Yale Universily Library

39002014379557

;

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

The
EDWIN J. BEINECKE, '07
FREDERICK W. BEINECKE, '09 S
WALTER BEINECKE, '10
FUND

En[i<l by AEFi-nnas Philad

Pennsylvania Politics
The Campaign of igoo
as set forth in the
Speeches of ^ ^ ^
Hon. Tlatthelf Stanley Quay

Philadelphia
William J. Campbell
igoi

Pennsylvania is honest, her people are
honest, her officials are honest. And of all this
union Of states, Pennsylvania is the fairest, and
the happiest, and the most intelligent, and the
"best govemed. From Speech at PhcenixviUe,
October and, igoo.

Ck2.9 25-9 Q

Preface.
THE commonwealth of Pennsylvania,
while too fortunate in its resources,
and too busy in the utilization of
them to give much effort to mere expres
sion, whether in the form of narrative
speech or verse, has ever been fruitful in
the production of forceful and capable men.
Her founder stood high above all other
American colonists. John Dickinson
thought out the principles upon which the
revolution was made successful. David
Rittenhouse first measured accurately the
distance of the sun. Horace Binney was
the leading American lawyer of his time.
Benjamin West, in becoming President of
the Royal Academy, reached the most im
posing position in art then attainable.
George G. Meade won the battle which

saved the union from destruction. Thad
deus Stevens wielded perhaps more indi
vidual power than any other man who ever
sat in Senate or House. The capacity
shown by Mr. Quay for the organization
and direction of men in masses in the im
portant field of statecraft, with a view to
the accomplishment of those ends for which
human society is instituted, has rarely, if
ever, been equalled in American politics,
and approaches genius. The cavil which
has followed him, the temporary efifusion of
unhappy inefiEciency, is, in its final analysis,
but further evidence of his real greatness.
It has ever been that :
" He who will win success, will find
Honor before, envy and hate behind."
Mr. Quay has a great source of strength
in the fact that through his ancestry, and
in his own life work, he is thoroughly iden
tified with the people of Pennsylvania, and
has participated in all of their trials and
struggles. He is imbued with a sincere

faith in the merit of their achievements,
and understanding their wishes and char
acteristics, he is able to fitly represent
them. His antagonists, on the other hand,
are largely people who, coming here to seek
their fortunes and looking back with vain
longing to the desolate and deserted scenes
of their youth, overtax their wits in the
endeavor to disclose obscure defects in the
State wherein they have thriven.
But whatever difiference of view there may
have been, in greater part sincere, as to the
issues of the recent political campaign in
Pennsylvania, it has now passed into
history and mankind is always benefitted
by the opportunity to closely inspect the
work of its masters in thought, in every line
of human efifort. The speeches of Mr. Quay
in that campaign were so remarkable for
their breadth of view, for their freedom
from asperity, for the evidence they gave
of literary research and skill, that it has
been thought wise for the credit of the
State of which he is the foremost represen-

tative, and for the instruction of citizens
of other States, who may be misinformed as
to his personality and accomplishments, to
preserve them permanently. Saml. W. Penkypacker.
April 26th, 1901.

Speech at
West Chester
October 1st.

Opening Speech at West Chester.
October I. 1900.

RETURNING from the forests of Maine
a couple of weeks ago, I leamed that
an announcement had been made in
a quarter tolerably authoritative that I
would make a canvass of the State.
Although such an idea had previously
been suggested, it was not in the line of
my thought, but it occurred to me that
there would be no impropriety in my visit
ing the regions of the State heretofore un
visited to look my friends in the face, and
when some in your county insisted upon
my presence I gave a rather diffident as
sent. Therefore I am with you to-night,
and I must ask the thanks of the audience
for bringing with me the gentlemen who are

here and who will speak to you upon the
issues of the campaign,
I may claim kinship with you, for
my parents, grandparents, great grand
parents and great great-grandparents were
of your people. My great grandfather was
the first white child bom in Charlestown
township and commanded detachments of
your troops in the Colonial and Revolu
tionary wars. His mother was the daugh
ter of Thomas Jerman, the Quaker preacher
in the Chester Valley. His wife, my great
grandmother, was the sisterof Colonel John
Beaton, who was chairman of your Com
mittee of Safety in Revolutionary times.
The half-brother of my grandmother rep
resented this district in Congress in 1803,
so that I might use here the jungle call of
Mowgli in Kipling's romance: "We are
of one blood. Ye and I."
I am not here to solicit the vote of the
Republicans of Chester county for United
States Senator. For that distinguished
position I am not a candidate in the ordi-

10

nary acceptation of that term. The Repub
lican State Convention insisted upon the
presentation of my candidacy to the people
and I submitted with some reluctance to
their judgment. To me that high office is
no longer attractive. Its duties have occu
pied the last twelve years of my life and
they were exceedingly vexatious and labor
ious. My career, as you all know, has not
been exactly pleasure sailing upon summer
seas, and advancing years admonish me
that if peace and recreation are to ever find
me, in the course of nature they must come
very soon.
If the choice of the Republicans of Penn
sylvania should fall upon another their
judgment will be greeted by me, if not
with satisfaction, at least with relief If
the issue could be presented to a popular
vote of the Republicans of the State at the
ensuing election, that course would tend
very largely to subdue the ill-temper now
manifest in certain distinguished quarters
and would serve as a lightning rod for our

II

Republican local Legislative and Congres
sional tickets. If the gentlemen who hold
almost daily conferences at the Hotel Strat
ford in the city of Philadelphia will agree
to this plan for ascertaining public senti
ment, they may name their candidate and
my name shall go to the people with his.
If they are fearful of fraud in the great
centres of population, the counties of Phil
adelphia and Allegheny may be eliminated
from the canvass. This seems to me to be
a fair proposition, approximating the elec
tion of United States Senators by direct
vote of the people.
The mention of possible fraud in the
cities of Philadelphia and Pittsburg natur
ally leads me to notice a very recent move
ment in favor of ballot reform.
In this State, as in other States, there
has been occasional violation of the ballot
to such an extent as to excite great popular
indignation. In the autobiography of
Richard H. Dana, fraudulent balloting is
mentioned as having occurred in the city of

12

Boston. Not many years haVe elapsed
since the entire nation was excited by
naturalization and other frauds in the city
of New York. Some thirty or forty years
ago, in my youth, in what was known as
the Mann-CasSidy contest over the District
Attorneyship in Philadelphia, there was
developed something akin to the recent law
less proceedings in the Fifth and Seventh
wards of the city of Philadelphia. There
was also in later days the McClure-Gray
Senatorial contest, in which gentlemen
known as the "Flying Dutchman" and
the "Educated Hog" became famous
in the Quaker City. It is a remarkable
evidence of the advancement of correct
sentiment that the gentleman whose name
headed a list furnished by my friend. Col.
McClure, of the Philadelphia Times, to the
District Attorney of Philadelphia for prose
cution for atrocious crimes in connection
with that contest is now conducting the
campaign for fusion, ballot reform and the
Municipal League in that city.
13

These perversions of the public will were
local and limited in extent, and, it must be,
therefore, with something like horror that
the public meets the proclamation that
eighty thousand fraudulent votes are polled
in the city of Philadelphia ; that is to say,
that more than one-half of the Republican
vote in that city is fraudulent. It results
that the voting lists and the census are also
fraudulent, and the authorities of the nation
and city, consequently, parties to a con
spiracy with the ballot thieves.
The fact is that at the ordinary estimate
of one vote to five units of population, the
entire vote of Philadelphia, with its popu
lation of one million five hundred thousand
would amount to three hundred thousand,
and that if you deduct eighty thousand from
the largest vote polled in recent years, that
is to say, the vote cast at the Presidential
election in 1896, which was two hundred
and forty- four thousand eight hundred and
eighty-seven, there remains but one hun
dred and sixty-four thousand eight hundred
14

and eight-seven, indicating that the differ
ence between that number and three hun
dred thousand refused to vote, or that the
ordinary laws of population do not apply in
the city of Philadelphia ; or that, still con
tinuing the ratio at one to fiv«, the actual
population of Philadelphia is eight hun
dred and twenty-four thousand four hun
dred and forty.
Doubtless frauds are committed in the
city of Philadelphia, as elsewhere in great
centres of population, but no sane man
will believe that they obtain in Philadel
phia to a greater extent than elsewhere
under like conditions, or to an extent suffi
cient to effect great results. It is difficult
to perceive any motive for such crimes.
No ballot law can be devised which will
convert a minority into a majority, and no
ballot law can be devised which will make
Pennsylvania a Democratic State, or Phil
adelphia a Democratic city.
If the Republican majority could be re
duced, that reduction of the Republican
15

majority might indeed be a blessing in dis
guise ; for a political party often becomes
drunken in the consciousness of its own
strength, and commits excesses. It might
be quite as well for the well-being of the
Republican party, the State of Pennsyl
vania and the cities of Philadelphia and
Pittsburg if Philadelphia gave fifteen thou
sand Republican majority, rural Pennsyl
vania ten thousand and Allegheny county
five thousand. In that event there would
be caution in party practices and nomina
tions, and little or no factional warfare,
and political differences would be settled
like strikes, by arbitration, and not with
crossed swords at the polls. It is safe
to aver that, except in the centres of popu
lation I have mentioned, the elections of
Pennsylvania are conducted impartially
and honestly and accordingly to law.
It is not possible that there can be any
objection by any honest man of any party
to any law which more certainly than the
present one will secure an honest and un-
i6

biased expression of the sense of the voters
of this State. As yet the gentlemen who
are agitating ballot reform as their specialty
have not presented their proposition by bill
or otherwise to the public. Without pre
tending to control results I believe I am
able to say that Mr. Guffey, who initiated
the proposition ofa new law, may frame any
fair statute which is a manifest improve
ment over the present one, and the Repub
lican organization will aid in its passage.
We will repeal for him the Baker law, and
substitute for it the Guffey law ; and the
legislative action will, I have no doubt, be
approved by the Executive who sits beside
me. The Baker law, you will all remem
ber, which substituted the official ballot for
the former system, was understood to be a
reform measure. The numbering of the
ballot, which is now to be gotten rid of by
constitutional amendment, was regarded as
of exceeding importance to prevent change
in ballots after they are cast, and it is to be
hoped Mr. Guffey may frame some meas-
17

ure which will obviate the necessity of con
tinually reforming reform.
My own judgment has always been
that the law which prevailed when I cast
my first vote in 1854 was eminently
fair. Under it, a ticket was voted, and a
ballot box provided, for each office to be
filled. The tickets were printed in sheets
by the local newspapers upon the order of
the political organization of each county at
the expence of the candidates and not of the
people. On the night previous to the elec
tion, there was a gathering of young people
of both sexes at the house of some promi
nent man in each party, at which the ticket
sheets were produced, cut, folded and tied
in bunches, each bunch containing a full
party ticket. The tickets were placed
within reach of the voters of the district,
and any voter desiring to vote for a candi
date of the opposing party had merely to
withdraw one ticket from his bunch and
substitute another. Each voter could, if he
chose, write or print his own ticket. This
18

seems to me, more than any other method
of voting, to secure a fair and free ballot,
especially if the general heading, and the
character of the paper which is to be used,
are provided for by general legislation.
The voting machine may be better, but I
am not informed of its capacity.
The short cut to ballot and municipal
reform, would seem to be a constitutional
convention, A very few words or lines of
plain English, enacted into organic law,
will provide all that is asked by those who
advocate change in the ballot law as well as
in the charters for the cities of Philadel
phia and Pittsburg, Mr. Guffey will, how
ever, tolerate only fusion to accomplish his
reforms. The results anticipated, he gave
to the public in a carefully prepared inter
view. He expects by fusion to reduce the
McKinley majority very largely in the
State ; to increase the Democratic repre
sentation in the Legislature from eighty-
seven to one hundred ; to hold all the
Congressional districts now represented by
19

Democrats ; to procure a ballot reform law
and an apportionment which will largely
increase the present legitimate Democratic
representation in Congress, and to defeat
the election of Mr. Quay to the Senate.
He is frank. All this is to be accomplished
through Republican votes, and barter and
trade in elective office. There is no reason
why any Republican who loves the society
of the Bryan party should not associate
himself with it. There is no reason why,
if he is not willing to take the fence at a
single vault, he should not climb it rail by
rail, and vote a ticket and sustain an organi
zation only half Democratic. But since
Mr. Guffey' s interview he must do it
with fair notice of what is expected of
him. In your county you are expected to
aid Guffey and Bryan to reduce McKinley's
vote ; to elect for them two Democratic mem
bers to the Assembly, and in addition two
Republican members and one Republican
Senator, who will unite with Mr. Guffey
for a ballot reform law and a Democratic

20

apportionment. There may be some num
ber of your Republican voters who will
adhere to this program, but I hope not
many. Some of these may be victims of
disappointed ambition ; some professional
reformers who always appear upon dress
parade when an opportunity offers, and
there may be conscientious and sincere
voters who pay so little attention to the
detail and clamor of politics that they
cannot distinguish between the howl of
the hungry wolf and the voice of God's
prophet calling in the wildemess. The
latter class in this campaign you ought to
be able to win by a proper demonstration of
the existing conditions.
" By and large," as Senator Allison, of
Iowa, says, the fusion leaders are not a
factor in the politics of the State, except as
an appendage to the Democratic party, and
distributors of corruption funds. An in
surgent Senator from Philadelphia, whose
constituency have recently spewed him out,
declared at a meeting of theState Bar Asso-

21

ciation at Wilkes-Barre that he, and his
friends, had five hundred thousand dollars
to expend in the present campaign. If so,
they may be troublesome, and you must be
vigilant and active here in Chester county.
My vote was cast for the first Republi
can ticket offered to the people of Penn
sylvania for their suffrage, and from that
date, until now there has presented
itself no reason for the change of my party
preference. Year after year, satisfies me
more of the wisdom of the people of Penn
sylvania in accepting the Republican faith.
Their political organization has grown
from a handful of people, to be the greatest
power of the Union. The State has ad
vanced miraculously, in wealth and popu
lation, under its govemment. Our great
debt has been paid ; our entire territory is
belted with railroads and lighted with the
fires of our furnaces and factories ; our
annual school and charitable appropria
tions have grown from hundreds of thou
sands into millions ; our corporations have

22

taken over the burden of taxation from the
real estate of our farmers, and we are rich
and happy beyond the hope or dream of a
half century ago. All this has come from
the intelligence, thrift and industry of our
people under the guiding hand of Republi
can administration. Our prosperity seems
rock-founded and rock-ribbed, but Pennsyl
vanians must not forget that it is largely
based upon the tariff, and that while there
is a present lull in the warfare upon our
protective system, the election of a Demo
cratic President and Congress will bring
upon us a tariff bill worse than the Wilson
tariff. Such a consummation I believe im
possible, and I further believe that the best
Stateof the Union will give the best major
ity in all the Union for the re-election of
the best President God has vouchsafed to
the Union since the death of Abraham
Lincoln.

23

Speech at
Lewisburg October Srd.

Speech at Lewisburg. October 3. 1900.

I STAND here before you, a sort of
child of the wilderness. For six
weeks I have lived in the primeval
forests of northern Maine. The time
came when my outing expired, and on
the day of the recent election there, I came
through the entire State of Maine. I
never saw an election day so lifeless as
that. I came home to Pennsylvania, and I
heard a whisper of alarm to the effect that
there was apathy, and danger that the
Democrats might win. That night the
word came that Maine had g^ven a heavy
Republican majority. On Monday night,
I spoke in Chester county. There were
no signs of apathy. It was the largest
27

meeting in twenty years. Last night the
scene was repeated at Norristown. Now I
did not come here especially to speak, for
until Monday night I had never made a,
speech to a public audience. But I say
this, that all this talk about apathy in
this campaign is false.
Pennsylvania is going to stand up and
the whole nation is going to stand up, and
McKinley will receive more electoral votes.
this year than he received in 1896.
Senator Quay then referred to the inter
views with C. R. Woodruff, and George
Burnham, in the newspapers, criticising
his references to ballot reform in his
West Chester speech. Continuing he said r
It is a most humiliating confession to-
make, but candor compels me to admit that
when I spoke at West Chester, night before
last, I had forgotten that there existed
such a man as Clinton Rogers Woodruff,
and such an association as the Ballot.
Reform Association.
'¦'¦Mea Culpa., Mea Maxima Culpa:'' With
28

my mouth in the dust, and ashes upon my
head, I apologize to Mr. Woodruff and his
association for my delinquent memory.
My intent was aimed at Mr. Guffey and his
Republican associates, who constitute a
powerful organization, able to control the
Democratic party, and many Republicans ;
to nominate candidates for office, and to
raise large sums of money to pay poll taxes
in the city of Philadelphia, and other cam
paign expenses there and elsewhere.
Mr. Woodruff, and his organization, are
certainly honest and sincere. You can
always measure the honesty and sincerity
of a man by the assiduity with which he
goes about the world traducing the honesty
and sincerity of his fellow men. But I do
not understand that Mr. Woodruff has any
connection with Mr. Guffey. As to the
bills which failed in the Legislature, they
were not urged with sufficient eamest
ness to impress themselves upon my at
tention. I understand that Mr. Guffey
has, or is to have, a bill to meet present
29

conditions, which also meets the views of
his party, and it is this bill which I inti
mated should be given to the public.
Again referring to Mr. Woodruff and
to Mr. Burnham, and the Ballot Reform
Association, Senator Quay said :
These are the men who make reform '
impossible. Reform is as natural as
human progress, and the terms are synony
mous, but when false apostles of reform
erect altars where knaves minister and
fools kneel, as in Pennsylvania at present,
progress and reform are alike retarded.
Passing on to national issues. Colonel
Quay said:
I have noticed that the campaign is
drifting to the issue of imperialism. What
is meant by imperialism ? Does it mean
that we shall withdraw from the Phil
ippines and hand them over to the sav
ages, who are daily killing our soldiers ?
Does it mean that we shall hand the
islands back to Spain? Now men may
talk about imperialism all they wish, but
30

that is not what the Democratic party is
after in this campaign. They are after
your tariff, and your currency system, and
if they carry the country they will give
you free trade and free silver. Mr. Bryan
is not a fool, as he has been called. He is
a man of ability. He is stubborn and
honest, and fanatical in his convictions.
His firm under jaw and steady eye bespeak
the iron will of the man. If he is elected
he will have his way, and free trade and
free silver will close your mines and
factories and adversely affect your wages.

31

^^,

Speech at
Coudersport October 4th.

Speech at Coudersport. October 4. 1900

IT IS not likely that any serious peril
threatens from anti -imperialism or
anti - expansion, or that the Demo
cratic party intends any drastic measure in
either direction in the event of its success.
No matter who is elected President, this
country will hold hard to its own and will
support the chief Executive in his effort to
retain it. No American citizen will be
willing to admit that the United States
has been whipped by a few thousand half-
savage Malays, or to yield to them prop
erty for which we paid twenty millions of
dollars, and which has been secured by
the blood of our brave soldiers, unless it is
to the manifest interest of all concemed
that we should do so.

35

Ours is a warlike nation, sprung from
the loins of a warlike ancestry. The hust
ings may resound with angry clamor of dis
cussion, leading to or away from war, but
when at last the bale fires are kindled, and
the battle banners wave and the war drum
beats, the old Viking blood bounds again,
and men of all of our political parties, and
of all shades of belief, take arms to follow
the military party, or policy, or leader.
A war party never has been defeated in
this country, and no successful party dare
be a peace party after its success at the
polls. The Colonial Wars, the Revolution,
the War of 1812, and the Mexican War,
w;ere merely the bloody baptisms of an
infant nation. The Civil War was the
trial of its strength and manhood, and
when occasion arrived for the difficulty
with Spain, God elected this country to
enter the parliament of nations to partici
pate in its armed debates.
It is not necessary to recapitulate occur
rences so recent that they passed under the
36

scrutiny of our very young children, whereby
we became the balance of power in the meas
urement of the strength of the world. The
treasure and tears and blood of the last two
years, have been precious seed, and the next
generation will look far and wide over the
earth and behold its rich and ripening fruit.
I was not in favor of the acquisition of
the Philippines. To me, the game did not
seem worth the powder. A coaling station,
a shipyard, a few miles of territory, easily
fortified around a good harbor, seemed to
meet our requirements in the Orient. If
a member of the Peace Commission, I w^ould
have voted against the purchase, but when
the treaty was presented for ratification,
and there remained but to sustain the
commission or retum to war and chaos, as
a Senator of the United States I gave the
treaty my support.
Then Aguinaldo thrust his war upon
us, and now there can be no halt until the
last armed enemy is subdued. I say there
is no danger from the Democratic theories
37

upon expansion or imperialism. They de
clare this a paramount issue, but their
declaration does not create a situation.
They could as easily have declared the
price of cabbage the paramount issue.
The peril is, that in the shadow of their
pretenses lurk the sinister and menacing
spectres of the sacred theoiies of Democ
racy — free coinage of silver and free trade.
To these Mr, Bryan is pledged. In these
he believes. In his faith he is a fanatical
Ghazi. If elected^ he will throw the "par
amount " issue to the winds of heaven, to
force them upon the country. He wishes
to punish the money power of the world.

38

Speech at
TitusviUe October Sth.

Speech at TitusviUe. October 5. 1900.

YOUR chairman has informed you,
that our arrangement was that I
was not to appear before you to
night. At the eamest request of your
chairman, I am here to meet you. I thought
probably that was my duty.
Although filling high office in Pennsyl
vania, and always meeting with the cordial
support of your citizens, I have not visited
you since 1872. Then, as now, I arrived
here in the heat and bittemess of a political
campaign. In that year, a great revolt was
on in Pennsylvania against the Republican
organization and the ticket. Some of the
wisest and truest of the Republicans of the
State were bitterly hostile to that great
soldier who led our armies in the Civil
41

War. They supported Horace Greeley,
and then, as now, the Democrats were their
allies at the election.
In the State of Pennsylvania, that year,
one of the best Govemors that ever sat in
the chair of the Executive at Harrisburg,
General John F. Hartranft, was antagonized
by a large number of so-called Republicans,
who supported Charles R, Buckalew. Then,
as now, the campaign was one of personal
detraction. All over this broad land they were shout
ing at Grant on account of the whiskey
frauds, and attacking the members of his
Cabinet. Hartranft was charged with being
responsible for a broken bank. On election
day, bills were posted at the polls by Demo
crats, picturing Hartranft in the stripes of
a convict. The revolt then failed, and I hope
the revolt this year will fail. Most of the
gentlemen I met then have passed away,
but I trust that the young men who have
taken their places will continue the fight
for Republican principles. 42

I will just say one word more. As you
all know, the last Republican State Con
vention placed me in nomination for United
States Senator. It matters little to me, it
matters little to the Republican party of
Pennsylvania, who is the United States
Senator, so that he is a regular Republican
who may be trusted on every issue that is
presented in Congress for the welfare of the
country. You are electing three members of the
Legislature, who will have a vote for United
States Senator. You are also voting for a
candidate for Congress. I say to you, that
while President McKinley is going to be
elected by more votes in the Electoral Col
lege than he received in 1896, there is the
greatest danger that Congress will pass
into the hands of the opposition. This is
one of the close districts, now represented
by a Democrat.
It is your duty to see that your Con
gressional and legislative candidates are
successful.

43

These are the bastions of your fortifi
cations that the enemy is massing to
take.

44

Speech at
Meadville October 6th.

Speech at Meadville. October 6. 1900.

YOU see before you the next United
States Senator from Pennsylvania.
I see before me a multitude of the
enlightened people of the city of Meadville,
and of the county of Crawford, a county
which in the past has been exceedingly
kind to me, and indulgent to my shortcom
ings. In 1885, at the crisis of my political
life, you gave me your support for the
nomination for State Treasurer, and at the
election succeeding, a majority of about
twenty-five hundred over my competitor,
a majority then unexampled in your polit
ical history.
Many of your older citizens were my
teachers in political science. There were
Darwin A. Finney and Richmond, and
47

Lowrie and Pettis, and a score of others.
They are nearly all in your cemeteries
now. May the earth lie lightly on their
heads. I first visited your beautiful city in
1872. Then, the memorable contest be
tween Grant and Greeley was at white
heat. It was a most bitter and vitup
erative campaign. Grant was assailed
throughout th'e United States for com
plicity in the whiskey frauds, for extrava
gant expenditures, for peccadillos of all
sorts in his departments, and for incipient
imperialism. In Pennsylvania, John F.
Hartranft had been nominated for Gover
nor after a heated struggle, and through
his connection with a broken banking house,
in the city of Philadelphia, and the discov
ery of some private correspondence among
its papers, the significance of which was
maliciously distorted, became the object of
scurrilous and malignant attack.
All over the United States, and all over
Pennsylvania, the war of detraction and
48

libel was waged until men's blood boiled
with the fever of fiercest partisanism.
Greeley, the Liberal Republican candidate,
supported by fusion with the Democratic
party, was the noblest old Roman of the
Republican party, Buckalew, the candi
date pitted against Hartranft, was a Demo
crat of the strictest faith, of unblemished
reputation, and in intellect the peer of any
of his Pennsylvania contemporaries.
All over the United States, and all over
Pennsylvania, thousands of the best and
purest Republicans gave Greeley an impas
sioned support. Hartranft was elected in
October, Grant was elected in November.
There was a truce to scandal. Hartranft,
who was one of the best of our great
men who have filled the Executive chair,
discharged his duties with rare accepta
bility, and was renominated and reelected,
and of Grant's second term there was
no word but of praise. They lie in their
graves by the Hudson and the Schuyl
kill. Each died respected and lamented by
49

those who had most bitterly antagonized
him ; and the gratitude of the people of an
imperial state and a great nation has
erected to each a monumental tribute.
There are stormy times and wars, and
rumors of wars, in Pennsylvania politics
to-day. Hence, the appearance here to-night
of the present aggregation of oratory. It
is not so many hours ago that its line of
march was taken up, but already it has left a
flaming trail of eloquence from the Schuyl
kill to the farthest northern battlements of
Pennsylvania Republicanism, in Potter, and
thence with a leap has alighted among you.
The chairman of the Republican committee
annihilates space with a stroke of his pen.
It has touched in its progress West Chester,
Norristown, Lewisburg, Coudersport, Titus
viUe and is here. Everywhere the meetings
were the largest held within twenty years.
In nearly all there were overflow meetings,,
at some of which the audience, unbroken,
stood in the streets for hours until the last
word was uttered, and the last light went out.
50

The apathy of which so much is said is
the apathy of contentment. Our people
were attaining the sublime condition of
Nirvana, but the campaign will be exciting
before many days. Each of the great
parties is to be congratulated upon the
personnel of its candidates. Bryan is a
gentleman of culture, honest, sincere, elo
quent and courageous. Adlai E. Stevenson
is a statesman, a noble man, and a Democrat
of the old school. His immolation is cruel.
McKinley is personally the most popu
lar in his public intercourse of all our Re
publican Presidents. Roosevelt is of the
flower of our youth. Each of the Repub
lican candidates has made his impress upon
events, and we can judge of their future by
their past. Elect them, and we will have a
continuance of the conditions of the last
four years in Pennsylvania. These have
multiplied our furnaces and factories mani
fold, and added four hundred and forty
thousand men to the ranks of employed la
bor in Pennsylvania. Under the McKinley
51

administration, the wealth of Pennsylvania
has nearly doubled.
The present slight check to the progress
of her prosperity arises only from the very
slight possibility of McKinley's defeat.
This I regard as utterly impossible.
McKinley will have more electoral votes
than in 1896, and the business of the coun
try will again move onward and upward.
If God, in His infinite wisdom, should
decide to the contrary, and Bryan should be
elected, we know what to expect. The
clamor about imperialism and expansion
is merely an imposition upon the American
people. Those questions were dealt with
long ago. They are thunder peals that
died in ages past. This country always
has expanded, and always will expand,
until it falls to pieces of its own greatness.
When waging war, the commander-in-chief
always has assumed, and always must
assume extraordinary powers, and ask
extraordinary subsidies, to act with decis
ion and success.

52

The policy of the government, in these
regards, cannot be altered in the event of
Bryan's election, unless he is a traitor to
his country, which he is not. But he is
from pure conviction in favor of free trade
and free coinage, and if elected he will
force these upon the country. Free trade
will put out our fumace fires and close our
factories, destroy our capital and throw out
of employment our workingmen, whose
labor is their capital.
The free coinage of silver will close our
banks, and produce general bankruptcy.
The lower house of Congress is the most
powerful single branch of the government.
There, all revenue bills must originate,
and all appropriations be framed. It holds
the keys of the exchequer, and may at will
shackle the Executive in the conduct of a
war, or of a peaceful policy. It carries
the purse, and ties the peace strings of the
sword. If a congress is elected, hostile to
the policy of the President, he will be help
less ; and I regret to say to you, that the
53

complexion ofthe next House of Represen
tatives is exceedingly uncertain. Our
majority will pretty certainly depend upon
the gain of some districts in Pennsylvania.
There is danger that so-called fusion
and factional trouble may cheat us of
the success so vital. This Twenty-sixth
district, normally and legitimately Republi
can, is represented by a Democrat. It
must be reclaimed. We must recover five
of our lost districts in Pennsylvania, and
of them all, this ought to be the most
hopeful. We must have it for the success
of the McKinley administration, and I
hope and believe, that our candidates will
not be stricken down by the so-called in
surgents. I hope and believe they will
have patriotism enough to secure the
election of Mr. Bates, no matter what
they may do with me. Vote the ticket,
the straight ticket, and the whole ticket ;
but if any voter can select but one Repub
lican, let him vote for the Congressional
nominee.

54

speeches at
New Castle
October Sth.

Speeches at New Castle. October 8.
1900.

AFTERNOON SPEECH.
IAM pleased again to meet the people
of Lawrence county, I am not one of
the orators of the day, I have been
furloughed for this week. Governor Stone,
Attorney-General Elkin, and Colonel
Fairless, will present the argument of this
campaign. No argument would seem to be needed
in New Castle, You can see the argument in
the increase of your population by one
hundred and forty-four per cent, within the
last ten years. You can read its lessons
in your fumace fires, in the revolving
wheels of your machinery, and in the lights
of happy homes. New Castle is essen-
57

tially a tariff town. Within the last four
years, fifty mills and other establishments
have been planted here.
The tin plate industry, which is your
greatest industry, is literally the creature
of tariff legislation. It sprung from a
line in the McKinley tariff bill, which was
only inserted after a stubborn controversy
in the Senate of the United States, with
some of the best friends of the protective
system, who doubted its efficacy. Now it
has given employment to thousands in
your city, and the American tin plate
industry is about to take possession of the
markets of the world.
Here are employed three thousand five
hundred tin plate workers. These labor
ing men receive $200,000 per month in
wages. You furnish per week, two thou
sand three hundred tons of black plate ;
your mills finish forty thousand boxes of
tin plate per week. The total production
of tin plate in the United States is ten
millions of boxes per year. The number
58

of workmen skilled and unskilled, em
ployed in the tin plate mills throughout
the country, is twenty thousand. These
workmen receive in wages per year about
$14,000,000. But, I catch myself making a speech,
contrary to regulations. Lately I spoke
six minutes, when I was allotted but five,
and there has been a perceptible chilliness
in our little band of spellbinders ever
since. They seem jealous of my oratory.
Good day. EVENING SPEECH.
My Fellow-Citizens, of Lawrence county :
Like your chairman, I am not here to
make a speech. I have leave of absence
from the gentlemen accompanying me
during the present week. I appear before
you, simply, that you may look in my face
and that I may look you in the eye ; but
before I retire I will say just one word in
behalf of a candidate for an office which
seems, among some of the people of your
59

county, to be regarded as rather unimpor
tant ; at least, it will scarcely be men
tioned in the councils of the conference
of Democrats, Populists, Prohibitionists,
and Republicans, which is to meet here
to-morrow, to nominate a fusion ticket.
He is practically a Lawrence county
candidate, who should be voted for by
every Lawrence county voter. His father,
many years ago, operated the iron plant, at
Wilmington, in your county. As a boy
there, he learned how the workingman
earned his bread in the sweat of his brow,
and saw how iron was made, and how im
portant the products of iron are to the
great interests of this nation. Afterwards
he was educated in your midst. The war
came on, and he shouldered his musket
and went to the army and served there
with distinguished gallan|ry. Later, he
was taken up by the citi^fens of his district
in Ohio, and sent to congress. He is now,
and has been since, a candidate for another
office, having fulfilled his duties in Con-
60

gress with great acceptability. His resi
dence now is in Canton, Ohio, and his
name is William McKinley. (Applause.)
It has been my fortune to have had
more or less to do with every president of
the United States elected by the Republi
can party, from Abraham Lincoln to the
present day. As some of you know, as
military agent of the State, at the city of
Washington, during the latter part of the
war, it was my duty to come in constant con
tact with the great War Secretary, Edwin
M. Stanton, and sometimes, indeed often,
I had to appeal from him to the decision of
our great president, and so came in less
frequent contact with Abraham Lincoln.
Lincoln was a model president, and
suffered and endured and labored probably
more than any other president that ever
filled the executive chair. Next to him, I
think, William McKinley bears the palm.
Although our present difficulties may not
compare in magnitude with those of the
civil war, they have been terribly trying

6i

to the administration. The Cuban diffi
culty presented itself at a time when this
nation was utterly unprepared. We were
without soldiers ; we were without guns,
and our ships were not ready for sea.
The President himself was opposed to
the war. He labored unremittingly to
avoid actual conflict. There were some of
us in Congress who thought that we had
to fight, and we might just as well fight
then, and we differed from the President
and practically urged on the war against
his opinion.
But when the war was declared, when
the battle drum sounded, the com
mander-in-chief went to the front and our
army was created, armed, equipped and
moved direct to victory, and the ships of
Spain soon belonged to a submarine navy.
During all that time Mr. McKinley
bore himself so well in his high office, so
faithfully discharged his duties, and pre
served so rigidly the good temper necessary
in dealing with all the nations of the earth,
62

that to-day he is a model among the rulers
of the world, and the advice of this coun
try is sought, as you see to-day in every
discussion relating to the Chinese difficulty,
by all nations whose interests are involved
in China,
When election day comes, Lawrence
county should give him at least two-thirds
of its vote. She ought to give it all. So
that on election, when the general roll is
called, little Lawrence will be there. She
won't give up the ship.
Now, for another matter. I said I would
not make a speech, and I find I am running
away with myself, as usual, but you must
pardon ime for a moment, and then I will
give way to my distinguished friend. It was
my honor to be chairman of the National
Committee in the city of New York in 1888,
at a time when President Harrison was
elected with some difficulty.
A Democratic saloonkeeper in the lower
end of the Bowery, in New York, had an
educated parrot. The parrot was taught
63

every day to sing to the crowd that came
into his saloon : " The tariff is a tax. Quay
is a bad man." It went on, month after
month, and finally a friend came in and
said : " They have a new parrot down at
the .saloon in the Bowery, and it's got a
new song." I said : "What is the new
song?" and he said the new song is "Quay
is a bad man, and the tariff is a tax."
Now, these two parrots have propagated,
and their offspring have emigrated, and I
am told they are abroad here in the county
of Lawrence, and that a most estimable
gentleman, and a good Republican, named
Stritmater, of whom I would not say a word
in dispraise, has heard their voices, that he
is likely to be a candidate before you for
the Assembly, and that while, unlike the
parrots, he believes the tariff is not a tax,
he believes half that the parrots said, to
wit : " Quay is a bad man." I do not think
it right, that, if Mr. Stritmater' s only object
in running for the Assembly is to rid the
people ofthe State of Pennsylvania of a bad
64

man, he should be put to the expense of a
candidacy before the people. He will admit
that a Republican sent to Harrisburg should
obey the wishes of his constituency.
I suggest that, instead of tearing the
organization of this county to pieces, Mr.
Stritmater submit tothe people of Lawrence
county, onthe day ofthe election, the ques
tion of their preference for the Senatorship
of the United States. If the people of Law
rence county do not vote for me, I will have
no hesitancy in saying to the members
elected there, either my friends or my
enemies, vote for the gentleman you are
instructed for, and I will submit to his elec
tion. Now, one word more: I picked up a Pitts
burg morning newspaper to-day and saw
that they wished me to furnish you with
blue prints of a post office building, a post
office building that New Castle ought to
have, but did not reach at the last Con
gress. Well, New Castle ought to have
that building. I passed the bill, I think,
65

through the Senate twice, and it failed in
the other branch of Congress, and I can't
pass it there again. If you New Castle
people wish to have a new post office build
ing you had better send me back to the
Senate. If you do, I will guarantee yon
your new post office building.

66

Speech at
Greenville October 9th.

Speech at Greenville. October 9. 1900.

MY Fellow-citizens of Mercer county :
I am here simply to present myself
before the citizens of Mercer county
and make their acquaintance. Itwas the
understanding when I came here to-day
that I was not to address any meeting. I
may say, however, before taking my seat
and leaving the platform to the distin
guished gentlemen who are here, that I
hope, I believe, and I know, indeed, that
when the roll is called on Tuesday, Novem
ber 6, Mercer county will do her duty. She
always has done it ; she never failed in
any election to my knowledge, and she will
not fail then.
I thought that I would not be able to
speak to-day, either at this meeting or at
69

the evening meeting, and I felt it to be my
duty to do what was sometimes done during
the Civil War, offer a substitute, so I brought
with me Colonel John S. Wise, of Virginia.
He is a son of the late ex-Governor Henry
A. Wise, whom older gentlemen here will
know and remember in ante-bellum days.
He is an ex-officer ofthe Confederate army
who tried to shoot the Constitution to pieces
in 1863 and 1864, but who has repented of
his sins and is now one ofthe most eloquent
and trusted Republicans of the United
States. He will follow me, gentlemen,
and I feel that I am almost committing a
crime in detaining you any longer from
listening to him.

70

Speeches at
Uniontown October 10th.

Speeches at Uniontown, October 10,
1900.

MY fellow-citizens of Uniontown and of
Fayette county : I am, figuratively
speaking, in the hospital. My phy
sicians have notified me that I am not to
speak again during this week, but when
your chairman called upon me a few mo
ments ago at the hotel, and told me that
this large assemblage was waiting for no
other purpose than merely to look me in the
face, I surrendered all discretion and came
up with him, I have nothing to say to you
at all upon the issues of the day. They
will be discussed by the distinguished gen
tlemen who are here with me for that pur
pose. I am here merely to see you, to take
you by the hand, and to ask you how you
73

are and how you are going to vote next elec
tion day. SECOND SPEECH
My fellow-citizens of Uniontown and
Fayette county : I have been a soldier, and
I generally obey orders, but I have dis
obeyed them to-night in appearing before
you, contrary to the directions of my phy
sicians. As I said to the meeting assem
bled before the court house to-day, I am
not of the band of orators who are here ta
speak to you to-night. I am but an hum
ble appendage at their chariot wheels. I
would be glad, had I the strength, had I
the voice, had I felt as well as I did ten
days ago, to address you at some length,
and I feel, as your county chairman has sa
kindly said, that I am here in the home of
friends, and would be glad to talk to you
collectively and individually, but though
the spirit is willing, the flesh is weak, I
hope I may have an opportunity of meeting
you again during the campaign, but to-
74

night you must be satisfied with the assur
ance of my good will. You will now be
addressed by the gentlemen who accom
pany me.

75

speech at
Scottdale October 10th.

Speech at Scottdale, October 10, 1900.

MY fellow-citizens of Scottdale : As
your chairman has told you, I am
not here to make a speech, but I
am glad to be here to look into the faces of
this intelligent audience and to meet so
many friends who have heretofore in time
of trial proved themselves true to Repub
licanism, and often, perhaps, over-indul
gent to my shortcomings and faithful to
my political interests.
This great assemblage of your people does
not look as though there was apathy. It was
about two months ago that I was hunting in
the forests of Maine. For six weeks I was
at a distance of fifty miles from any civilized
human habitation. The waters gave us
fish and the forests gave us game, and we
had the earth and the balsam of the pine
79

for our couch at night, the blue vault of the
heavens for our canopy all day, and we
were exceedingly contented and very indif
ferent as to politics. Then, when I came
out of the woods, on my way home, I came
through the State of Maine. That was on
the day of the election in Maine, the nth
of last month. As we passed down I saw
no signs of any political excitement. There
were no flags except two in the city of Ban
gor, and they were Bryan flags, I passed
through the cities of Augusta, of Bangor^
of Portland,. and all the great centres of pop
ulation, and they were absolutely apa
thetic ; and I confess that I felt a little
tremor as to what was going on in the
hearts of the American people.
On my arrival in Philadelphia that night,
the night of the nth, came the news from
Maine, Maine was apathetic, but Maine
had gone Republican by the largest ma
jority ever given, except in 1896, I was
apathetic, but I concluded it was time to go
out and talk to my friends in Pennsyl-
80

vania, and I came to the conclusion that
what they told me was a true apathy, and
disregard of political feeling in Pennsyl
vania was merely the apathy of content
ment that goes with prosperity and good
times. Our workingmen were all em
ployed, our business men were all making
money ; everybody was contented with the
situation and was waiting to mention his
opinion of the existing condition of things
on election day, as you are going to do.
This party of gentlemen with whom I
am associated, very shortly afterwards left
Philadelphia on a tour of the State, and we
have made a difficult tour. The chairman
of the Republican State Committee has
worked us like mules, but we have sub
mitted, and sustained him, though I have
been compelled to ask a furlough. One
word more, and I will obey the instruc
tions of my physician, and take my seat.
When I left Pennsylvania, the Kansas
City Convention was not long past, and
people were talking of free silver and the
81

tariff. When I returned I found nothing
mentioned in politics except something
they called "the paramount issue." The
paramount issue was the progeny of a com
promise inthe Democratic convention which
Mr. Bryan had schooled to obey his orders,
and with which he had compromised,
giving them an empty word while he had
the substance of the platform. There is no
such thing as a paramount issue of imper
ialism or expansion in this campaign.
They may wave the flag before you, but it
is a false banner.
If the Democrats carry this election, Mr.
Bryan is for free trade, and his party is for
free trade. Mr. Bryan is for free silver,
and his party is for free silver, and Mr.
Bryan dominates the party, and will bring
it and the country to free trade. The
free coinage of silver will close your banks,
and free trade will close your furnaces,
your coke works and your factories. That
is about the exact significance of what is
going on in this campaign. 82

speech at
Mount Pleasant
October llth.

Speech at Mount Pleasant. October
II, 1900.

1KNEW Westmoreland county in the
old times. I am an old man now.
Those were the days when Westmore
land was Democratic. The county gave
fifteen hundred Democratic maj ority. West
moreland then was an agricultural county,
her great mineral wealth was then unde
veloped. With its progress the Republican
vote increased until it surpassed the Demo
cratic vote, and as Westmoreland county
improved in prosperity the Republican vote
improved, until now Westmoreland is rich,
and at the next election gallant Westmore
land, the star of the West, is going to give
us at least four thousand majority for
McKinley and Roosevelt. 85

I cannot make a speech to-night, but be
fore taking my seat I wish to refer to a
matter in which I am possibly personally
interested, though not so much as some
would have you believe. The late Repub
lican State convention, without solicitation
or consultation, insisted upon my candi
dacy for the Senate of the United States.
In pursuance of that resolution, I have al
lowed the consideration of my name in that
connection by the people of the State. In
some counties some disturbance was created.
It entered into your primary elections here,
and in the Legislative nominations at least
one gentleman was chosen, it is said, who
will not vote for me at Harrisburg. That
gentleman, I have no doubt, is conscien
tious, and I will not quarrel with his course.
I desire that every Republican in West
moreland county shall vote the straight
Republican ticket from top to bottom.
Regular Republicans cannot afford to and
will not cut a ticket.
In your county I understand the fusion
86

programme of Flinn and Guffey has been
carried out, or is being carried out. If
those Republicans who are disposed to
enter into such an arrangement are sincere
in their assertions that the will of the peo
ple should be respected, I suggest that it is
not worth while to go to the trouble and
expense of running the fusion ticket, for
the will of the Republicans of Westmore
land can be ascertained by taking a vote at
the coming election. Let these gentlemen
produce their candidate and my name shall
go before the voters of Westmoreland
county with his name. If the choice of
the voters of Westmoreland proves to be
for another I will acquiesce in the result,
and will ask every friend of mine you send
to Harrisburg to vote for your choice. I
deliver that challenge here and now, and
your County Committee can arrange the
boxes and take the vote on election day.
A word to some voters who I understand
have settled recently among you. I can
not undertake to recapitulate the nation-
87

ality of the great mass of laboring men in
your midst, but I understand that there are
some four or five hundred from Poland
working in your coke works and factories,
and they are among the best and most con
scientious of your people. I wish to say to
them that the party which is represented by
McKinley and Roosevelt is fighting for the
principles for which Pulaski and Kosciusko
and Poneatowski fought and died, and
every man of them ought to vote the Re
publican ticket.

88

Speech at
Punxsutawney October 12th.

V.

Speech at Punxsutawney. October 12,
1900.

THIS is my first visit to your thriving
town, and I am exceedingly grateful
for the cordiality of your reception.
I meet you for the first and perhaps for the
last time. I meet you with pleasure, and
shall part with you with regret. I remem
ber when a little boy, in the town of Indiana,
hearing of this town, Punxsutawney and
Brookville seemed in the far North, among
the ice and the snow, like the Arctic circle
or the Northern pole. Then, in the
summer, wagons came down from Brook
ville and Punxsutawney, and in the win
ter sleds laden with boards and with
shingles, and returned carrying salt and
general merchandise, which they took up
91

in the town of Indiana. At that time this
was the only method of your communica
tion with the outer world. Now this county
is penetrated with mines and pierced with
railroads. The lumber that was your great
industry then, has disappeared, and the in
ternal wealth of the earth is taken from its
bowels to make you all prosperous and rich.
You are growing rich on your coal mining
industry, and you will be richer, because
this country, within a few years, will take
possession of the coal markets of the world,
and our supply seems to be practically in
exhaustible. The German coal fields are
being exhausted, and in all continental
Europe the supply is growing smaller.
Great Britain was compelled to omit her
annual naval review last year because she
dared not trench upon her coal reserves.
An absolute monopoly of the coal trade of
the world is visible in the near future.
Your development results very largely
from the fostering care of the coal traffic
by the Republican party. I do not intend
92

to speak to you upon the National or State
issues, although your president has inti
mated I might do so for a few minutes. I
merely wish to look you in the face, and to
take such of you by the hand as I have not
already met, and I bid you good night.

93

speech at
Huntingdon October 13th.

K^

C^

Speech at Huntingdon. October 13. 1900.

AS your chairman has said, I am not
here to address you upon National
or State issues to-night. I will tell
you a story I told to the Republicans of
Lawrence county on Monday night. It
was told there because it fitted the occasion
there. I tell it here because it fits the occa
sion here. As you all know, I was chair
man ofthe Republican National Committee,
in the year 1888. That was the year in
which, with considerable difficulty, we
ousted Grover Cleveland and elected Ben
jamin Harrison President of the United
States. In the city of New York, on the
Bowery, a Democratic saloon keeper had a
parrot which he trained to say to every cus-
97

tomer who entered, " The tariff is a tax*
Quay is a bad man."
It was not the most annoying feature of
the campaign. It went on for some months,
and one moming a friend came into head
quarters and said: "They have a new
parrot down at that saloon on the Bowery
and he has a new song."
I said, " What is the song ?"
He said : " The song is, ' Quay is a bad
man and the tariff is a tax,' " Now, my
fellow-citizens, those parrots in the lapse
of time since 1888 seem to have propa
gated, and their progeny has gotten down
into Pennsylvania and into Huntingdon
county, as well as into Lawrence county,
and the song you hear to-day is the song of
fusion ; one party singing in the fusion,
" The tariff is a tax," and the other, "Quay
is a bad man,"
That I understand to be the situation in
Huntingdon county to-day. You have a
mule ticket made up of one Republican and
one Democrat. I have nothing to say of
98

the candidates. They may be very respect
able and conscientious men, but the alliance
seems illicit and unnatural.
If it is the desire of the Republicans who
entered into that fusion, and among whom
I know are a great many sincere men who
love this country and love the Republican
party, to execute the popular will upon the
question of United States Senator, that will
may be ascertained without their going out
side of the party lines and endeavoring to
destroy the Republican organization.
You know that I am a candidate for the
United States Senate by virtue of a reso
lution of the Republican State Convention.
That resolution was passed without my
solicitation, and without any consultation
with me. If these gentlemen, who act in
concert with those who meet at the Strat
ford Hotel, weekly, in illicit intercourse with
the Democratic party, will put up their can
didate and present his name to the people
of Huntingdon county, and allow them to
vote upon it, and withdraw their fusion
99

ticket, I will agree to abide by the result.
Yes, if the election is carried against my
candidacy, whether the gentlemen who are
sent to Harrisburg are disposed to vote for
me or not, I will say to them that as far
as I am concemed, they ought to sus
tain the choice of the majority of the people
of Huntingdon county, and I am willing to
allow the Democrats to take part in that
election, providing Mr. Guffey andthe Demo
cratic organization will hold hands off.
Now, I have mentioned the Democracy.
I have not much acquaintance to day with
the Democratic party of Huntingdon county,
but there was a time when I knew them
pretty well — in the days of Petrikin, Bailey,
Africa and others. They were Democrats.
They were not hunting fusion, nor seeking
Republicans to vote for.
In those days, if a Republican had been
presented to them for their suffrages, they
would have said that they claimed the right
to select their own Republican, I am of
the opinion that a great many Democrats

lOO

in this county, sons of these men, are of
that mind to-day. Being a Republican, as
I am, if the Republican organization in my
county fell so low as to fuse with a bolting
Democrat, I, for one^ would vote the regu
lar Democratic ticket before I would vote
for a bolting Democrat.
Now, my friends, I will not detain you
longer. There are a number of distin
guished gentlemen waiting to address you
upon State and National issues. I thank
you for your indulgence.

lOI

Speech at
Altoona October 16th.

Speech at Altoona. October I6, 1900.

MY fellow-Citizens, of Altoona and
Blair County. My mission here
to-night is not to address, but to be
introduced to you, and I regret to say that
the extreme partiality of your chairman in
his introduction has somewhat paralyzed
me. I must disclaim to a large extent the
¦credit which your chairman attributes to me
for the victory of 1888, Though, as far as
God gave me the power, I used my utmost
efforts to procure the result. In that year,
in addition to a perfect organization, some of
the credit for which is probably attribut
able to me, we had an unexceptional candi
date, a strong platform and a united party.
My fellow-citizens, it is a very long time
since I first passed through the territory
105

now constituting this prosperous and thriv
ing county of Blair. In March, 1840, when
a child, we occupied a week in passing from
the city of Harrisburg to the city of Pitts
burg. We came to the foot of the moun
tains in Blair county on canal boats, and
were conveyed across them on an inclined
plane. We were taken up at Johnstown
again on a canal boat, and occupied some
days in reaching Pittsburg. Then the
land upon which your beautiful city now
stands was but farmland and woodland.
The solemn mountains at the base of which
your city is located looked out only upon
bright shining rivulets, the beginnings of
rivers, and farms and forests.
Now they look down upon this bee hive
of industry on this side and on the other
the furnaces, coal mines and the great
Cambria steel works, known throughout
the world. Where there were but a few
thousand population then, there are hun
dreds of thousands to-day. This city and
this county are thriving. These twa
106

mountain counties, Blair and Cambria,
have thriven vigorously since the Republi
can party came into being in 1856, Under
its fostering care, my fellow-citizens, you
have been raised to wealth and power.
Under this great party of ours the rail
roads which pierce your communities have
been built up, the iron works, which redden
the midnight stars and furnish employ
ment to numberless fathers of families,
have been constructed, and the bowels of
the earth have yielded up their wealth of
coal. It is not possible that any other argu
ment is necessary to induce the citizens of
Blair and Cambria counties to vote the Re
publican ticket this fall. I say to you that
the vote should be unanimous. In 1896,
my impression is, you gave to President
McKinley some fifty-seven hundred major
ity here. The majorities of 1894 and 1896,
abnormal and phenomenal, were wrung
from the agony of unemployed labor and
unproductive capital. That condition, as
107

you know, has ceased ; but, comfortable as
the country now is, it will be well for you
not to forget the conditions as they existed
in 1894 and 1896, for they may retum.
The men who voted with us then must not
forget their duty now. The majority here
in 1896 should in each individual unit be de
livered this time, and be increased by your
vote. We look for an exceedingly large
majority in this thriving county of Blair,
As I said before, it is a long time since I
was first here, and many of your grand
men I have known, since then have gone to
the land from which no traveler returns.
Among them were Lewis W, Hall, John
Lemon, Steele Blair, William M. Lloyd,
Benjamin L, Hewit, and a number of other
illustrious and estimable gentlemen. They
have: passed away, and among their suc
cessors I feel like a dying oak among
healthy saplings.
I come now to a matter which will in all
probability interest you. In a fragmentary
way you are visited with afflictions such as
108

the State at large is visited with to-day.
As you know, there has been a factional
division in the State, originating in 1896,
over the United States senatorship. The
voice of the Republican party was then
heard, and the result was acquiesced in.
In 1898 came another, in which I might
say I was slightly interested. Things
were different then. Those who antagon
ized the Republican organization in 1896
and 1898 had become quite indifferent to
Republican organization and Republican
principles, and here and there, in this
county and Chester only, I believe, an al
liance was sought with the Democrats.
The result is known to all. It is to the
shame of the Republican party of this
State that a blank exists in the roll of the
United States senate opposite the name of
Pennsylvania, when the important ques
tions which are agitating the world are the
subjects of discussion and settlement.
When that legislature of 1898 adjourned
the idea of general fusion seems to have
109

taken shape. The gentleman at the head
of the insurgent movement, as it is called,
in the Republican party, and Mr. Guffey,
the leader of the Democratic party, against
whom I have nothing to say personally,
met and concluded upon a programme by
which the Republican party in the legisla
ture of this State should be defeated.
It was an unnatural and unprincipled al
liance. It found its precedent in 1896,
when the Democratic party was sold out to
the Populists in Kansas, Nebraska, and
other western States. In those national
fusions of 1896 there was a common bond
in the great issue of the campaign, the free
coinage of silver. In the Pennsylvania
coalition there was none, and Flinn, Mar
tin, and their reform allies were sorely
pressed for a platform. I do not wish to
be understood as criticising the friends of
true reform for their employment of doubt
ful allies. The buccaneer, Lafitte, was of
signal service to General Jackson at the
battle of New Orleans.

IIO

There came a vile, incomprehensible, and
wanton rape of the ballot in an election
precinct in Philadelphia which aroused
public indignation, and the intriguers
seized then and there upon ballot reform
for their paramount issue. Every honest
man favors an honest ballot, and no matter
what reformers say or imagine, the people
of Pennsylvania are honest ; so the plat
form was safe and may be unanimously in
dorsed. Any embarrassment in the con
struction of an honest ballot law will arise
from a difference in detail, to avoid which
the great apostles of reform should at once
enunciate their proposition. They are ex
perts. They gave ultimate fashion to the
present law. Their work should be per
fect. Reform is a catching cry. It cozens
alike babes, sucklings and grown men. It
is human to err and human to believe our
fellow men erring, and ourselves their God-
appointed critics and guardians. Also, it
is solacing to self-love and vanity to pro-

III

claim the shortcomings of the world, for
this is in a manner an assertion of our
superiority to common humanity, and a
parade of our perfection. We say to our
fellows : "Behold, I am holier than thou,"
It is natural that there should be a desire
for a monopoly of self-glorification, and,
therefore, not surprising that I should be
assailed for insincerity when in a mild way
I make mention of measures that occur to
me for the public good, I regret to inter
fere with the business of the professional
reformers, and apologize.
The Trades League of Philadelphia, a
few days ago, passed a resolution in favor
of ballot reform. It was simply a declara
tion that the Trades League was in accord
with a pretty unanimous sentiment. The
Trades League is probably the largest and
most influential business organization in
the United States, and is purely Philadel-
phian and Pennsylvanian. Therefore, I
venture to direct its attention to certain so-
called reform measures which are quite as

112

essential as a new ballot law to good gov
emment and municipal purity in Philadel
phia and Pennsylvania. I refer to the laws
initiated in the Republican State conven
tion of 1895, They originated in the sug
gestion of Hon, Eugene O'Neill, of the
Pittsburg Dispatch. They took impression
in the platform of 1895, They cover the
field of municipal reform, and, in addition,
prohibit interference of officials of munici
palities or corporations with the free fran
chise of employes, such as is complained of
in the Fifth district in Philadelphia, and at
Mr, George Burnham' s standard steel
works in Mifflin county. I have not the
bills at hand, but will fumish them to the
Trades League at an early date.
After the adjournment ofthe convention
of 1895, a committee was appointed by the
chairman of the Republican State com
mittee, composed of Hon. John Russell
Young and Hon. Silas W. Pettit, of Phila
delphia, Hon. Lyman D. Gilbert, of Har
risburg, Hon. William B. Rodgers and
113

Hon, David D. Bruce, of Pittsburg to draft
necessary legislation. This committee, in
due time, formulated the necessary bills.
They were presented to the Republican
State committee, and indorsed by it. They
were reported to the Republican State con
vention of 1896, and indorsed by it. The
Republican State committee issued a circu
lar letter to its subordinate organizations
in every county in the commonwealth, ex
cluding the two great cities, requesting that
Republican nominees for the legislature
should be instructed to vote for their pas
sage. The request was, I fear, complied
with in but one legislative district in the
State — the Seventh, of Allegheny, where a
resolution was presented by my son, a dele
gate, and passed.
At a caucus of a majority of the senate
of Pennsylvania, held in the city of Wash
ington, the bills were adopted and placed
in charge of our distinguished lieutenant-
governor, then a senator. Under his super
vision, all passed the Senate. In the House,
114

notwithstanding every effort of the chair
man of the Republican State committee,
they were postponed, and fell in the babel
preceding the adjournment. Of them all,
the act relative to payment of taxes was
alone passed. All the personal influence I
could bring to bear, and the utmost efforts
of the Republican organization, failed to
save the bills. They were buried in the
avalanche of appropriations and measures
of private interest in the last hours of the
session of 1896.
The Republican State convention of
1897, if I mistake not, reaffirmed the plat
form of 1895. At the convention of 1898,
a resolution, drafted by me, to the same
intent was tabled in the committee of reso
lutions, on the ground, as was said, that
the Republican party had sufficient trouble
in sight without engaging in the reform
battle. This is the history of the reform
platform of 1895.
Where were the great reform organiza
tions, and the professional reformers, when
"5

these practical measures were being stricken
down by the dark powers that lurk in the
legislative lobbies ?
These bills are not dead. They are
sleeping, and will awaken at a touch.
The great impediment to these munici
pal reforms was the indifference of rural
Pennsylvania. Outside the great centres
of population, the abuses to be redressed
do not exist to any extent, and the necessity
for such legislation is not felt.

116

Speech at
Skippack October 20th.

Speech at Skippack. October 20, 1900.

AS your worthy chairman has told you,
I did not come here to make a
speech. I am accompanied by those
much abler than myself, who will present to
you in their various forms, the National and
State issues. The gentlemen who requested
me to accompany the party here, asked me
to stop at Skippack on the way to the
meeting at Pottstown. They said that
Skippack was the center of one of the most
intelligent farming populations in the State
of Pennsylvania, and one of the wealthiest ;
and as I came through on the way from
the railroad and looked over your smiling
and fertile fields, and saw every evidence
of the thrift and prosperity of your people,
I was satisfied the statement was not exag-
119

gerated. In response to the questions,
" Why go to Skippack ? " " What are the
special characteristics of Skippack ? " they
informed me, the factional strife is strong
there, and it is the seat of some disturbance
on the oleo question.
Now, my friends, on the oleo question I
can say but little. There are some gentle
men with me, whose names I have seen in
the newspapers recently in connection with
it, who will probably enlighten you upon it.
I don't know whether my friend Dambly
is here or not. I have not seen him since
he voted for me for the United States
Senate in 1892.
I own a farm in Chester county and one in
Lancaster, but what I don't know about
farming, and what I don't know about oleo,
would fill a very large volume ; and I dis
miss the subject.
One word in relation to a fact which
presented itself to me in connection with
the recent discussion upon that quesion in
certain newspapers.

120

There is said to be an association of
farmers which is acting as a detective or
ganization, to put down the illegal sale of
oleomargerine, the manufacture and sale
of which reduce the price of your butter,
I understand that that association has em
ployed Mr. Luther C. Kauffman as its at
torney. I understand, too — and if I am in
error, I hope some one will correct me — that
Mr. Kauffman is a Populist, who made
Bryan speeches in 1896, and who is going
about the country now introducing oleo
margerine into politics, with an idea of
distracting the Republican vote. If I were
a practical farmer (as I am not), if I were a
member of your association, I would em
ploy, as my attorney, some one who would
attend to his business as an attomey, in
stead of dragging my business into politics,
and it would be all the better if the attorney
was some one who was in accord with the
State authorities, and with the majority in
the State of Pennsylvania.
In relation to factional warfare, it is not

121

for me to speak. The Republican State
convention placed me in nomination for the
office of United States senator. I say to
you frankly, that it is a matter of absolute
indifference to me whether the choice of
the legislature shall fall upon me or upon
any good, straight, stalwart Republican.
I will leave the senate with relief, and with
pleasure, if the Republican party of the
State, next January, will send some one in
my place who will fittingly represent the
Republican organization of Pennsylvania,
and the great interests of the common
wealth. I will be glad to see him go ta
Washington, and I will go fishing.
Now, I wish to advert to this but for a.
moment. I am a Republican. I wish ta
see the great Republican party united, and
see it stand together and strike in serried
ranks against the common enemy. That
will come sooner or later, and it is not worth
while just now, because my friend Dambly
don't agree with you, to call him hard
names ; and because a large portion of our

123

fellow-citizens don't agree with you on the
question of the senatorship, to denounce
them as traitors and insurgents, unless
they choose so to class themselves. A
great many of them are good Republicans,
who have the interest of the Republican
party at heart, and ought to be treated as
such. I have been through this siege of
factional strife time and again in Pennsyl
vania. Time was when all Pennsylvania
was in arms over the election of your great
fellow-citizen, John F. Hartranft, to the
governorship. Never was factionalism so
intense, never were Republicans so divided ;
never was a man's private and public char
acter, and his integrity, assailed as were
those of John F. Hartranft. That was
soon over, and very shortly afterwards the
men who had been abusing Gen. Hartranft,
and who on the stump, and in private,
throughout the State had denounced him
as dishonest, recognized his great fitness
for the position he was filling, and became
his friends, and the party was reunited,
123

and went on again to victory after victory.
That will happen in time in this county of
Montgomery, where there is so much feel
ing just now.
The issues of the present time of butter
and oleo and the United States senatorship
will soon pass out of men's minds ; and
unless all signs fail in the far east, there
will be few years, perhaps but one, before
all Republicans will be called upon to stand
shoulder to shoulder upon great issues
whose evolution will shake the world.
Then the present recriminations and acer
bities will recur in your memories only as
subject for apology and regret.
I do not intend to say anything further,
but to thank you for the kindness of your
reception. There are gentlemen awaiting
your attention and I will give way. I
thank you.

124

Speeches at
Pottstown and
Chambersburg Oct. 20th and 25th.

Speech at Pottstown. October 20. 1900.

IAM not going to make a speech. I
have been talking so much in public
of late that I fear you will come to look
upon me as a garrulous old man. I beg to
say to you that my heart is full of grati
tude for your kindly welcome; that I believe,
as your chairman has said, that the wel
fare of our country depends upon the elec
tion of the Republican ticket ; that I fur
ther believe that the people of Montgomery
county are in accord with our party's prin
ciples and will give a large majority for the
Republican ticket, national, state and
county. 127

Speech at Chambersburg. October 25.
1900.

THE artillery of Antietam was not long
silent when ^^^passed through your
beautiful town. When the train
from Hagerstown halted here I was assisted
by my attendant physician to reach the car
window. The smoking ruins of your rail
way station proclaimed that General Jeb
Stuart was passing by. Some months later
Lee came up to Gettysburg, and I saw the
population, as it seemed, of the Cumber
land Valley cross the Susquehanna at
Harrisburg with their flocks and herds and
household goods.
Afterward came Imboden and McCaus-
land, and the looting and buming which
are still a mournful memory with your
older citizens. For your nation and state
128

you have done much and suffered much.
Your record is luminous with unselfish pa
triotism and sacrifice. The calamities
which overtook you were the result of the
defiance, by a minority of the people of this
country, ofthe will ofa majority lawfully
and constitutionally expressed. The war
came because the Republican party elected
Lincoln. I might draw a political parallel between
those conditions and the conditions now
existent in this state and county, in the
Republican party, were it not irreverent to
liken the loss of a Senator of the United
States to the great catastrophe and crime
which wrung the hearts of your people.
In your county, a Republican ticket,
fairly nominated and composed of unex
ceptionable candidates, is antagonized by
an hermaphroditic production of the Flinn-
Martin-Guffey machine.
What the platform of the ill-assorted
combination may be here, I do not know.
In some places it is ballot reform. In
129

others it is oleomargarine, and everywhere
it is unctions enough to beguile some vot
ers. The underlying scheme of the alli
ance is again to deadlock the Legislature
and prevent the election of a Republican
Senator from Pennsylvania. To this con
summation it is not likely the Republicans
of Franklin county will lend themselves.
The greatest questions which have in re
cent years agitated the country will pre
sent themselves full-armed before the next
Congress, and the greatest American and
Republican State of the Union should be
fully heard and have its due weight in
their momentous settlement. Your regu
larly-nominated candidates for Senate and
Assembly are deserving of your support.
All are capable. Mr. Stewart, your candi
date for Senator, will have his reasons for
his vote, whatever it may be, in his con
science, and not in his pocket. The same
may be said of your legislative candidates.
The Republican State Convention insist
ed upon my candidacy for the United States
130

Senate, and I yielded to its judgment, but
if your Senator and members in their wis
dom shall see proper to support another, I
shall not murmur at their decision. They
are your candidates regularly nominated,
and should receive every Republican vote.
Once the Democratic party of Pennsyl
vania was stern in its devotion to fixed prin
ciples and rigid discipline. In storm or
sunshine, victory or defeat, it was unbend
ing and its flag never lowered. It carried
the standard of national Democracy.
In the days of Buchanan and Dallas and
Black, Bedford Springs was the Mecca
where the pilgrimages of all its southem
and western great men annually converg
ed. Its unbending attitude during the war
is illustrated by the position of P, Gray
Meek, its candidate to-day for Auditor
General, Here are his utterances in 1864,
when such utterances invited indictment
and imprisonment, (Here Senator Quay
read several extracts from Mr. Meek's
newspaper — The Bellefonte Watchman —
131

printed in 1864, as follows): "Another edict
has gone forth, and on the 5th of Septem
ber the wheel from which is drawn the
order of death will be put in motion again.
King Abraham wants more victims, fanati-
icism demands more blood, and 500,000
more men must offer up their lives on the
bloody altar of infidel abolitionism. Is
there to be no stop to this terrible work,
no lull in this cry for blood? Must the
powers that be surfeit on it, before we can
hope for an end to this horrible butchery ;
this fiendish, frightful war ? Let Abraham
Lincoln and his advisers take warning.
It is no false alarm that is sounded, for the
determination ofthe people is fixed and the
bloody butchery must cease. If they are
determined to force them to the point when
forbearance ceases to be a virtue, upon their
heads will be the responsibility. Let them
awake, for the danger is near — as close as
the 5th day of September — and they alone
can avert it."
(Another extract was as follows):
132

"Blackguards — what is Parson Brownlow,
one of the delegates to the Baltimore Con
vention, but a vile blasphemer and a black
guard ? What is Jim Lane, an abolition
Senator, but a filthy mouthed blasphemer,
blackguard and habitue of dens of prosti
tution and intemperance ? What is Thad.
Stevens, an abolition Congressman, but a
thing without character and principle?
What is Stanton, the abolition Secretary
of War, but a bigoted blasphemer and
blackguard ? What is Lincoln, the abolition
President, but a low jester, an apish, vain
glorious blackguard? Who but a black
guard would have converted Washington
city into a reeking, filthy, noxious, loath
some haunt for harlots, thieves, murderers
and gamblers as has Lincoln ? Who but a
blackguard could join a festive party of
partisans, and indulge in uncouth jokes and
merriment, while the country is clotted
with its own blood and the air is filled
vrith shrieks of suffering and the moans of
bereavement, as does Lincoln? Who but

133

a blackguard would request another
to sing a revelers' ditty amid the dead
and suffering, as did Lincoln at Antie
tam." But this is all over now. Within recent
years the Democratic party has leamed to
change both its candidates and its prin
ciples upon sixty days' notice, through the
official action of its state convention. It
has fallen into the hands of hucksters, who
use it solely for the election of delegates to
national conventions in a far cry after
federal patronage, and who are willing to
have it trail lifeless and disorganized in the
wake of a few dissatisfied members of the
opposition, for some reason which will only
appear on the day when all dark things are
made plain. It has become a mere subject
of barter and exchange in its dealings with
Pennsylvania situations. The newspapers
abound with mention of conferences be
tween its Chairman and National Commit
teeman with Flinn, Martin and other dis
credited Republicans, but the mention of
134

conferences of Democratic committeemen,
or of Democratic mass meetings, is very rare.
I not do know what may be the ultimate
result with the peculiar elements constitut
ing the Democratic party of this State, but
a similar policy, if inflicted upon the Re
publican party, would leave us without a
party or an organization or many votes in
a very few years.
Perhaps this is what the present Demo
cratic leaders intend, and that a new party
is dreamed of in combination with the "re
form " Republicans, such as was sug
gested at the exposition banquet, in Phila
delphia, some years ago. Else there is no
consideration for the sale of the Democratic
organization. What are the Democratic voters to get ?
Not ballot reform ; they can have a new
ballot law — and they must have it from the
Republican organization — without making
merchandise of themselves. They will
gain no members of Congress, as the elec
tion will develop. The insurgents will
135

cheat them as to Congress for their self-
preservation, and the prospect for Legis
lative gains are not brilliant.
Republican revolts are not infrequent in
Pennsylvania, but rarely have been pra
ductive of any good result. There was the
unsuccessful liberal revolt against Grant :
and Hartranft, in 1872. There was after
ward the revolt against Beaver and Cam
eron, in 1882, which was successful. Yet
Cameron was re-elected to the Senate, and
four years later Beaver was elected Gov
ernor. Then came the revolt against Dela
mater in 1890. His candidacy had been
discountenanced and practically abandoned
when new life was breathed into it by
Philip C. Garrett, Hampton L. Carson, J.
Levering Jones, Dimner Beeber and many
others of independent thought — many of
the old Committee of One Hundred, whose
views had decisive weight in the Republi
can State convention. Even with their
support Delamater was defeated.
In 1882 and 1890 Mr. Pattison was
136

elected Governor by the Democracy, but his
elevation to the Executive chair produced
no marked result in Pennsylvania. The
newspapers say Governor Pattison has
emerged from his retirement into the presi
dency of a Chestnut street fiscal institution,
recently deceased, and is speaking for
Bryan and talking of plum trees and plums
in northwestern Pennsylvania. His finan
cial experience may render him an expert
and glib exponent in such matters, but it is
more easy of belief that he is looking for
ward to a Senatorial deadlock next winter
and a repetition of his experiences of 1883
and 1890.
You are thoroughly familiar with the
issues involved in this campaign. Most
prominent among them are the tariff and
silver. All of the national issues will be dis
cussed by those who accompany me. Penn
sylvania and her great interests stand or
fall on these two issues. Pennsylvania is
in all the Union the chief beneficiary of
Republican success, and Pennsylvania on
137

the 6th of next November should break her
record as a majority state. It will not da
because we have fattened upon the victory
of 1896 to become phlegmatic and listless.
There are those who go about preaching
that McKinley is safe ; that Congress is
safe, and that red fire and brass band and
mass meetings are superfluous. They are
quietly hostile. We must make the most
emphatic declaration of all of the United
States for the faith that is in us, or we will
be derelict in duty and will weaken our
cause. Were there a hot contest over the elec
tion of John Smith to the shrievalty of
Franklin county, and should some leading
Republican go about when you are organiz
ing to poll your vote, declaring " Franklin
county is Republican, no effort is neces
sary, there is no necessity for meetings,
nor for means to produce voters, nor for red
fire nor brass bands. Let the vote alone.
The election will take care of itself," you
would say that he was at least not very
138

much in favor of John Smith. No ! Bring
to the polls every voter in Franklin who
will vote for McKinley and Roosevelt ;
induce him, if you can, to take with
McKinley and Roosevelt the entire Re
publican ticket.
If he does so he will feel better in the
morning after the election, and you will
have done your duty.

i.19

KK

speech at
PhcenixviUe October 27th.

Speech at Phoenixville. October TJ,
1900.

IT gives me great pleasure to meet my
fellow-citizens of Phoenixville. It is,
in a measure, a home-coming. Only
two or three miles hence, some of my
ancestors came out of the ground a couple
of centuries ago. It was so long ago that
the red Indians had still their village here.
The story goes that my great, great-grand
mother, when she went to meet her father, a
Quaker preacher over in the Chester Valley,
left her babe, my great-grandfather, Patrick
Anderson, in charge of the Indian squaws.
I would suggest that from this suckling
came my total depravity were it not that
my relative, Mr. Anderson, who lives on
the property his ancestors owned in 1712,
might object 143

Pennsylvanians to-day are proud of
Phoenixville. We know of the great
achievements of your great industrial plant
that has forced its way into the markets of
the uttermost world. The pyramids of
Egypt, the sad and lonely monuments of a
people and a civilization that perished
while earth was young, know you and
recognize your handiwork. They look
down upon the magnificent structure which
many thousands of miles from here, in far
Eastem Africa, spans the mysterious Nile,
to give passage to the armed battalions of a
great sister nation in a victorious and vital
campaign for Christianity and against the
slave trade. It is your pride and the pride
of Pennsylvania and of this nation that
Great Britain for the excellence of its prod
ucts and for the energy and reliability of
its management preferred the Phoenix Iron
and Bridge Company to its native factors.
To the wisdom of Republican legislation
you owe your prominence and splendid
prosperity. It nurtured the iron and steel
144

industries when they were infant and feeble.
Now they are mature and strong, and may ,
be able to stand without legislative support, ,'
but it is not safe to make a departure from /
the protective system which made themi
what they are. The iron and steel indus
tries are barometers, like the railroads, of
the industrial condition of the country and
will fall in a general depression.
One week ago to-day, in company with
some gentlemen present on this platform,
I went to Skippack to teach to that upright
agricultural community what I did not
know about farming, and thence to Potts
town to witness a Republican gathering
there. The Skippack meeting was large,
the Pottstown meeting was immense, and
they seem to have disturbed the livers of
some of the "Friends of Good Govern
ment." At Pottstown there was a great
and tumultuous crowd, but that was not
our fault. There were brass bands and
marching columns, but that was not our
fault. There was a crowded hall from
145

which thousands of people were turned
away and there was constant cheering and
applause responsive to the utterances of our
speakers, but that was not our fault. Yet
so mild a gentleman as Professor Meigs,
forty-eight hours later, screamed as follows
at a meeting of " Friends of Good Govern
ment:" " We are not here to plead the statute of
limitations, we are not here to compound
felony. We are not here to claim title as
bosses ; to complain of compacts violated ;
to apologize for our existence. We have a
right to act, to think and to live, and we
call upon you to think and act with us
and pursue to their innermost lair these
wild beasts that have been preying upon
the State."
The outburst is encouraging. Leaving
out the other hard names we are here to
meet to-night, people of Phoenixville, as a
traveling menagerie. This is "Wild
Beast" Stone, the Govemor of your great
Commonwealth. This is "Wild Beast"
146

Stewart, your distinguished Adjutant Gen
eral of the Pennsylvania National Guard.
This is "Wild Beast" Schaffer, the Re
corder of the judicial opinions of ithe high
est court of the Commonwealth. This is
"Wild Beast" McElree, a respected and
esteemed fellow citizen of yours, and I am
"Wild Beast" Quay.
" Wild Beast " Elkin, your distinguished
Attorney General, has broken loose and
away, and is west of the AUeghenies some
where — on this dark night doubtless suck
ing the blood of the innocent " Friends of
Good Govemment" there. So, according
to Professor Meigs, the hunt is up — the
"Good Government" people have loosed
their dogs but these particular "Wild Beasts"
before you are not exactly taking to their
lairs. In fact, the tigers have tumed to
hunt the hunters, and we are here to-night
to ask you to aid the Republican party to
flesh its teeth in them on the 6th of
November. The pretence that the campaign of the
147

Fusionists is conducted in the interest of
good government is as false as the lie that
I pleaded the statute of limitations in the
trial at Philadelphia which you all remem
ber. It originated in the political miseries
and personal malice of disappointed men
formerly members of the Republican party.
The Democracy, hopeless of unaided suc
cess and utterly forgetful of the resulting
demoralization to its organization, took
them to its bosom, warmed their sickly
vitality, and set them to work in its vine
yard. I have large charity for disappointed
ambition —
" The flesh will quiver when the pincers tear,
" The blood will follow where the knife is driven."
and the wounds but half heal and some
times gangrene. Then the blood is poi
soned and the senses are numbed, and to
the victim all nature seems changed. He
looks at the world through smoked glass.
He has evil dreams and talks in his sleep.
Hope deferred becomes hopelessness. He
148

assumes a monkish austerity announces
himself as a man with a mission, purified
in the crucible of adversity, with a God-
given errand to inform the people of the
evils from which they are ignorantly suf
fering and lead them to redress. Year
after year, in instance after instance, this
history repeats itself
Under the present tempest is the United
States Senatorship. This is confessed by
the " Pittsburg Times," the organ of the
corrupt municipal ring of the city of Pitts
burg — a ring which is nearing its demise
but which for the present is very earnest
in the cause of good govemment. The
"Times" was sufficiently interested in
that cause to send a reporter to attend the
Pottstown meeting, and its comment edi
torially is as follows:
"To be brutally frank, there is this differ
ence between Col. Quay and John Wana
maker: Col. Quay takes but a few words to
say that he is a candidate for United States
Senator. Mr. Wanamaker consumes sev-

149

eral columns of space in saying that he is
not a candidate for anything. However,
it is only proper to add that Mr, Wana
maker says many other things more im
portant than either of these propositions,
among which is the following:
" 'A Legislature must be elected over
whelmingly hostile to the machine and all
its works, and to its whole corrupt and
sinister spirit in order that the present
protection to fraud at the polls shall be
swept away by an act enforcing true ballot
reform.' "
"That is the whole proposition, and, if
Mr. Wanamaker had said nothing else,
that would have covered the situation to a
nicety. The duty of the voters of Penn
sylvania, two weeks from to-day is to vote
against every nominee, no matter upon
which ticket he may have been nominated,
who is committed to the election of Col.
Quay to the United States Senate. Vote
for McKinley and Roosevelt, every man
who has the salvation of this beloved coun-

150

try at heart ; vote for every Republican
candidate for Representative in the lower
house of Congress, to the end that McKin
ley and Roosevelt may not be embarrassed
during the approaching four years of nUj^
exampled prosperity, but vote against every
man who is committed to the election of
Matthew Stanley Quay to the United States
Senate, no matter in which county of Penn
sylvania he may be a candidate, for Quay
is not the friend of McKinley and never
was. This is the nub of Mr. Wanamaker' s
speech ; this is what his plea for good
government means ; this is what his argu
ment for a better ballot law means; and in
this respect — if in all other respects he
may be wrong — he is etemally right,"
The ring shouts for regularity when its
own ticket is concemed, but not otherwise.
It is for the whole ticket in Allegheny
county and in Allegheny county only.
The Fusion alliance being without com
mon principle, is hard put to for a platform.
In one community where there have
151

been election frauds, it shouts for Ballot
Reform. In another, where dairymen are
interested in the price of butter, it complains
that the State authorities have but five or
six hundred prosecutions instituted for
violations of the Oleomargarine Act, where
they might have more. At other points
they quarrel with the veto of one million
dollars of the school appropriations, and
everywhere, they join in the cry of the
Democratic bower parrot of 1888, "Quay
is a bad man."
In Pottstown the other night the slogan
was "Good Government." Pennsylvania
was declared a misgoverned State and a
debauched and plundered State. Good
government is to take taxes from the
shoulders of the ill-paid agricultural inter
est and place it upon corporations, and
owners of stocks and moneys at interest.
Good government is to increase the annual
school appropriation within ten years from
one million to five millions, and to stud
our Commonwealth with institutions of

152

learning. Good government is to pay a
debt of forty millions of dollars in thirty
years without oppressing our people, and
at the same time to spend millions in the
care of our criminal and insane populations,
soldiers' orphans' schools and universities
and general public charities. Good govern
ment is to erect a citizen soldiery which
can be thrown to any point in the Common
wealth to sustain outraged law at twenty-
four hours' notice, and which can furnish
fifteen thousand bayonets for the United
States service on call.
All this Pennsylvania has. Pennsyl
vania is not debauched, and cannot be
debauched. Weak men may be bought in
isolated instances, but recent experience
has shown that a United States Senator-
ship cannot be bought. The state has
never been plundered, nor are its public
officers plunderers. Pennsylvania, in a
whole century, has not lost a single dollar
by a defalcation of one of her public officials.
The united fortunes of all of the heads of

153

departments at Harrisburg from the Gover
nor down, added to the fortune of our United
States Senator and my own, will not in
total equal one year's income of the mer
chant prince or the Traction magnate who
are the main springs of the Fusion move
ment, the great teachers and treasurers of
reform. The Treasury of Pennsylvania is not the
great fiscal institution reformers would
have you believe. Under our financial
system the annual receipts of our Treasury
are not one-fourth of the annual receipts of
the Treasury of the City of Philadelphia.
They do not more than equal the annual
receipts of the City of Pittsburg or the
County of Allegheny.
The money is not held in the vaults at
Harrisburg, but deposited in the banks
throughout the state, where the people
have the use of it unless the needs of the
Commonwealth require its withdrawal.
Pennsylvania is honest. Her people are
honest. Her officials are honest. And of
154

all this union of states, Pennsylvania is the
fairest and the happiest and the most in
telligent and the best governed. No state
of all the union has so thriven and grown
in population and wealth as has she under
the government of the last twenty-five
years. Railroads, mines, furnaces, iron
works, steel works and factories in count
less numbers have been added to our pro.
ducers of wealth. Within four years, since
1896, four hundred and fifty thousand men
have been added to the roll of paid labor in
Pennsylvania. If this union of states were dissolved,
Pennsylvania could stand alone and be a
nation unto herself Out of her own
bowels she could spin the web of her pros
perity. She could place in the field and
clothe, equip and subsist an army of one-
quarter of a million of men. She could
build at her own shipyards, her own navy,
plate her ships from her own armor plants,
arm them with guns from her own gun fac
tories, and send them out on the Atlantic
155

and the great lakes. In her industries she
could levy tribute on all her sister states
and almost all foreign countries. I am
proud there is not a drop of blood in my
veins that is not Pennsylvania blood two
centuries old. I thank God I am a Pennsyl
vanian. No patriotic citizen of any party can
have any sympathy with that hypocrisy
which finds it necessary for its own prefer
ence to smirch the fair fame of his state,
nor with the malignity which can find in
political conditions only rottenness on which
to feed and over which to croak, nor with
the narrow-minded and leaden mediocrity
and selfishness, which, when great national
issues of world-wide importance are being
adjudicated, proclaims as more essential
the conviction of a ballot fraud in Philadel
phia or the arrest of a defaulting oleomar
garine seller or a temporary reduction of
fifty or one hundred or five hundred dollars
in the appropriation for a rural school dis
trict. That is the child defiling the parent,
156

That is the caw of the carrion crow. That
is John Hook in the cantonments of the
bleeding Continental army at Valley Forge
bawling "Beef! Beef! Beef!! Beef!!!"
Heed not those who tell you that the
Presidential election is safe, that Congress
is safe, and that great national questions
are not important nor paramount. These
are enemies in disguise. Stand up on the
6th of November. Stand by your colors
and bring to the polls every voter in
Phoenixville and Chester county who will
vote for McKinley and Roosevelt and your
Congressional ticket. Swell your majority
to its highest notch. Take care of the na
tional ticket and the local ticket will take
care of itself
The friends of "good govemment" have
raised a large amount of money to expend
in your county and other pivotal points of
contest. One of the candidates upon the
fusion ticket is the custodian and dispenser
of the fund here, and his recent visits to
Philadelphia have a history. In the cause
157

of " good government " they will bribe
piously. They will bribe prayerfully.
You can scarcely say them nay. Take
their money; lay it carefully out of reach
until after election. Then there are laud
able charities at hand to the use of which
it can be properly donated, and you can
consider the propriety of mentioning the
identity of the donors.

t.58

speech at
Lebanon November 1st.

Speech at Lebanon. November I, 1900.

I DID not come here to make a speech,
nor even to make a short talk. My
intention was merely to greet you, to
look you in the face and take some of you
by the hand, say God speed and good-by.
I have just one word to say. I listened
with great interest to the presentation of
the case of Dr. Gerberich. If the Repub
lican party of Lebanon is to preserve its
integrity, if it is not going to surrender to
the common enemy, you people must go
together. If the same state of affairs ex
isted throughout the United States what
would become of McKinley and Roosevelt ?
I have been through factional war
fare often. Men who at one time are tearing
each other's throats, in a year or two touch
elbows as they march against the common
enemy. It is not worth while, because you
161

differ about Dr. Gerberich and Dr. Weiss,
to get so far apart that you cannot come to
gether again.
Soldiers here know that, if two wings of
an army get to fighting, the army will
be destroyed, and so you will be destroyed.
One word more. I saw in the moming
papers that the Lodge of Sorrow had met
again at the Hotel Stratford in Phila
delphia. Mr. Flinn, one of the great
apostles of reform, announced that in no
event could Mr, Quay be elected Senator,
that indeed he could not obtain a hundred
votes in the Legislature. Simultaneously,
Mr. Guffey announced the same thing at
Harrisburg. He stated that the Democrats
would gain on their vote of 1898, and
would have a hundred votes in the Legis
lature. Why these announcements were
made I do not know, unless their courage
needed stiffening.
Now, without believing that any man
can forecast any political event in advance,
I want to say this: the regular Republicans
162

have nominated one hundred and sixty-five
men, including Senators who hold over,
who will go into the regular Republican
caucus and nominate a United States Sen
ator. They would all be elected in an
ordinary year. They will all be elected
this year unless they are stabbed in the
back by political assassins. The plan of
the opposition was originally to defeat
them at the primaries. That failed.
The plan now is to defeat enough to re
duce the regular vote below one hundred
and twenty-eight, which would elect a
United States Senator.
My judgment is that next Wednesday
you will see that not less than one hundred
and fifty men will be elected who will stand
together at Harrisburg for the good old
Republican party. I wish you to bear that
prediction in mind and see on Wednesday
how true it is.

163

i^

speech at
Philadelphia November 3rd

Speech in Philadelphia. November 3,
1900.

THE Republican party, in the nomina
tion of a Presidential candidate, is
never carried away by a burst of
enthusiasm. A party of sentiment, it has
never been a party of impulse. Fremont
was nominated as the most vigorous public
man in new political life, to carry the stand
ard of a young and nervous organization.
The nomination of Lincoln, was the evo
lution of the conservative thought of Re
publican statesmen, who had been attracted
by his great debate with Stephen A. Douglas,
covering fully the tremendous issue then
threatening the country. Grant represented
the theories and triumphs of the Civil
War, on the graves of which the grass was
not yet grown. 167

The nomination of Blaine was a tribute
of the affection of the masses of the party
to that heroic leader, who was endeared to
them by a life of courageous devotion to
their interests at the cost of personal de
traction, which invaded even his family
circle. Harrison was the result of a compromise
of factional feeling, and a concession of his
personal fitness.
McKinley was the incarnation of the
protective system. Republican nomina
tions have always been made with a
thorough understanding and concession of
the fitness and availability of the candi
dates, and an intelligent and comprehensive
survey of tactical positions.
When the Democratic National Conven
tion met at Chicago, in 1896, its greatest
leaders were there and assumed direction
of its deliberations. Mr. Bryan was not
there except as a delegate from the state of
Nebraska, whose claim to a seat had been
rejected by the Democratic National Com-
168

mittee. If there was one result more than
another improbable in that convention, it
was his nomination to any position. Yet
all of you remember what occurred. Ad
mitted to the convention, by a single effort
of eloquence he usurped its control. At
one flight he left the valley for the mountain
top — emerged from mist and obscurity into
the broad sunlight.
To the mass of the convention, he stood
like the angel upon Lebanon, tiptoed and
balancing upon his wings. With silver
tongue, he beguiled the Democratic party
from its chosen and trusted leaders. He
obliterated its features and stamped its face
with his individuality and took its willing
hand to lead it whither he would. No
greater, no more sudden and startling
individual triumph has been recorded in
the politics of the century.
Mr. Bryan is courageous, brainy and elo
quent. He is sincere to the verge of fanat
icism. He is honest. It is impolitic folly
to deny his ability, to charge him with cor-
169

rupt motives in connection with the silver
plank of the Bryan party. But his con
victions are at war with the American
establishment and the conservative thought
of the country. This was the judgment
of the American people in 1896, emphatic
ally expressed. There was thereafter no
Democratic party. It was a Bryan party.
Democracy became Bryanism.
And the recent Democratic convention
bent to his imperious sceptre. Absolute
tyranny forced the free silver plank of its
platform, which the wisest leaders of the.
convention recognized as ill-fitted, if not
absolute wreck. If debatable in 1896, the
currency question in 1900 has passed
beyond the region of debate. This country
has taken its seat in the highest councils
of the nations of the earth, and must cling
to the world's currency, and Mr. Bryan's
interference was resisted, but without avail.
And now many of the most pronounced
of his supporters have lip service for
Bryan and hearts that are praying for a.
170

cataclysmic disaster on the 6th of Novem
ber that will forever eliminate Bryan and
Bryanism from American politics. Their
prayers will be blessed. After Tuesday
next the meteoric career of that brilliant
and erratic orator will be,
" A transient flash on which the midnight closed."
For his courage and patriotism, proven
on the field of battle, and his wisdom in
high place, and for his identification with
the Republican position on the gravest
issue of the campaign, the Republican
convention at St, Louis selected with prac
tical unanimity William McKinley, of Ohio,
Succeeding his election, the Dingley bill
was passed and the currency placed upon
the gold basis. The disputed issues had
been the tariff and the currency, and there
was believed to be a settlement of both.
Yet each party, at its convention of 1900,
reaffirmed its position of 1896, and the
tariff and the currency are again the
predominating subjects of contention.
171

The change in the face of affairs, wrought
by the decision of 1896, was not sufficient
to deter Mr. Bryan from reaffirming in
terms his entire platform of 1896, or from
emphasizing specifically his devotion to
the free coinage of silver at the ratio of
sixteen to one. In the face of unparalleled
prosperity at home, and of the fact that
abroad the United States had taken the
position of a creditor nation, he invited
Americans to the want, impoverishment
and idleness that preceded 1896.
So fitting was President McKinley in
his great office, and so popular in the admin
istration of its duties, that the Republican
convention, which met in your city in June,
presented him again unanimously, and
with absolute confidence, to the country, and
reformed its battle upon the old line of
principle. The candidates, and the issues
of 1896, are again set over against each
other. It is not worth while to argue to
you the wisdom of the protective policy
and the gold basis of currency.
172

All over this greatest American metropo
lis, all over this greatest American State,
and all over the United States are the
visible and tangible arguments which have
produced your deep-seated convictions upon
these points, convictions which no elo
quence or argument can deepen or
unsettle. But it is of the utmost impor
tance that Philadelphia, and Pennsylvania,
should manifest to this country and abroad
their devotion to their principles, by the
very utmost majority that can be produced
at the polls.
It is intolerable that in this city of all
cities, in this state of all states, there
should be evinced, by a reduced majority,
what might be construed into the commence
ment of a reaction in sentiment.
Every vote possible should be brought to
the polls for McKinley and Roosevelt.
Congress holds the purse and the sword,
and every Republican voter should see that
his ticket bears the name of a trusted
Republican Congressional candidate. A
173

Democratic Congress would paralize the
administration of McKinley,
From conditions long existing, complica
tions antecedent to McKinley's adminis
tration, and the atrocious destruction of
one of our favorite war vessels, the Spanish
war came on. In the opinion of Congress,
the occasion had arrived for armed inter
vention in Cuba, and the President, who
had striven always most earnestly to avoid
effusion of blood, yielded a sorrowing
assent to its imperative demand.
Three months of war sufficed to conquer
a peace which fulfilled all of our original
requirements, of Spain, and left us with
Porto Rico and the Philippines upon our
hands. Also through the smoke came to
us Hawaii, The ownership of these islands,
and the perplexities attending the transfer
of sovereignty, with the wanton war thrust
upon us by Aguinaldo, afforded excuse for
the sham issue of imperialism evoked by
Mr, Bryan. There was no spirit of empire
in the acquisition of these new territories,
174

They were the fruit of no lust of conquest.
They were taken, in case of Hawaii, at the
request of its people, and on the recommen
dation of President Cleveland, and, in case
of the Spanish islands, on the demand of
the Spanish government, which was
anxious to dispose of unprofitable depend
encies Spain was no longer able to protect.
Cuba lost, Spain necessarily abandoned
her colonial system, and our succession to
the Philippines was part of the price of
peace. Once the white population of this coun
try slept within sound of the beating of
the Atlantic surf They were colonists of
Great Britain, If the mother country had
been without colonies, and a colonial system,
there would have existed no United States
to-day. From the Atlantic we expanded
westward over the AUeghenies, over the
north-west territory and over the Ohio
and Mississippi valleys, over the Louisiana
territory, absorbing to the southward the
Fioridas and part of Mexico, growing
175

steadily by conquest and purchase until
our frontier was aligned by the peaceful
Pacific. A nation cannot grow without expansion.
It must have new homes for its surplus
population, more markets for its products,
and new theories of statecraft, as it comes
in touch with new foreign interests and
new conditions. So far have we progressed
to the westward that we have covered lands
where the west melts into the far east,
and our soldiers are fighting in the Philip
pines and in China. The latest develop
ments have come from the outward pressure
of our great prosperity and enterprise,
from the Spanish war, which was unavoid
able, and from the savagery of the Chinese
government. In China all is mystery. It may be that
the final war of races and religions is
beginning, that the hour is here, and that
out of China's moss-grown civilization and
swarming life, the man will come. Then
the Chinese will fight for their lives, their
176

institutions and their native land. The
population of China is three times the
population of the entire American conti
nent — North and South America and the
appurtenant islands. Confucians, Budd
hists, Moslems and pagans — there are as
many anti-Christians in China as there
are Christians in all the world. And
the Chinese hold life so cheap, that a sub
stitute can be found for fifty dollars to
take the place of a criminal condemned to
death. It may be a century, it may be
but a few years until the Chinese Arma
geddon comes.
Enlightened civilization and Christianity
are synonymous, and the world cannot
endure one-third Christian and two-thirds
heathen. The controlling forces are hostile
and collide and one or the other must
perish, Christianity has failed in Asia in peace
ful missionary effort, and if the cross is to
prevail there it must be preceded or
accompanied by the battle flag, God in
177

his infinite wisdom seems to have ordained
that the sword shall open the bloody road
for the coming of the gospel of peace and
love. It was thus when Constantine set
the cross besides the eagles of the Roman
legions ; when Olaf christianized Scandi
navia ; when the Teutonic knights and
other military orders crushed Paganism in
Lithuania and central Europe ; and here
when the rifle and the Bible went together
in the overthrow of the red race.
I have nearly filled the allotted span of
mortal life. I expect to live to see the
Greek cross on St. Sophia and the last
Turk go out of Europe at the push of the
Russian bayonet. In seething China the
invisible forces which create and destroy
empires seem about to manifest themselves.
There the skies lower, the atmosphere is
hot and wavering, the earth trembles, and
there are all the portents of one of those
elemental convulsions which occur once in
a cycle to change the map of the world
and the currents of history. 178

It is not in days like these that the
American people can afford to disarm or to
take one step backward upon the straight
path they have trodden and made smooth.
This is no time to change tried rulers or
policies. The salient features of the peculiar
campaign now closing in Pennsylvania are
familiar to all of you. Underlying the
discontent of varied hue, sedulously fo
mented in different quarters, is the question
of the vacant United States Senatorship,
The Legislature of 1899 has passed into
history, and there is no reason, now, to recur
to its shortcomings. The Republican State
Convention of 1900, without consultation
with me, placed me in nomination for the
Senatorship. Gentlemen, formerly active
in the Republican organization, saw proper
to dissent from its judgment, to which
judgment I yielded a reluctant assent.
Various reasons have been assigned for an
opposition which has taken them outside
the Republican party into open alliance
with the common enemy. 179

It is their privilege, and their right as
free American citizens, to enter such
political alliance as their good sense and
j udgment may dictate. In so doing they
purge the Republican party of themselves.
They can no longer be identified with it.
Their main ostensible demand is ballot
reform. Their main complaint is what is
known as "bossism."
There is not an honest, intelligent citi
zen of Pennsylvania who is not in favor
of any legislation which more fully than
the present law will protect the right and
freedom of suffrage and the sanctity of the
ballot. The Republican party of Pennsylvania,
the Republican organization of Philadel
phia, will co-operate with any party or
association which can present to the Legis
lature an improvement upon the present
system. For weeks past from the rostrum
in different parts of Pennsylvania the
gentlemen, who for the present are wearing
the ballot reform badge, from Mr. Guffey
i8o

down to Mr. Pattison, who, as Governor of
Pennsylvania, approved the law now in
force, have been invited to produce the
measure they desired to establish, but
without avail.
If the public are to assume that these
persons are sincere they should state their
position. If they do not, there may be
suspicion of a desire that ballot reform
may fail in dispute over details and may
be renewed as a stock slogan for future
campaigns. To repel the imputation of "bossism"
or of the suppression of the will of the
Republicans of Pennsylvania in the selec
tion of a Senator, these gentlemen have
been invited to present the name of the
candidate of their choice that it may be
submitted with mine by the State Com
mittee or the committees of the different
counties for a popular vote. We called,
but they answered not again. They did
not trust the people. They have no candi
date whom they dare present. They have
i8i

no principle they dare carve into absolute
form. They have no argument except
personal detraction and falsification and
wanton defilement of the fair name of the
great state which gives them shelter.
They have in common only personal malice
and certain political miseries.
Without the Democratic party they are
helpless, even with the aid of the five
suborned newspapers of Philadelphia — the
Press, the Times, the Record, the Ledger
and the Evening Telegraph. I have no
desire to flutter the cote of these soiled
doves of Pennsylvania journalism. It is
scarcely necessary to direct the attention
of this audience to the absolute similarity
of their utterances, and their complete
servility to one man and one influence.
They wire in and wire out at the heel of
their charmer, everywhere slobbering
venom in their slot. They are
" Five souls with but a single thought,
Five hearts that beat as one. ' '
If "the heart of the angel Israfil is a
182

lute," as Arabian legend says, the heart
of each of them is the dollar, and the single
thought of all the full-page advertisements.
Of one of them — in rural Pennsylvania
when intending to convey the idea of
absolute mendacity — we say of aman: "He
lies like the Philadelphia PressP
You must pardon the coarseness of the
quotation. It is the truth given in the
plain vernacular of honest old Horace
Greeley.

i83

Academy of Music
Address
Philadelphia

Address to the State League of Repub
lican Clubs, May 14. 1901.
Academy of Music, Philadelphia^.

AT three score years and ten the world
grows lonely. Through wilder
nesses, almost desolate, the stream
of life glides darkly toward the eternal
gulf The associations of early existence
are gone. Its obj ects are gained or lost, or
faded in importance, and there is a discon
nection with ideas once clamped about the
reason, and dissolution of feelings once
melting the heart. Occasions like the
present stand in pleasant relief — green
patches on a sandy Delta — and are
especially attractive and welcome. Fully
recognizing that your tribute is not
personal, but attaches to the high office,
with which the Republicans of Pennsyl
vania have honored me, I thank you,
187

My political race is run. It is not to be
understood that God's sword is drawn im
mediately against my life, or that my seat
in the Senate is to be prematurely vacated,
but that with the subscription of my official
oath on the i8th of January my connection
with the serious labors and responsibilities
of active politics ceased, except in so far as
I may be committed to certain measures
pending in the present Legislature.
I will never again be a candidate for, or
accept any official position. I have many
friends to remember, I have no enemies
to punish. In this regard I put aside the
past. Gentlemen of the Republican Clubs of
Pennsylvania, you have reason to be proud
of your party and its work in your State,
Ever since the Republican party came into
power, the state government has been wisely
and economically administered — adminis
tered indeed with an economy which, in
view of our population, wealth, territory,
multiplied industries, manufactures, mines,
i88

oil production, railroads and canals, seems
almost parsimony. Witness the figures of
our appropriations for 1 899-1 900,
Total appropriations  J22.896,218
Annual appropriations  11,448,109
Annual school appro
priations  J5, 500,000
Normal schools and
other educational in
stitutions  802,780
Charitable institutions 780,825
Indigent insane  944,650
Judiciary  669,000
National guard  387,500 $9,084,755
Balance  $2,363,354
This balance of a little over $2,000,000
defrays the salaries of all of the officers
and employees of all of the departments of
the state government, including salaries
of the Legislature and legislative em
ployees, and necessary expenses incident
to the session of the Legislature, public
printing, geological survey, pensions and
gratuities, penitentiaries and reformatories
and their incident but necessary expendi
tures, which, trifling in detail, are im
portant in aggregate. The budget for this
189

city approximates $30,000,000 annually,
and the budget of any one of our great
cities exceeds the budget of the state.
The taxation per capita upon our popu
lation for the support of the state govem
ment proper, amounts to 33^ cents. Even
this is paid not directly by the people, but
by our corporations. Every county in the
state except this county of Philadelphia re
ceives from the state Treasury more than
it pays into it. The consolidated debt of
all the counties, municipalities, and school
districts of Pennsylvania was, in 1880,
$25.03 per capita, in 1890, $13.50. In
Massachusetts, in 1880, it was $51,55, in
1890, $36.42. In New York, in 1880, it
was $43.06, in 1890, $32.64, In Maine, in
1880, it was $35,81, in 1890, $23.60. In
New Hampshire, in 1880, it was $31.10, in
1890, $21.64.
When the Republican party came into
power, in Pennsylvania, the state debt
approximated $40,000,000; now it is less
than $1,000,000. Then the annual interest
190

charge was twice the amount of the total
debt and annual interest to-day. Then all
lands were taxed for state purposes ; now
they are exempt. Then horses, cattle,
carriages, watches, occupations and pro
fessions were taxed for state purposes; now
they are exempt, and in the meantime
$10,500,000 have been spent upon the
schools for soldiers' orphans. These taxes
repealed have not been replaced by any
tax upon individuals.
In the meantime, the annual appropria
tion for common schools has been increas
ed from $300,000 to $5, 500,000. Since then
the large revenues derived from liquor
licenses have been diverted almost entirely
from the state to the treasuries of the
counties and municipalities. Then each
county was compelled to maintain its own
indigent insane ; now the state bears half
the burden. The repealed taxes have
been made up by the revenues derived
from moneys at interest, three-fourths of
which is returned to the counties, and by
191

imposing additional burdens upon corpora
tions. It is proper also to allude to the
fact that when the Republican party came
into power, laws for the protection of labor
were almost unknown. Now their cata
logue is too long for quotation.
I have said we were economical to the
verge of parsimony. We should be more
liberal with hospitals, insane asylums,
and educational institutions. As con
nected with our educational system, there
stands in an unique position the great
educational institute of this city and
state, the foundation of Benjamin Frank
lin. The University of Pennsylvania,
under a former constitution, was the adopt
ed child of the state, and since then more
or less has been an object of its fostering
care. It has splendidly illustrated the
benevolence and generosity of the people
of Philadelphia. The contributions of one
of the citizens of this city, the present
Provost, to its endowment, amount to more
than $1,000,000, Since 1894 the state has
192

given it $500,000, while in private gifts it
has received over $2,800,000, It has
already taken rank among the foremost
seats of learning in the world, and its
explorations in the field of Asiatic archae
ology are familiar in all transatlantic
scientific circles. The state and the people
of Pennsylvania should cherish it and
make of it, as they can, the first temple of
science in the world, I have hoped that
Mr, Carnegie, our great public benefactor,
might stretch out his hand to it and endow
a college for the seekers after the secrets of
life and death such as nowhere exists
to-day. In our appropriations to our University
we do not by any means compare favorably
with some of our sister states, as the fol
lowing figures will show: —
State appropriations for the following
universities for the academic year 1898-
1899 were: —
University of California  $225,000
(Since increased by $200,000 for each year.)
University of Colorado  126,000
193

University of Illinois  229,000'
University of Kansas  120,000
University of Michigan  240,000
University of Minnesota  129,000-
University of Nebraska  80,000
Ohio State University  176,000
University of Utah  52,000
University of Virginia  43,000
University of West Virginia  88,000
University of Wisconsin  282,000
(In the succeeding year $425,000.)
University of Texas  40,000
Of the twenty-seven hundred students in
average attendance at the University of
Pennsylvania nineteen hundred are from
this state. \
In material developement of resources,
we have advanced so far, under the stimulus
ofthe protective system, that we are almost.
able to progress successfully without a
tariff. It remains still to secure a foreign-
market for our surplus coal to insure steady
wages and prevent strikes in our coal
regions. In our civil system there re
mains to provide a new ballot law to satisfy
many of our people.
We are deeply interested in the foreign
policy of the nation, and all seems well
in its conduct The Philippines will
194

soon have a govemment by consent of
their people and within a score of years
may develop into independence, peace
fully, and under our protection. In China,
we have but to apply the Golden Rule,
treat China as we would have China
treat us — recognize that, despite their sav
agery, the Empress Dowager is the great
est woman born in Asia since the birth
of Semiramis^ and Tuan, the representa
tive^ of patriotic Chinese thought, and
all can be made well there. That nation
of four hundred millions of people, is
present on earth for an Almighty pur
pose, and while the great European
Powers may pencil lines of partition for
Chinese territory, they will never divide
the Chinese people.
Compare with China the MesopotamT
ian peoples, once inhabiting the land of
the Garden of Eden, where Adam and
Eve were created. First there were the
mysterious Sumarians. Who they were,
and how they lived, and when they died,
195

no one knoweth. They gave to men the
alphabet, and passed away leaving no
more trace upon the earth than the
shadow of a cloud flitting over its sur
face. Then came the Chaldeans, and
Babylonians, and Babylon fell. Assyria
arose, and Assyrians built Nineveh, and
both these great cities are only to-day
commencing to tell their stories to
American explorers. Four hundred years
after the fall of Nineveh, thousands of
years ago, so complete was its obliteration
from the face of the earth, and the mem
ory of man, that Xenophon marched his
Greeks over the grave of that city and
knew it not.
Then came the Chaldeans again, and the
Persians — shone a brief period, and were
extinguished. A Chaldean family forti
fied the rock of Jerusalem and grew
into a nation which was the chosen of
God. The visible presence of the Al
mighty illuminated its temples, and
glinted upon the spear point and the
196

shield of the Jewish soldier, as he
marched to battle. That race gave to
men their greatest soldier, their greatest
poet, their greatest lawgiver and their
Messiah. Where is the Hebrew nation
now? During all these ages, China grew, de
veloping a self-sustaining civilization, and
a resistance to decay such as marked no
other nation. When our forefathers
were clad in the skins of beasts, earning
their sustenance in the European forests
by the chase, armed with flint-headed
weapons, China had Confucius and as
trolabes, and was calculating eclipses.
We should respect China for what she
has been, and sympathize with her in
her trials, and look forward with hope to
her future and the fulfillment of her
mission. The business conditions of the country
are abnormal, and would have seemed
incredible a very few years ago. They
are probably the effects to some extent
197

of isolated and different causes operat
ing throughout the world, as well as of
our own science, industry, skill and
great resources, and to the results of the
Spanish war. The uncertainty of the
financial outcome befogs the future.
The present century will be the great
est for decisive events in all history.
And through its gates like a young giant
laurel-crowned, exultant with conquest.
Strength and prosperity, bursts this
young nation upon a prospect hidden
from all eyes in a golden mist. No one
here will witness the close of the cen
tury just opening. It will be nearly a
miracle if any of you see its semi-cen
tennial. But it is within the limit of
nature that all of you may witness
the years and occurrences which will de
termine its character.
For weal or woe we must gi-ve direc
tion to our future within the next few
years. We believe in the American peo
ple. They are wise. They are con-
198

servative. They are patriotic. They
are strong. They are brave, God will
ing, they will cut their way triumph
antly through the crisis which will make
the American system the mundane sys
tem, A great statesman two thousand years
ago stood before his colleagues in the
Senate chamber of a most illustrious
Republic, where grave political questions
were receiving solutions that affect us
to-day. "Think not," he said, "that Rome is
founded alone upon her seven hills and
her ponderous and shining marbles. No,
but upon the honest purposes, brave
hearts and strong arms of her citizens.
Think not that by mere force of arms
alone this Republic attained its present
pitch of greatness. No, but by things
of a very different nature ; industry and
discipline at home, abstinence and jus
tice abroad, a disinterested spirit in
council, unblinded by passion and un-
199

biased by pleasure." Thus spoke the
elder Cato in the Roman Senate, and his
voice seems wafted down the centuries
for our guidance.

300

^ INDEX !K

A
Adam  195
Africa, Eastern  144
Africa, J. Simpson  100
Aguinaldo  37, 174
AUeghenies, The  147, 175
Allegheny County  114, 151, 154
Allison, Senator  21
Altoona, Speech at  105
America  177
Anderson, Mr  143
Anderson, Patrick  143
Antietam  128, 134
Apathy  51, 79
Appropriations in Pennsylvania  189, 193, 194
Arabian Legend  183
Asia  177, 195
Asiatic Archaeology . . . . ,  193
Assyria  196
Assyrians  196
Atlantic Ocean  155, 175
B
Babylon  196
Babylonians  196
Bailey, Mr  100
Baker Law  17
Ballot Fraud  156
Ballot Law  113, 135, 180, 194
Ballot Reform ...12, 17, 19, 20, iii, 129, 135, 150, 152, 181
Baltimore  I33
Bates, Mr  54
Beaton, Col. John  10

Beaver, Janies A  136
Bedford Springs  131
Beeber, Dimner  136
Bellefonte Watchman, Thc  131
Binney, Horace  3
Black, Jeremiah S  131
Blaine, James G  168,
Blair County  lOS, 106
Blair, Steel  108
Bossism  181
Boston  13
Brookville  91
Brownlow, Parson  I33
Bruce, Hon. David D  II4
Bryan, Wm. J., 31, 38, 51, 52, 53, 82, 121, 137, 168, 169,
170, 171, 172.
Buchanan, James  131
Buckalew, Charles R  42, 49
Burnham, George  28, 30, 113
Buddhists  177
C
Cambria County  107
Cameron, J. Donald  136
Campaign of 1888  105
Canal Travel  106
Carnegie, Andrew  193
Carson, Hampton L  136
Cato  200
Chaldeans  196
Chambersburg  128
Charlestown Township, Chester Co  10
Chester County  120, 157
Chester Valley  143
Chicago  l^
China  63, 176, 177, 178, 19S, I97
Chinese, The  176, 177, 19S
Chinese Armageddon  177
Christianity  177
Qeveland, Grover  97, I7S

Coal  92, 106, 194
Confucians  177, 197
Constantine  178
Corporations  113
Coudersport, Speech at  35
Crawford County  47
Cuba  62, 174, 17s
Cumberland Valley  128
Currency  170, 171, 172
D
Dallas, George M  131
Dambly, Mr  120, 122
Dana, Richard H  12
Debt, State and Municipal  190
Delamater, Geo. W  136
Delta  187
Democratic Party, 20, 29, 131, 134, 135, 148, 162, 169, 170,
182.
Dickinson, John  3
Dingley Bill  171
Douglas, Stephen A  167
E
Egypt  144
Elkin, Hon. John P. . '  57, 147
Empress Dowager of China  195
Europe  178
European Powers  195
Eve  195
Evening Telegraph, The Philadelphia  182
Expansion  35, 38, 52, 175, 176, 194
F
Fairless, Col  57
Finney, Darwin A  47
Flinn, Wm  no, 129, 134, 162
Fioridas, The  i75
Franklin County  _  130, 138, 139
Franklin, Benjamin  192

Free Silver  31, 38, 53, 81, no, 137, 170, 172
Free Trade  31, 38, 53, 82
Fremont, John C  167
Furnaces and Factories  Si, 53, 57, 106
Fusion  19, 86, 99, 109, 135, 148, 151, 154, 157, 179
G
Garden of Eden  195
Garrett, Philip C  1.136
Gerberich, Dr  161, 162
Gettysburg  128
Gilbert, Hon. Lyman D  113
Good Government, 145, 146, 147, 148, 151, 152, 153, 157, 158
Grant, U. S  41. 42, 48, 49. 136, 167
Great Britain  144, I7S
Greek Cross  178
Greeks  196
Greeley, Horace  42, 48, 49. 183
Greenville, Speech at  69
Guflfey, Mr  17, 19, 20, 29, 87, 100, no, 129, 162, 180
H
Hagerstown  128
Hall, Lewis W  108
Harrisburg  113, 128, 154, 163
Harrison, Benj  63, 97, 168
Hartranft, John F  42, 48, 123, 136
Hawaii   174, 175
Hebrew Nation  197
Hewit, Benj. L  108
Honesty in Pennsylvania  16
Hook, John  157
Huntingdon, Speech at  97
I
Imboden  128
Imperialism  .30, 35, 48, 52, 82, 174
Indiana  gi
Iron  107, 144, 155
Israfil, The Angel  182

Jackson, Andrew  no
Jerman, Thomas  lo
Jerusalem  196
Johnstown  ,  106
Jones, J. Levering  136
K
Kansas  no
Kauffman, Mr. Luther C  121
Kipling, Rudyard  10
Kosciusko  88
L
Labor in Pennsylvania  51, 155
Labor Laws  192
Lafitte  no
Lancaster County  120
Lane, H. James  I33
Lawrence County  57. 60
Lebanon  161, 169
Lebanon, Speech at  159
Ledger, The Philadelphia  182
Lee, Robert E  128
Lemon, John  108
Lewisburg  27
Lincoln, Abraham  23, 61, 129, 132, 133, 134, 167
Lithuania  178
Lloyd, Wm. M  108
Louisiana  175
Lowrie, Mr  48
Lumber  92
M
Maine  9, 27, 79, 80, 190
Majorities, Excessive  16
Majority, Will of  129
Martin, David  no, 129, 134
Massachusetts  190
McCausland  128

McClure, Alec. K  13
McKinley, Wm., 23, 43, 51, 52, 54, 60, 61, 62, 88, 107, 138,
139, ISO, 151, 157, 161, 168, 171. 172. 173. 174-
Meade George G  3
Meadville, Speech at  47
Mecca  131
Meek, P. Gray  131
Meetings, Large  50
Meigs, Professor  146, 147
Mesopotamian Peoples  195
Messiah  197
Mexico  17s
Mississippi Valley  175
Mifflin County  113
Mines  92
Montgomery County  124, 127
Mount Pleasant  85
Moslems  177
Municipal League  13
N
Nebraska  no, 168
New Castle, Speeches at  57
New Hampshire  190
New Orleans  no
New York  190
Nile River  144
Ninevah  ig6
Nirvana  51
Norristown  28
O
Ohio  171
Ohio Valley  175
Olaf  178
Oleo Question  120, 121, 124, 130, 152, 156
O'Neill, Hon. Eugene  113
P
Pacific Ocean  176
Parrot Story  63, 97, 152^

Pattison, Robert E  136, 181
Penn, William  3
Pennsylvania, Democracy in  137
" Finances of  189, 190, 191
" Government in  152, 153, 155, 188
" Honesty in  16, 155
Labor in  51, 155
" Population in  119
" Progress  22
" Reform in  113
" Representation of  122
" Resources of  155
Rural  116
" Senate of  114
" Situation in  134
" Strife in  123, 136
" Treasury of  154, 190
" University of  192, 193, 194
" Voters of  150
Wealth in  52, 155, 18S
Pennypacker, Samuel W  6
Persians  ig6
Petrikin, Mr  100
Pettis, Mr  48
Pettit, Hon. Silas W  113
Philadelphia, 12, 14, 15, 16, 19, 112, 113, 135, 148, 154, 156,
157, 162, 173, 182, 192.
Philadelphia Academy of Music Address  185
" County  190
Speech at  165
Philippines  37, 174, 175, 176, 194
Phoenixville  143, 144, 146, 157
Phoenix Iron and Bridge Company  144
Phoenixville, Speech at  141
Pittsburg  12, 16, 19, 106, 114, 149, 154
" Dispatch  113
" Times  149
Platform of 1895  113, ns
Poland  88
Poneakowski  88

Populists  no, 121
Porto Rico  174
Pottstown  119, I4S. 149, 152
" Speech at  127
Presidential Election in 1896  14
Press, The Philadelphia  182, 183
Pulaski  88
Punxsatawny, Life at  91
" Speech at  91
Q \
Quay, M. S.,
Character of His Speeches  S
Comparison with Wanamaker  149
Election of  150, 151, 162
His Ancestry  10
His Capacity  4
Identified with Pennsylvania  4
State Agent  61
"Wild Beast"  147
R
Railroads  92, 107
Record, The Philadelphia  182
Reform  30, in, 113, 115, 116, 135
Republican Party, 22, 122, 123, 129, 135, 147, 148, 161,
163, 167, 179, 180, 188, 190, 192.
Republican State Committee  113, 114, 115
Revolutionary War  10
Richmond, Mr  47 ,,,
Rittenhouse, David  3 i*?
Rogers, Hon. William B  113
Roman Legions  178
Rome  199
Roosevelt, Theodore, 51, 85, 139, 150, 151, 157, 161, 173
Russia  178
S
Scandinavia  178
Schaffer, Recorder  147
viii

School Appropriations  152, 153, 156, 189
Scottdale, Speech at  79
Semiramis  195
Senatorship  11, 43, 86, 99, 109, 122, 123, 124, 179
Silver  31, 38, S3, 81, no
Skippack  119, 120, 145
" Speech at  117
Smith, John  138, 139
Spain  175
Spanish Government  175
" Islands  17S
War  174, 176, 198
Stanton, Edwin M  61, 133
State Bar Association  21
Steelworks  106, 113, 155
Stewart, Mr  130, 147
Stevens, Thaddeus  4, 133
Stevenson, Adlai E  51
St. Louis  171
Stone, Hon. Willam A  57, 146
Stritmater, Jno  64
St. Sophia  178
Stuart, General Jeb  128
Sumarians  195
Susquehanna River  128
T
Tariff  23, 31, 58, 82, 137, 145, 171, 172
Taxes  ns, 191
Teutonic Knights  178
Times, The Philadelphia  182
Tin Plate  58
TitusviUe, Speech at  41
Trades League  112, 113
Tuan  19s
Turk  178
U
Uniontown, Speeches at  73
University of Pennsylvania  192, i93, i94

V
Valley Forge  157
Voting, Approved Plan  l8
W
Wanamaker, John  149, 150, 151
War  36
Washington, City of  114
Weiss, Dr  162
West, Benjamin  3
West Chester, Speech at  9, 28
Westmoreland County  85
Whiskey Frauds  42, 48
Wilkes-Barre  22
Wise, Henry A  70
Wise, John S  70
Woodruff, Clinton Rogers  28, 29, 30
X
Xenophon  ig6
Y
Young, Hon. John Russell  113