feeble people — whether, after
stripping thera of their property, the integrity of their territory is not
now threatened in the interest of great railroad corporations, controlled
by eastern stock-jobbers, is for the country to determine. The fanatic
war-cry ^'¦on to Kansas!" will soon be changed to ^'on to tiie Indian
territory ! Room for the white man — Room !"
AVhen the Board of Commissioners convened at Ho-pa-ka, (a long
Avay off,) in Leake county, to investigate claims underthe 14th article,
the United States Emigrating Agent, the late John J. McRae, (after
wards Governor and United States Senator,) urged them, in very
fervid terms, to enroll themselves for removal to the Avest, and renewed,
in the name of the government, the lavish promises that had been
made. Two days afterwards, it was announced that a grand council of the
Indians would assemble, and that Col. Cobb, their chief, and one
of the shrewdest men the nation has produced, had been appointed to
reply to the agent of the United States. A great crowd was in attend
ance ; a circle of council fires was lit up ; the pipe passed round with
great solemnity, and everything Avas conducted Avith due form and
stateliness. SPEECH OP COL. COBB.
Head-Mingo of the Choctaws, east of the Missisippi, in reply to the Agent of the
United States.
Brother: We have heard your talk as from the lips of our father,
the great White Chief at AVashington, and my people have called on
me to speak to you. The Red man has no books, and when he wishes
to make known his vicAvs, like his fathers before him, he speaks it from

Territory and State. ri^
his mouth. He is afraid of writing. When he speaks, he knows what
he says ; the Great Spirit hears him. Writing is the invention of the
pale faces ; it gives birth to error and to feuds. The Great Spirit
talks — we hear him in the thunder — in the rushing Avinds and the
mighty Avaters — but he never writes.
_ Brother: AVhen you Avere young Ave were strong ; Ave fought by your
side; but our arms are now broken. You have groAvn large. My
people have become small.
Brot/ier: My voice is Aveak; you can scarcely hear me ; it is not the
shout of a warrior, but the waU of an infant. I have lost it in mourn
ing over the misfortunes of my people. These are their graves, and
in those aged pines you hear the ghosts of the departed. Their ashes
are here, and Ave have been left to protect them. Our warriors are
nearly all gone to the far country west ; but here are our dead. ShaU
Ave go, too, and give their bones to the wolves?
BrotJier: Tavo sleeps have passed since we heard your talk. We
have thought upon it. You ask us to leave our country, and tell us it
is our Father's Avish. AVe Avould not desire to displease our Father.
AVe respect him, and you his child. But the ChoctaAv ahvays thinks.
AVe want ti7ne to answer.
Brother : Our hearts are full. Twelve winters ago our chiefs sold
our country. Every warrior that you see here was opposed to the
treaty. If the dead could have been counted, it would never
have been made ; but alas ! though they stood around, they could not
be seen nor heard. Their tears came in the rain-drops and their voices
in the Availing Avind, but the pale faces knew it not, and our land
was taken away.
Brother: AVe do not now complain. The ChoctaAv suffers, but he
never weeps. You have the strong arm and Ave cannot resist. But
the pale-face worships the Great Spirit. So does the Red man. The
Great Spirit loves truth. When you took our country, you promised
us land. There is your promise in the book. TAvelve times have the
trees dropped their leaves, and yet we have received no land. Our
houses have been taken from us. The white man's plough turns up
the bones of our fathers. We dare not kindle our fires; and yet you
said we might remain and you would give us land.
Brother : Is this truth ? But we believe noAV that our Great Father
knows our condition — he will listen to us. We are as mourning orphans
in our country; but our Father will take us by the hand. When he
fulfills his promise, we avUI answer his talk. He means weU. We
know it. But we cannot think now. Grief has made chUdren of us.
When our business is settied we shall be men again, ahd talk to our
Great Father about what he has proposed.
Brother: You stand in the moccasins of a great Chief; you speak
the words of a mighty nation, and your talk was long. My people
are small ; their shadow scarcely reaches to your knee ; they are scat
tered and gone ; when I shout I hear my voice in the depths of the
woods, but no answering shout comes back. My words, therefore,
33

514 Mississippi, as a Province,
are feAv. I have nothing more to say, but to tell what I liave said to
the tall Chief of the pale faces, whose brother* stands by your side.
The celebrated chief, Puk-sha-nubbee, was famous as a Avarrior and
as an orator. In his life time his influence, though circumscribed for
mally by district lines, was suprerae over the nation. Even the Six
Towns, Okla-hum-na-le, near Avhere GarlandsviUe, in Jasper county,
now stands, — the most Avarlike, rebelUous and incorrigible part of the
nation ever since the time of their famous chief. Red Shoes — never
disputed the counsel of Puk-sha-nubbee.
On his demise, Pushmattaha rose to poAver. He Avas a self-made
man, of obscure famUy, who first becarae faraous as a successful hun
ter. It Avas then the custom of the Choctaws to go in squads or in
parties, to the hunting grounds on the Ouachitta, Red river and Ar
kansas, Avhere they often carae in collision with the hunters of 'other
tribes. In these expeditions Pushmattaha acquired great renown,
bringing home Avith him raore scalps than any other Avarrior. In a
foray against the Creeks he Avas eminently successful, and thus he rose
to the highest place in his district, in spite of his poverty. He Avas a
man of imposing presence, Avith a sonorous voice and a graceful ges
ture. He was a proud plebian, who boasted no patrician ancestry.
When asked about his parentage by an agent of the United States, he
haughtily answered, "Pushmattaha has no father and no mother.
The lightning struck a big oak tree and Pushraattaha leaped out of it
a warrior just as he noAv stands."' How he joined Gen. Claiborne in
his carapaign against the Creeks, in 1813, and with Avhat vigor and
fidelity he served, has been referred to in the preceding pages, and is
detailed in the Life of Gen. Dale. While on this service, the chief,
for sorae rudeness, struck a soldier Avith his SAvord. The General
pointed out to hira the impropriety of the act, and inquired his reasons
for such violence. He explained the indignity and said : "Being only
a private I struck him with the flat of my SAVord, but had it been you.
General, I should have used the edge."
The chief, like many other great men, had a weakness for liquor,
and indulged too frequently. On one occasion he saw a soldier tied
to a post. Inquiring the cause he Avas told that the man had appear
ed in the ranks intoxicated. ' 'Is that all ?" said Pushmattaha, and he
immediately untied the prisoner, remarking very coolly, "many great
warriors get drunk."
He had two Avives, and his defense of polygamy Avas about the best
that has been raade. Every Avoman is entitled to a husband. No
madic tribes, like the ChoctaAvs, are subject to frequent Avars, and
lose raany of their males, and the females predominate. Therefore,
if men are only aUowed one Avife many women Avould go Avithout hus
bands, and their proscriptive right would be annulled.
In 1824, with a delegation of his people he visited Washington.
LaFayette Avas then the guest of the Republic. The Choctaws Availed
upon him, and Pushmattaha delivered an address rarely surpassed in
pathos and grandeur. The venerable Frenchman, and all avIio heard
it, Avere deeply impressed.
* The Hon William Tyler, of Viginia, brother of the President of the United
States recently appointed one of the Choctaw Commissioners.

Greenwood LeFleur.

Territory and State. 515
This was his last speech. The voice of his father was then calling
him to the spirit land. His parting Avords to LaFayette were : "We
heard of you in our distant viUages. We longed to see you. We
have come. AVe have taken you by the hand. For the last tirae we
look on the face of the great warrior Avhose fathers Avere the friends
¦of our fathers. We go. 'Tis the last tirae Ave shall meet. AVe shall
both soon be in the land of shadows."
In a fcAv days he was seized with pneumonia Avhich speedily
ran its course. When he felt that his end Avas near, he had himself
arrayed in his uniform of an American general, with his ornaments
and his Avar paint. Gen. Jackson caUed frequentiy to see him, and
asked his last wishes.
" When I am dead, fire the big guns over me," were the last words of
Pushmattaha. He Avas buried, Avith military honors, in the Congressional grave
yard, where his tomb may yet be seen.
Green Avood LeFleur, born in 1800, was the son of Louis LeFleur, a
Canadian Frenchman, (who has been referred to in the early chapters
of this Avork,) and a ChoctaAv woman. His father, in a long life of
industry and integrity, had amassed a handsome fortune. He kept a
noted house of entertainment for travelers, in the nation, on the road
between Natchez and Nashville, and he was persuaded by some of
these to send his son to Nashville for his education. He returned
home in 181 7, and it was soon perceived that he was no ordinary man.
He had fathomed the nature of both the Avhite man and the Indian,
and Avas able to cope with either. He Avas shrcAvd and penetrating,
social, yet sufficiently reserved, ambitious as Lucifer, yet guarded in
the expression of it, an earnest advocate of reform and education, and
giving his zealous support to the missionaries.
In 1824, underthe democratic influences outside and around them,
the warriors of his district, for the first tirae, chose a chief by popular
election, and he was elected. Four years thereafter, he was re-elected,
and his influence was greater than any other of the chiefs, and Avas
felt throughout the nation. He accomphshed many reforms. He in
duced many to send their children to school. He established regular
meetings of the councU for the adoption of laws to support teachers^
to put down witchcraft and sorcery — to secure to every homicide a fair
trial, the Indian custom being life for Ufe, Avhether the homicide "was
accidental or maUcious ; to prevent infanticide, this sometimes being
done in the case of iUegitimate births ; to encourage marriage, perma
nent residence, and cultivation of the soil, and religious instruction ;
to abolish the raising of poles over the dead, and adopt the usual style
of christian sepulture. And to prevent the introduction and sale of
liquor, under the penalty of a severe whipping. His own brother-in-
law was the first to incur this penalty, and it was inflicted without
mercy, under the immediate supervision of the chief
This, substantiaUy, put an end to the traffic, and had he been in
power, this stern reformer would have reclaimed his nation and pushed
it rapidly on to civUization, with probably a greater exemption from
vice than some of the adjoining States. The treaty, however, stripped

5i6 Misissisppi, as a Province,
him of power. The great majority of his people removed, but he
elected to remain on the large reserve secured to him by the treaty.
He was an extensive slave-holder, a merchant, and a successful plan
ter. He built a palatial residence, entertained with great hospitality
and elegance, and the people of his county (Carroll) elected him to
the Senate of the State. The State has perpetuated his memory by
giving his name to one of its best counties.
notes from my journal as united states commissioner.
Mourning. ^ — When a Choctaw husband dies the wife lays aside her
jewelry or ornaments, and suffers her hair to fall dishevelled over her
shoulders. Some six months after the cry for the dead is over the
husband's mother (or if she be dead, his nearest female relative) ties
up and dresses the widoAv's hair, and she is then at liberty to marry
again. If she marries prior to this ceremony, or dances or flirts, she
is discarded by the famUy of the deceased.
Courtship. — Bah-na-tubbe, an intelligent fellow, in the course of
his examination, stated that it was usual for the woman, especially
Avidows, to give "the first banter," viz: first advances. This is usually
done at night, in the dance, by squeezing the hand or treading gently
on the foot of the favored warrior. Perhaps this may be-lrather a ne
cessity than a freedom ; because if a man should take these liberties
with a squaw she Avould immediately resent it by attacking him with a
stick, and every squaw present would assist her. Witness had seen
twenty squaws thus beating a too ardent lover. These "banters" are
often given by old women, invariably to very young men. Old women
usually select a lazy fellow, who takes her for her house and her
ponies. Witness had, when onl)' eighteen, been taken by a Avoraan
of fifty, but he soon left her for a very young girl. AVhen the "ban
ter" is mutually agreeable the parties quietly slip out of the crowd, and
Avhen they re-appear are considered man and wife.
Courtship and marriage, however, are soraetiraes raore formal. A
young warrior who is in love appUes to the maternal uncle — never to
father or mother — and they agree on the price, which is paid to the
uncle. On a certain day the groom and his relatives appear at an
appointed place, dressed in their best, where they loiter till noon.
The bride then leaves the lodge of her parents, and the friends on
both sides gather about her. She Avatches an opportunity and files to
the adjacent woods, her attendants hovering around to cover her re
treat. She is pursued by the female relatives of the groom. If she is
anxious for the match, it is not difficult to overtake her. But if she
dislikes it, she runs untU she falls exhausted, and sometimes escapes,
and wanders aAvay to a remote viUage, Avhere she is adopted and can
not be reclaimed. If the fugitive is overtaken, she is brought back
araong the groomsman's friends, but he has disappeared. She sits
down, and the friends on both sides throw some little present in her
lap. Each feraale relative ties a ribbon or some beads in her hair, and
then the provisions brought by friends are divided araong the company
to be taken to their respective homes. The bride is then conducted
to a littie lodge adjoining her parents, and late at night her lover finds

Territory and State.

517

his way to her arms. In the morning they have disappeared, and the
faAvn of the Avoods must be sought in the camp of her husband.
Divorce. — The marriage endures only during the affection or incli
nation of the parties, and either may dissolve it at pleasure. This, of
course, very often occurs, in Avhich case the children foUoAv the mother;
the father has no control over them whatever.
Offspring. — ChUdren are never named after their parents, but take
their names from some incident at the moment of their birth. In all
that concerns the child, the oldest maternal uncle, or if he is dead,
the nearest male relative in that line is consulted. Instances frequently
came before the Commissioners, where a wife, though living happily
with her husband, was induced by the maternal uncle to take her chil
dren and go west after "leaving him," as one of them expressed it,
"Avithout cook, child or comrade."
Generally the wife is very submissive. We met with but one case
of a hen-pecked husband. In that case, it was shown that the wife
packed up all the movables, took all the horses, and moved away
some sixty miles. He followed after awhile. "She was," said the
witness, "master of the camp, and he was the squaw."
It is the right of the wife, Avhen a separation takes place, to take all
the children to aid her to live, and even after her death her relatives
have a claim to them paramount to the father.
The Dead. — Their devoted love of country may be traced to their
traditions and customs. No people cherished more reverence for the
dead. If a member of a family died from home, no matter how far,
it was the ancient usage to carry his body back ; or if that was imprac
ticable, his ashes or his bones. To prove that a man had been buried
in or adjacent to the house that he occupied, was considered conclu
sive proof of occupancy and domicile; a custom that prevailed so
long and universally in the tribe, the Commissioners adopted it in
their adjudications.
Funeral Ceremonies. — It was formerly the custom to deposit
the corpse upon a scaffold; weU protected from intrusion, under which
a small bark fire was kept. It there lay until decomposition super
vened, when a set of men caUed Iksa-nom-buUa, or the Bone-pickers of
the Ik-sa, or clan, were sent for, whose duty it was to strip the bones
of the remaining integuments. They were an exclusive order of itin
erants, with something of the sacerdotal character, and these last cere
monies could only be performed by thera. They were painted and
tattooed in a peculiar style, and wore their finger-nails like talons, to
enable them to perform these revolting rites. The bones Avere then
placed in a deep basket and interred in their cabins or camps. The
widow and children set around the grave twice every day for three
months, and weep, chanting a melancholy dirge. Some six months
afterward his relatives and friends are invited to lament. They shroud
tiiemselves in a blanket and cry. These guests aU bring a contribution
of provisions, and after the cry, they have a feast, and sometimes
a dance, or a ball play, but the immediate famUy of the deceased take
no part in the festivities. This cry is regarded as the most solemn of
¦obligations, never to be omitted when possible to be performed. To

5i8 Mississippi, as a Province,
illustrate it, I abridge from my journal now on file in the office of
Indian Affairs, at Washington :
"No. 72. — Towah, full-blooded Choctaw, supposed to be seventy
years of age, presented her claim. An-na-le-ta deposed that at date of
treaty claimant occupied, with her family, three cabins ; had a good
corn-field ; their land was yock-a-na-chic-a-ma (good land); some time
thereafter a white man named Wilkinson, ordered her off, saying that
he had bought the land. Claimant had just lost a daughter, and she
first remonstrated, and then begged that she might stay until she cried
over the grave. Wilkinson angrUy refused. Witness knew a friendly
white man named Johnson. He, the witness, went to him, and he
wrote to Wilkinson to let them stay till the cry was over. He con
sented, and when they had cried they all moved about a mile off, and
built a cha-pa-chook-cha (bark house,) Avhere they have resided ever
since, not wishing to go too far from the dead.
In very ancient times, a spacious temple, called Tusk-a-chook-a, or
the House of the Warriors, stood on the verge of the Kush-tush, the
largest and oldest settiement in the nation, long since deserted. This
temple was in the custody of an order of priests, called Oon-ka-la.
When a great warrior's bones had been prepared for burial by the Jk-
sa-nom-bulla, they sent for the Oon-ka-la, and even from the most re
mote vUlage they Avere taken to the temple. The Oon-ka-la preceded,
chanting a soleran hyran in an unknown tongue, and the relatives and
clansmen foUowed Avith loud lamentations. Arriving at the temple,
the priests purified theraselves with lustrations, and adrainistered to the
mourners a beverage called the white drink. No bystander was aUowed
to enter the temple. The priests, holding wands in their hands, passed
slowly round it three times, muttering incantations, and then they took
the bones within the sacred edifice, singing a hymn in a language un
known to the spectators. This Avas the practice from remote times,
until the French and English traders entered their territory, when the
Great Temple Avas struck by lightning and consumed. This created
great alarm throughout the nation ; the temple Avas never re-built, and
the city of Kush-osh-ah gradually mouldered away.* After this, they
began to deposit their dead in the earth. The face of a AVarrior was
painted red and black, the war colors, and his arms and ornaments
placed in the grave, that he might be able to resist his enemies or kiU
his garae in the distant shadowy hunting grounds to Avhich he Avas sup
posed to have gone.
Origin of the Choctaws. — The traditions of the tribe were in
tended to foster strong local attachraents. They clairaed to come,
originaUy, frora the west. A portion of their people they left behind
them. They traveled (iio-pah-iid) a long Avay, encouraged by their
Oon-iza-la. These priests marched in the centre, bearing a sacred book
Avrapped in skins. From this book they sung in an unknown tongue,
Avhenever the Avanderers became despondent or discontented. They
encountered no other people on the route, and passed over a desolate
country. A dreadful epidemic broke out among them, and aU the
priests died but the bearer of the book. They burned their dead, and
¦* It is uncertain whether this ancient capital Avas in Neshoba or Kemper county.

Territory and State. ejo
bore along with them part of the ashes. At a certain point on their
journey, near a great nver (called by tiie Indians Mec-a-sJie-ba by the
French, Mississippi,^ owing to the frightful mortality, the tribe separ
ated. A portion inclined northward, and took the name of Chickasa
after the great Avarrior who led them. The main body traveled nearly
due south, until they came to the Stooping Hill, Nane-wy-yah, noAv in
the county of AVinston, Mississippi, on the head waters of Peari river.*
There they encamped, and stiU continued to die. FinaUy, all per
ished but the book-bearer. He could not die. The Nane-wy-yah
opened and he entered it and disappeared. After the lapse of many
years, the Great Spirit created four infants, two of each sex, out of
the ashes of the dead, at the foot of Nane-wy-yah. f hey were suckled
by a panther. AVhen they grew strong and were ready to depart, the
book-bearer presented himself, and gave them bows and arroAvs and
an earthen pot, and stretching his arms, said, ' 'I give you these hunt
ing grounds for your homes. When you leave them you die." With
these words he stamped his foot— the Nane-wy-yah opened, and hold
ing the book above his head, he disappeared forever. The four then
separated, Iavo going to the left and tAvo to the right, thus constituting
the two Ik-sa's or clans, into which the ChoctaAvs are divided. All
the very aged Choctaws, on being interrogated as to where they Avere
born, insisted that they came out of Nane-wy-yah. One old fellow,
who was so dirty it was thought he might be assessed for real estate,
swore that he came out of the hiU just one thousand years ago, and
had never been able to shake the dirt off his back !
It is not surprising that a people having this notion/of their origin —
created, as it Avere, out of the very dust of their fathers — parcel of the
soil they occupied — under the injunction of a mysterious guardian
never to leave it, should be devoted to their country, and anxious to
die in its embraces.
No mention of the dead. — A singular fact Avas established before
the commissioners: the ChoctaAvs will not speak of the dead. Our in
structions required us to exact proof of the number of children each
claimant under the 14th article, had at the date of the treaty, because
each was entitled to a certain portion of land. Upon being interro
gated the claimants uniformly omitted in the enumeration those that
were dead, although Avell aware that by this omission they would lose
a portion of land. Very old claimants would even deny that they
"*" It is doubtful Avhether this should be rendered Stooping Hill or "Winding HilL
It is on the head Avaters of Pearl river, and not far from the geographical centre
of the State. From inforraation derived from Mr. James "Welsh and Dr. S. P.
Nash, of Neshoba county, the mound is described as some fifty feet high, cover
ing about three-quarters of an acre, the apex level, with an area of about J4 of
an acre. On tbe north side of the mound are the remains of a circular earth
work or embankment, that must have been constructed for defensive objects.
Many of the Choctaws exarained by the Commissioners, regard this mound as the
mother, or birth-place of the tribe, and more than one claimant declared that he
would not quit the country as long as the Nan-a-wy-yah remained. It Avas his
mother, and he could not leave her.
It was this same feeling of devotion to their mother land that inspired so many
of our Mississippians Avho were opposed to secession, to adhere to their State, to
suffer and to die for it, or to sacrifice for it all their possessions, in the late un
happy war.

520 Mississippi, as a Province,
ever had raore children than they presented to the comraissioners, and
the facts had to be proved by kindred or neighbors. To arrive at the
truth in these cases, avc reqitired thera to arrange their famUies in a
line according to their ages. They uniformly left a vacancy in the
line to denote Avhere the deceased would have stood ; and this estab
lished, not only the number but the age. Thus, if the second child
be dead an interval of sorae three feet Avas left betAveen the first and
the third child. Sometimes they planted stakes along the line to rep
resent the dead, but could not be induced to mention their names.
PoLYG.\MY. — This Avas tolerated by the Choctaws, but not universal.
When a man had two Avives, and died, each wife claimed to be
the heads of separate families. They always occupied separate cabins,
and generaUy ten or more miles apart. No instance came before us
where a man had two wives in the same house, or even in the same
yard or enclosure, unless they Avere sisters, and then they soraetiraes
lived in the sarae yard, but in different houses.
An amusing instance came before the coramissioners. I-og-la pre
sented her claim. The witness, Hi-a-ka, deposed that at the time
of the treaty claimant Avas one of the wives of Tusk-a ma-ha, Avho
had emigrated west. He had many wives. He made the circuit
among them regularly, and thus passed his time. He neither hunted
nor worked. He had ten wives, scattered round the country, fifteen
or twenty miles apart, and he had his regular stands, going from one
to the other, being Avell fed, and a favorite with all of them. He was a
felloAV of medium height, about five feet, seven, Avell built, very muscu
lar and active, lazy and fond of eating and drinking. He provided
his own clothing — nothing more. He made his home at the house of
Ho-pia-ske-tena, (Little Leader,) at the old tOAvn of Yocka-no-chick-
araa. Two years before the treaty he married claimant, but only
visited her about Iavo days in every month ; her house was one of the
stands on his circuit ; he never worked for her or contributed to her
support; it was his custom to spend some time with every AVOman
when he first took her, but the novelty soon wore off, and he went his
usual round. Claimant had a house before she married this man ; he
finished it for her ; he had several wives before he raet her, and took
several afterAvards. He threw none of thera away. AVitness never
heard any coraplaint on the part of his wives of neglect on his part.
But when he eraigrated, he left thera all."
Peculiarities. — Wra. Cobb, an inteUigent half-breed, declared that
he never kncAv the name of his mother, though living under the same
roof with her till two years ago.
Children are never caUed after their parents, but usuaUy from some
incident shortly after birth.
The Choctaw Avomen are exceedingly raodest and usuaUy droop
their eyes in conversation. The young girls, Avhen brouglil into court,
covered their heads.
When Col. Cobb was asked by the commissioners, how many of
his Avarriors he could count, he looked very sad, and said, "We can
not count our Avarriors now; they are scattered and gone." Being
interrogated as to a particular fact, he replied, "I do not know, and
red man does not like to guess."

Territory and State. 521
Further on he said, "AVTien I think a question is right I avUI answer
it. When I think it is Avrong, I avUI not."
It is the custom among the Choctaws when a daughter marries, and
is deserted by her husband, or by his bad treatment is compelled to
leave him, she returns to her father and her children are adopted as
his own, and share alike Avith the rest.
When a witness Avas asked if he had ever been SAvorn: "Yes," said
he, "I have smelt the book tAvice."
, Marriages take place early; seduction before marriage very rare;
adultery more common ; divorces frequent. Pah-lubbee married his
step-daughter; he Avas greatiy censured. They never marry into their'
own Ik-sas or clans.
The patience of the Avitnesses was Avonderful. The Avinter was
very bleak — snoAv and sleet and cold rains. They Avere in rude bark
camps, scantily fed, and badly clothed, yet day after day, and week
after Aveek, they waited, without fee, to prove up the claim of a neigh
bor or of some orphan whose parents had been long dead. Case 160.
Ho-yubbee, a cripple, the only one we have seen, on being asked his
agd, says he is 800. He is perhaps 70. His Avife, who is at least 60,
declares she is only 15. AVe had one claimant only Avho was blind (in
one eye only) and one who was hard of hearing.
No IDEA OF AGE. — Case 362, He-na-no-yah, says he is six years old,
but on being questioned corrects himself, reflects, and says he is 71.
He is apparently upwards of 80.
Love of country. — They have always manifested a strong attach
ment for the soil. It is clearly established that Avhen the last treaty
(Dancing Rabbit Creek), Avas made, tAvo-thirds of the nation were
opposed to it, and left t"he place in disgust. It was finaUy made
through the influence of the chief of the Yazoo district. Greenwood
LeFleur, Itta-oke-chunka or Greenwood, sometimes called Oke-suk-
uppa or Oke-chunka, the tough hickory.
To Avring them into a treaty and compel them to remove, the legis
lature of Mississsippi, in 1829, with but one dissenting voice, passed a
bill abolishing their tribal character and distinctions, attaching to the
adjacent counties the Avhole Choctaw territory and extending over it
the laws of the State. Notwithstanding this law and the annoyances
to which it subjected them, an immense majority opposed the surren
der of their lands. After the treaty had been made by the insertion of
the 14th article, which permitted as many as chose to avail themselves
of its liberal provisions, to remain in the country, government exerted
aU its power to induce them to emigrate. The agent, Avhose biisiness
it was to register the names of those desirous of continuing in the
country, after a certain time refused to act, having received instruc
tions to that effect from AVashington, as he declared to the applicants.
He held out every inducement to them to go west— subsistence on the
road — transportation — compensation for their chattels; supplies and
annuities; but they persisted in their demand for land, under the 14th
article, which he rejected, and drove them from the agency. The
chiefs, and the white men and half breeds residing in the nation,
prompted by government or satisfied that emigration had now becorae

522 Mississippi, as a Province,
a necessity, exerted their influence in vain. The agents of the AVar
Department and the state authorities co-operated for the same purpose:
The chiefs, the captains, the half-breeds, the men of wealth, all
went, but five thousand of the pure blood, though thus deserted by
their counsellors and leaders, and even by their missionaries, resolved
to bury their bones with the ashes of their ancestors.
Mr. Grant Lincacum, a respectable citizen of LoAvndes county, fa
miliar Avith the Choctaw tongue, deposed that in 1832, he passed
through a portion of the ChoctaAv country, in Mississippi, directly in
the wake of an officer sent there by the Secretary of 'War. That gen
tleman, finding he could not persua^de the Indians to move, had men
aced them with a forcible dispossession, and declared that a body of
soldiers Avould soon be upon them. Under this threat their homesteads
Avere immediately deserted ; even the women and children had fied to
the swamps, and camped — determined to die there. For tAvelve years
they thus continued; subject to laws they could neither read nor com
prehend — annoyed Avith suits for misdemeanors of Avhich they Avere
unconscious — within the sound of Sabbath bells, but beyond the pale
of religious effort — growing poorer every day by contact with a shreAvder
race — looked doAvn upon as too inferior for intermarriage or social in
tercourse ; uneducated ; unadvised ; their claims unsettled ; disregarded
by the federal governraent, and obnoxious to the State authorities ;
natives of the soil, but regarded as intruders by a ncAv people who
carae pouring into the territory once all their OAvn, and which they
never consented to sell ; circumscribed by the Avhites, and occupying
the most barren and secluded spots, their houses and farms having
been seized and occupied; the forest now traversed by the Avhite
hunter and his dogs, affording them but a precarious subsistence ; con
stantly hearing of the prosperity of their brethren Avho had emigrated
and exhorted to go and share their affluence and their annuities. Yet,
in the face of all this, five thousand Choctaws refused to leave the soil
that gave them birth.
The policy of iraraigration pursued by our government since its first
inauguration, has probably been Avise, and perhaps, in the end, may
be better for the Indians. But it has very harsh features ; has sorae
tiraes been attended with great oppression ; and often very solemn stipu
lations have been wholly disregarded.
But Avithout going into this question it is impossible not to love a
people who exhibited such attachment to their native land. This is
the foundation of all patriotism. The most heroic actions in history
spring from this source. In the South it should be cultivated and im
pressed on our children ; the first lesson and the last, in every house
hold, should be "God and our native soil."
Stature and Age. — Of fifty-nine men, all but two, full-blooded
Indians, the average age Avas 485^ years ; average height 5 feet 6 in
ches. Of these 59, the oldest Avas 100 years, Iavo 80, and 75, one 70,
one 62, five do. The two tallest men Avere 5 feet 10^^'. The shortest
Avere five of 5 feet 22/3, and Iavo 5 feet.
Of 47 women, all but tAvo full-blooded Indians, the average age
Avas 58^ years; average height, 5 feet i inch. Of these one Avas

Territory and State. 523
adjudged to be 95 ; three 90; two 85 ; five 80; one 75 ; five 70; six
from 50 to 68 ; ten between 60 and 55. The taUest woman was 5 ft.
6, and the shortest 4 ft. 7J^.
Adoption. — The custom of adopting relatives or orphan chUdren
is "very common. Even married people, who have chUdren, occa
sionally adopt one or more. They take an equal part with the other
heirs, and are sometimes even allotted the best share.
Jewelry. — From the earliest times, they had skiUful workers in
metals. They made annual hunts or war-raids west of the Mississippi,
in small parties, among the Caddo's and other tribes that traded
with the Spaniards in Mexico, and brought back silver in bars. This
was fashioned into armlets, nose and ear-rings, broaches and other
ornaments, which both sexes took pride in displaying.
Superstitions — An Unbeliever. — They were very superstitious ;
believe in witches, conjurers and apparitions, and are afraid to travel
by themselves at night. All that we examined believed in a Supreme
Being, and in the imraortality of the soul, and in the solemnity of an
oath, one claimant only excepted Ah-hi-a-chubbee, or Find-him-
and-kUl, a full-blooded Choctaw, and the only one we saw with a
dimple on his chin. He had no idea of a Good Spirit or of the
obligations of an oath. No idea of Evil Spirits, or of a future life.
Declares he knows nothing of such things, and does not wish to
know ; that he is a warrior Avho goes his own way, and will go no
other way. Of course, this clairaant Avas not SAVorn, but we re
ceived his declaration of his case. On being interrogated, he de
clared that the statement Avas true in aU particulars. "A man," said
he, "who wUl lie is not fit to associate Avith warriors, but should be
compelled to keep company with squaAvs."
Several witnesses confirmed his statement, and moreover, swore
that he was a singularly upright man, and had never been known to
tell a lie.
This man had no sign of the organ of veneration, which among the
Choctaws, is usually well developed.
Mr. H. B. Cushman, speaking of the superstitions of the Choctaws,
relates an amusing incident that occurred when the Missionaries first
settled at Mayhew :
" Their corn crops were often materially injured when in the mUk,
by worms, which sometimes devoured a third part of every ear. They
believed that these ravages could be prevented by gathering and burn
ing a number of worms in every patch of corn, but to be effective the
worms must be collected and burnt by a pair of twin boys. This con
dition was found impossible, until it was ascertained that the tAvo littie
sons of Rev. Dr. Cushman were twins.
"One bright morning in June," says Mr. Cushraan, "a band of
warriors rode up, stated the case to my father, and requested the loan
of his boys. My father, knowing that it was not the time to ridicule
or reason with them, gave his consent, mother raore reluctantiy, and
we were each (then about seven years old) placed before a mounted
warrior, and carried to the viUage. We found it in great excitement.
The wonderful twins of the good and wise pale-face had come to save
their crops, by the gifts the Great Spirit had given them.

524 Mississippi, as a Province,
"We were greatiy admired and caressed, and every littie dainty in
the village was spread before us. They then handed to one of us a
small frying-pan, and the other a brand of fire, and we were con
ducted to the field and told how to capture the enemy, and how to
dispose of him. We then entered the premises alone, and for two
hours carried on the war, in various parts of the field, seizing the
worms and burning them in the pan.
The smoke, the odor, and our childish shouts gave token of victory,
and a Avarrior was sent to escort us to the village.
Again the whole population crowded around, to thank and praise
us, and we were feasted on tom-ful-la, honey, venison, and nuts. After
the feast, we were escorted to the next village, where the war was
reneAved, with the same demonstrations, and by sun-down we were
carried home in triumph, the warriors from both villages forming our
escort. We were ever afterwards special pets and favorites of the
Choctaws." The primitive Choctaws believed that the eclipse of the sun was
caused by black squirrels who had attacked and were devouring it, and
that unless frightened away, the world would be left in darkness.
Hence a general clamor was made. The women and chUdren scream
ed and beat their pans and kettles. The warriors seized their rifles —
took deliberate aim, and as long as amraunition lasted, continued to
fire at the sun. The dogs (always nuraerous among the Indians,)
seemed to apprehend the common danger, and howled in concert.
Through the entire nation, this tumult was heard, and continued until
the eclipse passed away, or as they said, the squirrels had been fright
ened off.
Names. — The Choctaws, I have been^old, have no profane words
in their language, though they have obscene epithets in abundance.
The letter R is not known to them. They have no words that remind
one of other tongues. Allah, has come. Alla-luali, the name of a
creek. I-o-mah, the name of a Avoman. E-a-pol-lo, the narae of a
man. Hong-kio, a woman's name. Eve or Eva, frequentiy occurs as
a component: thus 0-co-siio-eva-ca-a-a, a woman's name. No-ah, the
walker, is a common name. Yimma, Faith, sounds like the Arabic.
Their names, both of persons and things, are as full of music as the
ancient Greek. Thus Ave have :
Ish-pah-na, or the Spaniard.
Pis-took-sha, or the drummer.
Te-ah-nin-tubbee, or kill both.
Lo-mah-ka, or the hiding robber.
Me-o-chi-yah, or the traveller.
Al-bin-tah, or he who acts a second time.
Mon-tah or mon-tubbee, or universal killer.
I-a-min-tah, or double killer.
Ah-ta-hubbee, or he who killed last.
Nok-e-ohickama, or the good arroAV.
Wa-tubbee, or ofl-hand killer.
Pah-ha-cho, or Prophet finder.

Territory and State. 525
Tus-ca-nola, or the warrior's messenger.
Ta-ha-kah, or the lost creditor.
Ta-fa-mah, the man that meets.
Can-na-cha, the trickster.
Pah-na, the spoiler.
Ah-pok-a-na-tubbee, the Great Hunter.
Fa-nubbee, the man that kills.
Pis-sah-ho-ke-a-tubbee, he sees and kills.
To-bin-cha, the sunbeam.
Bola, the traitor.
Ah-hi-o-chubbee, find him aud kill.
Tus-ka-homo, Eed warrior.
Il-le-hi-ah, Death messenger.
Nok-a-wa-lubbee, the bullet that flies and kills.
Pah-sho-nah, the scalp bearer.
Tal-o-wah, the songster.
E-ah-ho-nah, the blush. ,
Hush-a-luah, the burning sun.
Oka-ho-la, beloved water.
Iksa-nam-boola, bone picker of the clan.
A-mo-te-ah, gone to gather.
Che-mi-ola, womens' names.
An-no-la, womens' names.
Lah-la, womens' names.
Na-Ava-to-nah, womens' names.
Pi-o-to-nah, womens' names.
0-na-ho-ka, dawn of day.
Na-shoba, a wolf.
jS"a-sho-ba-a-busha, when the wolf Avas killed.
Tim-bo-lingo, close by.
Ho-pah-ka, far off.
Hit-o-chah-nok-a-bee, crooked ball ground.
Al-la-luah, name of a creek.
Pot-toh-lok-a-na, name of a creek.
Sub-oon-te-la-tusk-a, a light horseman.
Sha-ko-loke-o-kah-hick-ki-a-bogue, cypress standing in the water creek.
Lune-lu-osh-ah, Burnt Frog, name of a Choctaw town which stood where
Philadelphia, the county seat of Neshoba (wolf) now stands.
Kersh-osh-ah, fleas there.
E-ah-osh-wah, the deserted or departed people, new called Yazoo Old Town.
E-mo-gal-ush-ah, the house or home of our people, called now, Mugalusby
Old Fields.
Sar-pah-chitto, Big field, now Dixon P. O.
Cof-fa-ta-liah, persimmons plenty.
Su-nook-a-hab, plenty of sand or sand town.

Hot-che-ah, now Pearl river.
Bogue-chitto, big creek.
Talla-hic-yah, standing rock.
Nok-chee-fane-tub, from a shrub, so-called, that grows on its bank.
Coa-ho-ma, Eed tiger.
Opa-ha, Owl creek.
Co-po-lah, water so cold it bites.
Funna-yok-a-nah, Squirrel creek.
Coon-shuck, Eed brake.
Ken-to-ka, beaver there.
Pe-osh-a, to stay at one place, a stream with little current.
Tal-a-osh-ah, no metal there.

526 Mississippi, as a Province, Territory and State.
Ne-ta-ka-cha, pronounced hs if written Ne-tar-ka-cha, accent on penult.
Ma-shu-le-tubbe, pronounced Jfar-shu-la-tub-be, last syllable strongly ac
cented. Push-ma-ta-ha, as though Avritten Push-mar-ta-Aar, strong accent on har.
Oka-tib-he-ha, pronounced Okar-tih-he-h/ir.
Sta-heen-ka, pronounced Star-heen-kar.
Nus-si-che-a, pronounced iVoos-se-che-ar.
Shuh-ha-tan-cha, pronounced Shook-nar-tarn-cha.
Nox-u-bee, contraction of Oka-naka-shua, pronounced Okar-narke-shuar.
It-ta-tam-big-ba, pronounced It-ta-tarm-big-ba.
Ne-sho-ba, contraction of Na-shu-ba, pronounced with accent on penult.
Choctaw, originally Chacta, pronounced Chark-tar.
The accent is invariably emphatic, and generally on the last syllable.

APPENDIX,

NATCHEZ IN THE OLDEN TIMES.*

IGHTY-TPIEEE years have I spent in Natchez and its vicin
ity. Of the companions of my boyhood all have passed away
and the hopes of my youth have turned to memories of the
past. The evening shades of my life are lengthening towards
 the east and soon the sunset will come. I Avas born at Kas-
;^J5>^ kaskie, Illinois, on Christmas day, 1787, and on Christmas day,
f\^ 178S, my father landed with his family in Natchez. At that time
" there were hut two or three houses on the hill, the whole toAvn
being under the hill, which was then quite an extensive tract. Below,
where is noAV the ferry landing, there Avas quite an extensive and heavy
battery, known as "the King's Works," and just above, there was a
quarter race track extending from the bluff towards the river. There
was a Spanish garrison in the fort, a little below the present residence of Stephen
Eumble, and the house of the Governor was about where that of Dr. Harper
now stands. When the town begun to be built on the hill, the Spaniards settled
in this part, and other persons generally built east of the pre.snt Commerce
street. These being mostly Irish, this part of the town was called Irish town,
whilst the other part was known as Spanish town. The Governor was Don
Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, an intelligent and liberal man, educated iu England,
at AVestminster, and speaking English as fluently as a native. The mild, pa
ternal rule of the good Governor makes an old man revert Avith pleasure to the
scenes of his youth, and even at times to regret the change of government.
. The Catholic religion was the only one publicly tolerated in the country. The
priests exercised much influence, and were very generally loved. They had
great power, but used it very mildly. Irish priests Avere usually selected for
Natchez, because there were so many English-speaking people. I w.ell remember
Father Brady — the best shot, the best rider and the best judge of horses in the
district. And Father Malone, with a wink and a joke, and a, blessing and an
almo for every one — welcome at every wedding, every frolic and every dinner —
most exemplary in the discharge of every duty, but Avith a slight weakness for
his national beverage on St. Patrick's day, Avhen his patriotism would prove
stronger than his head. However, in those days, and for years after, the
"* Recollections of Mr. George "Willey, a venerable and much respected
citizen, who died in 1874. His father was Maj. James Willey, of the Revolutionary
army, an early settler in Kentucky, Avho immigrated to Natchez, then under
Spanish rule, in 1788. Greorge "Willey, when the Indian Avar of 1813 broke out,
though exempt from military service, OAving to a fraction of his shoulder, volun
teered and served tAvo campaigns, one on the Alabama, and the other at New
Orleans. He narrowly escaped the massacre at Fort Mims, and Avas in the de
tachment under Maj. Kennedy, that buried the remains. A better man, and a
truer patriot we have never had here. These recollections were bis "table talk,"
taken doAvn nearly in his own words. It was gratifying to find that this intelli
gent and truthful Avitnesss cherished a grateful remembrance of the kind and
paternal rule of the Spanish provincial authorities.

528 Natchez in the Olden Times.
clergy of all denominations took their morning nip and their midday toddy,
aud were always considered the best judges of Madeira."*
Attempts were made by several protestant ministers to preach, but were
not encouraged. The only sermon I remember to have heard during the Span
ish rule was preached by an Episcopalian named Cloud.t Governor Gayoso
was present and walked home with my father after the service. He expressed
himself in their conversation as being individually in favor of religious toler
ation, "but," he added, "you know I have a master." The next day Cloud was
notified that he must not preach again, but he, persisting in doing so, Avas
shortly arrested and sent out of the country.
My father's house Avas on the lot now occupied by the store of Wm. Earhart,
and all north of that Avas in woods. In these woods the Indians, who came in
every year to receive their presents from the Spanish government, used to en
camp. The Spaniards seemed to be afraid of them, and in their drunken
orgies, which always foUoAved the distribution of government presents, they were
controlled entirely by their interpreter, an old Frenchman named Baptiste, who
with his Avhip used to lash them into subjection, in their most disorderly and
boisterous outbreaks. It is curious that the Indian, who seems to have no fear
of a gun or knife or other deadly weapon, has a great dread of a Avhip. I re
member once, many years later, an Indian riot, in Natchez which defied the
strength of the civil authorities, and CA'en rendered it necessary to call out the
troops, Avhich was instantly quelled by a burly overseer, who rode iu amongst
them with his Avhip, and scattered them like chaflF before the Avind.
I onee witnessed an Indian execution, which took place about Avhere the gas
house now stands. The man Avas condemned, according to their retaliatory
laws, to suffer death, and the day was fixed for his execution. He was not con
fined in the meantime, but suffered to go Avhere he pleased, and he used the time
in going from house to house and begging for Avhiskey, and inviting every one
to come and see him die. On the appointed day he was promptly at the place;
assisted in digging his own grave, which Avas done Avith knives and hatchets,
and from time to time he would lay himself doAvn in it, to see if it would fit
him, and when it was completed to his satisfaction, he took a parting drink with
all around, and then stood with the most stoical indiflTerence at one end of the
grave, and gave the word to the executioner, and iu an instant fell back into
the grave with the fatal bullet through his head, and Avas at once covered up.
It will seem almost incredible to some that the lives of two men should em
brace a period, beginning with the great English revolution and commence
ment of the reign of the House of Orange, thus comprehending all the great
events of modern history ; yet such I can shew in my own life, and that of
another. I have often seen a man named McCoy, who at that time Avas said to
be a hundred and twenty years old. I do not know where lie lived, but it Avas
somewhere not far from town, for he used to come in to mass on occasional
"•¦¦ In confirmation of this, 1 extract the following from the MS. journal, kept by
the venerable Gov. Sevier of Tennessee, in 1815, Avhen he was running the line
between the Creeks and Cherokees, Avritten only a fcAV days before his death :
"July 17th. About eight years ago the Creek Indians seized and took away a
large lot of whiskey belonging to Parson Blackburn, Avhich was laying at the
Spring Prog's, a little beloAV Turkeytown, which they said Avas Avithin their terri
tory. "When the Cherokees were called on in behalf of Blackburn for compen
sation, they excused themselves on the ground that the Creeks OAvned the land,
and could do as they pleased in their own country." Tlie parson referred to was
one of the raost eminent. Presbyterian clergymen in the West, and was largely
engaged in the whiskey business, and came near involving the country in Avar
with the Indians on account of this seizure.
The best whiskey brought to Natchez thirty years ago Avas brought, twice a year,
in a flat-boat, by the Rev. Moses Trader, of Ohio, an eminent Methodist, Avho did
a large business in this line for a series of years, aud preached at Natchez and
Washington with great fervor and unction. He Avas a most excellent man, though
he enjoyed his bitters, his midday toddy and his nightcap, ahvays saying that he
was not afraid of his own whiskey, but "a little skeeiy about any other."
t Rev. Adam Cloud, Avho subsequently lived iind died in Jeff'erson county.

Natchez in the Olden Times. , 529
Sundays, Avalking and leading the horse, on Avhicli Avas mounted his son, who
was from the infirmities of age unable to Avalk. After mass they Avould come
to my father's house, and often have I listened to his wondrous recitals of his
varied and actiA-e life. The campaigns of Marlborough, the defeat of Gen.
Braddock, and the massacre of the French in Fort Eosalie hy the Natchez In
dians, Avere all told by him with the vivid accuracy ot a participant. NoAV
put this man's age and mine together, and it will carry you back to the days of
the "Merry King Charles."
The houses built by the first settlers on the hill Avere mere shanties. There
were no saAV mills to furnish lumber, and the timber was split from the tree
Avith the axe and fro. Probably the oldest house hoav existing in Natchez is '
the one occupied by Mrs. Postlethwaite, on Jefferson street, between Union and
Eankin. It Avas at one time kept as a tavern by a man named King, and Avas
the stopping place of Avestern men on their return from New Orleans, after
selling out their flatboats of produce.
To each settler, Avho Avould put up a house in the toAvn, a lot Avas given by
the authorities at a nominal price; but their title Avas not always a secure one.
If the Governor Avanted the lot for some favorite he generally managed to make
the occupant give it up ; most commonly, hoAvever, in exchange for a lot, or
land, in some other place. Indeed, any opposition to the Avill of the Governor
was generally very promptly got rid of, but the execution of justice was just
as prompt.
For many crimes the p.''ivilege of sanctuary Avas allowed, audi have often
passed the church early in the morning, and found a Spaniard with his finger
in the key hole of the church. The commission of crime Avas not greater
than in frontier settlements of our own countrymen, and indeed all of bad rep
utation Avhich Natchez ever acquired, Avas after it came into the hands ,of
Americans. A horrible tragedy made iin indelible impresion on my memory. On St,
Catherine Creek there lived u man named Condy, who Avas of that wild and
roving disposition so common among frontier people. His Avife was a beauti
ful but frail Avoman, but Ihey Avere bound together by a family of three lovely
children. The suspected intimacy between his Avife and a Spanish officer, had
driven Condy to madness; and in his rage, he took a razor and cut his wife's
throat. He then took his little cues, and one by one, laid them by their
mother's side and killed them all. Then laying himself down beside them, he
blew out his OAvn brains. I saw the five laying side by side in death. The
Avell-knoAvn disposition of the Spaniard to use the knife in all their quarrels,
¦ induced the governor to issue an order, forbidding any one to carry a knife, or
other weapon of iron or steel, but the Spaniards evaded it by making a kind
of stiletto of hardened wood, with which they managed, on more than one occa
sion, to kill one another. The founders of many of our Avealtby families Avere
poor but adventurous, and energetic men, whose fortunes were built up not
only by their own energies, but by fortunate circumstances. As an exempli
fication of the instability of fortune I have seen the first generation begin life
in poverty, and build up wealth. The next generation, as a rule, have kept
and improved the fortunes their fathers acquired, but in a large majority of
instances the third have died as poor as their grandfathers commenced. When
the time at length arrived when the Spaniards were to be pushed out, although
the great mass of American or rather English speaking inhabitants, were I'e-
joiced, still that feeling Avas by no means unanimous. Quite a number of the
citizens loved the Spanish rule, and not a few followed them in their exodus.
The first United States troops that arrived was a detachment of two corhpanies
commanded by Lieutenant Pope, oneof the companies under Lieutenant Mc
Cleary. A temporizing and evasive policy was, as usual, pursued by the
Spanish authorities, and on the part of many military officers in the United
States army there Avas an evident desire for hostile conflict betAveen the coun
tries, thus opening to their ambition the prospect of conquest of the Spanish
provinces of Louisiana, Texas, and Mexico. Fortunately the arrival of Capt.
Ouion, a man as prudent as he was patriotic and honest, and on whom devolv-
34

530 Natchez in the Olden Times.
ed the duty of seeing the treaty carried out in good faith, soon brought about
an agreement betAveen the Spanish Governor and himself, according to Avhich
the Spaniards evacuated the fort. This took place at night, and greatly to the
surprise of the inhabitants, though probably not to Guion.
Governor Gayoso died shortly after he went to New Orleans, and the story at
that time Avas that an order from Spain arrived alter his death to send him to
Spain in irons, and that it Avas literally obeyed by taking up his body and
putting chains upon the senseless corpse and sending it thus to Spain.--'
The first American Governor Ave had was Winthrop Sargeant, and about the
same time came Gen. AVilkinson, in all the pomp and style of a conquering-
hero. Then, for the first time was seen an American coach, and it was an ob
ject of more curiosity, with its four splendid black horses, than even a steam
boat was in later years. A printing press also arrived about this time, and un
der the management of AndreAV Marschalk, was soon engaged in the, to us,,
strange business of printing laAVs. The printing press was a strange thing, but
printed laws Avas no less novel. The first code was known as Sargeant's laws.
Another character of great importance at that time was Col. Ellicott, the com
missioner on the part of the United States, to establish the boundary line be
tween the Spaniards and us. After a great deal of Avrangling between him
and AVilkinson, and a very long delay, he at length accomplished his Avork.
The line was marked by cutting a broad trail along the line as it Avas run.
After the acquisition of the country by the Americans the population in
creased very rapidly, and the Spanish and other foreign classes as rapidly dis
appeared. The regular American Courts Avere established for the administra
tion of justice, which although they Avere an improvement on the old system
of one-man power, gave little more satisfaction. There was just as much com
plaint by one party or the other of the Avant of justice, as there was Avhen Gov.
Gayosa decided their disputes according to his OAvn judgment. A jail took the
place of the old calaboose, into Avliich men Avere put for the crime of going in
debt, and they Avere kept there too, probably to keep them from paying the
debt, and thus punish their creditor for the equally flagrant crime of alloAving
them to get in debt to bim. I remember one case, in Gov. Sargeant's time, of
a man Avho stayed in the jail (which was the house opposite the store of Mr.
Earhart, on the corner of Franklin and Uuion streets) until he died, and as
the removal of his body from the jail would haA'e throAvn tbe burden of his
debt upon his family, he was buried under the jail, and there his dust reposes
probably to this day. On one occasion a man named Savage, Avas committed
to the jail for some flagrant breach of the peace. He Avas as .ravage by nature
as he was by name, and in his rage and fury at his confinement, he begged the
bystanders on the outside of the jail to furnish bim something Avith w"hich to
take his life ; they of course refusing, he reached out his arm through the gra
ting, and .seized a junk bottle which happened tobe Avitbinreach, and breaking
it, with one of the pieces he cut his throat. An effort Avasmadeby a physician
to SOAV it up, but he tore open the Avound Avith bis hands, and held it open, until
exhausted by the loss of blood, he died. The old'jail, too, Avas the scene of the
first public disgrace to tlie noted Mason, Avho afterwards with his robber band
became tbe terror of travelers from the Ohio rlA^er to New Orleans. Mason
and bis son were brought to Natchez and lodged in jail, charged Avith the rob
bery of a man named Baker, at a place noAV in Hinds county, Avhere the road
crosses a creek still known as Baker's Creek. They Avere defended on their
trial, by a distinguislied lawyer named AVallace. He, after the manner so
common with lawyers, went to work to get up a public feeling in faA'or of his
clients, and succeeded so well that, although the Masons were convicted, the
general sentiment was that they were innocently punished. They were both
convicted, and sentenced to and receiyed tbe punishment of thirty -nine lashes
•and exposure in tbe pillory. I Avitnessed the flogging and shall never forget
their cries of "innocent," at every blow of tbe cow hide Avhich tore the flesh
from their quivering limbs, and until the last lash was glA'cn they shrieked the
¦*Gayos<i's ashes moulder in the soil ot Louisiana. He died in the governraent
liouie of yellow fever.

Natchez in the Olden Tiajes. 531
same despau-ing cry of "innocent," "innocent." After they were released the .
elder Ma.son said to the surrounding crowd, "you have witnessed our punish
ment for a crime we never committed; some of you may see me punished again
but it shall be lor something Avorthy of punishment." He and his son then
shaved their heads, and stripping themselves naked, mounted their horses and
yelling like Indians, rode through and out of the town. I never saw either of
them again, until I saw, several years after, the ghastly head of the elder Ma
son at Greenville, where it had been broughtto claim a reward of two thousand
dollars which had been ofi'ered for it by Governor Claiborne. My impressions
in regard to him in early lite were sympathetic, and I attached to his career a
great deal of romance, until a later period, when I met with a Mrs. Watkins,
oneof the principal witnesses forthe State against Mason. I asked her if she
really thought Mason was guilty ot robbery and inurder. "I am sure of it,"
Avas her answer, "be was guilty of many crimes for which he ought to have
heen punished." "I Avas living," she said, "a short distance this side of Rocky
Spring.s, and as most of those persons did who lived on the public road, I fur
nished entertainment for travelers. Mason was my neighbor, living some two
miles back from the road. One day three men stopped, and asked to have
their dinner, which I immediately set about preparing. W^hile thus engaged
Mason rode up, and came in, and walked back and forth on the gallery, Avhich
Avas in full view of the kitchen Avhere I was cooking. I noticed him as he
passed the saddle bags of the travelers, which Avere placed on the gallery, he
managed to give each of them a push with his foot as if to feel their weight.
After having apparently satisfied himself that the saddle bags were well filled
Avith specie, he bade me good day, and rode oflT. The next day the three travel
ers. Baker and his two friends, were met at Baker's creek by a party with their
faces blacked, and robbed. Shortly after the robbery Balcer returned to my
house, and asked me the name and residence of the man who had come in
while they were waiting for dinner the day jirevious, and on my telling him,
he at once Avent to Port Gibson and got a warrant from Judge Burnett for his
arrest. He got tbe sheriff .and a horse and reached Mason's house at daylight,
where he found him and bis son, and on examination the black Avas found to
haA-e been imperfectly washed from their faces. Notwithstanding their dis
guise they Avere recognized by Baker and his companions, and on their evidence
were arrested, but escaped.
Mason and his gang, with its extensive ramifications, afterwards became the
terror of the Mississippi valley. The robber band Avas so numerous that they
Avere able to resist, successfully, a considerable organized force that Avas sent to
bre.ak them up. Tlie Governor of the Territory at length offered a large re
ward for the liead of the ring-leader; and one of his OAvn gang, tempted by the
bribe, succeeded in killing him, and cutting off his head, brought it to claim
of the Governor the price of blood, which was paid to him. But unfortunately
for the traitor, he had no opportunity for the enjoyment of the price of his
treachery. He was recognized by a gentleman, the late Gabriel Winter, as one
ot a party who had sometime before boarded and robbed his flat-boat. He was
at once appre'nended, and shortly after convicted of this crime and hanged at
Greenville. Another frequent inmate of the old jail, who made a strong impression on
my mind, Avas a married woman, named Mrs. Cotta. She was a Avoman of bril
liant mind, of high culture, and of a delicately sensitive organization. Her
husband, to whom she was devotedly attached, Avas killed by a man named
Eapelji. The shock was too great for the sensitive nerve of his delicate wife,
and the intellectual woman became a raving, but most brilliant, maniac. To
her loss of some of the faculties of the mind others seemed to be added and
intensified. In her ravings her denunciations ot Eapelji, and her appeals to
man and to heaven for justice against the murderer, she seemed to be inspired,
and crowds ot rough men would listen in rapt attention, with the tears stream
ing from the eyes ot some Avho seldom shed a tear. Eapelji was acquitted of
the charge of m-;irder, and the poor maniac woman soonAventto join tbe loved
one for whose loss her reason had fled.
Many ot the old pioneers, Avbo had borne the hardships of the early settle-

532 Natchez in the Olden Times. '
ment of Kentucky and the Illinois country, came to Natchez after it became a
part ot the United States. I have often listened to their conversations in which
they and my father and mother recounted their hair-breadth escapes from sav
age beasts, and more savage men, in the times that tried men's souls. On one
occasion, I remember, a very old man, named Crayton, recalling to the recol
lection ot my mother an adventure in Avhich they Avere both participants. Most
of the men had left the stockade where the settlers had forted, to make salt.
To each block-house Avas left two old men for the protection ot the women and
children. To the block-bouse in Avhich my mother was, there Avas left this old
man Crayton and another.
The next day after the departure of the men, the fort Avas attacked by a party
of Indians. Old Crayton Avas as brave as a lion, and at once made every pre
paration in his poAver for the defence of the block-house, but his companion
showed the white feather, and ran about in great alarm, telling the helpless
women that their last hour Avas come, and begging them to go to praying. My
mother, Avho had the spirit of a frontier woman, told him sternly, if he said
pray again, she Avould bloAV his brains out. He did'nt say it any more, but
crept under a bed, Avhere he probably indulged in praying to himself. In the
meanwhile, two boys of about fourteen years of age (the late Christopher Mil
ler and John AVilley,) were engaged in loading all the spare guns, and as fast
as they loaded they handed tbem to old Crayton and the brave women, Avho
tflred tbem with such effect that in a short time the Indians fled, believing that
the fort Avas strongly defended. I remember the old man saying that they shot
the button off his shirt-collar, and appealing to my mother for the fact. She
said she did not remember the button, but she did remember picking splinters
from his face, Avhich bad been knocked into it by the Indian bullets from the
logs of the block-house.
I have, Avithin the past fcAV years, heard of making thread from nettles, treated
as flax. I haye often heard my mother say that Avhen it Avas impossible to pro
cure cloth, she clothed herself and children Avith very nice linen made from the
large nettles that grew near the fort, whilst some other women of the fort AVore
nothing but buckskin. On one occasion, a Scotchman who Avore, as Avas very
customary at the time, a wig with a long ciueue hanging down his back, ventured
out of the fort to go to a little corn-field at about half a mile distant, to get
green corn. Au Indian, as might have been expected, Avas lying in ambush,
and as soon as he came close enough, fired at him, but mis.sed. The Scotch-
in an ran for the fort, and the Indian, tomahaAvk in hand, after him. The In
dian was the swiftest, and gained slowly but surely on his victim, until be came
near enough to ru,sh forward and seize, as he thought, the scalp-lock of the
fugitive. Amazed at finding a scalp that came off' so easily, the Indian
paused, holding up and looking at tbe Avig, in astonishment, until the
Scotchman, who was all the time making quick tracks, reached the shelter
of the fort. My father, who was a man of mild disposition and unassuming
manners, on one occasion, owed his own safety to this very trait of character.
One day one of the hunters came in and told him that he had killed a buffalo
at a short distance from the fort, and that it would be a good opportunity to get
the brains of the animal to dress some deer-skins which he knew him to have.
My father gladly availed himself ot the opportunity, and the next morning, by
N daylight, he started, with nothing but his tomahaAvk, as no Indians had been
for sometime in the neighborhood. On the Avay he had to pass a hut in Avhicli
a man, who Avas notoriously selfish, was living. This man, on seeing my father,
at once divined the object for Avhich he Avas out so early, and as he was anxious
to get the brains of the buffalo tor the same purpose, "be determined to outwit
my father. Calling him into the hut, he insisted that he should share his break
fast, and as soon as my father Avas seated the man arose, telling him to sit still
lor a fcAV minutes, and finish his breakfast, "as," said he, "one of the hunters
has killed a buffalo, and I am anxious to get the brains to dress a deer-skin."
Although my father was conscious ot the duplicity ot the man, his quiet, yield
ing disposition induced him to remain silent in regard to the object of his early
trip, and allow the other to get possession ot the buffalo brains. So he sat
still in the hut, to await the return of his cunning friend. But he had not

Natchez in the Olden Times. ' 533 /
Avaited longer than the time necessary for the other to reach the spot where the
buffalo was, before he heard the report of two rifles, and knowing too well what
it meantj he at once returned to the fort, and getting a party of men, went in
search ot the man, and soon found him, scalped and with two bullet holes
through his body.
A man belonging to the fort, on an excursion, found it necessar}' to can" p
out on the bank of a stream, or rather on the second bank, which was higher
than the immediate bank. Here he kindled his fire, and roasted a joint of buf
falo, Avhich hejiad procured during the day. After finishing his supper he
broke the bone ot the joint, and Avas enjoying that greatest of the luxuries ot ,
a hunter's lite, tbe bufl'alo marrow. AVhile quietly picking his marrow-bone,
the hunter heard the stealthy tread of some animal in the leaves, near the edge
of the Avater. Thinking it Avas probably a wild-cat, attracted by the smell of
meat, he thrcAV, Avith all his force, the sharp-pointed fragment of the marroAV-
bone, to frighten aAvay the animal, whatever it might be.
AA'hen day-light came, he went to the branch for water, and found there the
body ot an Indian, Avith the marrow-bone sticking ip his head.
Stories, such as these, all embracing something of the Avonderful, and full of
thrilling danger, were the staple subjects of the conversation by the fireside of
the early settler, and many were the stories told of the noted Indian fighters.
One old settler of this county, and the ancestor of some of the best men and
women ot the present day, Mike Hootsel, Avas noted for his many fights and
numerous escapes from the Indians. On one occasion, it was said, they had
him surrounded by Indians on every side, gradually narroAving the circle, so as
to close in on him in a body. Hootsel fought, from one hiding place to another,
until he killed and scalped six ot the number, and then, with the scalps Avaving
over his head, he succeeded in penetrating their cordon, and by his extraordi
nary fleetness, escaped from his critical position. He Avas once captured, and
reserved as a sacrifice to grace their annual feast ot bear's oil. This was a
time ot great feasting and rejoicing among the Indians, when, after a success
ful hunt, they met to render the oil and pack it aAvay in bladders and skins,
for future use. In the dance, on these occasions, men, women, and children all
join. Hootsel, Avho himself had Indian blood in his veins, and had mingled
much with them, knew exactly what their intentions were in regard to himself. ;
He carefully watched for an opportunity to escape, and did not Avatcb in vain.
As is frequently the case, the Indians had not bound their prisoner, hut had
him within the dense circle which they formed around the caldron in which
was hissing and sputtering the boiling oil, a portion of which was noAV and
then cast on their prisoner, to test his fortitude previous to the grand torture.
These preliminary sufferings were inflicted by Avomen and children, Avho danced
around and enjoyed the agony of their captive, Avith the keenest relish. Watch
ing his opportunity, Hootsel seized a child, and dashed it, with all his force,
into the kettle of boiling oil, scattering it in every direction, over those Avho
stood nearest the fire. A rush was made to save the child, and amid the con
fusion, Hootsel made his escape. •

PIONEERS OF VICKSBURG AND WARREN COUNTY.

"^^ff^^-::^ FV. XEWITT VICK, and his family, Avith his nephew, Foster
iWllA'^ 'J Cook, "\'irginians, settled, when Alississippi Territory was yet
in its infancy, near SelsertoAvn, on the line between Adams
find Jefferson counties. Their neighbors were the Selsers,
Jones, Bolls, Marbles, Harrisons, Griffins, and others, most
of Avhom had preceded them. Mr. Cook was a surA'eyor, and
the course of a year or tAvo he found a tract ot level land north
east of Avhere A^icksburg now stands, some six miles from the
river, known then by the name it still bears, as tbe "Open AVoods,"
yy^ because most of the timber had been burned by the Indians.! Having
;xX secured this land from the Government, Foster Cook settled upon it, and
' Avas soon followed by Bunvell Vick, then by Eev. Newitt Vick, John, Ed
win and Alexander Cook, and HartAvell Vick. Eev. IveAvitt Vick, a Methodist
minister and educated gentleman, died soon after his removal to AVarren
county, having first projected tlie city of Vicksburg. The conception originated
with him, but he did not iive to lay it ofi', or to dispose of a lot. By his will,
he directed that this should be done, and his executor and son-in-law, Eev.
.John Lane, long Presiding Elder of that district, a man of intellectual vigor,
untiring energy, Avith a rare aptitude for business, Avas the real father of the
city. It dates from about 1820.
'There Avas trouble and litigation about the A-'ick estate, chiefiy arising from
the ncAvly discovered value of the embryo citj' ; numerous claimants came for
ward, and there was a great Avorry and tussle in the courts, but, in the long run
the Eev. John Lane Avas successful, and laid off and sold the lots, and did a good
part for the public and for the heirs.
When the Cooks and Vicks first settled in Warren the only road, in the entire
district, Avas along the river front from the Big Black to the Yazoo. There Avas
no road eastward until 1820. Fort Nogales Avas one and one-fourth miles north
from the present court-house. There was a grave yard near the river in front of
the fort, and nearly in front of the present National Cemetery. This point was
then called the Walnut Hills ; by the Indians Iv an-a-cha-ha. When Maj.
Kirby, of the regular army, by order ot Gen. AVilkinson, took possession of Fort
Nogales, the name was changed to McHenry, after the then Secretary ot AVar.
AndreAV Marschalk (our first printer), Avas Avitb Kirby's detachment.J
•¦¦¦¦ This account is derived frora a correspondence Avith E. G. Cook, Esq., of Hazle-
hurst, for many years Clerk and Probate Judge of that county.
t There was, originally, on all the rich hill and bottora lands a heaA-y growth of
cane, gr jAving fifteen to twenty feet high, and so dense that nothing could pass
thi'Ough it. The settler would cut this down with cane-knives or hatchets, let it
lay a raonth or two to dry, and then, on a Aviiidy day, apply ttie torcli. The flames
would burn limbs and even the bark from the largest trees, and effectually kill
ing thera, leaving the ground covered Avith ashes and ready for a crop. Little
cultivation Avas required the first year. A burning cane-brake, with its flames
and sraokc, and continuous roar, presents all tlie sounds and aspect of a great
battle. j Tbe Spanish coininandant at Fort Nogales, by order of Gov. Gayoso, evacu
ated it March 2.3d, 1798. One Glass, and some filteeu other Avhite ijersons, Avere
then living at and near the Fort. In the early litigation the name of Glass fre-

Pioneers of A^icksburg and AVarren County. 535
The old Spanish grave yard has long since caved into the river The South
Zi^lf\ ^r^ ™""^^' i'"' '•'^ Spaniards left, was first settled by the Ea
paljes, Hylands, Downs, Steeles, Griffins, Sharkevs, Sellers, and other/ Shortly
• hlpTr ' ""^"n ^^ '"'""' "ill-S along the bluff iro'nting the Yazoo swamp were
indThfoSrfor''Tff th"'"*'"'''' -^""f^' J""-- J-W"-''. Davis HeaTs
anttihroikinoUon.^i. All these Avere, in culture and means far ahead of the
S J u"°' fiorsfci/ D^r"^""?"' "fVfk.sburg, is a descendant of Je-!
V rksh l!" W ^i'"':?^^""?'.'^ '¦''^''i^d on the lake, lour miles north of
\icksburg. He was a South Carolinian, of Hugenot extraction, ricii, cultured
trtyiZZ?Tfu ^^r 'It " ^''' ^'^' '"'' embittered by protracted 'litigZn,
fnd Egbert T T K^f 'V^ l^-'Sf ^^tate On a credit. Judge Elihu Hall Bay
about the \\ alnut Hills under British grants. They sent Dr. Bay and Mt
fir.1 J" /"/'^P''^''^"'/''''™' "°d -established several plantations. Th(?
farst Ali-icans that appeared at the AValnut Hills belonged to Mr. Turnbull
Tson^'n ""f f " /u^"?.?," Charleston harbor from the trader about the year
1800, and dispatched them on a schooner to New Orleans and up the river, the
first Africans and the first sail vessel that ever landed where Vicksburg now
stands. Charles J. Edwards, mate of this schooner, rem.ained and lived a num
ber ot years m the settlements. Mr. Cook often saw the negroes, and describes
them as undersized, prolific, superstitious and given to pilfering. They have
descendants now in Issaquena county, where they were carried, before the war, '
by the heirs ot E. J. Turnbull. '
The most important person about AValnut Hills Avhen the Americans settled
tliere was Honore P. Morancy, planter, merchant, postmaster. He and his
brother, when small boys, had been saved Avhen the massacre in St. Domingo
occurred. They were sent to the United States by Stephen Girard or his agents,
and having no kindred were receiyed, on their arrival at Baltimore, and edu
cated by Charles Carroll, ot Carrollton. Honore came to Louisiana, taught
.school in Opelousas, and settled first at Walnut Hills, and subsequently be
came an extensive planter at Milliken's Bend. His brother Emilius settled at
AA alnut Hills as a physician, but died long since. The remains of the old
French fort, St. Peter, and of the Catholic mission, on the Yazoo, some twelve
iniles north of Vicksburg, were to be seen in those early times, and many mate-
rialsof war have been there plowed up. The garrison was massacred and the
mission broken up by the Kouros or Chocchumas directly after the massacre at
Natchez. The Payne plantation noAV covers the site.
The public road from the river, eastward, in the direction ot Mount Salus,
(Clinton), Avas laid off in 1820, the commissioners being Cooks and Vicks.
They opened a road to the Big Black, and in 1824 the legislature made an ap
propriation to extend it to Jack,son.
Eev. NcAvitt Vick resided in the "Open Woods,'' but his plantation was
where Vicksburg now stands. The first settler in the toAvn was his son. Hart-
well Vick. He and Nicholas Gray, from Adams county, (son of the old Sur
veyor General), established a large commercial business. Gray Avas a man of
education. Vick Avas a man ot fine mind, full ot enterprise, but ahead ot the
times. The concern failed, and was succeeded by Foster Cook and George
Wyche. They operated largely until the death ot the senior partner in 1828.
Both of these gentlemen were men of high character and sterling merit. Joseph
Hough and Col. Henry Morse were merchandizing there about the same time.
Hough became rich, chiefly by some lucky land speculation, and moved to Ohio,
Col. Morse, was a man of elegant manners and fine mind, Avas son-in-law ot Mr.
Vick, but not fortunate in business.
The earliest physicians were E. Morancy, Thomas Anderson, J. W. Hedge-
man — all eminent practitioners.
The court-house was then at Warrenton. AA'm. L. Sharkey was the only resi
dent lawyer, but the court was largely attended by attorneys from Natchez -and
Port Gibson. Alexander G. McNutt was among the first, if not the first lawyer
quently occurs. As late as 1834, his son, Anthony Glass, claimed fractional sec
tion 23, township 11, range 3, east.

536 Pioneers of Vicksbdrg and Warren County.
that put up his shingle in Vicksburg — a young, robust Virginian from Eock-
bridge county. Then qame Eobert- (garland, D. L. McCord, J. C. Smith, A. G.
Creatte, J. M. Chilton, John J. Guion^ and others.'-'
The Vicks and Cooks^ and many ^f the pioneers of Warren county, were
Methodists, and exercised a wholesome influence throughout the country. The
first Methodist Conference ever convened in Mississippi met at the house of
Eev. NeAvitt Vick, in .lefferson county, he being one ot the eleven preachers
that composed it. When these two families settled in the "Open Woods," in
Warren, their first business, after providing a roof for their families, was a
church and school-house. This pioneer minister and his most exemplary
wife, died, in the midst of their career of usefulness, about the same time, doubt
less with yellow fever, which frequently appeared at Warrenton, and extended
into the country, just as Ave see it uoAV.
In those days Foster Cook was the ruling spirit of the county. It he occa
sionally failed in his plans, he knew no such word as "surrender." After a
seA'ere struggle with the Hylands and their allies in the south-end of the county,
he succeeded in having the court-house transferred from Warrenton to Vicks-
I burg. The Downs family Avas numerous and very influential, frequently holding the
position of clerk, sheriff and representative.
The ;Sons ot Eev. Newitt Vick Avere educated at Lexington, Ky. The daugh
ters at the Elizabeth Academy, in Adams county. They married, respectively,
Eev. John Lane, Col. Henry Morse, Dr. S. D. McCrae, Hon. John L. Irwin,.
and Eev. C. K. Marshall, our distinguished divine, orator and philanthropist.
The Gibsons were very early settlers in Warren. Tobias Gibson Avas per
haps the first Methodist minister in the Mississippi country; a man ot rare
missionary gifts ; patriarchial in appearance and character. He never married,
but devoted himself to his calling, and if ever any man received a divine call
and Avas sent forth to do good, and to persuade men to reform, he was the man>
He died in 1804, and his tomb, four miles southeast of Vicksburg, may yet be
seen.. His brother, Eev. Eandall Gibson, came about the same time, and was
endowed Avith the same attributes. He lived to a good old age, a life largely
devoted to his fellowmen, universally honored and beloved. -He founded an
extensive and influential family, conspicuous in Mississippi and Louisiana.
He lies buried ten miles southeast ot Vicksburg.
The Sellers moved to Lake Providence and became very wealthy. Of the
Griffins, Frank G. became Probate Judge, moved to AA'^ashington county,
and became the largest cotton planter in the State, probably in the world.
Some years after the death of Foster Cook his widow married Judge James
Bland, one of the F. F. V.'s. He had the blue blood of the Meades, Tuckers,
Eandolphs and Carters in his veins, was a fluent and elegant speaker, but a lit
tle too much aristocracy to be popular. He Avas apt to say what he thought,
and Avas ready to fight for Avhat he said, if called on. His son Avas sheriff' ol
AVarren county when Gen. Grant captured A^icksburg.
¦••' Personal sketches of all these gentlemen would be given, but haA'iug learned
that a gentleman every way qualified, is preparing a AVork on the "Bench and Bar
of Missis.sippi," I leave tlie field to hira.

FIRST STEAMBOAT ON THE WESTERN WATERS.

.A. VING, in Chapter IX, given an account of the first voyage
up the Mississippi, in batteaux or barges, when Bienville went
to invade the Chickasaws, we supplement it with some details
of the first steamboat A'oyageon the Avestern waters, compiled
from an address delivered before the Maryland Historical So
ciety ,by Hon. J. H. B. Latrobe, a distinguished lawyer and savant
ot Baltimore :
Prior to the introduction of steamboats on the western Avaters, the
means ot transportation thereon consisted of keel-boats, barges, and flat-
boats. Keel-boats and barges ascended, as well as descended, the stream.
The flat-boat Avas an unwieldy box, and was broken up, for the lumber it
contained, on its arrival at the place of destination. The keel-boat Avas
long and slender, sharp fore and aft, with a narrow gangway just Avithin
the gunAvale, tor the boatmen as they poled or warped up the stream,
Avhen not aided by the eddies that made their oars available. When the keel-
boat Avas covered Avith a low house, lengthwise, betAveen the gangAvays, it
Avas dignified Avith the name, of "barge." Tlie only claim of the flat-
boat, or " broad-horn," to rank as a vessel was due to the fact that it
floated upon Avater and was used as a vehicle for transportation. Keel-
Iioats, barges, and fiat-boats had prodigious steering oars, and oars of the same
dimensions were hung on fixed pivots on the sides of the last named, by which
the shapeless and cumbrous contrivance Avas, in some sort, managed. Ignorant.
of anything better, the people of the AveSt Avere satisfied Avith these appliances
of trade in 1810.
Whether steam could be employed on the Avestern rivers Avas a question that
its success between New York and Albany was not regarded as having entirely
solved ; and after the idea had been suggested of building a boat at Pittsburg,
to ply hetAVeen Natchez and Ncav Orleans, it Avas considered necessary that in
vestigations should be made, as to the currents of the rivers to be navigated, in
regard to the new system. These investigations, Nicholas J. Eoosevelt under
took, with the understanding, that it his report were favorable. Chancellor Liv
ingston, Mr. Fulton, and himself, were to be equally interested in the under
taking. The Chancellor and Mr. Fulton were to supply the capital, and Eoose
velt Avas to superintend the building ol the boat and engine. For this duty,
as has already been shown in the last Chapter, the latter was peculiarly quali
fied.* He accordingly repaired to Pittsburg, in May, 1809. The only means
of conveyance to New Orleans, where his investigations were to terminate, were
the keel-boats, barges, and flat-boats already described. None of those then in
use Avere suited to Mr. Eoosevelt's purpose ; and as the accuracy of his exami
nation, rather than the speed of the voyage, Avas important, he determined to
build a flat-boat which should contain all necessary comforts for himself and
wife, and float with tho current of the Ohio and Mississippi from Pittsburg to
* Mr. R. Avas a native of Ncav York, of a Avell-known Knickerbocker family.
He invented and patented the vertical wheel, which was adopted by Livingston
& Fulton, and he afterAvards became associated Avith them. Col. Aaron Ogden
and William Griffith, Esq., of New Jersey, whose descendents have been conspic
uous in Mississippi, Avere interested Avith Mr. Roosevelt in this patent.

538 First Steamboat on Western AVaters.
Ncav Orleans. This he accordingly did ; and, Avith the exception of some three
weeks passed on shore at Louisville, and some nine or ten days in a roAV boat
between Natchez and New Orleans, the flat-boat Avas the home of Mr. and Mrs.
Eoosevelt for the next six months. Cincinnati, Louisville, and Natchez Avere
then the only places of even the smallest note between Pittsburg and New Or
leans. Furnished Avith letters of introduction to their leading men, the travel
ers were kindly received and most hospitably entertained. Mr. Eoosevelt's ex
planations Avere listened to respectfully, as he stated his purpose in visiting the
west, and narrated what steam had accomplished on the eastern rivers. But he
was evidently regarded as a sanguine enthusiast, engaged in an impracticable
undertaking. From no one individual did he receive a Avord of encouragement.
Nor Avas this incredulity confined to the gentlemen he met in society ; it ex
tended to the pilots and boatmen, Avho, passing their lives on the Ohio and Mis
sissippi, possessed the practical information that he Avanted. They heard Avhat
he had to say of the experience of Fulton and Livingston, and then pointed to
the turbid and Avhirling waters of the great river as a conclusive answer to all
his reasoning. That steam could ever be able to resist tbem, they could not be
made to understand. Nothing, however, shook the confidence of Mr. Eoose
velt. He had made up his mind that steam Avas to do the work of the Avestern
world, and his present visit ivas but tor the purpose ot ascertaining hoAV best
the work could be done upon its streams. Tbe Ohio and Mississippi Avere prob
lems that he had undertaken to study ; nor did he leave them until he had mas
tered them in all their bearings. He guaged them ; he measured their velocity
at different seasons ; he obtained all the statistical information within his reach,
and formed a judgment with respect to the future development of the country
Avest of the Alleganies that has since been amply corroborated. Not only did
he do this, but finding coal on the banks of tbe Ohio, he purchased and opened
mines of the mineral ; and so confident Avas he of the success of the project on
hand, that he caused supplies ot the fuel to be heaped upon the shore, in anti
cipation ot the wants of a steamboat Avhose l<;eel had yet to be laid, and whose
very existence was to depend upon the impression that his report might make
upon the capitalists, without whose aid the plan would, for the present at least,
have to be abandoned.
Arriving in Ncav York in the middle of January, 1810, Mr. Eoosevelt's report,
bearing on its face evidence of the thoroughness of his examination, impressed
Fulton and Livingston with his own convictions ; and in the spring of that
year, he returned to Pittsburg, to superintend the building of the first steamboat
that was launched on the western Avaters.
Pittsburg, when Mr. Eoosevelt took up his residence there in 1811, had but
recently commenced the career which has uoav entitled it to the name of the
Birmingham of America. On the Allegany side, Avhich Avas liable to overfloAV,
there were but few buildings in 1811. Close by the creek and immediately under
a lofty bluff, called Boyd's hill, was an iron foundry, known as Beelen's foun
dry, and in immediate proximity to this Avas the keel of Mr. Eoosevelt's vessel
laid. The depot ot the Pittsburg and Connellsville Eailroad noAV occupies the
ground I am speaking ot.
The size and plan of the first steamboat had been determined on in New
York, and had been furnished by Mr. Fulton. It Avas to be 116 feet in length,
Avith twenty feet beam. The engine was to have a 34 inch cylinder, and the
boiler and other parts of the machine were to be in proportion.
The first thing to be done Avas to obtain tlie timber to build the boat ; and for
this purpose men Avere sent into the forest, there to find the necessary ribs, and
knees, and beams — transport them to the j\Ionongahela, and raft them to the
shipyard. White pine was the only material for planking that could he ob
tained without a delay that was inadmissible. The saAving that was required,
Avas done in the old fashioned and now long forgotten saw pits of 1811. Boat
builders, accustomed to construct the barges of that day, could be obtained in
Pittsburg ; but a shipbuilder and the mechanics required in the machinery de
partment, had to be brought from Ncav York. Under these circumstances, Mr.
Eoosevelt began the Avork. One ot the first troubles that annoyed him was a
rise in the Monongahela, Avhen the waters backed into his shipyard and set all

First Steamboat on AVestern AVaters. 539
his materials, that Avere buoyant, afloat. This occurred again and again; and
¦on one occasion it seemed liot improbable that the steamboat would be lifted
Irom its Avays and launched before its time. At length, however, all difficulties-
Avere overcome by steady perseverance, and the boat Avas launched— and called,
from the place of her ultimate destination. The Ncav Orleans. It cost in the
neighborhood ot 838,000.
As tbe New Orleans approached completion, and Avhen it came to be knoAvn
that Mrs. Eoosevelt intended to accompany her husband on the voyage, the
numerous friends she had made in Pittsburg, united in endeavoring to dissuade
her from Avhat they regarded as utter folly, if not absolute madness."* Her hus
band Avas appealed to. The criticisms that had been freely applied to the boat
by the croAvds of visitors to the shipyard, Avere uoav transferred to the conduct
of the builder. He Avas told that he had no right to peril his Avite's life, bow-
ever reckless be might be ot his own. But the Avife believed in her husband ;
and, in the latter part of September, 1811, the New Orleans, after a short ex
perimental trip up the JMonongahela, commenced her voyage.
There Avere tAvo cabins, one aft, for ladies, and a larger one forward for gen
tlemen. In the former there Avere four berths. It was comfortably furnished.
Of this, Mrs. Eoosevelt took possession. Mr. Eoosevelt and herself Av'ere the
only passengers. There Avas a captain, an engineer named Baker, AndrcAV
Jack, the pilot, six hands, two female servants, a man Avaiter, a cook, and an
immense NeAvfoundland dog. Thus ec[uipped, the New Orleans began the voy-
a.ge which changed the relations of the AVest, — which may almost be said to
have changed its destiny.
The people ot Pittsburg turned out in mass and lined the banks ot the Mo
nongahela to Avitness the departure of the steamboat ; and shout after shout
rent the air, and handkerchiefs were waived, and hats throAvn up by Avay of
" God speed" to the voyagers, as the anchor Avas raised, and heading up stream
for a short distance, a Avide circuit brought tbe Ncav Orleans on her proper
course, and, steam and current aiding, she disappeared behind the first head
lands on the right bank of the Ohio.
Too much excited to sleep, Mr. Eoosevelt and his Avife passed the greater
part ot the first night on deck, and Avatcbed the shore, covered then Avith an
almost unbroken forest, as reach after reach, and bend after bend, Avere passed
at a speed of from eight to ten miles an hour. The regular working of the
engine, the ample supply ot steam, the uniformity of the speed, inspired at last
a confidence that quieted the nervous apprehension of the travellers. Mr. Jack,
the pilot, delighted with the facility with which the vessel Avas steered, and at
a speed to Avhich he Avas so little accustomed, ceased to express misgivings and
became as sanguine as Mr. Eoosevelt himself in regard to the success of the
voyage. The very crcAV of unimaginative men were excited Avith the novelty
-of the situation ; and Avhen the folloAving morning assembled all hands on
deck to return the cheers ot a village Avhose inhabitants had seen the boat ap
proaching down a long reach in the river, and turned out to greet her as she
sped, — it probably shone upon as jolly a set as ever floated on the Ohio.
On the second day after leaving Pittsburg, the New Orleans rounded to oppo
site Cincinnati, and cast anchor iu the stream. Levees and wharf-boats Avere
things unknown in 1811. Here, as at Pittsburg, the whole toAvn seemed to have
assembled on the bank, and many o£ the acquaintances of the former visit
came off in small boats. " Well, you are as good as your Avord ; you have
visited us in a steamboat," they said: "but Ave see you for the last time. Your
boat may go down the river ; but, as to coming up it, the very idea is an absurd
one." This was one of those occasions on which seeing was not believing. The
keel-boatmen, whose shoulders had hardened as they they pressed their poles
for many a weary mile against the current, shook their heads, as they croAvded
around the strange visitor, and bandied river wit with the crew that had been
selected from their own calling for the first voyage. Some flatboatmen, Avhose
¦¦•¦She was the daughter of Benjamin Latrobe, Esq., the eminent architect who
planned the Capitiil at AVashington, and Avas the intimate friend and correspond
ent ot Mr. Jeff'erson.

54° First Steamboat on AVestern Waters.
ungainly arks the steamboat had passed a short distance above the town, and
who now floated by with the current, seemed to have a better opinion of the
new comer, and proposed a toAV in case they were again overtakan. But as to
the boat's returning, all agreed that that could never be.
The stay at Cincinnati Avas brief, only long enough to take in a supply of
Avood for the voyage to Louisville, which Avas reached on the night of the fourth
day after leaving Pittsburg. It was midnight on the first of October, 1811, that
the New Orleans dropped anchor opposite the town. There was a brilliant
moon. I It was as light as day almost, and no one on board had retired. The
roar ot the escaping steam, then heard for the first time at the place where,
noAV, its ech'oes are unceasing, roused the population, and, late as it was, crowds
came rushing to the bank of the river to learn the cause of the unwonted up
roar. A letter now before me, Avritten by one ot those on board, at the time,
records the fact — that there Avere those who insisted that the comet of 1811 had
fallen into the Ohio and produced the hubbub !
The morning after the arrival of the vessel at Louisville, Mr. Eoosevelt's
acquaintances and others came on board, and here the same things Avere said
that had been said at Cincinnati. Congratulations at having descended the
river were, Avithout exception, accompanied by regrets that it was the first and
last time a =teamboat Avould be seen above the falls of tbe Ohio. Still, so far,
certainly, Mr. Eoosevelt's promises had been fulfilled ; and there was a public
dinner given to him a few days after his arrival. Here any number of com
plimentary toasts Avere drunk, and the usual amount of good feeling on such
occasions was manifested. &d revocare gradum, hoAvever, was still the burden
of, the song.
Not to be outdone in hospitality, Mr. Eoosevelt invited his hosts to dine on
board the New Orleans, which still lay anchored opposite the town. The com
pany met in the forward or gentlemen's cabin, and the feast Avas at its height,
Avhen suddenly there were heard unwonted rumblings, accompanied by a very
perceptible motion in the vessel. The company had but one idea. 'The Ncav
Orleans had escaped from her anchor, and Avas drifting towards the falls, to the
certain destruction of all on board ! There Avas an instant and simultaneous
rush to the upper deck, Avhen the company found, that, instead of drifting to
Avards the falls of the Ohio, the New Orleans was making good headway np the
river and Avould soon leave Louisville in the distance doAA'u stream. As the
engine Avarmed to its AVork, and tbe steam blcAV off at the safety valve, the speed
increased. Mr. Eoosevelt, of course, had provided this mode of convincing his
incredulous guests, and their surprise and delight may readily be imagined.
After going up the river for a few miles, the Ncav Orleans returned to her an
chorage. It had been intended, on leaving Pittsburg, to proceed as rapidly as possible
to New Orleans, to place the boat on tbe route for Avhich it Avas designed, be
tween that city and Natchez. It was found, however, on reaching Louisville,
that there Avas not a sufficient depth ot Avater ou the falls of tbe Ohio to permit
the vessel to pass over them in safety. Nothing Avas to be done, therefore, but
to Avait, as p.atiently as possible, for a rise in the river. That this delay might,
as far as practicable, be utilized, to the extent, at least, of convincing the in
credulous Cincinnatians, the New Orleans returned to that city, Avhere she was
greeted with an enthusiasm that exceeded, even, Avhat Avas displayed on her de
scent from Pittsburg. No one doubted now. In 1832, 1 was detained for seA'eral
days in Cincinnati, on my return from a Visit to the South. There Avere num
bers, then alive, Avho remembered the first advent of steam, and from some of
these I learned what is here stated in regard to the public feeling at the time —
the universal incredulity of the first visit — the unbounded confidence inspired
by the second.
Eeturning to Louisville, tlie great interest of all on board the Ncav Orleans
centered in Avatching the rise in the Ohio. Eain in the upper country Avas what
Avas wanted, and of this there seemed small promise. There was nothing in
the aspect ot the heavens that indicated it. On the contrary, there was a dull
misty sky Avithout a cloud — a leaden atmosphere that Aveighed upon the spirits,
and the meaning of which would have been better understood at Naples under

First Steamboat on 'Western Waters. 541
the shadow of A'esuvius, than on the banks of the Ohio. The sun, when it rose,
looked like a glohe of red hot iron, Avhose color brightened at noon, to resume
the same look Avhen it sank below the horizon. All day long, one might have
^azed on it Avith unflinching eyes. The air was still and heated ; and a sense
of Aveariness Avas the characteristic of the hours as they Avore slowly by. At
last, and Avhen a nervous impatience affected every ope ou board, it Avas an
nounced, one morning, that there had been a rise in the river during the night.
Morning after morning, the rise inthe river during the night was reported ; and
finally, in the last Aveek in November, it Ava.s ascertained that the depth ot water
iu the shallowest portion of the falls, exceeded by five inches the draught of
the boat. It was a narroAV margin. But the rise had ceased : there was no
telegraph in those days to tell hourly what was the Aveather in the country
drained by the Ohio ; and Mr. Eoosevelt, assuring him.self, per.sonally, of the
condition of the falls, determined to take the responsibility and go over them
if he could. It Avas an anxious time. All hands were on deck. Mrs. Eoose
velt, whom her husband Avould Avillingly have left behind to join him beloAV
the falls, refused to remain ou shore, and stood near the stern. The two pilots,
for an extra one had been engaged for the passage through the rapids, took their
places in the bow. The anchor Avas weighed. To get into the Indiana channel,
Avhicli Avas the best, a Avide circuit had to be made, bringing her head down
stream, completing Avhich, the Ncav Orleans began the descent. Steerage Avay
depended upon her speed exceeding that ot the current. The faster she could ,
be made to go, the easier would it be to guide her. All the steam the boiler
Avould bear Avas put upon her. The safety valve shrieked. The Avheels revolved
faster than they had ever done before ; and the A'essel, speaking figuratively,
fairly fleAv away from the croAvds collected to Avitness her departure from Lou
isville. Instinctively, each one on board now grasped the nearest object, and,
with bated breadth, aiivaited the result. Black ledges ot rock appeared only to
disappear as the New Orleans flaslied hy them. The waters whirled and ed
died, and threw their spray upon the deck, as a more rapid descent caused the
vessel to pitch forward to what at times seemed inevitable destruction. Not a
Avord was spoken. The pilots directed the men at the helm by motions of their
hands. Even the great NeAvfoundland dog seemed affected by the apprehension
of danger, and came and crouched at Mrs. Eoosevelt's feet. The tension ot the
nervous system was too great to be long sustained. Fortunately, the passage
was soon made ; and, Avith feelings of profound gratitude to the Almighty, at
the successful issue of the adventure, on the part of both Mr. Eoosevelt and
his wife, the New Orleans rounded to in safety beloAV the falls. There Avas still
the same leaden sky — the same dim sun during the day — the same starless night;
but the great difficulty had been overcome, and ifAvas believed that there Avould
now be nothing but plain sailing to the port of destination. It Avas yet to be
seen how far the expectations of those on board, in this respect, Avould be re
alized. Hitherto, the voyage had been one of pleasure. Nothing had marred the
enjoyment of the travelers. The receptions at Louisville and Cincinnati had
been great events. But, now, were to come, to use the Avords of the letter al
ready referred to, " those days of horror." The comet of 1811 had disappeared
and was foUoAved by the earthquakes ot that year, of which the atmospheric
phenomena just mentioned were the prognostics; and theearthquake accompa- '
nied the New Orleans far ou her way down the Mississippi.-"
"••• In the language of a very intelligent English traveler of those days : "iMany
" things consiiired to raake the year 1811 the annus mirabilis of the West. During
the earlier months, the Avaters of many of the great rivers overflowed their banks
to a vast extent, and the Avhole country Avas in raany parts covered from bluff to
"bluff. Unprecedented sickness followed. A spirit of change and recklessness
seemed to pervade the very inhabitants of the forest. A countless multitude of
squirrels, obeying some great and universal impulse, which none can know but
the Spirit that gave them being, left their reckless and gamboUing life, and their
ancient places of retreat in the North, and were seen pressing forward by tens of I
thousands in a deep and solid phalanx to the South. No obstacles seemed to
check their extraordinary and concerted movement. The word had been given

54=

I
First Steamboat on AVestern AVaters.

The first shock that was observed was felt on board the Ncav Orleans while
she lay at anchor after passing the falls. The effect was as though the vessel
had been in motion and had suddenly grounded. The cable shook and trem
bled, and many on board experienced for the nioment a nausea resembling sea
sickness. It Avas a little Avhile before they could realize the presence ot the
dread visitor. It Avas AvhoUy unexpected. The shocks succeeded each other
during the night. AVhen morning came, the voyage Avas resumed : and, while
underway, the jar of the machinery, the monotonous beating of the wheels,
and the steady progress of the vessel prevented the disturbance from being
noticed. It has already been mentioned, that, in his voyage of exploration, Mr. Eoose-
A-elt had found coal on the Ohio, and that he had caused mines to be opened in
anticipation. Their' value was now realized ; and, Avhen he reached them on
his way doAvn the river, he took on board as much coal as he could find room
for. Some miles above the mouth of the Ohio, the diminished speed of the cur
rent indicated a rise in the Mississippi. This Avas found to be the case. The
bottom lands ou either shore Avere underwater, and there was every sign of an
unwonted flood. Canoes came and went among the boles of the trees. Some
times, the Indians attempted to approach the steamboat, and, again, fled on its
approach. The Chickasaws still occupied that part of the State of Tennessee
lying below the mouth of the Ohio. On one occasion, a large canoe, full}'
manned, came out of the woods abreast of the steamboat. Tbe Indians, out
numbering the crew of the vessel, paddled after it. There Avas at once a race,
and tor a time the contest was equal. The result, however, was what might
have been anticipated. Steam had the advantage of endurance ; and the In
dians, with Avild shouts, Avhich might have been shouts of defiance, gave up the
pursuit, and turned into the forest from whence they had emerged.
While the crew of the New Orleans Avere more amused than alarmed at this
incident of the voyage, Mr. Eoosevelt, who had not forgotten the visit to the
flat-boat on the preliminary exploration, was not sorry, noAV, when he lost sight
of the canoe. Tliat he bestoAved a second thought upon the matter, illustrates
the nervous excitement that prevailed on board. Mrs. EooseA^elt and himself
Avere still discussing the adventure when they retired to rest. They had scarcely
fallen asleep, when they Avere aroused by shouts on deck, and the trampling of
many feet. With the idea of Indians still predominant, Mr. Eoosevelt sprang
from his bed, and seizing a sword — the only weapon at hand — hurried from the
cabip to join battle, as he thought, with the Chickasaws. It was a more alarm
ing enemy that he encountered. The New Orleans was on fire; and flame and
smoke issued from the forAvard cabin. The servant Avho attended there, had
placed some green Avood too close to the stove, in anticipation of the next day's
wants; and, lying down beside it, had fallen sound asleep. The stOA-e, becom
ing overheated, this Avood had taken fire; the joiner's Avork close by had caught,
and the entire cabin Avould soon have been in flames had not the servant, half
suffocated, rushed ou deck and given the alarm. By dint of great exertion, the
fire, which by this time, was making vapid headway, Avas extinguished ; but
not until the interior wood Avork had been either destroyed or grievously de
faced. Few eyes were closed for the remainder of tbe night; nor did the acci
dent tend to tranquilize the nerves of the travelers.
A supply of provisions had been taken on board the New Orleans, at Louis
ville, amply sufiicient for the voyage to Natchez, and this was occasionally sup
plemented by purchases at settlements along the river. These, however, were
few and far betAveen, and not at all to be relied on. The crcAv, accustomed to
the simple fare of boatmen on the Jlississippi, were easily provided for. The
commissariat of tho voyage, therefore — longer tlian a voyage to Europe uoav —
gave no trouble.
thera to go forth, and they obeyed'it, though inultitudesperislied in tbe broad Ohio,
which lay in their path. The splendid comet of that year long continued to shed
its twilight over tlie forests, and as the autumn drcAV to a close, the Avhole valley
of the Mississippi, frora the Missouri to the Gulf, was shaken to its centre by con
tinued earthquakes." — C. J. Lalrobe's Bambler in, Xorth America.

First Steamboat On AVestern Waters. 543 ,
Early in the afternoon of each day, the steamer was rounded to, and fastened
to the bank, the crew going ashore to cut the AVood required, after the coal Avas
exhausted, for the next day's consumption. On some of these occasions, squat
ters came on board Avith tales of their experience upon the land, Avhich they
insisted shook and trembled under their feet. At Ncav Madrid, a great por
tion of Avhich had been engulphed, as the earth opened in vast chasms and
swallowed up houses and their inhabitants, terror stricken people had begged
to be taken on board, Avhile others dreading the steamboat, CA'cn more than the
earthquake, hid t4iemselves as she approached. To receive the former was
impossible. The Avould-be refugees had no homes to go to ; aud ample as was
the supply of provisions for ilr. Eoosevelt and his wife, it would have been
altogether insufficient for any large increase of passengers ; and as to obtaining
provisions on tbe Avay, the NeAV Orleans might as well have been upon the open
sea. Painful as it was, there was no choice but to turn a deaf ear to the cries
of the terrified inhabitants of the doomed town.
One of the peculiar characteristics of the voyage Avas the silence that pre
vailed on board. No one seemed disposed to talk ; and Avhen there Avas any
conversation, it Avas carried on in Avhispers, almost. Tiger, Avho appeared,
alone, to be aAvare of the earthquake while the vessel Avas in motion, prowled
about, moaning and growling ; and Avhen he came and placed his head on Mrs.
Eoosevelt's lap, it Avas a sure sign of a commotion of more than usual vio
lence. Orders were given in low tones ; and the usual cheerful "aye, aye' sir,"
of the sailors, Avas almost inaudible. Sleeplessness was another characteristic.
Sound, continuous sleep, was apparently unknown. Going ashore for Avood was
the event of each twenty-four hours, and was looked forward to by the crcAV
with satisfaction, notwithstanding the labor that it involved. And yet the
men, if not sullenly, toiled silently ; and if the earth shook, as it often did,
Avhiie they were at work, the uplifted axe was suspended, or placed quietly on
the log, and the men stared at each other until it ceased. Nor was this depres
sion confined to the steamer. Flat boats and barges Avere passed, Avhose creAvs
instead of bandying river wit, as they had done when met on the voyage from
Pittsburg to Louisville, — uttered no word as the Ncav Orleans went by. Before
the travellers had been many days on the Mississippi, they fancied, as they
looked at each other, thet they had become haggard. Mrs. Eoosevelt records
"that she lived" in a constant fright, unable to sleep or sew, or read."
Sometimes, Indians would join the Avood choppers ; and occasionally one
Avould be able to converse'in English Avith the men. From these it Avas learned
that the steamer was called the " Penelore," or "fire Canoe," and was supposed
to have some affinity Avith the Comet that had preceded the earthquake, — the
spa-rks from the chimney of the boat being likened to the train of the celestial
visitant. Again, they would attribute the smoky atmosphere to the steamer,
and the rumbling of the earth to the beating of the waters by the fast revolving
paddles. To the native inhabitants of the boundless forest that lined the river
banks, the coming of the first steamboat was an omen of evil ; and as it was
the precursor of their own expulsion from their ancient homes, no wonder they
continued, for years, to regard all steamboats with awe. As late as 1834, wheh
the emigration of the ChickasaAvs to their new homes, Avest of the river, took
place, hundreds refused to trust themselves in such conveyances, but preferred
making their long and weary pilgrimage on foot.
One of the most uncomfortable incidents ot the voyage was the confusion of
the pilot, who became alarmed, and declared that he was lost ; so great had
been the changes in the channel caused by the earthquake. Where he had ex
pected to find deep Avater, roots and stumps projected above the surface. Tall
trees that bad been guides had disappeared. Islands had changed their shapes.
Cut-offs had been made through ¦ffhat Avas forest land when he saw it last. Still;
there was no choice but to keep on. There Avas no place to stop at. There was
no possibility of turning back.
In the first part of the voy«ge when the steamboat rounded to at night, she
was made fast to the river bank ; but when it was seen that trees would occa
sionally topple and fall over, as the ground beneath them was shaken or gave
way, it was thought safer to stop at the foot of an island, which might serve as

544 First STEAMBOA'i' on AVestern Waters.
a break water, taking care the trees were far enough from the boat to obviate
apprehension from them. Once, however, when such a fastening bad been made
and a plank carried ashore, and the wood chopping had been finished at an
earlier hour than usual, a new experience was'4iad. No shock had been felt
during the day, and Mrs. Eoosevelt anticipated a quiet rest. In this, however,
she Avas disappointed. All night long she was disturbed by the jar and noise
produced by liard objects grating against the planking outside the boat. At
times severe blows were struck that caused the vessel 'to tremble through its
entire length. Then there Avould folloAV a continuous scratching mingled with
the gurgling sound of water. Drift wood had caused sounds of the same sort
before, and it vvas thought that drift wood was again busy in producing them.
AVith morning, hoAvever, came the true explanation. The island had disap
peared ; and it Avas the disintegrated fragments sweeping down the riA'er, that
had struck the vessel from time to time and caused the noises that Mrs. Eoose
velt had been disturbed by. At first, it was supposed, that the Ncav Orleans
had heen borne along by the current ; but the pilot pointed to land marks on
the banks Avhich proved that it Avas the island that had disappeared Avhile the
steamboat had kept its place. AVhere the island had been, there was noAV a
broad reach of the river; and Avhen the hawser Avas cut, for it Avas found im
possible otherwise to free the vessel, the pilot Avas utterly at at a loss Avhich Avay
to steer. Some flat boats Avere hailed, but they too were lost. Their main effort
Avas, by dint of their long oars to keep Avhere the current Avas the strongest.
This Avas, evidently, the best plan for the New Orleans. It was not Avithout its
peculiar risks, hoAvever. In the bends, where the rushing waters struck the*
shore, to Avhirl around the curve, and glance off' to form a bend in an opposite
direction, the deepest Avater Avas immediately underthe bank; and here the
trees, . undermined by the current, would be seen at times, to sink into the
stream, often erect until the waters covered their topmost twigs — sometimes,
falling against each other, interlacing their great arms, as strong men might
do, struggling for life when drowning — sometimes, they fell outward into the
water; and, then, woe to the vessel that happened to be near them in the bend.
This danger, hoAvever, steam enabled the New Orleans to avoid. Eeferring to
it all, it is not wonderful that the survivor of the voyage still speaks ot it as
" one ot anxiety and terror."
As the New Orleans descended the river it passed out of the region ot the
earthquake, and the principal inconvenience Avas the number of shoals, and
snags, and sawyers. These were all safely passed, however, and the vessel came
in sight of Natchez, and rounded to opposite the landing place. Expecting to
remain here for a day or two, the engineer had allowed his fires to go doAvn. so
that Avhen the boat turned its head up stream it lost headway altogether, and
Avas being carried down by the current, far beloAv the intended landing. Thous
ands were assembled on the bluff and at the foot of it ; and, for a moment, it
Avould have seemed that the New Orleans had achieved Avhat she had done, so
far, only that she might be overcome at last. Fresh fuel, hoAvever, was added,
the engine ivag stopped, that steam might accumulate ; presently the safety valve
lifted^a few turns of the wheel steadied tbe boat — a feAV more gave her head
way ; and,^ overcoming even the Mississippi, she gained the shore amid shouts
ot exultation and applause.
The romance of the voyage ended at Natchez, Avhere the same hospitalities
Avere extendedto Mr. and Mrs. Eoosevelt, that had been enjoyed at Louisville
and Cincinnati. From thence to New Orleans there was no occurrence worthy
of note. The Vesuvius and the iEtna foUoAved the New Orleans, and they in
their turn, were followed by others, and again by others, until noAv, the traveler
on the Mississippi is never, or rarely, if ever, out of sight of the Avhite and
feathery plumes that accompany the boats ot the AVestern waters, as their high
pressure engines urge them on their Avay.*

¦'¦' Although forming no part of the story of the voyage proper, yet, as this has
been called a Romance, and all romances end, or should end iu a marriage, the
incident was not Avanting here : for the Captain of the boat, falling in love with
Mrs. Roosevelt's maid, prosecuted his suit so successfully as to find himself an ac-

First Steamboat on Western AVaters. 545
And.this is the story of the " First Voyage of the First Steamboat on the
Western Waters" — another link in the chain that should have connected the
name of Eoosevelt Avith the names of Fulton and Livingston among the bene
factors of mankind.
cepted lover Avhen the New Orleans reached Natchez ; and a clergyman being
sent for, a Avedding marked the arrival of the boat at the chief city of the Mis
sissippi. '
jj^ The late Samuel Davis, of Philadelphia, iu 1811, and for many years there
after, was at the landing at Natchez, with nearly the whole population of the town,
Avhenthe New Orleans arrived. There Avas a rise in the river, and when the boat
rounded to, to head up stream, she was forty or fifty yards below the landing, and
for a whUe she struggled Avith the current. Near by Mr. Davis was an old colored
drayman, who, Avhen he saw the steamer overcome the current by a rapid move
ment of the wheels, threw np his hat, and cried out, "by jolly, Mass Sam, old
Mississippi got her massa dis time."
Mr. Davis was the only man in the crowd that had the nerve to ship cotton oa
the first trip of the boat. The first cotton ever shipped by steamer from Natchez
Avas shipped by him, and he was thought to be taking a very great risk. •
35

ERRATA.— Note by Publishers.

it is due to the author to state that opportunity was not afforded him of
reading all the proof-sheets of this work. The errors noted below are not
material, and most of them would escape attention in perusal of the volume.
They are noted, however, in order that they may be corrected in any future
edition. Several serious mistakes in names and dates, have been corrected by
the re-printing of thirty pages. The publication of this volume has been
vexatiously delayed — the public demands upon our facilities having first to
be satisfied. We shall endeavor to be more accurate and expeditious in the
publication of Volume II.

Page 1 — 1st line, for 1541, read 1542; 12th line from top, for " Allonez," read
Allowez.
44 — 7th line, for " Cure," read Curate.
58 — 31st line, for " dancing," read smoking.
61 — 28th line from top, for " DeConlanger," read DeCoulanger.
75 — 37th line from top, for "sensible," read sensitive.
122 — 11th line from top, for " Parmure," read Panmure, and same on
page 123, 11th line from top.
224 — James " Terrall " should read James Ferrall.
231 — For " were," in 4th line from top, read " was,'' aud for "Aylithe''
Buckner, in foot-note, read Aylette Buckner.
257 — 7th line from bottom, for " notorious," read riotous.
259— 2d line from bottom, for " Mr." read Wm.
292 — 33d line from top, for " Canoneberg'" read Canonsburg.
298 — 18th line from bottom, for " evening,'' read ensuing.
303 — 11th line from top, for " Harrisburg," read Harrisonburg.
306— 22d line from top, for " Nichola," read Nicholet.
318 — For "Governor" Claiborne, in foot-note, read General.
323 — 7th line from bottom, for " Josiah " Francis, read Joseph.
328 — Last line, Louis " Painboeuf," should read Pamboeuf.
352— 18th line from top, for Miss " Stewart," read Miss Stanard.
355 — 18th line from top, for "in office," read an officer.
356 — 10th line from top, for " Creek," read Creole ; and in 6th line from
bottom, for " order," read odor.
359 — 15th line from top, for " named," read earned.
375 — 2d line of foot-note, for " all the parties were," read the former was.
393 — 14th line from bottom, for "John" G. Clark, read Joshua.
395 — 2d line of 6th paragraph, for "General" Poindexter, read George.
434— 9th line from top, read " 2500 " majority, instead of 25,000.
438 — Ist line, omit the word " in."
442— 24th line, for " inexcusable," read inexorable.
453 — 21st line, for "discouraged," read encouraged.
527 — 16th line from bottom, for "almo," read alms ; in 5th line of foot-
nqte, for " fraction," read fracture.

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