^ Yale Oiiiversity Library 39002014418835 i£f :d27 14 ;»-v ^ir f.i; , YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ,-i '-^'¦-'¦¦''i''^'"^^fiLIBRARY .OF TRIBUNE EXTRAS.^ -'::^^ ¦"^^- ^VoL XI. .V^ [yUNEriZ??."^ ,No. 6, ! 1 ttjy-^ r-* r sBawssH ; \ H KS 1. "T frT^ ¦'Tat , y->| y- 3 ./^'^ ^. - -;^ ^^-- ..^^ -> iJL^ ¥ ¥ ^1. <«,^' o^/ C^^L^L..^ _, ii/-^w*'''i« *!^t~^./ ! ' '- '-Tl 'T'T:'''C |f . DIPLOMATIC PROCESSES BY'%iiICH THEY WERE OBTAINFD. f-J'/JiT if.iPJ' J^i? PORTRAUS COPi'KWHr BY iHh IKIBVNE ASSOlI ^ -"lOIS. j^yo f .. ^ f?i$2.00 a Year. F -V- -"' : Single Qiptes, 25 Cts* ^' ¦-'f // •^--/% -i. , ^ THE TRIBUNE: NEW-^ORK OUR AND THE DIPLOMATIC PROCESSES BY WHICH THEY WERE OBTAINED. hevc ,r I - WrrH MAPS AND PORTRAITS. THE TRIBUNE: NEW- YORK 1899. YALE % Copyright, 1399, by The Tribune o4ssocia.tion » -" •» " .' '' i ¦' L- \ .!¦ ,.i y f t -; — ¦ — - CONTENTS. Page. INTRODTJCTION .5 OVR NEW POSSESSIONS "> THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS T Geography and History T The Inhabitants 9 Physical Characteristics -. 13 Industry and Comruerce ; IT Trade with America. 25 GUAM 29 PORTO RICO 30 History, People and Organization 30 Trade and Industry , 3'2 Commerce with America 37 THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS ' 41 History and Annexation 41 People and Products 45 Commerce 48 WAKE ISLAND ; ; ; ..-...: 56 CUBA 57 History, Resources, etc '.....'., 57 Our Trade with Cuba , 60 TRADE AND STRATEGY Go POLITICAL POWER IN THE PACIFIC 70 THE STORY OF THE PEACE-MAKING '^^ THE PROTOCOL. 71 THE PEACE COMMISSIONERS '. 73 William R. Day 73 Cushman K. Davis ". 74 William P. Frye 74 Whitelaw Raid 74 George Gray 74 The Staff "5 The Siianish Commissioners 75 NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS 76 THE TREATY OF PEACE: TEXT. SO THE CLOSING SCENES S3 4: OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. Page. THE TREATY ELUCIDATED **5 THE DUTY OF THE CRISIS: Speech by George Gray 85 THE CHOICE MADE:' Speech by Whitelaw Reid 87 ACHIEVEMENTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES: Speech by the Rev. Dr. R. S. Mac- Arthur SS WORK OF THE COMMISSIONERS: Speech by St. Clair McKelway 90 PURPORT OF THE TREATY : Speech by Whitelaw Reid 91 TAKING THE PHILIPPINES: Speech by Cushman K> Davis ... 95 AMERICA VINDICATED: Speech by George Gray 100 THE DUTIES OP PEACE: Speech by Whitelaw Reid 104 A WORTHY AMBASSADOR: Speech by Whitelaw Reid 106 TRADE IN THE FAR EAST: Speech by Whitelaw Reid 106 THE FUTURE OUTLOOK: Speech by William P. Frye 107 MAPS. THE PHILIPPINE ARCHIPELAGO 11 PORTO RICO 33 THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 43 CUBA 59 PACIFIC OCEAN TRADE ROUTES C7 PORTRAITS. WILLI.AM R. DAY : 73 CUSHMAN K. DAVIS 75 WILLIAM P. FRYE 77 AVHITEL.AW REID. 79 GEORGE GRAY - ; 81 INDEX ; 112 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. INTKODUCTION. The story of the War with Spain is known to all. It was followed in the columns of the daily press and has been recapitulated in many forms. The brill iant deeds which it chronicles and the names of the heroic m.en who did them are safe in the memory of the American people. The results of war are garnered in the making of peace. The shock of battle at Manila and at Santiago was not enough. It had to be followed by diplo matic negotiations. And the latter were in their way as essential as the former and not of less moment to the Nation. The supreme exhortation of Lincoln at Gettysburg was that living men should resolve that the dead should not have died in vain. It was for the American diplomats at Paris to make sure that the labors of the American Navy and Army in the Indies, East and West, should not prove to have been in vain. To tell briefly how this latter duty was performed, to explain its purport, largely in the words of the doers of it, to reproduce the exact text of the Treaty that gives freedom to millions and a new empire to this Nation, to describe au thoritatively and accurately the new lands and peoples that have come into our possession or under our control for a longer or shorter time, their charac teristics, resources, needs and values — these are the chief objects of the present pubHcation. There can be no need at this late date to enter upon a labored vindication of the terms of peace, or of the policy of the United States Government in accepting the logical results of the war and conserving them for its own protection and for the fulfilment of its obligations to the world. It has hitherto been made clear beyond dispute that no honorable course was open to this Nation save to accept responsibility for the future of those lands from which, in the stress of a war which it did not seek nor desire, it had expelled the only responsible sovereign ty that had thitherto existed. We need only place on record, and as a matter of record, the words of those who in the name of the Nation assumed and fixed upon us that responsibility. The National policy thus developed is no new thine. It is as old as the Nation itself. The "Little America" doctrine — to adapt a British phrase — which impels a few to disapprove extension .of United States sovereignty or influence beyond continental limits, is sometimes reck oned a corollary of the Monroe Doctrine. It is no such thing. It had its ori- o-in long before the promulgation of that Doctrine. It arose from an over strained interpretation of Washington's Farewell Address. There are always some perfervid souls who are "more royal than the King." So there are, and long have been, those who, catching upon a part of Washington's meaning in that famous utterance of his, would enforce that partial conception of his policy Q OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. to an extent of which he never dreamed and which he would to-day be the last to approve. "Other times, other manners," is a principle of which the Father of His Country was not unmindful. He assuredly had no notion of laying down for three milHon poor, weak, straggling colonists on the Atlantic Coast a rule that should be binding, hard and fast forever, upon one of the largest, strongest ani.! richest nations in the world, with a domain stretching from sea to sea and including hundreds of oceanic islands stretching half-vray round the globe. Equally indefensible is the contention that it is contrary to the Constitu tion, or at any rate to the traditional policy of the Nation, for the United States to extend its territorial possessions, especially in lands not immediately contig uous to the existing States. That contention was made by some at the time of the Louisiana Purchase. Had it been accepted then, all the domain west of rhe Mississippi River would have been lost to us. It was put forward against the annexation of Hawaii and against assuming the mora! responsibilities imposed upon us in' Cuba and the Philippines. Yet this Republic was little more than fairly established when the Fathers of the Constitution began looking toward territorial ownership outside of the continent. Jefferson and jNIonroe on the one side and Adams and Clay on the other three-quarters of a century ago fully committed themselves and the Government to the policy of controlling and perhaps eventually acquiring Cuba. As soon as the Hawaiian Islands were opened to civilized intercourse and relations established between them and us, the foremost statesmen of this country committed themselves and the Govern ment to the policy of ultimate annexation of them'; More than thirty years ago this Nation annexed a vast territory not contiguous with the States, but sepa rated therefrom by hundreds of miles, either of ocean or of alien territory-, and a chain of islands extending not only out of the American system, but into the geographical system of another continent. To say that after acquiring the Aleutian Islands it will be a violation of policy to acquire Hawaii or the Philip pines is curious logic. No, this Nation is not to live forever in swaddling clothes, nor did its found ers intend that it should. It is foolish to contend that its relations with other nations must be the same, now that it is seventy millions strong, that they were when it was only three millions strong. Even should we attempt to keep them so, we could not do it. The forces of human progress forbid it. The develop ment of means of communication and commerce which have almost annihilated time and space have radically changed the international relations of all the v.'orld. We are brought into more immediate contact with the antipodes than we were in with Canada a century ago. j^These changed conditions must be met. The responsibilities they impose must be accepted. The United States can no lon ger be a political hermit. It must take its place as one in the great brother hood of civilized States. The- fetich of isolation must.be cast down. The standard of humanity and worldwide human sympathy must be upraised. I OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. RICH ISLANDS IN BOTH HEMISPHERES WHICH ARE NOW UNDER THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE UNITED STATES. THE PHILIPPINES, GUAM AND WAKE— PORTO RICO xiND CUBA— THE HAAVAIIAN GROUP— THEIR HISTORY, SIZE, STR.ATEGICAL POSITION, POPULATION, PRODUCTS AND COMMERCE— THEIR TRADE WITH THE UNITED STATES. The United States now ranks as a Colonial Power. There may be dispute concerning the phrase; the fact is accomplished and indisputable. Partly through the voluntary ¦ processes of peace, partly through the unsought but unavoidable results of war, this Nation has within the last year extended its sovereignty over three important groups of islands, one lying near its own Southern coast, one in mid-Pacific and one in the East Indies. It has not made them States in this Union, and will not do so'. It holds them as what the Constitution calls "property of the United States." How long that relationship is to last will be determined by the future. For the present the islands belong to this Nation, for it at once to pro tect and to enjoy. \ Interest and duty alike, JLherefore, dictate the acquisition of all possible knowledge concerning them and their inhabitants, their needs and their capabilities, in order .that this Nation's possession ma)' prove in the highest degree mutually beneficent. The following accounts of the various islands, drawn from official and authoritative sources, will be found to meet the demand for a concise and accurate compendium of such information. THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 'lianas in the Philippine group at 408, exclusive * of mere rocks and uninhabited islets. Other recent writers place the number at from 1,200 GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY. to 2,000, includingr large and small. These esti- mates do not necessarily conflict. EXTENT AND AREA OP THE ARCHIPBLAGO-DIS- Luzon, the largest and most important island, contains 44,400 square miles, which makes it COVERY AND CONQUEST— SPANISH RULE- j .v.. j .• , t , j -,,• one and a third times as large as Ireland. Mm- THB AMERICAN OCCUPATION. dsuiao exceeds Ireland in size a little, hav- The Philippine Archipelago has an extent of ing 35,000 square miles. Seven other islands 16 degrees of latitude and 9 degrees of longitude. are of considerable size: Samar, with 13,020 To the north the nearest land is the island of square miles; Leyte, 10,080 square miles; Panay, Formosa, about one hundred and seventy-five 11,330 square miles; Mindoro, 12,600 square miles distant. From Manila to Hong Kong is miles; Zebu, 2,352 square miles; Negros, C,300 six hundred and seventy miles. To the west lies square miles; Palawan, about 13,000 square Cochin China; to the south Borneo and Celebes, miles. and to the east the open Pacific. To the south The entire archipelago is said to contain an and west the Sulu group and Palawan project area of about 200,000 geographical square miles, like horns to within a. few miles of the coast of but this must include the land-locked water Borneo, inclosing the deep basin known as the surface between the islands. The actual land Sulu or Mindoro Sea. West of the Philippines area of all the islands is variously estimated at another deep basin separates them from Anam from 113,400 to 115,.52S square miles, of which and Cochin China. Luzon has 44,400 square miles. Inasmuch, how- Spanish authorities place the number of ever, as some evea of the larger islands have; OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. never been surveyed, it will be apparent that no absolutely accurate statement of the area can be made. The length of the Philippine Islands extends from north to south, and, excepting the southern groups, they are so closely and compactly situ ated that their appeafance is that of a single great island, broken up by submersion and vol canic action. There is no other archipelago in the world containing so many islands so com pactly massed together. The Philippine Islands possess all the condi tions for the most luxuriant tropical vegetation, and all the elements of the finest tropical scen ery, lying, as they do, entirely within the tropics, with an infinitely diversified coast outline, with mountain ranges having a mean elevation of from 3,000 to 4,000 feet, and isolated volcanoes rising to a height of from 8,000 to 10,000 feet. Everywhere the land is abundantly watered, and in almost every respect the archipelago is fully worthy to be compared with the most fa mous tropical regions, such as Brazil, Java and Ceylon. Here the wealth of color in which plants, animals and man himself are arrayed harmonizes with the fulness of light poured down by a fierce tropical sun on the bosom of the earth. iJBut, despite its glorious vegetation, no more here than elsewhere does mankind enjoy the cup of peaceful bliss undisturbed. The populous towns and villages have been decimated by epidemics of smallpox a.nd Asiatic cholera; flights of locusts sometimes devour' the young crops; with the change of the monsoons the swollen streams overflow the land, and now and then widespread damage has been done by earthquakes and vol canic eruptions. 3 . HISTORY. The Philippine Islands were discovered by the great Portuguese navigator Magellan on March 16, 1521, when he sighted Samar Island. He lost his life on April 27 of that year in an en gagement with a hostile tribe in front, of the port of Cebu. Magellan named the archipelago St. Lazarus, because he had first sighted the group on the day of that saint. In 1542 Lopez de Villalobos gave the islands their present name — Islas Filipinas — in honor ,of Philip II, the son of Charles V. The more civilized people of the archipelago when first seen by the Spaniards were far from being savages. (They cultivated corn, wove tex tile fabrics and worked iron and gold; had do mestic animals for food and labor, and used phonetic written characters. ^ The Spaniards owe their possession of the Philippines to Miguel Lopez de Legaspl, Who, with a. force of little more than four hundred men, reached Cebu in 1565. In six years he had subdued the greater part of the archipelago. This conquest was effected without much blood shed, and was not a little due to the efforts ot a band of Augustinian monks. Indeed, the gradual settlement and civilization of the isl ands have been to a considerable extent the work of ecclesiastics, who dominated the super stitious and festa-loving "Indian" without diffi culty. In 1571 Manila was taken, the present city ' built and the greater part of Luzon brought under Spanish rule. '(Some authorities fix the date of this event as 1560.) Although at this period the Moors, as they were termed, were well known and numerous in many of the larger ports as traders/ the inhabi tants of all the northern islands were pagans. In Sulu and Southern Mindanao the Spanish found themselves in contact with a different people. The inhabitants of that part of the archipelago were Mahometans, fierce and in tractable, skilled in navigation and born pirates. They were, and have been for three centuries, the bitter enemies of the "Castillas," and ex pedition after expedltien was vainly sent to sub due them. In 1731 a. fleet of thirty Spanish vessels at tacked Jolo, expecting an easy victory, but so well did the Sulus fight that they succeeded in capturing their enemies' colors, and the fleet shortly after sailed away. It was not until 1871 that the Spaniards succeeded in establish ing themselves on the island, but up to the time of their dispossession of the Philippines by the United States their tenure of this island was slight and precarious. The Chinese and Japanese, especially the for mer, have played a considerable part in the his tory of the islands, but mostly upon pacific lines. It was otherwise with the Portuguese and the Dutch, who on more than one occasion sought, but ineffectually, to dispossess Spain. During the Seven Years' War, in 1762, the Eng lish fitted out an expedition from Madras com posed of thirteen men-of-war and transports and a force of '2,300 men, and appeared before the walls of Manila. The Spaniards, who had not even heard of the outbreak of the war, were taken by surprise, the city was bombarded and captured and a ransom of $4,000,000 demanded. Only $1,000,000 could be furnished, however, and with this sura the commander of the expedition. Sir William Draper, had to be content. This conquest did not extend beyond Manila. The city remained in the hands of the English for ten months, and was then restored to Spain by the Treaty of Paris. r-1 Much of the archipelago has never been ex plored or subdued by the Spaniards. \ln spite of three centuries of occupation many of the islands are little known; some, indeed, like Min-. danao and Palawan, hardly at all. The coasts have been imperfectly surveyed, and the hy drography leaves much to be desired. END OF SPANISH RULE. Under Spanish rule the Governor-General was the head of every branch of the public ser vice, not excepting the courts of justice. "How this power was exercised," says General Greene, "is shown in the hundreds of executions for al leged political offences which took place during the years 1895, 1806 and 1897, by the thousands deported to Mindanao and FernandoPo, and by. THE PHHAPPIXE ISLANDS. 9 the number of political prisoners in jail at the time of our entry into Manila. On the first ex amination which General MacArthur as Mili tary Governor made of the jail, about August 22, he released over sixty prisoners confined for alleged political offences. One of them Was a. woman who had been imprisoned for eleven years by order of the Governor-General, but without any charges ever having been presented against her; another was a woman who had been in jail for three years on a vague charge, never formulated, of having carried a basket of cartridges to an insurgent. "The day of reckoning for three centuries of this sort of government came when Admiral Dewey destroyed the Spanish squadron on May 1, 1898. An insurrection had been in progress from August, 1896, to December, 1S9T. Unable to suppress it, the Government made a. written treaty with the insurgent leaders, paying them a large sum of money and promising to intro duce various reforms on condition that they would leave the country. Hardly had the Span ish officials recovered from this when the ap palling disaster of the destruction of their fleet occurred under their very eyes. "Then followed in rapid succession the naval blockade, the a'rrival of the insurgent leaders from Hong Kong, the raising of an insurgent army, which blockaded Manila on the land side, and finally the American troops. At the end of 104 days after the destruction of the Spanish ' fleet the cit^ surrendered to a combined land and naval attack of the American forces. On the day after the capitulation the American commander-in-chief issued his proclamation establishing a military government, appointing a Military Governor, a Minister of Finance, a Collector ofCustoms, Collector of Internal Reve nue, postmaster and Judge of the Provost Court; took possession of all public funds (about $900,000), and all public offices and as rapidly as possible put this government in operation. "We entered Manila on the afternoon of Au gust 13. On the 14th the capitulation was signed, and the same day General Merritt issued his proclamation establishing a military govern ment. On the 15th General MacArthur was ap pointed military commandant of the walled city and provost-marshal-general of the city of Ma nila and its suburbs, and on the 17th I was ap pointed to take charge of the duties performed by the Intendente General de Hacienda, or Min ister of Finance, and all fiscal affairs. Repre sentatives of the Postoflice Department had. ar rived on the steamship China in July, and they Immediately took charge of the Manila post- ofBce, which was opened for business on the 16th. The custom house was opened on the ISth, with Lieutenant-Colonel Whittier as Collector and the internal revenue office, with Major Bement as Collector, on the 22d. Captain Glass, of the Navy, was appointed Captain of the Port, or Naval Officer, and took charge of the office on August 19. "In view of the fact that Spanish officials de clined to co-operate or assist in any way in the American govemment of Manila, the ease and rapidity with which order was maintained, the machinery of government put in operation and business re-established after our entry into Manila are very remarkable. For every position in the Government service — legal, administra tive, financial, mechanical, clerical— men could be found in our volunteer ranks who were ex perienced in just that class of work at home, and they took charge of their Spanish positions with promptness and confidence." » THE INHABITANTS. INDIGENOUS AND IMPORTED. The Philippines are inhabited so far as the indigenous population is concerned by two dis tinct races of men — the Negrito and the Ma layan. Ethnologists are for the most part agreed in looking upon the former as the rem nant of the aboriginal inhabitants of the group, who have been gradually supplanted and driven out by the more civilized and capable Malays. That this Invasion took place at a remote period there is every reason to believe. The Negritos are a diminutive, dark race, with crisp and woolly hair and a facial appearance of a negroid ty-pe. They are found in Luzon, Mindoro, Negros, Panay and Mindanao, prob ably in Palawan, according to Morche, and pos sibly in Cebu. The pure race is now rare. Their total numbers are put by Blumentritt at twenty thousand — an estimate only five thousand short of that given by Crawfurd forty years ago. Although wild and living in districts usually remote from civilization they have mixed large ly ¦with the pagan Malay tribes, and traces of Negrito blood are frequently to be seen there. In the pure Negrito the height is said to average 4 feet 10 inches, but Sempei^s estimate is two or three inches less. The skull is brachyceph- alic, the chest is small, the legs are without calves and the feet turned inward. Their prog nathous and deeply lined faces give them an apelike appearance. The nose is broad and flat and the nostrils are dilated, and the slender build and small size of the body cause the head to appear disproportionately large. They are somewhat tiniid and gentleJby nature, and great affection exists between parents and children. The chief or only weapons used by them uj: to this time have been bows and arrows, the bow being^constructed of the midrib of a Cary- ota frond. The arrows are always poisoned. Their intelligence^ is of a low type, and, accord ing to KTontano, they affTmable'^o count five. Excepting where they have become partly civi lized, they are more or less nomadic in habit. Such religion as they have would appear to consist chiefly of a sort of ancestor worship. They are monogamists without exception. The chief or headTnan iF chosen from among the oldest and most respected of the tribe. Little appears to be known of their language, except that spoken by them in some parts of Luzon. Taking all their physical character into con- 10 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. sideration, they seem more nearly to resemble the Andaman Islanders and the Semaugs of the Malay Peninsula than any other existing peo ples. THE CHIEF TRIBES. The people of the Mala-yan. stock who inhabit the Philippines are known to the Spaniards as Indios, Infieles_a.nd Moros, an ecclesiastical raThef^hah a scientific clas'sification. The In dies are Jill those who have come under the 1 Spanish influence and are professed (Christians; the InfieTes~are the wilder .pagans of the;;rn"- terior, who have always rebelled against Span ish rule, and the Moros are the Sulus and other Mahometan tribes occupying Sotrthwest Slin- danao, the SulU "group and part of Palawan. The people included in this nomenclature have certain characteristics in common, which are collectively typical of the Malay race, namely, a moderate stature, an olive complexion, broad nose, full lips, a head broader than in Europeans and hair straight, nearly black and somewhat coarse. They are divided into numerous dis tinct tribes, speaking different languages, of which there are twenty in tHe Island of Luzon alone. Many are doubtless still unknown, par ticularly in the unexplored recesses of Mindanao and Palawan. The two chief tribes are the Tagal and Visayan. the former occupying the greater part of Luzon and the whole of the Islands of Marinduque and Mindoro, and num bering about 1,300,000 souls. They appear to be increasing somewhat rapidly, more by the "as- simiiatibn~of neighboring tribes than anything else, _3nd^re the most civilized of the Indios. The Visayans occupy all the islands lying be tween Luzon and Mindanao, as well aa a consid-. erable portion of the north of the latter island. and number over 2,000,000. Their language is akin to Tagalog, but its dialects are exceeding ly numerous. Formerly they had a peculiar alphabet, or, rather, syllabary, but this is now unused. Concerning these tribes, Mr. John Fore man, who lived in the Philippines many years, testified before the Peace Commission: "The Tagal."! are of a very easy, plastic nat ure — willing in their nature, I should say, to ac commodate themselves and take up any new established dominion which might be decided upon, and I think they would fall into any new system adopted. The inhabitants of the central islands, or Visayaa, are more uncouth, decided ly less hospitable, and somewhat more averse to associations and relations with outsiders than the Tagals — those of Luzon— but I think they would easily come under sway. They want a little more pressure, and would have to be guided, more closely watched, and perhaps a little more of the iron hand used than in Luzon. HALF-CASTES. "There is u. very peculiar class in the Island of Panay, in the neighborhood of Iloilo and in the Province of Iloilo. They are Chinese half- castes, the issue of Chinese men and Visayan women, and they hold the trade, as far as it is in native hands outside the foreign houses, with Hollo. They are called Chinese mestizos, or half-castes. Theyjare— very- -a-hrupt -and not -very sociable, but have no power, cannot organize themselves, could not do anything, and, of course, would have to knuckle under to any thing that might be established. You _woul.d probably find them rather cantankerous 9.t first. They are perfectly civiUzed, so far as the civ ilization of the Philippines goes; they are the cream of the civilization of the island of Panay, and they trade there and deal with the foreign houses. They are the middlemen, and they prac tically inhabit two towns near Iloilo, viz, Molo and Jaro. In the island of Negros there are very few persons of importance or who hajre much to say in their ruling matters, because they do not care to live in that island more than they can help. They look upon it as a planting land, and do not care to live there. "Many of the planters who own estates in Negros live in these towns of Molo and Jaro. Negros Island is the richest island in the archi pelago for the production of sugar. It was re- guarded as a terra incognita certainly up to the year 30 of this century. It seemed to be a sort of refuge for those who ran away from justice, or injustice, or persecution. But about the year 18.52 or 1853 steam navigation was first intro duced into the archipelago. It was the first time they had running the interisland steamers, and the planters, therefore, being able to chase away the Mussulmans from the south, who constantly raided Negros, they really made life more pos sible for settlers on this island, and things quieted down. They appointed a Governor, and he had his residence at Quito Milan. The Gov ernor was murdered because he was going to make raids into the interior of the island and brush it up generally, and build roads, etc., and as he was to do this so as to cost nothing to the State he seized people on the pretext of being criminals and on all sorts of pretexts to get large gangs of men to utilize them for the pur pose of making these roads.. Of course the most of them were not criminals, and they saw that they were going to have a hard time, and so they dispatched the Governor. Another Gov ernor was selected, and when he heard what had been done there he did not want to go, and so he removed the seat of government to Baquil." MINOR TRIBES. The Tagals and Visayans will probably in time include and assimilate their less powerful neigh bors, but there are still other tribes of consid erable importance numerically and otherwi.se, the chief of which are the Bicols and Ilocanos. The former inhabit the Camarines, or southern peninsula of Luzon, the Catanduanes Islands, part of Masbate, and the islands lying between it and Luzon. They are related to the Tagals, especially by their ' language. They number about three hundred and fifty thousand. The Ilocanos are more numerous, and occupy, with various tribes with which they have more or less intermingled, the northern part of Luzon. The Ygarrotes are natives of the mountains of the Benquet, Lepanto and other neighboring dis- THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 11 120° 125° £0" Scale: of MILE'S ° so 100 iM 20° PAtJFIC 0 LEAN ?fi^t/((=A THE PHILIPPINE ARCHIPELAGO. 12 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. tricts at the north of Luzon, though the Span iards have applied their name to a number of different tribes. They are a short, hairy race, with low foreheads and thick lips, large feet, but small hands; the hair straight, black and fine, and worn long by the men. They are elaborately tattooed. They dig and work gold, silver and copper, and make ornamental pipes. They breed cattle and horses, and are great dog fanciers, in these characteristics markedly differing from their neighbors. They are, nevertheless, a wild and savage race, committingjrequen-t raids, and have always been at bitter enmity with the Spaniards. The Moros, or Mahometan inhabitants of the southern islands, are as mixed as any people in the Philippines. Centuries of piracy have re cruited their harems with the women of number less tribes of Malaysia, and with Europeans even, for before the days of steamers few ves sels were a match for the crowded praus of the Sulu pirates. In the south of Mindanao the Illanuns had their headquarters, while the Sulus make Sulu Island and Tawi-Tawi the base of their opera tions. The Sultans of Sulu claimed authority over the northeast end of Borneo, together with the island of Cagayan Sulu, as well as over tlieir own group, but the former district was ceded some few years ago to the British North Boi-neo Company, and the rule of the Sultans over their turbulent subjects does not appear to Tiave been very strong. The Sultan 'has a species of court, with numerous retainers, after the fashion of the Sultan of Brunei. Their language is written in the Arabic character, and the man ners and customs are Malay. They do not ad here strictly to the Koran, but indulge in alco hol and permit their women to go unveiled. THE CHINESE COLONISTS. The Chinese form an important part of the population, and have amassed wealth as mer chants and shopkeepers. It is probable that they established themselves in the country in the earliest times, and would long ago have overrun the archipelago but for the repressive measures adopted by the Spaniards. In Manila, the cap ital, there have been several wholesale massa cres of the Chinese or "Sangleyes." Their num bers were litriited to six thousand, but frequently rose to thirty thousand or forty thousand, only to be reduced by slaughter and exile. In 1603 some twenty-three thousand were killed. In 1639 they revolted against heavy taxation, and over thirty thousand of them were slaughtered. In 1762 they helped the English at the taking of Manila, and on the latter evacuating the city,. .some months later, an edict was published by the Spanish Governor that all the Chinese in the islands should be hanged. This order seems to have been generally carried out. The last mas sacre took place in 1819, when the Chinese were accused of poisoning the wells. Notwithstand ing these checks to their increase, they have thrived and prospered, and at the present time the pure race probably numbers about fifty-five thousa.id. Of those of mixed blood it is impos sible to arrive at an estimate. Few Chinese women leave their own country, and the Celes tial has from time immemorial chosen his wife from among the native women, so that the Chinese element has left an indelible stamp upon the inhabitants of the Philippines, and its influence is very potent. The number of Spaniards who, with the except tion of the priests, chiefly reside in Manila, is stated to b.e fourteen thousand. But here the same difficulty in estimating meets us as in the case of the Chinese, for they have mixed freely with the half-castes and natives from the time of their first arrival. THE CENSUS. The subjoined table, given by Reclus, which claims to be calculated from the latest data (1896), makes the total number of inhabitants appear as 6,142,452. GOVERNMENT OF LUZON. Province. Capital. Population. 1— Manila Manila- .-.-..-..-32-1,367 2— Cavite Cavitfe 6D,794 3— Laguna Sta. Cruz 141.900 4 — Morong Morong 48,']ijS 5 — Bulacan Bulacan 6— Fampanga Bacolor ., 7— Bataan Balahga . S — Zambales Iba !)— Tarlac Tarlac . . . K)— Panarasinan Lingayen 264,373 2OT,205 49,273SO, 230 57,713 232.892 11— La Union San Fernando 115,9U 12— Benguet La Trinidad 9,3U 13— riocos Sur Vigan U4.675 14— Ilocos Norte Laoang 148,201 15— Abra Bangued .37,791 16— Cagayan Tuguegaiao 70,851 17— Batanes.; San Domingo • oOO IS— Isabela f Tumanini .39,?0l 1,Vh 18,009 3,21)3 26.3.^7 92,970 8,4^3 308,110 lijl3,3'.f/ 25,019 8S.712 29— Alhav Albay 2-15,972 30— Island of Mindoro. Calapan - 37,648 31— Island of Burias... San Pascual, 1 33— Island of Masbate. Masbate, , \ 44.000 .33— Romblon Islands... Romblon, J 19— Bon toe Bontoc 20 — Lepanto Lepanto 21— Principe Baler 22 — Niieva Viscaya Bayombong 23— Nueva Ecija San Isidro..., 24 — Jnf an ta Binangonan 23 — Balringas Batangas ... 26— Tayabas Tayabas .... 27— Camarines Norte. Daet 2S— Camarines Sur Nueva Caceres. GOVERNMENT OF THE VISA'YAS. 1— Island ot Zebu Zebu 2— Island of Leyte Tacloban 3— Island of Samar. .. Catbalogan . 4— Iloilo — Iloilo 5— Concepcion Concepcion .. 6— Antique San Jose 7— Capiz Capiz 8— Island of Negros.. Bacolod 9— Island of Bohol.... Tagbilaran .. GOVERNMENT OF MINDANAO. 1— Misamis Misamis. 2— Suri.gao Surigao, 3 — Dav.ao Davao or Vergara, 4— Bislig Bislig, 5— CottabatO Cottabato, 6— Zamboanga Zamboan.ga, 7— Island of Basilan.. Isabela S— Jolo (Sulu).... Jolo ADJACENT ISLANDS. i— Calamianer Tai-tai 2— Puerto Princesa...Prlncesa 3— Balabac Balabac 518,033 278,1.^2 183,000 oOO.Ofr) 27,i'i00 106, WO 197.0U0 226.0C0277,387 630,000 60.) 100,000 19,500 12,(100 8« Total population 6.142,452 RELIGION AND EDUCATION. The Archbi.shop of Manila directed under Spanish rule a large territory, the Ladrones, THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 13 Carolines and Pellew Islands being comprised in his province. The exercise of any other than the Roman Catholic religion was forbidden. The Spanish secular clergy, about four hundred in number, resided chiefly in Manila. The parishes were administered by the Spanish ecclesiastics of various orders, or by native clergymen, who received their education in the large seminaries attached to the diocese. The Augustinians num bered .500, the Dominicans and Franciscans 200 each. The missionary work in the Island of Mindanao is carried on by the Jesuits. The Spanish clergry have thus numbered 1,200,^ and" the Chui-cTi has 'been chiefly supported by a. capi tation tax and fees. Education has been by no means neglected. It is probable, indeed, that a larger percentage of Christianized natives can read and writeThan the p^jafilry of Spaiii; but the education ^does not go far. In every village where there is a, church there is a school,- where the children have been taught to read and write Spanish. In 1SS6 there were 1,608 such schools, affording •instruction to 177,113 pupils. The native of ficers were chosen, if possible, from those only who could speak Spanish. There are eight or ten Spanish newspapers published in the islands, and one paper published in the Tagalog language, but all have heretofore been subjected to ecclesiastical censorship. storms, often of terrible violence, are of fre quent occurrence in May and June. The wet season is usually ushered in by heavy rains, locally known as "coUas." During July, August, September and October the rain comes down in torrents, and large tracts of low coun try are flooded. According to the observations of the Jesuits at Manila, during the eight years 1870 to 1877 the total rainfall distributed over 113 days amounted to 06.'6 inches. TEMPERATURE AND Manila. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS. CLIMATE AND NATURAL PRODUCTS. Rain may be expected in the Philippines from May to December, and from June to December the land is flooded. Violent hurricanes are ex perienced in the north of Luzon and west coast of Mindanao. Especially during the changes of the monsoons storms of wind, rain, thunder and lightning prevail. The weather is fine and the heat moderate from December till March, after which the tem perature rapidly rises and becomes oppressive. As the north part of Luzon is as far from the Sulu Islands as the North of England is from the South of Italy, and as the archipelago is divided by the line of the ecliptic, the climate In one region differs considerably from that of an other, though the general characteristics are everywhere tropical. The northern islands lie in the regions of the typhoons. Three seasons are usually recognized — a cold, a hot and a wet. The first extends from November to February or March. The winds are northerly, and, though there is no need for fire, woollen garments can be worn with comfort in the mornings. The sky is for the most part clear and the atmosphere bracing, and Europeans look forward to this period as the most enjoyable of the year. The hot season lasts from March until June, and the heat becomes oppressive before the be ginning of the southerly monsoon. Thunder- Mean temp., degrees Ra.in(all, inches Cebu ¦'' Mean temp., degrees ¦" < Raint'ali, inclies Davao. J Mean temp., degrees.. ' 'l Rainfall, inches Sulu j Mean temp., degrees.. < Rainfall, inches Rj\.INFALL. Cold. Hot. 2.32 .. 8.65 ..75.02..12.54 ..S6.90 ..16.53 ..SI. 29 . .15.74 87.26 10.47 86.23 9.29 88.7039.27 S2.97 33. S5 Wet. 84.5536.0175.86 26.9087.U 32.15S3.0333.43 MINERAL RESOURCES. A brief report upon the mineral resources of the Philippines was made in the fall of 1898 by George F. Becker, of the United States Geologi cal Survey. It was prepared at the request of Admiral Dewey, and probably covers all the main discoveries in the geology of the Philip pines which are of economic interest. It says: "Only about a score of the islands are known to contain deposits of valuable minerals. These are arranged below in the order of their lati tude to give an idea of their geogi-aphical dis tribution, and to facilitate finding the Islands on the map. The latitude of the northern end of each is taken as that of the island. The char acter of the valuable minerals stated in the table will afford a general notion of their re sources: MINERAL-BEARING ISLANDS AND THEIR RESOURCES. Island. ILat. N. t end. Character of mineral resources. Luzon Catanduanes Marinduque . Mindoro Carraray Batan Rapu-Rapu . Masbate Romblon Samar Sibuyan Semerara Panay Bilikan Leyte .. Cebu ... Negros ... Bohol Panaon ... Mindanao Sulu Archipelago. 18 40 14 08 13 34 13 32 13 21 13 19 13 15 12 37 12 37 12 35 13 30 12 07 11 55 1143 -11 33 1117 1100 10 10 10 10 9 50 6 30 Coal, gold, copper, lead, iron, sulphur, marble, kaolin. Gold. Lead, silver. Coal, gold, copper. Coal. Coal.Coal. Coal, copper. Marble.Coal, gold. Gold.Coal. Coal, oil, gas, gold, cop per, iron, mercury (?) Sulphur. Coal, oil, mercury (?) Coal, oil, gas, gold, lead silver, iron. Coal. Gold. Gold. Coal, gold, copper, plati num. Pearls. "The distribution of each mineral or metal may now be sketched in somewhat greater de tail. In many cases the information given in this abstract is exhaustive, so far as the avail able material is concerned. The coal fields of Cebu, however, have been studied in some detail, and in a few other instances more extended In formation has been condensed for the present purpose. 14 OUR NEW "Coal exists in various provinces of the island of Luzon (Abra, Camarinos, Batan, Sorsogon). The finest beds thus far discovered appear to be in the small island of Batan, lying to the east of the southern portion of Luzon, in latitude 13° 10'. These seams vary from 2 feet 6 inches to 14 feet S inches in thickness. Analyses have been made in the laboratory of the Inspeccion de Minas, and the mean of seven analyses gives the following composition: Per cent. Water 13.52 A'olatile matter 37.46 Fi.xed carbon 44.46 Ash 4.58 Sum 100.00 "One pound of this coal will convert 6.25 pounds of water at 40° C. into steam at 100° C. The heating effect is about three-fourths of that of Cardiff coal. The same beds are known to exist in other small adjacent islands, Carraray and Rapu-Rapu. A number of concessions for coal mining have also been granted on the maijn island of Luzon, just south of Batan, at the town of Bacon. No doubt the beds here are either identical or, at least, closely associated with the coal seams in the little Islands. "The coal field of Southern Luzon is said to extend acrof.s the Strait of San Bernardino into the northem portion of Samar. Here coal is Re ported at half a dozen localities, but I have been able to ascertain no details as to the thickness or quality. "In Mindoro there are large deposits of coal in the extreme southern portion (Bulacao) and on the small adjacent Island of Semerara. This fuel is said to be similar to that of Batan. "The islands of Masbate and Panay contain coal, the deposits of which thus far discovered do not seem of much importance. Specimens from the southwestern portion of Leyte, ana lyzed in the laboratory of the Inspeccion de Minas, are of remarkably high quality, but noth ing definite about the deposit is known to me. "The first discovery of coal in the archipelago was made in the island of Cebu in 1827. Since then li.gnitic beds have been found on the island at a great variety of points. The most impor tant croppings are on the eastern slope, within some fifteen or twenty miles of the capital, also named Cebu. Though a considerable amount of coal has been extracted here, the industry has not 'been a profitable one hitherto. This is at least in part due to crude methods of trans portation. It is said, however, that the seams are often bady faulted. "At Uling, about ten miles west of the capital, the seams reach' a maximum thickness of 15»4 feet. Ten analyses of Cebu coal are at my dis posal. They indicate a fuel with about two- thirds the calorific effect of Cardiff coal and with only about 4 per cent ash. Large quanti ties of the coal might, I suspect, contain a higher percentage of ash. "The island of Negros is nearly parallel with Cebu. and appears to be of similar geological -constitution, but it has been little explored, and POSSESSIONS. little of it seems to have been reduced to sub jection by the Spaniards. There are known to be deposits of coal at Galatrara, on the east coast of Negros, and it is believed that they are of important extent. In the great island of Mindanao coal Is known to occur at eisht dif ferent localities, but no detailed examinations of any kind appear to have been made. Seven of these localities are on the east coast of Min danao and the adjacent small islands. They in dicate the presence of lignite from one end of tho coast to the other. The eighth locality is in the western province, called Zamboanga, on the Gulf of Slgbuguey. PETROLEUM. "In the island of Cebu petroleum has been found associated with coal at Toledo, on the west coast, where a concession has been granted. It is also reported from Asturias, to the north west of Toledo, on the same coast, and from Algeria to the south. Natural gas is said to exist in the Cebu coal fields. On Panay, too, oil is reported at Janiuay, in the province of Iloilo, and gas is reported from the same island. Petroleum highly charged with paraflin is. also found on Leyte, at a point about four miles from Villaba, a town on the west coast. GOLD. "Gold is found in a vast number of localities in the archipelago from Northern Luzon to Cen tral Mindanao. In most cases the gold is detri- tal, and found either in existing water courses or in stream deposits now deserted by the cur rent. These last are called "aluviones" by the Spaniards. It is said that in Mindanao some of the gravels are in an elevated position and adapted to hydraulic mining. There are no data at hand which intimate decisively the value of any of the placers. They are washed by natives largely with cocoanut shells for pans, though the batea is also in use. "In the Province of Abra, at the northern end of Luzon, there are placers, and the gravel of the River Apra is auriferous. In Lapanto there are gold-quartz veins as well as gravels. Gold is obtained in this province close to the copper mines. In Benguet the gravels of the river Agno carry gold. There is also gold in the Prov ince of Bontoc and in Nueva Ecija. The most important of the auriferous provinces is Cam arines Norte. Here the townships of Mambulao, Paraeale and Labo are especially well known as gold-producing localities. Mr. Drasche, a well- known German geologist, says that there were seven hundred natives at work on the rich quartz veins of this place at the time of his visit about twenty-five years since. At Paraeale there are parallel quartz veins in granite, one of which is twenty feet in width and contains a chute in which the ore is said to assay thirty-eight ounces of gold per ton. One may suspect that this assay hardly represented an average sam ple. Besides the localities mentioned, many others of this province have been worked by the natives. THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 15 "The islands of Mindoro, Catanduanes, Slbu yan, Simar, Panay, Cebu and Bohol are reported to contain gold, but no exact data are acces- , sible. "At the south end of the small i.sland of Panaon, which is just to the south of Leyte, there are gold quartz veins, one of which has been worked to some extent. It is six feet in thickness, and has yielded from ,$6 to $7 per ton. "In the island of Mindanao there are two known gold-bearing districts. One of these is in the Province of Surigao. where Placer and other townships show gravels and veins. The second district is In the Province of Misamis. Near the settlement of Imponan and on the Gulf of Macajalar there are said to be many square kilometers of gravel carrying large quantities of gold with which is associated platinum. The product of this district was estimated some years since at 150 ounces per month, all ex tracted by natives with bateas or cocoanut- shell dishes. COPPER. "Copper ores are reported from a great num ber of localities in the Philippines. They are said to occur in the following islands: Luzon (provinces of Lepanto, Benguet and Camarines), Mindoro, Capul, Masbete, Panay (Province of Antique), and Mindanao (Province of Surigao). Many of these occurrences are probabJy unim portant. The great island of Mindanao, being practically unexplored. Is full of possibilities; but as yet no important copper deposit is known to exist there. An attempt was made to work the deposit in Masbete, but no success seems to have been obtained. On the other hand, North ern Luzon contains a copper region which is unquestionably valuable. The best known por tion of this region lies about Mount Data, a peak given as 2,500 metres in height, lying in latitude 10° 53', longitude 120° 58' east of Greenwich or 124° 38' east of Madrid. The range of which Data forms one peak trends due north to Cape Lacay-Lacay and forms a boundary for all provinces infringing upon it. "Data Itself lies in the Province of Lepanto. In this range copper ore has been smelted by ' the natives from time immemorial, and before Magellan discovered the Philippines. The proc ess is a complicated one, based on the same principles as the method of smelting sulpho- salts of this metal in Europe and America. It consists in alternate partial roasting and reduc tions to ''matte,' and eventually to block copper. It is generally believed that this process must have been introduced from China or Japan. It ' is practised only by one peculiar tribe of natives, the Ygarrotes,- who are remarkable in many ways. "Vague reports and the routes by which cop per smelted by natives comes to market indicate that there are copper mines in various portions of the Cordillera Central, but the only deposits which have been examined with any care are those at Mancanyan (about five miles west of Mount Data) and two or three other localities within a few miles of Mancanyan. The deposits of Mancanyan are described as veins of rich ore reaching seven metres in width and arranged in groups. Mean assays are said to show over 16 per cent of copper, mainly as tetrahedrite and allied ores. The gangue is quartz. The country rock is described as a large quartzite lens em bedded in a great ma^s of trachyte. An attempt has been made by white men to work these de posits, but with no considerable success. The failure does not seem to have been due to the quality or quantity of ore found. LEAD AND SILVER. "A lead mine has been partially developed near the town of Cebu, on the island of the same name. "The most important deposit of argentiferous galena is said to be at Torrijos, on the small island of Marinduque (latitude 13° 34'). A metric ton, or 1,000 kilograms, is said to contain 96 grams of silver. 6 grams of gold and 565.5 kilograms of lead. "In Camarines, a. Province of Luzon, lead ores occur, but are worked only for the gold they contain. IRON. "There is iron ore in abundance in Luzon, Carabello, Cebu, Panay, and doubtless in other islands. In Luzon it is found in the provinces of Laguna, Pampanga, and Camarines Norte, but princiijally in Bulacan. The finest deposits are in the last-named province, near a small settlement named Camachin, which lies in lati tude 15° 7' and longitude 124° 47' east of Ma drid. A small industry exists here, wrought iron being produced in a sort of bloomery and manufactured into ploughshares. The process has been described in detail, so far as I know. It would appear that charcoal pig-iron might be produced to some advantage in this region. The lignites of the archipelago are probably unsuit able for iron-blast furnaces. QUICKSILVER. "Rumors of the occurrence of this metal in Panay and Leyte have failed of verification. Accidental losses of this metal by prospectors or surveyors sometimes lead to the reports of the discovery of deposits, and ochres are not seldom mistaken for impure cinnabar. NON-METALLIC SUBSTANCES. "Sulphur deposits abound about active and ex tinct volcanoes in the Philippines. In Luzon the principal sulphur deposits are in Daclan, in the Province of Benguet, and at Colasi, in Cam arines. The finest deposit in the archipelago is said to be on the little island of Bilir.an. which lies to the northwest of Lej'te. "Marble of fine quality occurs on the small island of Romblon (latitude 12° 37'). It is much employed in churches in Manila for baptismal fonft and other purposes. Marbles are also quarried at Montalban, in the Province of Manila, and at Binangonan, in the Province of Maron.ff. 16 OPT? NEW POSSESSIONS. kaolin at "There are processes for mining Losbanos, in L.aguna .Province. "Pi.'arl fisheries exist 'in the Sulu archipelago, and are said to form an important source of -wealth." FAUNA. Compa.red with Java and other similar locali ties, the mammals of the Philippines are strik ingly few, but their numbers may yet be slightly increased, and nine-tenths of them are peculiar f.pci'ies. The only monkey known to science is Macacus Cynomolgus (Chongo of the Tagals), found in all the islands, but there are also pure white monkeys (not albinos) in Mindanao, and specimens are occasionally sold at Manila. The lemuroids are represented by the strange little Tarsius spectrum, the insectivora proper by Galeopithecus philippensus. and a "tupaia," or squirrel shrew. Of carnivora there are three spe cies, two civets and a wildcat, as well as the ordinary domestic animals. The rodents comprise only a few squirrels, Sciurus phUippensis, etc., a porcupine and two or three rats. Of bats there are between twenty and thirty species. The wild boar is regularly hunted in all the islands; the natives through out the archipelago keep large numbers of black pigs, and the Babuyanes group take their name from Babuy, a pig. Of deer there are three spe cies, Cervus mariannus, Cervus phUippensis, and C'ervus Alfred!, and a chevrotain. or mouse-deer (Tragulus), is found, more especially in Bataan. Tapa, or sun-dried deer's flesh, is a favorite food with the natives. The statement that the horse has become wild in the interior is founded on a mistake. The ordinary domestic variety, probably of Spanish, Chinese or Japanese origin, is "generally small. but well shaped and hardy, the largest .and best ' breeds coming from Batanges, Albay, and Cama rines, the smallest ^nd probably the hardiest coming from Ilocos." (D. M. Forbes.) For -all kinds of field work the buffalo (Cara- hao) is employed; ordinary cattle and goats are cortiinOn enough, and some of the former are of great excellence. As there is a. Tagalog word for elephant, it is supposed that it was once to be found in the Philippines, and In the Sulu Islands, at least, it is said to have existed in .the seventeenth cen tury. The birds of the Philippines proper show the isolated character of the group by the ab sence of a large number of ordinary Malayan forms, and at the same time there is a consid erable proportion of genera from Australia, India and China. Viscount Walden (Trans. Zool. Soc, Vol. ix, 1S77) found the known species numbered 219,. and R. B. Sharpe, by the as sistance of Professor Steer's collections, brought the total up to 287 species, of which 151 were peculiar to the Philippines. To these must be added several species hitherto only found in the Sulu Islands. Palawan has a, strong Borean ele ment. It i.s enough here to mention a number of peculiar woodpeckers, beautiful little parakeets (Loriculus), a number of pigeons (including at least one peculiar genus Phapitreron), cocka toos, and a peculiar hornbill Penelopides, known from its note as "calao" to the natives, who frequently tame it. The principal game bird is the jungle fowl (GalJis bankiva). Alligators abound in some of the lakes and rivers, and tur tles, tortoises and various kinds of lizards are familiar enough forms; one of the last, the "Chacon," is believed by the natives to be a de fence against earthquakes. The beauty and variety of the butterflies and the destructiveness of the termites are notable features of insect life. The shells are numer ous and remarkable for delicacy of form and color. Some of the mollusks attain gigantic dimensions; the "Taclobo" shell sometimes weighs two hundred pounds, and is used for baptismal fonts. One of the most valuable kinds of fish is the "dalag" (Ophiocephalus vagus), and one of the most peculiar the Hemiramphus vivi- para. » FLORA. The flora of the Philippines is essentially Ma layan, intermixed with a Chinese element, but not with sufficient individuality to constitute a sub-region. According to Llano's edition of Manuel Blanco's "Flora de Filipinas," 4,479 spe cies are known, belonging to 1,223 genera and 155 orders. Among the dicotyledons the orders most abundantly represented are: LeguminosEe, 77 genera; Rubiacete and Compositas, each 41; Eu- phorbiacBEe, 22; Urticacete, 25; Acanthacese, 28; Apocynacese, 22; Aslepiadacete, 20; Sapinda- cese, 20, and among the monocotyledons. Orchi- dacese, SO; Palms, 28; Aracese, 27; Gramina- cese, 72. Of ferns there are fifty genera. The forests contain more than fifty kinds of wood thought worthy of trial In the arsenal at Manila. Among them may be mentioned the teaklike molave (Vitex altissima and genieu- lata), the dongon (Sterculia cymbiformis), the ipel (Eperna decandra), greatly prized, for its hardness; the lauan or lawaan (Dipterocarpus thurifer), a light, springy wood often used by the natives for their canoes; the bolongaeta (Dyospyros pilosanthera), employed for fine kinds of furniture. Mangoes, plantains, mangosteen, jackfruit medlars, and in general most of the Malayan fruits, are to be met with; the lanzon occurs in the north and the durlari in the south, more espe cially in the Sulu Islands. Rice is the staple food of the natives, but, though it is extensively cultivated, the supply is not equal to the de mand. Sweet potatoes (Camote), a kind of yam (Palawan), the groundnut and gourds are pretty generally grown, as well as occasionally peas, potatoes, and in the higher regions even wheat. The plants which are of primary commercial im portance are tobacco, manila hemp, sugar cane. coffee and cocoa. THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 17 INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE. AGRICULTURE, FINANCE AND FOREIGN TRADE. In the summer of 1898 the United States Secretary of State appointed Edward W. Harden a. Commissioner to investigate and report on the financial and industrial condition of the Philip pine Islands. The following account of the finances and industries of the islands is culled from his report: CURRENCY. Silver is the basis of the currency in the islands. There is no gold in general circulation and there has been none for more than twenty years. The Mexican dollar of a date previous to 1877 is current in the islands, and it is practically the only money m general circulation. The Spanish Government, in the summer of 1897, coined $6,000,000 of silver in a local currency which was sent to the Islands. These dollars are lighter in weight than the Mexican dollar, but the scarcity of money in the Philippine Islands caused them to be quickly absorbed. There is a local note-issuing bank called the Banco Espanol Filipino, which has in circulation notes based on silver, of which there was outstanding on September 30, 1898, approximately, $2,- 500,000. The currency of the islands was originally gold, in pieces of $1, $2 and $4, with the Mexi can silver dollar and the old Spanish silver dol lars, the latter circulating to a limited extent only. Previous to 1875 the silver was often at a premium over gold. When'silver began to de preciate in value the gold coin was rapidly ex ported and replaced by the Mexican silver dol lar, which has for a long time been in general use throughout the Orient. Gold became so scarce through the export of gold coin, and the silver was taking its place so rapidly, that the Spanish Government took steps to stop the ex port of the one and the import of the other. In the spring of 1878 an edict was issued from Madrid prohibiting the import of all silver dol lars bearing a date subsequent to 1877. This law was maintained until the control of the islands passed to the United States. The amount of money needed for the trade and commerce of the Philippine Islands fluctuates in the different seasons. In the height of the sugar season — say from February to June, when large amounts of sugar are exported-^there is a sharp increase in the demand. for money. For the ordinary needs of the country little money is used, as the credit system is in vogue through out the islands, and there is, therefore, no great amount of money needed for the payment of wages to the laboring classes. In the off season, when exports are light, the demand for money would become so small that the circulating medium would be found to be much more than sufficient for the needs of the country. There was $6,000,000 in Philippine dollars coined by the Spanish Government and sent out a year ago, of which only a small percentage is now in Manila. It is estimated there is in circulation $10,000,000 of subsidiary coins, the 10-cent, 20- eent and 50-cent pieces, which have been re- coined from Mexican dollars by the Spanish Government. The estimate of the Mexican dol lars now in circulation, as given by one of the best-informed bankers in the islands, is from $20,000,000 to $25,000,000. This, with the $2,- 500,000 of notes of the Banco Espanol Filipino now in circulation, constitutes the currency of the islands. This would make a total of from $40,000,000 to $45,000,000, speaking roughly, for the entire islands, or, approximately, $5 per capita for the total population of the islands. It must not be overlooked that these figures are given on a silver basis, and that therefore in figuring on our own standard all of these figures must be cut in two. On a. gold basis the cur rency of the islands is therefore from $20,000,000 to $22,500,000, or $2 50 per capita, figuring on the total population of the islands. BANKS AND BANKING. Three banking institutions do the banking business of the Philippine Islands aside from that done by the Large connmercial houses, which buy and sell exchange, and to a limited extent carry on the business which legitimately be longs to banking institutions. Of tiit three banks, the two most Important are branch con cerns, the third being a local institution con trolled by Spaniards and natives. The Banco Espaiiol Filipino is a local institution having its headquarters in Manila and a branch in Iloilo. The two branch banks are the Manila agencies of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank ing Corporation, Limited, with headquarters in Hong Kong, China, and the Chartered Bank of India, Australia and China, Limited, with head quarters in London. The Hpng Kong and Shanghai Bank and the chartered bank do the principal exchange business of Manila, while the Spanish bank does largely a local business, hav ing had up to the time of the occupation of Manila by American troops the financial busi ness of the Spanish Government for the islands. The Spanish bank is the only one which issues notes, and these to a limited extent are in common circulation throughout the islands, be ing accepted at par everywhere where business is carried on with the outside world. Through out the interior nothing but silver is in general circulation. There is in Manila a savings institution and public pawnshop, which is practically und.er the control of the Church. It is called the "Monte de Piedad." It was established to make loans to the poor people, and has done a good work during the few years It has been in existence. It has been fairly successful, and has proved to be a source of profit to those who are interested in it. Under the charter i.ssued to it by the Spanish Government in the islands, it is allowed to operate a pawn department as well as a sav- 18 OUR NEW : ings department. In the pawn department loans are made on gold, silver, jewelry and clothing in good repair at 6 per cent per annum. The savings bank opens accounts on deposits of sums from 50 cents to .$25, and interest Is compounded annually at 4 per cent. The banks of which mention is made represent the entire banking Industry of the Philippine Islands. There is a good deal of trade between the vari ous islands in the group, and shipment of the products of one island to another island settles trade balances for goods imported from the other island. In this way a good deal of trade is carried on which requires no considerable amount of currency. NEEDS OB' INDUSTRY. The Philippine Islands are rich in natural products, and under favorable laws and with an influx of capital there would unquestionably be a. great increase in the material wealth of the islands. There are copper, gold, iron and coal deposits throughout the islands, which re quire only development to prove exceedingly profitable, according to the opinion of expert mining engineers who have made a careful study of the situation. It is almost impossible to conceive of a coun- trj- which has been so long under the control of a European Power remaining in the condi tion that exists in the Philippines. There is only one railroad in the islands, running from Manila to Dagupan, 192 kilometres in length, equalling 119.3 miles. The telegraph system is very incomplete, though there are cables run ning to Hong Kong and to Iloilo. According to figures published in 1894, the total length of the telegraph and cable lines runnihg from Manila to Hon.g Kong, and connecting with the south ern islands, was 1,592 miles. There are 76 of fices, and during the year the total number of dispatches sent was 157,-573. No statistics are availa'ole for the years following. The postal system is exceedingly crude, and it is almost impossible to communicate with any inland towns and villages. There is a fairly regular mail service between Manila and Hong Kong, and between Manili and thei principal ports in the islands to the southward. There are probably no worse roads in the world than those in the Philippine Islands, out- , , side of those in the immediate vicinity of the larger towns. While money is collected each year for road making and bridge building, it is almost invariably diverted from its legitimate purpose, and the roads go from bad to worse. A bridge is built, and there is absolutely no fur ther work done upon it until it Is finally washed away by the summer freshets, or until it rots from neglect and age. With good roads and a postal system that would" reach throughout the islands, with railroad and telegraph lines con necting the principal towns and giving com munication with the rich agricultural districts away from the seaports, there is no question that the exports of the islands would show a wonderful increase. POSSESSIONS. The question of labor is a. serlcus one. The natives are not to be depended upon as laborers. They work only when they see fit, and their work is far from being satisfactory. The best workers in the Philippine Islands are th? CThi- nese coolies, most of whom, however, are In and around Manila. The Spanish Government had a law in force under which Chinese coolies were allowed to land on the payment of a tax of $.50 a. head. Under the military, occupation of Manila no more Chinese have been allowed to land at that port. The Chinese in the Phil ippine Islands are like those in the United States — industrious, hard-working and saving. They make no trouble, and in the past have never identified • themselves either with the Spaniards or the rebels in the periodical revo- lutions which have taken place in the islands. Planters and business men believe the Chinese should be allowed to come in, under proper re- . strictions, as they make the best servants and in many ways the best laborers that can be ob tained in the islands. FOREIGN COMMERCE. Practically all the export and import trade of- the islands is in the hands of foreigners. There are a few Spaniards engaged in trading, but the bulk of the business, in a. commercial way. is done by British, German, Belgian and American citizens. The most reliable figures that can- be obtained on exports from the islands fgr the year 1897 give the following as the value at the point of shipmer.t of the various principal items: Hemp $18,040,760 Sugar 12,928,000 Copra 4,462,920 Tobacco leaf 2,786,200 Cigars 1,694,600 Various articles 1,000,000 Indigo 107,000 Coffee 96,100 Rope 63,400 Sibucao, dyewood v 49,100 Gums 47,500 Skins for glue .'.. 38,900 » Mother-of-pearl shells - 27,800 Total $41,342,280 There are no official figures obtainable giving the imports for the Philippine Islands. One of the larger Importing houses, which keeps sta tistics of imports and which has practically complete figures of all goods shipped into Ma nila, has prepared the following table giving the approximate value of Imports during the year 1897, including goods imported by shopkeepers and Chinese from Hong Kong: Woven fancy goods (ginghams, grandvills, muslins, regattas, trouserings, etc.) £380,000 Printed goods (prints, printed grenadines, etc.) 270,000 Yarns and sewing thread 130,000 Ironware, hollow ware, and fancy articles, known in China trade as "muck and ¦ truck" 230,000 Skirtings, gray cloths, drills (white and twills), crydons, etc SiXl.COO Imports from Hong Kong ". 300,000 Total £1,610,000 Say, in Mexican money ...$16,100,000 Coal imports amounted to about 90,000 tons. Petroleum imports amounted to about 114,,330 cases. THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 19 The average value of coal in Manila is $10 a ton, which would make this item $900,000. Pe troleum is worth on an average $3 a case, or $342,990. Adding these two items to the esti mated table of imports gives a total of $17,342,- 990. Taking these figures as being correct, there is a trade balance in favor of the islands of .$23,999,290, that being the excess of exports over imports. There is practically no labor-saving machinery in use in the Islands. Business men have been slow about making improvements or adding to their investments, as one revolution after an other has taught them that the Government was unstable, and they feared to add to their invest ments in the islands. It is the consensus of opinion that under any stable form of govern ment it will be found advisable to put in all of the latest labor-saving machinery and to estab lish manufactories for the handling of the raw material of the islands. Already some of tlie larger shippers of sugar and hemp are figuring on the manufacture of the raw material into the finished product. In Hong Kong and in other Asiatic ports there are sugar refineries which are supplied almost entirely with the raw sugar from the Philippine- Islands. It is proposed to establish refineries in the islands themselves, and to turn out the finished product ready for shipment to any country where freights will permit of profitable competition. The four principal industries of the islands are hempi sugar, copra and tobacco. Hemp leads the list in the aggregate value of exports, sugar coming second. Copra is a comparatively new industry, but a. very important one to the isl ands. —The tobacco industry is an important one, and there are large exports each year of tobacco leaf and manufactured tobacco. MANILA HEMP. The principal industry of the Philippine Isl ands, as shown in the money return, is the pro duction of hemp. The southern part of Luzon Island and other islands to the south are given up largely to the production of hemp, of which practically all is shipped to other countries to be manufactured. For the year 1897, according to the most reliable figures which could be obtained, the ex port value of the hemp raised in the Philippine Islands was a little more than $18,000,000, sil ver. It is the industry which supports a large proportion of the population of those islands, where it is extensively grown, and according to the opinion of those most familiar with the trade there Is no danger of an overproduction and a. consequent decrease in the selling price of this product. Manila hemp is used in the man ufacture of cordage of a superior class. For ships" purposes it is superior to any other ma terial, considering its cost and wearing qualities. The cultivation of hemp, while carried on ex tensively in the Philippine Islands, is conducted in a. most primitive manner. It Is found nowhere else in the world, and while it is now extensively cultivated, and large amounts ot land are planted in it, it is still found growing wild in certain portions of the Islands, and in quanti ties which make it worth while to gather it for shipment. Hemp, or "abaca," as it is called in the Philippine Islands, is a product of a. .'species of the plantain tree. In its wild state it grows to a height of from 8 to 12 feet, but under cultivation it grows to a height of 15 'or 20 feet, with a, trunk from 8 to 12 inches in diameter. The stalk of this tree is in appearance something like the banana plant— merely a. collection of fibrous leaves, which are closely joined together, and which can be easily cut with a single blow of a sharp knife. The tree is allowed to mature. which requires about three years, this being de pendent upon the soil .and the elevation of the land upon which it is planted above sea level. When the tree has attained the proper age it is cut down and divided into long strips, which are put under a large knife, weishted with a lever, and under which the strips are drawn. This separates the stalk and juice from the fibre, and the latter is then spread out upon the ground to dry. This work is all done at the plantations, and after the abaca or hemp Is suf ficiently dried it is gathered up and taken in bullock carts to the nearest waterway and shipp.ed to some port where it is made into bales ready for export. The production of hemp is carried on exten sively by natives, by Spaniards and by foreign ers. The natives who are engaged in the busi ness extensively are for the moat part half- castes, or mestizos— the ordinai-y native of full blood lacking both energy and capital to carry on the production of hemp, except in a limited way. The export business is practically all in the hands of foreigners, mostly English, Belgian and German houses. In the opinion of those who are largely in terested in the hemp industry there is a great future for this product. There are vast tracts of uncultivated land in those parallels of lati tude where it flourishes with the greatest vigor, and all that is needed is capital and enterprise to open it up. The fact that there is a con stantly growing demand for hemp will probably serve to keep prices up, even though the produc tion is largely Increased. The preparation of hemp for the market is carried on in an exceed ingly crude manner, and experiments have been made, so far without any great degree of suc cess, to perfect machinery which will make the cost of its preparation smaller and which will effect a considerable saving in the number of people employed on a plantation. In preparing hemp for shipment the fibre is packed in bales in compresses similar to those in use in early days for baling cotton in the Southern States. There are no compresses worked by steam, and the baling of hemp is a slow and tedious process. A compress built on the plans of those now used at the principal ports . from which cotton is shipped in tho Southern States v.-ould serve a. 20 OUR NEW double purpose; it v/ould make the baling of hemp a much shorter process than under the present system, and would enable much larger quantities to be put into the holds of steamers, thereby reducing the freight charges. In the opinion of exporters in Manila this is something tha.t is V2ry much needed in the islands. There v/ould also seem to be room for the es tablishment of a plant for the making o* cordage. There is practically no rope manu factured in the Philippine Islands. During the year 1S97 the total exports of hempen rope and cable amounted to only 4,029 piculs, as com pared with exports of 3,468 during the preced ing year. (The picul is 140 pounds.) The larger portion of the hemp grown in the PhUippinS Islands is exported from Manila, As shown in the ta.ble preceding, the exports for 1897 were 1,804,576 piculs. The exports to the several countries which are large users of hemp were as follows: Piculs. U.niled States (Atlantic Coast) 733,004 United States (Pacl.nc Coast) 51,900 Great Britain 72S,.344 Euirope (continent) 28,596 Australia 3S.05S Sin.gapure and India ;... 12.168 China and Japan 51,300 SUGAR. Sugar forms an important item in the export trade of the Philippine Islands, standing sec ond to hemp. For the year 1897 the total ex ports of sugar from the various ports of the Philippine Islands amounted to $13,000,0(X), sil ver, in round numbers. In the production of su.ga.r the people of the islands content them selves with t'he production of raw sugar, which is practically all shipped away from the islands to be refined. The refined sugar sold in the markets of the islands is raised in the Philip pines, shipped to Hong Kong, where it is re fined and reshipped to Manila for sale. The preparation of sugar for the market is more difficult and complicated than the preparation of either hemp or tobacco, v/liich latter Is another important Industry in the Philippines. The pro duction of siigar varies from year to year, ac cording to favorable or unfavorable weather which prevails during the sugar-making season. For 1897 the exports of sugar show a. falling off of more than 400,000 piculs from the ship ments of the preceding year. This was due largely to the fact that during 1897 the cane- fields In the provinces near Manila were de stroyed by the insurgents. Then, too, many of the men employed on sugar plantations left their work to join the ranks of the insurgents, and there was in consequence a scarcity of labor. While hemp practically all passes through the port of Manila, sugar Is exported in considerable quantities from Iloilo and Cebu. During 1897 the exports from Iloilo largely ex ceeded those from Manila, and while Manila shipments showed a. falUng off there was a con.siderable increase in the exports from the port of Iloilo. This increase was due to the opening of a number of sugar plantations in the Visaya group of islands. A large part oi POSSESSIONS. the sugar produced in the southem group comes from the .island of Negros, which produces more than the other islands' of the Visaya group com bined. T*ie total exports of sugar for the year 1897 were 3,233,-183 piculs, as compared with 3,678,618 piculs in 1890. The largest shipment shown during any year in the history of the islands was in 1893, when more than 4,000,000 piculs wei-e exported. The United States gets only a small portion of the sugar produced in the Philippine I-slands. According to statistics kept by one of the export houses in Manila, the shipments of sugar from Manila to the various countries were as follows: PIsuls. United States 40,00i) Great Britain 183,788 Europe (Continent) : 28,400 China and Japan 691,449 The sugar exported from Cebu went to Great Britain, China and Japan, there being no ship ments from that port to the United States. The exports were divided as follows: Piculs. Great Britain 80,8111) China and Japan 166,310 Sugar exported from Iloilo during 1897 went to the following countries: Piculs. United States and Canada 375,616 Great Britain 488,000 China and Japan 1,205,087 Sugar cane Is raised in all parts of the archi pelago. While there has been a big increase in the export of sugar during the last twenty years, the quality of the product has not improved with the increase in quantity. The appliances used for making sugar from cane juice are so primitive in character that the quality of the sugar is not up to the standard desired, and as a result prices have shown an almost constant decline. In Cuba the big sugar plantations are fitted up with the very best and most improved machinery, but though nearly all of the big sugar plantations in the Philippines are owned by Spaniards, they have shown no disposition to make improvements, in the methods in vogue. This disposition to continue old and antiquated methods is due largely to the fact of the fre quently recurring revolutions, which have caused the Spaniards to feel that Spanish sovereignty in the islands was menaced, and that their prop erty might be confiscated at an-^ time. With a stable form of govern-ment in. which the people generally had confidence it is believed extensive improvements would be made in the methods of making sugar, and that there would be a conse quent improvement in the quality of the product. In conversation with some of the big sugar ex porters Mr. Harden was informed that plans are now under way for the establishment of sugar refineries in the principal sugar-pro ducing sections, and that it was probable, with in a short time after the question of the future sovereignty of the Islands was determined, re fined sugar would be exported In considerable quantities. Small steam mills have now taken the place of the old-fashioned mills worked with water buf- THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 21 faloes, but these mills are primitive in character and slow in operation. Both wet and dry sugar is shipped, but with improved machinery it is believed that not only could a much better price be obtained, but that the demand for the sugar would be considerably increased. In the prov inces tributary to Iloilo the planters use ma chinery of more recent date, and the sugar ex ported from that port is In greater demand and brings higher prices than that from Manila. TOBACCO. Tobacco, leaf cigars and cigarettes have formed a considerable item In the exports of the Philippine Islands. Until the year 1882 the Spanish Government had a monopoly of the tobacco industry, and much of the discontent that existed up to that time among the natives was due to the tobacco monopoly laws which were on the statute books and the rigorous manner in which the officials enforced them. The natives in those sections where tobacco could be produced advantageously were com pelled to plant a certain amount of land in to bacco, and the entire product of the islands was required to be delivered to the Grovernment warehouses, where payment was made at prices arbitrarily fixed by the Spanish Government. Each unmarried native who cultivated tobacco was required to set out four thousand plants each year, and each married man was required to set out double that number. There ^ere Gov ernment inspectors who supervised the planting, cultivation and harvesting of the crop, and who also required that it be packed in a certain way and shipped at a certain time to the Government warehouses. The natives were not permitted to use the tobacco which they grew. Penalties were "provided for those who smoked cigars or cigarettes, and it was not an uncommon thing for a native engaged in the raising of tobacco to be put in jail for smoking a few leaves which he had raised himself and which he had rolled into a crude cigar or made into a cigarette. Ac-"^ cording to the evidence of foreigners, inspectors often arrested natives on a charge of smoking their own tobacco when, as a matter of fact, the charge was entirely unfounded. The price paid by the Government for tobacco under the monopoly was about one-half what is now paid. During a good portion of the time the monopoly was in force, particularly the latter part, payment was made in scrip, redeemable at the option of the Gov ernment. For a number of years this scrip was paid with a fair degree of promptitude, but after a time payment was deferred for so long a period that it often sold for one-third of its face value. Speculators did a good business in buy ing this scrip from the natives at from 10 to 40 per cent of its face value, and some of the fortunes made by office-holders, it is claimed, came from this system. The injustice worked through the tobacco "monopoly in the Philippine Islands became so great, and the natives had become so incensed over the unjust treatment accorded them, that finally the Spanish Government was compelled to. end the monopoly. An investigation was made, and a royal edict was Issued under which the. monopoly ended in December, 18.S2. The cultivators of leaf tobacco were freed from Government supervision on July 1 of that year. The tobacco business Is now con ducted as any other industry in the Islands, and large manufactories have been erected for the making of cigars and cigarettes. This is one of the important industries of Manila, which prac tically controls the manufacture and export of tobacco, and where a great many people are constantly employed in the factories. From its monopoly of the tobaocci industry the Spanish Government derived a revenue which, for sev eral years preceding the ending of the monopoly, averaged about $4,000,000 a year. The number of officials einployed in this branch of the ser vice alone exceeded four hundred. The cutting off of this source of revenue proved so serious a blow to the finances of the islands that it was found necessary to increase taxes in other ways. License fees were increased, the cedula person- ales, or head tax, was considerably Increased, and an export tax on leaf and inanufactured to bacco was put in force. The cigars manufactured in Manila are sold' for a very small price. The average price lists of the various m.anufacturers in Manila show a range of from $10 to $75, silver, a thousand. The ordinary cigar of Manila, of fair quality, sells for about $2, silver, a hundred, or less than one cent apiece figured on our money basis. There is very little tobacco and few cigars shipped from the Philippines to the. United States. Freight charges,, customs dues " and internal revenue taxes make the cost of the cigars so high that they can not compete with our domestic cigars. In China, Japan and India Manila cigars are used almost exclusively, and there is a con stant increase in the export of both leaf and manufactured tobacco. Exports of tobacco leaf during the year 1897 were considerably in excess of those of 1896. The total exports for the year were 309,-585 quin tals of forty-six kilograms, or 101.42 pounds to the quintal, as compared with exports of 198,978 for 180G, or an increase of 110,607 quintals. Principal shipments were as follows: Quintals. Europe (Continent) 245,436 Great Britain 51,635 Singapore and India 9,7:j4 China and Japan J 2,748 Australia .-. 32 Of the shipments to the continent of Europe nine-tenths went to Spain. Of the shipments of tobacco to Great Britain only one-fifth was for consumption in that country, the remainder being manufactured and reshipped to Portugal, Sweden and, other European countries. Shipments of cigars during the year 1897 showed a falling off as compared with the ship ments, for the preceding year, owing to the fact that many of the operatives in Manila had joined the ranks of the insurgents. The total shipments of cigars for the year 1897 -were 109,- 465,000, as compared with 104,136,000 for 1890, 22 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. a decrease of 24,671,000. Principal shipments During the year 1897 there was exported from were as follows: .the islands 2,378 quintals (of forty-six kilo- China and Japan 58,420,000 grams) of Indigo. This went principally to lur^o^"e°rc^-,Unem1'"..-.-.-.-.-.V;.V.V;.-.-:::;;::::: fo'^S .^msapore and mdia. there being small ship- Great Britain 24,290,000 ments made to Great Britain, to the continent of UnTted''states-and-Canada;-(At-lantVcy.V.V.-.- tmm Europe, and to China and Japan. United States (Paclfto) 183,000 There is a small trade in mother-of-pearl COPRA, COFFEE AND INDIGO. ^^i'^ ^'""^ *^^ '='^"^^' *.^^ ^""^"^^^ *°'" ^^^ ^'"'^ liAii amounting to 506 piculs. as compared with Copra is a growing industry in the Philippine sixty-seven piculs for the preceding year. Islands. It is only during the last few years Shipments of skins to be manufactured into that there have been any shipments of copra, gj^g ^y^ng the year 1897 amounted to 4 332 and the increase of the trade In this has been piculs, as compared with . 2,476 piculs during remarkable. For the year just ended the esti- i896. The shipments were made to China and mated value of the copra shipped from the vari- Japan. Singapore, India. United States and ous ports Is $4,462,020, silver. The total exports Canada. for 1S97 were 808,416 piculs, as compared with gums of various sorts are exported in small 607,531 piculs for 1896. Shipments to the vari- quantities, and In the opinion of the business ous countries were as follows: men of Manila there is an opportunity for a con- Europe (Continent) : mosi siderable increase in this industry. During the Great Britain 2 57,614 year 1897 the total shipments of gums of the Chi^a'°^^ ^""^ ^"'^'^ ^-^i various sorts amounted to 5,274 piculs, as com- ' '".'"""'" [ VV* , !, i 1 PB.red vvith 6,303 piculs for 1896. Copra is dried cocoanut, and it is used largely in the manufacture of soaps. During the year DISTRIBUTION OP COMMERCE. . ; 1897 the copra industry was exceptionally According to the latest report of F. H, Hitch- prosperous, more than 200,000 piculs having cock. Chief of the Section of Foreign " Markets, been exported from Manila alone. The first United States Agricultural Department, from shipments of copra were in 1892, when 5,000 which the following facts are gleaned, the latest " piculs were exported. The Caroline Islands pro- year for which there are official statistics avail-' " duced most of the copra formerly exported from able showing the distribution of the Philippine ' the islands, being shipped in small schooners to commerce among the various foreign countries Manila and transshipped from there. Now, 's 1893. During that year, according to the ofli- ; however. It is produced in nearly all of the isl- cial returns, nearly 85 per cent of the entire im- ands of the group, and it is cstirnated that the Port and export trade of the islands was divided next year's shipments will amount to 1,000,000 among four cnuntries— the United Kingdom, ¦ piculs. China (including Hong Kong), Spain and the \ There ., are considerable shipments from the 'United States. The United Kingdom's share was islands of dye-woods, coffee, indigo, mother-of- ^y *ar the largest, amounting to $14,207,832,' or ' pearl shells, resins, gums and untanned skins. 37.32 per cent of the total. Hong Kong and the ; Coffee was an important industry until a few Chinese ports were credited with 18.66 per cent, years ago, and large coffee plantations have *h® value being $7,104,111. Of this trade Hong been established in various parts of Luzon and ^°'^S probably enjoyed the chief part. The other islands of the group. In 1891 an insect commerce with Spain 'was valued at $7,024,128,. made its appearance on the coffee plantations, °'^ 18.45 per cent, and that withj the United which destroyed the plants, and practically all States at $3,951,003, or 10.38 per cent. _ -.• .. of the big coffee plantations have now been '^° Germany only 3.32 per cent of the: total abandoned. During the year 1897 exports ot trade was credited, and to France only 1.89 per coffee were only 2,236 piculs, but this was an in- *^^"'' '^® dealings with the f9rmer nation crease of 804 piculs over the shipments of the amounting to^$l,265,976 and those with the Iat- preceding year. Efforts have been made to stop *^'' *° $''^18,870. Through Port Said, Egypt, a the ravages of the insect which has destroyed commerce valued at $1,159,950, or 3.05 per cent the coffee plantations, but so far with only par- °^ *^^ '°*^'' ^^^^ conducted, and through Singa- tlal success. It is believed that a careful study f"? transactions to the value of $666,047, or by experts would discover a means 6f killing the !•'» P^^" cent. Undoubtedly the imports and ex- insect, and that the coffee Industry would once ^"""'^ credited to Port Said and Singapore con- mor-- assume its old-time proportions. For the ^^^^^^ '" ^^'^^ ^^""^ '"^ transit trade between' the year 1.S07 the value of the coffee exported from f''^'''PP'"es and European countries, and it is to the Philippine Islands was only ,$96,100 When regretted that the oHicial returns do not show the industry was at its height, shipments were ^^^ ^'''"^' sources and destinations of the ship- mnJe of more than $4,000,000 in a single year ™^" French Indo-China, through the port of The shipments of coffee to the various countries ^^'^°"' enjoyed 1.38 per cent of the total com- w«-.re as follows: merce, while Japan was credited' with only 1.28 Eur.j. e ,p,nM tN Piculs. per cent. In the case of French Indo-China the Chln,-1 ar-.l jipan^" 1.969 value returned was .$323,658, and in the case of Hl'','.'^:'":\ ••••¦•.¦-¦'.'-¦-¦-¦.¦.¦.¦.'.¦.'.'.¦.¦.¦.¦.¦.¦.¦.'.¦.¦.¦.".¦.¦.¦ 12 Japan $488,360. -b-ixore and India •.;. 9 Among the other countries that participated THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 23 in the commerce of the Philippines during 1893 were Russia, Switzerland, Belgium, Australasia, the Dutch East Indies,. Austria-Hungary, the Netherlands and Italy. For Russia and Switzer land, no exports were recorded, but the imports from these two countries were quite large, the valuations being $262,956 and $206,800 respec tively. The commerce with Belgium amounted to $123,725 and that with Australasia to $111,- 978. To the Dutch East Indies there were ex ports worth $94,572, but no imports from that source were reported. The trade with Austria- Hungarv was valued at $63,184, that with the Netherlands at $51,640, and that with Italy at $33,090. In addition to the countries already enumer-' ated, small dealings were had with British India, the Sulu Islands, Sweden and Norway, Denmark and Portugal. The value of the trade with Brit ish India was ,$6,577, with the Sulu Islands $5,299. with Sweden and Norway $1,456, with Denmark $1,352, and with Portugal $561. IMPORTS. Regarding the imports of the Philippines by countries much fuller statistics are available than is the case with the exports. Although changes in classification prevent a satisfactory comparison for several of the countries, the gen eral sources of the trade can be readily sho^vn for a period of ten years ending with 1893. Dur ing the first few years of thi decade a conside.ra- ble portion of the imports was recorded as com ing from Hong Kong and Singapore, and there fore cannot be traced to the original source. In the later years much of this transit trade was credited to the countries from which it actually came, a fact that should he taken into considera tion in comparing the returns for these coun tries. In 188-1, the first year of the decade, the imports recorded from Hong Kong and Singa pore were valued as high as $7,171,697, while in 1893 the total trade reported as coming from these two ports did not reach one-third of that value. The ' average annual value of the im ports received from Hong Kong and Singapore during the four years from 1884 to 1887 was $5,287,852. In ISSS and succeeding years the trade with these ports was not stated together, as previously, but separate returns were given for Hong Kong (including China) and for Singa pore. The imports from Hong Kong and China in 1888 were, recorded at $3,280,205 and .those from Singapore at $1,007,715. During the suc ceeding five years, from 1889 to 1893, the import trade from Hong Kong and China had an aver age annual value of $3,404,207, or 20.73 per cent of the total, and that from Singapore one of $1,497,675, or 9.12 per cent. As the imports from China alone during the four years from I8S4 to 1887, when they were separately recorded, av eraged only $483,427 per annum, it is apparent that the large shipments credited in later years to Hong Koiig and China came chiefly from Hong Kong. The United Kingdom was the principal source of the Philippine Import trade during the ten years under consideration, Spain ranking sec ond. A compajrison of the five-year periods 1884-'88 and lS89-'93, ho-wever, shows that while receipts from the United Kingdom fell off con siderably during the decade those from Spain were greatly increased. AGRICULTURAL IMPORTS. The principal agricultural Imports are wines, rice, wheat flour and canned goods. In 1894 wines were imported to the extent of 835,681 gallons, having a. value of $955,783. Of rice, 98,922,622 pounds, valued at $563,879, were Im ported, and of wheat flour 97,509 barrels, valued at $467,194. The importations of canned goods, including sausages, amounted to 1,472,807 pounds, with a value of $.333,359. Each of these four items, except canned goods, sausages, etc.. shows, an increase over 1893 in quantity, but a falling off in value. In the case of canned goods, sausages, etc., there was a decline in quantity as well as value. After the leading items just mentioned, the most important agricultural imports in 1893 and 1894 were distilled spirituous liquors, pork, bacon and lard, vegetables, olive oil, and beer and cider. During 1894 there were imported of distilled spirituous liquors 67,335 gallons, worth $167,372, and of beer and cider 132,467 gallons, worth $75,066. The imports of pork, bacon and lard amounted to 753,755 pounds, valued at $217,- 96.5. Of vegetables, not including dried pulse, 5,270,241 pounds, worth $119,290, were brought in, and of olive oil 572,070 pounds, worth $77,- 689. As compared with 1893, distilled spirituous liquors Increased In quantity, but declined in value. The remainder of these items declined in both quantity and value. The only other agricultural imports enu merated in the returns of 1894. with their quanti ties and values for that year, were the follow ing: Cocoa. 304.197 pounds, .$49,461; bread and biscuit, and macaroni, vermicelli, etc., 1,047,025 pounds. $47,394; tea, 206,-540 pounds, $46,749; beeswax, stearlne, etc., 827,304 pounds, $41,886; fruits, 887,326 pounds, $40,170; vegetable oils, other than olive oil, 738,708 pounds, $38,462; dried pulse, 1,582,829 pounds, $35,820; butter, 96,983 pounds, $21,952; cheese. 125,974 pounds, $21,386; pepper, 75,213 pounds. $5,9.59, and chocolate, 21,579 pounds, $4,884. All of these products, except, fruits, vegetable oils other than olive, cheese and chocolate, exhibit an increase over 1893 as regards quantity, but the only items that made a gain also in value were cocoa, tea, beeswax, stearine, etc., and dried pulse. The total value of the agricultural Imports for 1894 amounted to $3,241,726, as compared with $3,- 778,497 for 1893- Official returns as to the various articles of merchandise imported into the islands in 1891 and 1892 are not at present obtainable, but from figures covering the five preceding years, 1886- '90, it appears that the agricultural imports during that period had an average annual value of $4,069,284. The smaller values returned for 24 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. 1893 and 1.894 . resulted partly from the lower prices prevailing in the later years, and partly from a marked falling off in the imports of rico, the average annual receipts of this product dur ing lSS6-'90 reaching as high as 157,332,054 pounds, valued at $1,830,000. With the excep tion of rice, the only agricultural imports for which the figures show any considerable decline in quantity are distilled spirituous liquors, beer and cider, and tea. NON--A.GRICULTURAL IMPORTS. According to the official trade returns for 1893 and 1894 the total value of the cotton manufactures imported into the Philippine Isl ands amounted to $3,866,819 in the former year and to .$5,877,138 in the latter. Cloths, thread and yarn, and knit fabrics were the principal items under this Im.portant class of merchan dise, but laces 'and tulles, and velveteens, cor duroys and similar fabrics were also included in considerable quantities. ' After cotton manufactures, the leading non- agricultural Import in 1893 and 1894 was kero sene oil. The value of the kerosene imported was recorded at $1,08-5,665 for 1803, and at $703,445 for 1894. It was obtained chiefly from the United States,, either directly or by way of Hong Kong. ", Of iron and steel manufactures there were im ports valued at $672,415 in 1893 and at ?571,60("> in 1894. Manufactures of wrought iron— such as wire, nails and screws, and bouse utensils- formed a. considerable part of these imports. Paper and its manufactures constituted an other important item. In 1894 the imports had a value of -$387,031, as compared with $376,236 in 1893. Writing paper and printing paper were the principal kinds imported. Manufactures of flax, hemp, jute, etc., formed an Item, valued at $494,416 in 1893 and $340,7.33 in 189-1. Jute fabrics and plain fabrics of fJux. and hemp were the leading imports under this head. Candles and matches were imported to the value of $377,593 in 1893 and $309,970 in 1894. From the statLstics for previous years, when these articles were stated separately, it ap pears that matches formed the larger part of this item. Of silk manufactures, $307,153 worth was im ported in 1893 and .$294,813 worth in 1804. Plain or twilled silks comprised the principal item, but there were also important imports of velvets and plushes, tulles and laces, and thread and yarn. Other leading non-agricultural imports during 1893 and 1894 were hats and caps, earthen, stone and china- ware, um.brellas and parasols, coal, manufactures of wool and hair, glass and glassware and boots and shoes. In addi tion to these principal articles the import re turns enumerate quite a large number of minor items. The following tables show the imports of tlie Philippine Islands, by the countries, during each calendar year from 1884 to 1^9.3, inclusive: IMPORTS OP THE PHILIPPINE ISL.A.NI)S, TEARS 1884 TO BY COUNTRIES, DURING THE CALENDAR ISSS. INCLUSIVE. Countries from which imported. ..1SS4. 1885. 1.888. 18309 barrels, worth .$34,802. as com- only 131 barrels, worth .$859, in GUAM. 29, GUAM. CHIEF OF THE MARIANNE GROUP. A. VALUABLE COALING STATION AND PORT OF CALL BETWEEN HAWAII AND THE PHILIPPINES. One of the incidents of the Spanish war in 1898, between the taking of Manila and the negotiations of the protocol, was the capture of the Marlaiine. or Ladrone. Islands. This was effected without a struggle by one of the military expeditions sent from San Francisco to the Philippines. The port of San Luis d'Apra was entered, and the United States flag put up in place of the Spanish. Afterward, at the close of the war, the island of Guam, on which that port is situated, was ceded to the United States. The Marianne Islands are a group of fifteen in the North Pacific, between 13 and 21 degrees north latitude and 144 and 146 degrees east longitude. They are of volcanic origin, and comprise in all only about 417 square miles of fertile land. Their climate Is warm, but mild and eminently healthful. They were discovered by Magellan in 1521, and were called by him the Ladrones, or Thieves' Islands, on account of the thievish propensities of some of the natives. The Spanish established a permanent settlement on Guam, the largest of the group, in 1067. and called the group the Marianne Islands, in honor of Queen Maria Anne. The islands were in the possession of Spain there after until last j'ear. Only four of the islands are now inhabited. At'the time of the Spanish settlement the popu lation of the group was probably fifty thousand, but by the usual methods It was reduced, and is now not more than, ten thousand, and of these many have been brought in from Luzon and elsewhere. The principal town is San Ignazip de Agana. on the island of Guam, adjacent to the port of San Luis d'Apra. The harbor of San Luis is now a good one, and by the destruction of a coral reef it can be made one of the best in that part of the world. It is nearly 3,350 miles from Honolulu and 1.900 from Manila, forming an invaluable coaling station and port of call between those places. Its value to trans-Pacific commerce and to the Navy Is beyond all esti mate. Elsewhere we have cited some expert testimony In detail upon this point. It re mains to be added that the port of San Luis is easily susceptible of defence, so as to be all but impregnable. The small extent of the island of Guam makes it of comparatively small importance save as a place of call. Yet its soil is exceptionally fertile, and produces In abundance pineapples, cocoa- nuts, bananas, coffee, sugar-cane, etc. The hills in the Interior afford some fine cattle ranges. These condirions, together with the salubrious and delightful climate, indicate the possibility of planting a far more numerous population there, which shall be not only self-sustaining but have a considerable export trade. Mr. Ward, surgeon of the United States cruiser Bennington, spent some time on Guam in the winter of lS9S-'0t>, and makes an interesting re port concerning it. He says he found eight so- called stores in Agana, the chief town, besides a number of small huts, where the native aguar diente, made of fermented cocoanut milk, is sold, but he did not ascertain whether or not these bars were licensed. He classed the stores uncler five heads, according to the nationality of the men owning them. In the Manila stores, con ducted by men from Manila, three in number, it was possible to buy cotton clothes of various hues and dyes, embroideries, a few ready-made articles of apparel, buttons, .shoes, paper, pens, ink. matches, and a small assortment of canned goods, of poor quality and expensive, as well as soap, candles and aguardiente. In one of the Manila stores cigars made of native tobacco, which was of poor quality, were purchasable. The Japanese store Is the largest and best In the town. It contained all the goods to be had In the Manila stores, and in addition sugar, Japanese beer and imitations of imported wines. It also sold eggs and bread, the latter baked every other day, of exceedingly poor quality. The Chinese store was a poor one, and was patronized only by Chinese. In the chamorro (native) store Dr. Ward found native coffee of fair quality, excellent chocolate and a few ¦ cheap cotton dyed stuffs, pipes, matches, etc. The single American store, though a more pre tentious establishment than any of the others. was inferior in many respects to the Japanese. A greater variety of goods was kept, including a large assortment of canned vegetables, meats, kerosene oil. rice, accordions, hats, stockings, lamps, lamp shades, crockery, trunks, paints and nails. Dr. Ward says that shoes of fair pat tern could be made to order by native shoemak ers, and the natives could also make comfort able furniture. Flour, which was difficult to find, and butter and lard, which naturally did not keep well in such a warm climate, were ex pensive. Milk could be purchased in small quan tities, chickens arid eggs were plentiful, but the beef was poor, and there were no sheep in the island. Pigs are abundant. Yams and sweet potatoes grow freely, as well as corn, the latter being used by the natives to make bread. Bananas, cocoanuts and bread fruit are the chief sources of native food. Fishing is but little attempted. A good clam is found, and a small oyster of sweet taste. Deer and goats abound, and wild turkey, plover, ducks and other edible birds are plentiful. 30 PORTO OUR RICO. HISTORY, PEOPLE AND ORGANIZATION. ONE OF THE FAIREST AND RICHEST OP THE ANTILLBS- Porto Rico, or Puerto Rico (Rich Harbor), the fourth and smallest in size of the Greater An tilles, West Indies, formerly the Borlnquen of the -Arawaks, lies 'oetween latitude 17:-55 and 18:30 north and longitude 65:39 and 67:11 west. It Is the easternmost of that group of islands, and is located between the Atlantic Ocean and the Caribbean Sea. In shape it is oblong, with the length from 90 to 108 miles, east to west, and breadth north to south from 37 to 40 miles. Its area, including its dependencies; the isles of A'laques. Culebra and Mona. is 3,530 square miles. Physically it is a continuation of Hayti through the island of Mona, and it is separated from the Virgin Islands on the east by the Virgin Passage, in which are Viaques and Cule bra. The principal capes are San Juan on the northeast. Mala Pascua on the southeast, Rojo on the southwest and Bruquen on the north west. The coasts are generally regular, but , there are many bays and inlets, and the north coast is lined with navigable lagoons- The prin cipal ports are San Juan, Arecibo, AguadlUa, Maya.guez, Ponce. Guayanllla. Humacao and Fajardo. A range of mountains extends through the island from northeast to southwest. The av erage height Is about 1.500 feet above sea level, but one peak in the northeasterly part, in Sierra de Luquillo, whose sumrhit is called Yunque (the anvU), is 3,078 feet in height. From these mountains numerous streams and navigable rivers descend. The principal rivers run north, and are Grande de Arecibo, Manati, La Plata, Bayamon and Grande de Loiza. Among the rocks limestones predominate. In the in terior are extensive plains, and there are level tracts from five to ten miles wide on the coast. The pasture lands in the north and east are superior to any others in the West Indies. HISTORY. Porto Rico was discovered by Columbus In November. 1493. Prior to that time the island had borne the name Borinquen. given it by the natives, v.ho were known as Arawaks. In 1509 it was invaded by the Spaniards from Hayti, under Ponce de Leon, who in 1510 founded the town of Caparra, which was soon after aban doned. It is now known as Puerto Viejo. In 1511 he established the town of San Juan Bau- tista, which is now the capital. The native pop ulation, numbering, it Is claimed, from 600,000 to 700,000, was in a few years exterminated by the Spaniards, who imported negroes as labor- I ers and held them as slaves. In 1595 San Juan, the capital, was sacked by the English, under Drake, and again in 1598, 1 under the Duke of Cumberland. In 1615 Bald- NEW POSSESSIONS. win Hcinrich, a Dutchman, lost his life in an attack on Castiilo del Morro. An attempt of tho English to capture the place in 1678 resulted in failure, and in 1797 Abercrombie, in a similar attempt, was equally unsuccessful, and had to retire after a three days' siege. An attempt was made by the Porto Ricans In 1820 to shake off the Spanish yoke. A declara tion of independence was issued, and for three years the people made an heroic struggle, but Spanish supremacy was fully re-established In 1823. On November 25, 1807, Spain granted a new constitution, establishing so-called self- government in the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. In 1873 the system of enforced labor was abrogated in the island, and thus the last traces of human slavery were abolished. On April 19, 1S9S. war was declared between the United States and Spain, which resulted in a few months in this dependency of Spain fall ing into the hands of the United States with but slight resistance on the part of the Porto Ricans, whose intercourse and commercial rela tions had been for many years largely with her I captors. Despite the disturbance naturally inci dent to a change of rulers. Involving in this case a radical change in principles and system of government, the island has rapidly resumed its pacific condition; trade and commerce are in creasing, internal improvements are being made, and a spirit of intelligent enterprise is being manifested, which is a most happy augury of a future of unexampled prosperity. CLIMATE. The climate, though warm, is more healthful than that of the other Antilles. The prevailing winds are east and northeast, but from Novem ber to March north winds are frequent. The land winds so constant at night in the other islands of the Antilles are seldom felt here. The Island has suffered much from hurricanes. of which those in 1742 and 1825 were very de structive. AH lands exposed to the northeast trade winds have abundant rains. San Juan's mean temperature for twelve years was, 80.7 Fahrenheit, the maximum in Janufiry and Feb ruary being 70.5, and in July and August S6.2. As the hills intercept the northeast trade winds with their rain clouds, there Is sometimes al most a superabundance of moisture In the north ern lowlands, while In the south severe drouths occur, and the land requires artificial irrigation, a.s yet carried out with too little co-operation and system.. The island Is, however, exception ally well watered, 1,.')00 streams being enumer ated, of which forty-seven are considerable riv ers, and its general appearance is very beauti ful. Forests still cover all the higher parts of the hills, and differ from those of the other West Indies chiefly in the absence of epiphytes. Among the noteworthy trees Baron Eggers men tions the cocoabola macrophylla, or "ortegon"' of the natives, which forms extensive forests in some places, chiefly near the coast, and is con spicuous by its immense, yard-long purple spikes; a beautiful Talauma. with its white PORTO RICO. 31 odorous flowers, and yielding a timber called sabino; an unnamed tree, with purple fiowers like those of the Scsevola Plumieri; a large Heli- conia and several tree ferns (Cyathea Serra and an Alsophlla). INHABITANTS. The growth of the population is shown by the following figures: In 1800 it was 135,400, in 1830 it was not more than 358,800, by 1860 it had reached 583,000, in 1864 It was 615,844, and in 1880 it was 754,313, of whom 429,473 (219,418 males and 210,055 females) were white, and 324,840 (162.352 males and 162,488 females) colored. In 1887 the population was 813,- 937, of whom 487.000 were . white and 320,000 were colored. Representatives of the United States who have personally looked Into the matter state that the latter was the only reliable and adequate census ever taken. Although this island Is the most densely peopled of all the West Indies, there is still ample room for further growth. Ambng the people of European origin are Spaniards. Germans, Swedes, Danes, Russians, Frenchmen, Chuetas, or descendants of the Moorish Jews from Majorca, and natives from the Canary Islands. There are also numerous Chinese. The Gibaros. or small landholders, and day laborers of the country districts, are a. curious race of Spanish stock, largely modified by Ind ian blood. The Spanish population is principally Anda- lusian, Balearic, and fugitives from the other late Spanish provinces. EDUCATION. 'The report of jVdjutant-General Gardner, who was sent (1899) to Porto Rico by the United States Government to examine and report upon the general condition of the island, gives inter esting facts in regard to the education of the people and the school system. From it we glean the following: The only thorough and careful census ever taken was that of 1887. which showed a population of 813,000. of whom 111.- .380 or 10 per cent could "neither read nor write. This is an unexpectedly favorable showing. For the city of Ponce there was an excellent census taken in 1897. According to it the city jurisdiction has a population of 49,000, and the percentage, who could neither read nor write, was 29.37. From his personal observation there Adjutant-General Gardner believes this per centage entirely too high. It l9 safe to estimate the number of schools on the island at six hundred, of which less than forty a-e private or religious schools. The com mon schools are divided into superior, elementary, auxiliary and rural, with one teacher to each school, whose salary ranges from $600 down to $150 a year- In the larger townships there is one school to every one thousand inhabitants. There is a compulsory law, but in some of the rural districts it is not enforced, in some cases large districts being entirely without schools. ¦ The State contribution for schools is small. providing for the support of a few institutions. The chief outlay for schools is made locally, as each township supports its own. The total amount raised by taxation in recent years has been $2,250,000, of which $175,000 went to the support of schools. There exists a fairly good skeleton or base upon which to build an excel lent school system. PRODUCTS. Gold, iron, copper, coal and salt are all found in Porto Rico, but the last named alone is worked. The iron ore is of the same high grade as that found in Cuba, and is regarded as un equalled for making Bessemer steel. F.rom the investigations that have been made it Is be lieved that in iron and copper Porto Rico will be found to have an Important source of wealth, and its development will prove an inviting field for American enterprise and capital. The natural products of the island are numer ous and valuable. Many kinds of cabinet and dyewoods, Including mahogany, ebony, lignum vltce, cedar and logwood, and plants valuable in the arts and in pharmacy abound. The tropical fruits grow to perfection. Among the agricult ural products are sugar cane, coffee, tobacco, rice, cotton and corn. The amount of sugar ob tained from a given area is greater than on any other West India island. The rice, which is the principal food of the laboring population, is a mountain variety, grown without flooding. On the lowland pastures, covered mainly with Hymenachne Stri.atum, large herds of excellent cattle are raised, which find a ready market at St. Thomas, the French Isles and elsewhere. ORGANIZj\.TION. For administrative purposes the island and its dependencies have been divided into nine dis tricts — Porto Rico, Bayamon, Arecibo, Agua- dilla, Mayaguez, Ponce, Humacao, Guayama and Vifiques. The chief towns are San Juan de Puerto Rico, the capital; San German, Ponce, Mayaguez, Arecibo, Guyama, Aguadllla, Cagu- ras. Bayamon and Humacao. San Juan Bau- tlsta, or St. John's, or, as 11 Is best known, San Juan de Puerto Rico, the capital, has a. popula tion of thirty thousand In town and district. It lies in latitude 18:29 north and longitude 60:07 west, on the north coast on a small island (Morro) connected lyith the mainland by bridges. It is surrounded by strong fortifica tions, and is a place of some natural strength. It is the seat of the government and the superior courts of the island, and contains a Governor's palace in the old fort of Santa Catalena, a palace erected by Ponce de Leon, a cathedral, a. town house, a. theatre, etc. The harbor is one of the best in the West Indies, capable of accommodating ships of the largest size, hav ing a comparatively unobstructed entrance, and along the wharves a depth at low water of ten to thirteen feet, and at high water of el6ven and a half to fourteen and a half feet. Ponce has forty-nine thousand inhabitiints in town and district (census of 1807), and lies about three miles inland from the south coast. 32 OPT?. NEW POSSESSIONS. Its public buildings are frequently of brick or stone, but private houses are of wood. It con tains a large town hall; situated, like the prin cipal church, in the main square; u. public hos pital; built in 1875, and an English Episcopal church. It Is lighted with gas by an English company. Mayaguez, situated several miles inland on the ¦.vest coast, has a population of twenty-nine thousand, and is separated from its port by a river, over which an iron bridge was constructed in 1S75. The town has military barracks, clubs and gasworks. The harbor, accessible only to vessels drawing less than sixteen feet, is stilted up, like most of the harbors of Porto Rico. The island of ftorto Rico is connected by a tel'-'graphic cable with the other West Indian islands, and thence with other parts of the world. A land telegraph connects the principal towns. Until recently the lack of good roads for internal communication, as vreli as facilities for drainage, sewage and water supply, was a. serious obstacle to the progress of the prosperity of the Island. So far as the roads are con cerned, this has been partially remedied, and in some parts excellent roads have been built, and a railroad three hundred miles long is in course of construction around the island. Much yet re mains to be done in these directions, and .4.meri- can capital and enterprise will find this a jiroflt- able field of operation. Much more would have .been done In the way of internal improvements in recent years had it not been for the fact that all the surplus funds of the Porto Paeans were used by the Spanish Government to meet the ex penses of the Cuban war. NEEDS OF THE ISLAND. In spite of these unfa%'orable conditions the state of affairs in Porto Rleo is much more satis factory than In the other "West Indian islands. Although much smaller in size than Jamaica, its population and commerce largely exceed those of that island, and with only one-twelfth the area of Cuba it has one-half as many inhabitants as that island. In other words, it Is entirely colon ized, cultivated and peopled. Agents of the United States Government sent to examine and report on the condition, resources and possibili ties of this island (1899) have made a most favorable report as to its climate, fertility and variety of valuable productions, as well as its natural beauty, and predict that it will soon be the favorite winter resort of the West Indies. To indicate what needs to be done to habilitate it so as to supply tho demands of -ninter so journers, the remarks of the late Karl Mauch, traveller and explorer, may be quoted. Speak ing of San Juan, the capital, he said that its appearance was far from edifying and its streets abominally filthy, the odor proceeding from the wretched houses rendering necessary an immediate application of the scent bottle. He described the island Itself as charming, with its hills covered to the top with the most varied species of timber, among which the graceful palms raise their magnificent crowns high above the dense underwood. "It was a source of great pleasure- to behold here, unfolding themselves under our very eyes in the wildest profusion. and filling the air with their perfume, the love liest and hrightest flowers, such as are seldom seen even in the finest European conser vatories." Although much progress has recently been made in road building, much yet remains to be done. Communication between most parts of the island can be made only on horseback, travel by wheeled vehicles being Impracticable. There are no wild animals in Porto Rico, and but few birds. Commodious passenger steamers are now- making excursions through the West Indies, stopping at Porto Rican ports long, enough for the tourist to see interesting parts of the island. Waterworks, sewers and electric railways are needed in Porto Rico. There is a dense popu lation and large quantities of freight to be moved. Gas and electric light are needed, although some towns are now using gas. Commodious hotels and boarding-houses for winter visitors would do well at several Porto Rican cities. TRADE AND INDUSTRY. AN ALMOST WORLDWIDE COMMERCE. During the calendar year 1896 the foreign trade of Porto Rico, according to the official returns compiled by the colonial administra tion of the island, attained a total value of .$30,624,120, exceeding all previous records. Compared with the value of 18S7, the opening year of the decade, which amounted to $21,- 237,601, these figures show a gain of more than $15,000,000 during the ten years. In the five- year period 1892-1896 tho total imports and ex ports had an average annual value of $33,87'0,- 535, as against $24,961,217 in the preceding five- year period, 1887-1891. IMPORTS AND EXPORTS COMPARED. The imports into Porto Rico have generally ' been somewhat in excess of the exports from the island, but in 1896, for the first time in more than a decade, the value of the merchan dise shipped to foreign markets was slightly greater than that of the imported wares. The exports for 1896 had a value of $18,341,430 and were decidedly the largest on record, while the imports for the same year, valued at $18,- 282,690, appear to have been surpassed only In 1894, when the foreign goods received at Porto Rican ports amounted in value to $19,086,330. The average yearly value of the import trade Increased from $1-1,412,.345 in 18S7-1S91 to $17,- 480,491 in 1892-1896, and that of the export trade during the same periods from $10,548,872 to $16,390,041. TRADE BY COUNTRIES. The foreign trade of Porto Rico is conducted chiefly with Spain, the United States, Cuba, PORTO RICO. 33 34 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. Germany, the United Kingdom and France. Of all the merchandise imported and exported by the island during the four years 1893-1896, fully 85 per cent, measured in value, was exc'nanged with the six countries mentioned. Spain re ceived the largest share of the trade, the trans actions with that country in 1893-1896, accord ing to Porto Rican statistics, h.T.ving an average annual value of ,$9,888,074, which was 28.80 per cent of the total valuation placed upon the isl and's commerce. The United States, as a. par ticipator in the trade, ranked second only to Spain, the value of the .goods exchanged averag ing $6,845,252 a year, or 19.94 per cent of the total. After Spain and the United States, Cuba WS.S the most important factor, the portion of the trade credited to that island amounting to 13.41 per cent, and having an average yearly value of .$4,606,220. Spain, the United States and Cuba together enjoyed nearly two-thirds of the total commerce carried on by Porto Rico during 1893-1896. About one-fourth of the trade ¦was controlled by three European countries- Germany, the United Kingdom and France. The average value per annum of the business transacted with Germany in the four years men tioned amounted to $3,0-50,334, or 8-88 per cent of the total; that with the United Kingdom to $2,863,930, or 8.34 per cent, and that with France to .$2,201,087, or 6.41 per cent. During the earlier years of the decade 1887- 1896 the relative standing of the leading coun tries in Porto Rico's commerce differed quite noticeably from that disclosed by the figures just quoted for the four years 1893-1896. In 1887. 38SS and 1889. the United States received a larger portion of the trade than Spain, and stood first in the list of countries dealing with the island. It v/as not until 1890 that Spain out stripped us and secured the lead that was main- L-ilned in subsequent years. Although Spain's share of the trade -was greater than ours in 1800 and 1891. it appears as regards the total value of the 'ousiness done with the island dur ing the five-year period 1887-1891 that the United States was slightly in the lead, being credited with 25.78 per cent of the entire commerce, as against 25.58 per cent for Spain. The average annual value of the merchandise exchanged during the five years mentioned was $6,435,652 In the case of the United States ajid $6,383,6.54 in the case of Spain. Next to Spain in iraport- •ance, during 1887-1891, came the United King dom, with 13.28 per cent of the trade to Its cr-?dit, at an average yearly value of $3,315,350. Cuba ranked fourth in this period, instead of third as in 1893-1896, the business transacted between the two Island having an average value per annum of $2,713,038, which was 10-87 ped cent of the total. Then followed Germany and France, the commerce carried on by Porto Rico with the former country averaging ,$2,- 224,2.52 a year, or 8.91 per cent, and that with France $1,506,000 a year, or 6.04 per cent. While t'ne six countries already mentioned have been the chief factors in Porto Rico's for eign trade, the island has also enjoyed important commercial intercourse with many others. Dur ing 1896. for instance, which is the latest year covered by the Porto Rican statistics, there were nine additional countries with each one of which the island had trade exceeding $100,000 in value. These countries, with the value of the commerce recorded for 1896. were: British pos sessions other than the East Indies. $2,039,749; Italy. $1,047,843; British East Indies. $886,389; Austria-Hungary, $553,783; Belgium. $297,701; Argentina, $254,844; Uruguay, $223,793; the Netherlands, $170,586, and Denmark, $137,213. Still other countries included in the Porto Rican trade returns for 1896, but of less importance, were the following: French possessions, Danish possessions, Santo Domingo. Venezuela. Sweden and Norway. Switzerland, Peru, Mexico. Hayti and Portugal. The commerce of the island is thus seen to be almost worldwide in its dis- tril>ution. SOURCES OF imports'. Of the merchandise imported into Porto Rico during the four years 1893-1896, nearly one-third was received from Spain, the average annual value of the goods derived from that source amounting to .$5,765,317, which was 32.52 per cent of the total value per annum of all im ports. The United States furnished 23.77 per cent of the merchandise received during the four years, and the United Kingdom 12.05 per cent, the average value per annum of the imports from the former country beilig $4,214,375 and from the latter $2,136,191. Nearly 70 per cent, therefore, of Porto Rico's import trade for 189.3-1896 came from the three countries men tioned. British possessions other than the East Indies supplied 8.S6 per cent, Germany 7.73 per cent, the British East Indies 5.16 per cent, Cuba 3.97 per cent, France 1.74 per cent, and the Netherlands 1.47 per cent. The average yearly imports from British possessions other than the East Indies, and also those from Ger many, were worth more than $1,000,000. the official values amounting to $1,570,393 and $1,370,033, respectively. During the five years 1887-1891 the imports from Spain, although exceeding those from any other country, did not form so large a portion of the whole as was the case in 1893-1S96. The average yearly value for the earlier period was .$4,122,043, or 28.00 per cent of the total. The imports from the United States for the same period averaged $3,404,860 a year, or 23.02 per cent, and those from the United Kingdom' $3.- 073,.581 a year, or 21.33 per cent. The only other country during 1887-1891 that furnished imports with an average value per annum ex ceeding $1,000,000 was Germany, the exact fig ures being $1,509,270, or 10.89 per cent. Cuba supplied only 4.35 per cent of the total im ports, the British possessions- 3.56 per cent, France 3.38 per cent and the Danish posses sions 1.64 per cent. DESTIN-ATIONS OP EXPORTS. As regards the distribution of Porto Rico's export trade, an examination of the records for PORTO RICO. 3S the four years 1S93-189G shows that of the goods shipped to foreign markets during that -pericd Spain received 24.82 per cent, Cuba 23.50 per cent, the United States 15.84 per cent, France 11.39 per cent, and Germany 10.11 per cent. In other words, more than 85 per cent of the total export trade of the island for the years mentioned was divided among these five countries. The average annual value of the merchandise sent to Spain was $4,122,7.57, to Cuba $3,903,086, to the United States $2,630,- 877, to France, $1,892,293. and to Germany $l!- 679,701. The value of the goods shipped to the United Kingdom averaged only $727,739 a year, or 4.38 per cent of the total. Italy was the destination of 4.01 per cent, -A.ustria-Hungary of. 1.82 per cent, and the British possessions of 1.50 per cent. According to the records of exportation for 1887-1891 the United States, instead of Spain, was the principal foreign market possessed by Porto Rico during that period, the average yearly value of the goods shipped from the isl and to this country being $3,030,792, which was 28.73 per cent of the total export valuation. Spain's share for the years mentioned was only 21.44 per cent, the average value per annum of the shipments amounting to $2,261,611. Cuha. received almost as large a portion of the trade as Spain, the exports to that island during 1887- 1891 averaging $2,085,634 a year, or 19.77 per cent. After the United States, Spain, and Cuba, France was the most important destination of the Porto Rican trade, the average yearly value of the goods shipped to French ports in this period being $1,019,980, or 9.67 per cent. Only 0.21 per cent of the exports in 1887-1891 went- to Germany. The British possessions re ceived 4.89 per cent, Italy 2.73 per cent, the United Kingdom 2.29 per cent. Austria-Hungary 1.50 per cent, and the Danish possessions l.O-i" per cent. CHARACTER OF IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. An examination into the character of the merchandise imported and exported by Porto Rico shows that the island's trade consists in large measure of agricultural produce. The ex ports, as might be expected, are almost entirely agricultural. Of the goods brought to the isl and, manufactured articles naturally form the most important part, and yet they do not great ly exceed the agricultural imports. From a careful analysis of the import trade in 1895 it appears that 42.60 per cent, of the goods re ceived were agricultural in character, and 57.40 per cent non-agricultural. The value of the agricultural Imports was $7,171,352, and that of the non-agricultural $9,064,101. Of the merchandise of domestic origin shipped from Porto Rico to foreign markets duing 1895 as much as 95.94 per cent consisted of agrl-. cultural products, the non-agricultural exports forming only 4.06 per cent of all the shipments. The agricultural exports were valued at $14,- 573,366, and the non-agricultural at only $617,490. AGRICULTURAL IMPORTS. Among the products of agriculture imported by Porto Rico the principal items are rice, wheat flour and hog products. Measured in value, the articles named comprise nearly two- thirds of the total agricultural imports- Rice is by far the most Important of those items. In 1895, the latest year for which complete sta tistics are available, the importations of this food product amounted to 74,145,04(; pounds, valued at $2,271,819. In the year mentioned rice was not only the leading agricultural prod uct imported, but also exceeded in value any of the non-agricultural imports. Wheat flour, which ranked next to rice in importance among the agricultural items, was imported during 1895 to the extent of 170,460 barrels, worth $1,023,694. The various hog products, compris ing bacon, hams, pork and lard, imported In that year were valued at $1,274,618. Other agricultural imports with values ex ceeding $100,000 in 1895 were the following: Wines, $431,536; vegetables, .$400,660; olive oil, $341,007; cheese, $337,790; canned goods, $178.- 536; jerked beef, $1.39,245; bread, biscuit, etc., $110,375. and malt liquors, $107,243. From the list of leading articles enumerated it will be noticed that vegetable products play by far the most important part in Porto Rico's agricultural imports. The fotal value of the vegetable matter imported in 1805 amounted to $5,219,314, as compared with only $1,952,038 for the imported animal matter. A leading group of items among the vegetable products was breadstuffs, the imports under this head having a total value of $1,144,017. Meat -products, with a value of $1,531,986, formed the only group of any importance among the imports of animal matter. NON-AGRIC7ULTURAL IMPORTS. Cotton fabrics form the most important item among the non-agrlcultural commodities mar keted in Porto Rico, the Imports for 1893 being valued as high as .$2,070,667. Fish were Im ported to the extent of $1,918,107, forming the second item in importance. Wood and its manufactures and leather and its manufactures were also leading Items, the value of the former amounting to .$840,511 and that of the latter to $711,417. Tobacco in its manufactured forms was imported quite extensively, the receipts for the year having a value of $092,33.3. Iron and steel and their manufactures, not including machinery and apparatus, were imported to the extent of .$658,413, and manufactures of hemp, flax, jute, manila, etc., to the extent of .$408,974. The imports of machinery and apparatur, were valued at ,$344,879. Soap was also an article of considerable importance ariiong the imports, the total purchases having a value of $248,571. Other non-agricultural items that had an l.n- port value for 1895 exceeding $100,000 were the following: Paper and pasteboard and their manufactures, $186,197; mineral oils, crude and refined, $169.,029; cotton yarn and thread, $154,- 964; woollens, $154,9-17; paraffin, stearine, v-:xx. 'M\ OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. spermaceti and their manufactures, $151,095; glass and glass v/are. $12.5,688, and coal and coke, $124,536. AGRICULTURAL EXPORTS. Coffee and sugar, tho leading products of the island, are the important factors in Porto Rico's export trade, comprising in value fully 85 per cent of all the merchandise sent to foreign mar kets. The quantitj' of coffee shipped in 1895 was 40,243,(i93 pounds, and its value $9,159,985, while of Porto Rican sugar, 132,147,277 pounds, with a value of $3,905,741, were marketed abroad. In addition to the sugar, $539,571 worth of molasses was shipped, making the total value of the sugar and molasses exported amount to $4,14.3,312. After coffee and sugar, leaf tobacco is the most important export from the island. Of this product 3,665,051 pounds. worth $673,787, were shipped in 1893. Cattle also form an item of considerable importance in the export trade, the shipments for 1895 numbering 3,674 head, valued at $1-11,816. Other agricultural products exported quite ex- ten.s;ively are maize, hides, fruit, and nuts and distilled spirits. ¦ The shipments of maize in 1805 amounted to 56,633 bushels, having a value of $09,410. Of hides, 646.884 pounds, worth $53,799, were sent abroad. The exports of fruits and nuts were valued at $10,880, and those of distilled spirits at .$9,400. COFFEE. From the annual statistics of exportation re corded by the customs officials of Porto Rico it appears that the amount of coffee .shipped from the island increased in a notable manner during the ten years 18S7-'96. The exports re ported for 1896 were decidedly the largest of the decade, amounting to 58,780,000 pounds, with a value of $13,379,000. The average annual shipment during 1892-'06 was 49,229,000 pounds, valued at $10,872, 0!>0, as compared with 40,- 349,000 pounds, valued at $4,915,000, during 1SS7-'91. SUGAR. The exports of sugar, on the other hand, fell off materially during the ten years 18S7-'96. The quantity shipped In 1896 was reported to be 122,946,000 pounds, with a value of $3,604,000, and, although these figures were slightly in ex cess of the average for 1892-'96, which amounted to 121,035,000, valued at $3,484,000, they were considerably smaller than that for 1887-'91, which came to 137,866,000 pounds, worth $3,923,000. The highest figures returned during the decade were those for 1SS7, the earliest of the ten years, the quantity exported reaching as high as 178.116,(X>0 pounds, with a value of $5,068,000. MOLASSES. In the exportation of Porto Rican molasses during 188?-'96 there was a decline even more marked than that which occurred in the ship ment of sugar. The exports for 1896. recorded at 32,222,000 pounds, with a value of $494,000, were only about half as large as the shipments made in 1SS7, which amounted to 64,lSl,O0O pounOs, valued at .$674,(KK>. The average yearly export for 1802-96 was 20,609,000 pounds, 'worth $181,000, as compared with 44,09-5,000 pounds, worth $163,0lX), for ]S87-'91. TOBACCO. There was also a marked falling off during lSS7-'96 in the amount of tobacco exported from Porto Rico. The shipments in 1896, re turned at 2,220,000 poun,ls, with a value of $40S,OO0, were much the smallest of the decade. In 1SS7, the earliest of the ten years, an ex port of 7,(«3,000 pounds, worth $1,089,000, was recorded. The average shipment per annum de clined from 5,597,000 pounds, valued at .$799,000. in JSS7-'91, to .3,534,000 pounds, valued at $642,- 000. in lS92-'96. NON- AGRICULTURAL EXPORTS. As has already been shown, products of agri culture comprise in value fully 95 per cent of all the domestic merchandise shipped from Porto Rico. Gu3.no is the only non-agricultural ex port of any considerable importance. Of this article there were shipped in 1895. 15,491,470 pounds, having a value of $610,921. The several other non-agricultural commodities exported had a combined valuation of less than $10,000. SOURCES OF LEADING IMPORTS. Of the rice imported into Porto Rico the Brit ish East Indies supply an important part.' Large purchases are also made through Ger many and Spain. Most of the wheat flour im ported by the island is received from the United States. Purchases are also made from Spain, the United Kingdom and seve-.-al other countries. but in much smaller quantities. The imports of hog products, comprising ba con, ha.iis, pork and lard, also come in chief part from the United States. Spain and the United Kingdorn arc the only other soiurces worth mentioning. DESTINATION OP LEADING EXPORTS. According to the Porto Rican trade returns, the coffee shipped from the island goes most extensively to Spain and Cuba. These two destinations receive together more than half of all the exports. Important shipments are also made to France, Germany, Italy. Austria- Hungary and the United Kingdom. The con-, signments to the United States are not so large. The chief part of the sugar exported from Porto Rico finds its destination in the United States. Spain is the second customer in im portance. Considerable quantities are also sent to the United Kingdom and the British posses sions, Denmark and the Danish possessions, Italy and France. The exports of molasses, like those of sugar, go chiefly to the United States. The United Kingdom and the British possessions are the only other destinations of any importance. Spain and Cuba receive most of the tobacco shipped from Porto Rico. Small but regular consignments are made to Germany, France and several other countries, but the shipments to the United States have only been occasional. PORTO RICO. COMMERCE WITH AMERICA. TRADE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND PORTO RICO. As regards the trade carried on between the United States and -Porto Rico, an account somewhat fuller than that based upon the Porto Rican statistics can be derived from the offi cial returns of foreign commerce published an nually by the United States Treasury Depart ment. According to these returns our commercial transactions with Porto Rico during the fiscal year 1897 amounted in value to $4,169,912. With the exception of 1895, when the value of the trade fell as low as $3,340,056, the figures for 1897 were the smallest recorded for any year since the Civil War. The highest mark in our Porto Rican trade was reached as far back as 1872, the imports and exports for that year having a combined value of $13,870,925. After -1872 the trade began to decline quite rapidly, and in less than a decade it had fallen off more than one-half, the value returned for 1881 amounting to only .$5,623,911. During the next few years, however, there was a partial recov ery, the value advancing to $9,115,071 in 1884. but this temporary improvement has been fol lowed by a decline that has continued, with slight fluctuations, down to the present time. The extent to which the trade has decreased in the last ten years, 1888-1897, is shown by the fact that the average annual value for 1893- 1897 was only $4,856,817, as compared with $6,017,785 for 1888-1892. — TRADE UNDER RECIPROCITY. Under the reciprocity treaty that was in force during the three fiscal years 1892-1894 the trade -between the United States and Porto Rico was considerably augmented, the average annual value for the period mentioned amounting ¦to $0,159,794, as against only $5,867,604 for the three years immediately preceding. In the three years following the reciprocity period the aver age annual value fell to $3,969,372. While our imports from Porto Rico increased very little during the period of the treaty, there appears to have been an important gain in the volume of our exports to the island. Taking the average value per annum of the merchandise exported during 1892-1894, -we find that it reaches' as high as .$2,695,706, while the average annual value for the seven other years of the decade 1SS8- 1897 amounts to only $2,081,692. IMPORTS AND EXPORTS COMPARED. The shrinkage In our trade with Porto Rico is traceable mainly to the falling off In our Im ports from tho island. This is shown very clear ly by the figures for the last decade, the aver age annual value of the exports for 1893-1897 amounting to $2,231,128, as compared with .$2,- 300,665 for 1S&S-1892, a loss of only .$69,-537. while the average annual value of the imports $1,091,431. At present the value of the mer chandise we send to Porto Rico approaches quite closely that ot the goods we receive in return, but formerly our imports were largely in excess of our exports. In 1872, for instance, when the trade was at its highest point, the Porto Rican commodities impcrted were valued at $11,327,766 and our exports to the island at only $2,.543,159. Thus, while the annual value of our exports has remained practically the same, that of our imports has been gradually declining, until in the last five years, 1893-1S97, the average yearly excess of the latter over the former was only $394,501. Even within a dec ade there has been a noticeable change in this respect, the excess of the imports over the ex ports during 1SS8-1S92 averaging $1,416,455 a year, as compared with the much smaller excess just quoted for 1803-1897. In 1895, for the first time in the history of the trade, our shipments to Porto Rico exceeded our Importations, the balance in favor of exported merchandise being $327,032. TRADE IN AGRICULTUR.A.L PRODUCTS. Products of agriculture play the most impor tant part in cur com.i-.erce with Porto Rico, comprising in value more than 80 per cent cf the merchandise imported and exported. Our imports from the island are almost entirely agri cultural, the value of the non-agricultural com modities received forming barely 1 per cent of the total. During the last few years, however, the non-agricultural Imports, although small, have shown a tendency to increase, the average annual value for 1803-1897 amounting to $34,- 088, as against $23,241 for 1888-1892. On tho other hand, the av3rage yearly' value of tho agricultural products imported fell from $3,093,- 879 in the earlier period to $2,590,701 in tho later,- As regards our exports to Porto Rico, they also consist in large part of agricultural prod ucts, the value of the non-agrlcultural commodi ties shipped to the island during 18SS-1897 form ing less than 40 per cent of the total. As in the case of the imports, however, the preponderance of the agricultural products has not been quite - so rnarked during the last few years. The aver age arnual value of the non-agricultural exports increased from $804,640 in 18S8-1892 to $835,347 in 1893-1897, while, on the other hand, that of the agricultural exports declined during the same period from $1,443,256 to $1,379,230. AGRICULTUR.il imports FROM PORTO RICO. Among the products imported into the United States from Porto Rico, sugar is by far tho most important- Measured in value, it com prised nearly 75 per cent of all the merchandise we received from the island during the ten years 1888-1897, and if the value of the molasses im ported be also included, the combined Item would form more than 95 per cent of the total im ports. After sugar and molasses the most im portant product received from Porto Rico is declined from ,$3,717,120 to $2,623,689. a loss of coffee. Fruits and nuts are also imported, but OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. not very extensively. Spices are about the only agricultural import of any Importance. Formerly we imported sugar and molasses from. Porto Rico in much larger quantities than at present. An examination of the annual statistics of importation for the last forty years sho-^vs that each of these items reached its highest figure in 1872, the record for sugar be ing 107,5-82,316 pounds, valued at $8,716,918, and that for molasses 7,867,535 gallons, valued at $2,207,8-3-1. The years following 1872 were naarked by a noticeable decline, the lowest point being attained in 1881, when we imported from Porto Rico only 50,-533,303 pounds of sugar, worth -$2,138,115, and 3,419,023 gallons of mo lasses, worth .$1,160,011. Our largest imports of Porto Rican sugar after this decline were naade in 1885, amounting to 150,799,898 pounds. valued at -$4,200,888, and our largest imports of Porto Rican molasses in 1884, recorded at 0,325,- 088 gallons, worth -$4,6-34,782. The quantity imported in later years has been much smaller, the annual receipts of sugar during 1893-1897 averaging only '79,941,404 pounds, valued at $1,980,400, and those of molasses only 2,443,897 gallons, valued at $.5.58,042. Compared with the average annual imports for 1-888-1892, amount ing to 86,881,988 pounds of sugar, worth $2,647,- 957, and 3,583,829 gallons of molasses, worth $9<')1,2.?4, these figures show that even within the decade a considerable falling off has oc curred. During 1888-1-892 the combined value of the sugar and molasses Imported from Porto Rico averaged $3,.549,241 a year, but in 1893- 1897 the average value per annum fell to -$2,- 538,502. COFFEE. Our imports of coffee from .Porto Rico have varied greatly in quantity from year to year. The largest importation on record was that for 1874, which amounted to 0,433,044 pounds, valued at $1,372,960. Compared with these fig ures of more than twenty years ago our pres ent purchases show a remarkable falling off. the average annual import for the last five years, 1893-1897, amounting to only 164,769 pounds, worth $.32,671. The extent to which the trade has declined within a decade will be seen from the fact that during 18&8-1892 the yearly Imports averaged, in contrast to the figures just quoted, 512,178 pounds, with a' value of $95,935. FRUITS AND NUTS. ' In 1888 we imported from Porto Rico $60,793 worth of fruits and nuts. This importation was not only the largest of the last decade, but alpo exceeded every previous record except that for the year 1871, which amounted to $76,311. The decline that occurred in the years following 1888 was a marked one, the annual value of the imports for 1893-1897 averaging only $18,241, as compared with $42,803 for 1888-1892. Oranges are the principal varl.»ty of fruit imported. The average yearly value of the Im ports fell from $9,300 in 1888-1892 to $3,040 in 1893-1S97. Other fruits, including preserves, were imported to the extent of $5,530 a year ¦during the former period, and $2,107 during the latter. Thus the total imports of fruits had an average annual value of $14,890 for 1888-1892 and .$5,207 for 1893-1897. Of more importance, however, were the im ports of cocoanuts, the average yearly value of the shipments received amounting to $27,913 during 18SS-1892 and $13,030 during 1893-1897. Nuts of other kinds do not appear to have been Imported from Porto Rico except in the year 1897, when a single item of $19 worth was re corded. Our largest importation of spices from Porto Rico v,-!\.s made in 1886. the record for that year being 101,338 pounds, -worth $4,302. Since that time the imports have dwindled rapidly, and in the la.st few years they have been extremely small. The average receipts per annum for 1893-1897 were only 4,990 pounds, valued at $172. For 1888-1892 they were 8,962 pounds, valued at $243. NON-AGRICULTURAL IMPORTS. As has already been shown, our non-agrlcult ural imports from Porto Rico are extremely small. The leading items appear to be per fumery and cosmetics; chemicals, drugs and dj-es; unmanufactured wood and salt. As regards the importation of perfumery and cosmetics, this item probably consists chiefly. of bay rum, which is made in considerable quan tities on the island. It is one of the few Items among our imports from Porto Rico that in creased during the last decade. The average annual value for 1893-1897 was $8,364 as com pared with $6,202 for 1888-1892. In the importation of chemicals, drugs and dyes, and also of unmanufactured wood, there was a noticeable falling off during the decade. The average value per annum of the former item declined from $3,638 in 1888-1892 to $2,179 in 1893-1897. and that of the latter, in the sam«- period, from $2,435 to $561. During some of the earlier years of the dec ade salt was imported quite extensively from Porto Rico. The largest receipts were those for 1891. amounting to 8,046,520 pounds, with a value of $9,813. The average yearly importa tion during 1888-1892 was 4.444,736 pounds, valued at $3,888. " During the latter half of the decade no imports were recorded, except in the year 1895, when 1.200,000 pounds, worth $1,613, were received. AGRICULTURAL EXPORTS TO PORTO RICO. By the statistics of exportation already pre sented it has been shown that about two-thirds of the commodities shipped from the United States to Porto Rico may be classed as prod ucts of agriculture. The agricultural exports consist almost entirely of articles of food- Broadstuffs and meat products are the important items, their combined value comprising nearly 95 per cent of the total valuation placed upon agricultural exports. Vegetables and dairy products are also shipped to some extent. PORTO RICO. 39 Under the head of breadstuffs, wheat flour is our leading export to Porto Rico- During the five years 1893-1897 the number of barrels shipped per annum averaged 1-18,4S7. having a value 'of $570,619- In 1888-1892 the quantity exported was somewhat less, averaging 141,324 barrels a j'ear; but the average annual value, owing to higher prices, exceeded that of 1-893- 1S97, being returned at $688,293. Chief among the other breadstuffs exported are corn and commeal, oats and bread and biscuit. The exports of corn in the grain have declined very rapidly during the latter half of the decade, the annual average for 189.3-1897 amounting to only 8,804 bushels, valued at $3,036, as against 13.120 bushels, valued at $7,481. for 1888-1892. Although the shipments of commeal have also been much smaller than usual during the last two or three years, the annual average for 1893-1897, owing to heavy exports during 1893 and 1894, exceeded that for 1888-1892, the figures for the earlier period be ing 0,344 barrels, worth $19,907, and those for the latter 9,386 barrels, worth $25,945. During the same periods the average yearly exportation of oats fell from 3,211 bushels, valued at $1,465, to 2,625 bushels, valued at $1,136, and that of bread and biscuit from 443,971 pounds, worth $24,400, to 407,613 pounds, worth $19,975. In 1897, however, the exports of bread and biscuit were much larger than for several years, amounting to 673,128 pounds." with a value of $29,787. Of breadstuffs other than those mentioned there was an average yearly exportation of $15 928 worth during 1888-1892, and one of $17,007 worth during 1893-1897. Our total ex ports of all kinds of breadstuffs to Porto Rico averaged in value $757,474 for the former penod and $640,378 for the latter. During the three years 1892-1894, when the reciprocity treaty was in operation, our exports of breadstuffs to Porto Rico were noticeably larger than in the years immediately preceding or following that period. The average annual value for 1892-1894 reached as high as $8St.,..)Jb, while that for 1889-1891, the three years pre ceding the reciprocity period, was only $< 31,4.1, and that for 1895-1897, the three years follow ing it only $497,886. In the case of wheat flour the effect of the reciprocity treaty is particu lariy noticeable, the exports of this product during 1892-1894 averaging 176,6 il ^^^^^^^ year, valued at $764,771, as against only 136 61. barr;is, worth $668,851, for 1889-1891, and_ 12-1.- 857 barrels, worth $461,78-2. for 189o-l&9<. MEAT PRODUCTS. In our export trade with Porto Rico the item of meat products is hardly less important than that of breadstuffs. During the last five years n fact the average annual value of the meat exports, returned at $662,576, was slightly larger tvT,, tl,-.* of the exported breadstuffs, although ;rThe?rec°edlng five years. 1888-1892, this .vas not the case. While the exportation of bread- stuffs fell off during the decade, that of n'eat products increased, the average annual value for 1888-1892, as compared with the larger fig ures just quoted for 1893-1897, amounting to only $«Xl4,078. The higher average for 1.S93- 1897, however. Is due to the fact that two of the reciprocity years, 1803 and 1804, fall within that period. Meat products, as well as breadstuffs, were reported more extensively under the reci procity arrangement than either before or after. During 1889-1891, the three years pre ceding the enactment of the treaty of reciproci ty, the avemge value per annum of the meat exports was $,584,.570; under tlie operation of the treaty. 1892-1894, it rose to $78.5.067; and in the three years succeeding, 1895-1S97, fell to $577,712. Among our meat exports to Porto Rico hog products form the chief item. The average yearly export value for 1888-1S92 was $583,019, and for 1893-1897, $636,633. Beef products were exported only in small quantities, the value- of the annual shipments averaging but $4,432 In 18SS-1S92, and $4,318 In 1893-1897. The expor tation of meat products, other than hog or beef, amounted to $17,227 a year during the former period, and $21,625 a year during the latter. Of the various hog products exported from this country to Porto Rico, lard and pickled pork are of leading Importance. During th^. last five years the shipments of lard averaged 3,846,832. pounds a year valued ait $27.3,209, and those of pickled pork 3.80-5,090 pounds a year, valued at -$2.52,247. Both of these items showed an increase during the decade, the average an nual shipments for 1888-1892, as compared with the above figures for 1893-1897, amounting in tlie case of lard to 3,40-5,927 pounds, worth $272,- 364, and in the case of pork to 3,277,047 pounds, worth .$220,000. The exportation of hams, al though of minor importance In comparison with that of lard and pork, increased quite rapidly during the decade, the average yearly shipment for 1893-1897 amounting to 831,351 pounds, val ued at $88,267. as against 283,092 pounds, val ued at $30,863, for 1SS3-1S92. Under the head of beef products our leading export to Porto Rico is- salted or pickled beef. The average annual shipments of beef in this form amounted to 72,146 pounds, valued at $3,587, in lSSS-1892, but in 1893-1897 they fell to 57,862 pounds, valued at $2,869. The ex portation of canned beef was very small, amounting to only 1,917 pounds, worth $167. in the former period, and 3,281 pounds, worth $268. in the latter. Other kinds of cured beef than thofee already mentioned do not appear to have been exported during the decade, except In 1897, when a single Item of 86,000 pounds, valued at $4,055. was recorded. Tallow ivas shipped to the extent of 9,955 pounds a year during 18SS-1S92 and 6,110 pounds a year dur ing 1893-1897, the average annual value being .$678 for the former period and $370 for the lat ter. 40 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. VEGETABLES. In our exports of vegetables to Porto Rico a noticeable increase took place difring the decade, tho average yearly value of the ship ments recorded for 1S93-1807 amounting to .$.38,114, as against only $29,959 for 1SSS-1S92. The exports of beans and peas, which form the principal item, increased from 14,510 bushels a year in 1SSS-1S92 to 26,S65 bushels a year In 1S93-1S97. the average annual value advancing from $26,917 to $35,384. The exportation of po tatoes, while less important, also increased, the annual average for 1893- 1S97 amounting to 3,142 bushels, worth $2,150, as compared with 2,185 bushels, worth $1,708, for 1888-1892. Of vege tables other than beans and peas and potatoes, there was an average shipment per annum of only $1,274 worth in 18SS-1S92 and $380 worth in 1893-1897. DAIRY PRODUCTS. Our exports of dairy products to Porto Rico declined during the decade. The average annual shipments of butter fell from 110,129 pounds, worth $15,321, in 18SS-1S92 to 72,141 pounds, worth -$10,090, in 1893-1897, and the average annual shipments of cheese for the same periods from 192,397 pounds, valued at $23,539, to 00,526 pounds, valued at $10;S59. The ex,Forts of milk, although of little impor tance, increased considerably in the last few ¦ years, the average j'early valuation for 1893- 1S07 amounting to $656. as compared with only $177 for the preceding five yeara. The total value per annum of the three items, butter, cheese and milk, whicli averaged as high aa $39,037 a year during 1SSS-1S92. fell to $21,603 a year during 1893-1897- ,— OTHER AGRICULTURAL EXPORTS. About the only other agricultural exports from this counti-y to Porto Rico worth men tioning are fruits, malt liquors, broom corn, starch and refined sugar. The average annual shipments of these several articles during the five years 1893-1897 were valued as follows: Fruits, $4,237; malt liquors, $3,724; broom corn, $1,233; starch, $933, and refined sugar, .$108. Eroom corn does not appear to have been ex ported e-'ccept in the last five years. The .ship ments of fruits and starch increased during the dcco.de, the average yearly value in 18SS-1S92 being only -«2,961 for the former Item and $730 for the latter- NON-AGRICULTURAL EXPORTS. During the last five years (1S93-1S97) cur ex ports of -vvood and its manufactures , to Porto Rico reached an average annual value of $292,336- Although these figures are somewhat larger than those for 1SSS-1S92, returned at $285,773, an examination of tho records for earlier years shov/s that this slight increase was preceded by a long period of decline, dating from 1S71, when the value of the exports was at its highest, amounting to $900,407. Lumber and timber form the principal portion of th.^ exports under this item, the value of the wood manufactures sent to Porto Rico being comparatively small. The lumber exports con sist chiefly of boards, deals and planks, shooks. and staves and headings. Under the head of wood manufactures, house furniture is the lead ing export. The average yearly value of the lumber and timber exported amounted to $254,- 191 in 1888-1892, and to $267,030 in 1893-1897, while that of wood manufactures -was only $31,- 582 for the former period and $25,300 for the latter. IRON AND STEEL. Our exports of iron and steel manufactures to" Porto Rico were larger during the year 1807 than ever before in the history of the trade, the value recorded amounting to $180,486. The growth of these exports during the decade is shown by the fact that the .average value per annum for 1893-1897 was $151.8-23. as compared with only $97,797 for 1888-1892. The exporta tion of machinery, which is the leading item, more than doubled in. the ten years, the average annual value increasing from $22,192 in 1888- 1892 to $51,678 in 1893-1897. The various other exports of iron and steel manufactures were valued at $75,605 a year during 1888-1892 and $100,145 a year during 1893-1897, the most im portant items being wire, steam engines and parts of, and saws and other tools. MINERAL OIL. The quantity of mineral oil shipped from the United States to Porto Rico increased some what during the decade, the average annual export for 1-893-1897 amounting to 833,034 gal lons, as compared with 744,040 gallons for 18S8- 1892. Owing to the decline in prices, however, the average yearly value of the exports shows a slight falling off— from $.S3,10O to $82,137. At present the exports consist more largely of crude than of refined oil. ^ COAL. Our exports of coal to Porto Rico increased with great rapidity during the ten years, the average annual shipments for 1893-1897 amount ing to 23..500 tons, valued at $61,195, as against only 8,999 tons, valued at $24,955, for 1888-1892. The consignments consist chiefiy of bituminous coal. Of this variety the average exports per annum in 1888-1892 were 8,823 tons, worth $24,161. and in 1893-1807, 23,194 tons, worth $60.0-52. Of anthracite coal the average yearly- shipments were only 176 tons, valued at $'i9l for the former period, and 306 tons, valued at $1,143, for the latter. Among the various other non-agricultural ex ports from the United States to Porto Rico cot ton manufactures, paper and its manufactures cordage, patent medicines, and glass and glass ware have been referred to as being the most important. There appears to have been a de- epV"h "^V,!"^' 'i"" '''''='"3^ '" '^e e.xportation of for lSSS^W>^"%''i^2cl|- Co^iParing the figures tor 1S88-189J and 1893-1897, we find that the fe'irfrom^*o5".^},^^P°--t °f cotton manufactures fell from $2ij,i56 to $18,011; paper and its mam. 918 to •«?o'^rrt- ^ ,^'",''"* "medicines, from $16,- $13,796 %o:4ia' ^'"^^ """^ E'assware. from THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 41 THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. SUMMER ISLES IN MID-P-\CIFIC. I)rSCO\-T;RY— MISSIONARY WORK— BEGINNING OF TR.-VDE— EUROPEAN AGGRES3I0N&— FALL. OF THE MONARCHY— ANNE-X-\TION The Hawaiian Islands are situated in the North Pacific Ocean, and lie between longitude 1.54° -10' and 160' 30' west and latitudes 22° 16' and 18° 55' north. They consist of eight in habited and four uninhabited islands, and are on the very edge of the tropics, but their posi tion in mid-ocean and the prevalence of. the northeast trade v,-inds give them a climate un equalled by any other portion of the world — a perpetual summer without an enervating heat. In these islands Americans or Europeans can and do work in the open air at all seasons of the year, as they cannot do in countries lying in the same latitudes elsewhere. From Honolulu, the capital, on the island of Oahu, the distance to San Francisco is about 2,100 miles; to, -Auckland, New-Zealand, it is 3,810 miles; to Sydney, New South Wales, 4,484 miles; to Yokohama, 3,400 miles; to Hong Kong, 4,893 miles; to Tahiti, 2,380 miles. Hawaii is the name of the largest island of the group, and the inhabitants of all have adopted the name Hawaiian. The name Sandwich was given the islands by Captain Cook, their discoverer, in honor of the Earl of Sandwich, the First Lord of the Admiralty. DISCOVERY. -It seems to be certain that one Juan Gaetano, a Spanish navigator, saw Hawaii in 1535. Old Spanish charts show such a group, the discovery of which is ascribed to him. But the credit of the discovery is universally given to Captain Cook, the great navigator, for it w-as he who first actually vi.ilted the islands and gave a knowledge of them to the world. On January 18, 1778, while sailing due north from the So ciety Islands, he discovered the islands of Oahu and Kauai- The next day he landed on Kauai and was received by the natives with astonish ment and delight, as they looked upon him as an incarnation of the god Lono and his crew as supernatural beings. Receiving supplies, he de-. parted for Alaska, but returned in January, 1779, when he received divine honors and was loaded with munificeat presents of the best the Islands could produce. By his rash and arbi trary conduct, however, he became involved In an affray with the natives In which he was ..killed on February 14, 1779. The spot where he fell is now marked by an appropriate monument. For seven years thereafter no foreign vessels ventured to touch at the islands. After that time many vessels engaged In the fur trade on the northwest coast of America stopped at the islands for supplies or ran down to spend the v/inters in their safe and hospitable harbors, bringing with them for trading purposes fire arms, powder and shot, the ai-ticles most in demand. .A.fter the death of Kalaniopuu, Moi of Ha waii, in 1782, civil war broke out, and after a sanguinary struggle of nine years Kamehameha, a nephew of the late King, became master of the whole island of Haw-aii by the assassination of his rival in 1791. VANCOUVER. The name of Captain George Vancouver is still cherished as that of a wise and generous benefactor of these islands. During his survey of the northwest coast of America in 1792-1794 he made three visits to the islands. He uni formly refused to sell firearms or ammunition to the chiefs, but gave them useful plants and seeds, and presented to King Kamehameha the flrst cattle and sheep ever landed in the Islands. He also laid the keel of a vessel of European model for him, and from this Kamehameha built twenty vessels of twenty-five to fifty tons. Which traded among the islands, and he after ward purchased others from foreigners. Hav-: ing encouraged a warlike spirit among his peo ple and introduced firearms, Kamehameha at tacked and overcame the chiefs of the other islands one after another until he was undis puted master of the whole group, and with the exception of a short insurrection in Hawaii there was peace during the rest of his reign. On February 23, 1794, Kamehameha and his chiefs voluntarily placed Hawaii under the pro tection t)f Great Britain, in token of which the British flag was hoisted on shore at Kealakekua. During this period there was a rapid de crease in the population. Vancouver, in 1792; Eroughton, in 1796, and Trumbull, in 1801, were strongly impressed with the misery of the com-; mon people and their rapid decrease in num bers. This was partly the result of wars, but was still more due to the diseases and vices in troduced by foreigners. In the summer of 1804 a pestilence, supposed to have been cholera, carried off half of the population of Oahu. Botany Bay convicts had introduced the art of distilling liquor before the year 1800, and drunk enness had become prevalent. Kamehameha died in 1819, and was succeeded by his , son, Kamehameha II, a mild and well-dispositioned prince, but destitute of his father's energy. One of his first acts was to abolish "tabu" and idolatry throughout the islands. This caused some disturbance, but the insurgents were de feated, and the peace of the islands has scarcely been disturbed since. In 1820 -missionaries ar rived from America and commenced their la'oors at Honolulu. Shortly afterward the British Government presented a small schooner to the. King, and this afforded an opportunity for the Rev. William Ellis, the well-know-n missionary, to visit the islands along with a number of . Christian natives from the Society Islands. Finding the language of the two groups almost identical, Mr. Ellis was able to assist the Amer ican missionaries iii reducing the Haw-aiian language to a w-rltten form. 42 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. THE RISE OF COMMERCE- During the first quarter of the present century the sandalwood trade was at Its height. This wood was in great request at Canton, where it was sold for incense and the manufacture of fancy articles. It was purchased by the picul, of 133U pounds, the price varying from $8 to $10 for the picul. This wood, while It lasted. was a mine of wealth for the chiefs, by means of which they were enabled to buy firearms, liquor, boats and schooners, as well as silks and other Chinese goods, for 'which they paid ex orbitant prices. During 1815 a Dr. Scheffer was sent to the islands by Baranoff, the Russian Governor of Alaska. He built a. fort at Waimea for Ka-jmualii, on which the Russian colors were displayed, and urged him to place himself under the protection of Russia. On hearing this Kamehameha sent a large force to Honolulu. where a substantial fort was built in 1816. He also ordered Kaumualii to expel Dr. Scheffer. which v/as done. The first whaleshlp called at Honolulu in 1820, and was followed by many others. Their num ber soon increased to one hundred every year, and the furnishing of supplies for them became the chief industry of the islands, as the sandal wood became exhausted. The young King Liholiho, Kamehameha II, accompanied by his vvlfe and six chiefs, embarked for England on November 27, 1S23. On their arrival at London they were received with the utmost hospitality, but in a few weeks the whole party was at tacked by the measles, of which disease the King and Queen both died. Their remains were conveyed to the islands in the frigate Blonde,' commanded by Lord Byron, brother of the poet. in 1825. Kauikeaouli. younger brother of the deceased King, was proclaimed King, with the title of Kamehameha III. FIRST STEPS TOWARD ANNEXATION. Commodore Jones visited the islands and con cluded the first treaty between the Hawaiian Islands and the United States in 1825. The next year the first written laws against murder. theft, adultery and gambling were published. The first constitution v/a.s proclaimed on Oc tober 8, 1840. During the next two years the French and English consuls seemed to vie with each other In the manufacture of petty griev ances. On one occasion a British officer went so far as to take possession of the islands and establish a commission for their government, and the French officers abrogated the laws, dictated treaties, and by force of arms estab lished the Roman Catholic religion in the coun try- Realizing the dangers impending over it. the Hawaiian Gbvernment sent an Embassy to the United States, Great Britain and France In July, JS42, and in 1844 these Powers guaranteed the independence of the islands. While this was under consideration, however, the British forces at the islands had ' made such oppressive de mands upon the Hawaiian Government that the King was forced to cede the islands to the Brit ish, pending an appeal to the justice of the Brit ish Government. On February 25. 1843, the British took possession and held it for five months, the country during that time being governed by a mixed commission. Upon learn ing of this, however, the Admiral commanding the British naval forces in the Pacific at once restored the government to the Hawaiian King, with impressive ceremonies. After several years of the most amicable re lations between France and the Hawaiian Gov ernment, a French Admiral arrived at the isl ands and mp.de demands upon the Government which the King courteously declined to comply with- Thereupon a French force was landed and took possession of the fort and custom house and blockaded the harbor. At length the attitude of the French became so menacing that the King and Privy Council passed a proclama tion placing the islands under the protectorate of the United States. Although the United States finally declined to accept, the action had the desired effect and the French demands were dropped. Between 1850 and 1860 large quantities of Government la;nd were sold to the common peo ple in small tracts at nominal prices. The rapid settlement of California opened a new market for the productions of the .islands and gave great stimulus to agriculture. For a time large profits were made by raising potatoes for the California market. Wheat was cultivated and a steam flouring mill was erected in Honolulu In 1854, and the next year the first export of flour (463 barrels) was made. A coffee plantation was started at Haualei in 1842, and the export of coffee rose to 208,000 pounds in 1850. The ex port of sugar in 1853 reached only 500 tons. The year 1853 was rendered memorable by a terrible epidemic of smallpo-x. which carried off several thousand people on the Island of Oahu. During that and the following year there was active agitation in favor- of anneication to the United States, and negotiations were pending when the King suddenly died, on December 15, 1854. His adopted son and heir. -Alexander Liholiho, v/as immediately proclaimed King, under title of Kam.ehameha IV. The culture of rice was begun in 1860, and proved to be a great success. Kamehameha IV died in 1863, aged twenty-nine years, and was succeeded by his brother. Prince Lot Kamehameha. He made the right of stift'rage to depend upon a small property qualification and the ability to read and write; he constituted the Board of Educa tion and the Bureau of Immigration, and had an act passed in 1865 to segregate the lepers. A destructive eruption from the volcano Mauna Loa took place in 1868. The King died sud- /' denly on December 11, 1872, and with him j ended the line of the Kamehamehas. LAST YE.A.RS OF THE MON-4.RCHT'. y There being no heir to the throne, the Legis lature elected William Lunalilo. cousin of the late King, in 187.3. who. being in failing health, .died on February 3, 1874. The Legislature 22 160° 'h 159° 158° 157° 156° 1550 NIIHAU^Maia.P?f KAUAI SJailua .2S.' ©a'y' ^C ¦Haloa 20' 19" A C Kaana Rls ^'>-' \Naiana^ EwA o Scale, of C Jo iO «,o St Miles -2.1° -20° -*Q' 160° 159" 158° 157° 156' 153° CO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 44 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. elected David Kalakaua his successor, upon which the adherents of Queen Dowager Emma precipitated a riot, and at the request of the Cabinet a body of United States marines was landed, which dispersed the rioters and guarded the public buildings for a week. Kalakaua was thereupon sworn in and proolaimed King. In 1ST3 a treats'- of commercial reciprocity with the United States was ratified, notwithstanding bitter opposition in both countries. The develop ment of the islands resulting from this treaty has surpassed all expectations. In connection with it there has been a large increase in the foreign population of the islands. The arbitrary and reactionary policy of the King precipitated a revolution in 18S7, in which he was compelled to' sign a new constitution g-aaranteeing -many reforms. This led to an in surrection in 1889. which was promptly put down, with some loss of life. This outbreak was believed to have been fomented by the King and hid sister. In 1.S90 the King visited California, being in f.iiling health, and died there on January 20. 1891. His remains arrived in Honolulu on the United States steamship Charleston on January 29, 1891, and on the same day his sister was pro claimed Queen under the title of Liliuokalani. The history of her short reign showed an un alterable purpose to restore the autocratic gov ernment which the people had rejected- At tempting to spring a nev/ constitution upon the country .by a coup d'Stat on the day of the prorogation of the Legislature. January 14, 1893, she found the courage of her Ministers had failed at the last moment, and she v/as deprived of their support. This induced her to postpone her action. The conservative element of the community, deeming her an unsafe ruler, de clared the monarchj' to be forfeited by its own act.^ On January 17, 1803, a provisional gov ernment was proclaimed from the Government building. The United States steamship Boston landed a force to protect the lives and property of American citizens. This induced the Queen to resign under protest and to appeal to the United States. A treaty of annexation was soon after negotiated with the United States, during President Harrison's Adrrjlnistration. which was withdrawn by President Cleveland immediately after his accession. The failure of his attempt to restore the monarchy by diplo macy is -well known. On July 4, 1894, the Republic of Hawaii was formally proclaimed, with Sanford B. Dole as President, and its advent resulted ,in immedi ately improved conditions. A threatened epi demic of Asiatic cholera in 1895 was stamped out by the united efforts of public-spirited citi zens, and for four years. In spite of hostile in fluences from without and enemies at home, the republic maintained peace and order, adminis tered justice, carried on extensive internal im provements, advanced education and kept the financial credit of the nation above par in the markets of the world. ANNEXATION. It would be foreign to the purpose of this article to attempt to give in detail a history of the movement for annexation -to the United States which was brought near to frult'on at the close of President Harrison's Administra tion, only to be disapproved and thwarted by his successor. President . Cleveland, who withdrew the treaty of annexation from the consideration of Congress, and actively endeavored to rein state the deposed Queen of the Hawaiian Islands. Suffice it to say that on learning of the firm refusal of the Provisional Government of Hawaii to surrender the sovereignty of the islands back to the late Queen, as the American Minister had demanded. President Cleveland abandoned his endeavor, and referred the entire matter to Congress. But throu.ghout his Admin istration the controversy was waged between the friends of annexation and the emissaries of the deposed Queen. The attempt of Great Britain, late in the year 1894. to secure one of the islands for a military telegraphic cable station greatly quickened American interest in the Hawaiian situation, the more especially since when the British request was submitted to the United States (as required by existing treaties). President Cleveland re ferred the matter to Congress, with a mesjago requesting that "our consent be promptly ac corded." This recommendation did not meet the approval of Congress. This failure was followed by an attempt to compass the same result by the seizure of Neckar Island, a barren rock which had never been formally claimed by the Hawaiian Govern ment. But while British agents were maturing such plans a counterplan was formed by the Hav/aiian authorities. A tablet of stone was prepared with an inscription claiming Neckar Island as Hawaiian soil, and this, with the Ha waiian flag, was planted on the island, and for mal claim laid to it as a part of the Hawaiian Republic. This closed the Neckar Island Inci dent. No formal movem.ent . was therefore made toward annexation until after the close of Presi dent Cleveland's -Administration. The Republi can Presidential Convention of 1896. in its plat form publicly committed itself to the cause of annexation, and almost Immediately upon the return of that party to power and '.he accession of President McKlnley. a new treaty of annexa tion was drawn up. signed by the President and submitted to the Senate for ratification. While this was being debated with great warmth the war betw-een the United States and Spain oc curred, and the marvellous victory of Commo dore Dewey electrified the world. It became necessary that large numbers of troops should be sent to Manila, and the great value of the Hawaiian Islands to America now trcame ap parent to all, and this feeling was increased when, upon the passage of American troops to the Philippines the Spanish consul at Honolulu protested against the Island government grant- THE HAWAILiN ISLANDS. 43 ing the use of the harbors to a belligerent na tion. This protest the Hawaiians met with a declaration tantamount to an alliance with the United States, which action the Government of the United States acknowledged and accepted with gratitude. The American people responded warmly in feeling and an overwhelming senti ment in favor of annexation ensued, and on July 6, 1898, the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, which had been mooted for half a cen tury, became a reality, by the passage of an act of Congress and its signature by the Presi dent. The news was received throughout the islands with great manifestations of rejoicing. The American ensign waved everywhere, and great throngs of people indulged in the most extravagant demonstrations ot delight. On August 12, 1S9S, the formal ceremony of raising the United States flag and declaring the Hawaiian Islands a part of the territorial pos sessions of the American Republic was enacted with the dignity and solemnity befitting the oc casion. After, the flag-raising the proclamation of the sovereignty of the United States was made by the United States Minister, Mr. Sew- all. The oath of allegiance was then adminis tered to President Dole by Chief Justice Judd, Mr. Dole and the other officials being au thorized by President McKlnley to continue in the administration of local affairs pro tempore. Thus was realized peacefully and happily a fitting fruition of American influence which had its inception In the self-denying labors of mis sionaries from New-England from 1819 for ward. The natives were found idolatrous and cannibalistic savages. They were received by America through annexation an orderly, edu- -cated, progressive people. PEOPLE AND PRODUCTS. THE NATIVE RACE. The natives belong to the Malayo-Poljmesian race. They are of reddish, brown-tarnished copper color; have raven black hair, thin beard. broad face, flat nose and thick lips. They were addicted to cannibalism before Christianizad by the missionaries. The heart and liver of the human victims offered in their temples " were eaten as a religious rite, and the same parts of any prominent warrior slain in battle were eaten by the victors, in the belief that they would thereby inherit the valor of the dead. When, on Ihe death of the great warrior Kamehameha I, the chiefs assembled to deliber ate what should be done with his body, one suggested that they should eat it. but this did not find favor with the' others. The natives are a good-tempered, light- hearted and pleasure-loving race. Both sexes are passionately fond of riding, and almost every one possesses a horse. They swim with remarkable skill and ease, being almost as much at home in the water as other people are upon land- In spite of all the improved methods of liv ing brought about by civilization, the race is rapidly dying out, and, indeed, is threatened with extinction in a few years. The language is a branch of the w-idely dif fused Malayo^Palynesian tongue. The Ha waiians and the New-Zealanders, though occu pying the most remote regions north and south at which any of their race is found, can un derstand each other without difficulty. The lan guage is soft and harmonious in character, be ing highly vocalic in structure. It was never reduced to written characters until the arrival of the missionaries. In the days of idolatry the only dress worn by the men was a narrow strip of cloth wound around the loins .and passed between the legs. Women wore a short petticoat made of Topa (cloth prepared from the inner bark of the paper mulberry), which reached from the waist to the knee. But now the men wear a shirt and trousers, while the better classes are attired in European fashion. Women are clad universally in holoka — a loose white or colored garment, with sleeves, reaching from the shoulders to the feet. A colored handkerchief is twisted around the head or a straw hat is worn. Both sexes delight in adorning themselves with garlands (leis) of flowers 3.nd necklaces of colored seeds. The natives derive their sustenance chiefly from pork and fish, bpth fresh and dried, and from the taro (or, as it is more commonly called, kalo), the banana, sweet potato, yam, bread fruit and cocoanut. There was formerly a jiar- ticular breed of dog which, often being fed ex clusively on poi, was considered a great deli cacy. The fil'chy liquor called awa or kawa is still relished by the natives. The native dwellings are constructed of wood, or, more frequently, are huts thatched -with grass at the sides and tops. What little cooking is undertaken is done outside. The oven con sists of a hole In the ground In which a fire is built and stones made hot, and, the fire being removed, the food is placed inside the hole be side the hot stones and covered up until cooked. CLIMATE. The rainfall of the Hawaiian Islands varies, being greater on the windward side of the islands, and increasing up to a certai-n elevation. Thus, at Olaa, or Hawaii windward side, and elevation of about two thousand feet, the rain fall from July 1, 1894, to June 30, 1893, was 176.82 inches, while at Kallua, on the leeward side, at a low level, it was only .51.21 inches dur ing the same period. - The temperature also varies according to ele vation and position. On the island of Hawaii any climate can be found, from the heat of sum mer to actual winter (the latter at the summits of the t-svo great mountains). A meteorological record kept carefully for a period of twelve years gives 89° as the highest and 54° as the lowest temperature recorded, or a mean tem perature of 71° 30' for the year. A case of sun stroke has never been known. No special pre cautions need be taken against the sun. Straw- '46 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. and soft felt hats are worn with comfort, similar to those worn in the States -during the summer months. The prevailing winds are the northeast trades. These blow for about nine months of the year. The remainder of the year the winds are vari able, and chiefly from the south. The islands are outside the cyclone belt, and severe storms. accompanied by thunder and lightning, are of rare occurrence. The islands possess a healthy climate. There are no virulent fevers, such as are encountered on the coast of Africa or in the West India Islands. Epidemics seldom visit the islands, and when they do they are generally light. A care ful system of quarantine guards the islands from epidemics from abroad. Pneumonia and diphtheria are almost unknown. SIZE, POPUL.ATION AND COMMERCE. For practical purposes there are eight islands in the Hawaiian group. The others are mere rocks, of no value at present. These eight islands are: Area. Area, square miles. fjanai 150 Kahoolawe 63 Hawaii 4,210 square miles. Niihau 97 Kauai 590 Oahu 600 Molokal 270 Maui 760 Total 6,740 The census of 1890 gave 89,991 population. The census taken in 1896 had not been officially announced when this article was prepared. The estimate of the General Superintendent of Cen sus. A. T. Atkinson, is as follows: Hawaiians 35,000 Part Hawaiians 10,000 Chinese 15,000 Japanese 24,000 Portuguese 9,000 Americans and Europeans - 14,000 Total 107.000 Mr. Atkinson thinks this estimate will be ex ceeded by 2,000, making the total population lOO.CXK). The population of Honolulu is 29,920. The vessels flying the Hawaiian flag prior to annexation numbered fifty-two, aggregating 21.678 tons, divided as follows: Twenty-three steamers : 9,,575 tons Five barks 4,198 tons Three ships 6,272 tons Twenty-one schooners and sloops 1,623 tons Of these vessels 13 are employed in the for eign trade and 39 in trade among the islands. ORGANIZATION. There is a thoroughly efficient judiciary, con sisting of a Supreme Court, five Circuit Courts, in w-hich trials by jury are conducted, and Dis trict Courts in every district. The higher courts are presided over by well-trained, edu cated men. There is an efficient police force In every part of the group. The inhabitants are la-w-abiding, and crimes of violence are rare. There is little petty theft, and even in Honolulu, the greatest centre of population, many houses are left with doors unlocked at night. There is an excellent system of free public schools taught in the English language, the teachers in many cases being imported from the United States. The main plan of the sys- terri is modelled upon the public school system of the United States, modified to meet the needs of a heterogeneous population. The schools are strictly non-sectarian. Every district, however remote, is provided with a school. Education is compulsory, and, as a rule, every native-born person can read and write. In Honolulu a high school and collegiate course can be obtained at a small cost. The vario-as Christian denominations are represented, and all forms are tolerated. The country churches of the Protestant faith are chiefly conducted by Hawaiian pastors, and the Roman Catholic by French and German priests. Wherever there is a large collection of English- speaking people a Protestant Church is usually f-upported by them. In Honolulu there are Con gregational. Roman Catholic.. Episcopalian, Methodist and Morm.on churches. There is a Sunday law, and all work which is not neces sary is prohibited on that day. There is a regular postal system, and on the arrival of steamers at any main point mail-car riers at once start out to distribute the mail through the district. The Haw-'iiian Islahds be long to the Postal Union, and money orders can be obtained to the United States or any Euro pean or Asiatic country, as well as locally be- Iw^een the islands. Telephones are in use to every accessible point. C-ommunicatlcn between the islands is had by some seventeen well-ap pointed and commodious steamers, equipped with electric lights and all modem accommoda tions. PRODUCTS AND INDUSTRIES. The mainstay of the Hawaiian Islands for the last thirty-five years has .been the sUgar industry. From this source a large amount of w-e.ilth has been accumulated. It requires large capital for expensive machinery, and has never proved remunerative to small Investors. An at tempt has been made at profit-sharing, and hag met with some success, tha small farmer culti vating and the capitalist grinding at a central mill. Of late years the small farmer has been steadily developing in the islands, and his at tention has been given to other products than sugar. Rice, another of the leading productions, re quires working in marshland, and neither the European nor American can safely undertake to do the labor of cultivating it. For this work Chinese labor Is employed, and with success. Rice yields two crojjs a year, and next to sugar is the most valuable and important product of the islands. A dry land or mountain rice has been introduced, and there is every reason to believe that it will be successful. Nearly all the laborers on the coffee plantations use rice as their staple food, and the culture of this mountain rice will enaljle them to produce their food on the spot, thus reducing their cost of living. Coffee ranks third in the list of the islands' agricultural productions. Hundreds of thou sands of coffee trees h.xve been planted within the last five years. The rapid growth of this THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 47 industry leads some to make the prediction that It is destined to be pre-eminently the crop of the islands, even ultimately surpassing in value the sugar industry. Coffee culture does not re quire the amount of capital that sugar requires, and it can be worked remuneratively upon a small area.' It is estimated that at the end of , tho fourth year the return from a 75-acre coffee plantation will much more than pay the run ning expenses, while from that time on a profit of from $8,000 to $10,000 per annum may be realized. FRUIT CULTURE. Fruits can also be cultivated to advantage. In 1896 the banana trade amounted to 100,000 bunches per annum, valued at over $100,000, and the quantity might very easily be quad rupled. The banana industry may be regarded as in its Infancy. There are thousands of acres which could be profitably used for banana cult ure and for nothing else. Limes and oranges can be cultivated and the fruit can be easily packed for export. At pres ent the production does not meet the demand of the local market. The fruit can be raised to perfection. The Hawaiian orange has a fine flavor, and the lime has an aroma and flavor far superior to those cultivated in Mexico and Central America. In the uplands of Hawaii and Maui potatoes are raised, of good quality. Corn is also raised. In these Industries many Portuguese and Nor wegians have embarked. Both these products find ample local market. In the uplands, where the climate is temperate, as at Waimea. Ha waii, vegetables of all kinds can be raised; ex cellent cauliflower, cabbages and every product •-of the temperate zone can be grown to perfec tion. Cattle raising in so small a territory does not present great opportunities, except for local consumption. Pigs are profitable to the small farmer, as there is a large local market. The Chinese are extremely fond of pork,, and the home supply has to be supplemented by im portations from California- Attention is being given to fibre plants for which there are many suitable locations. Ramie grows luxuriantly, but the lack of proper ma chinery has prevented any advance in its culti vation. The cultivation of pineapples is a growing in dustry. In 1895 pines were exported to San Francisco to the value of .$9,000; and there is reason to believe that canriing pineapples for the Coast and other markets can be made profitable. The soil and climate of the Hawaiian Islands will grow almost anything that grows in any other country. All northem fruits can be grown on the mountain slopes of Maui and Hawaii. and nearly every kind of vegetable will grow. in such profusion as v/ill astonish those who have lived only in a northern climate. Green and sweet corn, potatoes— Irish and sweet — cab bages, tomatoes, beans, lettuce, radishes and other vegetables all of the finest quality and in the greatest profusion can be had every day in the year. Strawberries and raspberries can also be had all the year round. In addition to oranges and limes, which grow to perfection, many fruits peculiar to tropical and semi-tropi cal climates grow well and flourish in these isl ands. Among the more important is the Avo cado pear (Persea gratissima) commonly called the alligator pear. This tree grows -well and bears fruit of splendid quality in three to five years from seed. A native peach does well, and will bear fruit in two years from seed. The mango (Mangifera Indica) is a tropical fruit tree that grows in the greatest profusion and bears enormous crops of delicious fruit. It comes in bearing in five or six years from seed, and does well on the islands from sea level to an elevation of two thousand feet. The guava (Psidium guayava) grows wild in all parts of the island • up to thi-ee thousand feet elevation. The fruit, of which there is a great abundance. is made into jam and the very finest jelly in the world. In this there is great opportunity for an export trade in the jelly. There is an active home demand. Another valuable fruit indigenous to this coun try is the Papaia (Carica papaya). This fine fruit can be raised in enormous quantities, and is a most fattening food for pigs a.nd chickens. The tree fruits in eight or nine months from the seed, and thereafter for years it yields ripe fruit every month in the year. The fruit is the size of a small melon, and is rich in sugar. The un ripe fruit contains a milky juice that even when diluted with water renders any tough meat that is washed in it quite tender. A small piece of the unripe fruit placed .in the water in w-hich meat or tough chicken Is boiled makes them tender and digestible. The taro (Colocasia esculenta) is a valuable food plant, the tubers containing more nutri ment for a given weight than any other vege table food. Another important food plant that has been introduced and yields abundantly is the Cassava (Manihol utilissima). This plant furnishes the staple food for the population of Brazil. It is easily propagated, and the tubers are available nine or ten months after planting. It is excellent food, and said to be much mora digestible than bread and other foods maUw from wheat. For cattle food it Is unsurpa««..' -^- 4,-^ OCR NEW POSSESSIONS. Several fibre plants are receiving, attention, particularly the sisal hemp (Agava Sisalana) and Sanseoieria, or bowstring hemp. Tho sisal plant will grow and flourish on lands that are too dry for any other cultivation. Many thou sands of the plants have already been intro duced. The bowstring hem.p requires a wet, rich land. It probably yieldaa the best fibre of all the leaf fibre plants. Ramie (Boehmeria nivea) grows splendidly in this country, and will yield four to six crops per annum. Cocoa (Theobroina Cacao) is the tree from the fruit of which chocolate is made. It grows well in the more humid districts. There are .many other economic plants well suited for culture by small farmers which will afford the opportunity of making an easy living in this land of eternal summer. Lands can be easily obtained by settlers, either from the authorities of the islands or from private own ers, on the most favorable terms— mostly pay able from the profits of cultivation. GEOLOGY AND MINERALOGY. Though the islands are mountainous no.ne of the eminences reach rhe lim.it of perpetual snow. -Ml the islands are of volcanic origin and are entirely composed of the products of eruption. On one of them, Hawaii, the volcanic forces are still in operation. On all the others they have been quiescent for an indefinite period, and the superficial rocks are in a more or less advanced state of decay. "Where volcanic action has long ceased deep ravines have been excavated in the sides of the mountains, and this is especially the case on the v/indward side of Hawaii, where rainfalls are very large. The headlands fre quently terminate in lofty cliffs, overhanging the sea to a height of two thousand feet. The products of the volcanoes are scanty. Ac cording to Mr. Brigham, they consist of hydro chloric, sulphuric and sulphurous acids, native sulphur pyrites, common salt, sal-ammoniac, haematite, quartz, polagonite, felspar,- chrysolite, thomsonite, gypsum, solfaterlte, copperas, nitre, arragonite, labradorite and limonite. Evidences of slight upheaval are furnished by those parts of the shore where old coral -reefs are found as high as one hundred feet above the sea. COMMERCE OF THE ISLANDS. THE BULK OF IT WITH THE UNITED STATES. Various conditions have in the last two years disturbed Hawaiian commerce to a considerable extent, and. of course, annexation of the isl ands by the United States has effected a vast transformation. For purposes of permanent record, and as a basis for comparison with future change-',, some figures of Kaw-alian trcde for the decade 1887-1806 maj- profitably be cited, from the official reports of the United States Agricultural Department. These indicate what Hawaiian trade normally was before annexa tion. The calendar year 1896 marked the highest point yet attained in the commercial develop ment of the Jlav.-aiian Islands, the total value of merchandise imported and exported through Hawaiian ports during the twelve months amounting to no less a sum than $21,.578,SS2 54. The highest value ijreviously recorded — that for the year 1.890— was $20,105,0,30 61, o.- nearly one and a half million dollars less than t'ne amount returned for I-S06, while the average annual value for the entire decade 1887-1896 was as low as $16,474,(i<;0 78. These figures- afford some indication of the growing importance of Ha waii from the standpoint of. commerce. A striking feature of the Hawaiian trade is the remarkable excess of the exports over the imports. Of the $21,578,882 .5-1 returned as the valuation of all merchandise imported and ex ported during the year 1896, the sum of $15,- 515,2.30 13 represented the value of the goods shipped from Haw-aiian ports, while the com modities received at those ports from abroad were valued at only $0,(X;3,052 41. Tlie impo'rts in 1898 were therefore less than half as large as the exports, the balance of trade in favor of the islands amounting to $9,-151,577 72. This balance was an unusually large one, however, the gains made in exportation during 1896 be ing much greater than those made in importa tion. The average value per annum of the mer chandise exported from Hawaiian ports during the ten years 1887-1896 amounted to $11,052,- 141 34, and that of the merchandise imported to $.5,422,459 44, leaving an average yearly excess in favor of the exports of $5,629,6-81 90. IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. The following table, compiled from the official trade returns presented in the annual reports of the Hawaiian Collector-General of Customs, shows the value of the merchandise imported and exported by the islands during each year of the decade 1887-1896: VA'CUE OF MERCHANDISE IMPORTED ATSU EXPORTED BY THE H.A.WAIIAN ISJL.VNDS DURING EACH YEAR FROM 1SS7 TO l.'WC, INCLUSIVE. . . Calendar years. Imports. Exports, Domestic merchandise. Foreign merchan dise. Total. Excess of I Total exports over imports and imports. | exports of I Imt-rchandi-se 1887 1S88 1889 18901891 1892 - 189.'! 1894 18951896 ?4, 943,8-10 72 4,540,887 46 5,4-38,790 63 6.962,201 13 7,4,'!3,4.82 05 4,028,295 31 4,3C177 58 5,104,481 43 5,339.785 04 6,063,652 41 Annii.-il avr-rai?-e. 1S87-'96| ?5,422,4';9 44 ,435, ,631 810, 023, 107,939, 7-12,Ooi. 353,436, ,204 12 ,434 88 ,070 54 ,304 16 ,315 67 938 05 ,6.58 50 ,309 87 106 79 037 23 ?10.9o5,737 98 $91,243 21 76,163 88 64,270 86 119,525 32 151,472 60 100,149 16 75,499 .59 87,484 69 116,031 36 79,193 90 $56,403 36 $9,529,447 33 11,707,598 76 13.874,341 40 13,142.829 48 10,258,788 27 8,060,087 21 10,818,158 09 9,140,794 56 8,474,138 15 15,515,230 13 $4,585,606 61 7,166.711 30 S. 435, 550 77 6,180,628 35 2,819,305 62 4,031,791 90 6,454,980 51 4,036,313 13 3.134,353 11 9,451,577 72 $14,473,288 05 16,248,486 22 19,313,132 03 20.105.030 61 17,698,270 02 12,088,382 52 15,181,335 67 14,245,275 99 13,813.923 19 21.578,882 54 $11,052,14134 I 5-5,629,081 90 | $16,474,600 78 THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Among the countries participating in the com- 1892-3896 amountin ¦49 merce of Hawaii the United States is by far the most favored, enjoying fully 90 per cent of the entire trade of the islands. In the five-year period 1887-1891 the exact portion of the total trade credited to the United States was 91-20 per cent. Accoi-ding to the returns for the suc ceeding five years, 1892-1896, our share for that period was 91.92 per cent, showing that this country has more than held its own as a com petitor for the Hawaiian trade. During the last calendar year (1896) the total value of our commercial transactions with the islands, as re turned in the Hawaiian trade reports, aggre gated $20.024,.306 3.=;, the largest amount ever recorded. The highest figures previously re ported were for the year 1S90, and amounted to -"18,-302,63180- The lowest value of the decade was -?11,86,8,277 93, recorded for 1,S92. Of the total trade carried on betv>-een Hawaii and thi.s country during the decade 1887-1896. 95 per cent, according to the Hawaiian official ctatistics, was conducted through our Pacific ports and only 5 per cent through our Atlantic ports. AMERICAN AND BRITISH TRADE. After the United States, the country that en joys the largest trade with Hawaii is Great Britain. Of the total commerce returned for the five-year period 1887-1891. the portion credited to the British amounted to 4.89 per cent. In the five years 1892-1896. however, their share was only 3-09 per cent, show-lng a somewhat marked decline in relative importance. The trade with Germany also declined during the decade, the portion credited to that country for to only 0-71 per- cent, as compared with 1.11 per cent for 1887-1891. On the other hand, commercial intercourse with China and Japan increased considerably, the value of the merchandise exchanged with these two countries in 1892-1S96 forming 2.-10 per cent of the total trade value, as against 1--18 per cent in 1887-1S91. The only other places separately specified in the Hawa.iian onicial trade , reports as enjoying commercial intercourse v/ith the islands are Australasia, Canada, the Pacific islands and France. The commerce carried on with Australasia formed 0-86 per cent of the total trade in 1887-1891, and 0-88 per cent in 1892-1890, showing a slight ad vance ill relative importance- That with Cana da, although small, more than doubled in value during the decade. The trade bet-ween the Ha waiian group and the Pacific islands was unim portant, amounting to considerably less than 1 per cent of the total This was also true as re gards the Pranco-Hav/aiian trade, which has thus far been even smaller than that with the Pacific islands. To show in greater detail the relative stand ing of these countries in the foreign trade of Hawaii, two tables are presented, exhibiting the annual value of the merchandise exchanged with each country during the years 18S7-1S06, inclusive. The statistics given are from the an nual reports of the Hawaiian collector-general of customs. They cover the five-year periods 1887-1891 and 1S92-1S96, respectively, and are accompanied by annual averages and percent ages for each period. The tables are as fol lows: TOTAL VALUE OP MERCHANDISE IMPORTED AND EXPORTED BT THE H.-V-IVAIIAN ISLANDS IN THEIR TRADE "WITH THE UNITED S-TATES AND OTHER COUNTRIES DURING THE CALKi-JDAR YEARS 1«T TO ISOl, INCLUSI-\Ti:. . Countries. 1 1SS7. 1883. 1S89. i8;o. 1891. Annual average, 1S87-'91. • United States $13,138,916 48 661,540 93 184,561 70 268,722 57 163,001 79 (a) (a) 11,604 96 d44,939 62 $15,000,775 98 652,m 71 183,332 &5 208,783 27 117,579 45 20,882 10 25,699 11 9,281 53 29,980 22 $18,146,143 91 674,831 42 90,741 17 212,&30 44 122,005 28 33,200 19 18,282 S7 4.781 03 10,306 72 - $18,332,631 80 1,104,022 12 148,288 27 290,142 89 160,664 11 13.560 00 34,183 47 7,703 '62 13,834 33 $15,490,557 04 1,201,329 43 394.315 95 319,607 27 189,195 52 28,554 00 24,321 24 21,665 96 28,724 51 P. ct. $16,021,805 04 91.20 858.779 12 4 89 200,247 99 1.14 260,017 29 1.48 Australasia. 1-50 489 23 S6 Canada b24 051 32 b25,6'21 67 11,007 42 .06 b20,711 45 , Totals $14,473,288 05 $16,218,486 22 $19,313,132 03 820,105,030 61 $17,698,270 92 $17,-567,641571 100.00 a Not separately stated. b Annual average for the four years 1S88-'91. c Including merchandise carried in whale sliips. d Including Canada and the Piicifle Islands- TOTAL VALUE OF MERCHANDISE! IMPORTED AND EXPORTED BY THE HATvWII.AJ^ ISL.\NDS IN .THEIR TRADE -WITH THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER COUNTRIES DURING THE CALENDAR YEARS l.S1S 118,198 21,.570 8,7,% 3.966 $4,510, 471, 110, 223,207, 122, 30, 1. 7, 22, 319 38[ ,122 S8 ,7.51 61 ,701 56 ,125 5? 804 60 ,731 211 192 51 1 ,849 60| ,418 20| $5, -164,208 20 1 755.801 34 147,526 61 299,070 97 276,483 80 113,644 65 52,981 99 '4,596 33 17,721 02 32,5-26 49 $4, 496,273 20 438,700 45 114.316 29 215.974173,383 92 130.843 17 58.484 06 9,886 75 8,860 10 17,832 54 P. ct. 78.54 8.71 2.03 3.77 3.032.29 • 1.02 .17.10 .31 Totals I $4,684.207 311 $5,316,808 58 1 $5.713.181 43| $5,71t,017 54| $7,164,561 40 1 $5,724,555 25| ICO.OO 'Including imports of specie in 1892.-1S96. a Including merchandise carried in whale ships. As regards the distribution of Hawaii's e.xport trade, the United States has an almost complete monopoly, the value of the commodities sent to all other countries aniounting to less than 1 per cent of the total valuation placed upon exported merchandise. An examination of the returns for the two five-year periods 1887-1891 and 1892- 1896 shows that the exact portion of the export trade credited to the United States was 99..59 per c€'nt in the first of these periods and 99.28 per cent in the second. The small residue of e.-cported merchandise goes chiefiy ,.to Canada, the Pacific islands, China and Japan, Austral asia and Germany. The rapid increase in the shipments to Canada in 1892-1890., indicates that an export trade of some importance may be developed with that country. Full returns as to the value of the merchandise exported from Hawaii to the several foreign countries during each year from 1887 to 1896, inclusive, are presented in tho two following ta.bles: THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 51 VALUE OP MERCHANDISB EXPORTED FROII THE HA-W.\IIAN ISLANDS TO THE L-NITED STATES AND OTHBR COUNTRIES DURING THB CALENDAR YE.\RS 1S87 TO 1S91, LNCLUSH'E. Countries. United States Germany China and Japan. Australasia Canada Pacific islands Other countries c. Totals 1887. 1888. 188.9. 1890. 1891. Annual average. 1S.S7-1S91. $9,490,922 IS: 6,166 71 5,131 20 (a)(a) d27.227 24 $11,671,203 54 208 00 9,076 93 6,646 55 15,572 02 4,831 72 $13,840,523 211 $13,073,477 44 11,904 90 5,813 31| 84 ,501 9,685 93] 6,329 521 12,5.35 85 18,109 94 30,763 22 7,937 03i I $10,196,278 471 10,170 OOi 31,0,51 4.81 4,038 921 90 WjI 14,152 551 2,406 85] $11,634,492 97 2,075 60 14,267 17 7,047 9S b43 63 bl7,544 93 b5,376 28 Per Ct. E9 5) .02 .12 .07 »,529,447,33| $11,707,598 761 $13,874,341 40| $1-3,142 829 4S|, $10,238,758 27| $11,702,601 05 1 100.00 a Not separately stated. b Annual averasje for'the four years 1888-1891. c Including merchandise carrif-d in whale ships. d Including Canada and the Pacific islands. VALUE 07 .MJ3RCH-ANDISE EXPORTED FROM THE HA-WAII.\N ISLANDS TO THB UNITED ST.VTES AND OTHER COUNTRIES DURING THE CALENDAR YEARS 1S02 TO 1896, INCLUSIVE. Countries. 1S92. 1393. 1894. 1895. 1896. Annual average. 1892-1896. Per c't. $10,326,704 74 99.28 11.953 75 .11 1.132 80 .01 10,491 65 .10 40,117 03 .39 8.959 41 .09 2,322 25 .02 United States China Japan Australasia Canada Pacific islands Other countries a. Totals 5,029,918 02 2,282 60 546 50 13,009 00 615 00 8,761 17 4,954 92 $10,754,248 70 4,031 15 1,622 50 2,.532 31 42,536 31 8,007 56 5,179 56 i,997,069 27 7,789 51 2,940 00 5,501 52 109,298 61 17,018 87 1,476 78 8,392,189 54 42,221 50 6,124 23,270 07| 10,332 291 $15,460,098 15 3,444 00 555 00 25,590 6i 24.865 18 677 15 , $8,060,087 211 $10,a8,15S 091 $9,140,794 561 $3,474,138 15| $15,515,230 13| $10,401,681 63| a Including merchandise carried in whale ships. 100.09 TRADE 'WITH THE UNITED STATES. From the foregoing statistics it Is apparent that thp commercial importance of the Hawaiian Islands is due almost entirely to their trade relations with the United States. The following table, compiled from the official returns of commerce published by the Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Department, shows the value of free and dutiable mer chandise imported, and of domestic and for eign merchandise exported by the United States in our trade with the Hawaiian Islands during each fiscal year of the decade ended June 30, 1896: VALUE OP MERCHANDISE IMPORTED AND EXPORTED BY THE U.VITED STATES IN OUR TRADE "SVITH THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS DURING EACH FI SCAL YEAR FROM 1SS7 TO 1S96. INCLUSIVE. Imports. Exports. ¦years ended June 30. Domestic J Foreign Free. 1 Dutiable- i Total. [ merchan- J merchan dise. I dise- Total. Total imports and exports. 1887 1888 1889189018911892 18931894 1895 1896 $9,892,889 11,050,038 12,832,910 12,309,758 13,865,648 8,062,076 9,087,856 9,969,981 7,870.304 11,743,343 $29,186 10,34114,830 4,150 29,94913,80658,911 95,33618,65714,361 $9,922,075 I 11.060,37912,847,74012,313,90813,895,597 8,075,882 9,146,767 10,065-317 7,8,88,961 11,757,704 $3,520,593 3.025 898 3.336,0404,606,9IX>4.935,911 3.662.0182.717.33S 3.217,713 I 3,648,472 ' 3,928.187 $101,436 I 59,305 39,621 104,517171.301119,610 110,325 88,474 I 74.585 I 57,520 I $3,622,029 3,085,203 3.37.5.6614,711,417 5,107,212 3.781.628 2,827,663 3,306,187 I 3.723,057 ' ¦ 3,985,707 $13,544,104 14,145,582 16,223,401 17.025,32519,002,809 11.857,51011,974,43013,371.504 11,612,01815,743,411 Annual av'ge, 1887-'96.'| $10,668,480 1 $28,953 | $10.697,433 I $3,659,907 $92,669 I $3,752,576 I $14,450,009 The above statistics as to the value of the merchandise imported and exported by the United States in our trade with Hawaii are somewhat at variance with the Hawaiian offi cial returns of that trade given in preceding tables. This variance is explained in part by the fact that the figures in the official trade reports in the United States are for the fiscal years ended June 30, while the returns pub lished by the Hawaiian Government were for the calendar years. A further explanation is found in the different methods employed in the two countries for arriving at the valuation of imports and. exports. CHARACTER OF IMPORTS. An examination into the character of the merchandise imported into the United States from the' Hawaiian Islands shows it to consist almost exclusively of agricultural products. Commodities that may be classified as non-agri cultural constitute in value less than 1 per cent of the total imports. The annual value of both the agricultural and non-agricultural merchan dise imported and the exact percentage each of ;jw OUR NI84 jjounds. The average importation per annum durin.g the five-year period lS92-'96 came to 301,060,203 pounds, as compared with only 24.5,- 373,612 pounds in 1887-'91. Owing to a decline in the average export price, however, these im portant gains in the quantity of sugar shipped to the United States are not accompanied by corresponding advances in the total value of the shipments. In fact._ the average annual value of the sugar sent to this country during 1S87-'91 was actually greater than that for 1892-'96. the former amounting to ?11,259.294 and the latter to only $8,829,317. The highest value of the decade was ¦?13,lo2,724, reached in 1891, and the lowest .$7,403,6.58, returned in 1S9-X T'ne value recorded for 1896 was $11,336,- 706, the highest since 1891. Molasses is also imported from the Hawaiian Islands, but not in any considerable quantities. During the decade the Importations have fallen off decidedly, the average shipment received per annum during 1892-'9G amounting to only 42,283 gallons, valued at .?3,90o, as against an average yearly import for 1887-'91 of 74,332 gallons, valued at .y9,02,8. The quantity received during 1.896 was returned at 33,705 gallons, and the value at !51,902. This was the smallest im port of the decade except that for 1894, which amounted to only 7,370 gallons, valued at §653. RICE, BANANAS AND COFFEE. After sugar the most important item among O'ur imports from Hawaii is rice. It appears from the official returns, however, that the size of the importations has dwindled very considerably during the last few years. In lS92-^'96 the aver age quantity received per annum came to only 6,920.092 pounds, valued at $293,334, as com pared with 10,353,120 pounds, valued at $468,- 72.5, for 1SS7-'91. The returns for 1896 were decidedly the lowest of the decade, amounting to only 4,354,500 pounds, with a. value of $163.- 571. Bananas rank third in value among the prod ucts imported into this country from the Ha waiian Islands. The largest shipments on rec ord -were received during the fiscal year 1893, amounting in value to $126,583. Since that year the importations have declined somewhat, and in 1896 the value returned was only $75,822. The annual average for 1892-'96, however, was decidedly higher than that for the preceding decade, amounting to $08,785, as compared with $84,672 for 1S87-'91. Oranges and lemons are also specified among our imports from Hawaii, but neither of these fruits is shipped in any con siderable (luantities. Hides and skins constitute the fourth item in point of value among the commodities re ceived from the Hawaiian Islands. During the decade, however, the importations have suffered a rather pronounced falling off. the average value per annum of the shipments received in 1892-'96 amounting to only $56,278, as com pared with $92,546 in 1887-'91. Coffee now occupies the fifth place as regards the relative importance of the commodities shipped to this country from the Hawaiian Islands, the importations having increased in u- remarkable manner during the last ten years. In 1SS7-, the first year of the decade, only 2,875 pounds of Hawaiian coffee, valued at $437, were received at our ports, whereas in 1896, the clos ing year of the decade, our imports amounted to 131,.S43 pounds, valued at $25,063. The larg est Importation on record was that for 1895, re turned at 183,680 pounds, with a value of $36,- 168- The average quantity imported per an num during lS92-'96 came to 90,886 pounds, as against only 27,220 pounds during 1SS7-'91. As the Hawaiian coffee industry is still being de- THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. veloped with great rapidity, it is probable that our importations from the islands will continue to increase. The only other product of any considerable importance shipped to the United States from Hawaii during the decade was raw wool. The quantity Imported has been subject to great fluctuations. Reviewing the annual i-eturns for the decade, we find that in each of the years 1891, 1895' and 1896 more than 200,000 pounds were received at our ports, whereas in 1888, 1893 and 1S94 no shipments whatever were re corded. The remaining years of the decade show importations varying in quantity from 454 pounds in 1890 to 162,370 pounds in 1887. OUR EXPORTS TO ' HAWAII. As regards the nature of the merchandise ex ported from the United States to Hawaii, an in spection of the official returns for the decade shows that the relative standing- of the agri cultural and non-agricultural commodities is very different from that disclosed in the case of our imports from the islands. In our export trade with Hawaii the preponderance is on the side of the non-agricultural merchandise as against the agricultural, and this preponderance seems to have increased during the last few years. Of the articles of domestic merchandise exported to the islands in 1-887-1891. non-agri cultural commodities constituted in value 69.32 per cent and agricultural products 30.6-5 per cent, whereas in 1892-1896 the non-agricultural exports comprised 70.79 per cent and the agri cultural 29.21 per cent. The relative standing of the two groups of merchandise during each fiscal year of the decade 1887-1806 is shown in detail by the following figures: EXPORTS OF DOMESTIC MERCHANDISB FROM -THE UNITED STATES TO THE ¦RKVfA.ll.\N ISLANDS, CLASSIFIED AS AGRICULTURAL AND NON-AGRICULTURAL. Tears ended June 30. Ill' I Non-agricultural Total Agricultural exports. 1 exports. exporcs. -1887 1SS818891890 1891 Annual average, 1S87-1891. 1892 18931894' -1895 1896 Annual average, 1892-1896 $1,003,207 | 29.21 | $2,421,539 i 70.79 j $1,093,106 1,029,7821,073,797 1,280,347 1,483,298 Per cent of total. 31.05 3-1.0332.19 27.79 30.05 $2,427,487 1,996,1162,262,2433,326,5.5:^ 3,452,613 Per cent] of total.68.95 I 65. S7 1 67.81 I 72. -21 69.95 $3,520,593 3,025,898 3,336,040 4,606.90D 4,935,9U $1,192,066 30.68 $2,693,002 69.32 $3,S85,068 $1,237,701 923,610 921,571 903,224979,927 35.16 33.99 2S.61 21.76 24.C-5 $2,374,317 1,793,728 2.296,1-122,745,248 2,948,260 64.81 66.01 71.36 75.24 75.i..' 1,^S,SISO15SO $106,686 106,140117,152 132,440 242,887 Annual .iverage,| j 1^87-1891 1 $141,061 I $39,019 $5,138 $35,414 $10,301 $212,508 $107,081 1S32 1 $178,374 | $41, a7 | $6,319 1893 1 130,821 I 36,157 | 4,733 18,14 13,3,8-30 33,931 | 6,237 ISihi 123,730 35,0>4 7,499 18^6 1 117,996 I 33,5)3 5,798 $25,458 27,537 23,53120,59722,388 $14,878 10,663 7,267 7,960 9,086 $269,908 198,262 179,138 160,759206,101 $143,633 113,705 110,2:S 109,319 123,208 Annual average,! 1892-1896 1 $136,758 I $36,3)3 $6,117 $24,302 $475,937 473,650 524,512652,983725,531 $550,522 $706,787 521,876 ¦193,239463,888 518,170 I I j $9,971 I $208,234 | $120,018 ( $541,793 Next to breadstuffs, the most important cate gory among our agricultural exports to Hawaii is that comprising the several me.it products. The average yearly value of the meat products of all kinds shipped to the islands during 1887-1891 was $102,095. In 1892-1806 the aver age value per annum placed upon these exports quantity' AND Vx\LUB OP MEAT PRODUCTS E . HA'WAIIAN ISLANDS DURING THE FI was not quite so high, reaching only $90,942. In the following table complete returns are given as to the quantity and value of lard, hams, bacon and canned beef, and also as to the value of the total meat products exported from the United States to the Hawaiian Islands durint each fiscal year from 1887 to 1896, inclusive: XPOETED FROM THE UNITED STATES TO THE SCAL YEARS 1SS7 TO 1896, INCLUSIVE. Years ended June 30. Canned beef. Bacon. Hams. Lard. Quanti ties. Values. Quanti ties. Values. Quanti-j ties, f Values. Quanti ties. Values. Other meat prod ucts. Total meat prod ucts. 18S7 J 888 18891890 1891 iPounds. Pounds. Pounds. Pounds. 73,680 $9,-402 47,244 $-5,399 158,662 $21,451 234,264 $20,624 28,700 4,091 42,741 5,874 158,689 23,497 224,637 21,006 42,9iJ0 6,147 48.283 5,703 171,019 25,756 277,070 28,267 98,610 14,217 64,459 8,737 206,303 29,0,39 329,270 29,739 99,502 14,451 64,255 8,360 229,215 31,081 327,170 29,416 $3-8, 252 40,397 24,887 30.103 33,517 $95,128 94,865 91,820 111,835116,825 Annual average 1SS7-'91 68,678 $9,662 53,396 $7,027 184,777 $26,165 278,482 $25,810 $33,431 1 $102,095 1892 ISW , 1894 1S951396 , 124,fK0 18.218 61,008 7,922 197,715 27,083 361,110 32,817 23,450 109,490 134,190 19,899 !i6,896 8,589 154,739 23,9-20 291,280 29,280 14,289 95,977 128,740 19,123 47,950 7,010 149,094 21,075 265.520 24,894 16,864 88,876 186,750 27,162 60,377 8,249 189,561 25,256 295,440 25.726 13,165 99,558 250,020 35,808 47,823 6,125 198,540 25,333 342,790 ¦ 26,803 11,741" 105,810 Annual averagel JS92-'96 1 164,73) $24,042 54,811 $7,579 177,930 $24,533 311,228 | $27,886 $15,902 $99,942 As regards the exportation of live stock from the United States to the Hawaiian Islands, the decade witnessed a rather marked falling off. The total value of the several species ex ported during 1887-'91 amounted to $119,150 per annum, while in 1892- '96 it was only $-13,764 per annum. Mules, horses and hogs are the principal kinds of stock sent to Hawaii. Cattle are shipped in smaller quantities, and sheep only occasionally.' In our shipments of- dairy products to Hawaii there has also been a decline, although not so marked as that in the case of live stock. The total value of the three items, butter, cheese and milk, fell from $60,676 per annum in 18S7-'91 to $.51,841 per annum in 1892-'96. The exports of butter, which amounted to 140,639 pounds per annum in 18S7-1.S91, declined to 12.3,486 pounds per annum in 1892-1896. Mean^^vhile the cheese shipments fell from 96,704 pounds to 8.5,221 pounds per annum, and the value of the milk exported from $16,405 to $15,987 per annum. Vegetables form another class of agricultural products exported to Hawaii in considerable quantities. The principal kinds sent to the isl ands are potatoes, beans and peas, and onions. All of these varieties were exported in larger quantities during 1887-1801 than in 1892-1896- Canned vegetables, which were also shipped to some extent, shov/ed a similar falling off dur ing the decade. The total value of the entire group declined from $59,471 per annum in 1887- 1891 to $31,500 per annum in 1S92-1S96. Our exports of wine to Hawaii are worth about $75,000 per annum. Returns for the dec ade 1887-1896 show a considerable increase in the quantity exported, the average yearly ship ments during 1892-1890 amounting to 133,243 gallons, as compared with 95,592 gallons during 1887-1891. Hay is another agricultural product that is .THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.' 5b exported quite largely from the United States to Hawaii. The statistics of exportation for the two five-year periods 1887-1891. and 1,S92-1.S96 disclose an Increase in the quantity shipped, the average export per annum having advanced from 4,939 tons in the former period to 5,675 tons in the latter. At the same time, however, there occurred a. slight falling off in the value of the shipments, the yearly average for 1892-1896 amounting to only .$72,566. as compared -with $74,704 for the preceding five years, 1&S7-1891. In the five-year period 1SS7-1S91 refiaet} sugar was exported from this country to Hawaii to the value of more than $75,000 per annum, but during 1892-1896 there was a marked decline in these exports, the average value of the ship ments for the five years amounting to only $27,294. The quantity exported fell from 1,160,- 741 pounds per annum in 1887-l¦^9^ to 566,869 pounds per annum in 1892-1896. Tlie only other item of any considerable im portance among our agricultural exports to Ha waii is canned fruits. The exportation of this item, however, like that of refined sugar, was much larger during 1887-1891 than in 1892- 1896. the average value per annum for the former period amounting to .*32,802, as com- .pared w-ith only .'fl9,5-j4 for the latter- Among the non-agricultural commodities com prised in our export trade with the Hawaiian Islands, iron and steel and manufactures of, wood and manufactures of, cotton manufact ures, leather and manufactures of, ond manu factures of tobacco are of leading importance. T'nese five classes of merchandise constituted in value more than half of our total non-agricult ural exports to Hawaii during the ten fiscal years 1SS7-1896. Iron and steel and their manu factures form the principal grcup in point of value. Wood and its m.anufactures rank sec ond, closely followed by manufactures of cot ton. The -exports of leather and its manufact ures and of tobacco manufactures are about equally important. Annual returns as to the value of each of the above classes of merchan dise exported from the United States to the islands during the fiscal years from 1887 to 1890. inclusive, are presented below: VALUE OF LEADING NON-AGRICtX-lX-RAL PRODUCTS EXPORTED PROM THE UNITED STATES TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS DURING THE FISCAL YEARS ISST TO 1896, INCLUSHi;. Years ended June 30. Iron and steel, and I manufact- ] ures ot. I Wood, and manufact ures ot. Cotton, I Leather, manufact- ( and manu- ures of. I factures of. Tobacco, m'nufact- ures of. Ig{i7 $405,382 1S38 265,-56-1 lS-39 352,552 1S90 765,126 1891 762,896 $416,6-31 317,584 321,335 439,499 513,997 $318,288 293,986 345,289 402,-323312,636 $174,193 145,870175,536 205, SiS 200,312 $99,990 110,346 140,486 16:3,818178,843 Annual average, 18-57-1891. $510,304 $-101,813 I $334,544 $180,361) $138,697 1892 1893 1894189S "¦ 1896 $473,616 214,844405,316545,614 726,942 $359,013 197,933 273,6.51 335,-579 366..54S $256,813 241,790 297,771 3S7,S-?5 301,256 $136,374 Kfl.T.rj135,271 J 151,7'S 176-0-27 $160,354 171,950150,3-30 155.651 174,100 Annual average, 1892-1396. $473,260 I $306,515 $297,103 I $141,348 | $164,479 Fertilizers also occupy a position of some im portance among oui' exports to Hawaii. The shipments have increased to a large extent dur ing the decade. In the fiscal year 15S7. only 1,412 tons were sent to the islands, whereas in 1896 an exportation of 8,296 tons v.as recorded. The heaviest annual export was that for 1895, amounting to 10,168 tons. The average yearly shipments rose from 3,521 tons in 1887-1S91 to 6,770 tons in 1892-1896, and the average yearly value from $102,7.32 in the former period to $203,364 in the latter. Other articles of considerable value that should be mentioned in a review of our exports to the Ha-waiian Islands are fish and mineral oil. The exportations of fish amounted in value to $129,011 per annum during 1S87-1S91, but de clined to $104,794 per annum in 1892-1896. A decrease also occurred in the case of mineral oil, the average annual va.lue returned for 1892- 1896 amounting to only $79,476, as compared -ivith $104,754 for 1887-1891. The exports dur ing 1890. however, were larger than those for any other year since 1891. 56 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. WAKE ISLAND. A MDSEA LANDING-PLACE. THB MOST PR.ACTICABLB ROUTE FOR A TELE- GR-APHIC CABLE .ACROSS THE PaCIFICJOCBAN. The smallest of the new possessions of the United States is Wake Island, a mere coral reef, or atoll, remote from any other land in the vast expanse of the North Pacific. It has never been coloni-^ed, and never was claimed by any nation until the present year, when it was forinally annexed by the United States. This act was performed by Commander Taussig. of the cruiser Bennington, while on his way from Hawaii to Guam. He relates that he ap proached the island with the navigator at the masthead, steaming slowly along the southern and eastern sides to discover signs of habita tion, and looking in vain for an anchorage. He did not circumnavigate the island, but, seeing that the outlet on the north was barred not only by a waU of coral, but also by a sand spit, he returned to the lee of the island. A landing was made at 1 o'clock on January 17, and a flagpole was raised- Besides som.e pieces of wreckage, no signs of humau occupation were visible. On the eastern side of the island, im bedded in the sand, an anchor was seen, and what appeared to be the -vvreck of a lower mast ¦was higher up the beach. When the flagstaff was in place the sailors, were formed in tw-o ranks, facing seaward, and, having called all to witness that the island was not in the possession of any other nation. Com mander Taussig ordered the American flag to be raised by Ensign Wettengell. * Upon reaching the truck the flag was saluted by twenty-one guns from the Bennington. After the salute the flag was nailed to the masthead -vvith 'battens, and a brass plate with the following inscrip tion was screwed to the base of the flagstaff: United States of America. William McKlnley, President; John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy; Commander Edward D. Taussig, United States Navy, commanding the United Scales Steam ship Bennington; this 17th day of January, 1899, rook possession of the atoll known as Wake Island for the United States of America; Commander Taussig describes the island thus: "The island was more heavily v/ooded than was shown in the chart. Patches of grass were growing on the lagoon side of the western islet, and the shrubbery afforded nesting-places for the many seafowl. Fish v.-ere plentiful in the lagoon, and there was a swift current running out of the southern passage. The lagoon on the south side w-as shoal, but on tha north side there v.-as a long strip of deep blue water ex tending nearly its whole length. Outside of the lagoons many sliarks were seen crowding around our boats and around the ship. "Had I been able to have found an anchorage I would have remained in this vicinity for two or three days to reconnoitre more thoroughly the island and to take astronomical and magnetic observations, but haying carried out the orders of the Department in regard to the island, and deeming it necessary to save as much coal as possible, I took my departure at 5:35 p. m. for Guam. During the afternoon the navigator. Ensign Cam.pbell, was endeavoring to find a pos sible anchorage on some light patches of water to the westward of the outlet. He found thirty fathoms, coral bottom, and one patch about three hundred yards from the reef wall, but it looked too close to the breakers to be used. The white bottom could be seen on patches where soundings of twenty fathoms were ob tained, close in to the breakers." The chief value of Wake Island is as a land ing-place on the way across the Pacific. It lies right on the line between Hawaii and Guam and the Philippines, and is about two thousand miles oast of Honolulu. If a. good harbor can be constructed, it will be a valuable coaling station. If not, it will still be available and most valuable as a landing-station for a tele graphic cable across the Pacific The strategical importance of this inidsea rock is made apparent by a glance at the map of the Pacific Ocean and its trade routes, print ed on Page 67 of this work. The great width of the Pacific makes t'ne problem of laying or of operating a telegraphic cable across it a far more formidable one than in the case of the Atlantic. It is eminently desirable, and per haps necessary, in the present state of the elec tric science, to have a series of landing stations at interv.als across the vast expanse. There are only two routes which offer such points, and they are now both in the pos.-icssion of the "United States. One is by the waj of the Alaska coast and the Aleutian Islands to Siberia and Japan. But it has obvious disadvantages, among them being that it does not follow the trade route, and that it would not connect the United States with the Philippines without an inter mediate link on alien soil. The other is by the way of Hawaii, Wake, Guam and the Philip pines. It avoids perfectly the objections to the former, following the chief trade route, and connecting the United States, with all its Pacific possessions without touching the territory of any other Power. The value of such a cable to American com merce would be incalculable. It would enable American merchants to communicate directly and instantly with correspondents in the mar kets of Asia, and it would enable vessels on the way across the ocean to keep in touch with their home ports. The Opinion is confidently expressed by competent authorities that as a business en terprise such a cable would be highly profitable. In case of war it would be one of the greatest conceivable agencies for National defence. It would give this Government constant communi cation, under its own exclusive control, with all Its outlying possessions, and with its fleeJ;s In Pacific- waters, and would afford means of warn ing of the approach of a hostile fleet to the Cali fornia coast. As is well known, the British, Canadian and Australian governments are nuw uniting in a scheme for the construction of a purely British cable line across the Pacific, from Vancouver to Australia and Hong-Kong. The laying of such a cable will be at tonded with Incomparably more and greater aifficulties than one on the hne of the "United States' possessions. CUBA. 57 CUBA. "THE QUEEN OF THE ANTILLES." ITS HISTORY. GEOGRAPHY, CLIM.VTE AND POPU LATION—NATURAL RESOURCES— POLIT ICAL DIVISIONS— THB CAPITAL. Cuba, the largest, richest and most v-festerly Island of the West Indies, lies at the entrance of the Gulf of Mexico, extending from Iat. 19° 50' to 23° 9' N., and from long. 74" 8' to S4° 58' W. It is about 759 miles long and from 27 to 90 miles broad. It has a, coast-line of 1,976 miles, and, excluding adjacent islands, has an area of about 4.3,319 square miles, or a little less than that of the State of Pennsylvania. With the adjacent islands, ^the total are.a is 45,883 square miles. The island is long and narrow, some what crescent shaped. It divides the entrance of the Gulf of Mexico into two passages, that to the northwest being 130 miles wide at the nar rowest part, between the points of Yeacos in Cuba and Sable in Florida, and the southwest passage* being nearly the same width between Cabo de San Antonio of Cuba and the Cabo de Catoche, the extremity of the peninsula of Yu catan. On the northeast, east and southeast narrower channels separate it from the Baha mas, Hayti and Jamaica. The coast of Cuba is generally low and flat, and is surrounded by numerous islands and reefs which render the coast both difficult and dangerous to those unacquainted with the proper channels. The low nature of the shore subjects it to frequent floods and Inundations, and espe cially on the north side there are many large la goons from which a considerable quantity of salt Is obtained. No island, however, in proportion to its size has a greater number of excellent harbors, many of them accessible even to ships of the line. Of these the chief are the ports of Bahia Honda, Mariel, Havana, Matanzas, Cardenas, Nuevitas and Nipe, on the north side, and Guantanamo, Santiago de Cuba, Trinidad and Cienfuegos, on the south side. HISTORY. Cuba was discovered by Columbus on October 28. 1492. From the best information that can be obtained he is believed to have landed on the north coast near Nuevitas by the River Maximo. believing it to be a part of the mainland of China. He flrst called it Juana, after Juan, the son of Ferdinand and Isabella, but subsequently ho changed the name to Fernandina, in 'honor of Ferdinand. Later he changed it again to San tiago — the name of the patron saint of Spain — and finally to Ave Maria, for the Virgin Mary. But the name Cuba, by which it was called by the aborigines, clung to the island, and wa.-^ never long supplanted. A peaceable race of Ind ians calling themselves Clboneyes were its in habitants, living under nine independent ca- iclques and holding to a. belief in a. Supreme Be ing. They were friendly and unsuspectin.g, and received the w-hites gladly. In 1511 the island was colonized by Spaniards. The colonists under the Spanish Governor treated the Indians cruelly, and owing to their persistent ill-trcatracnt the entire Indian popu lation became extinct in 1.5-5.3. The city of Havana was destroyed by the French in 1534 and 15.54, but was promptly re built, and in 1584 was strongly forti.'iod. In 1624 it was taken by the Dutch, but was soon restored to Spain. From 1G50 to 1700 the island was often rav aged by filibusters, Puerto Principe being plun dered and destroyed by, them in 1688, but after 1700 Cuba prospered greatly. In 1717 the to bacco monopoly was established, and continued until ISIG. In 1702 Havana was taken by the English, but v/as exchanged in the following year. Its commercial importance rapidly in creased, and it became the centre of the slave trade for Spanish America. In 1844 and 1848 there were negro insurrections in Cuba, and more than ten thousand negroes perished in the latter year. For three-quarters of a century the foremost statesmen of the United States, beginning with Jefferson and John Quincy Adams, had regarded Cuba as within the political influence of this countr.v and as almost certain to come into its possession. It had long been a part of the fixed policy of this Government that when it passed out of the hands of Spain the island must cither become independent or be annexed to the United States. In 1848 President Polk offered Spain $100,000,000 for Cuba. The Ostend manifesto in 1854, signed by Buchanan, Soule and Mason, claimed the right of the United States to take the island and annex it if Spain refused to sell. In 1849-'51 there were insurrections in Cuba, led by American adventurers. The Spanish Revolution in 1868 led to an effort for Cuban independence, and a state of war con tinued for twelve years, with severe losses on both sides. In 1880 the insurrection was appar ently subdued, but the island was left in dis order and with a. debt of $85,000,000. A law for the gradual abolition of slavery was passed by the Spanish Cortes in 1879, and in 1886 slavery was abolished absolutely. An insurrection under Jos6 Marti was begun in 1895, but for months little interest was-shown in it by the people. The "pacificos" seemed de- torrnlned to preserve peace at any price, but with the landing of A.ntonio and Jose Maceo, followed by that of Gomez and Marti, the as pect of the uprising changed, and Spain realized that she must use the most energetic measures to maintain her possession of the island. A state of war most disastrous to property inter ests on the island and to the commercial inter ests of the United States followed, during which there arose a strong sentiment in this country in favor of interfering in favor of the insurgents. Apprehensive of this, the Spanish Government endeavored to foreL^tall it by winning over the ¦insurgents by concessions. On November 25, 58 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. ' 1897, Spain by .royal decree granted a new Constitution, estaollshing so-called, but illusive, "self -.government" in the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. This, however, failed to have the desired effect, and the war was prosecuted with redoubled energj'. In 1898 the United States telt compelled to interfere, in the interests of humanity. This precipitated a state of war (April 19, 1S9S) between Spain and the United States. The dramatic incidents of this struggle, following each other in such rapid succession and invariably recording brilliant triumphs to the American arms, were perhaps unique in the history of modern warfare. In less than three months from the date of the declaration of war the struggle was brought to a close by the suc cess of the arms of the United States. This re sult ended the Spanish rule in Cuba and placed the United States in control of the island. 'Upon taking possession the United States placed Cuba under military government pending its pacifica tion and such other disposition of its affairs as may be for the best interests of the Cuban peo ple. POPaL-A.TION. The census of 1-887 gives a population to the island of 1,031,619, divided as follo-svs: White Creoles, 950,000; colored, 500,000; Spaniards, 160,000. Vv'hen slavery was abolished, in 1886, there were about 50,000 Chinese imported to replace the slave labor, and these must be added to the above classification. This population was distributed through the island jiroportionately as follows: Province of Santiago de Cuba. 7.75 to each square kilo metre; Puerto Principe, 2.10; Santa Clara, 1-5.34; Matanzas, 30.50; Havana, 52.49; Pinar del Rio, 15.09. RESOURCES. The astonishing agricultural resources of Cu"oa have been but slightly developed. The total ixfcreage of Cuba is 35,000,000. Of this only about 2,000,000 acres have ever been under cultivation. There are 9,000,000 acres of fertile -plain and 17,000,000 acres of virgin forest. Cuba's annual expoit of $75,000,000 worth of sugar and $10,000,000 w-orth of tobacco is only a tithe of what she m.ay easily produce of these staple products. The profitableness of sugar culture has iu the past caused vast sums to be invested in' Cuban sugar estates, rendering many of them eq-ual in magnificence to the abodes of Eastern princes. Equally good oppor tunities are now offered to capitalists for suc cessful adventure in this field of enterprise, for tlio sugar culture of Cuba is yet in its infancy and this Queen of the Antilles has room within her 'i;orders for plantations enough to increase the sunar production a hundredfold. During the early part of the present century 91,00vi,000 pounds of coffee were produced in Cuba in a single year, representing in money $20,000,000. This was done by French refugees from Santo Domingo, but the French were driven from Cuba by the Spaniards, and there after the coffee industry declined, and nearly all the plantations remaining were destroyed during the recent years of insurrection. Strangely enough that great source of wealth, the 9,000,000 acres of natural pasture - lands in Cuba, was overlooked by the Spanish ruler,s of the island. Consequently the extensive past ures and their countless herds of cattle were never reckoned in the account of her wealth and resources. Some of these pasture lands, nota bly those north of Trinidad, are admirably adapted to the raising of horses, and great suc cess has attended the effort-s of those -n-ho have devoted their attention to this branch of stock raising. In the eastern part of the island, ex tending from Sancti Spirit-us to the province of Santiago, are extensive .grazing lands which sustain vast herds of cattle, and the cattle ranges extend across Camaguey to Santiago Province. As showing the richness and diversified pro ductions of the soil, a, recent writer cites a case where a, widow with a numerous family and scarcely more than an acre of land provided for all the needs of the family except clothing and salt from it. Her products were coffee, sugar, molasses, beans, rice, honey, wax, sweet, pota toes, yams, yuct;as, bananas, corn, poultry, pigs, a cow or two and several horses. A great variety of fruits and honey are pro duced in Cuba. Oranges, pineapples and ba nanas reach their highest perfection there, witli little, if any, attention, and will bear favorable comparison with those from any other part of the world. Many other delicious fruits which have not yet found their way into the Northern markets and are not known in the United States are pro duced there. Cuba is rich in forests of native woods. Her 17.000,000 acres of forest .lands furnish forty varieties of fine cabinet ^voods, among them be ing mahogany and cedar. These being in many instances easily reached and so convenient to American markets, a m.ost inviting field of en terprise hitherto almost untouched is open to those who have the means and disposition to avail themselves of it. The mineral resources are large but imper fectly known. Iron mines of great value have been worked profitably, the ore being exceed ingly rich and of high grade. Mines hav.e been worked by American companies, and from them the ore has been shipped to the United States, where it is used in the manufacture of Bessemer steel. Manganese ore. yielding a-j high as 58 per c-i^jt of metal of a sup.-^rior qual ity, has been discovered in large quantities. Only the unsettled conditions resulting from fre quent wars and the narrow busines.'j policy pursued by the Spaniards have prevented a large and important d.evclopment of these mine.s. In the Sierra del Cobre range of mountains, about twelve miles from Santiago, there are large deposits of .copper. Most of these deposits remain untouched, and they afford a fine field for- development by American energy and cap ital. CUBA. 59 60 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. Bituminous coal deposits in extensive layers plated roofs glitter a long way off in the sun. have been discovered. POLITICAL DIVISIONS. Cuba while under the Crown of Spain was divided into three departments, which are still retained: The Western, with its capital Ha vana; the Central, with Puerto Principe for its principal town, and the Eastern, w-hose capital is Santiago de Cuba. The first and smallest, consisting mostly of level plains, is nearly all cultivated, containing the great sugar and tobacco plantations that constitute the main wealth of the land. This section ot the island i.«i also the most thickly peopled and the richest and most highly civil ized, possessing good means of communication. In the Central Department most of the popu lation is centred in the towns, the outlying lands being almost unpeopled, and covered with dense forests and savannas. The few culti vated tracts have been devastated by the war. In the Eastern Department, which includes the earliest settlements, the valleys have been suc cessfully reclaimed up to a certain elevation. and the hills laid out with valuable coffee plan tations, but here also the Interior is mostly un cultivated and uninhabited. . THE CITY OF HAVANA. Havana, Habana, or, more fully, San Chris- tcbal de la Habana, lies on the northwest side The Caballeria fronts the bay, and is provided with- an iron roof supported by iron pillars running along its whole length. The commer cial world "meets every morning and transacts its business in this place. Havana with its two hundred thousand in habitants in many respects resembles a large European city. It consists of the old to"wn in the east and the new tow-n in the west, the excessively narrow and badly paved streets of the former being thronged with people, espe cially in the morning. Here the Obispo and other leading streets are lined with elegant shops, while the West End is pervaded by an aristocratic stillness. The new town is altogether more of a suburb, where are situated the finest promenades, the best pri vate houses, warehouses, cafes, the theatre and the Casino Espanol. There, also, is the Paseo de Isabel, the finest thoroughfare in Havana, like a boulevard, crossing the city from end to end, flanked by grand residences and a, double row of spacious carriageways, and further em bellished by magnificent fountains and statues. Beyond are the Parque de Isabel, some sumptuous cafgs, the Taccm Theatre and the railway terminus. A continuation of the Paseo de Isabel is formed by the Paseo de Tacon, laid out in a similar way, leading to the Botanical Gardens and to those of the late Captain-Gen- of Cuba, not far from the Florida Channel, on a eral, which were in the days of his incumbency level tongue of land stretching eastward from the bay and leaving open a navigable entrance 4,200 feet long by 1,000 feet wide. On a low hill to the left stand the forts of El Morro and Cabanas, erected in 1.589, in the reign ot Philip II, and on the point of the tongue- to the right is the battery La Punta. With its gayly painted houses and strangely fashioned church tow-ers the city presents an agreeable appearance, though this is somewhat detracted from by the enormous prison and Lugar de los Patlbulos, or place of execution, situated right on the point. To the right of the masnificenc bay, and extending all the way from the castle of La Fucrza (the oldest fort in the place) to the Maria Barracks, or Caballeria, are the wharves with their long lines of trading vessels lying right under the shore. On the opposite side of the bay stands La Casa Bianca, another fort with white wa.lls, and further on the village of Regla, with its immense sugar w-arehouses, imposing buildings, whose iron- thrown open to the public. OUR TRADE WITH CUBA. EXPORTS AND IMPORTS FROM 1887 TO 1896. The Cuban rebellion of 1895 and the succeed ing war between the United States and Spain almost annihilated the industries of Cuba and the trade between that island and the United States. The following statistics, taken from the United States Department of Agriculture reports, show what that trade was before the war, and afford some basis for estimating what it will soon be, now that_ peace is restored and the i,siand brought into far more intimate rela tions with this country than ever before: A general summarj^ ot our trade with Cuba during the years 18.S7-'96 is presented in the following table: VALUE OF MERCHANDISE IMPORTED .A.ND EXPORTED BY THE UNITED STATES IN OtJR TRADB WITH CUBA DURING THE FISCAL YK.\.RS 1J.«81SS9 1890 1891 i.yj2 1893 1894 18^6 1896 CUBA. 61 The statistics given in the table on the page preceding show very clearly the effect of the recent hostilities in Cuba upon our commercial intercourse with the iylarrd. During the fiscal year 1896 the total value of our Cuban trade amounted to only .'?47,.54S,610, as compared with $102,804,204 in 1893, the year preceding the breaking out of the war. This was a falling olf of more than 50 per cent in the short sjjace of three years. During the early years of the dec ade covered by the above table our trade with Cuba had received quite an impetus, the years 1SS7 to 1893, inclusive, with the single excep tion of 1888, showing uninterrupted gains, and had it not been for the opening of the war, it is not improbable that a still greater expansion would have followed. Our imports from Cuba have generally been much in excess of our exports to that island, the balance of trade being decidedly against the United States. During the ten years 1887-'96 the value of the merchandise imported averaged $.59,168,056 per annum and that of the mer chandise exported only $14,017,572 per annum. IMPORTS OF MERCHANDISE INTO THE UNITED S AND NON-AG The largest imports of the decade, and also the largest exports, were for the year 1893, amOiixit- Ing to -'p7-S,706,5i;G and -?24,1-57,G98, respectively. In 1896 the imports fell to $40,017,730 and the exports to $7,530,880. Of the merchandise imported into the United States from Cuba fully 0-) per cent may be classified as agricultural. In the five-year ¦period 18S7-'91 agricultural products constitut ed 00.92 per cent of the total imports, having an average annual value of $48,455,241, as against $4,-840,985 for the non-agricultural im ports. During the following quinquennium, 1892-'90, the difference between the two classes of merchandise was still more marked, the agri cultural imports reaching an average value per annum of -'j"61,059,919, or 93.S8 per cent of the total, while the non-agricultural commodities imported had an average yearly value of only $3,981,166, or 6.12 per cent of t'ne total The following table shows the relative stand ing of the agricultural and non-agricultural im ports for each fiscal year from 1887 to 1896, in clusive: TATES FROM CUBA CLASSIFIED AS AGRICULTURAL RICirLTURAL. Y'ears ended June 30. Agricultural imports. Non-agricultural imports. Total imports. 1887., 1888.,1889. , 1890.,1891. Annual average, 1SS7-1S91. $45,232,293 45,040,26647,294,61648,417,-.66,291,341 $4,283,142 4,278,821 4,836.007 5,383,903 5,423,054 iP.c.total 8.65 8. 68 9.23 10.01 8.79 $49,515,434 49.319,087 52.130,623 53,801,59161,714,395 $48,455,241 | 90.93 | $4,840,985 | 9.0S | $53,296,226 1S92 1 $73,425,083 1893 ¦ I 73,598,712 1894 72,442,263 .-1S95 1 49,455,083 1896 1 36,378,155 I 94.22 93.51 95.72 93.54 90.91 4,506.588 5,107,794 3,235.998 3,416,176 3,6.39.275 5.78 6.494.28 6.469.09 $77,931,671 78,706,506 75,678,261 53,871,259 40,017,730 Annual average. 1892-1896 | $61,059,919 93.88 I 3.981,166 6.12 65.041,085 Among the products imported from Cuba, sugar is by far the most important, amounting in value to more than 75 per cent of the entire imports for the decade 18S7-'90. The heaviest shipments on record occurred in 1894, reaching as high as 2,127,502,319 pounds, with a value of $03,147,745. During the two succeeding years the importations of sugar became very much smaller, amounting in 1896 to only 1,093,171,312 pounds, valued at $24,102,835. The imports of molasses from Cuba, which in 1894 amounted to 15,893,579 gallons, valued at $1,148,412, were reduced in 1896 to 1,710,161 gallons, valued at $128,474. Next to sugar the most important commodity im.ported in our trade with Cuba is leaf tobacco. Prior to the fiscal year 1896 the largest impor tation recorded v.-as for 1893, and amounted _to 21 694,891 pounds, with a value of $8,940,058. In 1896,' however, these figures were consider ably exceeded, the quantity imported during that year being returned at 26,771,317 pounds, and the value at $10,613,468. These uninter rupted shipments are probably accounted for by the fact that the western end of the island, where the chief tobacco-growing districts are situated, had only recently been invaded by the opposing forces, the contest having un til then been confined almost exclusively to- other portions of the island. After the invasion of that region, ho-n,-ever, there was a great decline in our importations of Cuban tobacco. In the following table the official returns are presented as to the quantity and value of sugar, molasses and leaf tobacco imported into the United States from Cuba during each of the ten fiscal years, 1887-'96; 62 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. QUANTITY AND VALUE OP SUGAR, MOLASSES AND LEAF TOB.4.CCO IMPORTED INTO THE UNITED STATES FROM CUBA DURING THE FISCAL YKAHS 1SS7 TO ISOB, INCLUSIVE: Tears ended June 30. Su, Tar. Molasses. Leaf tobacco. Quantities. "Values. Quantities. Values. Quantities- "Values. 1SS7 Pounds. 1,394,716,316 1,209,174,819 1,032,085,6021,041,075,6211,430,-566,-175 1,983,-540,022 1,813,6.32,2-33 2,127,502,3191,845,763,398 1,093,171,312 $35,395,983 34,545,25936,227,48935,t20,.59445,039,51360.838.76560,6:i7,670 63,147,745 40 100,204 24,103,535 Gallons. 30,059,310 28,137,227 20,312,677 24,918,292 16.971,828 17,955,368 11,861,613 15,893,579 10,269,041 1,710,161 $3,827,970 4,135,228 3,416,754 3,679,076 1,790,264 1,803,847 1,031,034 1,148,412 677.165 128,474 Pounds. 11,830,898 11,501,749 13,447,78916,916,695 16,092,10818,432,323 21,694,89114,578,2-1820,175,62026,771,317 $4,372.94-1 4,6O7,70-i iSS9 5,676,540 1890 7,106,233 1S91 7,141,465 1893 7,997,015 1S93 8,910,058 1894 5,828,964 1S95 7,271,794 1''96 10,613,468 After the products mentioned above, fruits and nuts form the most considerable item among our imports from Cuba. The total importations for 1893 were valued as high as -?2,389,523, but in 1896 they came to only $1,178,994. Bananas are the chief variety imported, comprising in value more than half of the entire item. The only other fruit received from Cuba in any consid erable quantities is the orange. Cocoanuts are also imported to some extent. The manner in which our importations of Cuban fruits and nuts have declined in the last few years is shown by the statistics presented in the following table: ^'ALUB OF FRUITS AND NUTS IMPORTED INTO THB UNITED STATES FROM CUBA DU*RING THE FIS CAL Y"EAR 1.SS7 TO 1S06, INCLUSIVE. Tears ended June 30. 1 All other Total Bananas. Oranges. Cocoa- fruits and fruits nuts. nuts. and nuts. $652,677 $97,078 $245,429 $279,546 $1,274,730 799,346 99.723 200,304 363,085 1,462,458 1,026,778 40,311 194,563 315,100 1,576,751 1,223,478 32,194 206,855 333,359 1.795,886 1,070,764 64,859 226,912 337,231 1,699,766 1,535,951 49,215 98,464 499,382 2,183,012 1,641,387 29,100 1-47,394 571,642 2,389,523 1,277,406 9,875 91,459 542,400 1,921,140 826,615 31,923 39,583 209,702 1,107,823 1 929,865 58,612 17,811 172,706 1,178,994 18-87. 1888. 1889. 1890, 1891 1892,1893,1894, 1895,1S96 Other products of agriculture that should be mentioned in reviewing our imports from Cuba are hides and skins, bones, beeswax, honey, vegetables and vegetable fibres. All of these items show a falling off during the last two or three years, as will be seen from the tabular statement following: VALUE OF HIDES AND SKINS, BONES, BEESWAX, HO.NEY, "VEGETABLES AND -VEGETABLE FIBRES IMPORTED INTO THB UNITED STATES FROM CUBA DURING THE FISCAL YEARS 1837 TO 1890, IN CLUSIVE. 1 The vegetables imported are chiefly potatoes and beans and peas. Preserved vegetables, as well as those in their natural state, are in cluded, and also pickles and sauces. Of the vegetable fibres imported, sisal grass is the prin cipal variety. The figures in detail are as fol lows: Teai-s ended June 30. 1887 1SS318891890 1891 18921893 1894 1895 1896 Hides and Vege 1 skins. [ Bones. Beeswax. Honey. tables. $264,401 (a) (a) (a) $26,497 185,452 (a) (a) (a) 44,060^ 214,256 (a) (a) (a) 46,691 283,627 (a) (a) (a) 30,049 334,683 $28,904 $1,471 $7,270 87.645 274,510 20,99i 39.443 6,236 62.639 279,15:5 13,488 45,504 39,712 67,042 132,221 18,592 57,853 22,242 46,028 -77,-484 19,683 49,553 10,523 46,435 184,281 16,213 40,577 9,690 . 40,265 I Vegetable I fibres. $6 520 215 11,682 43,538 109,709 16,75648,84312,269 11.194 (.¦_¦) Not separately stated. The most important manufactured product im ported into the United States from Cuba is to bacco in the form of cigars, cigarettes and cheroots. This item comprised in value more than half of the non-agricultural imports for the ten years 18.87-'96. The largest importa tions of the decade were those recorded for 1890, amounting to $3,907,955. The figures returned for 1896 were only $2,078,275. Other non-agri cultural imports of some importance are un manufactured wood and iron ore. The following table shows the yearly importations of each of the above commodities from 1887 to 1890, in clusive: LEADING NON-AGRICULTURjN.L IMPORTS INTO THE UNITBD STATES FROM CUBA CURING THE FISCAL YEARS 1SS7 TO 1806, INCLUSIVE. I Cigars, I cigarettes. Tears ended June and 30. I cheroots. Wood, I unmanu factured. I Iron ore. 18S7 18881SS9 ¦1890 1891 , 1892 ¦18931894 1S95 1896 3,263,437 $435,341 $20O,72J 3,291,537 383,491 258,728 3,561,296 419,442 537,478 3,967,955 515,020 566,417 3,;i23,978 576,953 847,250 2,775,849 525,92-t 679,626 2,766,502 1,071,593 641,943 2,037,507. 681.312 199,81); 2,028,889 475,914 294,908 2,078,275 5;J0,9.12 521.310 CUBA. G3 An examination into the character of the mer chandise shipped from the United States to Cuba shows that manufactured articles and other non-agricultural commodities form the lar.ger part of the exportations. The agricultural ex ports, however, are not far behind, and during the last few years their relative importance has increased. In the quinquennium 1892-'96 they constituted 45.45 per cent of the total exi/ort.i, as against 41.06 per cent in 1S87-'01. The rela tion that the two groups of exports, agricultural and non-agricultural, bore to each other in each fiscal year from 1S87 to 1S96, inclusive, was as follows: EXPORTS OF DOMESTIC MERCHANDISE FROM THB UNITED STATES TO CUBA CLASSIFIED AS AGRI CULTURAL AND NON-.\GRICULTURAL. Tears ended June 30. Agricultural exports. INon-agricultural ex-| Total ex- I ports. I ports. 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 $1,270,296 4,531,4495,102,488 4,869,9754,122,292 P.c.total. 42.12 46.6045.1738.4434..36 $5,868,6,34 5,192,675 6,194,710 7,799,5347,807,313 P.c.total. 57.8853.40 54.83 61.56 65.44 $10,138,9.30 9,724,124 11,297,198 12,669,509 11,929.605 1S92 1893 189418951896 Annual average, 1887-1891...; | $4,579,300 41.03 $6,572.5 58.94 I $11,151,873 7,3.30,658 10,499,562 9,452,279 5,536,3923,944,747 4L7144.4847.61 44.1753-95 10,271,75313,104,532 10,402,958 6,996,868 3,367,601 58.2955.5252.-3955.83 46.05 17,622,41123,604,09419,855,23712..333,260 7,312,348 Annual average, 1892-1896 | $7,:a6,728 43.45 I $8,828,742 | 54.55 | $16,185,470 Among the agricultural products exported from the United States to Cuba lard ranks first in importance. The total shipment of this ar ticle during the ten fiscal years 18S7-'96 reached above $25,000,000 in value, forming nearly one- half of the total agricultural exports. The heav iest annual exportation of the decade was 43,- 982,187 pounds, returned for 1892, but the high est value recorded w-as for the succeeding year, 1893, amounting to $4,023,917. In 1896 the total exports fell as low as 26,218,302 pounds, with a value of only $1,551,18-5. The following table value of lard shipped to Cuba each year from 1887 to 1896. inclusive, and also similar statis tics regarding our exports of bacon, hams and pickled pork, these being the only other meat products of importance that en ter into our export trade with that island. It will be noticed that bacon and hams both attained their highest figures in 1893, since which year they have steadily declined. The largest exportations of pickled pork were made in 1889,' 1892 and 1893, and the smallest in 1896. The full returns are as follows : gives the official figures as to the quantity and QUANTITY AND VALUE OF LARD, BACON, HAMS, AND PICKLED PORK EXPORTEU FROM THE UNITED STATES TO CUB.A DURING THE FISCAL YEARS 1887 TO 1S96, INCLUSI'VB. Tears ended June 30. Lard. I Bacon. I Hams. Pickled pork. j' Quantities -1 Values- t Quantities- . Values. | Quantities.] Values. |Quantitles.| Values 1887 1888 1889 18901891 189218931894 1895 1893 Pounds. 25.720,583 26,504,166 30,096,838 33,142,436 32,0-54,107 43,982,187 42,683,65242,340,578 30,672,512 26,218^302 $1,834,776 1,993,9902,5-41,038 2,233,8212,079,534 2,974,545 4,023,917 3,625,545 2,209,067 1,551,185 Pounds. 3,300,180 3,218,083 3,319,956 4,381,370 5,423,621 6,612,210 6,977,2986,154,077 5,137,535 6,168,201 Pounds. Pounds. $249,813 2,345,153 $294,623 386,654 $27,915 273,292 1,895,408 257,-509 524,600 40,483 278,842 2,185,389 295,148 713,200 54,943 290,209 2,027.956 260,592 570,600 34,300 351,955 2.141,208 234,458 547,160 33,315 453,624 4,766,133 529,328 696,800 43,911 556,747 5,834,286 761,082 685,810 ¦ 59,276 632,035 6,272,640 668,959 626,033 52,3.33 390,454 3,929.994 420,215 462,640 32,586 386.475 3,408,718 348,065 195,600 10,286 During the fiscal year 1893 breadstuffs to the value of $3,512,207, the highest figures for the decade, were shipped from the United States to Cuba. Each succeeding year witnessed smaller exportations, until in 1896 the total shipments were valued at only $774,792, or little more than a. fifth of the value returned for 1893. Wheat flour has been by far the most important item under breadstuffs, although Indian corn is also shipped to Cuba in considerable quanti ties. Both of these exports, however, have suf fered a marked decline since 1893. The quan tity and value of wheat flour and corn, and also the total value of all breadstuffs. exported from the United States to Cuba during each fiscal year from 1887 to 1896. inclusive, will be seen from the statistics on the following page: G4 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. QUANTITY ANT3 VALUE OF WHEAT FLOUR AND CORN (iLUZE). AND VALUE OF ALL BftE.VDSTXrFI.^^ ' EXPORTED FP.O-^VI THE UNITBD STATES TO CUBA DURING THE FISCAL YEARS 1SS7 TO ISUO, IN CLUSIVE. ¦Wheat flour. Yours ended June 30. Corn. All other Total breadsitirrs. breadstuffs I Quantities. | Values. IQuantities. | Values. -\'^alue-s. V;Jues. 1887 ISSS ISSO 1891l5,.l 1S92 1893 IS'Jl l!951^96 Bushels. 314,815 151,609 145,525.5114,542 367,324 627,177 1,041,4741,136,657 392,204199,193 $190. 91, 81 258, 220 £69, 582571, 216 93, ,984 014 180 775 ,187 131 ,050 326 ,602 201 «3,002 $l,'2.t5,a.3S 58.671 1.387.7,52 64,.S73 1,336,047 97,304 1,520.617 62,906 874,979 109,552 2,305,031 108,6110 3,512.207 119,410 3,164,541 51,329 1,569,010 34,534 774,793 Of the vegetables shipped from the United llStates to Cuba, potatoes and beans and peas "(Comprise the principal part. The largest ship- :::monts were made in the fiscal year 1893. The total value of all vegetables exported during that year reached close to a million dollars, the exact figures being $978,261, and of this sum $."r.4,1.53 represented the value of the potatoes exported and $392,962 that of the beans and peas. In 1896 the total shipments of vegetables came to only $386,792, the export of potatoes having fallen to $217,31.5, and that of beans and peas to $148,579. Following is a detailed statement of the quantity and value of pota toes and beans and peas, and of the total value of all vegetables, exported from this coun try to Cuba during the ten fiscal years 1SS7- 1896: QUANTITY AND V.iLUF. OF POTATOES, AND OP BEANS AND PE.'^.S. AND VALUE OF ALL VEGE- T.ABLES. EXPORTED FROM THE UNITED STATES TO CUBA DURING THE FISCAL Y'EARS .1887 TO 1S90. INCLUSIVE. 1 Potatoes. Tears ended June 30. Beans and peas. All other Total vegetables, vegetables. I Quantities. | Values. IQuantities. | Values. | Values. | Values. 1SS7 1^88 1-.<,SQ . Bushpls. 221 499 218,416272.829 147.9-32 175,891 337,928666,648 573,069 355,525 398..491 $158,981 170,818191,597108,153 168,354 228,079654,153 496,875274.853217,315 Bushels. 118,217 93,687 91,369 82,643 50,466 145,163183,977 120,738 101,833107,405 $219,331 209,819 182,7.56 200,595 115,930 282.391392,962268,265203,979 148,579 $16,478 9,685 6,-159 13,607 10.137 29.S59 31.146 32,324 22,832 20,893 $394,730 390,3233S0.812 ViOO 322,.355 YiSl 294.421 1*92 Ii93 y<[)i 540,329 978,261 797, 164 Ti;,5 501,664 1396 3S3.79^? Dairy products also occupy a. position of some Importancj? among the agricultural products e.'cported to Cuba. Milk is one of the very few comr.nodities that had an increased e-xiportation during 1896, the shipments recorded for that year reaching a value of $63,852, while the highest value previously returned, that for 1893, Vv-as only $46,347. The falling off in the exports of b-utter aud cheese was so great, however, that the total value of the three dairy products ex ported declined from $128,098 in 1893 to .$S1,440 in 1S96. Annual figures for each item, and also for the entire group, are presented in the follow ing table, coverin.g the ten-year period 1887-1896: D.ilRY PRODUCTS EXPORTED FROM THB UNITED STATES TO CUBA DURING THE: FISCAL Y'EARS 1SS7 TO 1.S96, INCLUSIVE. Butter. Cheese. Milk. Total dairy products. Y'lrars ended June 30. Quantities. Values. Quantities. 1 Values. Values. Values, iss: isgs Pounds. 242,970 168,.«6 112,209113,433101,130 165,833 234,156 121,179 53,305 49,983 $41,105 30,266 21,771 21,219 18,119 33,57049,257 27,03811,59810,080 Pound. the others .icre in the hands of a commercial rival, with a different form of gov ernment ;ind not o-\-er friendly. Under these cir cumstances we should lose all the advantages of isolatir.n. Q. — Would not 3'ou thereby build up commer cial rivals all over the archipelago? A. — I should suppose 30. 1 have been speaking mainly from a military point of view. Speaking fr'^ra a com mercial point, I believe the Philippine Islands are capable of great development and valuable trade. T'aey po.ssess about ei.i^ht million inhabi tants, and are rich in products. There is not one ¦whicii does not produce something we need. After Great Britain we are the greatest import ers irum these^- Islands. Their mineral wealth is unknown, but we do knov/ that there are val uable minerals in these islands. Q.-When you have the option as to whether you win expose yourself to bad neighbors or not, 'di> you think it the part of wisdom to abandon that option? A.^I do not. Q. — Do you not t'nink we would rid ourselves of the possibility of bad neighbors by keeping out of there alto.gether? .\. — Yes, sir; I would like to qualify that reply by saying it 'is ray be lief, if we are going to be a commercial or naval people, that it is absolutely necessary to have coaling stations and colonies the world over. Q. — If w-e should leave them in jiossession of Spain w-^ w-ould have a very bad neighbor there? A. — .'Most assuredly. QUESTIONS OF DEFENCE. Q. — How much more ot a. military establish ment will it require to occupy and maintain the supremacy of the United States in the entire .group than in the group to the -west of the line you have drav;n? A. — None wliatever. Q.— -How do you make that out? A. — Because there is an element of safety in posse.ssing the entire group which is not obtaiiied by possess ing only part of it- There is also an element of great uncertainty as to the disposition of the balanctt which cannot be lost sight of. Q. — That would also depend somewhat, would it not. on the character and submlsslveness of the Inhabitants of the Islands? A. — Naturally; but I do not believe there are any people any where In the Philippines more dilficult to civilize than the North American Indians. We have civilized them. I think the enterprise of our people sufficiently great to civilize and settle the Philippine Islands and make them very valuable colonies — not only paying for their gov ernment, but providing a revenue; not immedi ately, perhaps, but before long. They are the richest colonies possessed by Spain. Q- — That is rather an ex;jresslon of hope than any statement you can make from personal Iknowiedse? A. — Certainly. I am only giving mi' opinion, but it is based on the experience ol other countries. It appears to me that Great Britain has made herself powerful and rich by her colonial enterprise. This is recognized by the Germans, by the French and by the Dutch. The latter are now trying to follow in the foot steps of Great Britain, and with some success. If these countries possess all the island terri tory of the world, their governments will be able to discriminate against the introduction of the manufactures and against the commerce of our country. This I believe to be their object. Q-— You answered the question as to a military establishment- In your judgment, how much more naval establishment would it require to maintain ourselves in the entire group than in the part to the west? A. — I included both in -my answer. I inferred that you included both the Army and Navy in your question, and I had particular reference to both in my reply. Q- — Plave you any means of forming a. judg ment as to how large an army would have to be maintained? A. — Only by reference to the army that has been maintained by Spain, which, so far as Europeans are concerned, has been very small. Q. — How large a naval squadron would it be necessary to have in and about there? A. — The present squadron, the usual Asiatic squadron, could take care of the Philippines. Probably some small coast guard and revenue vessels would be required in addition. VALUE OF THE PHILIPPINES. Q. — Do you not think a commercial station in those islands is much more valuable to the United States, with a. view to its trade in China and Japan and other ports of that sea, than it is with reference to any trade with the islands themselves? A. — I think a commercial station at the Philippines valuable for that purpose. How valuable depends largely upon our infiu- ence in China. The balance cf trade there has been against us. Foreign Powers seem to be at present in control of Chinese affairs, and if they are able to discriminate against us our trade may not be valuable. Q.— If the United States is to have a hand in the Chinese trade, our location in Manila and Lunon would be very valuable in that direction? A. — Very, indefed_ Q- — And probably much more valuable than any inter-island trade would be? A. — It ought to be. It would be fatal to profit If our trade with China was obliged to pass through foreign hands. Q. — Have you any means of estimating the value of these islands; and if so, w-lll you give us an estimate, supposing they -svere to be ac quired by purchase? A.— No, sir; I have none; Q.— If our Government once thought Cuba worth an offer of $100,000,000, what would you think the Philippine archipelago worth? A.— Double that. Q-— Have you stated what, in your opinion, ought to be done relative to these positions in PACIFIC OCEAN TRADE r.OUTES. -I GS OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. the East and in the Pacific from investigations which you have made? A.— I think that the en tire Philippine group of islands, the Carolines, including the Pelew-s and the Ladrones, should be annexed to the United States. Q. — Annexed h.v what means; takeu forcibly? A. — Yes, primarily; and if they cannot be fairly taken, th^n purchased. I would like to say that the Carolines and L.adrones are mere depend encies of the Philippines, and it is so stated in the Blue B.3ok of the captain-general of the latter. Q. — That is. they had the same captain-gen eral, but d:ff'!rent local governo.-s? A. — Yes. Q.-— .Kcw far are the Philippines from the Carolines? A. — The Pelew.s. generally included in the Caroline- group, are about 600 miles from the Philippines. The Caroline group, includ ing the? Pelews, extends about 2,000 miles east and we.st; the Ladrones a'oout .540 miles north ard i---outh. Relative^J^ the Carolines and La drones for.m an inverted T. It is about 180 miles from the westernmo.=?t Caroline proper to the Pelews, and 220 miles from Yap to the ¦pelews. Yap is about 750 miles from the Phil ippines. Q. — How far is Guam from Manila? A- — Guam is about 2,-575 miles from San Bernardino Strait. Q- — How far to the Carolines? A. — Guam is a. little less than 300 miles north of Wolea, one of the Caroline group. Q. — "Vv''hat are the objections, in your judgment, to taking Luzon alone, leaving off now the three lower i.iilar.ds of your western grijup? A. — From a milicary point of view or from a. commercial point of view, or both? Q. — Cover botii points if you will. A. — It is difficult to foresee w-hat would happen should the P'niliijpine Islands be divided after having always., been under a single government. It la certain, how-ever, that trade and commerce v.-ould seek new channels, and if Luzon were detache.-l from the other islands Manila would"' no longer be iiie commercial centre of the group. The islands of the entire group are so closely connected that it i.s a"; most impossible to sep arate them in any scheme for an offensive or defensive war. There is no possible isolation ¦with Luzon alone, nor would it be practicable to prevent smuggling. Luzon would be open to attack from, almost every direction; control over important strategic points in its inunediate vicinity would be lost; control over contiguous waters would be lost; ports of refuge near by would be lost; coal, te.ak and other valuable tirabir, .and hemp, prcducad in the south, would be lost, and the opportunity to intercept a pos sible eucrny passing through various straits ex tending from Luzon to Borneo would be sac rifice.!. TAKING THE PHILIPPINES. Q. -^re have captured the entire Philippine Islands, have we not? A.— Practically; we have captured their capital. -Q. — Well, if there had been no armi.stice could we not have taken the whole group? A.— Yes, sir; I believe so, with little loss or ex pense. Q. — "W'e started to free the island of Cuba. which, say, we have accomplished. That was the purpose of the war. We hold Porto Rico ,md the other islands in the West Indies; and the Ladrones as an indemnity in lieu of money. The only people of the Philippines with whom we have come in contact and tp whom we owe an obligation because of suppose or actual co-operation or change of their situation are the inhabitants of the Island of Luzon, w-here the insurrection has been carried forward at the same time at least with our own military operations, so that strictly our obligation of co-operation is limited to that island. Now, if we add to Porto Rico the Islands in the AVest Indies, our possible and even probable interest in Cuba, the islands from Luzon down to Borneo to the west of your line of possible division, wouM you not think we had made a pretty fair, reasonable and just settlement of. the matters growing out of this war? A. — From a commer cial point of view? Q- — From an international point of view, as a great and generous Nation. A. — ^Am I to under stand that your ciuestion refers to an exchange of values in connection with the cost of the ¦war and a suitable recompense therefor? Q. — Yes, sir; take it that way, if you wish. A. — I answer in the affirmati'/e. I ¦would like, how-ever, to add something, with your permis sion, in connection with the Philippines which I think you have omitted. It is the moral aspect of the case. If we take a portion of the islands only, are we not open to the accusation of tak ing the best and leaving the poorest? Have -we a moral right to make a selection? We have driven the Spanish Government out of the Philippines; there is no Spanish authority there now, or practically none. Are we going to take what we w^-nt and leave the remainder in a _staie^,c>f^n^hy? I beiie-ve we have incurred a mofal obligation to take all of the Islands, govern them, civilize the natives, and do the best we can with them. Another consideration. We ¦^^-ere driven into this war. A war with Spain over Cuba has been foreseen for years. AVe did not want it, the sentiment of the people was against it, and we are not responsible for the results. We went into it against our will, and we made as good a fight as we could. The re sult is. we have practically taken those islands, and we ought to keep them. Q- — What I want to get at is, on what you predicate your opinion of our moral obligation, after w-e have done what we think is necessary to be done? A.— On the same ground that we in terfered in Cuba. It is missionary work for some- civilized nation, and a great deal of sim ilar work has been done in Polynesia; moral obligations are not controlled by distance. Q- — In reckoning the indemnity, do you in clude Cub-a? A.— I did. Q-— Your idea is that the United States should have a strong hand in the future of Cuba? A. — Yes, sir, by all means. Self-defence requires it. TRADE AND- STRATEGY. G9 ACCESS TO CHINA. Q-— If we were not in the Philippines, were not taken there by the power of war, and they had a government to-day to apply for annexation to the United States, you think it would be a valuable acquisition to the United States? A.— Yes, sir, I do. In reaching this conclusion I am much influenced by the recent action of Great Britain, Germany and Russia in China. It Seems to me that they are parcelling out the coast of China, and we should be in it, or as near it as possible. Q. — Do you think to be "in it" in China we need to be all over the Philippine Islands? A.— I think it. will be a great advantage to possess all of them. Q. — We could be "in it" in China without be ing "in it" in the Philippines? A.— Perhaps, but 1 confess I do not see how. If we possess the Philippines we will not be far away. Q. — If we were at war with a first-class Power, would it require a greater naval establishment to defend ourselves if we were confined within what had been our limits up to the present year, or if we had islands and possessions and coal ing stations, such as have been talked about here to-day, all over the Pacific Ocean? A. — That is a very extensive question. Naturally the more territorj' u. country has to defend the greater the force, both naval and military, will be requirbd. On the other hand, during a war with a naval power, with coaling stations and ports of refuge the world over, similar coaling stations and ports of refuge outside of our own country then becom.e, in my opinion, a source of strength rather than weakness. The necessity for such stations has already been referred to by me w-hile speaking of the experience of the war, which was of short duration and with a weak Po-wer. If we are going to inclose our selves within a shell, like a turtle, and defend ourselves after the manner of a turtle, then any possession outside of our own country may be said to be a. source of weakness- NAVAL STRATEGY. Q.— Recurring, then, to the question whether it would take a larger naval establishment to successfully hold our own in case of a war with a first-class Power if we were in the condition v/e were in up to the present time, your answer would be as we are at present situated, it would take a less naval establishment? A. — No, sir; ¦ that is not my answer. Q. — You answer that it would take less tp de fend the coasts of the United States, plus tha Philippine Islands? A. — ^Yes, sir; and I would like to give my reasons- For the purpose of illustration, let lis suppose that war is declared and that the theatre is in the neighborhood of the China Sea. Suppose we have on the Pacific coast -one hundred ships and no naval supply stations between that coast and China. Now, the point I make is, that we would be better off and more powerful with a chain of naval- supply stations stretching from the Pacific Coast to China and fifty ships, or one-half the force under the conditions .first mentioned. Few re alize the great changes that have taken place since the days of sail and muzzle-loading guns. With the rapid-firing guns of to-day the entire supply of ammunition may be expended in a few hours. Ships are helpless without conl. We must be able to follow the enemy with our ships the world over, as Nelson did. Q-— The question I wish to ask you relates to the point of its being easier or more diflicult to defend the coast of the United St.ates when we had some outlying possessions. In the late war, suppose Admiral Dewey had been defeated in the harbor of Manila, instead of being suc cessful, and suppose the Spanish fleet had been as powerful as we believed the Spanish fleet to be, and had been capable of ravaging our coasts on the Pacific if we were not ready to defend them, would we have been then in a better po sition to defend the Pacific Coast against that triumphant fleet with or without the Hawaiian Islands? A.— Incalculably better off with the Haw-aiian Islands. They form a salient point which no force coming from the westward can afford to pass without first reducing. Q. — It would take more ships to defend tlie Pacific Coast with them than it would without them? A. — No, sir; I think not. A fleet would be stationed at the Hawaiian Islands Q. — ^And leave your coast unprotected? A. — No, sir; the coast would not be unprotected. That duty w-ould be performed by harbor de fence ships, torpedo-vessels, submarine mines and batteries. Q. — Would it be safe to defend the coast with torpedo-boats? A.— They would form an im portant element in its defence. Q. — You would have to detach some of the ships to go to Hawaii? A. — The fleet would be best disposed at Hawaii, w-ith cable communica tion with San Francisco. Q- — They would be detached from the number on the coast? A. — A fleet must be organized and kept intact somewhere to meet an enemy's fleet. Q. — Given a certain number of ships, adequate and necessary to' protect the coast, would it not be necessary to have a, number in addition to that to protect Hawaii? -\.— No, sir; not if the enemy's fleet Is to come from the -west. If it is to come from the north or south this would not be the best disposition. The enemy's fleet must be struck before it can coal, and its- near pres ence must be ascertained by scouts. The acqui sition of coal is the great problem in naval war fare. How to get it and how to prevent tho enemy from getting it are the first and greatest considerations. Q.— Suppose they should pass to the north and not touch there at all? A. — Very well. Then the coast defences must stand them off until the fleet arrives and gives battle. ro OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. POLITICAL POWER IN THE PACIFIC. SOME RECENT CHANGES, PEACEFUL AND OTHERWISE. The following account of recent political changes in the control of the Pacific Ocean was made by a writer in the "Deutsche Warte," Au gust 20, 1898. That was before tlie conclusion of the Treaty of Peace with Spain, and before the final disposition of the Philippines and other islands was made. In reference to them it is not, therefore, entirely accurate, but it gives an admirable bird's-eye view of the general acqui sitions made up to that date by the other Powers: "The recent changes in the political conditions of Oceania have taken place exclusively in the West. The Russian Empire, through its Siberian coast province, borders in the north on the Pa cific Ocean; on its coast Russia had heretofore onlj- the port of Vladivostok, blockaded by ice in winter; recently she has acquired from China Port -Arthur, which, as well as the former, she has equipped as a, large port for war purposes. Thereby Russia has become one of the great Powers in East Asia, offering strong competition to tlie hitherto preponderant influence of Eng land. "Germany, through her acquisition of the Bay of Kiao-Chou, has found w-hat she had hitherto lacked — a basis for her commercial re lations in that part of the world. Germany also has a share in the Australian Archipelago by reason of her possessions in New-Guinea, the Bismarck Archipelago and the Marshall Islands. "England has enlarged her old possession of Hong Kong, strives for the monopoly of the Tan.g-tse-Kiang Valley,- which is of the greatest importance as the commercial route to the in terior of China, and has recently also made a settlement at Wei-Hai-Wei, between Kiao-Chou and Port Arthur. Her influence in Northern China has been considerably lessened through the Russian rivalry, which is making itself felt. "Prance had in Tonkin the naval station of Saigon; in addition, she ha.^ acquired Lai-Chou, in the northern part of Southern China, opposite the island of Hainan. In the archipelago of Oceania she also ' has a number of smaller groups of islands extending east ot New-Cale donia. "The colonial possessions of Holland extend from the East Indian Archipelago to New- Guinea, of which latter she owns the western part. But her colonial possessions lack suffi cient security, so that a catastrophe simi lar to that of Spain is within the range of possi bilities. "Spain is nominally still in possession of the Philippines, the Pelew Islands and the Caroline Islands. The Ladrone Islands she will lose, as also a station in the Philippines. "The United States has annexed Hawaii, and, as spoils of war, the Ladrone Islands, with a coaling station on Guam Island, have fallen to her share, and for the present also Manila, cap ital of the Philippines. Moreover, she will equip as a, naval station the port of Pago-Pago, ac quired by contract, situated on Tutuila, the farthest of the three larger Islands of the Samoa group. By this measure the power of the United States in the Pacific Ocean, where she also owns some smaller groups between the continent and Hawaii, will be very considerably increased, at the cost of an independent group (Hawaii), as well as of Spain (the Ladrones and Manila) and Germany." THE STORY OF THE PE^CE-MAKING. THE PROTOCOL, THE COMMISSIONERS, THE NEGOTIATIONS AND THE TREATY. now HOSTILITIES WERE BROUGHT TO A CLOSE THROUGH THE . AOEXCY OF THB B^REXOH AMBASS.A.DOR, AND A BASIS OF LASTING PEACE LAID BY OUR COMMISSIONERS AT PARIS. We have not here to do with the story of the war, which, beginning on April 21, Avas marked with the brilliant achievements of Admiral Dewey at Manila, the destruction of the Spanish fleet at Santiago, the surrender of the latter city and its garrison to the American Army, and numerous other incidents all tending in the same direction — tOAvard the defeat of Spain and the triumph of the American arms on land and sea. The present review deals only with the diplomatic proc esses by which peace \vas restored and the fruits of the Avar secured. The salient features of this Avork Avere the agreement upon a protocol- and declara tion of an armistice, the appointment of Peace Comm.issioners, the discussions of the latter and their final agreement upon a treaty, the ratification of the. treaty by the two Governments and the exchange of ratifications. THE PROTOCOL. CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES. the Protocol and authorized M. Cambon to sign it in Spain's behalf. And finally, on the follow ing day, August 12, the following Protocol was signed: TERMS ON WHICH AN ARMISTICE WAS ESTAB LISHED AND THB WAY OPENED FOR MAKING A TREATY OF PEACE. The first proposition looking toward peace was made by M. Cambon, the French Ambassador at Washington, on behalf of Spain on July 26. The President and his Cabinet considered the matter, and on. July 30 submitted to M. Cam bon a counter-propositi jn, embodying the term? which would be acceptable to the United StaterJ. The Spanish Government on -A.ugust 2 announced its acceptance of the general principle of the American conditions of peace. But not until August 9 -was the Spanish reply to the American offer formally pres-;ntod to the President. The ne.Kt day a Protocol embodying the proposed terms of armistice and negotiations for peace was agreed upon by Mr. Day, the American Secretary of State, and M. Cambon, and was submitted to the Spanish Government. The day after that the Spanish Government approved PROTOCOL. William R. Day, Secretary of State of the United States, and His Excellency Jules Cam- ben, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipo tentiary of the Republic of France at Washing ton, respectively possessing for this purpose full authority from the Government of the United States and the Government of Spain, have con cluded and signed the following articles, em bodying the terms on which the two Govern ments have agreed in respect to the matters hereinafter set forth, having in view the es tablishment of peace between the two countries, that is to say: ARTICLE L Spain w-ill relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cnba. ARTICLE II. Spain will cede to the United States the isl and of Porto Rico and ot.hor islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. salso an island in the ' Ladrones to be selected by the United States. ARTICLE III. The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay and harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall de termine the control, disposition and government of the Philippines. ARTICLE lA^. Spa,in will immediately evacuate Cuba, Porto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies; .".nd to this end each Government will, within ten days after the signing of this Protocol, appoint Commis sioners, and the Commissioners so appointed shall, within thirty days after the signing of this Protocol, meet at Havana for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the details of tho aforesaid evacuation of Cuba and the adja cent Spanish islands; and each Government will, within ten days after the signing of this Protocol, also appoint other Commis sioners, -^vho shall, within thirtj' days aft3r the si.gning of this Protocol, meet at San Juan, in Porto Rico, for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the details of the afore- caid evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies. ARTICLE V. The United States and Spain will each ap point not more than five Commissioners to treat of peace, and the Commissioners so appointed shall meet at Paris not later than October 1, 1898, and proceed to the negotiation and con clusion of a treaty of p-eace, v/hich treaty shall be subject to ratification according to the re spective constitutional forms of the t%vo coun- tries- ARTICLE VI. Upon the conclusion and signing of this Proto col, hostilities between the two countries shall be suspended, and notice to that effect shall be given as soon as possible by each Government to the commanders of its military and naval foices. Done at Washington in duplicate, in English and in French, by the undersigned, who have hereunto set their hands and seals, the 12th day of August, 1898. [Seal.] WILLIAM R. DAY, [Seal.] .lULES CAMBON. The Protocol was adopted by the Spanish Senate on September 10, and was signed by the Queen Regent on the following daj'. THE PEACE COMMISSIONERS THE PEACE COMMISSIONERS 75 AMERICA'S FIA'E REPRESENT.VTIA'ES. SKETCHES OF THE MEN CHOSEN BT THE PRESI DENT TO M,\.INT.\IN THE .AMERICAN' CAUSE AT P.4RIS. In accordance -ivith the terms of the protocol the President of the United States promptly, on August 26, appointed the following to be Com missioners to negotiate a ti-eaty of peace, to wit: AVilliam R. Day, of Ohio, chairman; Cush- graduated from the University of ¦i,iP^LRS. the class of '70, and studied law in the i-sion, as partraent of the same University, and was-rg; mitted lo the bar in 1872. la October of tha-t.<> year he settled in Canton, and formed a law partnership with William A. Lynch. In 1886 he was elected to the benc'n of th? Common Pleas Court by both political parties, and in 1SS9 he was appointed Judge of the United States District Court for the Northern D:.strict of Ohio by President Harrison, but failing health compelled him to resign before taking the office. With these tw-o exception.? Judge WILLIAit R. DAY. man K. Davis, of Minnesota; AA'illiam P. Frye, of Maine; AA'hitelaw Reid, of New- York, and Edward D. White, of Louisiana. Mr. White, a. Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, afterward declined to serve, and on September 9 the President appointed George Gray, of Delaware, in his place. WILLIAM R. DAY. AVilliam R. Day was born at Ravenna, Ohio, on April 17, 1849, and came of a race of lawyers, his father, the late Chief Justice Luther Day, having been a prominent lawyer of Ohio for many years; His paternal and maternal grand fathers were Supreme Court Justices. He was Day had continuouslj' practised his profession in Canton, being engaged in both the criminal and corporation branches. Early in his Administration President McKln ley appointed Judge Day -Assistant Secretary of State. Owing to the ill health of Secretary Sher man, the duties of the Secretaryship largely de volved upon him. On .\prii 26, 1898, he became Secretary, and his conduct of the important and delicate negotiations preceding the declara tion of war, as well as those during it? progress, elicited the approval and support of the coun- trj-. After his appointment as Peace Commis sioner, he resigned, on September 16. his place as Secretary of State, and was succeeded by John Hay. 74 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. CUSHMAN K. D.^VIS. Cushman Kellogg Davis was, and is, the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate. He represents the State of Minnesota, and his home is in St. Paul. Sena tor Davis was born in Henderson, Jefferson County, N. Y., on June 16, 1838. He was grad uated from the University of Michigan in June, 1857, and then took up the sttidy of law^ Fforn 1802 to 1864 he was a first lieutenant of the 2.'^i-h AVisconsin Infantry. After attaining a ¦listinguishcd position and success in the prac tice of his profession in St. Paul, he entered politics. In IStlT he was elected a member of the Minnesota Le.gislature, and he was United States District-Attorney for his State from 1868 to 1873. He was elected Governor of Minnesota in 1874, and served one term in that office. His first election t.) the United States Senate made him the successor of S. J. R. McMillan, also a- Repubiican. He took his seat on March 4, 1887. In 1893 he was re-elected- He has given great attention to foreign affairs in his committee work. He is a man of literary tastc-^ and an accomplished Shakespearian scholar. WILLLIM P. FR'TE. William Pierce Frye was born in Lewiston, Me., on Septernb.?r 2, 1832. He was graduated from Bowdoin College in 1.8.50, studied law and practised his profession at Rockland and at his native place. In 1861, 1.802 and 1867 he was a member of the Maine State Legislature, and in 1864 cl Presidential Elector. He was Mayor of Lewiston in lS66-'67, and State Attorney-General lS67-'69. He was elected a member of .the National Re publican Executive Cummittee in 1872, was re elected in 1876 and l&SO, and" served as delegate to National Republican conventions in the same years. He was a member of the House of Rep resentatives from the XLIId to the XLVIIth Congress. In 1881 he was elected a- United States Senator to fill cut the term of James G. Elaine, who- had resigned to become Secretary of State. He was re-elected to the Senate in 1SS3, and every term since, and was chosen president pro tempore of the Senate by the unanimous vote of his colleagues in 1896. Senator Frye has always had a powerful in fluence upon State and National affairs. He has been a close and careful student of Ameri can ami forei.gn history. His persistent efforts through five Congresses in respect to the Geneva awards, securing at last the rights of the losers, is en-;- of his greatest achievements. His efforts to-vard Si3curing the ahrogiition of the fishery articles of the treaty -with Great Britain; his successful w-ork in respect to Samoan affairs, securing an honorable settlement of existing complications; his bill providing for a congress of American nations, and another for a mari time congress; his Postal Subsidy bill, his Ton nage bill and others of National importance, all show his ability as a legislator and a diploma tist. WHITELAW REID. Whitelaw Reid was born near Xenia, Ohio, on October 27, 1837. He was graduated at Miami University in 1850. After acting for a year or more as superintendent of the graded schools of South Charleston, Ohio, he bought and edited "The Xenia News." He joined the Republican party at its 'birth, made political speeches for Fremont In 1856, and advocated in "The News" the nomination of Lincoln in 1860. He became city editor of "The Cincinnati Gazet.te," but at the outbreak of the Civil War joined the staff of General Morris, in West A''irginia, and later that of General Rosecrans. He was also war correspondent for "The Gazette," writing over the signature of "Agate." In 1863 he was appointed Librarian of the House of Repre sentatives. In 1868 he became one of the editors of "The Cincinnati Gazette," but late in the same year was invited by Horace Greeley to join the editorial staff olg-Tire-gribune. The following ye.ar he becameTlS managing' editor, and upon the nomination of Greeley for the Presidency, in 1872, Mr. Reid became,^Editarjn-Chief. When the former died, in the fall of that year, he be came chief proprietor as well as Editor of The Tribune. In 1878 President Hayes offered him the United States Mission to Berlin, which he de clined. The offer was renewed under the Ad ministration of President Garfield, and again declined. In 187-8 he was elected by the New- York State Legislature a Regent of the State University, to succeed Governor Dix. In March. 18S9, JMr. Reid accepted from President Har rison the appointment of Minister to France. After securing the repeal of the French decree prohibiting the importation of United States ^meats, and negotiating extradition and reciproc ity treaties, he resigned office and returned to this country in April, 1892. In June ofthf same year he was nominated for the Vice-Pres- icTency by the Republican National Convention. In ISy i MfTTKeid was named a Special Ambas sador to England tp represent the President at the Queen's Jubilee. ' ., - GEORGE GRAY. Senator George Gray was born in 1840, and was graduated at Princeton College in 18.59. He studied law with his father at New Castle, Del., and at Harvard College. He- was admitted to the bar in 1863, and has practised his professio,n with distinguished success. He was appointed Attorney-General of Delaware in 1879, and again in 1884. In 1885 he was elected to the United States Senate to fill the vacancy caused by the appointment of Thom.as F. Bayard as Secretary of State. He was re-elected In 1.887 and again in 1893. Senator Gray was always an earnest champion of Grover Cleveland; and was once asked by that President to serve as Secretary of State, but preferred his place in the Senate. He Is a tariff reformer, a sound- money man and a friend of Civil Service reform. THE PEACE COMMISSIONERS. 75 He was a member of several Senate committees; Including those on the Civil Service, Foreign Relations and the Judiciary. On July 16 Sen ator Gray was named a member of the Joint High Commlsslo'n on Canadian .\ffairs, with which he served at Quebec. THE STAFF. The Commissioners were accompanied by the following staff: John Bassett Moore, formerly Assistant Secretary of State, secretary to the THE SPANISH COMMISSIONERS. The members of the Spanish Commission, as announced on September 18, -were as follows: Don Eugenic Montero Rios, President ot the Senate, ex-Minlster of the Crown, ex-Presldent of the Siipreme Tribunal of Justice, Academician of the Moral and Political Sciences; chairman of the Commission. Don Buenaventura .Abarzuza, Senator of the Kingdom and sometime Ambassador lo France and Minister of the Crown. CUSHMAN K. DAVIS. JCommission; John R. MacArthur, formerly Sec retary of Legation at Madrid, assistant secre tary; Frank Branagan, disbursing officer; Ar thur iTerguson, Spanish Interpreter; Mr. Spear, French interpreter; John S. Martin, jr., cipher expert; J. S. Rodriguez, translator; Mr. Corbin, attach^; Miss Sarah Atkinson, Spanish stenog rapher and typewriter; Miss Marie MacNaugh- ton, French stenographer and typewriter;' Ed- . ward Savoy and Henry Freeman, messengers; Mr. Taylor, Francis H. Stark and J. R. Buck, secretaries to individual Commissioners. The Comm.issioners and staff sailed from New-York on September 17, and reached Paris on Sep tember 27. Don Jos6 de Garnica y Diaz, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of Justice, Deputy of the Cortes, Member of the General Codification Commission, ex-Vice-President of the Congress of Deputies. Don. AVenceslao Ramirez de Villa Urrutia, Academician Professor of the .Royal Academy ot Jurisprudence and Legislation, Minister Plenipotentiary to His Majesty the King of the Belgians. Don Rafael Cerero y Saenz, General of Di vision, Ranking General of Engineers of the First Army Corps. The secretary of the Spanish Commission was Seiior Ojeda, Spanish Minister to Morocco. 76 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS. A TRIUMPH OF -AMERICAN DIPLOM.A.CY. SALIENTT FEATURES OF THB DISCUSSIONS— FINAL AGREEMENT AND SIG.N'ING OF THE TREATY. The French Foreign Office put at the disposal of the visiting Commissions the sumptuous and historic Salon des .\mbassadeurs. in vvhich all the joint sessions w-ere held. The first joint ses sion of the Commissions was held October 1. For nearly a month discussions and negotiations were continued over the Cuban article of the protocol. After a show of resistance, all the terms of that article had been accepted by the Spanish Commissioners by October IS except that of tho Cuban debt. At that date the Amer ican Commissioners contended that this debt of over -?350,000,000 resting on Cuba had not been applied to the requirements or interests of the island, but had been chiefly borrowed for the purpose of improving the financial condition of Spain and to procure the funds which she could no longer raise at home, for the prosecution of the war against Cuba. This debt, therefore, they concluded, was due from Spain. The Spanish Commissioners contended long and earnestly in tho attempt to induce the United States to assume sovereignty over Cuba and become responsible for the. debt. But the American Commissioners steadily declined to assume sovereignty or to recognize as a legiti- m.ate debt of t'ne emancipated territory moneys borrowed in the effort to subdue it. In the course of the discussions the American Commissioners declared that the Cuban debt chiefly reijresented treasure spent by Spain in suppressing insurrections, and possibly in -war ring a,gainst the United States. The Spaniards were assured that the United States had expend ed enormous sums, not to acquire Cuba, but to free that island from conditions disastrous for self-government. The fact was urged upon them that by the signing of the protocol they had ut terly relinquished all claim of covereignty over ¦ and title to Cuba. The American Commission ers expressed surprise that Spain, having so un conditionally and unequivocally surrendered Cuba, should at the negotiations advance a claim, or even a suggestion, that the United States assum.e the debt of a territory which, though surrindcred by Spain, was not sought for by the United States as a conquest prize, is not now a possession of tho United States, and which uas freed by this country at a vast ex pense, tor independence now or when matured for self-government. THE SOVEREIGNTY OP CUBA. When, ill the discussions, the American Com missioners officially rejected the idea of accept ing sovereignty over Cuba, the Spaniards urged that since Spain had been compelled to relin quish sovereignty and the '[.Tnited States had re fused to accept it for herself Cuba was there- ; fore de facto in a state of anarchy. To this the Americans rejoined that without accepting sov. erei.gnty the United States considered itself bound to maintain security for all the inhab itants. They affirmed that the war was waged not for conquest, but for liberation and order and that this country could not allow the pro longation at its very doors of a state of things which would be inimical to the cause of hu manity and civilization. By the intervention resolution of Congress the ¦war was declared not one of conquest, but, by agreeing to be Invested with the s.Dvereignty of Cuba, the United States would give the Impression of having conquered the island for territorial aggrandizement. At last, on October 2.7, the Spanish Government, through its Commissioners, yielded to the view of the American Commissioners in the matter of the debt, that it is no concern of this coun try, and agreed that the Cuban article of the protocol should, without conditions, have a place in the final treaty of peace. THE PHILIPPINES. Up to this time the Joint Commission haij scarcely touched upon the Philippine question, although the American Commissioners had given it much attention in their separate sessions. General Merritt had arrived in Paris' from Ma nila, and had given his own and Admiral Dew ey's views on the advisability of acquiring the islands. It may also be assumed that the Com missioners had given the Govemment the con clusions they had drawn from their investiga tions, with their Individual recoram.endations as to Philippine policy, and that the Government had finally instructed the Commissioners to de mand the whole group of the Philippines. On October 31 the formulated demands of the United States regarding the Philippines were presented. They comprised the cession of the entire, archipelago, this Government to reim burse Spain to the extent of her permanent and pacific expenditures in the Philippines; in other words, the United States offered to be responsi ble to Spain for her actual outlay in these isl ands for the advantage of the inhabitants, for permanent betterments and improvements, esti mated in a lump sum as about equalling the Philippine debt of $40,000,000, Mexican, or less than $20,000,000 of our money. On November 4 the Spanish Government flatly refused to accept the proposition, claiming that M. Cambon had been instructed to reserve sov ereignty over the entire group before signing the protocol, and that the United States had made no protest or objection at the time to this reservation. They maintained that the capitu lation of Manila had occurred on the day follow ing the signing of the protocol, and was there fore invalid. They claimed that the United States had wrongfully appropriated public mon eys belonging to Spain by se-izing the tariff duties at Manila to the extent of nearly $1,000,- 000, and that, the United States held as prison ers the Spanish troops at Manila in violation of- NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS. 1 1 international law, because it was done after the suspension of hostilities under the protocol, and that by the Imprisonment of these troops Spain had been prevented from quelling the insurrec tion, and the United States had thus contrib uted to the violence against Spain after the ces sation of hostilities. Moreover, they denied that the United States had any ultimate rights in the Philippine Archipelago, or could' have any save by the consent of Spain in the present ne gotiations and upon terms satisfactory to her. In reply to these contentions of the Spanish Commissioners the American Commissioners made a general denial. suggested the substitution of the word "disposi tion." The Unitted States Government acqui esced, the substitution was made, the formal re sponse was delivered to M. Cambon, who for warded it to Madrid, and on August 7 Spain for warded her reply, which, as affecting the Phil ippine question, was as foUow-s: The terms relating to the Philippines seem, to our understanding, quite indefinite. On the other hand, the ground on which the united States believes itself entitled to occupy the bay, harbor and city- of Manila, pending the conclu sion of a treaty of peace, cannot be that of con quest, since, in spite of the blockade malntainej on the sea by the American fleet, and in spite of the siege established on land by the natives, sup- WILLIAM P. FBYE. In doing so they rehearsed the facts of the case regarding the negotiations of the terms of the protocol in. dispute. EARLIER NEGOTIATIONS RECALLED. The progress of the preliminary negotiations was as follows: On July 26 the Washington Gov ernment received from Spain an inquiry as to the basis on which the war might be terminat ed. Four days later the information was forth coming in it response embodying the terms of the protocol, save for the use in the Philippine paragraph of the word "possession." Before the response was formally presented to M. Cam bon. Spain's representative in Washington, he ported and provided for by an Arrierican ad miral, Manila still holds its own and the Span ish standard still waves over the city. Further more, the whole archipelago of the Philippines is in the power and under the sovereignty of Spain. Therefore, the Government of Spain thinks that the temporary occupation of Manila should constitute a guarantee. It is asserted that the treaty of peace shall determine the control, dis position and government of the Philippines; but. as the intentions of the Federal Government re main veiled, the Spanish Government must therefore declare that, while accepting the third condition, it does not renounce the sovereignty of Spain over the archipelago, leaving it to the negotiators to agree as to such reforms as the condition of these possessions and the level ojf ii OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. the culture of their natives may render desira ble. The Government of Her Majesty accepts the third condition, with the above-mentioned declarations. This part of Spain's note was deemed unsatis factory at Washington, as calculated to breed misunderstanding, and, if left unchallenged, as holding exactly the possibilities of dissension which it was sought to introduce into the ne- got'iations at that juncture. The Federal authorities, therefore, on August 10, addressed to M. Cambon a communication pointing out that, w-hile the foregoing utterances from Madrid were understood by him to convey Sp.ain's acceptance of the terms of peace, the ac ceptance was not entirely explicit, and that the must direct. and certain way of avoiding misun derstandings was to embody in a protocol the terms on which the negotiations for peace were to be undertaken. Along with this note was sent to M. Cambon a protocol embodying the precise terms tendered to Spain in the American communication of about July 30. Immediately upon receiving them M. Cambon transmitted the protocol to Madrid, accompanied . by a message from him self, clearly showin,g that the French Ambassa dor knew the United States Government did not regard Spain's response, to the peace terms as satisfactory or acceptable. M. Cambon's message to. Spain was as follows: "The Federal Government has decided to state precisely in a protocol the basis upon which the peace negotiations must, in their judgment, be entered upon. I herewith send this document." Tills message went to Spain about August 10. T-vVO days later M. Cambon notified Judge Day that he had just received a telegram, dated at Madrid, August 12, in which Duke Almodovar del Rio, the Spanish Minister of Foreign Af fairs, announced that the Spanish Government, by order of the Queen Regent, had conferred upon him (M. Cambon) full powers to sign with out other formality the protocol drawn between M. Cambon and Judge Day. SPANISH SOVEREIGNTY NOT RESERVED. That Philippine sovereignty ' -was understood by this Government to be involved in the basis of peace is shown by the fact that suspension of hostilities was deferred until this protocol waa signed. It was plain that Secretary Day saw in the Duke of Almodovar's note of Augrust 7 an attempted reservation of sovereignty, and it was only when the United States re garded Spain as having made an unqualified compact to leave Philippine sovereignty to a commission by signing the protocol that hostili ties were suspended. It was not the intention cf the United States to prejudge Spain's rights, but tr> have thtm determined under the protocol by the peace conference. Having presented the proofs that the United States had, under the protocol, the right to claim Spain's Phllip- phine sovereignty, if it cared to exercise it, the Am.erican Commissioners renewed the claim. November 16 the Spanish Commissioners re affirmed their position as to a discussion of sovereignty of the islands. They insisted that the words "shall determine the control, dispo sition and government of the Philippines" in the protocol did not imply a possibility of Spain's withdrawal from the Philippines. They therefore proposed arbitration of the words of the protocol. The American Commissioners con tended that these -n-ords were plain enough, and declined to consider arbitration, on the ground that arbitration came before war to avert its horrors, not after war; to escape its conse quences. It has been shown that the policy of delay pursued by the Spanish Government was not approved by the people of Spain, for on Novem ber 20 representatives of the Spanish Chambers of Commerce met in Saragossa and urged that the Philippines be given up without further ob struction, and upon the best terms possible to be obtained from the United States. THE ULTIMATUM. On November 21, at a joint session of the commissions,' the representatives of the United States presented a final proposition. They maintained that this country could not modify their proposal for the cession of the. entire Phil ippine Archipelago, but were authorized to offer to Spain, in case Spain should agree to cede the territoiy in question, the sum of .¥20,000,000 as a lump sum to cover all expenditures for bet terments. It was also stated in this propo,sition by the American Commissioners that they were prepared to insert in the treaty a stipulation to the effect that for a term of ten years Span ish ships and merchandise should be admitted into Philippine ports on the same terms as American ships and merchandise. It was also declared the policy of the United States to maintain in the Philippines an open door to the world's commerce. The American Commissioners also offered to inseit in the proposed treaty, in connection with the cession of territory by Spain to the United States, a provision for the mutual relinquish ment of all claims for indemnity, national and individual, of every kind, of the United States against Spain and of Spain against the United States, that may have arisen since th© begin ning of the . late Cuban insurrection and prior to the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace. This last proposition was in effect an ulti matum to Spain. The American Commission ers expressed the hope that they might re ceive from the Spanish Commissioners on or before Monday, November 28, definite and final acceptance of the proposals made as to the Philippines, together with a final ac ceptance of the stipulations as to Cuba, Porto Rico and the other Spanish Islands of the West Indies, and Gu--rm, in the form in which these demands had beeti provisionally agreed to. In the event of their acceptance the American Commissioners said that it would be possible for the Joint Commission to con tinue its sessions and proceed to the ad justment of subsidiary and incidental pro visions that should form a part of the Treaty of Peace. After a brief hesitation the Spanish Commis sioners yielded, and on December 10 the Treaty of Peace was signed. The American Commis sioners soon returned to the United States, and on December 24 placed the Treaty in the hands of the President, who in turn transmitted it to the Senate. for ratification. NEGOTIATIONS AT PARIS. 79 -»H ' St*, it ft WHITELAW REID. §0 OVR NEW POSSESSIONS. 'THE TREATY OP PEACE. TEXT OF THE DOCUMENT. RATIFIC.-\.TION AND FINAL PROMULGATION OP TIIE INSTRUMENT THROUGH WHICH PEACE WAS RESTORED AND OUR NE-VV POS SESSIONS -WERE ACQUIRED. TIIE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN REGENT OF SPAIN. IN THE NAME OF HER AUGUST SON DON ALFONSO XIII, desiring to end the state of war now existmg between the two countries, have for that purpose appointed as Plenipotentiaries: THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, WILLIAM R. DAY, CUSHMAN K. DAVIS, WILLIAM P. FRYE, GEORGE GRAY and WHITELAAV REID. citizens of the United States; AND HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN RE GENT OP SPAIN, DON EUGENIC MONTERO RIOS, President of the Senate; DON BUENAVENTURA DE ABARZUZA, Senator of the Kingdom and ex- Minlster of the Crown; DON JOSE DE GAR- NlCiV, Deputy to the Cortes and Associate -Jus tice of the Supreme Court; DON WENCESLAO RAMIREZ DE VILL.\ URRUTIA, Envoy Ex traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at- Brussels, and DON RAFAEL CERERO, Gen eral of Division: Who, having assembled in Paris, and having exchanged their full powers, which were found to be in due and proper form, have, after dis cussion of the matters before them, agreed upon the follo'ivihg articles: '~ ARTICLE I. Spain relinquishes al! claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba. And as the island is, upon its evacuation by Spain, to be occupied by the United States, the United States will, so long as such occupation shall last, assume and discharge the obligations that may under International law result from the fact of its occupation, for the protection of life and property. ARTICLE II. Spain cedes to the United States tlie island of Porto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and the island of Guam in the Marianas or La drones. ARTICLE IIL Spain cedes to tlie United States the archi pelago known as the Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within the fol lowing line: A line running from west to east along or near the twentieth parallel of north latitude, and through the middle of the navigable chan nel of Bachi, from the one hundred and eigh teenth (llSth) to the one hundred and twenty- seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence along the one hundred and twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to t'ne parallel of four degrees and forty-five minutes (4° 45') north latitude, thence along the parallel of four degrees and forty-five minutes (4° 4.V) north latitude to its intersection with the meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty-five minutes (119° 35') east of Greenwich, thence along the meridian of longitude one hun dred and nineteen degrees and thirty-five min utes (119° 35') east of Greenwich to the parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes (7° 40') north, thence .along the parallel of lati tude seven degrees and forty minutes (7° 40') north to its intersection with the one hundred and sixteenth (116th) degree meridian of longi tude east of Greenwich, thence by a direct line to the intersection pf the tenth (10th) degree parallel of north latitude with the one hundred and eighteenth (llSth) degree meridian of longi tude east of Greenwich, and thence along the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meri dian of longitude east of Greenwich to the point of beginning. The United States will pay to Spain tlie sum of twenty million dollars (.$20,000,000), within three months after the exchange of the ratifi cations of the present treaty." ARTICLE IV. The United States will, for the term of ten years from the date of the exchange of the rati fications of the present treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of the Phil ippine Islands on the same terms as ships and > merchandise of the United States. ARTICLE V. The United States will, upon the signature of the present treaty, send back to Spain, at its own cost, the Spanish soldiers taken as prison ers of war on the capture of Manila by the American forces. The arms of the soldiers in question shall be restored to them. Spain v/ill, upon the exchange of the ratifica tions of the present treaty, proceed to evacuate the Philippines, as well as the island of Guam, on terms similar to those agreed upon by the Commissioners appointed to arrange for the evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands in the West Indies, under the Protocol of August 12, 1898, which is to continue in force till its provisions are completely executed. The time within which the evacuation of the Philippine Islands and Guam shall be completed shall be fixed by the two Governments. Stands of colors, uncaptured war vessels, small arms, guns of all calibres, with their carriages and accessories, powder, ammunition, live stock, and materials and supplies of all kinds, belonging to the land and naval forces of Spain in the Phil ippines and Guam, remain the property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance, exclusive of field ar tillery, in the fortifications and coast defences, shall remain in their emplacements for the term THE TREATY OF PEACE. SI of six months, to be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications of the treaty; and the United States may, in the mean time, purchase such material from Spain, If a, satisfactory agree ment between the two Governments on the sub ject shall be reached. ARTICLE VL Spain will, upon the signature of the present treaty, release all prisoners of war, and all per sons detained or imprisoned for political offences, in connection with the insurrections in Cuba and the Philippines and the war with the United States. .Reciprocally, the United States will release all quish all claims for indemnity, national and in dividual, of every kind, of either Government. or of its citizens or subjects, against the other Government, that may have arisen since the be ginning of the late insurrection in Cuba .--ind prior to the exchange of ratifications nf the present treaty, including all claims for indem nity for the cost of the war. The United States will adjudicate and settle the claims of its citizens ag.ainst Spain relin quished in this article. ARTICLE VIII. In conformity with the provisions of Articles I, II, and III of this treaty, Spain rclinquishf-^ GEORGE GRAY. persons made prisoners of war by the American forces, and will undertake to obtain the release of all Spanish prisoners in the hands of the in surgents in Cuba and the Philippines. The Government of the United States will at its own cost return to Spain and the Govern ment of Spain will at its own cost return to the United States, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Phil ippines, according to the situation of their re spective homes, prisoners released or caused to be released by them, respectively, under this article. ARTICLE VII. The United States and Spain mutually relin- in Cuba, and cedes in Porto Rico and other islands. in' the West Indie.«, in the island of Guam, and in the Philippine Archipelago, all the buildings, wharves, barracks, forts, structures, public highways and other immovable property ¦which, in conformity with law, belong to the public domain, and as such belong to the Crown of Spain. And it is hereby declared that the relinquish ment or cession, as the case may be, to which the preceding paragraph refers, cannot in any respect impair the property or rights which by law belong to the peaceful possession of proper ty of all kinds, of provinces, municipalities, pub- 82 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. lie or private establishments, ecclesiastical or civic bodies, or any other associations having legal capacity to acquire and possess property in the aforesaid territories, renounced or ceded, or of private individuals, of whatsoever nation ality such individuals may be. The aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, includes all documents exclu sively referring to the sovereignty relinquished or ceded that rnay exist in the archives of the Peninsula. AVher.e any document in such ar chives only in part relates to said sovereignty a copy of such part will be furnished whenever it shall be requested. Lilte rules shall be re ciprocally observed in favor of Spain in respect of documents in the archives of the i.^lands above referred to. i In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, are also included such rights as the Crown of Spain and its authorities pos sess in respect of the official archives and rec ords, e.xecutive as well as judicial, in the isl ands above referred to, which relate to said Isl- an'ds or the rights and property of their inhab itants. Such archives and records shall be care fully preserved, and private persons shall with out distinction have the rieht to require, in ac cordance with law. authenticated copies of the contracts, w-ills and other instruments forming part of notarial protocols or files, or which may b.e contained in the executive or judicial ar chives; be the latter, in. Spain or in the islands aforesaid. ARTICLE IX. ¦ • Spanish subjects, natives of the Peninsula, residing in the territory over which Spain by the present treaty relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty, may remain in such- territory or . may remove therefrom, retaining in either event all th.^ir rights of property, including the right to sell or dispose of such property or of its proceeds; and they shall also have the right to carry on their industry, commerce and profes sions, being subject in respect thereof to such, laws as are applicable 'to other foreigners. In case they remain in the territory they may pre serve tlieir allegiance to the Crown of Spain by making, before a court of record, within a. year from the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, a declaration- of their decision to preserve such allegiance; in default of which declaration they shall be held to have renounced it and to have adopted the nationality of the territory in which they may reside. The civil rights and political status of the na tive inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Congress. ARTICLE X. The inhabitants of the territories over which Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be secured in the free exercise of their religion. ARTICLE XI. The Spaniards residing in the territories over which Spain by this treaty cedes or relinquishes her sovereignty shall be subject in matters civfl as well as criminal to the jurisdiction of the courts of the country wherein they reside, pur suant to the ordinary laws goveiming the same; and they shall have the right to appear before such courts, and to pursue the same course as citizens of the country to which the courts be long. ARTICLE XIL Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty in the territories over which Spain relinquishes or cedes her .Sovereignty shall be determined ac cording to the following rules: 1. Judgments rendered either in civil suits between private individuals, or in criminal mat ters, before the date mentioned, and with re spect to which there is no recourse or right of review under the Spanish law, shall be deemed to be final, and shall be executed in due form by competent authority in the territory within which such judgments should be carried out. 2. Civil suits between private individuals which may on the date mentioned be undeter mined shall be prosecuted to judgment before the court in which they may then be pending or in the court that may be substituted there for. 3. Criminal actions pending on the date mentioned before the Supreme Court of Spain against citizens of the territory which by this treaty ceases to be Spanish shall continue under its jurisdiction until final judgment; but, such judgment having been rendered, the execution thereof shall be committed to the competent authority of the place in which the case arose. ARTICLE XIII. The rights of property secured by copyrights and patents acquired by Spaniards in the island of Cuba, and in Porto Rico, the Philippines and other ceded territories, at the time of the ex change of the ratifications of this treaty, shall continue to be respected. Spanish scientific, lit erary and artistic works, not subversive of pub lic order in the territories in question, shall con tinue to be admitted free of duty into such ter- ritories, for the period of ten years, to be reck oned from the date of the exchange of the rati fications of this treaty. ARTICLE XIV. Spain shall have the power to establish con sular oflacers in the ports and places of the terri tories, the sovereignty over which has been either relinquished or ceded by the present treaty. ARTICfiE XV. The Government of each country will, for the term of ten years, accord to the merchant ves sels of the other country the same treatment in respect of all port charges, including entrance and clearance dues, light dues, and tonnage du ties, as- It accords to Its own' merchant vessels. not engaged in the coastwise trade. THE TREATY OF PEACE. This article may at any time be terminated on six months' notice given by either Govern ment to the other. ARTICLE XVI. It Is understood that any obligations assumed in this treaty by the United States with respect to Cuba are limited to the time of its occupancy thereof: but it will upon the termination of such occupancy advise any Government estab lished in the island to assume the same obliga tions. ARTICLE XVII. The present treaty - shall be ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain; and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Wash ington within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible. In faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipo tentiaries, have signed this treaty and have hereunto affixed our seals. Done in duplicate at Paris, the tenth day of December, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight. [SEAL] WILLIAM R. DAY, [SEAL] CUSHMAN K. DAVIS, [SEAL] WILLIAM P. FRYE, [SEAL] GEO. GRAY, [SEAL] WHITELAW REID. * THE CLOSING SCENES. RATIFICATION AND PROMULGATION. _ The Treaty was sent to the United States Sen ate on the reassembling of that body after the holiday recess, on January 4, 1899, and was only ratified on February 6. The President signed it on February 10. On the part of Spain it was signed by the Queen Regent on March 17. There then remained nothing to be done but the ex changing of ratifications. This was effected at the White House, at Washington, on April 11, 1899, M. Cambon, the French Ambassador, act ing on behalf of Spain. Immediately thereafter the President issued the following proclama tion: THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLjVMATION. Whereas, a Treaty of Peace between the United States of America and Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, in the name of her august son, Don Alfonso XIII, was con cluded and signed by their respective pleni potentiaries at Paris on the 10th day of De cember, 1898, the original of which conven tion, being in the English and Spanish lan guages, is word for word as follows: (Here the full text of the treaty, already printed, was included.) And Whereas, The said convention has been duly ratified on both parts, and the ratifica tions of the two Governments were ex changed in the city of Washington on the 11th day of April, one thousand eight hun dred and ninety-nine; Now, therefore, be it known that I, William Mc Klnley, President of the United States of America, have caused the said convention to be made public, to the end that the same and every article and clause thereof may be observed and fulfilled with good faith by the United States and the citizens thereof. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of AA^ashington this 11th day of April, in the year of our Lord one thou sand eight hundred and ninety-nine, and of the independence of the United States the one hundred and tw-enty-third. V7ILLIAM M'KINLEY. By the President; JOHN HAY, Secretary of State. The principal ceremony of the day occurred in the reception-room at. the White House. On oc- count of the histoHc character of the affair many members of the Cabinet and officials prominent in the Administration had assembled. They included Secretaries Hay, AVilson and Hitchcock, Senator Davis, one of the Peace Com missioners who negotiated the treaty; Assistant Secretaries Hill, Adee and Cridler, of the State Department; the Acting Secretary of War, Mr. Meiklejohn; Adjutant-General Corbin, Solicitor- General Richards, Wayne MacVeagh and Sidney Smith, chief of the Bureau of Diplomatic Corre spondence, State Department, who prepared the American copy of the treaty. Shortly before 3 o'clock the French Ambassa dor, M. Cambon, arrived, in company with M. Thiebaut, First Secretary of the Embassy, the latter bearing the Spanish copy of the Peace Treaty. Mr. McKinley cordially greeted the Am bassador, and after a, brief exchange of good wishes the formal ceremony began. The Presi dent stood behind the large desk presented to the Govemment by Queen Victoria, while Secre tary Hay and Ambassador Cambon occupied places at the desk. Around this central group were ranged the Cabinet officers and others al ready mentioned and officials of the household. The credentials of M. Cambon and Secretary Hay were examined, a protocol concerning the day's ceremony was signed, and other formali ties were concluded. These preliminaries took some time, so that it was nearly 3:.j0 o'clock be fore the actual exchange began. The signing of the protocol of exchange oc curred at 3:28 p. m., Ambassador Cambon sign ing for Spain and Secretary Hay for the United States. The protocol was in French, and briefly recited the circumstances leading up to tha ex change. This cleared the way for the exchange itself, constituting the final act. The President took from the desk the American copy of the treaty, handsomely engrossed, bound in dark blue morocco and incased in a black morocco portfolio, and handed it to M. Cambon. At the same time M. Cambon handed to the President the Spanish copy of the treaty, also engrossed, bound in morocco and incased in a maroon -col ored morocco box. There were deferential bow-s SI OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. :a3 each received from the other this final pledge lof peace. The exchange of ratifications occurred at 3;35 p. m. The President -was the first to speak. "Mr. .'\mbassador." said he, "I will Issue my proclamation at once." M. Cambon thanked the President for the Ijroj-nptnfss with which the proclamation fol- lovv-pd. This ended the formal ceremony, and •after brief felicitations the Ambassador and other officials withdrew-. Secretary Hay took w-ith him the Spanish copy of the treaty and deposited it in the .archives of the State Depart ment. M. Cambon informed the Spanish Gov ernment by cable of the final restoration of pe-ace, and said that the American copy of the treaty would be forwarded through the French Foreign Office. The effect of tha action thus taken was com pletely to rene^w the 'peaceful relations — trade, of ficial, diplomatic, consular and in all other ways — between this country and Spain. The President promptly appointed the Hon. Bellamy Storer to be Minister to Spain, and on April 10 the Span ish Government named the Duke of Arcos to be its Alinister to the United States. Finally, on J.Iay 1, 1899, the first anniversary of the Battle of Manila Bay, Mr. A''anderlip, As sistant Secretary of the Treasury, handed to Secretary Hay the drafts for .?20,00O,000 to be turned over to the Spanish Government through Ambassador Cambon, according to the terms of the Peace Treaty. The State Department at once sent word to the French Ambassador that the warrants were ready, and would be turned over to him at any time. Shortly before 11 o'clock M. Cambon went to the State Depart ment. He was alone, and no unusual precaution was taken to guard the transfer of such a large amount. .Secretary Hay received the Ambassa dor in the Diplomatic Room, -u-here the transfer took place with Httle formality. The j^mbassa- dor handed to Secret.ary Hay a formal receipt, which had been already prepared. The original receipt was handed by Secretary Hay to Frank A". Brannagan, disbursing officer of the State Department, to be filed away. One copy was given to M. Cambon and another was sent to Minister Storer. A third copy went to Ambassa dor Porter, at Paris, and a fourth to the Auditor of the Treasury. After receiving the .$20,000,000 ¦ M. Cambon folded the four warrants and put them in his cardcase. He and Secretary Hay chatted over the speedy restoration of diplomatic relations bet^ween the United States and Spain, for this payment marked the last step in the war nego tiations. Mr. Hay desired to know when the Duke of Arcos would arrive in Washington. M. Cambon said he thought the Spanish Minister would arrive in two or three weeks, but he was not certain of this, and said it had been left largely to the Duke's personal convenience. A notification was sent by cable to Madrid concerning the payment, and preparations were made for .having the warrants paid and the funds forwarded. The form of receipt signed by the -Embassador was as foUo-ws: "Received from the Secretary of State of the- United States the sum of $20,000,000 in four drafts upon tlie - Assistant Treasurer of the United States at New- York, Nos. 4,509, 4,510, 4,511 and 4,512, of date April 29, 1899, each draft being for $5,000,000, the same being in full payment of the obligation of. the Government of the United States to the Government of Spain as set forth in Article III of the Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain, signed at Paris, France, on the 10th day of December, 1898, the ratifications of which were exchanged in the city of Washington on the 11th day of April, 1899, the payment being provided by the Act of Congress approved March 2, 1899, en titled 'An act making an appropriation to carry out the obligation of the treaty between the United States and Spain, concluded December 10, 1898.' JULES CAMBON, "Department of State, May 1, 1899." THE TREATY ELUCIDATED. SOME OP ITS FRAMERS TELL WHY IT WAS MADE AS IT WAS, AND WHAT ITS RESULTS SHOULD BE. ' THE WILL OF THE NATION FAITHFULLY OAEUIED OUT, AND 'i'HE JIOKAL OBLI GATIONS IMPOSED BY THE WAR UNFLINCHINGLY ASSU.AIED BY OUR EEPEESENTATIA'ES IN THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS. Such an instrument as the Treaty of Peace Avith Spaiii needs no apology^ The circumstances of its origin, and its own unmistakable terms, are its sufficient vindication. The record of its making is, hoAvever, fittingly to be com.pleted with some of the utterances made about it by some of those who Avere con cerned in the making of it, and by others whose vieAvs of it have from the first been sane and comprehensive; setting forth the motives that moved the Ameri can Peace Commissioners to make the Treaty as they did, and the effects Avhich may rationally be expected to proceed from it. The speeches herewith given are presented in the chronological order of their delivery, and Avithout comment or explanation, since they speak for themselves. THE DUTY OF THE CRISIS. SENATOR GEORGE GRAY, BEFORE THE WILMINGTON, DEL., / BOARD OP TRADE, JANUARY 15, 1899. I I have had, as you know, the great honor of having been sent by the President of the United States as one of the Commissioners to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace with the King-.. dom of Spain, a treaty which, if ratified, will restore peace between those two countries and go far toward making secure the peace of the world, as I believe. We are now in a crisis of our, National history, and your hearts and mine, as patriotic citizens of this great country, are full of anxiety as to the proper settlement of the momentous issues which have resulted from the war with Spain. AVhile we were at war with Spain, we were ready to make, I know, every sacrifice to bring victory and success to American arms, and bring victory and honor to the American flag. -And now that we have achieved all and more than we started to do, I believe the patriotic instinct of American citi zenship demanded, as your patriotic President. enjoined upon us. that we should exhibit mag- ' nanlrhlty in the hour of victory andbe moderate in the hour of success, as we had faced the' War' with steadfastness and courage. In the first place, I want to say to you that it was my pleas ure, as well as what I conceive my duty, to en deavor to carry out this instruction, so credit able to us as a nation and go worthy of the high civilization of which we profess to be leaders. I crave for our Nation to be a leader in peace rather than a leader in war. The acfluisition ot territory, by the United States was not the object of war, and we sol emnly declared in the resolutions of Congress that our only object in demandrng" the relin quishment of the sovereignty of Cuba by Spain was not to hold it ourselves, except that we might pacify it and fit it for self-government by its own people. But in this, as in all else, "Man proposes and God disposes," and it is one of the things that make thoughtful men desire to avoid war. where it can be avoided, for no one can tell what its consequences may be. I ardently de sired that we might escape the necessity of tak ing the Philippine Islands and assuming the burden that their taking will impose upon us, and I know that the President of the United States was equally anxious to the same end. But it became apparent that without our seek ing unexpected conditions had been created, and out of those conditions unquestionably duties had sprung w-hich could not be avoided or evaded by the United States. . . . 'It was argued that the' performance of 'duty is sometimes not only unpleasant but has dangers sc OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. attendant upon it; nevertheless, a, brave rnan and a brave nation will not shrink from it on that account. On the other hand, if American sentiment did not justify the return of these isl ands to Spain, no more could it justify leaving them derelict in the Eastern ocean, the prey ot the first occupant and of European rapacity. The Po-\vers of Europe would acquiesce in our taking them, but they would not stand by and see fhem in their helpless condition of anarchy and disorder without seizing the opportunity to aggrandize themselves; and so it was thought best by the President and his advisers to take the cession of their sovereignty from Spain, and hold it in trust, to be administered in conform ity to those high ideals and liberty-loving tra ditions which animate and glorify the history of our country. - Duty cannot honorably be avoided because it may bring- pain or danger. Nor can responsi bility always be evaded because of its burdens. That I sought in Paris by all honorable means this responsibility does not matter now. It came to a, point at last that we must either leave the islands to Spain, take them as we did, or break off negotiations and come home -with out a. treaty of peace. In the last event, the truce would be broken, and a state of active war would have been resumed. We would have had no cession of the sovereignty of the Philip pines, and none of Porto Rico, and no relin quishment of the sovereignty of Cuba; It is true that in the protocol of -August 12 Spain had definitely promised that she would cede Porto Rico and relinquish Cuba, but .without a treaty of peace that promise would not be performed. AVhat would then have been the exigencies of the situation? Undoubtedly, we- would have been compelled to go on and seize with a strong hand, and by military pow-er, both the Philippine archipelago and the Greater and Lesser An tilles, talcing by rutliiess conquest what it was far better that we should take by the volun tary cession of a- treaty of peace. But now that we have them it does not fol low that we are committed to a colonial policy or to a violation of those great principles of lib erty and self-government which must always remain American ideals, if our own free insti tutions are to endure. No one claims that the people of 'Cuba are In a condition to realize those ideals at the present time. No more.aie„ the .Filipinos .capable, now unaided, of achieving self-government and a stable condition of liberty regulated by law. To take from Spain her titular sovereignty will not prevent, but will the rather promote, a disposition of the -whole question in conformity with the patriotic Impulses of the American people. That we have the right to acquire territory by conquest or treaty under the Constitution, and that unconditionally, cannot be successfully dis puted. No m.c-^e can it be denied that the Con stitution has left to Congress the power and authority to govern the territory so acquired. That the fathers In framing the Constitution left this great power of National sovereignty almost without trammel or restraint to the Federal Government is surely not without sig nificance. In addition to such scant restraint in the exercise of these powers as may be found expressed in the Constitution, or its amend ments, they are manifestly trusted to the wis dom, patriotism and the high, sense of public morality of the American people tocfeat— WTth each case as _oc ja3ion required as it "arroSeT Neither the President "nor tKe~treaty made by his authority trammels the freedom of action of the -American people, or of the Congress, in administering this high trust on the lines pre scribed by righteousness and honorable ob servance of the great and fundamental princi ples of government enunciated in the Declara tion of Independence. Without assuming for a moment any right to speak for the President I think I can assure you with some knowledge whereof I speak that he fully appreciates the duties and responsibili ties of the situation, and that he is committed to no policy calculated to discourage, much less strike down, the aspirations of liberty-lov ing people all over the world. I belong to a dif ferent political party, but I should be false to my sense of justice and to my pride as an American if I did not declare my confidence In the patriotism and purit.y of purpose of William McKinley, President of the United States. He is no usurper of power, no stranger to American institutions, but one of the American people called to his high office by their suffrage, and it would be strange indeed if he did not share to the fullest extent in the love of the Constitu tion and the principles that underlie it. 'When less than this can be truthfully said of. a. Presi dent of the United States it will be the be ginning of the end to our great career as a nation. But the solution of the problem which confronts us is not with the President. When the treaty is ratified no policy can be adopted without the sanction of Congress. And the whole American people will determine, through their representatives, what relation we shall sustain to the Philippines. Shall we hold sov ereignty in trust for their people, as we will do in Cuba, or shall we, with their consent, estab lish a protectorate over them, or. govern them as we will the island of Porto Rico? All these Important questions will properly come up for determination after the ratification of the treaty. I will not entertain the fear that the American people will not stand by the principles of the Constitution and the Declaration, that they will not curb the ambition of territo rial aggrandizement and ejchibit to the world an example of moderation, justice and self- restraint that will be worth to us In moral strength all the islands of the sea. America has found a way in which she can bring to her side the downtrodden of other> lands and make them participate in the glorious Inheri tance. THE CHOICE MADE. 87 THB CHOICE ]\IADE. WHITELAW REID AT THE LOTOS CLUB DINNER IN HIS HONOR, NEW- YORK. FEBRUARY 11, 1899- Obviously the present occasion has no^'n.'rrrow or merely personal meaning. It comes to lue only because I had the good fortune, through the friendly partiality of the President of tho United Stntos, to be assochited with a great work in" wbicli you took .a patriotic interest, and over the ratification of which you use this means of expressing your satisfaction. It was a happy thing for us to be able to briug back peace to our own land, and a happier oue to find that the treaty is accepted b.y the .Senate aud the people as one that guards the honor and protects the jntere-sts of our country. Oitij' so should a Nation like ours make ijeace'at all. Come Peace, not like a mourner bowed For honor lost and dear ones wasted; But proud, to meet a people proud. With eyes that tell of triumph tasted. I shall make no apology— now that the Sen ate has unsealed our lips— for speaking briefly of this work just happily completed. The only complaint one hears about it is that we did' our duty too well— that in fact we made peace on terms too favor.ible to our own coun try. In all the peniling discussion there seems to be no other fault found. On no other point is the treaty said by any one to, be scriousjy de fective. It loyally carried out the attitude of Congress n^.Ao Cuba; It enforced the renunciation of Spanish sovereignty there, but, in spite of tho most earnest Spanish efforts, it refused to ac cept American sovereignty. It loiuled neither om-selves nor the Cubans with the so-called Cuban debts, -incurred by Spain in the efforts to subdue them. It iuvolvecriis in n6 compli cations, either in the West Indies or in the East, as to contracts or cl.iims or religious es tablishments. It dealt liber.-illy with a fallen foe; giving him a generous lump sum, that raoro than covered any legitimate debts or expendi tures for pacific improvements; assuming tho burden of just claims against him by our own people; carrying back the armies suriendci-ed on the other side of the wjsrld at our own cost; returning their arm.s; even restoring them their artillery, incUuling houvy ordnance in field for tifications, niuuitions of war and the very cat tle that dragged their caissons. It socui-ed alike for Cubans and Filipino.s the release of political prisoners. It scrupulously reservea for Con- gi-esa tho power of aetorinining the political status of the inhabitants of our new posscs- .'::oiis. It declared on behalf of the most iiro- l-ctionist country in the world for the policy cf the open door within the Asiatic sphere of its influence. With all this the Senate and tho country seemed content. But the treaty refused to re turn to Spanish rule one foot of territory over which that rule had been broken by the tri umphs of our arms. Were we to be reproached for that? Should the Senate have told us, "You overdid this biisiuoss; you looked after the interests of your own country too thoroughly. You ought to have abandoned the great archipelago which the fortunes of war had placed at ynur conu- try's disposal.' Y'uu are not exactly uufaithful Servants; you are too blindly, unsweiwiugl.y faithful. You haven't seized .'in opportunity to run away from some distant results of the war into which Congress plunged the country be fore dreaujin.g how far it miglit spread. Y'ou haven't dodged for us the responsibilities we incurred." That is true. AVlien Admiral Dewey sunk the Spanish fleet, aud General llerritt captured the. Sp.mish Army that aloue nijiintained the Span ish hold on the Philippines, the Spanish power there was gone; and the civilization and the comiiion-seiise and the Christianity of the world looked to the Power that succeeded It to ac- ceiit its responsibilities. So Ave took the Philip- , pines. How. could men representing this counj try, jealous of its honor, or with an adequate coiupreliensiou either of its duty or its rights, do othenvise? A nation at -war over a disputed boundary or souio other material interest might iiroperly stop, when that interest was secured, aud give back to the enemy all else that had been taken from him. But this was not a war for any material interest. Tt was a war to put down a. rule over an alien people, wliii-h we declared so wicked .'lud barbarous that we could no lon ger tolerate it. How could we consent to se cure peace, after we had broken down this wicked and barbarous rule in two archipelagos, by agreeing that one of them should be forced b.ack under it? There was certainly another alternative. After destroying the only organized go-v-ern- ment in the archipelago, the only security for life and property, native and foreign, in great commercial centres like Manila, Iloilo and Cebu, a.gainst hordes of uncivilized pagans and Mahonietan JIalays, should we then scuttle out and leave them to their 'fate? A band of old-time Norse pirates, used to swoopiu.g down on a capital, captarin.g its rulers, seizing its treasure, burning the town, abandoning the peo- I)le to domestic disorder aud foreign spoliation, and promptly sailing off for another piratical foray; a band of pirates, used to that sort of thing, might, no doubt, have left Manila to be sacked by the insurgents, while it fled from the Philippines. AVo did not think a self-re specting, civilized, responsible Christian Power could. There was another side to it. In n conflict to which fiftj' years of steadily increasing provocation had driven us we had lost 266 sailors, treacherously murdered on the Maine; ss . OUH NEW POSSESSIONS. had io.st at Santiago and elsewhere unconated victims of Spanish .guns aud ti-opical climates, and bad spent in this war over $240,000,000, witbuLit counting the pensions that must still accrue under laws existing w-lieu it began. AVbere was the indemnity whiGb under -such cii-eums_tauces it _i^ the duty of the victorious nation to^exacti.not only-- in "TtsTrnTii InTe'res^ buFln the interest of a Christian civilization and the tendencies of modern international la.vr, winch retiuire that a nation jiroA'oking iiujjist wai^ishall smart for it, "iioT'"merely Avliilg^it la.->ts, but by Iiaying the cost when it isj^gfl? Spain liSd lis "liiOnsy" even to jiayber own sol diers. No indemnity was possible, save in ter ritory. AA'ell, we once wanted to buy Cuba, be fore it had been desolated I'y twelve years of war and decimated by the barbarism of AVeyler; yet our uttermost offer for it, our highest valu ation even then, was §12.5,000,000— less than halt" the cost of our war. But now we were precluded from taking Cuba. Porto Rico, im measurably less important- to us, and eight hundred mile.^ further away from our coast, is only one-twelfth the size of Cuba. AVere_t}j.e representatives oi .th.eL.nn,ited.-S.tates,„.charged witli_yie duty of protecting not only its honor, but its interests, in arranging terms oiT "peace, to. 0ODttIuT_tJieiiiselvis"witTr Iittle_ Porto lUieo, . away off. a third of tlie way to Spain, plus the petty^reef of Guam, in the middle of the Pa cific, as indemnity for an uniirovoked war that had cost aud Avas to cost their country .f300,- 000,000'.; But, some one exclaims, the Philippines are already giving us more ti-o,uble than they are worth. It is natural to say so just noAV, and it is partly true. AA'hat tuey are -n'orth and likely to be worth to this country in- the race for commercial supremacy on the Pacific, — that is to say for supremacy in the great develop ment of trade in the Twentieth Century, — is a question too large to be so summarily decided, or to be entered on at the close of a dinner, and under tho irritation of a Jlalay half-breed's folly. But nobody ever doubted that tbey would give ns trouble. That is tiie price na tions must pay for going to war, even in a just cause. I was not one of those who were eager to begin thi.-* war with Spain; but I protest a.gainst any attempt to evade our jnst responsi bility in the position in which it has left us. AA'e sliall have trouble in the Philippines. So -R-e shall lia\-^ trouble in Cnba and in Porto Riro. If^vmi— da-wdliv- And hesitate, and lead., them to think we fear tngin and fear trou ble, our troutile -will be great. If on the other baud we grasp this nettle d.-inger, if Ave act, pioiimtly^. wi.tj.i. .inexorable vi.goi:,.and with jus;^ tice, it may be slight. But the graver the crisis -the plainer our path. God give us the courage to piu'it32_our politics .and .streiigfberi oui- "Gov- \ernm»ui-ia_meet ihese new aud grave di'ties! NOTE. — This dinner was given In honor of Mr. Reid, who was formerly president of the club. The Hon. John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States, was expected to be present, but was detained at the last moment. Instead of coming he sent the following" letter: Washington, D. C. John Elderkin, The Lotos Club, New-York: I received your note in due time, and had hoped until now to be able to come and join you in doing honor to my lifelong friend, the Hon. Whitelaw Reid, but the pressure of official engagements here has made it impossible for me to do so. I shall be with you in spirit, and shall applaud to the best that can be said in praise of one who, -in a life of remarkable variety of achievement, has honored every position he has held. JOHN HA.Y. It was hoped that Judge William R. Day, chairman of the Peace Commission, would also be present at the dinner, but he was forced to , send Instead this letter; Chester S. Lord, Lotos Club, New-York: I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your in-, vltatlon to attend the dinner to be given to the Hon. Whitelaw Reid on the evening of the 11th Inst. Nothing would afford me more pleasure than to join the members of the Lotos Club In doing honor to Mr. Reid. It Is a source of much regret that circumstances compel me to forego the privilege. Plis high character and worth, leadership in the best journalism of the day, eminent public services and wide experience long since gave him an honorable place among his contemporaries. The Commission to negoti ate the treaty concluded at Paris on December 10 had no more valued member. His fellow- Commissioners were fortunate In being able to avail themselves of Mr. Reid's wide acquaint ance with the leading statesmen and diplomats residing In Paris. His presence as a member of the Commission rendered unnecessary any fur ther introduction to those who had known him as our Minister to France. He gave to the work of the Commission in unstinted measure the benefit of his. wisdom in council, judgment and L'kill in the preparation and presentation of the American case at Pfiris. Permit me to join you in congratulations and best wishes to Mr. Reid, and to express the hope that there are in store for him many more years of usefulness and honor. Very truly yours, WILLIAM R. DAY. The following salient passages from other speeches on the same occasion may fittingly be recalled: ACHIEVEMENTS AND RESPON SIBILITIES. THE REV. DR. R. S.- MACARTHUR AT THE LOTOS CLUB DINNER. The Lotos Club to-night honors itself in hon oring Mr. Reidr In honoring him u. small part of the debt which Is owing to him by the Lotos Club, by the city of New- York and by the Amer ican Republic, is paid. We honor him for the superb services which he has superbly per formed. We recognize the fact that the honor done him, as he himself has appropriately in timated, is not for him in his separate and dis tinct personality, but for him as a member of the Commission which has done honor to Amer ica, honor to the Anglo-Saxon race and honor to the civilization of the closing years of the nineteenth century. We all must sympathize— THE CHOICE MADE. 89 certainly I do— most fully with the closing re marks which Mr. Reid has just now made. We stand at times in awe and at times in silence in the presence of a. manifest purpose and power of Almighty God In the events which have marked the history of America and of the world during the last ten months. It is not too much to say that we have lived more in the last ten months than ordinarily we would hav.e lived In a. hundred years. The words of Bailey's "Festus," "We live In deeds, not years," never had a more striking lllugtration than the his tory of this country during the last few months. I remember that when the President was asked by some one what he would consider to be the probably distinguishing feature of his Presi dency his reply was, in substance, "Giving the counti-y a stable currency." How little the President knew the great deeds which were soon to occur! How little the most experienced statesman, the wisest pub licist, the most skilful diplomat, could have prophesied the marvellous history which has been achieved during the last ten months! The whole face of the world has been changed. We may discuss the question of expansion as an academic question; we may be in favor of it or may be opposed to it, but the fact simply re mains that we have expanded. The only ques tion now is how much more we will expand. We cannot take back the past if we would. I doubt if we would, even if we could. Who would wipe out the brilliant history we have made during the last ten months? The whole history of our country has already changed. Our relations to all nations of the earth have changed. Our thoughts of ourselves have changed. AVe have come to a conscious ness of our greatness as we never have before understood it. I imagine that the Queen's Jubilee gave Great Britg.in the consciousness of the greatness of that empire as few Britons under stood it. No one who saw that procession, with eleven Premiers of eleven colonies, could help but recall the line of Rudyard Kipling, "Daughter am X in my mother's house, but mistress In my own," and must have realized the greatness of Britain's power. That jubilee did more to bring about the idea of British unity and British Imperialism than any other event during the present reign. So I think our war did much toward develop ing the self-eonsclmrsTress 6f' the American peo ple and of giving other nations some reasonable conception of our position, our power .and pur pose in the great future. We'Tiave turned this continent about face during the last ten months. There was a time when the anti-expansionists thought that we should have no more territory than the thirteen original States. Then they conceived it possible of going as far west as the Alleghanies. We finally got as far as the Rock ies and the Pacific Coast; but for a long time the Pacific Coast was the rear yard. Now it is the front garden of the Orient. There was a time about the Mediterranean Sea. The civilization of the world was literally then upon its shores, and the men who have written the history of the shores of the Mediterranean have done much toward writing the history of civilization. But great spirits set out and e-xplored, and a vast civilization, the wonder of the world,* has gro-«-n up on the shores of the Atlantic, and now we are pushing toward the Pacific, and tho nation that holds the Pacific will to a great degree con trol the commerce and the civilization of the future. I have been impressed with the fact that great changes are coming soon among the nations of the earth. We are going to have fewer, bigger and, I think, better nations all along the line. Unless international arbitration should come about, the battle royal of the world will be fought to decide the dominance of Anglo-Saxon- ism and Slavism, and when that battle is fought it will shake the world from its centre to its cir cumference. Mighty as is the empire of the Slav, I have little doubt as to the result. One hundred and twenty-five million people speak the English tongue, and ninety million the Rus sian; and with the English tongue go liberty and law and civilization and all that is noblest in the history of the human race. 1 know perfectly well that Mr. Reid is right when he speaks of the great responsibilities we assume in the enlarged life which, under the leadership, as I believe, of Divine Providence, we have entered upon. Of course, we assume great responsibilities. AVe should have had fewer responsibilities if we had not acquired Alaska. I remember the opprobrious epithets that were hurled against Alaska. I remember that William H. Seward was covered with epi thets because of his influence in the acquisi tion of that Territory. If we had never acquired Florida, California, Texas; if we had never made that great Louisiana Purchase, we would have had fewer responsibilities. If we had never acquired the thirteen original States we would have avoided a great deal of responsibility. If we had never had the Declaration of Indepen dence we might have been saved responsibi'.ities. In' fact, push your logic further back, and say that if we had never been born we would have escaped great responsibilities. Artemus Ward has said, I think, that it would be money in many a man's pocket if he had never been born. Are we in this world as Americans to save our selves responsibility? Is that the history of our life and growth? Men say we have not the statesmen to cope with the position which we have taken upon ourselves. I believe better of my adopted country. As I understand the his tory of this country, the great hour brings the great man. The great hour brought George Washington; the great hour gave us that great man, Abraham Lincoln; the great hour gave us the great general, U. S. Grant, and I believe that the coming great hour will give us the great man who is to-night the foremost man in all this when the civilization of the world gathered world, William McKinley. 90 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. WORK OF THE COMMISSIONERS ST. CLAIR M'KELAVAY AT LOTOS CLUB DINNER. Mechanical aids to the memory should be acknow-ledged. If I tell off on my fingers "Lotos Club," "Newspaper dinners," "Whitelaw Reid," '-Minister to France," "Candidate for Vice-Presi dent," "Special Envoy to England," "Peace Commissioner" and "Editor of The New- York Trib-jne," then my speech is at my fingers' ends, and is really made before delivered; the rest is amplification. By that division and by iriy own sense of courtesy I should acknowledge my debt to the civility of this club. The Lotos is both indulgent and insistent. It has indulged me in three decli nations of its grand occasions this winter, and in two declinations of this very dinner. But it Insisted I should come — at least, this time. It has indulged me in arriving late. Do not mis- under3ta.nd me. I wanted to come very much. I am glad to be here; but I feel that an economy of speechmaking would be well for my health an'd that of others, and so I stayed away. My tlianks are due to this clearing-house of the culture of Manhattan and the civilization of The Bronx. . . . Now, this brings me in appropriate procession to AVhitelaw Reid. For what are you dining him here to-night? Not as Minister to Prance— you dined him 'in that capacity before, and I was here; and we were all sorry that the treaty by which he negotiated for the entrance of the American hog into France was not so complete as to for bid the presence of the animal in Manhattan vehicles of conveyance. Nor do you dine him as the candidate of a. great party for Vice-Presi dent. That was done by the Ohio Society, and I was there to see it. At the table were William L. Strong, the late Calvin S. Brice, Mark Hanna and William McKinley. It was then I was able to predict the distinction which would come to all these men. and to account for It by their meekness. I said that "The meek shaU inherit the earth" — and the men of Ohio asked nothing more. Nor do you dine Mr. Reid in his capacity as Special Envoy and Special . Ambassador to Great Britain. While that was a great honor and a great distinction, it was quickly followed by the greater one of Peace Commissioner. I think that is the character in which we greet him to-night. The time is appropriate. The treaty has been ratified. Our engagement to acquire tlia Philippines has been affirmed by the Senate. Spain's engagement to cede them to us will soon be affirmed by the Cortes. Meanwhile, our ability to hold them has been shown by Dewey and by Otis. The means were not of their choosing. The means were forced on them. But they and other brave men carried them out thoroughly, and as the constables of Christi anity, civilization and commerce they have done their work well. Those forces are the indivisible trinity of interests on behalf of America and of the world In the East. The United States of America and of Asia — a nev;- name which they have written in the nomenclature of nations — are safe in their hands. Their work of acquisi tion is a work of redemption. They will save the savages from savagery. They will save the Anarchists from Anarchy. They will save the barbarians from barbarism. They will enter political infants in the kindergarten of govern mental schooling, and by slow degrees those in fants will be brought up to the statui-e of man hood, intelligence and responsibility In the world. The work of these men Is Irrepealable. The duration of Its fame and force will be forever. The volume of benefit from It will be Incalcu lable. The record of those who support and sus tain them win be radiant and rewarding in his tory. The usefulness of those who oppose them has been Impaired for this generation, but in others their happily unavailing protests may be a needed tempering force in the work then to hand. The curb has its uses as well as the spur — but the curb never won a race. Still, let .us not un derestimate the curb. The frantic Conservative whom "Punch" pictured on his knees at the creation, "beseeching God to conserve Chaos," did not stop the evolution of the universe, but has contributed to the gayety of nations. I have thought hard and hitter things of these oppo nents of Destiny, but I am glad I have not said them. I have thought that their words of poison — sent across the land and under the sea — made •, Insane the Filipinos and fired them on to the at tempted annihilation of our men. I have likened their subtle and sanguinary operation to the act of the woman who sent poison, sweetened with sugared confections, across the continent to her innocent victim In San Francisco, who ate it there and died. I have thought that their pun ishment should be the same, but I am satisfied that the intent was wanting, and that the parallel, though plausible, was unjust. So I can leave these errant advocates of Littleness to the corrections of time, to the monitions of their own conscience and to the merciful judgment of their countrymen. Now, all this Is more appropriate to White- law Reid than some of you may know. At the outset he was, I believe, the only Peace Commis sioner of the five who, on departing from Amer ica, left behind him published reasons for his conviction that we should take and keep and hold all of the Philippines. He published these reasons before he was made a Commis sioner, and when he did not know he was to be one. Had he known that, he would have with held those reasons, out of that sense of pro priety which — newspaper man though he is — is as strong In him as the sense of prophecy. But what was written was written, and what was written was published. And he was put on the Commission as the one minority representative of an extreme sentiment, which neither the Pres ident nor Mr. Reid's colleagues then shared. I shall not say that he converted them. I do know that they did not convert him away from his convictions; and I do know, also, that they •were converted to his views— probably by the Spanish themselves, probably by the study of the whole situation in Its present and future aspects, probably by the consideration that to take less than all would be worse than to take none; and that to take none would be to fail in our duty to civilization, to sacrifice our obli gations to commerce and to the cosmic aspi rations of our race; to follow the expulsion of tyranny and rapacity with the production of anarchy, and to weaken and to embarrass the hands of our ally, the democratic-republican monarchy of Great Britain, in a strife that would ensue for these Islands as a base in which the covetousness of Europe and Japan would plunge into a calamitous war. The influence mairvtained by us in the world could be contin ued by taking all of the Philippines and nothing less. The fact that our efforts would be resisted by them was a thing to expect, yet to deplore. Nevertheless, it was in the problem, and the problem was one to be solved. Its progressive .solution will call on duty and not on ease, on persistence and not on pleasure, on fortitude and not on frivolity, on earnestness and not on play. The men of our race will take up "The White Man's Burden" with the white man's conscience, courage and con secration, and will carry on that duty to the end. • And, therefore, we do well to honor this man who took his stand before we had taken ours, and...to whose side the country and the world have gravitated by the stately procession of events. These events are the stepplngs of Deity on the earth. They are in the evolution of his- . tory. They are a part of the revelation whereof this brilliant and auspicious century has been the scene. They both form and affirm that record which our children's children will hold us In honor for having made and helped. They are a " title to distinction. They are a surety and a desire of good and enduring fame. " And AVhitelaw Reid is entitled to his portion of that fame, and a newspaper man takes pleas ure in .saying this to hirn, as a ne%vspaper man. Both he and I know that without the function of the journalism of the land this Western Con tinent would not have been completely delivered in this century from the blight of four hundred years of misrule, and that the late -nar, as a fac tor in the supremacy, or at least In the solidar ity and Invincibility, of the Anglo-Saxon strain around the world, would n'ot have been filled with such blessings to humanity as will make It one of the most benign forms of National energy and ot the divinely overruled wrath of man that has occurred on the planet, in the his tory o' the races, since government began among men. . ^ PURPORT OF THE TREATY. 91 PURPORT OP THE TREATY. WHITELAW REID. AT THE LINCOLN DIN NER 'OP THE MARQUETTE CLUB. CHICAGO, FEBRUARY 13, 1899. Beyond tho Alleghenies the American voice rings clear and true. It does not sound, here in Chicago, as if yon favored the pursuit of parti san aims in great questions of foreign policy; or division among our own people in the face of in surgent guns turned upon our soldiers on the distant fields to which we sent them. AA'e are all here, it would seem, to stand by the Peace that has been secured, even if we have to fight for it. Neither has any reproach come to the Peace Commissioners from Chicago because when in trusted with your interests in a great negotia tion in a foreign capital, they made a settle ment on terms too favorable to their own coun try; — because in bringing home Peace with Honor they also brought home more property than some of our people wanted! AVhen that re proach has been urged elsewhere, it has recalled the familiar defence against a similar complaint in an old political contest. There might, it was said, be some serious disadvantages about a sur plus in the National Treasury; but at any rate it was easier to deal with a surplus than with a deficit! If we have brought back too much, that is only a question for Congress and our own people. If we bad brought back too little, it mi.ght haAX' been again a question for the Army and the Navy. No one" of you has ever been heard to find fault with an .agent because in making a diffi cult settlement he got all you wanted, and a free option on something further that every body else wanted! Do you know of any other civilized nation of the first or even of the second clriss that wouldn't jump at that option on the Philippines? Ask Bussia. Ask Germany. Ask Japan. Ask England or France. Ask little Belgium! And yet what one of them, unless it be .Tapan, has any conceivable interest in the Philippines to be compared with that of the mighty Republic which now commands the one side of the Pacific, and unless this American generation is blinder to opportunity than any of its predecessors, will soon command the other? Put yourseh'es for a. moment in our place on the Quai d'Orsay. AVould you really have had your representatives in I'aris, the guardians of your lionor in negoti.iting peace with your ene my, declare that while Spanish rule in the West Indies was so wicked and barbarous that it Av.as our duty to destroy it, we were now so e.ager for peace that for its sake we were willing in the East to re-establish that same wicked .and bar barous rule? Or would you have had your agents in Paris, the guardians also of your ma terial interests, throw away all chance for in- (\o OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. d'.uiiiiiy roi- a war that began with the treacher ous murder of 260 American sailors on the Maine, and had cost your Treasury during the J ear over 8240,000,000? AA'ould you have bad them throw away a magnificent foothold for the trade oC the farther East, which the fortune of war had pla.ced in .your hand; throw away a whole archipelago of boundless possibilities. economic and strategic; throw away this op- porfiiniry of centuries for your country? AA'ould you luive ii.id them, on their own responsibility, tiieii and rtiAre decide this question for all time, anil ab.-?'.>lutely refuse to reserve it for the de cision of Congress, .and of the American people, to whom that decision belongs, and who have the ri!.;ijt to an opportunity first for its de liberate consideration? SOME FEATURES IN THE TREATY. Your toast is to the "Achievements of Ameri can Diplomacy." Not such were its achieve ments under your earlier Statesmen. Not such lias been its work under the instructions of your State Department, from .Tohn Quincy Adams on down the honored line; and not such tlie work your representatives brought back to. you from Paris. Tbey were dealing with a nation with whom it has never been easy to make Peace, even when war was no h.mger possible; but they se cured a Pe.ace Treaty without a word that com- proiuisps the honor or eudan.gers the interests of the coniifr.v. They scrupulously reserved for your own de cision, tlirougli your Congress or at the poll.*, fhe qui.*.-.tion of political siatus and civil rights for the inhabitants of yonr new possessions. Tbey resisted adroit Spanish efforts for spe cial priviletjes and guarantees for their estab lished church, and pledged the United States to absolufe freedom in the e.xerc-ise of their religion for all these recent Siianish subjects— Pagan, Mahometan, Confucian or Christian. They maintained, in the face of the most ve hement opposition not merely of Spain, but ot wellnigli all Europe, a principle vital to op pressed people struggling for freedom,— a prin- (-iple without which our own freedom could hot have been est.-iblislied, and without which ari.v r.nceessfiil revolt against any unjust rule could be made practically impossible. That principle Is that, contrary to the prevailin,g rule and in-ac- tico in large transfers of sovereignty, debts do not necessarily follow the territory if incurred by the Motlier Country distinctly in efforts to enslave it. Where so incurred, your reiiresenta- tives persistently and successfully maintained tliat no attempt b.y tho Jlother Country to mort- .ga.ge ti> l)oi!dholders the revenues of custom houses or ill any w.-i.y to pledge the future in come of tbo territory could be recoguized as a valid or binding .security; — that the moment the hand of the oppressor relaxed Its grasp, his claim on the future revenues of the oppressed territory was gone. It is a doctrine that raised an outcry In every Continental Bourse, and struck terror to every gambling European in vestor iu national loans, floated at usurious profits, to raise funds for unjust wars. But it is right, aud one may be proud that the United States stood like a rock,— barring any road to peace -svUicli- led to loading either on the liber ated territory or on the people that bad freed It the debts incurred in the wars against it. If this is not Intern.ational Law noAv, it v.ill be; and the United States will have made it But j-our representatives in Paris placed your country in no tricky attitude of endeavoring cither to evade or repudiate just obligations. They recognized the duty of reimbursement for debts legitimately incurred for pacific improve- luents or otherwise, for the real benefit of the transferred territory. Not till It Avas shoM'n that of the Philippine debt of forty millions Mexican, or a Tittle under twenty millions of our money, over a fourth had been transferred di rect to aid the war in Cuba, and the rest had been mainly spent in the war in Luzon, did your representatives hesitate at its payment; and even then they decided to give a lump sum equal to it, which could serve as a recognition of whatever debts Spain might have incurred in the past for expenditures there for the benefit of the people. They protected what was gained in the war from adroit efl'orts to put it all at risk again, through an untimely appeal to the noble prin ciple of Arbitration. They held— and I am sure tbo best friends of the principle will thank them for holding- that an honest resort to Arbitration must come before war, to avert its horrors, not after war, to escape its consequences. They were enabled to pledge the most Protec tionist country in the world to the liberal "and wise policy of the Open Door in the East. And finally they secured that diplomatic cov- elty, a treaty in -\yliich tho acutest Senatorial critics have not found a peg on which inadmis sible claims against the country may bo bung. THE MATERIAL SIDE OP THE BUSINESS. At the same time they neither neglected nor feared the duty of caring for the material inter ests of their own country;— the duty of grasping the enormous possibilities upon which we bad stumbled, for sharing in the awakening and de velopment of tho farther East. That Avay lies now the best hope of American commerce. There jou may command a natural rather than an artificial trade; — a, trade which pushes itself instead of needing to be pushed; a trade with peojile who can send you things you want and cannot proiluce, .and take from you in return things they w.ant and cannot produce; in other word-s, .a tr.ade largely between different zones, and largely with less advanced peoples, compris ing nearly one-fourth the population of the globe, whose wants promise to be speedily and enormously developed. The .Vtlantic Ocean carries mainly a diffsrc::! PURPORT OF THE TREATY. 93 trade, with people as advanced as ourselves, who could produce or procure elsewhere much of what tbey buy from us, while we could pro duce, if driven to it, most of what we need to buy from them. It is more or less therefore an artificial trade, as Avell as a trade in which we have lost the first place and will find it difficult to regain. The ocean carriage for the .\tlautic is in the hands of our rivals. The Pacific Ocean, on the contrary, is in our hands now. Practically we own more than half the coast on this side, dominate the rest and have midway stations In the Sandwich and Aleutian Islands. To extend now the authority of the United States over the great Philippine archipelago is to fence in the China Sea and se cure an almost equally commanding position on the other side of the Pacific — doubling our con trol of it and of the fabulous trade the Twen tieth Century will see it bear. Rightly used it enables the United States to convert the Pacific Ocean almost into an American lake. Are Ave to lose all this through a mushy senti mentality, characteristic neither of practical nor of responsible people;— .alike un-American and un-Christian, since it would humiliate us by showing lack of nerve to hold -what we are en titled to, and incriminate us by entailing endless bloodshed .and anarchy on a people whom we have already stripped of the only government they have known for three hundred j'ears, and whom we should thus abandon to civil Avar and foreign spoliation ? BUGBEARS. Let us free our minds of some bugbears. One -of them is this notion that with the retention of the Philippines our manufacturers will be crushed by the products of che^p Eastern lal)or. But it does no,t abolish our custom-houses; and we can still enforce whatever protection we de sire. ; Another is that our American workmen will be SAvamped under the immigration of cheap Eastern labor. But tropical labor does not emi grate to colder climates. None have ever come. If we need a law to keep them out, we can make it. It is .a bugbear that the Filipinos would be citizens of the United States, and would there fore have the same rights of free travel and free entry of their own manufactures with other citizen.s. The treaty did not make them citizens of the United States at all; and they never will be, unless you neglect your Congress. It is a. bugbear that anybody living on terri tory or other property belonging to the United States must be a citizen. The Constitution says that "persons born or naturalized in the United States are citizens of the United States" ; while it adds in the same sentence, "and of the State wherein they reside," showing plainly that the provision does not necessarily relate to terri tories. It is equally a bugbear that the tariff must necessarily be the same over any of the terri tory or other property of the United States as it is in the Nation itself. The Constitution re quires that "all duties, imposts aud excises Khali be the same throughout the IJuited States," and while there was an incidental ex pression from the Supreme Bench in 1,820 to the eft'ect that this should include the District of Columbia and other territory, it was .no part even then of the decision actually rendered, and it would bo absurd to stretch this mere dictum of throe-quarters of a century ago, relating then at any rate to this continent alone, to carry the Dingley tariff now across to the Antipodes. DUTIES OF THE HOUR. Brushing aside, then, these bu.gbears, gentle men, what are the obvious duties of the hour? First, hold what you are entitled to. If you are ever to iiart with it, wait at least till you have examined it and found out that you have no use for it. Before yielding to temporary dif ficulties at the outset, take lime to be quite sure you are ready now to abandon your chance for a comin.anding position in the trade of Chiua, in the commercial control of the Pacific Ocean, and in the richest commercial development of the approaching century. Next resist admission of any of our new jios- sessions as States or their organization on a. )ilan desi.gned.to prepare them for admission. Stand firm for the present American Union of sister States, undiluted by anybody's arclii pelagoes. Make this fight easiest by making It at the be ginning. Resist the first insidious effort to change the character of this Union by leaving the Continent. AA'e want no Porto Ricans or Cubans to be sending Senators and Representa tives to AA'ashington to help govern the .\meri- can Continent, any more than -we want Kanakas or Tagalo.s or Visayas or Mahometan ilalays. AA'e will do them good and not harm, if we may, all the days of our life; but, please God, we will not divide this Republic, the heritage of our fathers, among them. Resist the crazy extension of the doctrine that government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed to an extreme never imagined by the men who framed it, and ne.A"er for one moment acted upon in their own prac tice. AVhy should we force Jefferson's lauguage to a meaning Jefferson himself never gave it in dealing with the people of Louisiana, or Andre-vi' Jackson In dealing with those of South Caro lina, or .-i-brabam Lincoln with the seceding States, or any responsible statesman of the country at any period in its history in dealing with Indians or New-Mexicans or Californians or Russians? AVliat have the Tagalos done for us tliat -\\'e should treat them better and put tlieni on a plane higher than any of these? And next, resist alike either schemes for pure ly militai-j- governments, or schemes for terri torial civil governments, with offices filled uj) by 94 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. carpet-bag.gers from the United States, on an al lotment of increased patronage, fairly divided among the bosses of the different States. Egypt under Lord Cromer is an object-lesson of what may be done in a more excellent way by men of our race in dealing with such a problem. Bet ter .still, and right under our eyes, is the suc cessful solution of the identical problem that confronts us, in the English organization and ad ministration of the federated Malay States on the Malacca peninsula. THE OPPOSITION AS OLD AS WEBSTER. I wish to speak with respect of the sincere and conscientious opposition to all these couclrh sions, manifest chiefly in the East and in th? Senate; and with especial respect of the emi nent statesman who has headed that opposition. No man will question his ability, bis mor.al ele vation or the courage with which he follows his intellectual and moral conviction,s. But I may be per.mitted to remind you that the noble State he worthily represents is not now counted for the first time against the interest and the de- A-elopment of the country. In 1848 Daniel AVeb- ster, speaking for the same great State arid in the same high forum, conjured up precisely the same visions of the destruction of the Constitu tion, and proclaimed the same hostility to new territorj-. Pardon nie while I read you half a dozen sentences, aud note how curiously they sound like an echo — or a prophecy- of what we have lately been hearing from the Senate: Will you take peace without territory and pre serve the integrity of the Constitution of the coimti-5'? ... I think I see a course adopted which is likely to turn the Constitution of this land into a deformed monster, into a curse rather than a blessing. . . . There would not be two hundred families of persons who would emigrate from the United States to New-Mexico for agricultural purposes in fifty years. ... I have never heard of anything, and I cannot con ceive of anything, more absurd and more af- fic-ntive of all sober judgment than the cry that ->ve are getting indemnity by the acquisition of New-Mexico and California. I hold that they are not worth a dollar! It Avas merely that splendid empire in itself, stretching from Los Angeles and San Francisco eastward to Denver, that was thus despised and rejected of Massachusetts. And it was only f'-fty years ago! With all due respect, a great .spokesman of ilassacbusetts is as liable to mis take iu this generation as in the last. LACK OF FAITH IN THE PEOPLE. It is fair, I think, to say that this whole hesi tation over the Treaty of Peace is absolutely due to Lack of faith in our own people, distrust of the methods of administration they may em ploy in the government of distant possessions^ and distrust of their ability to resist tbo schemes of dema.gogues for promoting the ulti mate admission of Kanaka and M.alay and balf- breed commonwealths, to help govern the Con tinental Republic of our pride, this homogene ous American Union of sovereign States. If there is real reason to fear that the American Iieople cannot restrain themselves from thiow- ing open the doors of our Senate and House of Representatives to such sister States as Luzon or the Visayas, or the Sandwich Islands, or Porto Rico, or even Cuba, then the sooner we beg some civilized nation, with more common- sense and less sentimentality and gush, to take them oif our hands the better. If we are un equal to a manly and intelligent disch.arge of the responsibilities the w.ar has entailed, then let us confe.ss our unvrorthiness, and beg Japan to assume the duties of a civilized Christian State toward the Philippines, while En.gland can extend the same relief to us in Cuba and Porto Rico. But, having thus ignomiuiously shirked the position demanded by our belliger ency and our success, let us never again pre sume to take a place among the self-respecting and responsible nations of the earth that can ever lay us liable to another such task. If called to it, let us at the outset admit our unfitness, withdraw Avithin our own borders and leave ¦these larger duties of the world to less incapable races or less craven rulers. Far other and brighter are the hopes I have ventured to cherish concerning the courS'2 of the American people in this emergency. I have thought there was encouragement for nations as well as for Individuals in remembering the sobering and steadying influence of great re sponsibilities suddenly devolved. When Prince Hal comes to the crown te is apt to abjure Fal- staff. AVben we come to the critical and dan gerous work of controlling turbulent, semi-trop ical dependencies, the agents Ave choose cannot be the Avard heelers of the local bosses. Now, if .ever, is the time to rally the brain and con science of the American people to a real eleva tion and purification of their Civil Service, to the most exalted standards of public duty, to the most strenuous and united effort of all men of goodwill, to make our Government woi-tby of the new and great responsibilities which the Providence of God rather than any purpose of man has imposed upon it. TAKING THE PHILIPPINES TAKING THE PHILIPPINES. 95 SENATOR CUSHMAN K. DAVIS BEFORE THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB OF CHI CAGO. FEBRUARY 22. 1899. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Union League Club: My feelings at the cordiality of this greeting are inexpressible. It is a matter of supreme regret to me that I have not come here prepared with anything more than im perfect notes to respond to the exigencies of this great occasion. The labors of many months —labors of great weight, and which have pro duced corresponding lassitude — must plead as my excuse. I shall go on in a perfectly plain way to perform the duties which you have complimented me by imposing upon me. 1 am told that this organization is non-partisan in its character; that men of all shades of political opinion are members of it; that the freest dis cussion of all controversies is invited, and that the calm and deliberate judgment of this asso ciation is of great weight. I trust and believe that this Is so. It Is traditional in our country that however much we may be divided as to our internal af fairs by partisan considerations, yet, when ever our foreign relations are Involved and the honor "and- dignity of the Nation are concerned, the American people, regadless of party strife, stand with united front confronting every an tagonist. It is well that It Is so, and therefore, partisan as I am, if anything that I shall say to-night shall bear the least tinge of partisan complexion, I beg you to believe that it is not so intended, but that it is because in the broad scope of American interests I believe that what I say is coincident with every consideration of National dignity and honor. Mr. President, the American people and hu manity have within the last twelve months advanced an Immeasurable distance, never to recede. Nations, like individuals, do not shape their own destinies. The personal experience of every man teaches him that events In the earlier part of his life, some apparently Incon siderable circumstances, have deflected entirely the purposed current of his destiny, and have sometimes moved him to higher altitudes of performance than he had ever dreamed to be possible. And it Is so of nations. Wisely as they may plan by constitutional requirements, by statutory enactments, by party policies, na tions are often subjected to processes and des tinations, providential and evolutionary, which no resistance can impede, which no reluctance can long obstruct. And so the United States have within the last year, and at other times, been subjected to the Divinity that Shanes our ends. Rough-hew them how we will. As I have said, we have passed an event ful twelve months, and you will pardon me If I say here — not In the spirit of partisanship, but in just tribute to a conspicuous public char acter who has largely guided these momentous events— that I regard President McKinley, from the complete equilibrium of his character, from his attentive observance of the dictates of that majestic public opinion by which all American Issues are finally determined, by his firmness when a course of action has been resolved upon, by his obedience to the restrictions of the Con stitution and the laws, as a character eminent among American Presidents. If I were making a. partisan speech I should say more, but to the calm, considerate judgment of every man who hears me I have probably said enough. I do not believe that among all the illustrious men who have filled that exalted chair there has been any President who has gone through processes and situations of difficulty, testing alike the judgment and the consciences, with more success and greater acceptability to the people of the United States than President Mc Kinley. It is worth all that this war has cost that by the Intervention of the processes to which I have al luded the hateful line between the North and the South has been entirely and forever obliter ated; that a condition of sentiment and feeling has been brought about by the fusion of an all- embracing patriotism, where those who fought for the Stars and Bars now fight and have fought under the Stars and Stripes; where the grand son of Grant serves upon the staff of the nephew of Lee; where Joseph Wheeler leads the forces of the United States to victory against the defences of Santiago. Mr. President, the Spanish war -was a just and necessary war. ' It was sedulously avoided by the United States. To rjrevent it we re pressed our sympathies. Against all manner of provocation, of outrage to American property and citizenship; against the taking of the lives of American citizens, against the destruction of scores of millions of property, the American people, with great reluctance, abstained from war until It became indispensably necessary not only for the cause of humanity, but for Na tional honor. We bore Indignity heaped upon Tndignity until their perpetrators thought they were Inflicting them upon National pusillanim ity. It was not until that appalling and colossal . crime, the destruction of the Maine, aggravated by the attempt of Spain to impute that over whelming massacre to the incapacity and want of discipline of the American Navy — it was not until that event that all Of the stupendous wrongs and outrages which not only we, but humanity, had suffered, made It necessary for us to declare war against Spain, in the name of humanity and National honor. It^was an humane war. It was a war In the interest of Christianity and civilization. It de creed the extirpation of Spain from nearly all her insular possessions In both hemispheres, and all mankind knew— the nations knew— upon which side Of that contest humanity -ivas ar rayed. The results of that war were sudden, spec tacular and complete. No war was ever so 96 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. shortly ended; no war ever worked such total annihilation of one of the opposing forces. And finally the time came when Spain was obliged to yue for peace. The result was that the Presi dent of the United States appointed and em powered five citizens to proceed to Paris to ne gotiate a final treaty with that monarchy. The members of that Commission, excepting one, were men of no diplomatic experience whatever in forei,gn Courts. They had nothing to guide them but a plain and clear conception of the interests of their country and of the duties of a victorious Nation to the general^_cause -Of.Jh.u- m.aai!ty. The one exception — and I deem it en tirely proper to mention it here — the one excep tion who possessed such diplomatic experience ¦R'as Mr. Whitelaw Rei.l, who had great experi ence in that way, and whose counsels in that respect and whose ability in all other respects were of the greatest assistance to us. We pro ceeded to Paris and met there the Spanish Com missioners. Upon the personnel of the Ameri can Commissioners it is unnecessary for me to dwell, but as to that of the Spanish Commls- si(.riers it may be interesting to you to learn what impressions they made upon me. The head of that body of men was Mr. iviontero Rlos, a very able law-yer, whose practice in Spain, as he told me, was largely in canonical cases; who had dealt extensively in a professional way with cases involving ecclesiastical law. He was a casuist of such skill, dexterity and subtlety that his arguments often confounded and puz zled the understanding. He had a face like an ascetic. It was lit up with marvellous intelli- .gence. He could grasp a complicated argument quicker and answer it more readily than any man I ever saw. . The other members of the Spanish Commission were men of great experi ence, who had occupied high diplomatic, judicial and military positions in their own country. In short, the best ability of Spain had been sent to confront the American Commissioners. Of course the tei-ms of the treaty, up to a cer tain point, were plainly laid down by the proto col which had been entered into between the United States and Spain in August last. They were the relinquishment of the sovereignty of Cuba; the cession of Porto Rico and the other West India islands, and the occupation of the city, bay and harbor of Manila until the control, disposition and government of the Philippine Islands should be disposed of by a treaty of peace. The first point of conflict that we encountered was the insistence of the Spanish Commission ers that the relinquishment of the sovereignty of Cub;i should be made to the United States. This amounted to a cession, and (it was as serted) involved the assumption by the United States, and from her to Cuba whenever that islan.a should be established as a government, of the entire so-calleu colonial debt of Cuba. That debt amounted to. $700,000,000. Of course, we rejected the proposition, and we would have rejected it if that debt had been 70(.) cents. But, at the same time, the conten tion was insisted upon with great ability and learning, as . a principle of international law, that, upon a division such as Spain was being subjected to at that time, an apportionment of the debt was indispensably necessary, and fol lowed as a legal consequence. Upon that the debate was very strenuous. 1 had the honor myself of making an answer to a very able ar gument of Seiior Montero Rios that, as a mat ter of international law-, there should be an' ap portionment of the debt— a proratln'g of the debt, by some scale easy to adopt. He had cited the treaty of Campo Formio. the treaty by which France ceded Alsace and Lorraine, tho treaties by which Spain had recognized the in dependence of the North and South American Spanish republics. He cited many instances where such an adjustment of debt had been made' by treaty, and he endeavored to exalt these special "conventions Into mandates of gen eral international law. To that we made an swer that it was not a. principle of international law; that the true principle was that wherever the integrity of the original empire remained, as in the case of Spain; that where any colony had risen in the assertion of their liberties and had achieved them, either independently or by the aid of another power, the mother country took the entire burden of the debt, especially when a large part of it had been created in an effort to subjugate and subdue the colony in the wars -ivhich had resulted In establishing its in dependence. We cited, as conclusive, the great con quest by England as against France, where by all the French possessions in North America passed under the sovereignty of Great Britain. It never was contended that the great French national debt which was incurred in that contest should be apportioned. We cited the revolution of our forefathers, and Insisted that It was never pretended that any portion of the debt of Great Britain should be apportioned and charged to the United States. We cited the case of our accessions from Mexico, where, notwit'n- standing her debt was great and afterward caused the Invasion of that country by France, England and Spain, it was never pretended that the United States was liable for any portion of it. The proposition was then yielded by the E'panish Comm.issioners. We then agreed upon articles for the relinquishment of the sovereign ty of Cuba and for the cession of Porto Rico, and proceeded to the consideration of other sub jects. Finally, we submitted our ijropositlon for the cession of the Philippine archipelago, and then, after five weeks, the Spanish Commis sioners wheeled around and reoccupied their position as to the assumption of the colonial debt, which we supposed they had abandoned; and they said to us, in not entirely diplomatic phrase, that it might as well be understood, and they did not want to repeat it, that any proposition for peace which did not involve the assumption of the proper proportion of the colonial debt would thwart the negotiations. Thereupon, after some consultation, the Ameri- TAKING THE PHILIPPINES. u can Commissioners, tired ot this wheeling and whirling from one point to another, laid down to the Spanish Commissioners an ultimatum for the relinquishment, of Cuba without assumption of the debt, for the cession of Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands without assumption of the debt, and gave them a period of eight days to answer, with an intimation of the suspension of negotiations if a favorable answer should not be forthcoming at the end of that time. At the end of eight days the Spanish Commission ers acquiesced. The proceedings after that were merely of in cident and detail. The result was that on the 10th day of December, i89.S, a treaty was con cluded and signed at Paris, at about 8 o'clock in the evening, which (although per haps it does not become me to say), I will say, was one ot the most complete diplomatic tri umphs recorded In the annals of international negotiation.. Whatever the American negoti ators had demanded had been secured. Against the text or the phraseology or the completeness of that treaty, no pettifogging cavil has ever been successfully raised. The Commissioners came back to their country feeling that they had secured for this Nation all the results that the war had been fought for; feeling, I may say, proud, as citizens, as men, as, lovers of their country, that they had succeeded so well. Dur ing all the time that we had labored in Paris not one word of admonition or dissent had come to us from sea or shore that the American ne gotiators -were claiming too much for their country; or that one single thing that they had asked was In excess of the just requirements of the situation; and I will say that for one I was greatly surprised to find, after we returned, that there was a class of people in this country v/ho were emaciated with surplus, w-ho grew lean upon enough and waxed fat upon a deficit. You will expect. jae.._t.Q..say why. we demanded the cession of the Philippine Islands. Practical ly the entire question as to the Philippines was finally left by the President to the judgment of the American Commissioners. It was at first thought that it would be sufficient for naval and strategic purposes to take the island of Luzon only; "but the best military and naval autlrorlttes laid the situation before us from a military, naval and- strategic^ point of view, and made it perfectly clear that we must either take the entire archipelago or abandon "it entirely; that the situs^of those Islands as to each other was such that the acquisition of one, with a hostile Power, or a foreign Power of whatever disposition, holding and of the others, would only reproduce the conditions of Cuba as against the United States and create a perpetual threat and danger In the waters of the East. In view of the astounding changes which the Chinese Empire has been subjected to, and is destined to further undergo, it was necessary for the United States to have a sufficient naval station and also a commanding commercial position in those waters. Besides, considering the case from a higher point of observation, who in this audience would have -advised us to leave the Philippines, or any portion of those islands, to the ineffable atrocities of Spain? When Dewey set the stars of that flag among the antipodal constellations of those Oriental skies, he Im posed upon the American people a responsibil ity of which we did not dream, and which we cannot avoid. And so, considering, besides, con- ditions_.to which I shall advert more fully in a few moments, it was decided that we should demand, ~and 'we did demand and receive, the cession of the entire archipelago of the Philip pines. We-~have taken that cession and the Cortes will soon ratify the treaty. We are al ready committed to the situation. We cannot put it aside or avoid it if we would. We "canhbt escape the responsibilities w-hich events, evolu tionary or providential, have imposed upon us. AVill any American citizen advocate, under pres ent conditions, that Dewey shall sail away from the harbor of Manila? That our troops shall e-^acuate Luzon? That we, v/ith the armed forces of insurrection arrayed against the Ameri can, flag, shall, in the face of the civilized world, evacuate those waters like mere trespassers and remit the Philippines to internal anarchy or foreign dismemberment? AVhat would be the result? The Filipinos are not at present quali fied to govern thamielves and establish that in dependent republic of which fond enthusiasts and theorists dream? I think no man in this audience who reads the newspapers will for a moment question that they are not. We cannot endure, in view of our past and comin,g inter ests in the Chinese Orient, that the Philippines shall be dismembered by foreign" Pow-ers, as they will be if this Government removes kselt from that situation. Above all things, my fel low-citizens, although appearing perhaps dim ly before us now, I believe there is a pro found perception in the minds of the Ameri can people that part of all this force which has pushed and established us there Is an im petus which tells for civilization, for a better Christianity, and that the United States, as the great evangelist of the nations, is destined to play a leading part in the regeneration of the Asiatic Orient. It has been asked, "Why did you not take a relinquishment of sovereignty as in the case of Culia, or establish a protecto rate?" The conditions were not the same. We had pledged our faith that we would not acquire Cuba. AVe can establish a protectorate or exer cise a vigilance over Cuba with comparative ease, but who wishes to establish at once and now a republic under our protectorate in the Philippines which can involve lis in all sorts of complications with foreign Powers, make us responsible for its diplomatic relations, for its failures, delinquencies, and its aggressions, and Involve us in wars which we did not cause, but which we must Inevitably enter into when once caused by another? I would treat the Filipinos in this way, conr sidering their present condition and their in considerate actions, stimulated as I believe by Inconsiderate advice from the United States: 98 OUR NJEYV POSSESSIONS. I would rear them with the hand of paternaljaf- fection whenever possible, and by' the hand of_ paternal chastisement — whehe-ver necessary. And w'hen the time shall come in the develop ment of that people, as it has come by the handling and development by Great Britain of the people of the Straits Settlements, that little by little, by degrees, they can be admitted to l.'jcal autonomy, I would grant it to the fullest extent possible; and in the due process of time, whenever they should be fit for it, I would adopt as to them the policy that Great Britain has announced as to her civilized colonies; and whenever, in that case, they should want to go, they should go; and I would rejoice if, in the process of time, an island republic could be established there in the Philippines over against and in friendly comparison with the Island, em pire of Japan. But until that time.,?hall come the interest, the honor, the. .security of the American people demand that we shall hold the Philippine~IsTands, hot only under our protec tion, but under our rule. Mr. President, in the age in which we are living it is not given to man to see far Into the future. The transformations of national relations are frequently instant, spectacular and beyond anticipation. 'We stand in the vestibule of the twentieth century. We must, as best we can, look beyond the portals,' through which we are soon to pass. Into the seeds of Time And say which grain will grow and which will not. The close of any year which marks the life of a man is to every one a most Impressive event. But who can admeasure the awful, the sublime solemnity of the ending of the great secular century-year which marks the life of nations and the development of humanity? It may be a mere recurrence of coincidences, or it may be a process of a vast and creative design, that the close and the beginning of the last five centuries have been epochs of never- ondin.g beneficence to mankind. This planetary periodicity, this orbital reappearance of this phenomenon in the sky of Time, shedding its "sweet influence" upon the nations, has again been made manifest in the last years of this closing century. The close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries were signalized by the discovery of America. Nearly contemporaneously De Gama circumnavigated the Cape of Good llofs. and Magellan sailed through the straits which bear his name, and laid his body In its everlasting rest in the Philippines, which now are ours. The next century brought with its beginning the final triumph of the liberty of conscience as the result of the great religious wars. Upon this result personal and religious freedom both defended. The seventeenth century ended and the eigh teenth century began with the revolution In England, by which royal prerogative was lim ited, the supremacy of Parliament was estab lished and the personal liberty of the subject was secured. Trfw-ard the close of the eighteenth century the American Revolution demonstrated t'nat an- expansive, an imperial, an imperishabj£„.re- public can be created and -maintained by mill ions of free.men; a republic -S'hic'n has endured unchanged, excepting by expansion, imperialism and increasing stability, while nearly every em pire has been subject to profound constitutional modifications, frequently of a revolutionary character. At nearly the same time the French Revolu tion burst into the family of nations like an armed, inspired and demented giant, striking down with the very manacles which had bound him the tyrannies which had made him a slave. It was a destructive process, but it secured a broader liberty and better institutions all over Continental Europe, and opened a career for the talents of men of every social condition. What shall be said of the one hundred years now immediately before us? We have seen four acts of the great centuries-drama of man kind — those astounding pageants in which twelve generations have moved and acted. We our selves are actors in the fifth, and the Unite-1 States must play a leading part. We lead a triumphal procession, the end of which we can not see, but we hear, as in the coming of a mighty wind over the sea, the premonitions of that which is about to be. Let us listen to The prologue to the swelling act Of the imperial theme. Sometimes over the great ocean there is raised to view in the upper sky the mirage of the dis tant shores to which the voyager is bound. So now, from out" of the great ocean of Time, there rises in rehearsal the imperial act itself. Let us view It, however imperfectly. To us the acquisition of the Philippine archi pelago Is not the mereJgratificatiQii. of the^lust or pTIde of conquest. Let us all- endeavor to look'^~rfEfTe~beyond day after to-morrow into a visible future, and let us mark certain great tendencies proceeding with all the force and reg ularity, and sometimes with the slowness, of a great geological process,' and see, if we can, what is meant by that which has thus been transpiring on the surface of human affairs within the last fifty years, namely, the tendency (shall I call it of humanity, or shall I call it the forces which move the human race?) toward the Chinese Orient — the Asiatic East. France has acquired Madagascar, looking toward India. In Africa the great centres of axmexation are upon the eastern coast. Russia is constructing across Siberia that great transcontinental rail road which was forecast two hundred years ago, when Peter the Great sent Vitus Bering over land to the straits which bear-hls name. By the Cassini Treaty of 1896 Russia has obtained prac tical control of Chinese Manchuria, an area as large as Texas and containing 20,000,000 peo ple. She has obtained Port .Arthur, always open for a terriiinus of the trans-Siberian railroad,. instead of Vladivostok, frozen four months in the year. France has seized Tonquin, Annam, TAKING THE PHILIPPINES. 99 Cambodia and Cochin China. Germany has made a compensatory seizure opposite to Corea. These operations are of evil portent. I am not in favor of the dismemberment of the great Chinese Empire — an empire which was old when Alexander watered his steed in the Indus; an empire so ancient that it has undergone all the great experiences of the human race, and has, in the process, survived. I am in favor of the integrity of that empire, and desire that It may become accessible to all the civilized world and to -its commerce. Accordingly, I have said and I think that it would safeguard the peace of the world for fifty years if Great Britain, Japan and the United States, as to all those Oriental waters and the lands bordering upon them north of the equator, should declare that there should be no dismemberment of that imme morial emsire. There are other reasons. Let us endeavor to look at the few years ahead of us. We may be mistaken, but we are bound to look and see as well as we can. The American Peace Commis sioners were taught, all too painfully, to feel while we were in Paris that this country had not, as to the negotiations they were conduct ing, a friend on the Continent of Europe — not a friend. That treaty was made under the most adverse conditions of the public sentiment of Continental Europe. Our diplomatic rela tions with Germany and France, and all other nations, while now entirely satisfactory (and I take this opportunity to say that adverse ap pearances are much exaggerated in the public press, especially in regard to our relations with Germany), yet, considering their aggressions upon the coast of China, their Intentions regard ing the dismemberment of that vast empire, the enormous military force they could muster out of those millions of fatalists after their sub jection — of men who fight without regard to death— it Is to be apprehended that under the dominion of a foreign power they could, within thirty years, be made immensely dangerous to the United States. I do not wish to see my country become the China of the West. In these days, when space has been annihilated by steam, I do not view without apprehension the destiny of dismem bered China ready to pour its multitudes upon the western coast of the United States. It was to obviate that that I advocated so earnestly the acquisition of Hawaii. It Is to forestall that that I am anxious to see some of our Alaskan Islands well fortified and made a base of de fence and naval operations. These thoughts may be speculative, but they are well enough to consider. But above all things before us for present consideration I am Interested that this country shall have its share of the trade of that great em.plro. We exported over twelve hundred mill- _ions last year. Our competitors for the markets of the world are eager, anxious, unscrupulous sometimes. The opening of the empire of China, with its 400,000,000 of people— one-third of the human race — to the instrumentalities and func tions of modern civilization Is an event, in my opinion, quite as important, if not more so, than the discovery of America by Columbus. It is my desire, hope and expectation, it is that to which my humble labors have been and w-ill be directed, to secure for this government and its people— for the producers of the United States— their share in that trade. California, Washington and Oregon have scarcely more than two millions of people. I want to see the commercial development of that part of our country expand until there shall be twenty millions of people there who can de fend themselves; and I do honestly and sincere ly believe, from all I have studied and. thought on that subject, that the retention of the Phlhp- pine Islands and their adjustinerif to our .needs and destiny are a necessaiT and indispensable step in the advancement of the great results to which I have so Imperfectly alluded. And now, fellow-citizens, in our foreign rela tions and as to what affects our exterior affairs we are all one — one in interest. We may not be one In opinion, but we certainly ought to be one In a sincere and earnest desire to secure the best and most enduring results for our country. Surely In the heart of no man can there enter. In the various diversities of opinion which in volve such a su'oject, any desire, hope or thought that does not conduce to the welfare of his country. We aU differ; we have different shades of opinion upon all questions, contingent and future, even though we are of one desire. The problem, wh-at -s\'e shaU do with the Phil ippine archipelago, is not now before us for im mediate solution. We are actually no-R' in the possession of all those islands. We own them, or shall when Spain ratifies the treaty of ces sion, and the question of their disposition ought not to be decided at once. Must we say now and at once that a territory, the possession of which may be necessary for our safety, for which we have paid $20,000,000, for which Amer ican blood has been shed, and may be flowing to-night or to-day (for it is day there now), shall, by a precipitate judgment, without any suffi cient consideration of the future, be turned over to a body of men as to whom all authorities and observers agree, and who_arfi_demonstratin.g by their own acts, that they are not yet fit for self- government? ^ 100 • OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. AjVIERICA 7INDICATED. SENATOR GRA\' AT THE OHIO SOCIETA' DINNER IN HONOR OF THE PEACE COM-VIISSIONERS. NEAV-A'ORK. FEEKUARA' 25, 1S09. jMr. President .and Gentlemen of the Ohio So ciety: I can only thank you for this cordial wel come, and say how hard your pi-esldent has made it for me to speak, after hi.'5 compliment so undeserved and laudatory. I could best at test my respect for the Ohio Society in New- "i'ork and my great desire to be witli you on this oci-asiori by coming at some inconvenience and at .?ome threat.=ned neglect ot public duties. sonif'what suddenly s.nj on somewhat short notice, in order that I might participate with you iu this magnificent banquet. air. President, you ought to be very proud of this society, citizens by birth of Ohio, here on tiw .=frahoard, and in this great metropolis of New-York, so strong in numbers and in intellect and in character. We feel — those -of us who have not that privilege, those of us born outside the sacred pale of Ohio— that it is a privilege that d.!e? not often come, and that must be appre ciated when it does come, to be your guests. W'nen I look over this assembly of Ohio.ans and recollect the history of that great central State of our Union, I know that you feel, as I have just said, a just pride in your nativity and in the State to which j-ou all owe the allegiance of bit-th. But there is another thought that comes with t'nis, fnat while you are Ohioans and, while you have done £,o much to illustrate all that is best in American history and in American state,s-man- ship, i also belong to your company by virtue of the fact that I, and you, too, are American citizens (applause), and by that high title I claim to be at home arriong you to-night. There is scmethin.g very grateful to me always in an occasion like this, that is distinctively one springing from State pride and from that love of self-governrnent that belongs to our States, somethrrig~That illustrates to my mind the strength of our Institutions. Stretching from ocean to ocean as a Nation, we yet preseive our loyalty -to the communities that we govern, and to which we belong, aind that loyalty must pre serve 111 the future, as it has preserved in the pa.st, the true glory cf American Institutions. I am always thankful that the map of this great country- is not painted over with one color; th.it the States In every map appear distinctive ly as selfj^oyerned sovereign States, and that from them up to the pinnacle of National great ness come the springs of our greatness and the enduring hope for our future. JUST CAUSE TO BE PROUD. You have just cause to be proud, my fellow- citizens from Ohio, in the occasion on which you are assembled to-night, and I can speak to-night w-ithout any su.spicion or imputation of self- glcrification, because it is for me to bear witness to you to the important part that Ohio has per formed in the great concluding act of this drama of the war with Spain. It is a very great honor, my friends, that not only did you contribute your citizen soldiery to the defence -of .our great Republic, but that you also contributed, the character and the statesmanship and the broad-minded judgment in the persons of two of that Peace Commission appointed by the President, also from Ohio, -^'hich brought to a conclusion the war ¦with Spain by a definitive Treaty of Peace. And let rae say — because it is a pleasure for me to .--ay it in his absence — that no State in this Union could have contributed to that function, or any other great function of statecraft or diplomacy, a mind and a character more equipoised, settled, cle.ar and strong than were contributed by Ohio, when she sent that quiet, sensible, strong -statesman, William R. Day, to Paris to conclude the Treaty of Peace. Always self-contained, never self-exploitative, but always self-suppressed, yet firm and cour ageous in the performance of duty as he saw it, he has Illustrated the very highest traits ot American st.-ttesmanship and American charac ter, in tlie work that w-e brought home with us from the other side of the ocean. I speak of him first because he was the presi dent of the Comm.ission appointed by the Presi dent. But Ohio's honors did not cease there. He was ably seconded by another son of Ohio, who, with untiring zeal and devotion to his country's interests as he saw them, with the patriotic and single purpose to achieve and promote the glory and honor- and safety of his country — your dis tinguished fellow-statesman, the Hon. Whitela-.v Reid, w-ho sits at my left — has .secured for him self a place in the galaxy uf American statesmen that must ever remain an honor to him and to the great State that gave him birth. NO SECRET TO DISCLOSE. And no-w, my friends, your president has said that he hoped to iiear all the diplomatic secrets with which we were supposed to be surcharged, and that we were to display to-night to you something- that would gratify your curiosity and your patriotism by telling you of things that happened, that you have a right to know, in those negotiations which we considered so im portant, and which form such an epoch in the history of our country. Well, our great secret is, that v.-e have no secret to disclose. Our conduct there was In unison and in line with American traditions of diplomacy. AVe knew nothing of intrigue or finesse, but we sought to meet the trained diplomacy of Europe by straightforward and direct methods of American statesmanship and Ame-rican character. We were far a-n-ay, and we felt that we five men — felt it w-ith an intensity that I cannot describe adequately — represented our country and its intexests, its future, and in a measure its destiny, and whatever differences we had in our own council chamber, and we had many, there was but a solid and single Co.-nmission when we were opposed to the ene-mies of our ABIE RICA VINDICATED. country. We recollected that whatever our dif ferences of opinion might be, when we came to deal with the great interests of the United States as opposed to those of Spain, that pglitical dif ferences sank into insignificance before the great paramount consideration that w-e were Ameri cans charged with-. responsibility for America, char.ged with a duty to ^utcountry, which we en deavored humbly jjijthe sight of God to perform. There may have been some questions as to the policy of acquiring the Philippines at all; there m-ay have been grave doubts as to whether we should- go outside of the declaration with which the war was commenced and confined, and ex tend our view outside of this hemisphere to the distant Orient; but there came a time in the course of those negotiations— and this, perhaps, is one of the secrets to which your president al luded—when after four or five weeks of doubt and anxiety it became apparent that these nego tiations must either be broken off and your Commissioners return without a treaty at all, and that we would be relegated to the necessity of taking not only the Philippines, but Cuba and Porto Rico, by the ruthless hand of military con quest, or by some concessions, that comported 'with the magnanimity and greatness and char- : acter of this country, gain them by the voluntary ^ cession of a treaty of peace. And7 therefore, we ¦believed that it was better for this country, strong in the hour of Its victories, great in the hour of its triumphs, that it should, to a, beaten, and prostrate foe, exhibit that magnanimity of which I spoke, and take from them by voluntary cession and by purchase, so to speak, those dis- :. taut islands, rather than expose ourselves in the eyes of the w-orld as playing a, role of bar baric conquest, and by military power tread the path of medleeval rapine and warfare. 101 - RELUCTANT TO ENTER THIS ROLE. I speak as one, as my friend on my left and colleague on the late Comm.ission will bear me. witness, who was reluctant to enter upon the part that we are now enacting. I speak as one who shared, perhajjs, the most conservative views on this question that anywhere are expressed in this broad land of ours; but when I find that those who now are or lately have been opposed to the ratification of the treaty at all, all with, sine voice and one accord, from Senator Hoar down through the ranks of the opposition, de clare that whatever- might betide us we must drive out Spain from the Philippine Islands and keep her out, then there was but one plain path of duty before those who thought as I did, and I could form no other opinion then, as I have no other opinion now, than that it was our duty to take those i.slands and hold them in trust for the great purposes of American freedom and American liberty, guided by all of our history that lies behind us, and moving forward to a goal that must bring happiness, with law and ' liberty, to peoples who never before had known 5;Jiat they meant. How idle, in view of the apinion thus formed, must seem the criticisms of those -who are in voking the Declaration of Independence and the time-honored maxims to which we all adhere, that all just government rests on the consent of the governed! Why, don't we know that, after all, the achievement of liberty, ordered and governed by law, is a practical thing and not a thing of phrases? Don't we know that it would be absolutely impossible that those peo ple who for four hundred years had known no government but that of Spain, who had no re alization of civilization except what had been filtered down through the oppressions of a con quering race— don't we know that it was impos sible for them to conceive, much less achieve, the notion of American liberty until the strong hand of American power had established the condi tions which would give place and opportunity for the blessings that are spoken of when we so apostrophize the Declaration of Independence and libertj'? A VERY PRACTICAL QUESTION. Now, another thing — and you will pardon me, because this is becoming a very practical ques tion, and fills all our hearts and minds, I kno%v, with anxiety and with thoughtfulness in. regard to the future-^we are thinking about it, and talking about it in our' homes and in our offices and places of business— I want to call your at tention lo this fact and to this consideration: After the signing of the protocol, on August 12 last, by which an armistice and truce were brought about between"' Spain and the United States, Manila, its harbors and bay, were occu pied by the forces of the United States, and General Merritt, commanding the force and gal lant army in those waters, landed and proceeded to hold. In strict obedience to the terms of that protocol, thaf city, with his colleague. Admiral Dewey. Spain's power had been broken; her fleets had been destroyed; her army had been surrendered, and there we stood, the guardians of those peo ple that we had just rescued from the despotism of four hundred years. There we stood, with our flag and our soldiery and our sailors, as the guarantee of American honor and American free dom to those poor people. And now what was to happen? And what has occurred? Before the armistice is over, without a. single departure from the strict obligation imposed upon the United States and its armies by that armistice, before the Treaty of Peace was ratified, and while, we stood there with arms at rest guard- , ing those people, having driven out their op pressors, waiting for the definitive ratification of the treaty with their enemy and ours, they exhibited their Idea of liberty, their idea of ob ligation, bj'. attacking without provocation the army that had delivered them and the fleet that had co-operated_with it, and brought about the conflict which Is now, unhappily, being waged in those distant islands. "LET US HAVE THE OPPORTUNITr." What have we got to say about the Declara tion of Independence? Are we to stop while our soldiers are being shot down and our sailors 102 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. staining the decks of American men-of-war with their blood, and preach to them the Declaration of Independence, and the saying of Thomas Jef ferson, that all just government rests on the consent of the governed? Let us have, at least, opportunity — and we say it in the pre-sence of the world -which is to pass upon our conduct, and we invoke the public opinion of the civilized nations of the earth as to the justice of our posi tion — let us have at least the opportunity to shew those people what we meant, and what we intended, before we commence to talk to them about government resting upon the consent of the gcjverned. AVhat analogy is there between their position and ours in the Revolutionary War? I have heard it over and over again on the floor of Congress and in the Senate of the United States, with vociferous iteration, asserted that they had as much justification in taking up arms and shooting down American citizens and American soldiers as had the patriots of '76 in resisting the forces of King George. Why, for 150 years prior to the Revolution of '76 we had lived under English government, had protested against its grievances, and had petitioned for their rectifi cation and adjustment, and then only went to arms when all other means failed. Men of their own race, men as capable of self-government as the go-'-ernin.g power itself. And Jjereare a peo ple who never knew self-government, who have groaned under Spanish oppression in' alT-fhese centuries, and for the first time in all their his tory they have had a, gleam of light brought to them by the flag carried by Merritt and Dewey. And yet they are compared to the patriots who in 'TO were driven to arms against King George and his forces on the continent of America. It is ahstud, and it is stuff and nonsense, to talk about there being any kind of comparison be tween the t-.vo epochs. I want, as much as a:;y one, to illustrate American character and American principles wherever the American flag flo-ats: but give us the opportunity, and stop shooting American soldiers and American sail ors, and we tiMll tell you then what we will do. "WE ARE ALL. AMERICANS." Then what are we to do now? To-night, in the face of this great crisis, for such it is, we are all Democrats and we are all Republicans, and. ro.nre than all, we are all Americans. Let U3 see to it that what we have undertaken In the sight of the world is carried, out,_an.d„let us not. t'urn our baclcs upon a duty that is so plain that no man can mistake it. Let us tell these poor people that wo have come to give them the lib erty they are fighting for, and which they can never attain except with our aid, rWhy, we'Tvere their allies, and they have shed our blood. And yet, with it .'ill. I bespeak for them a patient and long-suffering consideration, that is becom ing the greatness and the power and the pre cepts of the great Nation to which we belong. We will give, them better government than they have ever drearaed of having. We. will give ihem liberty regulated by law, and we will do it at all costs and at all hazards, and we will not go back on American manhood and American-citizenship and the principles of Amer ican liberty in doing it. RETREAT IMPOSSIBLE. We cannot retreat.- We cannot sail away frorn those Islands now. However we might have done so in October or November, we cannot do it in February, in the year of our Lord .eighteen ninety-nine. And so, my friends, we are here to-night, considering for a, moment, on this festal occasion, these grave duties and these grave responsibilitiesThat belong to this great Nation of ours,- and to its citizenship and to every individual citizen among us. Thank God that no American hand ever wielded a sword or pointed a- gun that behind that hand there was not an American con science. Thank God that every American con science Is awakened, and that this matter is de bated at every crossroad in this great land of ours, and that when America makes up her mind and has debated and has satisfied herself that her cause is just, then nothing can impede her -way or stop her progress in achieving the results at which she aims. We did not go to war iintil the American con science was awakened. AVe bore and forbor? for many long years a condition of affairs .in.ths' neighboring Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, thaT" had become abliorrent to the sense of American justice and to American humanity. And it was only after all that, until the great provocation o.f the loss of our battle-ship Maine and the sac rifice of 266 gallant American sailors, that at last the indignation of this country was aroused and we declared that housekeeping so out- rageous should not_^i3t right tie*t-daoi=-to-«Sr-~_ /^^^y friends, we all owe a duty to our neigh bors, and I always liken the situation of our, country iu this matter of Cuba, and the difficul-j ties in Cuba, to that of alavvf-abidlng citizen. liv-\ ing in one of our civilized and orderly Ameri- i can communities. Because, not only are the citi- ' zens law-abiding, but the country is law-abid- ; ing, and when that law-abiding citizen finds ; right next door to him there is an ill-governed, I ill-regfilated household— the head of the house 1 beating his wife and starving his children-^he | bears It-day after day, because he is a law-abid- I ing citizen, until at last the outcry becomes so j great and the outrage so enormous that | he can bear it no longer, and he goes in and I takes his neighbor by the throat and says: "This j thing must stop!" and he does it because he is I his neighbor. ,.-—_ — .„- -....^^^^ j IrTSCTTITUDE in TIIE WAR AVITH SPAIN." And that was our attitude in the war with Spain. But war was declared, and no one can tell what the consequences of war, once entered upon, are to be. It may set the whole world aflame. But if we went into it righteously. If we went Into it with an awakened conscience. If we went Into It with a. justification that sati.s-'~ fied the moral sense of the rAm:?rican people, then, come what may, as American citizens and aa American men we will face the consequences whatever they may be. And now, my friends, this Is not the time to AMERICA VINDICATED. 103 talk to the Philippines or to give promises to the world as to what we are going to do with these people after we have established orderly government among them. We cannot do it while the crack of the Mauser rifles is ringing in our ears. We must, because w-e believe we have the right, put down tKis"~opp6sition and this destructive attack that Is being made upon our country and upon its arms and navies in those distant waters. We cannot reason with those "people now. Itjs.no.t-now to preach to them the eternal doctrines of hberty and of free dom, or to read to them the Declaration of In dependence. We will do that by and by. I grant you that the situation is serious. I grant you that the difficulties in the path we are treading seem to me very great indeed; but be cause duty is difficult and dangerous even it cannot be avoided or evaded by manly men. We must face our duties and look them squarely in the face. We have got those islands, and we have got them bad, and we are going to live through it, and, with or without foreign inter ference, we will so regulate, I confidently believe, our conduct as that we will give no just cause of offence to any Power, people or potentate in the world; and, so doing, we may let the conse quences take care of themselves. Now, that is the way I feel about it. as per haps the most conservative and the most loath of all the citizens of this country — I won't say of all the members of the Commission — to have anything to do with the Philippines at all. But if, a.s the opponents of the ratification of the treaty said, and as I said before, we must drive out Spain, then, surely, having driven her out, '^ Via cannot leave those islands derelicts on the wide pacific Ocean, to be picked up by any ag gressive, grabbing European Power that chooses some fine morning to sail by and plant its flag there. ; - WHAT IT BROUGHT TO THE ISLANDS. - There is one thing certain, that however un wise it may be said our conduct has been, and however deleterious to our best Interests it may have been. It can bring nothing and has brought nothing to the people of those islands but bless ing, and the promise of blessing, such as they never had the opportunity to hope for in all the centuries that have passed. We know we are doing them no wrong. We know that they are better for all that has hap pened and for all that will happen; and if it costs us priceless blood and untold treasure then it is a sacrifice that high civilization owes to inferior civilization, and we will lift them up at any cost, and give them an opportunity for that self-government about which we hear so much. Never in all their history has that oppor tunity come for those people before. Whether they are capable of it or not, I do not know. If they are not capable of it, then we must re main there long enough lo illustrate American power and American manhood and American statesmanship. When we are convinced that they are capable of It, in~God''s name hand them o-zer the isl.ands and let them govern the islands themselves! But we have not only driven out Spain, their oppressor, but we intend to drive out anarchy and barbarism and the half-civilization tha.t is now so destructive to American, soldiers and American sailors in those islands. We are going to deliver them from themselves and give them some measurable degree of decent white man's government. Now, these are not secrets of diplomacy. Thank God! American diplomacy Includes the whole citizenship of seventy millions of people, and their secrets are the secrets of all. As 1 said before, there can be no settled policy tow ard these islands adopted by the Government of the United States that does not meet the ap proval of the thoughtful, liberty-loving. God fearing people of this country. It will be de bated, as I said before, at every crossroads, and In every schoolhouse, and a judgment will be formed which in action will be as irresistible as an avalanche in Alpine mountains, and it can not be evaded, and it cannot be escaped from. AS IN THE WAR WITH SPAIN- I believe that in the present crisis — for it is a- crisis— we should act as we acted Ir. the war with Spain- We should relegate our political differences until such time as we may, witliout a sacrifice of American ..manhood, con-'-lder them- I believe that we should with one voice and one mind stand together, .shoulder to shoulder, until tranquillity and peace are restored to the Orient, "^iSaTheh we -ft-ill talk about the Declaration of Independence, and then we will preach the principles of American liberty, and, God helping us, we will achieve for the world and for civiliza tion a triumph greater than ...has ever been achieved in all the ages that have preceded us- So acting, not giving up our Ideals by any means— for no country can afford to trample upon its Ideals— but always mindful of them, we will go ahead on the path that duty marks out for us, and, if needs be, we will put those people in possession of the land that they inhabit and leave them to govern it, if we can leave them safely to our interests to do so and to the in terests of themselves. By so doing -We will achieve a triumph for American civilization and for American traditions more valuable to us than all the islands cf the seas. Now, apologizing for having detained you so long, if an apology is necessary — (cries of "No, no!") — You are very kind. in encoura.ging me to go on; but my apology must be that I knew that this matter now Is on your hearts and minds, as it Is on my heart and mind, and it will continue to be on our hearts and minds until a settlement consistent with American honor and with Amer ican glory and with A.merican conscience and morality is achieved in all parts of the world. 101 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. THE DUTIES OF PEACE. V.'HITELAW REID AT THE OHIO SOCIETY DINNER IN HONOR OF THE PE-\CE COMMISSIONERS, NEW- YORK, FEBRUARY 25, 1899. You call and I obey. Any call from Ohio, Avberever it finds me, is at once a distinction and a duty. But it would be easier to-night and more natural for me to remain silent. I am one of yourselves, the givers of the feast, and the occasion belongs peculiarly to my col leagues on the Peace CommlFsion. I regi-et that more of them are not here to tell you in person how profoundly we all appreciate the compliment you pay us. Judge Day, after an experience and strain the like of which few --^.tuericaus of this generation have so suddenly and so successfully met, is seeking to regain his strength at the South. Senator Frye, at the close of an anxious session, finds his respon sible duties in Washington too exacting to- permit even a day's absence; and Senator Da vis, who could not leave the care of the treaty to visit bis State even when bis own re-elec tion was pendiu.g, has snatched the first mo ment of relief since he was sent to Paris, last summer, to go out to vSt. Paul and meet the constituents who b.ave in bis absence renewed to him the crown of a good and faithful ser vant; It is all the more fortunate, therefore, that you are honored by the presence of the patriotic members of the Opposition who formed the regulator and balance-wheel of the Commission. AA'hen Senator Gray objected, WTe all re-exam ined the processes of our reasoning. When he assented, we knew we were on solid ground and went ahead. It was an expected gratifica tion to have wit'u you also the accomplished secretary and counsel to the Commission, a man as modest and unobtrusive as its presi dent, and like him equal to any summons. In his regretted ab.sence, we rejoice to find here the most distinguished military aid ordered to report to the Commission, and the mo-st im portant witness before it— the Conqueror of Manila. So much you Avill permit me to say in my capacity as one of the hosts, rather than as a member of the body to which you pay this gra cious com;)liment. It is not for me to speak of another figure necessarily missing to-night, though often with j-ou heretofore at these meetings— the member of the Ohio Society who sent us to Paris! A great and shining record already speaks for him. He will be known in our historj- as the Presi dent who freed America from the last trace of Spanish blight; — who realized the aspiration of our earlier statesmen, cherished hy the leaders of either iiarty through throe-quarters o-f a cen tury, for planting; the flag both on Cuba and on the Sandwich Islands;— more than this, as the President who has carried that flag half- Avay round the world and opened the road for the trade of the Nation to follow It. All this came from simply doing his duty, from day to day, as that duty was forced upon him. No other man in the United States held back from war as he did, risking loss of popu larity, risking the hostility of Congress, risking the harsh judgment of friends in ago'jjzing for peace. It was no doubt in the spirit of the Prince of Peace; but it was also -svith the wis dom of Polouius, "Beware. of entrance to a quarrel; but, being in, bear thyself so that thine adversary may beware of thee!" Never again will any nation imagine that it can trespass in definitely against the United States with im punity. Never again will an American -n-arsUip run greater risks in a peaceful harbor than in battle. The world will never again be in doubt whether, when driven to Avar, we will end it in a gush of sentimentality or a shiver of un manly apprehension over untried responsibili ties, by fleeing from our plain duty, and at the. same time giving up what we are entitled to, befpre we have even taken an opportunity to look at it. DOES PEACE PACIFY? But. it must be confessed that "looking at it" during the past week has not been an alto gether cheerful occupation. AVhile the aspect of some of these new possessions remains so frowning there are faint hearts ready enough to say that the Peace Com-mission is in no posi tion to be receiving compliments. Does pro tection protect? is an old question that used to be thrown in our faces -though I believe even the questioners finally made up their mluds that it did. Does peace pacify? is the question of the hour. AVell, as to our ori,gina! antagonist, historic, courageous Spain, there seems ground to hope and believe and be glad that it does— not merely toward us, but within her own bor ders. AVhen she jettisoned cargo that had al ready shifted ruinously, there is reason to think that she .averted disaster and saved the ship. Then as to Porto Rico there is no doubt of peace; and as to Cuba very little,— although it would be too much to hope ibat ber twelve years of civil war could be foUo-.A-ed by an .-.bso- lute calm, without disorders. As to other possessions in the farther East, we may as Avell recognize at once that we are dealing now with the same sort. of clever bar barians as in the earlier days of the Kepublic, when, on another ocean not then less distant, we were compelled to encounter the Algerian pirates. But there is this difference. Then we merely chastised the Algerians into letting us and our commerce alone. The permanent polic ing of that coast of the Mediterranean -\vas not imposed upon us, by surrounding circum stances, or by any act of ours,— it belonged to nearer nations. Now a war Ave made has broken THE DUTIES OF PEACE. 105 down tlie only authority that existe'd to protect the coi,!iiicri-e of the world in one of its great est Ea.-itein tborouglifares, aud to preserve the lives aud property of people of all nations ro- scrtiiig to tliose marts. AVe broke it down, and wo cannot, dare not display the cowardice and Selfishness of failing to replace it. However men inay differ as to our future policy in those regions, there can be no difference as to our present duty. It is as plain as tliat of putting dow-n a riot in Chicago or New-York- all the plainer because we have until recently ourselves been taking the very course aud doing the very. things to encourage the rioters. WHY TAKE SOVEREIGNTY IN THB PHILIPPINES? A -distinguished aiid patriotic citizen said to me the other day in a AVostern city, "You might have avoided this trouble in the Senate by refusing title in the Philippines exactly as in Cuba and simply enforcing renunciation of Spanish sovereignty. AA'liy didn't you do it?" The question is important, and the reason ought to be understood. But at the outset it should be clearly realized that the circuiustances which made it possible to take that course as to Cuba Avere altogether exceptional. For three-quar ters of a century we had asserted a special in terest and right of interference there as against cny other nation. It is directly ou our coast, and no one doubted that at least as much or der as in the past would be preserved there, even if we had to do it ourselves. There w-as also the positive action of Congress, which on the one hand gave us excuse for refusing a soyereigntj' our highest legislative authority had disclaimed, and on the other formally cast the shield of our responsibility over the island when left without a governme.nt or a sover eignty. Besides there was a people there, ad vanced enough, sufficiently compact and homo geneous in religion, race aud language, suffi ciently used alreatly to the methods of govern ment, to warrant our Republican claim that the sovereignty "was not being left in the air; — that it was only left where '.n lire last analysis, in a civilized community, it must always re side — in the peojile themselves. And yet, under all these conditions the most difficult task your Peace Commissioners had at Paris was to maintain and defend the de mand for a renunciation of sovereignty with out anybody's acceptance of the sovereignty thus renounced. International la>v has not been so taught or practised abroad"; and it may be frankly confessed that the Spanish argu ments on this point were learned, acute, sus tained by the general judgment of Europe, and not easy to refute. A similar demand concerning the Philippines neither could nor ought to have been acqui esced in by the civilized world. Here were ten millioDS of people ou a groat highw-ay of coiii- merre, of numerous differeut races, dilfercnt' language-*, different religions, some seini-civil- ized, some barbarous, otliers mere pagan sav ages, but without a majority or even a- re spectable minority of them accustomed to self-government or believed to be capable of- it. vSovereignty oVer such a conglomeration aud in tiucU a place could not be left in the air. The civilized world would not recognize. its transfer, unless transferred to somebody. Ilenunciatlon under such circumstances would h.ave been equivalent in international law to abandonment, and that would have been eiiuiva- leut to anarchy and a race for seizure among- the nations that cotdd get there quickest. AVe couid, of course, have refused to accept the obligations of a civilized, responsible na tion. After breaking down govemment in tho^e commercial centres we could have refused to set up anything in its stead, and simply washed ou.r hands of the whole business; but to do that ¦would have been to show ourselves- more in sensible to moral obligations than, if we had restored Ibem outright to Spain. HOW TO DEAL WITH THE PHILIPPINES; Well, if the elephant must be on our hands, what are we going to do with '.t? I venlui"e to answer that first we must put down the riot. The lives and property ot Ger.man an-d British merchants must be at least as safe in Jlanila as they were uuder Spanish rule before we are ready. for any other step whatever; Xext, ought we not to try to diagnose our ease before we turn everj' quack doctor among lis loose on it;— understand what the problem is before heginmng heated partisan discussions as to the easiest way of solving it? And nest; sh.all we not probably fare best in the end if we try to profit somewhat by the experience others have had in like cases? The widest experience has been had by the great nation whose people and institutions' are nearest like our own. Illustrations of ber suc cessful methods may be found in E.gypt and, in many Briti.sh dependencies; but for our pur poses, probably best of all either on the Malay Peninsula or on the north coast of Borneo, where she lias had the happiest results In deal ing with intractable types of the worst of these same races. Some rtiles drawn from this ex perience might be distasteful to people who look upon new possessions as merely so much more Government patronage aud quite repug nant to the noble .army of office-seekers, but they surely mark the path of safety. The first 1.* to meddle at the outset as little as possible with every native custom -and in stitution aud even prejudice. The next is to use every existing native agency you can; and 106 0 UR ¦ NE W POSSESSIONS. the next to employ in the Government service. just as few Americans as you can, and only of the best. Convince the natives of your irre sistible power and your ine^xorable purpose; then of your desire to be absolutely just, and after that, not before, be as kind as you can. At the outset you will doubtless find your best agents among the trsiined officers of the Navy and the Army, particularly the former. On the retired list of both, but again particularly of the Navy, ought to be found just the experi ence in contact with foreign races, the modera tion, wide views, justice, rigid method aud in flexible integrity you need. Later on should come a real civil service, with such pure and efficient administration abroad as might help us ultimatel.y to conclude that we ourselves de- ser\-e as well as the heathen, and induce us to set up similar standards for our own service at home. Meantime, if we have taught the heathen largely to govern themselves without being a hindrance and menace to the civiliza tion and the commerce of the world, so much the better. Heaven speed the day! If not, we must even continue to be responsible for them ourselves — a duty we did not seek, but should be ashamed to shirk. A WORTHY AMBASSADOR. WHITEL.A.W REID AT THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB DINNER TO JOSEPH H. CHOATE, AMB.i\SS-ADOR TO ENGLAND, FEBRUARY IS, 1899. No, Mr. President, I am not here to make a speech. If I were I certainly should not speak before the Governor of my State; or, as a rep resentative of diplomacy, in adv.ance of this earlier and better soldier in that field (turning to Mr, Morton), or of the otliei' gentlemen lin- in.£r thi.> table, who are all eager to speak. I have run away from another engagement merely to join in your congratulations and good Avishes. The occasion suggests reminiscences that it is pleasant for me to recall. Many years ago, when I was first asked to undertake public duty abroad, the offer came primarily in the must generous and gracious Avay, from the emi nent statesman Avith whom your guest's name and work have been, most intimately associated throu.ghout his professional life. Years later, when I was able to- accept such an offer, your guest was among the first in a dintier organi:ied to launch me safely out of the country; and he showed afterward that he meant me no barm by it, for he was equally early in being counted for another dinner, to welcome me b;ick again! It is iny turn now! He is goin.g to a city that Avill thoroughly ap- preci.-ite and enjoy him, while he will equally appreciate and enjoy it. He is going to the real capital— so far as there is oue— of the. race • to which we all belong, the race that girdles and ciA'ilizes aud leads, if it does not rule, the world. AA'e shall be proud to have him there, proud of him as a representative New-Yorker, and a worthy representative of the Continental Re public. He will not find his bed all roses, or his di^ys all holidays. In fact, he is quite likely to real ize that an Ambassador who conscientiously discharges all his varied duties, and meets the wishes of the great American peoxde, is about the hardest worked and poorest paid servant the big capital contains. And yet there are people who like it! He will like it. He will fill the place on all its sides, and will adorn it. I congratulate you on the Ambassador you are sending out, and I congratulate alike the coun try that sends him, and the countiy to which' he is sent. I predict for bim aud I wi.fb biin a brilliant and useful career, and join most heart ily in your goodbys and godspeed. TRADE IN THE FAR EAST. WHITELAW REID AT THE DINNER OF ' THE AMERICAN ASIATIC ASSOCIA^ . TION IN HONOR OF LORD CHARLES ERESFORD, NEW- YORK, FEB RUARY , 23, 1809. The hour is late, you have already enjoyed your intellectual feast, you have hoard the man you came to hear, and I sh.all detain you for but a moment. The guest whom we are all here to honor and applaud to-night is returnin,g from a journey designed to promote the safety ¦ and extension of his country's trade in the Chinese" Orient. He has probably been accus tomed to think of us as the most extreme Pro tectionist Nation in the world; and he may have heard at first of our recent acquisition on the China Sea with some .apprehension on that very account. Now, there are two facts that might be some what suggestive to any who take that view. One is that though we may be "enraged Pro tectionists," as our French friends occasionally - call us, we h.ave rarely sought to extend the protective system where we had nothing and could develop nothing to protect. The other is that we ar° also the greatest Free Trade conn- try in the world. Nowhere else on the globe does absolute Free Trade prevail over so wide, rich and continuous an expanse of territory, with such variety aud volume of production and manufacture; aud nowhere have its benefi cent results been more conspicuous. From the THE DUTIES OF PEACE. 101 Golden Gate your guest lias crossed a continent teeming with population and iiiauufactures, v,-itbout encountering a custom-house. If he had come back from China the other way, from Suez to Loudon, be would have passed a dozen! AA'hen your Peace Commissioners w-ere brought face to face with the retention of the Philippines, tbey were at liberty to consider the question it raised for immediate action in the light of both sides of the National practice. Here was an archipelago practically without manufactures to protect, or need for protection to develop manuf.actures; and here were swarm ing iwpulations with whom trade was sure to Increase and ramify, in proportion to its free dom from obstructions. Thus it came about that your Commissioners were led to a view which to many has seemed a new departure; and wore finally enabled to preface an offer to Spain with the remark that it was the policy of the United States to maintain in the Philippines an open door to the world's commerce. Great Protectionist leader as the President is, aud long has been, he sanctioned the declaration; and. Protectionist as is the Senate, it ratified the pledge. Under Treaty guarantee Spain is novv entitled to the Open Door in the Philip pines for ten years. Under the most f.avored nation clause, what is thus secured to Spain would not be easily refused, even if any one desired it, to any other nation; and the door that stands open there for the next teu years Avill by that time have such a rising tide of trade pouring through it from the awakening East that no man thenceforward "can ever close it. There are two ways of dealing with the trade of a distant dependency. You may give such advantage to your own people as practically to exclude everybody else. That Avas the Spanish way. - That is the French Avay. Neither nation has grown rich of late on its colonial extensions. Again, you may impose such import or export duties as will raise the rcA-enue needed for the jjoveru-nent of the Territory, to be paid at its . ports on a basis of absolute equality by all comers. In some places that is the British way. Henceforth, in the Philippines, that is the United States' way. The Dingley tariff is not to be transferred to the Antipodes. Protectionists or Free. Traders, I believe we m.ay all rejoice in this as best for the Philip pines and best for qurselves. I venture to think that we may rejoice over it, too, with your dis- tingui-sbed guest. It enables Great Britain and the United States to preserve a common inter est and jn-esent a common front in the enormous' commercial development in the East that must ill tend the .awakening of the Chinese Colossus; and whenever aud wherever Great Britain and the United States staud together, the pc-ico .-md tho civi!!:;ation of the world Avill be the better for it. THE FUTURE. OUTLOOK SENATOR .V/ILLIAM P. FRYE AT THE DIN NER GIVEN IN HIS HONOR BY NEW- YORK MERCHANTS, NEW- YORK. APRIL 26. 1899. Mr. President and Gentlemen: The dis tinguished honor conferred upon me by you I accept gratefully, though I do not think I am entitled to it. The persistency and the intelli gent advocacy of one of your fellow-citizens, John W. Ambrose, supplemented by the influ ence of your Senators, one of w-hom was a mem ber of my committee, and though, of course, always on the wrong side on political questions, was equally certain to be on the right side of commercial, have been very persuasive In secur ing appropriations for your harbor. I say your harbor, but really it is ours, and it ought to be the ambition of our people to make it the best- equipped and most accessible in the world. Ordinarily an after-dinner speech should be witty, humorous and spicy with anecdote, the dessert following the feast, but your invitation, containing an array ot names which almost frightened me out of acceptance, prescribes my text: "Our Trade and Commerce Generally, and the Best Methods for Promoting Them." The subject is a broad one, and If I -weary your patience, visit your wrath upon the heads of the three hundred invitei-s, not on mine. . The more I see cf this world the more I am de lighted with this Republic. God scattered His gifts here with a, prodigal hand — over ten thou sand miles of seacoast, equipped with fine, ca pacious harbors; twenty-three thousand miles of navigable rivers; great lakes, holding more than one-half of the fresh w-ater of the world, located just where commerce seemed to require them; boundless forests; mountains* of iron; coal enough to supply the world; gold, silver, copper — indeed, all the m.ctals and minerals man requires; a fertile soil; a climate so friendly that we can produce every manner of fruit and grain. These gifts were bestowed upon intelligent, resourceful men, who made fairly good use of them. Since the close of the Civil War, our progress has been the marvel of the world. We have outstripped the nations in agriculture, in mining and manufacturing. Our growth in wealth and population has surpassed our wild est dreams; our home market' became the best on earth, actually absorbing almost our entire product. This operated in one respect to our disadvantage; it tempted- us to contentment. Induced us to neglect foreign markets, their requirements and necessities. When, through a. bitter experience, w-e learned that our product was a third larger than our consumption; that our surplus would surely increase year by year; that we must have a foreign market, or, crab like, progress backward, we found ourselves face to face wifn a most serious problem.*" Our commercial rivals were strongly entrenched lOS OVR NEW POSSESSIONS. everywhere; with subsidized steamship lines en tering all the great ports of the world, with banking facilities, business agencies long estab lished, and a thorough acquaintance with trade requirements. We entered upon the solution of the problem with courage and intelligance. The manufact urers of our country formed an association, em bracing raem'oership from nearly every State in the Union; sent their agents abroad to investi gate; twenty-five of their most accomplished and experienced business men visited the republics of South America; and, I am ashamed to say, sailed under a foreign flag, first to England, thence to Brazil — no ships of ours traversing those waters. This association has been active and' constant in its endeavors. That splendid museum in Pliiladelphia was established to gather, from the world over, practical informa tion for the exporter. Later on the American- Asiatic -Association was formed; then the Ameri can Association of China. Our consuls were di rected to report monthly the conditions and re quirements of the foreign maikets. AVhat has been accomplished? Last year we imported, in. round numbers, .?767,000,000 of goods, and ex ported .?l,o02,000,000 of our products, le,aving a, :balance of over $5<10,000,000 in our favor. Our exports exceeded those of the United Kingdom. How have we achieved this success and at the same time paid our workingmen, on an aver age, double the wages our rivals paid? In part, but not entirely, as I have indicated. It is easy to account for o-ur exports of agricultural prod ucts; hungry people bought our wheat, needy . manufacturers our cotton! craving appetites our tobacco. But the products of our manufactories 'v\'ere compelled to meet the fiercest. competition, to seek the same markets sought by England, Germany, "France and Belgium. "In this com mercial war the disadvantages were not all with us. Our coal and iron were accessible, while our rivals sought them deep down in the bowels of the earth. Our workingmen were better fed, clothed, housed and .paid than theirs, did more intelligent work and accomplished greater result.s. The inventive genius of our mechanics was "decidedly superior to theirs. W^e had an other advantage. .Transportation was lower with us than withthem — a very important item in the cost of the fin-ished product. Our railroads, traversing every, portion of the country, are tO' day carrying freights at an average charge of 78-100 of a cent per ton per mile, not one-third what It actually cost them In 1865. In 1891, when our average rate was a Uttle over one cent, "The London Economist" asserted that if the same rate had prevailed in England as In America the saving to the people _would have been over ?io0,000,000 a- year. Our great stretch of seacoast, our river navi-_ gation and our great lakes played a most im portant part in this commercial drama. On the water freight can be carried by steam, on long voyages, for one-quarter and by sail for one- eighth of the cost by rail Water rates have de creased rapidly the last decade, and the carriers have been able to make tine reduction by about doubling the capacity- of their- vessels in that time. This, of course, called for a corresponding improvement in the depth of our rivers," h.arbors and lake channels. And Congress fairly well responded to this demand. AVheat rate between Chicago and- Buffalo, ISST, 811.3 a ton; 1898, .«;l 53 a ton. Iron ore, between Lake Superior and Ohio ports, 1887, ¥2 23; 1898, 62 cents. Coal, between Lake Su perior and Ohio ports, 1887. 90 cents; 1893,- 43 cents. A very able writer in one of our recent re- view-s claimed that this reduction of rates on coal and iron, with improved facilities for load ing and discharging cargoes, enabled us to com pete with the world in Iron, steel and their manufactures, and accounted for their increased importation; that such rates were only made possible by the increased tonnage of ships, and that their operation was made feasible only by - improved rivers and harbors. Here is surely something to the credit of that much and falsely abused River and Harbor bill. Having no oc casion to investigate, few men appreciate the enormous domestic commerce carried on our waters. They hear, and correctly, that we have lost our ocean-carrying trade, and forget our lake, river and coastwise. While in the former we employ only 700,000 tonnage and pay $,oOO,- 000 a day tp foreign ships to carry our exports and imports-, in the latter our tonnaige of docu mented and undocumented vessels exceeds seven millions, is nearly if not quite eight mill ions, is greater than that of England, Prance and Germany combined, in like trade. It took last year nearly four millions tonnage to carry our freight on the Mississippi River , alone. More ships sail the Detroit River than enter Liverpool or London. The Suez Canal, which carries the commerce of the world, passed last year 8,500,000 tonnage, while there were floated through the locks at Sault Ste. Marie 16,500,000 in eight months. This fleet moves annually 168,000,000 tons of freight and nearly 200,000,000 passengers. This ig a protected Industry, no foreign ships being allowed to interfere with it; while our foreign-carrying trade has no protec tion and competes with that which is protected. Mr. President, what of our future? Our suc cess last year is most gratifying, but our neces sity for foreign markets is certain to increase. ' Our wonderful inventive genius, the brain power of our workingmen, our present and our prospective machinery, the sagacity, enterprise and skill of our manufacturers, all promise still greater advance. In a. few years we shall have a population of one hundred millions. What shall this increase do? Farm? Only a small percentage; for now we produce enough for our ow-n, and can supply the necessities of Europe, while Europe is steadily Increasing- her agri cultural acreage, rendering her dependence upon us less and less. It is safe to say that sixty millions of our people will in that time be dependent upon non-agricultural pursuits. The commercial war upon which the w-orld THE FUTURE OUTLOOK. 109 has entered will become fiercer and fiercer. Germany will be our most dangerous rival. -Her wages paid are not one-half of ours. Shall we reduce ours to the plane of hers? That might breed a discontent which would endanger the Republic; would certainly reduce the purchas ing power of our people, and still more increase the surplus. Shall we run our mills on one- third or one-half time? That would reduce our purchasing power and largely Increase the cost of our product. I do not believe that our rail roads can reduce freights much unless a new motive power is found, but our water carriers can, and probably will. Freight ships will be increased in carrj-ing capacity and rates still further reduced. Let me illustrate the effect of such increase. When the ; largest freighter was 3,000 tons, the .rate across the Atlantic was .$8 50 a ton; when '6,000 tons, -.fO' a ton; when 8,000 tons, ?3 50 a ton; when 10,000 tons, §2 50. All -the necessary facilities for these deep- draught ships must be provided for.- It was just a- look Into this -future which compelled me to insist, even to the point of obstinacy, that $7,000,000 should be expended in New-York Harbor, and that our ships should find there a, channel 2,000 feet wide, with a depth of forty feet, and ample dockage' room. I trust, too, that the time is not far distant when we shall have a deep waterway from the Great Lakes to the Atlantic Ocean, still further increasing our facilities and decreasing our rates. Another thing, in my Judgment, Is imperative ly required. We should carry in our ships, un der our own flag, all of our imports and exports. We should pay to our own people the .$500,000 a day we now pay to foreigners. We should make ofthe officers of those ships active, intelligent and interested agents for the discovery of new markets and the promotion of our trade. Sup pose, to accomplish this, it does cost us $8,000,- 000 or .$10,000,000 annually, will there not be ample compensation? Great Britain, Germany and France will not surrender this carrying trade without a determined conflict, which alone will reduce- freight rates at least 25 per cent. The best estimate, and I think a correct one, of the amount of tons in our foreign commerce is about fifty millions. The average ocean freight rate for the world over is §4 a ton; a 25 per cent reduction on rates will save to our people ,$50,- 000,000 jinnually. Consider for a moment another, and, in my opinion, a most important aid to our foreign commerce. Where is the most promising field for it in the near future? Surely in the Orient. Humboldt more than fifty years ago declared that the commerce of the Pacific would in time exceed tliat of the Atlantic; and what intelli- ''ent man to-day doubts the realization in the ioar future of what then seemed a dream? Do not England, France, Germany, Russia and Italy, by their conduct, recognize that the prophecy is to be fulfilled? How shall we se cure our share of this commerce? The Suez Canal was opened in 1870. Before that New-- York was almost as n^ar the Orient as Liverpool was, but afterward Liverpool had the advantage by from three thousand to four thou sand miles. From 1870 to 18SS England's com merce with the East increased 40 per cent, w-ith the rest of the w-orld only 17 per cent. Short ened routes and lessened freight charges had their legitim.ate results. Our Govemment should construct the Nicaragua Canal or some other isthmian water route at the earliest possible time, making it netitral to the world, except to any nation at war with us. This would bring us one day's sail nearer Shanghai -than Liver pool will be; on the average a thousand miles nearer all . the northern ports of China, where we now look for an export trade and shall here after. Eighteen hundred miles nearer Yokohama. Two thousand miles nearer Corea. One thousand miles nearer Melbourne. Eighteen hundred miles nearer Sidney. Thirty-eight hundred miles nearer NewrZea^ land. From three thousand to five thousand miles nearer to. the western coast of South America, would bring us one thousand to five thousand miles nearer peoples whose imports last year amounted to $1,120,000,000. Is there an intelligent business man before me who fails to see the enormous advantage to us, in our export trade, by such a shortening of time and space, and the reduction of freight rates bet-sv-een us and, these nations, with whom we are on the friendliest terms, and with many of whom we have commercial treaties? I am silent as to the magnificent advantage such a route promises to our domestic trade, bringing this city ten thousand miles nearer by water to San Francisco, the Columbia River and Puget Sound, shortening the time by steam from forty to twenty days; by sail from one hundred and twenty to sixty-five, and reducing freight rates at least one- third; for my discussion this evening is confined to our export trade and its extension. Mr. President, while all the nations ¦ of Eu rope are our commercial foes; while just now they fear us more than ever before, and, as China witnesses, are lining up to stop our ad- 'vance, we have abundant cause for courage and hope. The unexpected has happened, in creasing our confidence in the future tenfold. Humanity and a decent self-respect forced us to a declaration of war against Spain. The con- • flict 'was short, sharp and decisiye. In a few months that proud kingdom became a suppliant for peace. Commissioners were appointed by the President to settle its terms; a treaty was signed, has been ratified and proclaimed. Un der its terms Cuba is commercially ours; for, while we refused to accept sovereignty there, and intend to yield all claim to authority when ever a stable government is formed, that gov ernment will owe its life to us; its people can- 110 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. not fail to remember that their freedom from security to it. the possibilities of the archipelago oppression, ' from exacting and most burden-' are amazing. Even under Spanish dominion, in some taxation, from hunger and starvation, is a 1863, a few foreigners gathered $60,000 capital, g'ift from us. Gratitude and contiguity will built a steamer to ply between Iloilo and Cebu, surely give us the trade. When peace abides and now the line has fifty, reaching all the isl- there, and good government assures protection ands. to life and property, commerce will enormously But the value to us of the domestic trade of increase. Porto Rico is ours, and its trade these possessions is insignificant compared to will be. ' that regarded from a commercial-strategic point But more promi.sing than the acquirement of of view. They front the entire China Sea, are many such islands is the acquisition by us, only two days' sail from Hong Kong; they in- under the terms of the same treaty, of the Phil- troduce us to the Orient with Its seven hundred ippine Archipelago, undoubtedly the most fer- millions or eight hundred millions of people, tile and productive unexplored land under the "«^''th Imports now exceeding .$1,500,000,000 sun. For three hundred years, under Spanish annually, which advancing civilization v.-iU dominion, more oppressive and cruel than double in a few years. They give us, for the known elsewhere in the world; treated as a ^'^st time, a tremendous moral force, a most mere sponge to be squeezed by the hand of the P"'^'^'^ v°>c^ f""" *^^ preservation of the open oppressor; burdened by taxation the most in- '^°°'^ '" ^^'^^- ""'^° "'^'^ estimate the value in gcnious and intolerable; without, railroads or ^^^ f"'"'"^ °^ ^""^^ " commanding position to highways; without any labor-saving machinery; m^r foreign commerce? a third Of Its product rotting on the ground for ^^e we to fold our hands-and allow this har- .«,„-,* „* +-„ 4. t-„ 4. iv. -,. vest to be gathered by our rivals? We have want of transportation to the sea; its revenues . . , „, . , . ,-, a,,ci ¦,.a=-, X- lor^- .,., ti-eaties with China guaranteeing to us com- plundered by Spanish officials; yet, in 189i, with , , - i.,. j ° -, , ^ ..i. , ,,. .- ,. ^ „ ... , r,^ 1 ., rr-ercial rights and privileges equal to- those of rebellion rife, according to United States Com- ^. . ° ,1- * ^ -.. -, *, . . T-r J the most favored nations. Are we to sit silently missioner Harden, , , -^-,1. jj,..t.--i by and see our treaty rights invaded, the doors ThI fSortl!!!'.'".^.v.:;;::::::::.\'::;;;::.":::::::*i7;l^^^ dose^ against us? The -nations of the earth are — '¦ — '- — to-day near neighbors. They all heard the Balance in favor $2,'!,099,0OO thunder of Dewey's guns, and recognized this Give the islands a good government, protec- Republic, for the first time, as one of the great tion to life and property, an advancing civiliza- Powers of the world. . Are we alone of these all tion, increasing intelligence, fair wages, honest to ignore the stupendous fact? collection of revenues, railroads and highways. What shall we do with the Fhillppine Islands? Improved agricultural Implements, cable com- Restore them to Spain? Not one even of Mr. munication with our country and telegraphic Carnegie's reform leaders, by whom, according lines between them, and who doubts that com- to the press, the name of President McKinley merce will, in a few years, be quadrupled? The was hissed and that of -4.guinaldo cheered at a bulk of it will be ours, even with' the open door, recent meeting in Boston, proposes this. Shall for we shall have the advantage of England, we forthwith surrender the sovereignty to a Germany and France in distance and in freight native government? There Isn't an -intelligent rates. Under present conditions these rates man in the world who has familiarized himself have been, since 1877, from Manila to the United with the conditions; there isn't an officer of the States, a little less on the average than one- United States, with experience there, from Ad- half those from Manila to England, and 10 per miral Dewey down; there Isn't an investigator cent less from our country to Manila than from of the Islands and their peoples; there isn't a, England. The islands are marvellously rich and writer who instructs us from personal observa- productive, not more than one-quarter of the tion, who does not declare their unfitness for tillable land under cultivation. They produce government. Thers was not a witness before the best hemp known, while there is no limit to our Paris Commission who did not unhesitat- the demand for It; sugar, copra, indigo, tobacco. ingly assert it. rice, fruits and vegetables of all kinds. They How could any one expect them to be fit? are rich in minerals, gold, copper, lead, iron. What model has been given them to copy, what the last yielding in some mines 85 per cent pure experience to follow? They have enjoyed the ™^**'- ' . opportunity only to study the most despotic There is an abundance of coal in nearly aU of gcvernment the world ever saw. Turn the the islands. We have paid for coal for Dewey's sovereignty over to them, anarchy follows, tribal fleet from $12 to $20 a ton. On the Island of wars ensue, and their condition will be' worse Cebu it is found in enormous quantities, of qual- than even under Spanish dominion. Or, what Ity superior to the Japanese lump, practically is more likely, the nations of Europe, to protect Inaccessible now, for it is fifteen miles from their subjects, or on pretence to do so, would the port of Cebu. A railroad for that distance seize the islands, and very likely fight each other will land it at this port for five shillings a ton. over the spoils. Should we follow the advice of The forests, of best merchantable woods, are the statesmen who have likened Aguinaldo to boundless. George AVashlngton, Patrick Henry and Lafay- Under such a government as this Republic ette, and yield the control to him? Even he would e-stabllsh, inviting capital and affording has dropped all pretence of devotion to our THE FUTURE OUTLOOK. Ill Declaration of Independence and to a- repub lican form of government, and looks only to the exercise of a despotic power. His crown, if he w-ere permitted to assume It, would be an un easy one, for every island would furnish a chief tain claimant. We might sell the islands and reimburse our selves for the cost of the war. We might sail away and leave them to chaos, shifting from our broad shoulders all responsi bility to God and man; but would God and man hold us blameless? What shall we do with the Philippines? In my judgment there will be no uncertain sound In the answer of our people. They have been acquired honestly, and in their acquirement we have dealt generously with Spain. We will hold them as our own, for the good of the peoples -\\ho inhabit them, and for the immense advan tage, commercially, they promise us. We will give them a good government, relief from bur densome taxation, ample security in all their civil and religious rights. We will build high ways, construct railroads, erect schoolhouses and churches. We will allow them to partici pate in government so far and so fast as we may find them capable. We will give employ ment to labor and good w-ages to the laborer. We will arouse in them an ambition to become good citizens, competent to manage their own local affairs and interests. We w-ill make it pos sible for them, some time in the future, to form a stable republican government, capable of mak- Lng treaties, enforcing their rights under them, aiid observing their, obligations. Then we, alone being the Judges of their competency, will sur render to them the sovereignty, reserving to ourselves the naval and coaling stations neces sary for our commerce and its protection. In the mean time, we will not restore a rod to Spain or sell a rod to any nation of the earth; nor will we permit our supreme authority to be " diminished or questioned by any Power within or -without the islands. Such utterances as these may subject me to the charge of being an expansionist. I plead guilty to the indictment, and find myself in mo:t exalted company. In 1.S03, when our area was only a little over eight hundred thousand square miles, the Loui siana 'Territory wag annexed. It included Ar kansas, low-a. Missouri, Kansas, Nebraska, Ore gon, Colorado, North and South Dakota, Wash ington, Montana, Idaho and Wyoming, 1,171,000 square miles. What an outcry the anti-expan sionists raised! Senator White, of Delaware, declared "it w-ould prove the greatest curse that could befall us." Representative Griswold, of Connecticut: "It will prove the subversion of our Union." A voice of Massachusetts was heard, as now. Josiah Quincy, when it was proposed to admit Louisiana as a State, speaking of the purchase of the Territory, said: "If this bill passes, the bonds of the Union are virtually dissolved. The Constitution never was and never can be strained to lap over all the wil-. derness of the West. It never was intended to form a covering for Missouri and the Red River- country. Attempt to stretch it over these and it -ivill be rent asunder. You have no authority to throw the rights and liberties and pros perity of this people into hotchpot with the wild men of Missouri, nor -with the mixed race of Anglo-Gallo-Amerlcans who bask on the sands in the mouth of the Mississippi. This bill, if it passes, is a deathblow to the Constitution." Dickerson, of New-Jersey, said: "Oregon can never be one of the United States. The Union is already too extensive." Even as late as 1845, when Texas w-as under discussion, Daniel Webster deplored the ten dency to enlarge our territory, and declared that jt was dangerous to our institutions- But in spite of the prophecies of evil, we kept right on extending; in 1819 added Florida; Texas tn 1845; New--Mexlco and California in 1848; Alaska in 1867, until we have increased our original 800,000 square miles to over 2,800,000, and our Constitution survives; our Declaration of Independence lives, and our Union is more powerfully' cemented than e\er. I am encour aged and strengthened in my faith that the Republic will survive the acquisition of Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines, and that the advantages to be derived by us, commercially, will compensate us a hundredfold for all the cost, -while the war waged for humanity's sake will. If we are faithful, lay up for the Republic treasures in heaven. 112 OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. INDEX. Page - Pago Abarzuza. Buenaventura 75 O.-irnica y Diaz, Jose de 75 .-American Asiatic Association 106 Gold, Philippines ". 14 Bau.-iuas, Cuba .j8 Gray. George: Portrait 81 Hawaii 47 Sketch 74 Hanking, Philippines 17 Speeches So-SC>', 100-103 Becker. G. F.: Report on miuerals 13 Greene, General F. V.: Report .8 Beresford, Lord Charles, dinner 106 Guam 29 Cambon. Jules.... .....71. 72, S3, S-i Guano, Porto Rico 36 Cerero y Saenz, Raf.ael ' 75 Harden, E. A\'.: Report on Philippiues 17 Chiue.se , 12 Havana 00 Mestizos 10 Hawaiian Islantls .41-.'^0, :j~> Ci.gars (See Tobacco). Annexation 42, 44 Co.ai, Philippines _." 14 Climate ; . . 45 Cocoa, Hawaii ; 48 Commerce 42, 46, 48-55 Coffsf, Cuba.... .'. 58 Education 40 Hawaii ; ; . . 40 Geology ; 4S Philippines 18, 22, 27 Government -16 Porto Rico 36, 38 History :; 41 Commerce, Eastern 106 Inhabitants 45 Copi.ier, Cuba 58 Map .' . . . 43 Philippines -; 15 Population 46 Copra, Philippines 18, 22 Produ;:ts and industries 46 Cuba 57-65 Religion 46 Commerce 60-65 Hay, .lolm. Letter of. -SS History 57, 58 Hemp, Hawaii '. . , ...48 . Map 59 Philippines IS, 19, 26 Peace negotiations '. 76 Indigo, Philippines IS. 22 Population 58 Iron, Cuba 58 Resources '. 58 Philippines 15 Currency, Philippines '17 Ladrone Islands -; .29 X>avis. Cushman K.: Portrait..... 75 Leyte ' 7, 12 Speech , 95-99 Lincoln dinner of Marquette Club 91-94 ' Sketch 74 Lotos Club diuuer 87-91 Day, William R., Letter of , 88 Luzon -. '.7 12 Portrait and sketch. 73 Alalays ^ 0, 10 Dewey, George , .. . 9 JlacArthur, R. S., Speech of 88-S9 Eduration. Hawaii 46 McKelway. St Clair, Speech of. .... : 90-91 Philippiues 12 Manila -. "."¦. .,s, 17 , Porto Rico 31 Manila hemp ; . . . 19 Frye, AVilliam P.: Portrait and Sketch, . , . . . 77 Marble, Philippiues 15 Speech 107 Alarianne Islands 29 INDEX. 113 Page Page Marquette Club, Chicago 91-94 Pineapples, Cuba 58 Merritt, General AV - 9 Hawaii 47 Mindanao ..,..7, 12 Ponce S^l Mindoro 7, 12 Porto Rico : 30-40 Molasses, Cuba 58 Climate 30 Porto Rico. 36 Commerce 32 Negritos 9 Education 31 ^legros 7, 10 Government, 31 Ohio Society dinner 100-106 History 30 Oranges, Cuba 58 Map 33 Hawaii 47 Population 31 Porto Rico 38 Products 31 Pacific Ocean, political control 70 Reid, "VV'hitelaw: Portrait of 79 Trade routes 67 Speeches. 87-88, 91-04, 104-106 Palawan 7 Sketch .74 Panay 7 Religion, Hawaii 46 Peace, duties of 104-106 Philippines . 12 Peace Commissioners 73-75 Porto Rico 31 Work of 90-91 Rice, Hawaii 46 Peace-making '. 71-84 Rios, Eugenlo Montero 75 Peace negotiations 76-78 Rope IS, 19 Peace protocol .' - • .71-72 Samar 7, 8, 12 Peace treaty 80-83 San Juan ". 31 Purport of 91-94 Sandalwood, Hawaii 42 Speeches on 85-106 Sandwich Islands .' 41 Petroleum, Philippines 1-1 Silver, Philippines : 15 Philippino Islands .7-28 Strategy, Trade and 65-69 Climate -. 13 Sugar, Cuba 58, 61 Commerce ¦ 17 Hawaii 40 Education 13 Philippines 18, 20, 26 Fauna - 10 Porto Rico 36, 37, .38 Flora 16 Tagals ,. 10 Geography 7 Tea, Hawaii ....47 History t ¦ • • 8 Tobacco, cigars, etc., Cuba 58 Industry - 17 Philippines _. 18, 21, 27 Inhabitants 9 Porto Rico -38 j^jap 11 Trade and strategy 65-00 Mineral resources 13 Treaty (See Peace Treaty). Peace negotiations 76 Union League Club of Chicago 95-99 Population 12 Villa Urrutia, W. R. de 75 , Religion 12 Visayas, The 12 Strategic value 65-69 Visayans 10 Taking of 95-99 Wake Island 56 Trade value ,. 6.5-69 Zebu 7 "v^'''' -'¦ "-"--". - ' -I'^'h-i.'.''''*' '^¦¦¦''''"'' ' ' 'i ¦/'*? ''' ^ '¦¦_''" ~ ¦ ' ' ' . - • A^^ VI . ¦¦J" ¦ ¦- , '¦j-' ^>r ¦ ¦ ¦ -v' ¦"-? - ;"-.' ¦ '" T-,1' - i," t . -~ '¦'j'v" - '• . ; ¦- .it-' ''.t''V , ui liL ," ^' 1 ' ' /;-;^»'-- .,V^>^!7*j|^^:t-^',.:V*-:'f .--;U';-'=. ^i« .---.a.-M r.x-a-e o.,. l,otU?8M.=.. *• at-ri; 15^ t^- 111 . R.sv.rtl„.i,A; , I--' ' '".rr,.„'--~,^';,U,":r :¦»¦-.-„•....,,„> ^ .i,-cc -so l^-j ¦, i" ¦¦?-¦.'-; o:--, a^i-.l .h'cu-.dlct- f.U-'f-.-i-as.a^'-it.t-.M-.'.li ,.'.\',i.i-,-3-, .-*k^,-.C i'. ^^^i'.:;.,",.pf ,A.-xi^fi-'-.-?Lt|.- r:lJT-,'-ir.3--:y- Jt'-:f ¦,^-¦,111.5 a iV-i';r;.''^Jimir.=-,'^-art ,-t:. ';>:-(- .i-.!,;r.T -.a,: -i"e liw.. an-i tf.P.p -r.i-a^- avt to j, otttan. 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