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THE LIFE

AND

MILITARY SERVICES

OF

fiei. WILLIAM SELBY HARNEY.

By L. U. REAVIS,
Author of " Life of Horace Greeley," "Thoughts for the Young Men and Women
of America," "St. Louis, the Future Great C ity of the World," several
Pamphlets on the removal of the National Capital, etc.

General Harney's life and career cover a period of most intense interest in
our national life ; commencing before a steamboat began to navigate any of our
Western rivers, he has seen the old bateaux and voyageurs give place to the
splendid steamboats of the Mississippi. He performed good service in the
early settlement of Louisiana, Florida and the West; took a prominent part in
all the Indian Wars, as also the Mexican and Civil Wars. — Gen. W. T. Sherman.

fflTRODUCTIOI BY GEN, CASSIUS M. CLAY,

SAINT LOUIS:
BRYAN, BRAND & €0., Publishers.
1878.

Copyright,
BRYAN, BRAND & COMf-ANY.
1878.

. TO
EDWIN BATHURST SMITH, M. D.,
A MAH^,
WHOSE SCHOLARY ATTAINMENTS AND PROFESSIONAL EMINENCE HAVE CONTRI
BUTED LARGELY TO THE CHARACTER AND AI>VANCEMENT OF MEDICAL
SCIENCE, BOTH IN PRIVATE AND PUBLIC PLACE;
A CITIZEN,
WHOSE SOCIAL VIRTUES AND EXEMPLARY LIFE HAVE WON FOR HIM PERSONAL
HONORS UNijSUAL TO MEN, AND IN A MARKED DEGREE EXTENDED HIS
INFLUENCE AND GIVEN STRENGTH AND CHARACTER TO OTHERS
FAR BEYOND THE LIMITS OF HIS OWN HOME;
A FRIEND,
WHOSE DEVOTION IS ONLY EQUALLED BY THE GENEROSITY OF HIS CHARACTER
AND WHOSE LIFE-PRACTICE HAS SHED LUSTRE UPON HIS NAJVIE
THROUGH A LONG AND USEFUL LIFE, IS
THIS VOLUME,
A FAITHFUL RECORD OF A DD>TINGUISHED SOLDIER AND
OOTEMPORARY, RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED

THE AUTHOR.

TESTIMONIALS TO GENERAL HARNEY.

From Cassius M. Clay.
White Hall, Ky., January 14, 1878.
L. U. REAVIS, ESQ.:
My Dear Sir : — ^Your note of January 8th is received. It seems propitious
that you connect the name of your modern hero with his like — Old Hickory.
I am glad that you honored yourself by doing justice to Gen. W. 8. Harney,
and that you intend to bring out his life for the grateful appreciation of his
countrymen. I had the honor of being introduced to General Jackson, at the White House,
during his Presidency, and when I saw General Harney during the Mexican
war I was struck with like admiration for his manly physique. They both
filled my ideal of the old Roman of the best days of that illustrious nation. It
was my good fortune to be escorted with others from the city of Mexico by
•General Harney, after peace was made, and I had a good opportunity to con
verse freely with him, and to form some idea of his heroic and patriotic char
acter. When I first entered the city of the Montezumas as a prisoner, the rev
olution was going on between the Santa Annaists, who had confiscated the
property of the Church, and the priests' party. It was midnight as we
approached the romantic city of my youthful reading, mounted on the bouros
of the country, under a strong military guard. The moon shone brightly, and
we rested under the shadows of the ancient walls for orders to enter. The
snow-capped crest of Popocatapetl shone in the distance, and over the city,
from the housetops and barricaded streets, flashed musketry and cannon, and
we were hurriedly ushered into prison — an ancient monastery — for safety against
the fury of the populace. The American armies were on the borders, threaten
ing the life of the nation ; and yet the priestly passions and love of supremacy
— Hke in Jerusalem of old — were more dangerous still in the capital of the
Empire. General Harney has in silence and heroic reserve stood for his country
through all these years. He has not soiled his epaulets with the breath of
political aspiration. Let the judges, the clergy, and the army stand to their
several colors — " ne sutor ultra crepidam." This is all to the credit of Harney.
Hold him up to our youth now as history will hold him up in good time — as
one of the chiefs of those patriots who lived not for us only, but for all man
kind ¦ Yours, etc.,
'''°°" CM. CLAY.

IV TESTIMONIALS.
From Jefferson Davis.
Mississippi City, Miss., January, 1878.
L. U. REAVIS, ESQ., St. Louis, Mo.
Sir: — It gives me pleasure to comply with your request of the 3°'^^ '^"•'
some reminiscences in connection with my old friend. General W. S. Harney,
In the spring of 1829, I reported as Brevet Second Lieutenant to the com
manding officer at Fort Winnebago. General Harney was then stationed at
that post, and Captain of Company K, 1st United States Infantry. At that
period of his life he was, physically, the finest specimen of a man I ever saw.
Tall, straight, muscular, broad-chested and gaunt-waisted, he was one of the
class which Trelawney describes as "nature's noblemen," against whom the
plague in the East "never made an attack." Had he lived in the time of
Homer, he would have robbed Achilles of his soubriquet of the " swift-footed,"
for he would run faster than a white man, further than an Indian, and in both
showed that man was organized to be master of the beast. To elucidate the
last clause of the preceding paragraph requires the recital of an anecdote.
Captain Harney carefully attended to his company garden, which on the fron
tier was necessary for the comfort as well as the health of the men. The beds
had been carefully spaded and raked, when one of his numerous dogs — a half-
grown mongrel hound — came walking across the carefully prepared groimd, and
the Captain, storming at him in tones and in language not suited to the pulpit,
frightened the dog so that instead of going out by the walk, he ran across the
bed towards the gap in the fence. The Captain started in full run after the
dog, which had to jump on the fence and then off it — ^fatal disparity to the
dog, for the Captain cleared the fence at a bound, which brought him a jump
nearer to the dog — and then began an even run up the long slope which led to
the Fort, before reaching which, Harney mastered the dog, and " Rover "
suffered in proportion to the length of the- chase. Captain Harney was also a
bold horseman, fond of the chase, a good boatman, and skillful in the use of
the spear as a fisherman. Neither drinking nor gaming, he was clear of those
rocks and shoals of life in a frontier garrison, and is no doubt indebted to this
abstinence for much of the vigor he has possessed to his present advanced age.
By long service on the Indian frontier, together with that practical sense which
tests all theory by actual observation, he had acquired that knowledge of
Indian character which was often conspicuously exhibited in his military
career. Of the incidents thus generally referred to, you have so many other sources
of information that it would be needless for me to enter into detail, but I should
do injustice to the subject of this letter if I did not call your attention to the
project of a treaty he made with the Sioux in 1855 or '56. I think it constituted
the best basis for an arrangement between the United States Government and
an Indian tribe that has ever been devised, and if carried out, would imnress
the Indians with their responsibility, and bind them to a more faithful observ
ance of it than ever did any of those verbose, miscalled treaties which are to b
found spread over the records of the United States.
Yours respectfully,
JEFFERSON DAVIS.

TESTIMONIALS. V
From General E. G. W. Butler, the only surviving Schoolmate of
General Harney.
St. Louis, Mo., 1520 Lucas Place, Feb. i, 1878.
L. U. REAVIS, ESQ., St. Louis, Mo.:
My Dear Sir : — My son. Major Lawrence Lewis Butler, has handed to me
Mr. Jefferson Davis' letter to you, giving reminiscences of his old friend and
military contemporary. General William Selby Harney, retired list. United
States army, with the request that I, his life-long friend, would give my recollec
tions in regard to him. I will remark that we were school-boys together; that
in 1816, while under the tuition of the late Reverend Thomas Craighead, of
Haysborough, Tennessee, I was appointed, at the instance of my lamented
friend and guardian, Andrew Jackson, a cadet in the United States military
academy; that, having graduated in 1820, and been appointed a second Lieu
tenant in the corps of artillery, I was assigned to the 4th regiment of artillery,
at the reduction of the army in 1821 ; selected for ordnance duty, and ordered
to Baton Rouge, where I found the ist regiment of infantry, and, to my great
joy, my devoted friend, Harney, who had been appointed to a second lieuten-
antcy in that regiment.
After passing four months, most pleasantly, together ; partaking of the hos
pitalities of the then opulent sugar planters of that country, Congress having
failed to make an appropriation for the erection of the arsenal at that place,
I was, by the orders of Major General Gaines, restored to duty under Major
James Kearney, of the Topographical Engineers, then engaged in the survey
of the harbor of Pensacola ; and I took leave of my valued friend. Some
months afterwards, having completed our survey and being ordered to Wash
ington, I left Pensacola at the commencement of the yellow fever, which devas
tated that place, and proceeded, by way of the "Hermitage," to visit my old
friend and second father; was taken with the fever on my arrival there, and
before I had sufficiently recovered, commenced my journey to Washington, in
a stage-coach ; in which, most fortunately for me, I found my good friend
Harney. The fatigue and exposure, consequent upon such a journey, soon
caused a return of my fever ; and, though obliged to stop more than once, my
¦devoted friend, though under orders, never deserted, but nursed me with the
tenderness of a brother ; and we parted at Washington, not to meet again till
1838, when, having retired from service and being a resident of Louisiana, I
-met him in New Orleans, on the eve of his departure for Cuba for the benefit
¦of his health, which had been greatly impaired by his service in the everglades
¦of Florida. I took leave of him oq board the vessel which conveyed him to
Cuba, and saw him no more till my arrival in this place — an interval of nearly
forty years. ' .
During this long interval I have watched his military career with the deepest
interest, from the everglades of Florida to the wilds of Alaska, and through the
far West, and no man, since the time of Andrew Jackson, has impressed the
¦wild Indian with so much fear and so much respect.
Soon after the last Presidential election I wrote to Mr. Tilden to call his
attention to the false administration of Indian affairs, which recognizes the In-
¦dian one day, as a sovereign and independent power, and competent signer

VI TESTIMONIALS.
and party to a treaty, and ignores him the next ; reminded him that our highest
judicial tribunal had declared the Indians to be the wards of the United
States, with no other claim to the soil than that of occupancy; and urged it,
therefore, as his duty to protect them ; and suggested the propriety of his urg
ing upon Congress their speedy colonization ; clearly defining the boundaries
of the several tribes ; assigning retired officers of the army as agents thereof ;
and appointing General William Selby Hamey as Governor-General of the
whole. The Department of Indian Affairs should never have been separated
from that, of War, and, in view of the Indian's fear and respect for military
men, and the honesty, kindness, and generosity which distinguish the latter, as
a profession, I am convinced that, under the guardianship of the Department
of War, and the protection of the army, peace would reign upon our borders,
and the yell of the savage be heard no more.
In conclusion, I will remark that General Harney's education, like that of
Andrew Jackson, was imperfect ; but it might be said of him, as it was of the
latter, " Education and habit may make a soldier and statesman ; but God
Almighty alone can make a hero and an honest man."
Faithfully yours,
E. G. W. BUTLER.

From General N. P. Banks.
House of Representatives,
Washington, D. C, Jan. 14, 1878.
MR. L. U. REAVIS, St. Louis, Mo.:
Dear Sir : — Your letter of the 9th inst., inclosing the title-page and contents^
of the Life of General Harney, was duly received. The biography of the
country presents no more interesting or romantic history than is embodied in
the career of that distinguished soldier. It would give me pleasure to contrib
ute a letter in accordance with your request, but my duties preclude the possi
bility of that now. I have always had great esteem and admiration for General
Harney, whom I have known for many years, and I cherish the recollection of
my acquaintance with him with the highest satisfaction. Very truly yours, N. P. BANKS.

From General Coburn.
Indianapolis, Ind., March 2^. 1878.
L. U. REAVIS, ESQ., St. Louis, Mo.:
Dear Sir: — I have received from you the title page and introduction of your
biography of General Wm. S. Harney. I have no doubt but that you will
make an interesting and valuable book out of the materials furnished by his
long and conspicuous career. General Harney has occupied so many impor
tant positions upon the frontier, and taken such an active part in so many mat
ters of great public interest that you must find him identified with much that is-
important in our national history. I formed General Harney's acquaintance a
few y^rs since, wbil» I was a member of the House Militarv Committee lie

TESTIMONIALS. Vli
being summoned there, at the request of certain members, to sustain them in
the position that the Indian was a treacherous, lazy, cruel and bloodthirsty foe
of the whites. To the astonishment of these gentlemen, he gave the Indian a
good character; said that he had been sinned against and imposed upon ; fliat
he was an observer of treaties, and, as a general rule, went into war reluctantly.
He proved himself to be the friend and kind advocate of the red man, de
nouncing the villainies of those who cheated and wronged him. I was struck
with his independence and manliness of character. In his old age he still ex
hibited the vigor which has resisted ten thousand hardships on the frontier.
General Hamey is one of the unique, original and powerful men of our old
regular army. Yours truly, JOHN COBURN.

From General Benj. F. Butler.
Washington, D. C, Feb. 6, 1878.
L. U. REAVIS, ESQ., St. Louis, Mo.:
Dear Sir: — My acquaintance with General Hamey was not until the latter
part of his life, when he came before me in connection with Indian affairs, as a
member of the Judiciary Committee. I was very much struck with the direc
tion of his mind, the entire integrity with which it seemed he had managed the
affairs intrasted to him, and that official connection ripened into a friendly in
tercourse, which I am sorry to say our different employments, and the great
distance between our places of residence, gave little opportunity to cultivate.
Yours truly, BENJ. F. BUTLER.

From the " Globe-Democrat."
The " Life of General Hamey," upon which Mr. Reavis has been engaged
for some time, is almost ready for the book stores. It will be a volume full of
interest, not only on account of its immediate subject, but on account of the
vast quantity of historical matter which it will necessarily bring to light. In
deed, the story of General Harney's life cannot be faithfully told without lay
ing bare the whole of the Indian question for the last half century. And so of
other important matters connected with the miUtary operations of the country
up to the breaking out of the rebellion. The book will supply the " missing
link" in our unwritten history Jietween the war of 1812 and the greater war of
1861-65. From General Beauregard. New Orleans, March 4, 1878.
L. U. REAVIS, ESQ., St. Louis, Mo.:
My Dear Sir :— I am happy to learn that you are engaged in writing the life
and military services of General WiUiam Selby Harney, than whom a nobler
soldier and more perfect gentleman could not have been selected, whose deeds

Via TESTIMONIALS.
should occupy your able and facile pen. The General commenced his miutary
career, I may say, in this State, for shortly after his appointment to the 1st
Regiment of United States Infantry, he was stationed many years in Baton
Rouge and in this city, in which latter place he became soon the intimate friend
of some of our worthiest citizens, whose names are State celebrities, such as
Grymes, Mayensau, Soule, Rozelius, Marigny, Wm. De Buys, John L. Lewis,
and others too numerous to mention.
I had the honor, while quite young, of making the acquaintance of General
Harney, just before the battle of Cerro Gordo, when Captain R. E. Lee and
myself, having made the reconnoissance by which Santa Anna's left flank and
rear could be turned, met him at General Scott's headquarters to explain to him
the topography of the country, the route he would follow and the obstacles he
might expect to encounter, for he had been selected by the General-in-Chief to
command the troops who were to assault the fortified crest of Cerro Gordo, de
fended by Santa Anna's veterans who had just returned with him from( the
bloody field of Buena Vista.
I remember distinctly the quiet and officer-like manner in which General
Hamey received our information and the facility with which he seemed to un
derstand all we had to say on a matter of such importance to himself and com
mand. The next morning when the attack commenced, it was truly exhilarat
ing to see him charging, sword in hand, along the steep slope of that high hill,
his tall, manly figure towering above all the gallant officers and men who sur
rounded him. It was a sight never to be forgotten ! He was one of the first
inside the enemy's works, unhurt and ready to attack the other positions on our
right still held by the Mexicans. But the key of tliose positions being then in
our possession, and the line of retreat to the City of Mexico being cut off, the
Mexicans were compelled to surrender unconditionally. ' Santa Anna, how
ever, had hastily mounted his horse as soon as he had noticed the fall of Cerro
Gordo, and made good his escape, leaving in our hands his carriage containing
an extra cork leg, his private and public papers and his baggage.
From that battle to the end of the war General Hamey became the favorite
of all the young officers of the army, whom he always treated with that kind
ness and urbanity of manners which distinguish him to this day.
Wishing you, my dear sir, success in your undertaking, I remain yours most
truly, G. T. BEAUREGARD.

PREFACE.

IN book-making, as in many other branches of industry,
the American people have already demonstrated a
spirit of enterprise greater than can be found in the
people of older nations. The invention and improvement
'of the art of printing, and the diffusion of intelligence
in the United States by means of a system of popular
•education, have unfettered the American mind, and book-
making has grown to be a branch of intellectual labor of
immense magnitude.
Three generations and more ago, it was a popular
¦method to present intelligence, both in this country and
Europe, through the medium of the pamphlet. Then the
number of books issued from the press annually was much
less, in proportion to the population, than now, and, in
many instances, better. The newspapers and magazines
have almost driven the pamphlet from the field of public
¦discussion, and the greater number of those who now write,
.seek to present their views through the medium of a vol
ume, as a more substantial and creditable means of discus
sion, outside of the newspaper and the magazine.
What changes the future may have in reserve relating to
the mode of disseminating intelligence, time alone can tell.
Be the changes many or few, it is to be hoped that in the
literature of the future, age and experience will bring to
our people that maturity and wisdom of thought which
increased years alone can supply.
The present volume is not designed merely to swell the
tiumber of American books, or to gratify a personal vanity,
but rather to present to the public — the American people —

PREFACE.

a carefully gathered record of the life and military services
of one of the most conspicuous of American soldiers.
A people so young as the American people could hardly
be expected to present to the world examples of military
chieftains and heroes equal to the most noted of those
belonging to older and more warlike nations; but the
patriotic American will readily challenge comparison be
tween the citizen soldier and the educated soldier of his
country, with the most noted and successful warriors of any
other age or nation. And if the comparison is ever made
by the analytical writer of military history, General Harney
will be brought forth to compare with the greatest cavalry
officers known to European warfare. His soldierly qualities
have made him both a good and distinguished warrior.
For more than half a century he has been a noted soldier.
His eventful career began with his first commission, dated
February 13, 18 18. His first military services were in pur
suit of some of the Lafitte band of pirates, in the swamps
of Louisiana, soon after he received his commission. With
this initial service began his eventful military life, which
extended through the two Seminole or Florida wars, the
Black Hawk and Mexican wars, on the Plains and Pacific
coast. He may justly be called the military Humboldt of
this country ; the pioneer soldier, whose wanderings have
extended over all our territory, from the everglades of
Florida to the " bad lands " of Dakota, and from the city
of Mexico to Puget Sound. He has ever been a remarka
ble man. His life has been peculiar, and his whole career
teems with the thrilling deeds of o«e of the most eminent
military heroes known to American history.
Like the German Humboldt, he has been the friend and
associate of chieftains, explorers, travelers, scholars states
men and divines ; the friend and conqueror of savaire
tribes, and the nation's faithful soldier.
The wilderness and the frontier were the home of Gen
eral Harney for more than a generation. The lagoons of

PREFACE. xi
Louisiana, the everglades of Florida, the territory lying
along the Mississippi, now parcelled into rich and populous
States, the plains of the great West, the Black Hills, where
adventurous spirits now delve for gold, and the north
western jewel of our starry circle, distant Oregon, have
each been the field of his services and his labors, and in
each of those quarters is his name echoed with reverence
and pride ; and his labors, like those of Hercules, have
been to confront and achieve victories over formidable
obstructions to human progress. He has contested with
wild beasts and savages the empire of civilized men over
nature, and opened the way for the progress of Saxon
civilization westward across the continent.
The record of a life so eventful and useful as that pre
sented by General Harney, cannot fail to be rich in lessons
of daring and heroic deeds — lessons in the highest degree
worthy a place in the biographical annals of our country.
It shall therefore be my purpose to present him to his
countrymen as a loyal and warm-hearted chieftain, who
vindicated the honor of the nation on every battle-field
where duty called him, and periled his life to maintain
unsullied the honor and valor of the true warrior. Such a
soldier is a benefactor, and worthy to be honored by the
American people.
But General Harney embodies other qualities than those
of a soldier. He combines, in a high degree, the elements
of true manhood, of gallantry and chivalry. We may tell
that the " vows of knighthood, the ceremonials of installa
tions, the pomp and splendor of knightly feats have gone,
but the devotion of the patri«t, the ardor of the warrior, the
warmth of the lover, the fidelity of the friend, the loyalty
and the truth of men of honor, do not sleep in the graves
of Charlemagne, Roland and Bayard." These chosen at
tributes of human nature, indigenous to this Western land,
find full and free expression in his character, and are
worthy of imitation by the rising manhood of our country.

XU PREFACE.

Trusting that the record herewith presented shall be
j'udged worthy the character and fame of him whom it is
designed to present to the public, and that both my hero
and my record will be duly appreciated by the American
people, I submit this volume in the spirit of devotion to
those who have periled their lives and made themselves
illustrious in the defense of my country.
L. U. R.
St. Louis, Mo., July ist, 1878.

INTRODUCTORY.

BY HON. C. M. CLAY.
- /CRESTS and flowers and fruits, growth, beauty and ma-
*4-^ turity for succession, is the law of the flora. The same
law rules animal life. Forms change, but the elements
of things are eternal. Whether plants have in the succession
of ages increased in size or not, is yet a matter of doubt ;
in beauty and utility of fruit they certainly have. It may
be that greater heat may have been the cause of a ranker
growth ; then again, the finer species may have left no'
trace behind. The superior size and ages of ancient man
may be fabulous. It may be, if otherwise, that better
knowledge of the natural laws may compensate for the
complexities of civilization, and man be restored to his
original types. One thing is certain, there are laws which
govern mind and body, and they are equally fixed and
operative. The theory of the creation of the world is not
essential to our happiness. No doubt that the Great First
Cause is a certainty ; but what of Him ? All that is sure
in theological enquiry is, that the unknown is to us, so far
forth, unknowable. Let us hope that at some time more
will be revealed to us, and then rest. All the laws of mat
ter and mind are before us for investigation. Ignorance
can never be bliss. ' We are governed all the same — if the
laws are in conflict with our action or subjections, we are
the sufferers, not they. It was not a vain aspiration of the
poet : " Still let us ponder boldly; it is a base abandonment
of reason to resign our right of thought, our last sole
refuge — this at least shall still be mine." Let reason, tradi-

XIV INTRODUCTORY.

tion, and theory, and science have equal play, and victory
will at last perch upon the standard of truth, and truth is
but another word for the eternal laws. When the flora
have perished, they are the fertilized beds of new vegeta
tion. So man, and the family, and the nation perish, but
are again renewed. We have every reason to believe that
we at least progress, that something is ever saved from the
¦wreck to aid in the new voyage. In one sense there is
surely nothing new under the sun, that is, there is still mind
and body. But who can say that under a better knowledge
the infinite variety of capability is not increased for the
better ? Every one must speak for himself. For my part,
I do not hesitate to say, that there is, has been, and will be
progress is proved. Look at the sparse, crude, and suffer
ing population of the savage state ; and then at the vast
numbers, the increased comforts and plea.sures of the civil
ized. Cut off the lower strata, where population is ever
checked by destitution, disease, and early death, and then
take the upper tier of humanity, and what a vast change
for the better ! And what of death ? When man shall
live according to the law of nature, and nature's God, if it
better pleases, death will have no terrors. In years it will
be afar off. The parent is absorbed into the child. The
aspirations, the accumulations of physical comforts, the
every surroundings of the parent are merged into the child.
Insensible and without pain, and without consciousness,
the one stops, dies, but the other goes on, and succession
is forever. The physical and mental attributes of God are
the exponents of the ideas of man. At first He is known
but in storms and lightning and disease and death.
Hideous ! But as science proves that storms cleanse the air
lightning is the element perhaps of vitality, and that dis
ease and death are not unmixed evils — then God begins to
be Benevolent. He will at last no doubt become " Alto
gether Lovely f" Then shall we be so likewise. The strug
gle between good and evil may never cease, but victory

INTRODUCTORY. XV
will more and more rest upon the standard of virtue. Let
us be ever mindful that we are of earth and spirit, body
and mind, and keep up the just equilibrium. It is not at all
desirable that any one should be pre-eminent for self-sake,
in any mental or physical phase of being. The great brain,
the pioneer in thoughts, is more to be pitied than envied.
Mankind may profit by such, but they are themselves the
victims of science or action. In pursuit of one law they
too often violate the rest. The ditch is filled about the
fortifications with the fallen ; the walls are scaled ; the
banners of the victors are floated on high ; but alas ! for
the useful dead, who respond no more to these triumphs,
forever ! Then must there be harmony in man's develop
ment, mental and physical, and there rests the secret of
happiness. The differences between men and women are as
wide as the heavens and the earth, yet one mingles im
perceptibly with the other. Of all pitiable things, the
most melancholy is the "strong-minded woman." Heaven
is the ideal of all possible enjoyment ; ^ell of all that can
be suffered in nature. The sum of all aspiration, or the
highest aspiration — the "To Kalon" — the " Summum
Bonum " — the flower of the tree of the beautiful, is woman.
In this central ideal or real, is accumulated all that is pos
sible, and all that is imaginable. But unsex her, and she is
the positive electricity no more, but at once repulsive — the
negative pole. Here there must be neither the seclusion,
and consequent mental abatement of the far East, nor the
dangerous freedom of the far West, but that "juste milieu"
which is safest in all nature's work. Let us then develop
the self, the family, and the State. Nor let us worship far-
off heroes. That which is gone is for us no more, but
rather that which is and that which is to come. The men
who have lived near us and for us, let them be our gods.
W. S. Harney is one of these — such men as the divine
Shakespeare has set before us — every way developed in
body, in beauty, which is its highest attribute, in strength

XVl INTRODUCTORY.
in health, in tenacity and endurance; In mind, in heroic
courage, in sagacity, in rapid combination and quick action,.
in the virtues which belong to the family, the patriotic
ardor and self-sacrifice, which are the dues of the State.
No vain aspirations, no idle repinings, no ignoble inertness,.
no limping achievements, but a live, sound, harmonious
being in mind and body, whom men and women love, and
are the better for the loving. When I hear of the views of
some of our political Generals, who have lost in the cabinet
all they won in the field, I am reminded of Burns and his-
cotemporaries. Burns, the child of nature, true in senti
ment, the peasant in place, but god-like in conception, yet
lives in the affections, and grows with the increased admira
tion of the ages ; but they, his scoffers, where are they
now ? Evanishing ever, and at last forgot. These small
fighters affect small speeches. " Napoleon and Cromwell
spoke little ! " Indeed ! But that little was much ! Har
ney's defence of the Union cause and the "old flag" will
live in history as Jhe most intellectual and the most elo
quent of those times, next to the immortal Lincoln. Rest,.
then, brave heart, secure in the love and confidence of
those who shall reap the fruits of your long and painful
sowings. As fierce were the flashes of your trenchant
blade in ascending life, so gently lengthening be the shad
ows of thy decline. You lived for the nation, so let thy
living be merged into the life of the people you loved so
well, and be immortal with themselves.
C. M. CLAY.

CONTENTS.

Page.
Preliminary Statement. ...... 21
CHAPTER I.
GENERAL HARNEY's YOUTH.
Place and date of birth — Condition of society — Nashville and the Hermit
age — Incidents of early life — Davy Crockett, Jackson, Benton — Sam
Houston and his romantic history — General Hamey's mother — A
woman after the old Roman model — How she moulded bullets to
shoot the red skins — Tragic career of General Hamey's brother —
Harney receives his commission and enters the army. . . .35
CHAPTER II.
LIEUTENANT HARNEY AND THE PIRATE LAFITTE.
Young Harney joins his regiment — Some account of the Lafittes — How
they saved the day at the battle of New Orleans — The bold buccaneers
on sea and land — Lieutenant Harney goes on an expedition after the
pirates — And captures two of their vessels and a large amount of booty
— Bars of iron loaded with quicksilver — Sufferings of the party during
the expedition — Hamey is ordered to Boston on recruiting service —
The first Florida war — How "Old Hickory" disposed of some
troublesome customers  -45
CHAPTER III.
EXPEDITION TO THE YELLOWSTONE.
Young Harney visits St. Louis for the first time — St. Louis and Jefferson .
Barracks in 1824 — Some memories of Carondelet and Bellefontaine
— A trip up the Missouri in keel-boats — Major O'Fallon and the In
dian — Hamey saves the expedition from massacre — A foot race —
Almost a merchant  59
CHAPTER IV.
THE BLACK HAWK WAR.
What caused the war — Harney at Fort Winnebaga — He meets Jeff. Davis
— Anecdote of the unruly dog — A race and a ducking — Active move
ments against Black Hawk and his wavriors — massacre of Major
Stillman and his party — The battle of Bad Ax and capture of Black
Hawk — Hamey's introduction to Abe Lincoln and Zachary Taylor 72

1 8 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
SECOND FLORIDA WAR.
Description of Florida — The Spanish conquest — Indian troubles — Hamey
is promoted and takes a prominent part in the war — Scouting and
fighting — Official reports of battles — Discreditable conduct of Mr.
Poinsett, Secretary of War.  9^
CHAPTER VI.
THE FLORIDA WAR CONTINUED.
Treachery of Osceola — A decisive battle — Defeat of the Indians — ^Death
of Osceola — A description of his character and appearance — Colonel
Harney's perilous campaign in the swamps and everglades — An am
bush from which the Colonel makes a narrow escape — Capture of
Chaikika's band — Hamey uses a rope to good purpose — Treaty with
the Indians and close of the war  Iig
CHAPTER VII.
THE MEXICAN VSfAR.
Review of the Texas question — Sam Houston and the battle of San Jacin
to — Trouble with the United States — Taylor and his brilliant victories
— Colonel Harney is promoted and assigned to important duties . . 149
CHAPTER VIII.
SCOTT AND HARNEY.
The Commander-in-Chief becomes jealous of the dashing Colonel of dra
goons—The origin of the trouble — Cutting letters between Taylor
and Scott — Harney relieved of his command — Refuses to obey and
is tried by court-martial — The Secretary of War rebukes Scott and
commends Harney — A lively chapter, full of revelations. . . . 162
CHAPTER IX.
THE MEXICAN WAR CONTINUED.
Colonel Harney restored to his command and ordered to serve under
Scott — A dangerous adventure in the Gulf of Mexico — Capture of
Vera Cruz — Harney disobeys orders again and wins a brilliant victory ¦
at MadelUn— General Scott highly commends the gallant Colonel. ,. . 181
CHAPTER X.
THE MEXICAN WAR CONTINUED.
Colonel Harney and his dragoons find work to do in reconnoitering the
enemy's position— Brilliant charge at Cerro Gordo— Graphic descrip
tion of this great event— A gallant Mexican officer— Colonel Harney
is promoted to the rank of Brigadier General 

CONTENTS. 19
CHAPTER XI.
THE MEXICAN WAR CONTINUED.
Marching into the enemy's country — Friendly meeting between Scott and
Harney — Battles around the City of Mexico — General Harney's bril
liant charge at Contreras — An unpleasant duty performed — Perilous
adventure of an American officer — Capture of the City of Mexico —
Harney's summary disposal of some rascals— Peace declared, and
Harney ordered to Washington with dispatches — Popular demonstra
tions of admiration on the route.  . 225
CHAPTER XII.
THE SIOUX EXPEDITION.
General Hamey visits his family in Paris — But receives orders to return
and take command of an expedition against the Sioux Indians —
Causes of the Indian war — Harney advances into the Indian country
and wins the battle of Ash Hollow — Graphic report of the fight —
Council and treaty with the savages — More service in Florida . . . 246
CHAPTER XIII.
THE KANSAS TROUBLES.
The slavery question — Serious difficulties in Kansas — General Hamey or
dered to take command of the troops and preserve the peace — His
vigorous measures soon restore quiet — Takes command of the expe
dition against the Mormons — He proposes to hang Brigham Young
and his apostles and permanently settle the Mormon question — These
measures considered too vigorous, and he is succeeded by General
Johnston and ordered to Oregon  268
CHAPTER XIV.
SERVICE IN OREGON.
Father DeSmet selected to negotiate with the Indians — Happy results of
his benevolent influence — Description of the Oregon Indians — Insub
ordination of Lieutenant Sill — General Scott's unauthorized interfer
ence — A lively correspondence between the two Generals. - 280
CHAPTER XV.
THE SAN JUAN TROUBLES EXPLAINED
Description of the Island of San Juan— Trouble with the English— Threats
of war — General Hamey takes possession of the Island — Full ac
count of this important affair is our national history, with official cor
respondence, etc. .......... 315

20 CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XVI.

¦ THE CIVIL WAR.
Election of Lincoln and commencement of the strife — General Hamey
placed in command at St. Louis — Is captured at Harper's Ferry whde
on his way to Washington, and conveyed to Richmond as a prisoner of
war — Is released and returns to his command — The Camp Jackson af
fair — The Price-Harney agreement — Intrigues for the removal of Gen
eral Harney — The Blair family — Interesting correspondence — A char
acteristic letter from President Lincoln — Harney is placed upon the
retired list, and Lyon assume command of the department — An able
letter from General Harney vindicating his loyalty and patriotism . . 347
CHAPTER XVII.
THE AMERICAN INDIAN.
Description of the religious and social customs of the Indian, with an ac
count of General Harney's campaigns against them. . . . 394
CHAPTER XVIIL
RECOLLECTIONS, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. ...... 45O

LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT.

¥HE discovery, exploration and settlement of Amer
ica opened a new field for human progress and civil
ization to the world, a theater for development more
ample and fruitful than had ever been opened to the
human race. Civilization, originating in the East, had
reached only a certain point, where it stopped, and where it
has stood for thousands of ages. It stands now in China
and Hindostan where it stood in the age of Confucius and
Buddha, and where it will ever stand among the Mongolian
races. The Caucasians, who colonized Greece and Italy,
and subsequently Spain, Gaul and Britain, and have alone in
Europe shown an aptitude for the higher and more exalted
civilization which was the result of the conquests of their
arts and their arms, have developed in the New World a
nation at once the pride and wonder of mankind.
The agencies which, in the hands of Him who prescribes
the destinies of nations, have wrought their wonders on this
continent in the last four centuries, are deserving of serious
consideration. They furnish for the contemplative student
of history a study worthy of his earnest attention. The
struggle in Europe between the barbarians and the effete

22 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
and effeminate Roman emperors threatened to destroy the
learning, arts and civilization of the world, when Christian
ity came to their aid and offered a safe asylum among the re
ligious custodians of her monasteries, where, in the dark ages,
learning was not only preserved but progressed, and virtue,
becoming her constant associate, conquered in her turn the
rude warriors who would have destroyed her, by convert
ing them to the mild and just tenets of divine teaching, and
to the arts and pursuits of peace. From these sacred re
treats, where learning and civilization found a safe sanctuary
from the Goth, the Vandal, the Hun and the Saracen, came
forth science and art, which improved navigation by the in
vention of the mariner's compass ; and with religion and
science there came forth and was developed the restless,
aggressive but peaceful genius of commerce. Under the
segis of commerce, aided by the appliances of art, frail ships
ventured into the broad ocean, and found paths in the
trackless and unknown tide. The Genoese navigator push
ed boldly forth and sailed due westward to find a new route
to the Indies, which lay twelve thousand miles to the east.
On his way he found a new and unknown land. Vasco di
Gama found a new path likewise to the east, by way of the
Cape of Good Hope. These bold discoverers were soon
followed by bold and restless adventurers. The sails of
their argosies and galleons whitened the waters of unknown
seas and startled the simple natives of hitherto unknown
continents. With the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus,
the star of civilization moved westward, and to progress
was opened a new field, where, with young and fresh life, on
a virgin and unexplored continent, was to be developed a
new phase of enlightenment, a new asylum for learning and
science, and, more than all, a constellation of States where
human liberty, civil and religious, has been destined to
exist, trammelled by no restrictions short of the borders of
license and intolerance. Slow and painful were the first

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT. 23
conquests of the hardy emigrants who settled on the shores
of North America. Inhospitable climates were to be con
fronted, forests were to be leveled, and the hardy and wild
savage to be overcome. The Swedes of New York, the
Puritans of New England, the Swiss and Huguenots of the
Carolinas, the Quakers of Pennsylvania and the Colonists
of Lord Baltimore and Oglethorpe in Maryland and
Georgia, with the early cavaliers of Virginia, struggled for
over a hundred and fifty years before civilization began to
pass the Appalachian chain, and fixed a home out of sight
of the Atlantic. The hardy Jesuit and Franciscan mission
ary, or the lone and solitary hunter, almost as much a nomad
as the Indian natives, had barely traversed the trackless
forests and made a few discoveries with which to enrich the
meager geography of the time. The Father of Waters, dis
covered by Father Marquette in 1673, had been for nearly
two centuries unknown and unseen of Europeans, except
to the hardy followers of De Soto, who crossed it in 1 541,
seeking the gold fields of the Western Sierras.
Slow was the progress of the settlements in America, up to
the time of the revolt of the thirteen English colonies against
the mother country. Their hardships and labors had edu
cated them to self-reliance, energy and courage, and to a
love of liberty and independence which has been the deep
and well laid foundation of that national greatness which has
crowned their autonomy in later years. During this period
the necessity for making bread and repelling the attacks of
hostile Indians was greater than the claims of science or
the curiosity for discovery. Nevertheless, Franklin had de
monstrated by his experiments in electricity, that the winged
lightening of the heavens could be tamed and controlled,
from which has since been invented the electric telegraph
and the telephone. The first is now indispensable to the
most ordinary transactions of life, and has been brought
into vogue only within the last generation. The energy,
self-rehance and independence of the American race, not

24 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
only developed into the statesmanship which brought about
a revolution, and a final separation from, and independence
of the mother country, but it prepared a people, who for a
century and a half had governed themselves without aid
from the mother country, for a further self-government,
which for more than a century has enabled them to accom
plish the American Republic.
In 1776, the population of the thirteen colonies did not
exceed three millions. They were all east of the Allegha-
nies and on the Atlantic seaboard. A few skirmishes and
battles, notable among them Braddock's defeat, had occurred
on the neutral ground and against the French and Indians
near Fort Du Quesne. But before the Revolution, few
English settlements had extended west of the Alleghanies.
Daniel Boone, a North Carolinian, of whom Lord Byron
said : Of all men, saving Sylla the manslayer.
Who passes for in life and death most lucky ;
Of the great names which in our faces stare.
The General Boone, backwoodsman of Kentucky,
Was happiest amongst mortals anywhere :
For killing nothing but a bear or- buck, he
Enjoy'd the lonely, vigorous, harmless days
Of his old age in wilds of deepest maze.
Crime came not near him — she is not the child
Of solitude ; Health shrank not from him — for
Her home is in the rarely trodden wild,
Wliere if men .seek her not, and death be more
Their choice tljan life, forgive them, as beguiled
By habit to what their own hearts abhor —
In cities caged. The present case in point I
Cite is, that Boone lived hunting up to ninety ;
And, what's still stranger, left behind a name
For which men vainly decimate tlie throng,
Not only famous, but of that good fame
Without which glory's but a tavern song —
Simple, serene, the antipodes of shame.
Which hate nor envy e'er could tinge with wrong:
An active hermit, even in age the child
Of nature, or the Man of Ross run wild.

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT. 2$
'Tis true he shrank from men, even of his nation :
When they built up unto his darling trees.
He moved some hundred miles oft^ for a station
Where there were fewer houses and more ease.
The inconvenience of civilization
Is, that you neither can be pleased nor please ;
But where he met the individual man.
He show'd himself as kind as mortal can.
He was not all alone ; around him grew
A sylvan tribe of children of the chase.
Whose young, un waken' d world was ever new :
Nor sword nor sorrow yet had left a trace
On her unwrinkled brow, nor could you view
A frown on nature's or on human face ;
The free-born forest found and kept them free.
And fresh as is a torrent or a tree.
And tall, and strong, and swift of foot were they.
Beyond the dwarfing city's pale abortions.
Because their thoughts had never been the prey
Of care or gain: the green woods were their portions.
No sinking spirits told them they grew grey;
No fashion made them apes of her distortions :
Simple they were, not savage ; and their rifles.
Though very true, were not yet used for trifles.
Motion was in their days, rest in their slumbers.
And cheerfulness the handmaid of their toil ;
Nor yet too many nor too few their numbers ;
Corruption could not make their hearts her soil ;
The lust which stings, the splendor which encumbers.
With the free foresters divide no spoil :
Serene, not sullen, were the solitudes
Of this unsighing people of the woods.
Had in his wild and solitary rambles, penetrated into
Kentucky, and had found it abundant in game and of rich
soil. The State of Tennessee at that time was a domain,
belonging to a private monopoly. For these territories were
unknown land ; except a few hunters and occasional forted
settlements with few families, there were no settlements in
these now flourishing States. Outside of these, the French
had a settlement at the mouth of the Mississippi River, first

26 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
made at Isle aux Vqisseaux, or Ship Island, and then made
at New Orleans for the sake of health, and be'yond these till
the Spanish settlements in Florida, Mexico and Texas were
reached; the French out-post at Fort Chartres and St.
Louis, a few settlements around it at Vide Poche and St.
Ferdinand, and others then belonging to France, and the
Post of Arkansas, there were none of the present United
States west of the Appalachian chain. This chain of Ameri
can settlements, confined substantially to the narrow slope of
the Atlantic seaboard, was the germ of the great nation
now called the United States. But the hardihood and pri
vations of nearly two centuries had trained and educated
the people of this slope to a fitness for the autonomy which
was to devolve on them and their descendants. Nothing
was known of the vast region beyond and to the Pacific
shore, except such rumors or reports as came from the
nomadic hunters and traders who had strayed off" into the
interminable forests and plains of the Great West.
After the struggle for independence, and up to the begin
ning of the nineteenth century, three new States were
added to the original thirteen, to-wit: Kentucky, by act of
Congress February 4th, 1791 ; Vermont, by act of February
1 8th, 1 79 1, and Tennessee, by act of June ist, 1796. Only
two States lay west of the Alleghanies. They were inhab
ited by the earlier pioneers, whose enterprising and heroic
spirit had led them beyond the Appalaches. That heroic
spirit had in every age of the world characterized the
early pioneers of every country. Hence in ancient times,
the ancestors of every heroic race and nation were esteemed
gods and demi-gods. Hercules was a hero whose prow
ess was so far beyond his descendants' conception, that he
was deified. The Nemean forest where he cut the club
with which he slew the lion, gave its name to the games
ever afterwards celebrated in his honor. The princes and
aristocracy of the Grecian States traced their pedigree to
him, and called themselves the Heraclidse. The virtues of

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT. 27
the sturdy r^ces in the earlier European civilization, who
were pioneers beyond the cis-Adriatic, and the cis-Mediter-
ranean, in the cis-Alpine and cis-Pyrenean and regions
this side the Pillars of Hercules, were ever celebrated in
the songs of the nations which sprang from them, and
which revered, honored and emulated them. These virtues
were the result of the simplicity of their lives, the constant
presence of danger, and the sagacity, intrepidity and self-
reliance which its presence and the necessity of supplying
daily wants always gives. This, which we might call the
normal state of society in the hunter and shepherd man,
always involved the survival of the fittest, and from the fit
test essentially a race of heroes. Unacquainted with the
enervating influences of luxury and vice, the manly virtues
of courage with which is always mixed magnanimity and
hospitality, were developed. Their descendants became, as
civilization in its progress westward multiplied, superior to
their effete ancestors, from whom each in seeking the com
munion of nature rather than man, " when they built up into
his darling trees, " moved on where he found "less people
and more ease."
This phase of American society translated to the regions
west of the Alleghanies the young life and vigor of the
Atlantic slope. There came to Kentucky a young man,
Henry Clay, who impressed the country with his genius,
statesmanship and unrivalled eloquence; senates hung
upon his lips, and nations listened to the tones of his ora
tory. Then came Audubon, who lived in the forests and
wrote the autobiography of the birds. From the Carolinas
came Gen. Andrew Jackson, who was distinguished alike
as jurist, soldier, magistrate and statesman. The two new
States which alone existed west of the Alleghanies at the
beginning of the nineteenth century, nurtured and pro
duced Benton and Lincoln, Andrew Johnson and Sam
Houston. With few facilities for education in the way of
schools, the priniitive forest produced scholars, statesmen.

28 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
naturalists, scientists and geographers. They illustrated the
natural aptitude of the American for war, not of conquest,
but war for the preservation of peace and the law and order
requisite for the well-being of society ; war which enriched
science with the fruits of explorations and opened the ave
nues of commerce and trade. The sturdy Kentuckians
followed George Rodgers Clark into the Northwestern Ter
ritory where he defeated the Indians at Vincennes ; and
many hard-fought and bloody scenes were enacted on the
dark and bloody ground, under the pioneer soldiers, who
were necessitated to defend their plow-shares with the
sword and rifle. With this aptitude for war, a war in which
both the spear and the pruning hook, the sword and plow
share, were intermingled, there was developed in the
American pioneer and squatter, a patriotism which was
compounded of love of country and fearless love of jus
tice. These two virtues combined gave to the American
citizen-soldier a capacity for self-government, and placed
his nation above all peoples in the sublime autonomy
which in the last three-quarters of a century has been illus
trated in the most trying ordeals a country was ever
exposed to, and has placed America in the first rank of all
nations. The autonomy of America has been demonstrated
not alone in times of peril and conflict, but in that more
dangerous phase of national life, in peace, the peace which
immediately succeeds internecine, devastating and bloody
war. The question of battles between skilled captains is
often, as Napoleon said, solely dependent on the weight of
the artillery. The question of peace after a long and deso-
Ixting war, is more trying to the autonomy of a people than
the determination of bloody battles. Nothing else than
the inherent love of order, respect for law, and the vigor
ous patriotism and love of justice engendered by the early
lessons of the pioneers, could have carried the United
States through the perils of "reconstruction" — greater perils
than the five preceding years of battles and bloodshed

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT. 29
that had only made reconstruction possible but not neces
sarily probable.
At the beginning of this century the railroad, the tele
graph and the steamboat were unknown, the most painful
journeys were necessary in traversing the wildernesses, and
the means of inter-communication were slow ; and the
settlements west of the Alleghanies, deriving but little pro
tection from the sparse and meagre army, were compelled
to vigilance and organization necessary to their own
protection. It was in this phase of society, and in the
newest of the States, in the first year of this eventful cen
tury, seventy-eight years of which have passed away, that
General William Selby Harney was born. The scope of
his life has compassed in three-quarters of a century the
most remarkable events of our American history. The
population has increased from three millions to forty-five
millions. At the time of his birth all the great West from
Florida to the Great Lakes, the Great Valley of the Missis
sippi, the Valley of the Missouri, and all the then Louisi
ana, was the property of Spain and France. Texas, with
an undefined eastern boundary, was a part of Mexico and
continued so till 1836. Florida was not purchased until
after the war of 18x2, and Mr. Jefferson had only said
in 1 80 1 that no foreign power could own the port of
New Orleans without being " the natural enemy of the
United States. " In short, outside of the new States of
Kentucky and Tennessee, west of the Alleghanies, the
United States hardly extended west of those mountains.
All the great West, including now the major part in popula
tion, wealth and importance of our nation, was unknown ex
cept by dim tradition. France ¦ owned Louisiana, which
Mr. Jefferson had the sagacity to purchase in 1803. The
Northwest Territory, which now includes Ohio, Indiana,
a part of Illinois and all the States between the Ohio
River and the great lakes, belonged to the great State of
Virginiji, which ceded them to the United States, upon

30 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
only one condition, to-wit: that " Slu^ery and involuntary
servitude, except as a punishment for crime after due convic-
tiofh, should never b& tolerated in them. "
It was not till after the purchase of Louisiana, that St.
Louis became a part of the United States. It was not till
1804-6 that Merriwether Lewis and WiUiam Clark made
their expedition to the Pacific Coast. The route to the
Pacific lay across trackless forests and sterile plains. The
desert — called the " Great American " in the earlier geog
raphies — inhabited like Central Africa only with nomadic
hordes of wild buffalo and wilder savages, lay between the
French settlements of Saint Louis, Fort Chartres and
Kaskaskia and the Rocky Mountains. California was
then a province c-f Spain and part of Mexico. The
almost undescribed, unknown and supposed unknowable
slope of the watershed of the Cordilleras to the west,
on the Columbia in Oregon, was the object of their
research. Wild tribes of savages, unknown except to the
intrepid Missionaries of the Jesuit and Franciscan fathers,
who had carried the cross and the gospel to the sons of the
forest, were the only human inhabitants of the greater por
tion of now more than three-fourths of the United States.
Flatboats and keels, more often canoes, were the only
means of the navigation of the great rivers which have
since been plowed by the proud steamer. The forest and
prairies were trackless and innocent of road or path,
except where the wild natives or the practiced woodman
steered by the bark of the forest trees, or the sunflower of
the prairie. Nature indicating by her deciduous or other
plants, to their practiced eyes, the cardinal points of the
compass. The great mines of precious metals were unknown. De
Soto and his followers had heard of them in 1 541, and had
even penetrated to the sources of the Arkansas, to the
Parks and Pike's Peak, and studied the watershed of the
eastern slope of the Sierras, where Gilpin, three centuries

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT. 3 I
afterward, verified the statements of the Portuguese gen
tleman and Garcillasso. The mines of California were un
heard of, and the placers of Oregon, Montana and Dakota
were undreamed of.
It was not till three years after his birth that Lewis
and Clark, as we have said, passed through the American
desert, which is now blossoming as the rose. It was several
more years before Captain Bonneville spent two years in
captivity among the Nomadic Indians, and returned like
"the dead come to life," to give the world an account of
his journeyings, which employed the pen of Washington
Irving, and in which truth is shown to be stranger than
fiction. The city of St. Louis was a French village where
the fur trader and voyageur exchanged the products of their
traps and hunts for the necessary commodities to subsist
upon and defend them in their solitary season in the remote
and unpeopled forest. There was no money in St. Louis ex
cept the Spanish dollars paid to the garrison of sixteen men
once a year, and the currency, as related by M. Perrin Du
Lac, who visited the upper French settlements in 1803,
was deer skins and peltries. The records and archives of
our city show that judicial sales at this early day took place
on Sundays, in front of the only Roman Catholic church,
just after high mass, and as the congregation of worship
pers passed out, and after due proclamation made for three
successive Sundays. The specific manner of payment was
not in money, but in shaved deer skins or their equivalent
in other peltries. The pirogue, or the flatboat, was the
only craft with which the waters of the Mississippi and its
tributaries were navigated. The railroad had not even been
dreamed of. for the first one was only built in the United
States in 1831. Fulton had only mad'e a trial trip of his
steamboat on the Hudson; and Whitney was dreaming
only, if thought of at all, of the cotton gin which gave his
country a monopoly of the supply of that fibre with which
the world is now clothed.

32 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
The life" of General Harney compasses the period of the
progress of the larger half of the Western Continent from
the most feeble infancy to its present young manhood. En
tering the army at eighteen years of age, his career as a
soldier began in his youth, and in the youth of the nation
he has so well, so honorably, and so patriotically served.
The life of a soldier demands the perfection of manhood,
physical, mental and moral. It is a life of discipline and
trial ; a life of honor and duty which demands all the higher
and nobler virtues, patriotism, courage — moral and physic
al — truth, integrity and unflinching honesty. It is a life
that foregoes the sordid aims of petty ambition, and de-
velopes into the "Big thoughts that make ambition virtue."
It exists outside the sphere of paltry commerce, and
in the atmosphere of honor. Honor won and wooed
in peril and privation ; honor at the price of self-denial and
hardship ; honor that is cold to the fascinations of vulgar
profit, and insensible to all but the call of humanity, charity
and duty; honor ever magnanimous, because ever brave;
ever generous, because ever just; honor more precious
than all gems, and above all price.
This biography covers a space in our national life which
can alone be preserved by the cotemporary biographer, but
to which a just and impartial posterity can only do justice
and appreciate.
Montesquieu, in his celebrated treatise on the Grandeur
des Remains, maintains that those governments which are
purely military or purely commercial, are less lasting and
prosperous than those which are of a mixed character,
combining the excellences of the arts of peace with the
highest perfection of the art of war; that acquisitions to
be permanent must be made through the industry of pro
duction and traffic ; but that the office of the soldier is
the bulwark of the nation, and defender of its liberties

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT. 33
and rights as well as commerce. Gibbon, in his " Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire," attributes to the Emperor
Gratian, whose indolence and luxury introduced themselves
into the armies in Gaul, so that the soldiers were impatient
of the burden and weight of their armor, the unenviable dis
tinction of having hastened and precipitated the ruin of
his country, by relaxing discipline, which immediately made
his soldiers pusillanimous and inefficient before the sturdy
marauders, the Goths, the Huns and the Northern hordes.
The army of the United States has produced the finest
specimens of manhood, physical, moral and mental. The
high standard of honor and integrity, and the esprit du
corps of the professional and educated soldier, place him
first in rank and importance of citizens, so that the life of
one who has sustained his country's colors for more than
sixty years, is of importance for example to the rising
generation. The life labors of Gen. Harney almost partake of those
of a warm-hearted and zealous patriarch. His service on
the frontier in Florida, and on the upper waters of the Mis
sissippi and the Missouri Rivers, and upon the Pacific slope,
has been one constant labor to remove impediments to the
westward inarch of American civilization across the conti
nent. At his birth our national population numbered but little
more than 5,000,000; he has seen it grow to more than
40,000,000. At his birth sixteen States belonged to the
Federal family ; he has seen the number increase to thirty-
eight. He has seen eleven Roman lustra pass away since he
stepped upon the stage of action. Impelled by an all-pow
erful spirit of conquest, he has seen the wilderness and
savageism yield to the march of skill, refinement, and power
across the continent. He has seen the red man of the wil
derness the children of the kingdom of Hiawatha, strike
their tents and depart for happier hunting grounds, that

34 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
lay toward the setting sun. Wonderful was the panorama
of history that slowly, majestically and irresistibly moved
along the years that have measured away his life. The old
war chiefs of his youth and of his manhood are all gone,
and the melancholy story of the Indian maiden remains to
be typified in the still more ancient story of the daughters
of Israel, " By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down ;
yea, we wept when we remembered Zion, we hung our
harps upon the willows in the midst thereof."
General Harney has seen the wigwam of the Indian, in
the wilderness, give place to the log cabin of the pioneer, on
the frontier, and in turn he has seen the log cabin give place
to the stately mansion of the farmer, the artisan, the mer
chant and the teacher.. His history is, , therefore, the history
of the steady, solemn march of the Indians from the begin
ning of the present century to the abolition of American
slavery, from the active wild scenes of life to the written
pages of by-gone history.

CHAPTER I.
GENERAL HARNEY's YOUTH.
Vp/HE Commonwealth of Tennessee, the youngest of the
I States of the Union at the beginning of this century,
was the birth-place of General William Selby Har
ney. He was born at Haysborough, in Davidson county,
near Nashville, August 22nd, 1800. It was at a time when
the State was in its infancy, but even at that early day giv
ing good promise of its later destiny. This frontier State
had attracted to its then native wilds some of the ablest,
most daring and patriotic spirits of the older States, and
who have since given lustre to American history, in war
and in peace, in statesmanship and learning, in commerce
and industry, in virtue and patriotism. The stirring scenes
of the Revolutionary war had, in the seven years before
the treaty of peace, habituated the hardy youth and ster
ling manhood of the patriot soldier to scenes of danger
and habits of self-reliance ; to patience in disaster and en
durance of privation. Lying midway between the sparse
trans-Alleghany settlements on the upper waters of the
Ohio, and the French settlements at New Orleans, it wais a
place of transit for the hardy flat and keel boatmen who
descended but could not ascend the beautiful Ohio and the
Father of Waters in their clumsy craft, and who must per
force return by painful journeys overland through the Wil
derness, as it was then called. This wilderness was infested
by tribes of savage aborigines and some times the more
savage white outlaw. If the caves and forests on either
side of the river were infested by river pirates, the harpies
and others, the land was equally infested with land rob
bers to rob and murder the early trader and voyageur, when.

36 - LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
laden with the proceeds of his trip, he wended his painful
way homeward. Nashville, at that time, was an out-post
of civilization. It was a city of refuge and hospitality, fur
nishing a secure asylum for the weary traveler returning
to his home in Kentucky, or to the headwaters of the Ohio,
where he might rest in security and recruit his strength for
the yet long and painful journey before him. Few who travel
through this enterprising and populous State, at the present
day so prosperous in art and agriculture, so full of refined
elegance, and enjoying so large a portion of the benefits of
commerce and civilization ; — few who visit this now beauti
ful city with its elegant buildings, its institutions of learn
ing, its cultivated and wealthy population, still hospitable,
chivalrous and refined, — can realize that within the space
of one life, the commonwealth has grown from a frontier to
an empire, and that Nashville has, from a village, developed
into one of the most beautiful capitals of the South.
The Hermitage was near the place of young Harney's
birth when Judge, afterwards General and President An
drew Jackson established his abode there. A man of
nature and of the people. General Jackson proved to be
the man who was endowed by nature with the highest quali
ties of mind and soul. He combined in himself the advo
cate, judge, soldier and magistrate, fated and fitted to be
a ruler in times of political trial, — to serve and save his
country in the cabinet, as well as to defend it in the
field. Attracted to this out-post of civilization, many ex-officers
of the Revolution came with their families and slaves. The
hardy emigrants were accompanied and followed by adven
turous and ambitious young. men who learned, in a rough
and chivalrous school, what books and effete habits of older
civilizations could never have taught them. Thomas H.
Benton, afterwards Senator from Missouri for thirty years,
with his brother Jesse, settled at Nashville; and many
names since illustrious in parliamentary and military history

/ /'J Uia'i'laJJIfM-.rr.-iH a. liiinfini/ l'\ /ojms, lakeii, Ir^-nv life .i&iS .

HARNEY S YOUTH.

37

were the pioneers of the primitive State along with the
ancestors of General Harney.
It was a phase of human society reminding one of what
the ancients called the "age of gold," which, even in this
early day, seems to us almost fabulous. There are few liv
ing, and at an early day in the future there will be none,
who personally remember the simple yet just, truthful, hon
est and brave habits of the early pioneer. It will be due
to Bingham's painting of the "folly Flatboatmen," perhaps,
that posterity will know the personal habits of the early
navigators of our inland waters. It will be to the books of
Timothy Flint, and other unpretentious authors, that the
next generation will be indebted for a knowledge of the
habits and character of the early squatter, signalized by
rough but honest manhood and distinguished by sagacity,
wit and intelligence — learning, the learning of nature and
experience. Davy Crockett, the child of the frontier, the
hunter and squatter, the simple-minded wag, whose humor
has traditionally delighted two generations ; whose wisdom
and ability, while homely, were characterized by a depth
of practical knowledge and sound sense, that sustained him
in reputation and respect, as a member of Congress, in the
most polished era of our Congressional history, was a
representative man of the early Tennesseeans; while Boone
and Harrod were alike products of the earlier Common
wealth of Kentucky. It was Crockett, who, like Boone, had
"moved off" to where there were fewer neighbors and more
ease," who closed his honest and eventful career at the
Alamo, winning the independence of Texas. He was fight
ing under the orders of his old friend, Sam Houston, of
Tennessee, ex-Senator of the United States, like himself
a child of nature and the forest, and one of the hardy
pioneers. Their habits were formed in the camp and in the forests ;
and their sense of justice was never blunted by those hab
its of guile which the complex relations of purely commer-

38 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
cial communities engender. They were sensitive to insult,
and summary in their manner of settlement of all quarrels.
The duello was a code recognized among tTiem, and to which
they often resorted ; a code not recognized by the law, but
seldom punished by the civil authorities, so strong was the
influence of public opinion. An instance of this is shown
in the hospitable treatment of Aaron Burr, who Visited
Nashville in 1804, after his fatal duel with Hamilton. An
outlaw from society in his own State, he became the pet
and hero of the Nashville world. The learned editor of
Froissard's Chronicles, in his preliminary essay, says the
duello, in the age of chivalry, was the foundation and source
of the amenities and courtesies of modern Europe. The
certainty of personal responsibility for wrong by word or
deed closed the lips of the slanderer in social intercourse,
and checked the impulse of dishonesty in business transac
tions. It is perhaps due to this that the chivalrous courtesy
of the South and high-bred respect for woman and the weak
and unfortunate still characterize the descendants of the
early squatters of that region.
It would be hard to note all the distinguished men and
women who were the early settlers of the Commonwealth
of Tennessee cotemporary with the times we are describing,
and of those who, like General Harney, are descended from
them. First among the remarkable women, we should men
tion Rachel, the wife of General Andrew Jackson, of whom
the rare virtues, domestic and public, displayed in a life,
not without its clouds of sorrow and adversities, always
rose with the occasion, and even retained of that stern,
severe, just, honest and brave man, the meed of esteem
and affection, and after her death, the continued reverence
of her memory. There was Mrs. Yeatman, the wife of the
late Hon. John Bell, whom she married for her second
husband, but who in her early widowhood displayed a
capacity for business, which in those early times was
demanded by the exigencies of her situation, managing

HARNEY's YOUTH. 39
her deceased husband's affairs as a banker, with a sagacity
peculiarly mascu'' le, at the same time performing the
maternal affairs of the true woman and mother.
General Harney's father, whose name was Thomas, was
born in Maryland. He was a Revolutionary soldier and
of English descent, having sprung from a Bedfordshire
family. He was a Major in the Revolution v war, which
title he bore till his death, and was a man Oi unusual per
sonal excellence. His character, the outgrowth of a strong
individuality, was conspicuous in the community where
he lived, and his influence was felt in every effort to mold
society and build up institutions for the public good. A
single incident which contributes to his public worth is
told of him as a part of his efficient service in the Revolu
tionary war. When the American forces had arrived at
Princeton Ford, where the British were in camp on the other
side, they soon learned there was no way to cross the
stream and steal upon the enemy, who were, as they sup
posed, securely quartered. Comprehending the situation
in a moment. Major Harney requested a comrade to go with
him, and together they swam the river, took the enemy's
boats and returned to their own camp, with the means of
transportation across the river. The American soldiers
embarked and were soon landed on the opposite side of
the stream, some distance below, and without loss of time
surprised the enemy whom they defeated and captured.
Though possessed of traits of strong individuality, he -
was not ambitious or presuming in his relations and con
duct with his fellows. For, though often called upon to
band together with the early settlers for protection against
the Indians, and often compelled to. fight them. Major Har
ney would never accept an official position, however
strongly solicited, but would readily go into the ranks and
peril his life with his neighbors.
Haysborough, where Major Harney settled and lived in
Tennessee, was, up to the time of the Major's death, the

4° LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
rival of Nashville. Upon the death of the Major the con
test was ended and the blood of an illustrious sire was
fated to seek distinction in other and distant fields of duty.
Major Thomas Harney married Margaret Hudson, a
woman of great virtue and intelligence, and a descendant
of an Irish family of distinction and merit. She, too, like
other women of the frontier and the West, was possessed of
strong traits of character, a woman of high bearing who
could well boast, with Cornelia, that her sons were her
jewels ; for her children were
" Such as the Doric mothers bore."
Her strength of character is well illustrated in the many
labors of life. It was the custom in the early days of Ten
nessee for the settlers to build picket fences inside of which
to escape when the Indians came in too great force. Imme
diately upon entering it was the duty of the women to
make the bullets for the men to use during the siege. At
one time the alarm of the approach of the hostile Indians
was given, and the settlers all fled within the picket fence.
On this occasion a woman well known for her excellencies
was chosen to make bullets, but it was soon discovered
that she was spilling the lead. Mrs. Harney, seeing this,
requested to do the work herself. It was given to her, and
she made the bullets without manifesting the least uneasi
ness, and conducted herself as though nothing concerned
her whatever, although a brisk fight was progressing.
On another occasion .her son James was engaged in a
fight with a man much his superior in physical strength,
and armed with a bowie-knife with which he had already
once cl: Harney's hand. Mrs. Harney on seeing the con
test, and the bowie-knife in the hand of the man of greater
strength, went immediately to the scene of action, and
denounced the man as a coward for using the knife, and
demanded him to surrender it to her, which he did at once.
The experience of this act well demonstrates the con-

HARNEY S YOUTH. 4I
quering power of a heroic woman, as well as it testifies of
the strong character of the brave women who have, in all
the years of the past, made illustrious the life of the pioneer
by deeds of self-reliance and valor.
Immigrating into Tennessee, Mr. Harney settled in Da
vidson county, where he became well known and was held
in great respect. He engaged in business as a merchant at
first, and subsequently devoted himself to the business of
land surveying, a profession of which there was at that
time much need and which few were competent to fill.
The fruits of the marriage of Thomas Harney and Mar
garet Hudson were eight children, two daughters and six
sons, of whom the General was the youngest. His brothers
and sisters were Benjamin F., the eldest, John Milton,
James Thompson, Robert Burns, Eliza, Margaret and
Thomas, born in the order named. The two eldest were
physicians, and Benjamin was a surgeon in the United
States army, serving in the Indian and Mexican wars.
Dr. Benjamin F. Harney, the eldest and most noted
brother of the General, was in the highest sense a remark
able man, both in private and public life. He first studied
medicine under Dr. Robinson, an eminent physician of
Nashville, Tennessee, and graduated in Philadelphia.
After spending a number of years in the practice, he
entered the army as a surgeon, and distinguished himself
in the Black Hawk, Florida and Mexican wars. As a sur
geon he had no superior in his field of duty, and always
won the honors of true manhood and was respected and
esteemed wherever known.
John Milton Harney, also a physician, studied and
graduated in medicine in Philadelphia. He, too, was both
•remarkable and peculiar; a man of rare genius and a
temperament that nature had touched, as she touched
Keats and Kirk White. Having graduated he returned to
Kentucky and began the practice of medicine, which he
followed for some years with great success. He gave some

42 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
of his time to literature and wrote a noted poem called
" Crystallina." His heart, like that of a woman, was a
romance, and its master chord was love. He was blessed
with a happy family, but his wife died, and he went about
 "Like some wounded bird
With but one unbroken wing to soar upon."
The death of his wife inflicted upon his heart a wound of an
incurable character. At her death he abandoned the home
of his love and left the children of his household, and
sought heart relief in other scenes of life, in other fields
of duty. He went to New York City and secured a posi
tion on the editorial staff of the New York Enquirer, where
he remained for some time. But the dream of happier
days and fairer times still haunted his mind like a fairy
phantom. He thought of the new grave of his wife upon
the green hills of Kentucky and the lonely pathway she
walked down into the tomb, and he decided to abandon
his native land.
A privateer was fitting out in New York harbor for
Buenos Ayres, and he secured on her the situation of sur
geon. He embarked upon the ship and departed,
"From lands of snow to lands of sun."
Off" the coast of Georgia the crew of the ship mutinied
and Dr. Harney, in that brief time learning that there was a
wid-" 'difference between the life of a privateer and that of
a law abiding citizen, took advantage of the strife among
the crew and persuaded them to go to Savannah, Georgia.
Arriving at Savannah, and putting his feet again upon his
native soil, he determined to live and die among his own
people. He soon started the Savannah Georgian, and con
ducted it with great success for a number of years.
His health failed him, and the death of his wife still
preying upon his mind, he decided to go back to Bards-
town, Kentucky, and die, and go down into the tomb and
rest by the side of his wife till the Judgment Day. Soon
after he returned to Kentucky he was solicited by some

HARNEY S YOUTH.

43

Catholic priests to embrace the Catholic religion. He
decided to do so, and seek an asylum for his broken heart
and disconsolate and weary mind in that mysterious and
all-consoling Mother Church. Dr. Harney embraced the
Catholic Church and its religion as a refuge from the tem-
pes. and the storm of his mind. He not only embraced
the Catholic faith, but was ordained a priest, at a small
place some fifteen miles from Bardstown. This, however,
did not bring consolation to a soul wrecked on the voyage
of time. No creed or gown could hush and console the
troubled heart, for
"The soul uneasy and confined from home.
Rest and expatiates in a life to come."
The woman of his faith and heart had " crossed to the
hills beyond," and Dr. Harney had but just taken the black
robe of the priest when " death touched his tired heart,"
and he joined hands on the other side with her who had
gone before.
The family of General Harney were related in England
to the Selbys and other noble and knightly families, while
on his mother's side they were related to the Fitzgeralds,
one of whom. Lord Edward, suffered with Robert Emmet
the extreme penalty of unfortunate patriotism.
At an early age, profiting by early instruction at home,
young Harney attended the common schools which the
country then afforded. He was next sent, in i8 14, to an
academy conducted by Professor Craighead, at Haysbor
ough, Tennessee. While at this school a gentleman named
Jennison, from Boston, came to Tennessee, and stopped in
the Harney village, and Mrs. Harney, desiring her son
should become a sailor and enter the navy, induced Mr.
Jennison to give him lessons in navigation preparatory to
his professional career on the sea. During one of his vaca
tions, while in the seventeenth year of his age, he paid a
visit to his elder brother, Dr. Benjamin F. Harney, who was

44 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
at that time serving in the United States army at Baton
Rouge as surgeon. While on this visit he attracted the
attention and acquired the friendship of General Jessup,
then in command. The General asked him if he did not
desire to enter the army. Young Harney replied that his
mother intended him for the navy. A few weeks afterwards
General Jessup handed him a commission as Second Lieu
tenant in the First United States Infantry. This commis
sion is dated February 13, 1818, and is signed by James
Monroe, President of the United States.

CHAPTER II.

>

LIEUTENANT HARNEY AND THE PIRATE LAFITTE.
ON the 28th day of June, 18 18, Lieutenant Harney joined
his regiment, then serving in Louisiana. The com
pany to which he belonged was sent almost immedi
ately to Attakapas Parish in that State.
At the battle of New Orleans, fought January 8, 18 15,
the American army under General Jackson had been rein
forced and materially aided by the pirates of Barataria.
These hardy buccaneers inhabited a series of small islands
along the coast of Louisiana, and made war on the com
merce of all nations. Their leaders were occasionally
caught and imprisoned, and sometimes, though rarely, exe
cuted for their crimes. They had infested the Caribbean
Sea and Gulf of Mexico since the time of Sir Francis
Drake, who won the honor of knighthood, at the hands of
Queen Elizabeth, for following the same business. Their
ancestors or predecessors had laid in wait for the richly
laden Spanish galleons which carried treasures from Mexico
to Spain. There had never been a time, since Sir Francis
Drake, when piracy did not exist in the waters adjacent to
Louisiana and Florida, and on the Cuban coast. The
advancing and increasing settlements of the West Indies
had, with the navies of the European powers, confined but
not repressed them. Driven by English, French and Span
ish cruisers out of the direct route of vessels in the trade
from Mexico to Europe, they, too weak to attack convoyed
fleets, had taken refuge among the islands along the coast
of Louisiana, and within the great inlets, creeks and bays
sheltered by that coast.
The history of this piratical colony will never be known,

46 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
because they kept neither archives nor annals. Outlaws
as they were, they had little communication with the civil
ized world, except through such confederates as took the
risk for the great profit it afforded, to dispose of their car
goes, or supply them with ammunition and stores. They
could only communicate officially with. the Government of
the United States through the prison bars, or as criminals
in the dock with a prospect of the negotiation ending upon
a scaffold at the end of a halter.
The command of these pirates descended from Drake, or
Sir Walter Raleigh, through a succession of desperate and
daring outlaws, of whom the names are known only to dim
tradition, until, as Vincent Nolte expresses it, " for want of
other heirs " it fell upon the two brothers Lafitte, and a
pirate named Dominique, afterwards famous for having
captured the daughter of Aaron Burr. These pirates were
born in Bayonne. The elder assumed the supreme com
mand, and called himself the Emperor of Barataria.
Lafitte seems to have been a bold, intelligent and not un
cultivated nor ungenerous man. He called his island after
the celebrated government of Sancho Panza, and frequently
issued bulletins and proclamations in the style of the then
Emperor Napoleon.
Lafitte, being French, and the population of the coast
and New Orleans being of French origin or birth, had little
difficulty in establishing the most amicable relations with
the inhabitants. There was a kindly feeling for the free
booters among the early settlers of Louisiana, a good feeling
which earned for the people a kind of immunity for their
own commerce, while it in a measure licensed Lafitte's
depredations on the commerce of other people. The pirates
were often captured and brought into New Orleans, but
rarely suffered the extreme penalties of the law. The
juries were lenient, at least good-natured with them, and
they were always able to employ and pay good counsel.
Lafitte had a friend named Leclerc, likewise a Frenchman,

HARNEY AND LAFITTE. 47
who published a newspaper in New Orleans, and he often
sent his Napoleonic proclamations of the Emperor of Bara
taria to Leclerc for publication and official promulgation
to his subjects. It happened unfortunately — or fortunately
— that Lafitte and his brother Baluche, who often showed
themselves in the streets of New Orleans, in company with
Leclerc, Monsieur Darezac and others, had been arrested
by some over-zealous American official, and were confined
in jail. They had never before had any difficulty in giving
bail, but this time the judge — Hall — refused to take bail for
them. They retained Edward Livingston, a lawyer be
longing to an illustrious family in New York, for their
counsel. Livingston was a man of learning and ability, but
by no means fastidious. He had removed from New York
because, having the hereditary talent of his family, he was
not possessed of their hereditary virtues, and was a ready
and able advocate of the pirates on all occasions. Being
brother in-law of Darezac, he had a ready means of making
them his clients, and earning good fees from the fruits of
their crimes.
It happened that Baluche Lafitte and some of his con
federates were in prison, and about to be tried for their pira
cies, at the time Lord Packenham landed at the Valliere
plantation with an English force for the capture of New
Orleans. Livingston represented to General Jackson, whose
troops, outside of Coffee's brigade (about 500 strong), were
raw militia, that by the release of the pirates the whole
force of the Empire of Barataria could be brought to aid
in the defence of the city ; that they were skilled in the use
of artillery and could render efficient service. He only
asked that the pirates should be released from the jail and
given charge of such batteries as could be arranged for
them, and a promise to intercede for their pardon with the
President at Washington. General Jackson reluctantly con
sented, and in the emergency gave his word. He had been
annoyed at the persistency of the judge (Hall) who held

48 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
the civil court, insisting on the forms of law being observed,
when he ordered the citizens into the lines and trenches,
until in a moment of passion he ordered him off" the bench
and proclaimed martial law. He therefore having closed
the courts, opened the jails and let out the pirates. They
rendered such good service that it may be doubted if the
battle could have been gained without them.
General Jackson kept his word, and the Lafittes ob
served the terms on which they accepted their pardon.
One of them (Baluche) accepted service in the Venezuelan
navy and died a commodore. The other has furnished the
theme for several novels, but his fate is not definitely
known, though he was seen at Paris as late as 1857, at an
advanced age.
The pirate settlement, by the loss of their leaders, was
comparatively broken up. The empire of Barataria existed
no longer, but the hardened and hardy wretches who were
formerly Lafitte's subjects, scattered abroad, and without an
able and intrepid leader, commenced a system of smaller
piracies. They took possession of the inlets to the Gulf,
and made themselves a rendezvous in the secluded islands
of the Atchafalaya on the borders of the parish of Attaka
pas. It was to repress the depredations of these outlaws
that Lieutenant Harney's company was sent into that por
tion of Louisiana. The pirates had become smugglers, and
their headquarters were at Galveston Island, then a portion
of Texas and a province of Mexico.
The Atchafalaya is a bay which puts into the main-land
from the Gulf of Mexico. It is about one hundred miles
west of Barataria, and communicates by several inlets and
bayous with Vermillion Bay and Cote Blanche. An intri
cate system of deep inlets and creeks communicates with
the interior of the State and upper Red River, without con
nection with the Mississippi, but parallel with it. This
Bay furnished facilities for evasion of the revenue laws
which the ex-pirates and daring smugglers could not forego.

HARNEY AND LAFITTE. 49
It was, to use the term, entrenched for their purposes and
covered by dense swamps of cypress, and almost a lab
yrinth of deep and sluggish creeks. The Bay was, and
still is, navigable for ships of moderate burden, suitable for
the smuggler. It was studded with islands, and was
in reality a sea, an archipelago imbedded in forests and
swamps. We have said that Lafitte's men had their headquarters
at Galveston Island, where is now the beautiful city of Gal
veston. But at that time it was only an island of low
sand beach, which gave a shelter in a harbor too shallow
for large vessels, and furnished with convenient inlets and
creeks where smugglers could find easy refuge from
cruisers. Lafitte had met with some injury to himself and family
in his native country, at the hands of the Spaniards. With
the accustomed pertinacity of the Bayonnese he had cher
ished the wrong and sworn vengeance on the whole Spanish
race. His followers preserved the vendetta. They did
not prey upon American commerce, but were apt in the
business of smuggling into the United States the goods
of which they robbed the Spanish vessels.
The company to which Lieutenant Harney was attached,
on reaching the archipelago, made their headquarters at a
place called New Town, near Navia Bay. His first service
at this post was to ascend the bay in command of a detach
ment, when he discovered some vessels and goods, which
he took possession of, and then returned to New Town.
In the woods they found some ducks and had good sport
shooting. The detachment was delayed until their com
panions thought they were all lost or killed.
During the voyage Lieutenant Harney stopped at an
island known then as Thomas Island, and was treated by
the proprietor, a Mr. Thomas, with great hospitality. Ex
amining the cargo of the captured vessels they found them
ballasted with bar iron. The bars were hollow and filled

50 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
with quicksilver. The other detachment, in command of
Captain Amelung, was met by him some fifteen miles
from the camp, and the Captain seemed very much surprised
at finding Lieutenant Harney and party alive.
Following up these advantages Lieutenant Harney, in
charge of his detachment, cruising in a boat in the bay,
signaled a small sailing vessel. Having no more conven
ient flag with which to call the attention of the craft, he
tore up his shirt. The vessel hove to and was boarded by
Harney and his party, who had concealed their arms.
Harney demanded to see the papers of the vessel. The
officer could not speak English, and addressed him through
an interpreter in Spanish. After descending into his cabin
he reappeared with what he claimed to be his ship's register.
The papers were not satisfactory, and one of the party,
overhearing the captain order his men, in French, to get
ready to fight, informed Harney of the fact. He thereupon
siezed the captain of the ship and threw him down the hatch
way, while his men captured the crew.
In the meantime an equinoctial storm had swept over the
bay, and the bayous were overflowed with brackish water,
so that the men had much difficulty in finding water fit to
drink. They suffered very much from thirst, but finally
succeeded in finding fresh water in a hollow cypress log,
which, however, became so full of worms that they had to
strain it before it was fit to drink.
After capturing the smuggler they found in the cargo
some light sour wine, which answered for water, to the
great relief of the party. They found this vessel ballasted
likewise with quicksilver, and she was manned and sent to
New Orleans as a prize. Captain Amelung claimed one-
half of the captured goods, but ultimately succeeded in
keeping the whole of them.
After this campaign, which was perilous and arduous, in
volving perils from the climate as well as the half savage
and desperate smugglers, Harney was ordered to Baton

HARNEY AND LAFITTE. 5 I
Rouge, where he reported in January, 1819. It was thus
in his nineteenth year the great soldier began his appren
ticeship to a profession he has so well adorned, and in
which he has so faithfully served his country. Even at
that eady age he displayed an intrepidity which has ever
since characterized his career, with a sagacity incompatible
with a blunder, and a patiertt courage and endurance which
gave earnest of the achievements of his future manhood.
After this perilous and arduous service, in which he had
been engaged for nearly a year, he was ordered to Fort
Warren, in Boston, on recruiting service for his regiment,
the First Infantry. Major Brooks was in command of the
Fort. A conflict soon arose between him and his subordi
nate. Major Brooks sometimes left the post, and on his
leaving Lieutenant Harney assumed the command. For so
doing complaints were made to the superior officer. On
one occasion, on Major Brooks' return, he sent for Harney,
who reported at once. Major Brooks said,
" Lieutenant, I understand you assumed command in my
absence?" Harney answered, "Yes, sir, I did."
" You must not do so any more," said the Major.
" I will do so whenever you leave the Island," replied
Harney, firmly.
The Major went away again soon after, and the Lieuten
ant again took command. When Major Brooks returned
he preferred charges against Lieutenant Harney. The
charges vi'ere not sustained by the court-martial, the court
finding that the conduct of the young officer was in accord
ance with law and the regulations. After this there was
an understanding as to what were the relative duties of the
two officers.
After a year spent in recruiting service Harney was
ordered, on the 20th of June, to report for active duty with
his regiment in Louisiana, and he accordingly reported at
Baton Rouge, where he remained until March, 1821. At

52 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
that time he was allowed his first leave of absence, which
lasted until July of that year, when he rejoined his regi
ment. It was during this leave of absence, and while in
New Orleans, that Lieutenant Harney first saw Lafitte, the
pirate. Florida had been a province of Spain. Ponce de Leon,
a Spanish adventurer, in the most adventurous period of
the life of the Spanish nation, had landed there in search of
the fabulous Fountain of Youth. He had named it Florida,
or land of flowers. Afterwards came the celebrated Fer
nando de Soto, in 1539, only forty-seven years after the
discovery of America by Christopher Columbus, and the
Spanish colony of Saint Augustine, the oldest settlement
in the United States, was founded. Florida had remained
a province of Spain after the acquisition of Louisiana from
the French, and long after Spain had parted with her title
to the Louisianas.
When the war with England began, in 1812, many hostile
tribes of Indians in Georgia and Alabama took refuge in
Florida. They were called Seminoles or runaways, and
were encouraged by the Spanish authorities and pro
tected by the Spanish garrisons which manned the small
posts held by Spain in that province. These Indians, rein
forced by such runaway slaves as had taken refuge in
Spanish territory, finding the United States at war with
England, and incited by English emissaries, formed them
selves into small bands and made war on their own account
on the border inhabitants of our country. They murdered,
robbed, and scalped, and committed outrages in their pred
atory raids into American territory when occasion offered,
and then fell back into the forests and glades of the
Spanish territory. They thus kept the States bordering
on Florida in continual alarm. The English aided and
organized them under the leadership of Francis Hilli-
sago, a distinguished Seminole chief. The English Gov
ernment was represented by Arbuthnot and Ambuster,

LAFITTE.

HARNEY AND LAFITTE. 5S
who sustained, advised, and incited the Seminoles to hos
tilities. These hostilities did not cease with the treaty of Ghent,
and General Jackson was finally ordered to take command
of the militia and quell the disturbances. He succeeded to
the extent that he captured and executed Hillisago, and
subsequently with an army composed principally of Ten
nessee militia, overran the Spanish Territory, captured
Arbuthnot and Ambuster, and hanged one and shot the
other. He also captured the Spanish garrisons of Saint
Augustine and Pensacola at Fort Barrancas, and sent the
Spaniards to Cuba. These summary proceedings did not
provoke war with Spain, but led to the purchase and ces
sion of Florida to the United States by treaty on the 17th
day of July, 1821.
At this juncture General Jackson, on taking possession
of Florida in behalf of his government, and being Governor
of Florida with all the authority of his own nation and
the Spanish Governor, one of his aides-de-camp being ab
sent, called on Lieutenant Harney, the son of his old friend
and neighbor, to serve on his staff in his stead. Harney
accordingly reported for this duty to General Jackson at
Pensacola. General Jackson honored him with the com
mand of the guard attendant on the transfer of the country
from a foreign to our own nation. In this position he
served till the consummation of the transfer, and General
Jackson being relieved of the command at his own re
quest, Lieutenant Harney reported at Baton Rouge in
March, 1822, for duty with his regiment.

CHAPTER III.
EXPEDITION TO THE YELLOWSTONE.
^FTER his return from Florida, Lieutenant Harney
remained with his regiment in the field and at Baton
Rouge until March, 1822, when his health having
failed, his family predisposition to consumption induced
him to apply for a sick leave of absence, which was granted.
But in May he again reported for duty with his regiment,
and for considerations of health, he exchanged with Lieu
tenant Brent of the First Artillery. He joined his new
regiment in garrison at Fort Constitution, N. H., and
remained in that arm of the service till February, 1823, at
which time he was re-transferred to the First Infantry, and
rejoined his regiment in the field in Louisiana. He served
with his command in Mississippi until April, 1824, and
again in Louisiana until August of that year, at which time
he reported to Jefferson Barracks, the first time his duty
had called him into Missouri.
No steamboat had ever at that time ascended the turbid
waters of the Missouri River. The State had only been
four years admitted into the Union, and all west and north
west of it was a wild and uninhabited territory, except
where the few military out-posts afforded protection from
the savages to the few and sparse settlements of whites.
The trapper and hunter, principally French voyageurs, car
ried on a trade with the Indians for peltries and buffalo
robes. The great rivers of the West were still navigated
only by the pirogue, the flat and keel-boat, and the Indian
canoe. Since Father Marquette descended the Mississippi
River in 167 1, but little progress had been made in the
means of navigation. The Jesuits and Franciscans, ever

, TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 57
the pioneers of civilization, carrying the cross to the wild
and nomadic tribes of the West, had preceded with the
mission of peace and salvation, the voyageur and trafficker,
and had penetrated among the distant tribes on both sides
of the Rocky Mountains. Many of them had suffered
martyrdom, and many had died from exposure and priva
tion, but the bold advance guard, armed with the gospel,
had prepared the way of peaceful conquest over the then
supposed great American desert, and the mountain fast
nesses of the Cordilleras. Father De Smet, the saintly
"black gown" had only begun the conversion of the
Blackfeet. Except the expedition of Lewis and Clark, few
save some hardy voyageurs and the faithful missionaries had
ever penetrated to the Pacific coast. The traders and
trappers had introduced among the Indians, with their
wares, the knowledge of whisky and the corrupting in
fluences of civilized vices, and with traffic and vice their
rapacity had made the wild savage, naturally simple minded
and truthful, acquainted with the arts of falsehood and
fraud. Overreached and swindled by the civilized man,
the wild man became suspicious of that civilization which
taught him only the devious paths and crooked ways of
dishonesty. At that time the Crows and the Mandans, the Sioux and
Gros-Ventres, were powerful and warlike tribes, inhabiting
the territory bordering on the Missouri River on both
sides, from the confines of the white settlements in Mis
souri to the Yellowstone. They had seen with jealousy the
progress of encroaching white settlements, and seem to
have anticipated the ultimate ruin and decay of their race.
They had found the vices and frauds of the white man
more dangerous and formidable than his arms. Dim tradi
tions of the perishing red man of the far East and sun
rise had reached them. They found themselves receding
before him, and it was not difficult to persuade them that
to fight and die was preferable to inglorious vassalage.

5 8 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
It ought to be noted that the French inhabitants of Loui
siana, which included the whole of the great valleys east
of the Rocky Mountains, watered by the Mississippi and
Missouri, and their tributaries, had always lived in peace
and good-will with the Indians. With the exception of the
massacre at Natchez, in 1763, but few or no instances of
hostilities occurred between the French and the aboriginal
inhabitants. The affair at Natchez was an outrage which
grew out of the rapacity of a trading company to whom
had been granted a monopoly. It was regarded as so dis
graceful and dishonest, cowardly and cruel, that the public
sentiment of the province condemned it to such an extent
that nothing of the kind recurred until the Spanish Govern
or O'Reilly tyrannized over the country for a brief period.
The French, in their dealings with the Indians, were scru
pulously just and fair. They were a polite and polished
people, who readily adapted themselves to the simple
habits and manners of the red man. They were wine-
drinkers, and being sober in their habits, not likely to intro
duce drunkenness among the savages either by precept or
example. The early voyageur and French inhabitant
seems to have been a man of few wants and simple tastes.
The Frenchman was satisfied with enough, and enjoyed his
abundance in gayeties. He was to some extent insensible
to the temptations of grasping avarice, and indifferent to
parsimony when there was abundance. For him and the
native aborigines the world was big enough, and the val
ley furnished abundance for both. He preferred to live
with the Indian peaceably and socially. It is remarkable
how few Indian outrages are reported in the nearly two
centuries the Louisianas had been known to the French as
compared with the incessant wars and brutalities provoked
between the Enghsh and the red men, from the time of
King Philip, of the Pequods, whose people were killed or
transported as slaves by the Puritans, just out of the May-
Flower, down to the Quaker administration of Indian

TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 59
Affairs, and the times of Captain Jack, Sitting Bull, and
Chief Joseph of the Nez Perces.
From the English settlements the Indian receded, leaving
behind him a trail of blood and carnage. His line of re
treat has been marked with massacre and ruin. As his
race faded out he has occasionally bestirred himself and
marked his dying agony with the heroism of despair. From
Wyoming, where all the peaceful inhabitants of a beautiful
valley were slaughtered and scalped, to the sad massacre
of Custer's command on the Little Big Horn, he has ever
turned upon his foes in the deadliest spirit of wily and
savage vengeance. Yet in the early settlement of Pennsyl
vania, where the spirit of justice, fair dealing and mercy
were illustrated by the scrupulous followers of Penn in their
system of brotherly love, as in Louisiana, it was rare that
Indian outrages occurred. It was not, as M. De Vergennes
shows in his able and comprehensive memorial to the
French king, until the English trader from the American
settlements of Georgia and the Carolinas, introduced their
fire-water and vices among the Indians of Louisiana, along
with their traffic, that the savages, demoralized by contact
with civilization, became savage.
At this time St. Louis had not more than five thousand
inhabitants, and the whole State of Missouri not more than
twenty thousand. The State was under the administration of
her first Governor, McNair, and her first Senators, Thomas
H. Benton and David Barton, represented her in the Sen
ate, while John Scott was her only Representative in
Congress. The town of Vide Poche, now Carondelet, then
several miles from the city, was still as primitive as when
Perrin du Lac described it in 1803, " Its inhabitants had little
to distinguish them from savages except their surtouts."
Then, and for many years afterwards, their industry con
sisted in catching drift wood.
But St. Louis was thoroughly French. It had always
been French, and even for the few years that O'Reilly and

60 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
the Spanish Governors had ruled Louisiana, had hardly
acknowledged anybody but the French king as their ruler.
They were not over-zealous Americans when, in 1803, the
province was turned over to the United States, after the
treaty with Napoleon. Their friendly relations with the
Indians had rarely been disturbed, hence Lewis and Clark
had found the tribes peaceful and hospitable all the way
across the Continent in the very year Louisiana was acquired
from France. But, after the English-speaking people
had spread over the Northwest and began to settle on the
frontiers, and after the Saxon trader had penetrated into
the Indian country, the savage tribes began to discover a
difference between the French voyageur and the American
trader. They had known the Frenchman as the Canadian
trapper, the trader from St. Louis, and as the Jesuit mis
sionary. The introduction of the Saxon element had,
again as in lower Louisiana, demoralized the savage and
made him restless and ferocious.
Rumors of threatened Indian troubles had reached the
Departments at Washington, and there was a prospect of
an outbreak. The Sioux and Auricheras, Mandans and
Gros-Ventres were threatening an alliance which promised
to place these sturdy warriors on the war-path.
Lieutenant Harney had been ordered to Jefferson Bar
racks. He found the volante and amiable society of the
early French inhabitants to his taste. Young and full of
life and vigor, with animal spirits sustained by vigorous
health, and a more than ordinarily manly physique, the Lieu
tenant, after his arduous campaigns, began to find compen
sation for his many toils in the charming society of the then
young city, which, now a metropolis, has ever since been
his permanent home.
Four companies, including Lieutenant Harney's, had re
ported at Jefferson Barracks. They soon received orders
to start for Council Bluffs, for which post, after making due
preparations, they departed. The orders were soon coun-

TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 6 1
termanded, and news reached them that the Indians had
made peace. The detachment stopped for the winter at
Bellefontaine, about fifteen miles above Saint Louis.
In the spring following the detachments, consisting of
about three hundred and fifty men, moved forward for
Council Bluffs. They were accompanied by General Atkin
son and Major Benjamin O'Fallon as peace commissioners,
with Mr. Langham as secretary. They went in keel-boats
which had to be propelled up the current of the Missouri
River by poles at the shoulder of the sturdy boatman, and
often when the swift current could not be mastered in this
manner, they were forced to haul up the boat by cordell-
ing. This proceeding consisted in lying-to at the bank until
a strong cable was carried forward and fastened to a tree
or stake, when all hands would pull against the current by
main strength. This method was laborious and slow, re
quiring weeks and even months to accomplish tedious voy
ages which now, with the aid of steamboats, are made in a
few days.
The boats were heavily laden with ammunition and sup
plies for the expedition, as well as with their valuable car
goes of human lives. The voyage was not only tedious and
full of labor, but perilous. The detachment camped on
shore at night and resumed their journey each day. No
white people lived on the shores at any point above Boon-
ville or Old Franklin.
Old Council Bluffs is situated about fifteen miles above
Omaha, on the west bank of the Missouri River. The pres
ent site of Omaha was then a trading post, owned by a
Frenchman named Cabanne, whose name is familiar to all
the old citizens of Saint Louis. Old Council Bluffs is a
high bluff, and takes its name on account of having been a
general rendezvous of Indians meeting in council. It was
known afterwards as Fort Atkinson. The troops remained
there that winter.
In the spring they moved up to Two Thousand Mile

62 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Creek, which was so named by Lewis and Clark, from the
circumstance that it was just two thousand miles from the
mouth of the Missouri River, and is three hundred miles
above the Yellowstone. Part of this command was left at
the mouth of the Yellowstone, and Lieutenant Harney was
placed in command of about five hundred men, whom, ac
companied by General Atkinson, he conducted safely to
Two Thousand Mile Creek. The object of this expedition
was to make treaties with the Indians. They had met the
Indians in council, consisting of Crows, Gros-Ventres and
Mandans, at the Mandan village, where some incidents oc
curred which illustrate favorably some of the grandest
traits of Indian character and the perils which sometimes
follow the most trifling indiscretions.
The true soldier is always brave and firm, but the respon
sible duties of his profession require him to be always cool
and discreet.
A knowledge of Indian character is not always acquired
by intuition, but must be learned from experience and by
contact with him. When analyzed to his primitive
elements he is always found to be a man. He is human,
like the rest of the creatures of Almighty God. Contact
with the red man in some of his debased phases does not
tend to invest him with the heroic character with which
Cooper in his novels and Pope in his " Essay on Man" have
clothed him, but those who know him best have often had
occasion to see him in those better aspects in which his
native manliness and impassive stoicism show him equal
to the more civilized white man ; and his worst phases only
make him no better than the worst specimens of white civ
ilization, where human depravity is only exaggerated by
cultivation and intelligence.
At the council held with the Mandans, Crows and Gros-
Ventres, an incident occurred which did not show the sav
age nature inferior to the best phase of civilized humanity.
The council was held in camp adjacent to the village.

TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 63
The chiefs and sachems, clad in their barbaric habiliments,
were assembled and seated in a circle. Their war paint
and their dress gave a picturesque and grotesque dignity to
the council, and the forest chieftains, with that solemn dig
nity from which they are never startled or surprised,
attended to the voice of the peace commissioners.
.After each warrior had delivered his oration, the terms
and conditions of the treaty began to be discussed.
Among the matters first stated to the red men was a
demand for the restoration of some prisoners captured from
a tribe in the British possessions. They were a family of
British subjects, and the English government had asked,
through its minister, to have them restored. The matter
was stated through an interpreter in all its details, and it
was explained that the prisoners should be set at liberty
and restored to their friends as a primary condition of
peace. The chiefs heard the proposition with patience and with
out emotion, and after it was through one of them arose
and in response, stated they were ready to liberate the
prisoners, but they must be ransomed and paid for. One
of the American commissioners. Major O'Fallon, who
was irritable from recent sickness and nervousness, lost his
temper, and becoming excited at the cool proposition of the
chief, advanced upon him and struck him over the head
and in the face with his horse-pistol, and angrily admin
istered the same treatment to two other chiefs, but before
he could advance to another he was caught by Colonel
Leavenworth. The chiefs were seriously wounded and the
blood ran down their- faces. They remained perfectly quiet,
but in an instant every warrior placed himself in a position
of defense and ofi"ence. The Indians were fully armed and
outnumbered the whites both in council and in camp. For
tunately the other commissioners and officers were less
rash than Major O'Fallon. The moment was one of great
peril. Every man's life depended on his coolness and

64 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
presence of mind. Some one of them had the long roll
sounded, which called the disciplined troops to arms, while
they undertook to explain to the Indians that Major
O'Fallon's indiscreet rashness was the result of delirium.
At this juncture Lieutenant Harney a,pproached the head
warrior of the Crow nation and extended to him his hand
in token of peace. The surly chieftain refused to take him
by the hand. There was no time to be lost. It was war
or peace. The Lieutenant cursed the chief and looked him
steadily in the eye for some moments. The warrior
received his gaze defiantly for awhile and then took the
extended hand in token of good faith, threw off his robe
and went immediately through the crowd of Indians, and
soon aided the interpreter and the party in explaining the
untoward circumstance. After awhile order was restored
and the negotiations progressed. The family were given
up as one of the conditions of the peace, but the Govern
ment paid the ransom first demanded. The treaty was con
cluded satisfactorily to both parties, and resulted in peace.
Lieutenant Harney was physically a man of most grace
ful and muscular frame, tall and spare, he had great pow
ers of endurance as well as strength. He was very fleet of
foot and his reputation as a runner had become known to
the Crows and Mandans, and the tribes of the upper Mis
souri. During the council held at the Mandan Village Harney
had a race with a Crow Indian, but he was encumbered
with his clothes, and had his pockets full of Indian relics
he had been buying and collecting. In this race the
Crow warrior had the advantage, which Harney gracefully
acknowledged, but he told the warrior that at ten o'clock
the next day he would run another race with him. The
Indian went off well pleased, and to the surprise of every
body, all the warriors and women and children in the
neighborhood, with their champion runner, appeared
at the appointed hour. They commenced piling up buffalo

1-3a
H
>
o

TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 67.
robes and tobacco and such barbaric ornaments and treas
ures as they had, at the feet of the Lieutenant and the
Crow warrior. These were intended as a prize to the
winner. At the start the Indian got the advantage. The course
was over a fine, grassy, elevated prairie. They were to run
a half-mile, and for some distance the Crow kept the lead.
Lieutenant Harney heard one of his brother officers. Cap
tain Spencer, exclaim, " A little faster, Harney, or he will
beat you." Hearing this voice he renewed his efforts and
quickened his speed. He soon passed the Indian and came
first to the goal. There was great excitement and interest
felt in the race on both sides, and General Atkinson assured
Harney he would not have had him lose the race for a
thousand dollars. These feats of physical excellence had
a great tendency to awe the Indians into a respect for the
white people, which barbaric races always feel for superior
prowess. On reaching Two Thousand Mile Creek the troops re
mained there two days. They did not find any Indians.
Meanwhile Lieutenant Harney and Captain Mason went up
the Yellowstone on a hunting expedition and camped out.
Next morning on awakening Harney supposed he saw
some Indians, and called to Captain Mason, but they soon
discovered that what they saw were boats coming down the
Yellowstone, and they were soon ascertained to be some
trading boats belonging to General Ashley, of Saint Louis.
They were fourteen in number, and were laden with pel
tries and buffalo robes. They were of about the value of
two hundred thousand dollars. When the flotilla reached
the camp, the peltries were placed in the keel-boat com
manded by Lieutenant Harney and transported to Council
Bluffs, where they were transferred to another boat belong
ing to General Ashley.
General Ashley was one of the most eminent of the
pioneer citizens of early Saint Louis. He was a man of

68 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
great enterprise and liberality, and of such force of char
acter as made success, and eminent success in life, inev
itable. On one occasion, while eating dinner in mid-winter at
his house in St. Louis, he got news that his voyageurs and
agents, with their rich crop of peltries, had been captured
by the Indians. He immediately mounted his horse and
started for the mountains, where, by dint of his courage,
untiring energy and firmness, he succeeded in recovering
all and safely transporting them to Saint Louis.
It was at Council Bluffs that Lieutenant Harney received
notice of his well-earned promotion to the rank of Captain
of the First Infantry. This commission was dated 14th of
May, 1825. On the voyage homeward the Captain re
ceived a proposition from General Ashley, which was a
sore temptation to the young soldier, who at that time had
no fortune but his pay, to leave a profession which he has
so well adorned, and abandon a career which has been so
useful to his country land honorable to himself. Ashley,
realizing the intrepid manhood of the young Captain of
twenty-five, proposed to fit out a trading expedition to the
Yellowstone, place Harney in charge of it and give him
one-half of all the profits to be earned. The Captain was
not to be required to put in one dollar of capital, and would
only have to give his energy and attention to conducting
the business; but after mature reflection he declined the
proposition. On arriving at Saint Louis in October, Captain Harney
was ordered to report for duty with his regiment in the
field. The regiment was then serving in the Creek Nation,
and Harney remained there until June, 1826, at which time
he was ordered to New Orleans, where he made the acquaint
ance of the Duke Saxe-Weimer, to whom the Captain pre
sented a full set of Indian curiosities. He also met Lafitte,
from whose Baratarian subjects he had, in 1819, captured
three vessels in the Bay of Atchafalaya. Lafitte was about

TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 69
five feet eight inches high, rather heavy set, like a seaman,
with fine broad shoulders, a very fine face, keen black eyes
and a very handsome nose. His hair was black and he had
a very intelligent and sprightly expression, and a fine
broad forehead.

CHAPTER IV.
THE BLACK HAWK WAR.
IN JUNE, 1827, Captain Harney was ordered to join
with his company the forces under General Atkinson,
who were serving against the hostile Winnebagoes in
Wisconsin. The causes of this war are obscure, but it probably grew
out of the agreement on the part of the whites to protect
the Indians from hostiles while on their way to and frcm
the trading posts. In the summer of 1827 a party of Chip-
pewas, twenty-four in number, on a tour to Fort Snelling,
were surprised by a band of Sioux, who killed and wounded
eight of them. The commandant at Fort Snelling captured
four of the Sioux and delivered them over to the Chippe-
was, who immediately put them to death. Red Bird, a
chief of the Sioux, in revenge, made war on the Chippewas,
but was defeated, much to the ridicule and scandal of him
self as a warrior. He then determined to make war on the
white settlements in revenge for his previous defeat, and in
company with Black Hawk and one or two other Indians
attacked a solitary settlement on Prairie du Chien and
killed two men. Shortly after this they attacked two keel-
boats which had been conveying commissary stores to Fort
Snelling. They were not successful in the capture of the
boats, but they killed two men and wounded four others.
In September, 1827, General Atkinson, with a brigade of
regulars and militia, marched against the hostile and pred
atory Indians and succeeded in capturing both Red Bird
and Black Hawk. They were held in prison for trial at a
special term of the United States Circuit Court. Red Bird
died in prison. Black Hawk was tried for the attack on

BLACK HAWK.

THE BLACK HAWK WAR. 73
the boats, and was discharged for want of evidence to con
vict him. There was a year's delay in the trial, in which
time the Indians were confined in prison. An Indian can
meet death with stoical fortitude, but long and inglorious
imprisonment he regards as the refinement of barbarity
more inhuman than slow torture. Red Bird, chafing under
the restraints of the prison, died just before his tardy trial
was to have been had. Black Hawk survived and was
acquitted, but the iron had entered into his soul.
The war with the Winnebagoes was a brief one. The
tribes were at war with one another, and these feuds were
incessantly breaking out into private murders, in which
case they preferred resorting to private vengeance to
claiming the separate protection of the white people under
their treaty. An Indian is not envious or malignant. He
does not rejoice in the death and misfortune of his enemy.
But with him it is a luxury to kill, when, according to his
code, revenge is his due and his duty.
Captain Harney, soon after the close of the campaign,
which resulted in the capture of Red Bird and Black Hawk,
returned to Jefferson Barracks, where he remained until the
fourth day of November, in the enjoyment of the elegant
and polite society of St. Louis, among the fair ones of
whom his gallantry, his graces of person and manner, made
him an especial favorite. This was the period of life when,
with the blessings of health and youth, with an exuberance
of animal spirits, he was capable pf enjoying life at a post
with the greatest zest. It was only a just compensation for
the perils and arduous labors of the campaign to give way
to the promptings of joyous youth and nature, in the social
enjoyments for which men in military life are so well fitted.
With an established reputation as a soldier, and a rank at
that time high in the army for a young man, he was, of
course, well received by a people always, and still distin
guished for their warm hospitality.
In November he received a leave of absence which gave

74 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
him leisure to go to the Capitol and indulge in the gay and
fashionable enjoyments of Washington City. In January,
1828, he returned to duty at Jefferson Barracks, with his
regiment. In March, 1828, he marched with his command
— two companies — to Fort Crawford, in Minnesota, where
he remained until June, 1828, and was then removed to
Fort Winnebago on Green Bay.
It was at this latter place that he first met Mr. Jefferson
Davis, then a second Lieutenant in the United States army,
between whom there was formed a warm personal friend
ship, which, founded on mutual esteem, has lasted, undis
turbed by the stirring and trying scenes through which they
have each since passed, for fifty years. Mr. Davis has
often spoken with pleasure of his association with Captain
Harney in the army, and is pleased to relate many incidents,
illustrative of the manliness and intrepidity of his charac
ter. Among them, is the story of his chasing a dog that
trespassed on his garden. Captain Harney took great
delight in cultivating a garden at the fort, and would allow
no trespassers or intruders. He always kept more or less
a pack of fleet hounds for hunting the noted game with
which the country abounded. One of these hounds had
taken a fancy to disport himself in the Captain's garden.
The hound was too valuable to be shot, and the only way
in which he could be punished was by the sportsman's
method of a sound flogging with a ramrod. But the hound
was too wary to come in convenient reach, so the Captain
had to forego the punishment or catch him. The dog
darted off at full speed on the open plain. Captain Harney
started after him. The result was a fair race in which the
Captain, in a little over a half-mile, beat the fleet-footed
hound and captured him, and at once administered to the
wily and unfaithful brute a sound flogging.
In the winter of 1829-30, Captain Harney was stationed
at Portage-des-Sioux, between the Fox and Wisconsin
Rivers. While at the Portage he volunteered to take his

THE BLACK HAWK WAR. 75
company to the pineries, where he cut the timber to build
Fort Winnebago. The timber was made into rafts on the
ice, and in the spring was duly floated down to the fort.
While in this duty Captain Harney had his pack of hounds,
and enjoyed his spare time in hunting the abundant game
the wilde'rness afforded. On the arrival of the rafts, in the
spring of 1 830, Fort Winnebago was built.
It was at Fort Winnebago, during the winter of 1830,
that Captain Harney had another foot-race with an Indian,
which gave occasion to much harmless and good-natured
merriment. We quote from a published account of this
affair as follows :
Harney had the reputation of being the swiftest runner
in the army, as well as the best Indian fighter. He was a
strict disciplinarian, but not one of the " stuck-up " sort so
common nowadays. He would often mingle with his men,
when not on duty, and laugh and joke with them on terms
of familiarity, and went so far at times as to compete with
them in the exciting sport of foot-racing. An impression
prevailed at one time that almost any Indian could outrun
a white man ; but General Harney believed that he could
beat any red rascal that wore moccasins, and whenever he
met a warrior who boasted of his fleetness of foot, he took
great pleasure in giving him a trial, and always came out
ahead. Only once did he fail to reach the winning post
before his adversary, and that was by a " foul." The affair
occurred at Fort Winnebago in the winter of 1830, when
Fox River was frozen over and the weather was very cold.
An Indian had committed some breach of the rules of the
garrison, for which Harney, then a Captain, concluded to
administer a flogging. He always believed in giving every
man a " fair shake," white or red, and on this occasion he
conducted Mr. Lo some distance up the river, and giving
him a hundred yards the start, told him if he reached a
certain point without being overtaken, he would escape the
flogging. The race was on the ice, which at some places

76 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
was thinner than at others, on account of the formation of
" air holes." Both men wore moccasins, and both were
stripped and belted for the race, Harney swinging a cow
hide in his hand, with which he confidently expected to
accelerate the movements of the Winnebago on overtaking
him. At the word "go" both started at full speed, the
Indian doing his best to save his hide, and the white man
anxious to preserve his reputation as a runner. Harney
gained rapidly on the warrior, and was getting ready to
swing his rawhide, when the cunning savage made an
oblique movement toward a spot where the ice was thin.
Being of much lighter weight than his partner, he passed
over the dangerous place in safety, but as soon as Harney
stepped upon the thin ice it was shivered like glass, and
down went the tall Captain, sinking into the cold water like
a sea lion. Being a good swimmer, a few strokes brought
him to the edge of the thick ice, and clambering upon it
he made his way to his quarters, spangled with icicles, and
as mad as a buffalo bull. He lost his cowhide in the water,
but that was a small matter, as Mr. Winnebago never re
turned to the fort while the Captain remained there. Cap
tain Harney's foot-race afforded " old Twiggs " occasion
for many a joke, and it was a long time before he heard the
last of it.
The ordinary duties of the routine at a military post for
two years, signalized by no military event, was all that oc
curred till 1832. We find General Harney at Fort Arm
strong, in Illinois, at Rock Island.
In the meantime, in June, 1830, the Indians had some of
them sold their land and removed to reservations prepared
for them west of the Mississippi. The Sacs and Foxes, the
Sioux, Omahas, lowas and Ottawas, among them Black
Hawk, would not consent to the sale. Keokuk, at that
time the head chief of the Sacs and Foxes, had been active
and instrumental in making this treaty, and was using his
influence with the Indians to insure its observance and ac-

THE BLACK HAWK WAR. "jy
complishment. Black Hawk was informed, while at Rock
Island on a trading expedition, that his tribe were expected
to remove west of the Mississippi. He was determined not
to give up his country, and went to work organizing an
opposition to Keokuk and the other warriors who favored
migration. The white settlers in the neighborhood of
Black Hawk's country behaved badly to his people. They
robbed and beat some of them in a gross manner. A party
of white men met Black Hawk in the woods hunting, and
fell upon him with clubs. They beat him till he was lame
and disabled for several weeks, and there was no remedy.
These wrongs and outrages, unprovoked, undeserved and
unrebuked by the authorities, goaded the Indians to des
peration. The project of emigration added to this des
peration the deliberate purpose of resistance. Secret nego
tiations were opened with the disaffected in each tribe, and
they had determined to resist. Neapope was active in pro
curing an alliance of the nations, and the prophet Wato-
skieskiek sent Black Hawk word that he had received
wampum from the Chippewas, Pottowattomies, Ottawas and
Winnebagoes, and besides that they would have aid and
protection from the British in Canada.
Keokuk could not withstand the reproaches of his peo
ple, and repented that he had sold his country and prom
ised to migrate west of the Mississippi. Black Hawk was
willing to part with the lead mines if he could only be left
in his old village where his people had lived so long. This
attachment to his country is an honorable and noble exam
ple of his patriotism. Keokuk made an effort to effect the
revision of the treaty with the American Government, but
without success, of course. With the strong hope that
they would be permitted to retain their villages, the Sacs
set out for their winter hunt in the fall of 1830, and while
gone the white people came and possessed them, turning
their wives and children out without a home or a lodge to
cover them. The tribe encamped on the Mississippi, while

78 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
the intruders had their villages. This was insufferable to
Black Hawk, and the tribes resolved to repossess them
selves of their villages. They returned ; the white settlers
not being strong enough to drive them off, agreed that they
would live and plant together. But their contact and inter
course with the whites exposed them to every species of
fraud. They were debauched with whisky and cheated out
of their personal effects. The lands had been sold, the
purchasers came to claim their property. Black Hawk and
his band refused to obey the order to cross the Mississippi.
During all this anxious time he and his people carefully
refrained' from any act of violence or bloodshed. They
were determined not to be the aggressors.
The white settlers and the purchasers of the lands claim
ed the protection of the Government, and demanded the
removal of the recussant bands. By the treaty the Indians
were allowed to remain and occupy the lands as long as
they remained unsold. The tribes who had crossed the
Mississippi, under Keokuk and other chiefs, returned and
took possession of the unsold lands.
The clamors of the white settlers reached the ears of the
Governor of Illinois, and in May, 1831, Governor Reynolds,
from Belleville, the then capital, wrote to General Gaines,
commanding the Western department, that he was appre
hensive of an outbreak of the Indians and an invasion, and
that the hostile Sacs were threatening the region about
Rock Island. He stated that he had called out seven hun
dred militia to repel the invasion of the hostile Indians;
that the said militia were to be mounted and would be
ready in fifteen days, and asked the Governor's co-opera
tion. General Gaines, who was not startled by Governor
Reynolds' dispatches, for the Governor seems to have been
greatly excited, if not alarmed, replied that he would give
his attention to the Indians, and, if he needed them, would
avail himself of the seven hu-.dred volunteers offered him.
He proceeded to Rock Island with a sufficient force, and

THE BLACK HAWK WAR. 79
soon succeeded in settling the invasion without bloodshed.
We give General Gaines' account of the situation:
" I have visited the Rock River villages, with a view to
ascertain the localities, and, as far as possible, the disposi
tion of the Indians. They confirm me in the opinion I had
previously formed, that, whatever may be their feelings of
hostility, they are resolved to abstain from the use of their
tomahawks and fire-arms except in self-defence. But few
of their warriors were to be seen — their women and chil
dren, and their old men appeared anxious, and at first
somewhat confused, but none attempted to run off". Hav
ing previously notified their chiefs that I would have noth
ing more to say to them, unless they should desire to
inform me of their intention to move forthwith, as I had
directed them, I did not speak to them, though within fifty
yards of many of them. I had with me on board the steam
boat some artillery, and two companies of infantry. Their
village is immediately on Rock River, and so situated that
I could from the steamboat destroy all their bark houses
(the only kind of houses they have) in a few minutes, with
the force now with me, probably without the loss of a man.
But I am resolved to abstain from firing a shot without
some bloodshed, or some manifest attempt to shed blood,
on the part of the Indians. I have already induced nearly
one-third of them to cross the Mississippi to their own land.
The residue, however, say, as the friendly chiefs report, that
they never will move ; and what is very uncommon, their
women urge their hostile husbands to fight rather than to
move and thus to abandon their homes."
But this state of things did not last long. On the 7th
day of June, Black Hawk met General Gaines in council
and frankly told him he would not remove from his lands,
and further, that he was not afraid of his troops. He and
his warriors came to this council in their war paint, and
armed as if they expected an attack. Black Hawk had
been deceived into the belief that he would have active
support from the Kickapoos, Pottowattomies, and Winne
bagoes, but General Gaines was better informed, and was

80 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
satisfied that not more than two hundred warriors from
these tribes would be found with the Sacs. On the 25th
of June, 1831, the Illinois volunteers arrived. The Indian
allies of Black Hawk soon after left for the other side of
the Mississippi, and the American General took possession
of the Sac village.
On the day following, June 27th, Black Hawk signified,
by a white flag, his desire to parley, which resulted in a
treaty. The Indians had been promised corn in the place
of the corn left standing in their own fields, but the corn
was furnished in quantities insufficient to supply their
wants, and a party of Sacs returned to the east side of the
Mississippi to steal corn from their own fields, and a series
of troubles began which resulted in bloodshed. The treaty
was broken by both parties the same year.
Hostilities began again, in the spring of 1832, in petty
skirmishes with the whites and with the Menomine
Indians, twenty-eight of whom were killed by the Sacs.
Black Hawk appeared with his band on Rock River, and
moved leisurely up the stream, disobeying General Atkin
son's command to leave the country. He said he was going
to the Prophet's village to make corn, and the whites might
attack him if they wanted to. Major Stillman, with two
hundred and seventy men, started about the 13th of May,
on a march of discovery, towards Sycamore Creek. Black
Hawk sent three warriors with a white flag to meet the
American detachment and invite them to his camp. But
the Major took the warriors prisoners, and disregarded the
flag. The flag of truce not returning. Black Hawk sent five
other warriors to ascertain what had become of the men
who bore it. These five were discovered, pursued, and two
of them killed. The party who killed the two warriors
returned to the main body and reported. Major Stillman
determined to attack the Indians at once, and moved for
ward with precipitation and confusion upon the hostile
camp on the Sycamore. Black Hawk, in the meantime, had

"itrf-*:, 'S

STILLMAN'S DEFEAT.

THE BLACK HAWK WAR. 83
heard from the survivors of the five of the killing of his
warriors. He had but forty braves with him, the rest of
his band being out hunting. When a sufficient number of
the Americans had passed the Sycamore, the Indians rush
ed upon them and soon put them to flight. Only forty
men defeated two hundred and seventy, and the retreat was
a rout. This affair, wretchedly managed by Major Stillman,
shows that the whites were wantonly the aggressors, and
the shedders of the first blood. It created a profound sen
sation, both among the whites and Indians. Black Hawk's
runners bore the hews to the Sacs and Missouris twenty-
four hours in advance of the dispatches to the whites. It
nerved the martial spirit of the Indians, who felt an hon
orable sympathy with their brethren and pride in their
prowess. Governor Reynolds called out two thousand more of the
militia to subdue the Indians and drive them out of the
State, and a great many Menominies and Sioux, enemies
of the Sacs, were enlisted in the service to exterminate
their enemies.
The defeat of Major Stillman's forces opened to the set
tlers a scene of horror and bloodshed. The Indians butch
ered and plundered, and a wide-spread panic pervaded the
frontiers. We have given thus far the account of the opening of
the Black Hawk war, because it is justice to the truth of
history to vindicate that warrior, who, savage as he was,
was possessed of a patriotism which we must admire, and
displayed the highest and most intrepid qualities of the
soldier. The responsibility of that war was clearly with the
whites, and in every phase of its inception, until precipi
tated by Major Stillman, the Indians displayed a forbear
ance, patience and humanity that should have been emu
lated by the civilized foe and oppressor.
Captain Harney, off" in the forests and pineries of the

84 ^ LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Wisconsin, or engaged in the fortification of Fort Winne
bago, had little knowledge of the events that were trans
piring and were being so rapidly precipitated. During the
summer of 1832 he reported to Fort Armstrong, at Rock
Island, and found the busy preparations being made for the
Indian war. Here he met with Colonel Taylor, who had
just arrived, with whom he established a friendly intimacy,
destined afterwards to be cemented in many scenes of dan
ger and hardship in the service in Florida and Mexico.
Here he also made the acquaintance of a tall, gaunt young
militia Captain from Illinois, who was noted as a genial and
witty companion. At home he was a country lawyer in
fair practice, and had responded to Governor Reynolds'
call for volunteers, to win some military laurels, which
were at that time regarded as a good capital upon which
to commence life in politics. This militiaman, whose dry
jokes, not always of the most chaste character, but never
bad, convulsed the convivial mess table, was Abraham
Lincoln. The friendship established between him and
Captain Harney, formed in camp, lasted during the life of
Mr. Lincoln and was as cordial as the intimacy then and
still existing between him and Mr. Jefferson Davis. These
two characters, in after years, got to fill a large place in
the public attention. Lincoln, nor Taylor, who was at the
time Captain Harney's guest, either of them had any sus
picion that they should be rulers of the United States, and
Davis was more concerned about his prospects of promo
tion ultimately to a Captaincy, after long years of service,
than dreaming of leading fifteen States into active and
open war against the Union. The intimacy between Cap
tain Harney and Captain Lincoln, their stature and peculi
arities, won them the cognomen among the soldiers of
"the two ponies." Their congenial and convivial tem
per, Lincoln's wit and his good jokes, which Harney en
joyed as much in the hearing as Lincoln in the telling,
made them inseparable when duty afforded the leisure for

THE BLACK HAWK WAR. 85
enjoyment. Nor was Captain Harney the sole listener.
He was possessed of a fund of conversation, and had a
lively sense of a good adventure, of which he had had
many. The personnel of the two men was alike only in
being tall. Harney had that lithe, easy grace which is
acquired by long service and discipline. Lincoln was
awkward, and that peculiar countenance, then so full of the
comical expression of a jolly joker, was by no means hand
some. In a few days after he reported at Fort Armstrong, Cap
tain Harney was sent on a reconnoissance, and found no
indications of the Indians.
Soon afterwards Harney procured leave of absence
from General Atkinson and came to Saint Louis, where
he had not been for over two years. On his arrival
he found preparations going on for the Black Hawk war,
and without waiting for his leave to expire, he returned
to his command, and was ordered to Dixon's Landing,
an out-post not far from the scene of Stillman's defeat.
There he encamped. Before arriving at this landing, when
they reached Stillman's Run, they learned that the In
dians had crossed Sycamore Creek. Upon getting this
information. General Atkinson asked Colonel Taylor to
accompany the volunteers under General Whitesides to
Ottawa, and Captain Harney was requested to go along.
The volunteers, since Stillman's defeat, were very much
afraid of Black Hawk, and they were so timid they could
not be relied on for duty or reconnoissances. They were
mustered out and another levy made, which, with better
officers and commanded by General Whitesides, rendered
better service. When these new levies came up, and a
second expedition was organized, the Indians had with
drawn and their trail was lost.
General Atkinson consulted Captain Harney, who told
him that the Indians had but one hiding place in the
whole country, that it would not be difficult to find, and

86 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
that with fifty men he would make a reconnoissance. The
General suggested that such a force would be too small, as
the party would be in danger of being cut off, and that he
should take along three hundred Pottowattomies. The
chief of the Pottowattomies refused because he thought the
force too small. Harney therefore started w.ith his fifty
men and some friendly Menominies. He soon came upon
the trail, which indicated from the signs that the enemy
were not far off". The Menominies counseled a retreat,
but the Captain persisted, whereupon all the Indians left
him but one, who told him he would stand by and die with
him. This was an Indian with whom he had once had a
disperate hand-to-hand fight, in which Captain Harney had
overcome and disarmed him. In a short time they came
upon a burning fire, when they returned with the informa
tion that the Indians were retreating. It was soon con
firmed by dispatches from General Dodge to the effect that
the Indians were in full retreat.
A forced march was at once ordered, and the troops soon
came upon the Indians posted in a strong position near
an old trading post on the Wisconsin River, and were at
tacked by Colonel Taylor's forces. The Indians made con
siderable resistance, but continued their retreat to the Mis
sissippi River, where they made a final stand. They were
pursued by the entire force of General Dodge. On being
overtaken at the Mississippi River, the final and most des
perate battle was fought — the battle of Bad- Ax. At this
battle the Indians were driven across the Mississippi river,
and the war ended.
Black Hawk, mounted upon his war pony, command
ed his warriors in person, and displayed a lofty courage
and consummate skill as a general in the disposition and
management of his forces. He was present everywhere
in the thickest of the fight, urging his men to deeds of
valor by his own personal example and disregard of dan
ger. But his skill and courage were of no avail, for his

BLACK H.WVK .VI THE 13

ATTLE OF BAD AX.

THE BLACK HAWK WAR. 89
warriors could not withstand the impetuous advance of the
American troops. They were driven from hill to hill, but
under the eye of their vigilant leader still kept up a brisk
firing from every point commanding the ground. They
were finally driven back upon the main body, posted on
the bank of the river, where they made a last desperate
stand and joined in one general effort to defend themselves
there or die on the ground. But the troops made a rush
upon them, killing all who came in their way and driving
the others into the river. Many swam across and escaped,
while others were shot in the water, and about fifty women
and children were captured. Thus ended the Black Hawk
war. When Black Hawk saw that the day was hopelessly lost,
he fled up the river and concealed himself in the woods,
where he was captured two days afterwards by some
Sioux warriors and delivered by them to General Atkin
son. The latter sent him to Jefferson Barracks in charge
of Lieutenant Osborn Cross, where he remained several
months, after which he and several of his companions were
sent on a tour through the principal cities of the United
States, for the purpose of showing them the extent and
power of the nation, and the futility of any attempt on the
part of the Indians to make war on the white people.
General Henry Dodge, who was so conspicuous a leader
in the Black Hawk war, was one of the eminent and noble
men of the West during the first part of the present cen
tury, and General Harney takes unusual pride in counting
him among his best and warmest friends. General Dodge
was born at Vincennes, Indiana, back of this century. He
came to Missouri while it was yet a territory and located
in Ste. Genevieve, where he was respected and esteemed in
the highest degree by his fellows. He was elected a dele
gate to the convention called to frame the first constitution
for the State of Missouri. President Monroe appointed him
U. S. Marshal for the State. At a later date he removed

90 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
to Wisconsin, General Jackson having in the meantime ap
pointed him Territorial Governor and Superintendent of
Indian Affairs. When Wisconsin was admitted as a State
General Dodge was elected to the United States Senate,
and in all his official service discharged his duty with honor
to himself and the public. He was a half-brother of Dr.
Linn, a distinguished Senator from Missouri. And the
people of St. Louis can still -claim with pride a share in the
distinction and character of the family of General Dodge in
the person of Mrs. Rebecca Sire, the General's niece, a
lady of high social standing in the city, noted for her
excellencies of character and for her generous nature in
contributing more than her share of charities and benefac
tions to those upon whom fortune and favor have frowned.
Captain Harney, after the close of the Indian war, was
granted leave of absence for some months, which he spent
in Saint Louis. Here he made the acquaintance of Miss
Mary Mullanphy, who was a daughter of Hon. John
Mullanphy, a distinguished citizen, who, having served in
the French army, had come to America after the fall of
Napoleon, and acquired a large fortune. He was a devout
Roman Catholic, and founded in his lifetime, and by his
will, many churches and public charities, which are a last
ing monument to his name. Captain Harney became engag
ed to Miss Mullanphy, and their nuptials were afterwards
solemnized on the 27th day of January, 1833. Mrs. Har
ney died in Paris in i860. The fruits of this marriage are
John M. Harney, Esq., of St. Louis, Eliza Harney, Countess
De Noue, whose husband is a Colonel in the French army,
and Anna B., married to the Viscount de Thury, an officer
in the French Navy.
During his leave of absence he went to Washington
City, and called on President Jackson. The President
appointed him, without solicitation. Paymaster in the army,
with the rank of Major. This commission bears date May
1st, 1833. He was on duty as Paymaster until August,

THE BLACK HAWK WAR.

91

1836. While on this duty, which was not much to his
taste, and attended with many risks, without any compen
sating chances for reputation in service. General Ashley
was a member of Congress from Saint Louis. He intro
duced a bill for the better defense of the Western frontier.
It provided for raising the Second regiment of Dragoons,
of which Colonel David E. Twiggs was appointed Colonel,
and Wharton Rector, of Arkansas, was appointed Lieuten
ant-Colonel. Rector, who seems to have been unambitious
of distinction in that line, would rather be a Paymaster, with
rank of Major, than Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment,
while Harney, who became a Major on his appointment as
' Paymaster, was eager for the appointment. As the first step
toward the consummation of their wishes. Rector declin
ed, and Harney resigned his commission. Major Harney,
accompanied by Rector, then went to see Genaral Jackson,
at the Hermitage, who gratified both by appointing Major
Rector as Paymaster and Major Harney as Lieutenant-Col
onel of the Second Dragoons. His commission is dated
August 15, 1836.

CHAPTER V.
SECOND FLORIDA WAR.
__/LORIDA, the land of flowers, is a bold peninsula that
'^t^ juts out into the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic
Ocean. Its southern extremity and eastern coast are
washed by the Gulf stream, a warm current of water
from the tropics, which is thrown from the region of the
equator along the eastern coast of South America into the
Gulf, and thence along the Atlantic coast. These waters,
being confined to the narrow passes between the islands of
the West Indian Archipelago and the mainland, flow with
a current of four knots an hour between Trirlidad and the
mainland of Venezuela, thence through the Caribbean into
the Gulf of Mexico, whence they pour out, washing, as we
have said, the coast of Florida. The tropical waters of
the Gulf stream give to Florida a mild and salubrious cli
mate, and since its settlement it is sought by invalids for
health and comfort and a winter residence.
Saint Augustine is the oldest European settlement in the
United States, and the Spaniards, in search of gold and
pearls, and of the fabulous Fountain of Youth, were its first
explorers and settlers.
About forty years after Christopher Columbus discovered
the Western continent, De Soto landed his expedition on
this peninsula. The accounts given of the aboriginal
inhabitants by Garcillasso and the " Portugese gentlemen "
who accompanied De Soto, describe them as enjoying a
high degree of prosperity, and in a state of semi-civiliza
tion. The example of the Spaniards, and their cruelties and
rapacity, did not tend to increase their civilization, nor to
give them exalted ideas of European character. They

INDIAN FLEET SEEN BY DE SOTO

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. 95
soon learned to regard the white man as their natural
enemy, and from being peaceful, indolent and mild, they
became wild, warlike and brutal.
The Territory of Florida was acquired by treaty from
Spain, in 1821, as we have before stated. During the war
with England, the savages had been incited to make pred
atory war against the United States, and were under the
influence of British emissaries, two of whom, Arbuthnot
and Ambuster, General Jackson summarily executed.
After the pacification they remained at peace with the
United States, and white settlements were made within the
borders of the Territory.
In 1835 a treaty was made by which the tribes agreed
to remove to, and accept a reservation provided for them
in another part of the territory of the United States, west
of the Mississippi. They accordingly sent their emissaries
to examine their new hunting grounds, who reported favor
ably, and all dispositions were made for their emigration.
But, unfortunately, Hext, the principal chief, a man of
ability and integrity, died at this juncture, and Osceola, a
turbulent, drunken, and ambitious man, availed himself of
the occasion to excite them to war.
It is almost certain that in the original difficulties, which
resulted in so much bloodshed, the Americans were at fault.
The Government could not control the bad and dishonest
white people who persecuted, defrauded and debauched the
Indians. Osceola, therefore, had little difficulty in persuad
ing his people to break the treaty, as they were naturally
reluctant to leave their hunting grounds and swamps.
The lawless attempt of some white men at cowhiding
some fierce Indians, led to bloodshed, and the Indians were
soon on the war-path. The savages murdered one Dalton,
a mail carrier, on the 6th of August, 1835, and committed
other outrages, and the chiefs refused to deliver up the
off"enders to justice. They subsequently murdered a friendly
chief named Charley Amaltha and his daughter. This was

96 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
done by a war party of Mikasaukies, of which Osceola was
in command in person. The frequency of these lawless
acts induced settlers to break up and abandon their farms.
General Clinch, then in command, determined to chastise
the Indians, and organized a force of two hundred and fifty
regulars, with six hundred and fifty militia furnished by the
Governor of Florida. With this force he marched against
the Indians on the Withlacoochee River.
In December of that year Major Dade marched from
Tampa Bay with two companies of infantry and some artil
lery for Camp King. On his route he was ambushed and
surprised, and his whole detachment, except two men, were
massacred. This disaster produced a profound sensation
throughout the country.
The Indian forces were composed of Seminole warriors
and runaway negroes, who had taken to the swamps and
fastnesses to escape from servitude, and they were ¦ as in
trepid and blood-thirsty as the savages themselves.
This massacre demonstrated not only the savage and
vindictive spirit of the Indians, but the defensibility of their
swamps and fens, and that a mode of defensive warfare on
their part could be adopted which would defy the ordinary
modes of attack, and could prolong a predatory war almost
indefinitely. The massacre of Major Dade's detachment,
which has no parallel except the recent massacre of Gen
eral Custer's command on the Big Horn, under circum
stances which showed that the gallant officer himself had
omitted no precautions of either Indian or civilized war
fare, gave the Indians an unbounded hope, and they ral
lied at once and resumed their depredations, until, sparing
neither friend nor foe of the white race, Florida became in
a manner, at least on the unprotected frontiers, untenable
to the settlers. The region near San Augustine was de
populated of five hundred families. Their settlements were
attacked and their negroes were carried off" to become sav
ages themselves, and slaves to the Indians.

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. 97
There were several skirmishes and battles in which the
whites often got a dear-bought advantage, but the Indians
were securely fortified in their swamps and forests, and like
the old Britons in Wales, were not finally conquered until
their ultimate translation to their reservation in the Indian
Territory, where they now live, an intelligent and civilized
community ; and the war did not cease until the administra
tion of President Tyler.
Florida is the Italy of America. The Gulf of Mexico is
as the Mediterranean ; and its own gulf, a part of the Mex
ican Gulf, stands on its western borders, while on the east
the Atlantic and Gulf stream are to it as the Adriatic. It
has the Archipelago of the East Indies, but it has not the
Grecian peninsula and the Bosphorus on its east. But it
has its pontine marshes and its campagna. Healthy as it is
now, it was, in 1835, unhealthy to the white man as the
campagna and pontine marshes were before the days of
King Theodoric. In 1835 the everglades, the lakes, rivers
and forests of Florida, were a secure retreat for the preda
tory savage who felt, and in justice had a right to feel,
that he inherited from immemorial time and from his
ancestors the ownership and right to enjoy his lands and
hunting grounds. The forests were clothed in a drapery of
moss which hung in graceful festoons from the topmost
limb of the giant oak and the stately evergreen, that
swept the earth. These beautiful wreaths of moss, some
times fifty feet long, clothed the giant oak of the forest
and gave a ready and convenient covering to the ambushed
savage. They were called hammocks, and against the
lurking enemy secreted in them no ordinary tactics could
avail. He was not only undiscovered, but undiscoverable.
Besides forests draped in moss, the swamps and lakes, the
impenetrable inlets and natural canals, with their islands,
floating and permanent, gave ever a ready sheher and
retreat to the Indian who was acquainted with all their
labyrinths. This was not only the fact as to the interior of

98 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
the peninsula, but the Seminoles were acquainted with the
nautical arts to the extent that they ventured in their frail
craft, which they handled with skill, even among the keys
and islands within thirty or forty miles of the coast.
The Seminoles, being the runaways from the hardy tribes
of North Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, who took
refuge with the Florida Indians, were a hardy and deter
mined race of savages. Taking advantage of the swamps,
fastnesses, forests and hammocks of Florida, they pro
tracted their defensive war for over seven years, against the
whole force of the United States. It is true the Govern
ment did not support the war with sufficient supplies and
troops, and divided counsels and a vacillating policy at
Washington did much to prolong it, but it is likewise true
that a more determined, bloody and obstinate defense was
never made by any race of people. It was a war in which
all the resources of the wily savage were brought into
requisition, and in which his heroism and we must in justice
say, patriotism, flared up, like the dying candle, before his
light went out forever.
On the 15th day of August, 1836, Major Harney was
promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel of the Second Dragoons,
was relieved from duty as Paymaster, a service ill suited
to his active temperament, and ordered to rejoin his regi
ment in the field. He reported to his commanding officer,
and took his proper place as an officer of the Second
Dragoons. The army in Florida was at this time under the
command of General Thomas Jesup, whom he joined in
January, 1837. He left Washington City, after settling his
accounts, in the month of December, in company with
Major Fountleroy and Captains Bean, Gordon and Lieuten
ant Hamilton, all of whom belonged to the Second Dra
goons, and reported to Black Creek. The bravest and
ablest Generals who had preceded General Jesup, Scott
and Gaines, had accomplished but little in the two years
hostilities had been carried on. On the 6th day of Feb-

*^ * -Sfer . ?s3. f^ ^ ^¦"'* '

INDIAN WAR DANCE.

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. lOI
ruary, 1837, Lieutenant-Colonel Harney arrived at Camp
Monroe, on Lake Monroe, a place afterwards called Fort
Mellon. He reported to Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Fan
ning, with three hundred recruits, but on reporting" to the
commander he ascertained that by his rank and date of
commission he was entitled to the command of the forces.
Colonel Fanning was greatly disturbed at this and expressed
a desire to retain command and win some laurels. Colonel
Harney, in consideration of his age, and out of respect for
Colonel Fanning, waived his right to command, and under
took cordially to support the veteran officer, and left him
in the command.
Harney had had some experience in Indian warfare in
Florida, Wisconsin and elsewhere, was well acquainted with
their habits, and knew that constant vigilance was the only
condition on which safety could be secured. His active
energy and vigilance induced him to make in person a
reconnoissance. He soon discovered signs of the presence
of Indians lurking in the neighborhood, and on returning to
camp he advised Colonel Fanning that they would be
attacked probably that night. Colonel Harney also sug
gested to Colonel Fanning the propriety of fortifying their
camp by throwing up breastworks ; he urged that his
troops were raw recruits, and unused to active service ;
that the breastworks would give them confidence and keep
them in discipline; otherwise they would be liable to
become panic-stricken at the first fire. His suggestions
were adopted, hasty breastworks were thrown up which
covered their camp, and pickets were thrown out in the
direction of the enemy, with instructions to give the alarm
of the Indian's' approach. The troops were instructed to
spring to their arms and take position upon the first alarm,
and to shoot low so as to waste no ammunition, and fire
effectually. Everything was in readiness, and the camp
lay down to sleep on the evening of the 7th of February.
A little before daylight the alarm gun was fired, and the

102 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
pickets ran in. The enemy, who had expected to surprise
the camp, found the troops in readiness. The enemy's
plan of attack was judicious ; his right rested on the lake
below the camp, and his line extended to an arm of the
lake above, where his left rested. Captain Thomas, on the
steamboat Santee, opened fire on the enemy's right flank
with a six pounder and dislodged him, but the left and cen
ter continued the attack for three hours before they were
finally repulsed and retired. The report of Colonel Fan
ning is full, and recognizes the meritorious and gallant con
duct of Lieutenant-Colonel Harney :
BREVET COLONEL FANNING's OFFICIAL REPORT.
Camp Monroe, on Lake Monroe, Florida, \
February p, i8jy. J
General : On yesterday morning, a little before daylight,
we were aroused by the warwhoop all around us. The
enemy's right rested on the lake above us, and his line ex
tended round our front, his left resting on the lake below.
Our men sprang to their breastworks. A sharp contest
ensued. Second Lieutenant Thomas, of the 4th artillery,
was directed to go on board the steamboat Santee, serve
the six pounder, and direct his fire upon the right of the
enemy. Our flank in that direction was soon cleared. The
enemy pertinaciously hung upon our front and right flank
for nearly three hours, and then retired, wearied of the
contest. Our men, being recruits, at first wasted a great
deal of ammunition, and it was with much difficulty the
officers prevented them from throwing away their shots.
They soon, however, became collected, and in the end
behaved extremely well. In fact, the enemy was hand
somely repulsed. The extensive fire of the enemy, and
the traces he left behind, show him to have been about
from three to four hundred in force.
The brave Captain Mellon, of the 2d regiment of artil
lery, a few minutes after the combat commenced, received
a ball in his breast, and fell dead at his post. We last night
gave to his remains all we could give, our tears and " a
soldier's grave." Captain Mellon entered the service at
the commencement of the last war with England, and has

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. IO3
ever since remained in it. He has left no property, and I
know he has left a widow and four children to deplore his
loss. Passed Midshipman McLaughlin, serving with the army,
ready by my side to convey orders, received a ball in his
breast The surgeon cannot yet pronounce his fate, but
has strong hopes of his recovery. This gentleman had
charge of the supplies for the detachment, as well as of
those for the army expected here. He has performed his
duties with great zeal and ability. On every occasion of
apparent danger, I have found him on the spot, ready to
perform any service of hazard. Let us hope he may yet
live to grace the profession he has chosen.
On examining the ground, we found no dead enemies,
yet we found several trails apparently made by the drag
ging off" of the dead bodies. We also found several belts
and straps covered with blood, a small pouch of bullets,
and some scalping knives. It is most probable the enemy
suffered more than ourselves. It is true we are without the
trophies of victory, but ' this is no reason that the officers
whom I have had the honor to command, and whose gal
lant bearing I have witnessed, should not receive honorable
mention. Lieutenant-Colonel Harney, commanding the
four companies of dragoons, displayed, during the contest,
the greatest boldness and vigor, and inspired his newly
enlisted men with great confidence. I have at all times
received from him the most energetic support. With the
officers of his battalion I have every reason to be well sat
isfied. My eye was upon every one, and I discovered
nothing but firmness and confidence in all. In justice to
them their names must be mentioned : Captain Gordon,
Captain Bean, 1st Lieutenant John Graham, 1st Lieutenant
Howe, 1st Lieutenant Hamilton, 1st Lieutenant Blake, 2d
Lieutenant McNeil, 2d Lieutentant Thorton, 2d Lieutenant
Kingsbury, and 2d Lieutenant May.
On the fall of Captain Mellon, Captain Vinton, of the 3d
artillery, assumed the command of the two companies of
artillery. I have long known his great military attainments.
On this occasion I witnessed his conduct and courage.
First Lieutenant Davidson took the command of Mellon's
company during the engagement. It could not have fallen

104 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
into better hands. I have already spoken of the service
rendered by 2d Lieutenant Thomas, of the 4th artillery.
He has always volunteered his services on every dangerous
scouting party. Lieutenant Piercy, of the Navy, Captain
of the friendly Indians, with his Indian force, fought among
the regular troops ; and he was always foremost in danger.
He has, at all times, volunteered his services for any difficult
or hazardous enterprise.
Assistant Surgeon Laub dressed the wounded under the
fire of the enemy. In fact, I have never seen the sick
soldier more promptly or faithfully attended to, than since
this detachment left Volusia. Lieutenant Dusenbery,
quartermaster to the expedition, had been sent previously
to the attack to Volusia, and could not be present at the
time. His duties have been very arduous, and he has dis
charged them with vigor, zeal and ability. Paddy Carr, the
Creek chief, fought well. He has generally headed the
scouting parties, and has performed those laborous and dan
gerous duties with great promptitude and cheerfulness.
, I cannot end this letter without publicly expressing my
thanks to Captains Brooks and Peck, of the steamboats
Santee and Essayons. They have unhesitatingly pushed
their boats through difficult channels, and unknown waters,
ijito the heart of the enemy's country. I must be pardoned
this prolixity. If I have mentioned all, it is because all
deserve mention. Never was officer, charged with a deli
cate and hazardous enterprise, served with more zeal
and promptitude.
You will herewith receive official lists of the killed and
wounded. To the wounded, passed Midshipman McLaugh
lin should be added. The "JohnStoney" is just arrived.
Lieutenant Dusenbery hands me a letter from Lieutenant
Chambers, aid-de-camp. By this, I learn that hostilities are
to cease for the present, and that this detachment is
directed to fall back upon Volusia.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
A. C. W. FANNING,
Bvt. Lt. Col. Com. Detachment,
The camp fortified at Lake Monroe was called Fort
Mellon, in memory of the gallant Captain Mellon, of the

\ I -1

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\'i>^

r?\ '" ""

^-^'«,

SCOUTING IN FLORIDA.

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. IO7
Second artillery, who was killed at the beginning of the
engagement. Colonel Harney retained, after this affair, command of
Fort Mellon, and between the 8th day of February and the
1st of May, gathered the fruits and results of the victory.
He succeeded in pacifying many of the tribes, and made
treaties by which they came in and gave themselves up
with their women and children.
General Jesup, in his report to the War Department,
expresses a great deal of confidence in the situation of
things on the 8th day of May, 1837, but he apprehends
more danger from the imprudence of white citizens than
from the hostility of the Indians. The citizens of Florida
who had lost slaves by the predatory raids of the Indians on
their plantations, seemed to regard it as the whole duty of
the army to catch runaway negroes, and the press, from a
safe distance, and secure from danger, was clamorous in
criticism of the manner in which the war was conducted.
Among the results of the gallant defense of Fort Mellon,
was the voluntary surrender of the noted chief Osceola or
Powell, who had been most active in breaking the treaty in
1835, which precipitated the war. This chief, who has be
come famous, subsequently violated his faith again with the
whites, and was imprisoned for the balance of his life, at
Fort Moultrie, in 1838. His name and adventures have
been the theme of much romantic interest, and have in
spired the muse of some tolerated American poets. Coe
Hajo, Tuskeneha and the Wildcat, a chief named Philip
and his son, surrendered themselves. They had been un
able to plant any corn in the swampy fastnesses, impreg
nable to all enemies save famine, so vigorously and vigi
lantly had Colonel Harney and the American officers and
their coadjutors carried on the war.
We insert the report of Colonel Harney to General Jes
up, and General Jesup's note, enclosing it to the Secretary
of War:

lOS LIFE OF, GENERAL HARNEY.
Headquarters Army of the South, "I
Tampa Bay, May 8, 1837. /
Sir : I have the honor to enclose a copy of a despatch
just received from Lieutenant Colonel Harney, who com
mands at Fort Mellon, on Lake Monroe. The great body
of the Seminole nation are concentrated in that part of the
country. Powell will be highly useful in bringing the In
dians in, and in hastening their embarcation. Nothing is
now to be apprehended, unless it be the imprudence of cit
izens of Florida. The officious interference of some of
them has already embarrassed the service, and from the
public papers I discover that certain citizens of Florida,
who, I presume, were unwilling to trust their persons nearer
to the Seminoles than Charleston, are denouncing me and
my measures.
I have only to say, in reply to them, that I can have no
agency in converting the army into negro-catchers, particu
larly for the benefit of those who are evidently afraid to
undertake the recapture of their property themselves.
Micanopy, Jumper, and Cloud, are here with a part of
their people. Holatoochee is collecting his people, and
will be in by the 20th. Alligator's people were assembled,
but dispersed in consequence of a report that they were to
be executed so soon as they should place themselves in
our power. They are reassembling.
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
Thos. S. Jesup, '
Major General commanding.
The Hon. J. R. Poinsett, Secretary of War, Washington.

Fort Mellon, East Florida, May, 1837.
Sir: The chiefs Coehahjo, Tuskeneha, Ossinyahholoh,
(Powell,) and the Wildcat, (Philip's son,) arrived yesterday,
with a great many of their warriors and women. Philip is
too sick to go about, and of course did not attend here ;
but his son represents him, (a smart fellow.) Sam Jones
has not yet come in, but was expected last night. I will
not close this letter till I know whether he has arrived or
not. The council which they held terminated well ; there
was not a man present who made any objections to the talk

SECOND FLORIDA WAR,

109

which Micanopy sent them ; his word is law, and none dare
to deviate from it.
Coe Hajo begs me to say to you that he has the same
talk now that he had when he was with you, and begs you
to give them time ; they were hurrying all they could, and
if you do not push them everything will go on without
any trouble. I had a private talk with them last night, and
they are all anxious to get off" as soon as possible ; they dis-
hke to start for Tampa before the people all assemble.
I have this moment learned that Sam Jones was at coun
cil, (they told me last night, but I did not know the name.)
Coe Hajo expects his brother in every hour, and I will
pledge my life that all will go well if indulged a little
longer. Coe Hajo and Powell are now with me ; Powell
slept in my tent last night with me, and they both say that
they are almost sure that it will not be more than a week
before they are all on the road to Tampa Bay. He says
that he told you that he would be at Tampa Bay by this
time, but it was impossible; and he begs you not to think
that he is not an honest man, for he has done all he can, and
has succeeded in getting them all together, except a few
who are scattered ; and that they (the main body) will not
wait for them if they are not here before a week. Some of
the scattered people will go immediately to Tampa, and
not come by this place.
Coe Hajo is encamped about twenty miles from this
place. Powell is about fifteen miles from this ; he will join
Coe Hajo, where they will all remain until they start for
Tampa. Coe Hajo wishes me to say to you that he has got
strong men to help him ; meaning Tuskeneha, Powell, and
Wildcat ; and that they all put their heads together to do
business. In your last letter you say you do not wish me to let
them deal with the sutler; this placed me in a very awk
ward situation. I told them some time since that I would
send the boat for goods for them ; they begged me to do so,
as they are literally naked, many of them ; of course, they
all expected to be allowed to purchase some clothing. I
directed the sutler not to trade with them ; but from the
representations and importunities from the chiefs, and the
opinion of the officers, I thought it advisable to permit

no LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
them to trade, inasmuch as there is hardly a shirt apiece
for those that want them. The sutler has hardly anything
in his store, compared with their (the Indians') wants. If
they had anything like a full supply, I would have sent
them offi I know that if you were here you would not have
persisted, and I beg and hope that you will approve the
course I have pursued.
Your idea is that it may be the means of some delay ;
but I know that it will not be the means of one moment's
delay. They will be in the neighborhood at least five or
six days, and they will buy everything the sutler has before
to-morrow night. One of the parties expected has this
moment shaken hands with me. They arrived in Coe Ha-
jo's camp last night: some of his band are yet behind, but,
as he has not all the chiefs here, he will return immediately
for the balance. The chief who has just arrived is Tuck-
elochehahjo, with seventy-three warriors. I have been
trying to learn from those now present the number of war
riors in this part of the country ; and, to my great surprise,
I find that there is not less than twenty-five hundred red
tvarriors, good zvarriors ; and not including lads, etc., or
negroes, who fight as well as the best of them. ¦
P. S. — More news. The chief just arrived is Hicks; he
has about seventy warriors still out, and he states that he
was on his way to Tampa with his whole party or band,
when he was met by Captain Bell. He asked Captain Bell
to go with him to his camp, where he had a paper from
you. When going there the officers were talking among
themselves, and saying how they intended to secure hiiri^
that they would tie him, put him in chains, etc., etc. He
understood what they said, and concluded that they in
tended to kill "him in some way, and of course he deter
mined to escape from them if he could ; and that he would
rather be shot by them than to be in irons, when he was
trying to do the best he could ; and that he had received
the talk from Micanopy, and as soon as he could get his
people together he started for Tampa, and would have been
there long since if he had not met that foolish man.
Everything is going on as well as can be expected, con
sidering the nature of the country and their numbers. You
can form an idea of the numbers of the women and chil-

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. II]
dren. The chiefs cannot tell me how many negroes they
liave belonging to them. They do not wish to turn over
the negroes belonging to the whites till they are about to
set off for Tampa, as many of them would run away before
they could be brought in.
I hope you will be able to make out the sense of this let
ter. I have a great deal to say, and they communicate in
such a manner to me, and so many different subjects, that
I am a good deal confused, and am compelled to stop,
though I have told you everything of importance.
Major General T. S. Jesup,
Comtnanding in Florida.
To use the language of General Jesup, in a private letter
to Hon. Lewis F. Linn, United States Senator from Mis
souri, dated August 27, 1842, speaking of General Harney,
"In the summer and autumn of 1837, except during a short
leave of absence, he was constantly and actively engaged
in the most useful service. During that summer and
autumn, though my force was small and the Indian force
comparatively large, hardly a single depredation was
allowed to be committed on the inhabitants of the country
— there were no Indian corn-fields cut up by the troops that
season, it is true, for so active and energetic were their
operations that not a stalk of corn was allowed to grow
anywhere but on the farms of the citizens. If we could
not catch the Indians, we kept them constantly running and
distant from the frontiers."
In the beginning of May the situation was most promis
ing. All the tribes in the neighborhood of Fort Mellon had
agreed to make peace. A treaty had been formally made
and signed at Fort Dade, on the 6th day of March, 1837,
by the plenipotentiaries of the principal chief, Micanopy,
and the United States. The following is the text of the
treaty :

112 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Capitulation of the Seminole nation of Indians and their
allies, by Jumper, Halatoochee or Davy, and Yaholoo-
chee, representing the principal chief, Micanopy, and
fully empowered by him, entered into with Major-Gen-
erai Thomas S. Jesup, commanding United States forces
in Florida, this sixth day of March, one thousand eight
hundred and thirty-seven.
Article I. The chiefs above named, in behalf of them
selves and the nation, agree that hostilities shall cease im
mediately, and shall not be resumed.
' Article II. They agree and bind themselves that the
entire nation shall immediately emigrate to the country
assigned to them by the President of the United States,
west of the Mississippi.
Article III. Until they emigrate, they will place in
the possession of the general commanding the troops,
hostages for the faithful performance of their engage
ments. Article IV. The Indians shall immediately withdraw
south of the Hillsborough. Those found north of that river
and a line drawn from Fort Foster due east from it to the
ocean, without permission of the general commanding, after
1st of April, will be considered hostile.
Article V. Major-General Jesup, in behalf of the United
States, agrees that the Seminoles and their allies, who come
in and emigrate to the west, shall be secure in their lives
and property ; that their negroes, their bona fide property,
shall accompany them to the west ; and that their cattle
and ponies shall be paid for by the United States at a fair
valuation. Article VI. That the expenses of the movement west
shall be paid by the United States.
Article VII. That the chiefs, warriors, and their fami
lies and negroes, shall be subsisted from the time they as
semble in camp, near Tampa Bay, until they arrive at their
homes west of the Mississippi, and twelve months there
after, at the expense of the United States.
Article VIII. The chiefs and warriors, with their fami
lies, will assemble in the camp to be designated by the
commanding general, as soon as they can, and at all events
by the loth of April. Yaholoochee will.come in at once

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. II3
with his people, and the other towns will follow as fast as
possible. Article IX. Transports will be ready to take the Indians
and their negroes off to their western homes.
Article X. Micanopy will be one of the hostages. He
is to visit the commanding general, and will remain near
him until his people are ready to move.
Article XI. All the advantages secured to the Indians
by the treaty of Payne's Landing, and not enumerated in
the preceding articles, are hereby recognized, and are se
cured to them.
Signed at Camp Dade, this sixth day of March, one thou
sand eight hundred and thirty-seven.
THOMAS S. JESUP,
Major-General Com. Army of the South
Holatoochee X or Davy.
Hoeth-lee-ma-tee X
Jumper X
Yaholochee X or Cloud.
John Ca-wy-ya, X representing Hal-Patah-Hajo.
This treaty was made by the Indians in good faith.
They had found it impossible to plant their fields, and the
season was at hand when they must plant or starve. The
only conditions of the peace were that the Indians of
Florida should accept the reservation selected for them
beyond the Mississippi. Their principal chief, Micanopy,
was to be a hostage for the faithful fulfillment of the treaty,
and that wise and honorable savage faithfully and honor-
abh' mdertook to observe the obligations thereof. He
sent to all the tribes, and to all the warriors of the
various tribes, and they came in with their women and
children. Some scattered warriors, and negroes who feared
to be restored to their owners in the States, only remained
behind, but not in sufficient numbers to be of importance
or formidable. Colonel Harney mentions, in his dispatch
to General Jesup, that he estimated, from the information

114 life OF GENERAL HARNEY.
afforded by the Indians, that there were at least twenty-five
hundred good warriors ready to surrender.
The advance guard of all the tribes and war parties were
in at Fort Mellon and various other posts, ready to move to
the camp where they were to remain until transported to
their reservation. The camp that had been assigned them
was about ten miles from Fort Brooke, Tampa Bay. By the
middle of April Micanopy and a large number of his people
were in camp. Alligator, Holatoochee, Jumper and other
chiefs were frequently in the camp and all expressed the
greatest satisfaction with the treaty. All preparations had
been made for their transportation to New Orleans, whence
they were to proceed to their reservation. The embarca
tion was delayed from week to week, at the instance of the
chiefs, who desired to collect more of their scattered war
riors and friends that they might sail with them to New
Orleans. Osceola had arrived at Fort Mellon, where Col
onel Harney was in command. Powell had his family with
him. He formally ratified the terms of peace made by
Micanopy. The commanding General (Jesup) believed the war was
over and made his dispositions accordingly. He dismissed
his militia and volunteers to their homes, and they were dis
charged out of the service. The marines were sent North,
and only the regular troops were kept in places most con
ducive to health, without regard to their strategic import
ance. The War Department issued orders to the effect
that the severe duty in which the army in Florida had been
engaged, necessitated repose for the troops.
War Department, May 17, 1837.
Sir : — From the severe duty which has been imposed on
the troops in Florida, and their suffering, under circumstan
ces of peculiar privation, in a climate little congenial to the
health of most of them, I feel much concerned in their be
half, with a disposition to afford them every relief consist
ent with a just regard to the service, as I feel assured that

second FLORIDA WAR. 1 1 5
every portion of the army serving in that quarter has done
its duty most faithfully, and is deserving of the kindest
treatment. Instead, therefore, of ordering the regiments of artillery
to the Sabine, as directed, you will, as soon as circumstan
ces will permit, allow the 1st, 2nd, and 4th regiments to
repair to the posts assigned them by General Order No. 58,
of last year, where, it is hoped, they will repose, and be
able to recruit their strength. The 3d regiment of artillery,
which is destined to garrison the posts from Savannah to
the Mississppi, you will order to Fort Mitchell, it being a
healthy place ; or should the whole of the regiment not be
required for duty at that place, during the unhealthy sea
son, it may be distributed among the health stations assign
ed it in General Order No. 68, to wit : St. Augustine, and
Forts Pickens and Morgan.
In communicating to you this mode of relief to the
troops, it is not intended to interfere with any arrangements
you may have made, or may think of making, for the secu
rity of the country, or the property belonging to the govern
ment ; but it is intended to convey to you an expression of
my satisfaction with the conduct of the troops, and to
evince to them, through you, the disposition which the
department feels to relieve them as early as possible from
the hardships and sufferings which they have so nobly
sustained in the prosecution of the war against the Semi
noles. In sending the troops to their stations, as here indicated,
a due regard should be had to their present positions, in
order to relieve them as much as possible from marching
through an unhealthy country at this season of the year.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
JOEL R. POINSETT.
Major-General Thomas S. Jesup,
Tampa Bay, Florida.
The citizens of Florida who had been driven out by the
fear of Indian depredations, and those whose plantations
had been despoiled, were coming back to claim their recap
tured slaves and commence again the peaceful pursuits of
agriculture, and prosperity began again to be promised to

II 6 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
the land that had been for two years the scene of savage
and predatory war.
On the 6th of June, General Jesup informed the Govern
ment at Washington that the Indians who were ready to
embark from Fort Brooke had precipitately fled. They
had become homesick, and a spirit of disaffection with the
treaty had again spread among them. They were unwilling
to leave the homes of their ancestors, and it had now be
come so deep seated a sentiment that their chiefs were
unable to control them. There was no choice but expatria
tion on one hand, and the desolation of a war of extermina
tion — war for which they were little prepared, war which
promised nothing but suffering, privation and death ; but
they preferred the last extremity to giving up their country.
A sentiment, which was a last legacy of the Spanish
owners of Florida, possessed them, viz.: that they had not
been ceded with the Territory of Florida to the United
States, and that only the lands in cultivation by the whites
had passed by the sale of Florida to the Federal Govern
ment. Coacoochee and Osceola, the trubulent and dis
solute chiefs of the Mikasaukies, came at midnight and
compelled Micanopy to follow them. They had been
relieved from starvation and were now well clothed, and
the entire camp were gone towards Paliklahaka before day
break. The sickly season was at hand and military opera
tions almost impossible for the whites. The war was re
newed. The fact is that Micanopy and the older chiefs,
with a small minority of the Seminoles, desired to emigrate
to a place where the people could have peace, but the
younger warriors and the women, a large majority, never
intended to observe the treaty longer than until the crops
were advanced and their immediate distress was relieved.
If we overlook the bad faith in the non-observance of the
treaty, it must appear to us as a sublime instance of heroic
patriotism. But the renewed war became of a necessity a
war of extermination, and as such the hostile Indians ac-

SECOND FLORIDA WAR.

117

cepted it. Dispositions were immediately made for a war
campaign in the fall.
The friendly Creek Indians, who had served with such
conspicuous bravery, had been discharged, and had em
barked for their reservation in Arkansas. The militia
had been discharged, and only the regulars remained
in the field, except the Florida troops. Volunteers were
called for from Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, Florida,
Alabama and Missouri. Major General Jesup, in his dis
patches to the Government, indicates clearly that if peace
alone had been the object of the campaign, it could have
been effectually accomplished, but that emigration from
their country could not be attained. He says in his Gen
eral Order No. 203, from Saint Augustine, on the 23d day
of October, 1837:
" Had the policy of our country been limited to peace,
which in all past history has been the object of every war
we had waged, it had been radically attained. The valor
and persevering energy of the troops forced the enemy to
pause in his career of destruction, and agree upon the terms
of treaty. If that treaty has been violated, and it has been
found impracticable to carry out the plans of the Govern
ment in a single campaign, it should be remembered that
more than peace has been sought to be obtained; that we
are attempting, for the first time, the solution of the diffi
cult problem of transferring a savage and a warlike people
from one wide-spread wilderness to another. In every pre
ceding instance of the emigration of an Indian nation, our
population had been pressing upon them, and crowding
them out of their position, before any effort had been made
by the Government to remove them ; and the Indians had
themselves become sensible of the necessity for removing,
long before they had taken up the line of march."
During the summer, and while preparations were being
made for the new campaign, Colonel Harney was granted
a leave of absence. He was relieved of his command in

1 1 8 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
August, and repaired to Saint Louis, where he spent the
time till the first of December in the enjoyment of the
society of his family.

CHAPTER VI.
THE FLORIDA WAR CONTINUED.
Y-p/HE preparations for the fall campaign involved delay,
I but the delay fortunately only consumed the time of
the hot and unhealthy weather, in which active opera
tions in the field could not be made except at a sacrifice of
health and life. But this precious time was of great advan
tage to the hostile savages. They had acquired great ad
vantages by their treachery, but they were by no means in
as favorable a position for defense as before the campaign
began. All the country north of Lake Monroe was in the
hands of the United States, and the garrisons of the posts,
although composed entirely of regulars, were in position to
hold the country already in hand, and the savages were
confined to the region south of Lake Monroe and Tampa
Bay. The country from Saint Augustine and the Suwa-
nee, and from the Suwanee to Saint Marks, formerly in a
state of alarm, was now thoroughly tranquil and remained
secure during the sickly season, with uninterrupted com
munication between the posts. General Jesup says in the
General Order just quoted :
"Though all expected from us by the public may not
have been achieved, enough has been done to prove that
there is no deterioration in the character and qualities of
the American soldier, whether of the volunteer corps or the
regular army ; and whatever differences may exist as to the
measures of the commander, the pen of history, guided by
the hand of justice, will not fail to assign to the officers and
troops of his command a high place among the champions
of their country's rights and honor."
As soon as the treachery of Osceola and his confederates

120 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
had made it apparent that the war must be renewed. Gen
eral Jesup called upon the Governor of Florida for mihtia.
He organized a mounted command, with which he kept
possession of the country above Lake Monroe, and by his
diligence preserved the peace and protected the settle
ments from outrage.
He was making preparations to take the offensive as
soon as the regular forces were recruited in strength and
health, when he received a message from the Indians, sev
eral of whom had arrived at Fort King, and desired a talk
with him. He immediately proceeded there, and on the
19th and 20th of August held conferences with them. They
expressed a desire for peace, but declared that a majority
of their people were averse to leaving the country. They
were told that emigration was the only condition upon
which they could have peace, and that they must make up
their minds to fulfill their treaty, and were instructed to use
the white flag if they had any further communications to
ttiake. Coe Hajo, the principal chief, assured General Jesup that
many of the Seminoles were in favor of the treaty, but that
Sam Jones and Osceola were opposed to it. He stated
that the Indians would hold a council on Saint John's River
in a few days, and that he would in twenty days bring the
General an account of their determination. In the mean
time he asked a suspension of hostilities.
Coe Hajo did not return to Fort King at the time ap
pointed, and the council on the Saint John's was but slimly
attended. The Indians were kept in hand, committing but
few outrages, owing to the vigilance of the American Gen
eral, and the information obtained from scouts and negroes
indicated they were short of ammunition and supplies, but
that they did not intend to leave the country.
Osceola, who had gone to Lieutenant Colonel Harney at
Fort Mellon and received subsistence to take his command
to Tampa Bay, had not only not carried out and observed

' V,

FIGHTING IN FLORIDA.

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. 1 23
the treaty, but had prevented other chiefs and their tribes
from doing so, came in with a party, as also several other
chiefs. They \yere seized as prisoners of war, but treated
with every kindness compatible with their condition.
This effort to compel the Indians to carry out the treaty
was one of signal character, when it was determined to
seize them, before they could escape from the narrow lim
its at which they were, into the interminable swamps and
make their escape. The plan of capture was agreed upon.
Colonel Harney was assigned the most important position
— the place where the Indians would make the greatest
effort to escape — but the Colonel, true to his duty, let no
one pass his way, and it was only through negligence that
a few escaped in another direction.
There was a good deal of negotiating without any re
sults, and much promising to accept the terms of the treaty
and emigrate, but by the first of October it was ascertained
that the Indians were assembling in force on the Upper St.
John's River and that several roving bands were north of
Fort Mellon and Tampa Bay. At this time of the year
the Saint John's River was navigable ; the Florida troops
would soon be discharged at the expiration of their term
of service, and the reinforcements to take their place were
only beginning to arrive ; but active operations began, with
an occasional skirmish and the capture of some prisoners.
A delegation of Cherokees, headed by John Ross, their
chief, asked to intercede with the Seminoles, and this nego
tiation lost fifteen days of precious time, during which the
Saint John's River fell so that it could only be navigated
by boats propelled by poles and oars. Major Dearborn,
early in December, was sent forward to establish a post at
the head of Lake Harney. Lieutenant Searl was sent with
a detachment up the Saint John's River. Colonel Harney
had charge of the barges, loaded with forage, which as
cended the Saint John's as far as Fort Taylor.
With the beginning of the year 1838 active hostilities

124

LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.

commenced. On the 2nd of January Brigadier General
Nelson- had a sharp and obstinate engagement with a party
of Seminoles near Wucusa Swamp, in the neighborhood
of Fort Fanning, and Lieutenant Powell, of the navy, met
with a severe defeat on the 15th near Jupiter Inlet, at a
place called Elausahatchie. The whites succeeded in re
treating to their boats. General Jesup moved upon the
Indians at the same place with a stronger force from Fort
Lloyd, and came upon them on the 24th at eleven o'clock
A. m. The Indians, under Toskegee, had a strong position

LAKE HARNEY, FLORIDA.
and General Eustis, in the immediate command, made his
dispositions for battle. Colonel Harney, with his mounted
dragoons, was placed upon the right, and after making a
reconnoissance, he found he was in a position to do no ser
vice, while the plan of attack adopted was vicious, as the
Indian position could not be forced from the front. Col
onel Harney crossed the river and penetrated to the flank

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. ' 125
and rear of the Indians at the critical moment that the
Americans were repulsed and driven back under a murder
ous fire.
General Jesup, finding them in full retreat, reproached
them for falling back. They replied that they had no
leader. He then led them forward himself, and the com
bined attack, front and rear, was successful. The Indians,
however, fell back in tolerable order. Colonel Harney
asked permission to pursue them, which was granted, but a
severe rainstorm coming on at the time, pursuit was pre
vented. General Jesup, in leading the charge, was severely
wounded in the temple, and probably but for his specta
cles would have been killed. In this action there were
thirty men wounded and ten killed.
On the day following, some Delaware Indians reported
the enemy in force in the front, and General Eustis, the
local commander, ordered Colonel Twiggs to send Colonel
Harney with two companies to follow them. This force
Colonel Harney deemed inadequate, yet he cheerfully
obeyed the order. On approaching the place where the
Indians were reported to be, he dismounted his men, and
hitching their horses, advanced, only to ascertain, however,
that the Indians had fled to the everglades, and had aban
doned their camp. The next day, January 26th, the whole
force moved over to Jupiter Inlet, and sent to Indian River
for supplies.
While at Jupiter Inlet, Colonel Harney urged upon the
commanding officer the propriety of sending for the
Indians, as they had been sufficiently punished to desire
peace. His consummate knowledge of the Indian charac
ter, and long experience in their warfare, led him to sup
pose they would treat in the hour of their defeat, and that
it would be politic to offer them terms. The suggestion of
Colonel Harney was favorably considered by General
Eustis, and warmly supported by Colonel Twiggs. Gen
eral Jesup says in his report to the War Department :

126 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
In the evening General Eustis called on me, and urged
me to terminate the war by an arrangement with the
Indians, by which they should be left in the southern part
of Florida; he believing, as I did, that from the nature of
the country in which we were operating, no permanent
advantage could be obtained except by peaceable means.
The General expressed the most decided opinion that the
Department would approve the measure. I promised to
consider it. On the 6th the column moved forward, and
in the afternoon the officers in advance reported three or
four fresh moccasin tracks, and stated that the trail had
taken nearly a westerly direction. I ordered the troops to
encamp, and sent a detachment of dragoons, with several
Shawnee Indians, forward, accompanied by my aid-de
camp. Lieutenant Linnard, to reconnoiter the country. The
detachment returned and reported fresh signs of a small
party of Indians. While it was out. Colonel Twiggs, with
other superior officers of the army, called on me and urged,
as General Eustis had, that I should terminate the war by
allowing the Indians to retain part of the country; they
believing that no decided advantage could be gained over
them unless they could be withdrawn from the swamps.
Understanding from those gentlemen that most, if not all,
the officers of the army entertained similar views, I, on full
consideration, decided to send a messenger to the Indians,
and offer them peace ; but I determined on no account to
grant them the privilege of remaining in the country unless
the measure should be sanctioned by the General Govern
ment. This proposition, carried out in good faith, would have
left the everglades, and a portion of the peninsula of
Florida, then uninhabitable for the whites, in the possession
of the Indians, and would have insured peace. But the
national Government refused to ratify the arrangements
proposed. Before the Government had acted on it, how
ever, some of its fruits had already been attained in the
surrender of many of the hostile chiefs, as stated in Gen
eral Jesup's despatches.
In the meantime, just after the battle of Ebensa Hatchie,

OSCEOLA.

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. 129
and while the American army was encamped at Jupiter
Bay, the famous Mikasaukie chief, Osceola, died in prison
at Fort Moultrie, in Charleston harbor, whither he had been
taken after the escape of one of the chiefs from Saint
Augustine. We copy the account of him and his charac
ter given by an impartial and able writer, Samuel G. Drake,
F. R. S.:
" We must now turn our attention, for the last time, to the
once feared, and much dreaded, and now no less regretted,
chief, Osceola. We left him in prison at Saint Augustine,
in November last, from which place he was, soon after the
escape of Coacoochee from thence, sent to Charleston, and
confined to the fort in that harbor for safe keeping, until he
should be, with others, shipped for the west. But that time
never came for him ! Death came with that aid which the
white man refused ! He died in confinement at Fort Moul
trie, of a catarrhal fever, on the 30th of January, 1838.
The portrait of Osceola is difficult to be drawn ; some have
made him a coward, and others a knave ; some have aver
red that he was but a sub-chief, and without respect among
his own people ; others have indignantly added that he was
the son of a white man, as though their own blood had
degraded him in the scale of being. It might be so. How
then ought they to look upon themselves ? Doubly de
graded in that scale. Others portray his character in un
measured terms of admiration ; making him the greatest
of chiefs, ablest of counsellors, and bravest of warriors.
We affirm to neither. The circumstance of his being better
known when the war began than other chiefs, gave him a
celebrity or notoriety which his deeds did not claim. He
had lived more among the white people, and hence was
better known to them ; and when a depredation was com
mitted, or a battle fought, Osceola was the supposed leader
of the Indians ; and as the report of such occurrences
spread, the supposition vanished, and thus arose much of
the celebrity of Osceolo. Hence it is easy to see how he
came so prominently into the van of notoriety. Thus,
in our account of the defeat of Major Dade, the authorities
then relied upon made us say he was the leader in that

130 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
wretched disaster ; but we are now assured that he was at
Camp King that same day, and was tlie chief actor in that
tragedy, and hence could not have been in the fight with
Major Dade. He lived near Camp King when the war
began, after which he removed to Long Swamp, 12 miles
to the south-west of it.
" But we detract nothing from the just fame of Osceola.
He was a great man, and his name will go down to the
latest posterity, with as much renown as that of Philip of
Pokanoket. Both, by fatal errors, were brought prema
turely into the hands of their enemies ; Philip, by the rash
murder of one of his own men, and Osceola by a mistaken
estimate of the character of his foes."
The voluntary surrender of near two thousand Indians,
under the arrangement made by General Jesup, and the
subsequent refusal by the Government to ratify his arrange
ment, looks like perfidy unworthy a great and civilized
nation towards a race of savages. It resulted in the loss of
the confidence of all Indians in the whites, with, as a con
sequence, a renewal of Indian hostilities, which means mur
ders and the most horrid cruelties. The news of the refusal
of the Washington Government was transmitted and re
ceived by General Jesup on the 19th day of March, 1838.
The Indians, by some means, received the information at
the same time. Renewed depredations began in Middle
Florida, and caused great consternation among the settlers
and white inhabitants. General Jesup had ordered General
Eustis forward, but was forced to recall him, on account of
depredations in Central Florida, and send Colonel Bank-
head, with strong detachments of the First and Fourth
Artillery, after Sam Jones, and soon after he ordered Col
onel Harney to relieve Colonel Bankhead
Colonel Harney, with his dismounted dragoons, pursued
the Indians into their hunting grounds, making rapid forced
marches at night, and succeeded in surprising the hostile
chief, Sam Jones, a man of unusual force of character and
influence among his people, and his band. He attacked

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. I3I
them and put them to rout, but the Indians fled and took
refuge in the mangrove swamps where troops could not
follow. While the pursuit was being pressed, one of Colonel
Harney's men, a fine soldier, shot by mistake an Indian
squaw. She was severely wounded and the man was great
ly distressed, as they did not make war on women and
children. They treated her with all the kindness they could
extend under the circumstances. The first thing she asked
for was a fire, which was made for her, and they placed a
shade over her to protect her from the rays of the sun.
They were at a loss what to do with her until Colonel Har
ney suggested that if they would leave her the Indians
would come after her in the night. It was proposed to
capture the Indians in their effort to rescue her during the
night, which Colonel Harney said would certainly be made.
It was supposed they would wish to come to the aid of
this squaw, but Colonel Harney declared they should not
be molested and that if they came on the mission of human
ity and duty, as supposed, they should be free from arrest
by him, and should have safe conduct. That night Sam
Jones and her husband came and visited her, and on the
second night the Indian woman was taken away, and, to
the great relief of the soldier, she got well. Several months
afterwards she and her tribe were met by General Harney
and his command on peaceable terms. The soldiers inter
mingled with the Indians, and one of them recognizing the
poor, wounded squaw, now restored to full health, called
out to the unlucky fellow who had shot her, " Hall, here is
your woman come to life ! " Upon hearing the call, Hall
ran to the Indian woman and there was a mutual recog
nition, and the grateful squaw embraced the poor fellow,
overwhelmed with tears and joy.
In April, 1838, Major-General Jesup was reUeved of the
command in Florida and ordered to the Cherokee country.
Meanwhile he had emigrated more Indians to the Cherokee

132 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY
country than all the other officers who had preceded him.
He was succeeded by General Zachary Taylor. The Indian
depredations were frequent, and, notwithstanding the num
bers captured and sent away during the two years General
Jesup was in command, there remained a formidable force
in the swamps and everglades.
General Macomb, the commander-in-chief of the United
States army, had repaired in person to the seat of war.
He arrived in Florida, and established headquarters at
Black Creek, on the 5th day of April, 1838. On reaching
these headquarters he immediately sent for Colonel Har
ney, who was at Cape Florida. The War Department at
Washington had discovered the hasty error committed by
Secretary Poinsett, whose dispatches to General Jesup do
not indicate a high order of statesmanship, nor do they do
any credit to his humanity. General Macomb had instruc
tion, and power, which if they had been accorded to Gen
eral Jesup, would have spared much bloodshed and been
more creditable to the honor of the United States. He was
instructed to pacify the Indians until another season for
campaigning, for the warm and sickly season was already
at hand. He found it difficult, for the Indians were already
spread over the country in small bands and were commit
ting all sorts of depredations and murders. The plans
suggested by Colonel Harney at Fort King, and formally
adopted by General Jesup, were laid before the command
er-in-chief. Colonel Harney took the maps and marked
off a reservation for the hostile Indians. He stated that
a settlement could be made with the Indians, if he could
be assured the Government would keep faith with them ;
that the Indians had been deceived, and were suspicious
of the promises of the Department at Washington. He
stated that he could not undertake to deceive them him
self, and unless he was assured the treaty, after being made,
would be observed by our own people, he could do noth
ing.

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. I 33
General Macomb showed Colonel Harney his instruc
tions and gave the assurances, upon which, on the 17th day
of May, a number of chiefs were got together, principally
by the influence of Colonel Harney and the respect in
which he was held by the Seminoles, and an amicable ar
rangement was made by which they were to remain in the
country. But the Indian depredations continued. Tiger Tail,
chief of the Tallahassees, and other chiefs, repudiated the
treaty, and it does not appear that Sam Jones had ever
assented to it. The portion of Southern Florida intended
for the Indians began at the mouth of Pease Creek, up to a
branch that ran east towards Lake Okechobee, and on a
line dividing the lake through the center and through the
center of the everglades to the head of the Shark River,
and from thence to the Gulf General Macomb had even
proposed to give the Indians the whole of the peninsula.
But Colonel Harney assured him it was not necessary, that
the territory indicated would be satisfactory. General
Macomb sent for the chiefs to come and meet him at Fort
King. The Indians were afraid to trust the whites until
Colonel Harney gave them his word, and promised them
he would, if the treaty was not observed, give them his
ammunition and guns and three days the start and they
could resume hostilities if they chose. They relied on
Colonel Harney's word, and a treaty was made at Fort
King, upon the terms proposed by Colonel Harney.
The people of Florida were greatly dissatisfied with this
treaty ; they were opposed to the Indians remaining in the
country, and were much exasperated. Although the treaty
had been formally ratified at Washington, the politicians
of Florida were determined to defeat its enforcement. A
prominent citizen of Tallahassee wrote to Mr. Poinsett,
Secretary of War, inquiring if it was ratified as a permanent
arrangement. The Secretary replied, assuring him that it
was only temporary — an act of folly and indecent bad faith

134 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
in the Secretary, which not only led to bloodshed and dis
aster, but dishonored his Government, and impaired the
efficiency of the military service at the head of which he
had been placed. This letter of Mr. Poinsett, sent to Gen
eral Taylor, was immediately made public, and reached the
Indians almost as soon as it did the army. It impaired
and destroyed for the time the well-established reputation
of Colonel Harney among the Seminole warriors, and im
periled his life as well as his character. It exposed not
only the army to perils, but the peaceful inhabitants to
massacre and the horrors of savage war.
Immediately upon the treaty being made. Colonel Har
ney urged upon General Macomb the establishrrient of a
trading house for the Indians in the bounds oi their terri
tory. General Macomb directed him to select a suitable
site, and also authorized him to call on General Taylor for
two companies to protect the trading house among the
Indians. Colonel Harney asked for a written order, but
General Macomb said it was of no use to reduce it to
writing. A steamboat was placed at Harney's disposal,
and he proceeded to select a site on the Coloosahatchie
River, fifteen miles above the mouth of the river. He had
with him thirty dismounted dragoons, which he left at the
new site for this house, in command of Sergeant Biglow,
and went on to Tampa Bay, where General Taylor had his
headquarters. General Taylor refused to let him have any
troops, and even denied him a commissioned officer. He
appointed a man named Dalham sutler to the new trading
post, and sent orders to the sergeant commanding his dra
goons to assist in building a trading house.
Colonel Harney left Tampa Bay for his own post at
Cape Florida, and on his way he called at Caloosahatchie
and found every thing in the most prosperous shape. The
Indians were contented and trading was going on. Two
hours after he left Tampa Bay the mail arrived with the
news of the letter of Mr. Poinsett, in which he declared the

BILLY BOWLEGS.

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. 1 37
treaty was only temporary and not intended to be perma
nent. The Indians received the news almost as soon as it
reached Tampa Bay, and swift runners had communicated
it through the country. It reached Coloosahatchie while
Col. Harney was there, but he knowing nothing of it, Billy
Bowlegs, a chief who afterward obtained much celebrity,
and in after years took the remnant of his race to the Ar
kansas reservation, came aboard the boat, and told Harney
that the chiefs wanted to see him before he left. He asked
Billy Bowlegs what they wanted, being unsuspicious of what
had occurred at Washington. He concluded to stop off,
had his tent pitched on shore, and spent the night. The
uext morning, July 22, 1839, he took the boat down to the
mouth of the Coloosahatchie River and went hunting. He
returned in the evening about nine o'clock to the trading
house. He was very much exhausted, and took off his
'joat and boots. His intention was to rest a while and then
j^jt up to see how the sergeant in command had posted
the sentinels. Unfortunately, he fell asleep — such a sleep
as is superinduced by fatigue. About daylight he was
aroused by the firing of guns and the yelling of Indians.
He ran to the front of his tent and heard voices exclaiming,
"Run to the water." He found some of his men had taken
to the water to try to protect themselves and were standing
there in the river up to their necks. The Colonel started
back to get his boots and coat and hat, but changed his
mind and started to the water to die with his men. He got
to the edge of the water and stopped to look. He saw that
none of his men had arms, and concluded he could be of
no use to them. He decided at once to save himself, and
ran down the river about a quarter of a mile, bringing all
of the resources of his mind rapidly to plan an escape.
He walked into the river and down a few paces. He then
walked out backwards and up the bank, so as to deceive
the Indians by the tracks into the belief that two men had
gone into the river and been drowned. In the meantime a

138 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
part of the dragoons had escaped into a trading boat which
was lying at the post. The men in the river had been
decoyed out by the Indians, under promise of being un
harmed, and were all massacred. Billy Bowlegs was par
ticularly friendly with Sergeant Biglow, in command,
and upon Billy's assurance he surrendered, only to be mur
dered. As Harney disappeared in the underbrush of the shore,
he heard the baffled yell of the Indians as they entered his
tent. They had stopped to plunder in the quarters of the
men and delayed sufficiently for him to get a start. On
reaching the point where he entered the water, they con
cluded that he and a companion had drowned themselves
rather than be killed by them. A negro who was with
them and who was friendly, but who was yet more attached
to Harney than to them, also did what he could to mislead
them and so give him valuable time. With all the Indians'
confidence in his power, and respect for his soldierly quali
ties, there was mingled, too, a superstitious fear that made
them wary and increased his chances for escape. One of
his men, who had noticed his stratagem while hidden in the .
palmetto thicket on the shore, soon joined him in his pain
ful and perilous march. His objective point was a lumber
pile, fifteen miles away from camp, much of the distance
over mangrove roots that made the walk distressing. In the
operations of the four preceding days the lumber pile had
borne some part. To reach this point (that might already
be in the hands of the Indians), required, on his part, all
the address and endurance that were possessed by his sav
age foe. He had to make experimental trips to the water,
to learn his location; and, if he met any Indians, his safety
depended on seeing them first. He had not proceeded far
till he thought he discovered an Indian, and, being un
armed, he drew his pocket knife and prepared to make the
best defense he could. He did not forget, however, to
make the sign of the cross and say his prayers, as is the

SECOND FLORIDA WAR.

139

usual habit of soldiers when in imminent peril. The sup
posed Indian turned out to be one of his own dragoons
named Britton. Thus reinforced with Britton, they pro
ceeded cautiously. They aimed to reach the lumber pile.
The walking was very bad over mangrove roots and sour
grass, which cut and lacerated his unprotected feet. Brit
ton gave the Colonel his shoes to wear. They cautiously
reconnoitered as they proceeded. Having no hat, and the
sun coming down vertically on them. Colonel Harney cut
grass and turf, with which he protected himself from its
rays. He also blacked himself with the charred wood left
by fires in the forest, so as to look as much as possible like-
an Indian. Their route two or three times brought them
to the shore of the river. The third time Britton, who was
reconnoitering, heard a voice on the river. They prepared
themselves to make the best fight they could. Harney
cautioned Britton that their safety depended on their seeing
the Indians first. He sent Britton down the shore, while
he went above to look for the enemy. In a few moments
after they separated Britton reported the Indians were
coming. He had seen a canoe with some one in it.
"Britton, can you fight?" said Harney. " I will die with
the Colonel," replied Britton. Colonel Harney said there
were two Indians, and cautioned Britton not to let an In
dian get behind him, and he could kill one of them at
once, and then be ready for the other. After the arrange
ments for the fight were made, Harney asked Britton
where the Indians were. He replied that " they were under
that wild fig tree," pointing at the same time to it. Har
ney started to the fig tree and told Britton to keep a sharp
lookout. On arriving at the tree he planted one foot
firmly on the ground and the other on the shell-bank, for
the purpose of making a leap and an attack on the Indians.
On rising up he saw the canoe that Britton had seen, but
no Indians were there. It was his own canoe. In it, if not
disturbed, he knew there was a harpoon, which he used in

140 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
his fishing expeditions. He found it safe, and expressed
his gratification by a loud yell, which reverberated through
the forests of Florida. He was again a Christian warrior^
with a canoe beneath his feet, and a trusty though some
what peculiar weapon in his hand, and he could yet exer
cise the prerogatives of commander — the succor of fugi
tives and attention to his dead. Instructing Britton in pad
dling the canoe, the two paddled on until they overtook a
boat load of their own men, and then Colonel Harney
announced his intention of going back to see what had
become of his force, that very night, even if he had to go
alone. The men, though badly demoralized, volunteered
to go with him, though he would not order them to do so.
The night was a bright moonlight one ; the worst possible
for his purpose. His whole force consisted of seven men,
with insufficient arms; yet he made the reconnoissance
with five men and two guns, and collected and counted the
dead for the purpose of gaining tidings of the living. He
looked in the faces of the men and found them all but five.
Goaded by the ghastly sight around him, and a soldierly
desire to avenge his comrades at once, he was anxious to
make an attack upon the Indians that night in their camp.
Colonel Harney relied upon a surprise, and the fact that
two barrels of whisky, that they had found in the sutler's
stores, had probably placed most of them in a position that
would keep them out of a fight. There were but five men
in the party, as two of the seven had been left in the rear
with the other boat, and these five men were too much
unnerved to be willing to take the hazard. It is possible
that the measure of the courage of these men was in truth
the measure of safety. Colonel Harney's solicitude for his
men who were yet living led him to shout and invite them
to him. Two of them, he afterwards learned, heard him
but were fearful that it was an Indian ruse to draw them
from their hiding places. The sad party then left ; one
party was sent back .to Tampa Bay with the painful intel-

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. I4I
ligence, and the Colonel went to Cape Florida, his head
quarters. Three Englishmen, who belonged to the United States
forces, were in a manner responsible for the trouble, in that
they fomented the suspicions of the Indians and precipi
tated the outbreak. They afterwards paid the penalty
which an act of treachery always brings down upon its
perpetrators. The Indians were always distrustful of them,
and at last killed them as an act of self-defense.
Colonel Harney was yet painfully ignorant of the cause
of the out-break, where all had seemed so happy and satis
factory, when the mail packet arrived at Cape Florida with
letters and papers, and the famous letter of Poinsett, Secre
tary of War, for whose lack of moral courage and double-
dealing, brave men in the front had been sacrificed.
Colonel Harney went to Washington determined to sift
the matter to the bottom. He saw General Macomb, who
asserted that he acted under a carte blanche from Poinsett,
and yet he was unwilling to prefer charges that would lead
to a thorough investigation.
The news of the attack upon Colooshatchie and the
massacre, spread rapidly over Florida, both among the
Indians and whites, and produced a profound sensation. It
led to immediate hostilities of the most bloody character.
The distrust engendered by the violation of the treaty by
Mr. Poinsett, before it was violated by the Indians, made it
almost impossible to expect a reconciliation. What com
fort the Secretary of War, and the Florida politicians, may
have found to reconcile their consciences after their med
dlesome folly had produced such bloody and terrible
results, we cannot tell, but of one thing the country was
assured, and that was that the bad faith of the Government,^
through its culpable minister, again produced a state of war
much worse than had existed before, and led to a new ex
pedient, no less than the adoption of the use of blood
hounds in hunting the wild Indians in their fastnesses.

142 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
which was adopted, and withou^; success, in October fpllow-
ing, an expedient which covered the administration of Mr.
Van Buren with ridicule, and, with other follies of his ad
ministration, defeated him for re-election to the Presidency.
It is a noteworthy fact, however, that the hounds were
more human than the Secretary of War. They would not
bite and ferociously destroy a human, but when overtaken
would run against the fugitive and push him down and if
he would lie still he would not be hurt.
The cotemporary newspapers were loud in their denuncia
tion of the conduct of the war, and although the respon
sibility lay entirely with the faithless or incompetent Secre
tary at Washington, he was still retained in the cabinet,
without inquiry or investigation of his conduct.
We quote from Mr. Drake's book again :
At length, on the 17th of May, the General got a num
ber of chiefs together, from the southern part of the pen
insula, by the negotiation of Colonel Harney, and an ami
cable arrangement was made, by which they were to remain
in the country for the present, or until they could be as
sured of the prosperous condition of their friends who had
emigrated. The General then left Florida.
On the 23d, Colonel Harney was attacked on the Coloo
shatchie or Synebal River, and had 13 out of 18 of his men
killed. The Colonel had gone to this place to establish a
trading house, agreeably to the treaty made at Fort King
between some of the Seminoles and General Macomb,
before spoken of. Thus that treaty (which was only ver
bal) was either made on the part of the Indians to deceive
the General, or some Indians made it without any authority
from their nation ; the latter was doubtless the fact.
When the news of Colonel Harney's surprise reached
Fort Mellon, on the 31st, some 50 Indians, who had come
into that neighborhood, were alarmed for their safety, and
fled ; but soon after, about 45 of them came in to talk with
Lieutenant Hanson, and were surrounded and taken ; two
men, in attempting to escape, were shot down and killed.
About this time, as a company of soldiers were building a

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. I43
bridge in Middle Florida, about two miles from a post on
the Suwanee, they were surprised by the Indians, and six of
their number killed.
Early in October, it was announced that 7,000 regular
troops were to be sent to Florida, and that General Taylor
had been authorized to send to Cuba for a large number of
bloodhounds, to enable them to scent out the Indians.
When it was known throughout the country that dogs were
to be employed against them, there was a general burst of
indignation ; but though it is a fact that the dogs were pro
cured and brought to Florida, with Spaniards to direct
them, yet we believe they entirely failed in the experiment ;
there being but here and there a solitary instance of their
performing the service for which they were intended. If
the originators of this dog-scheme had in view the destruc
tion of the Indians in the manner they were destroyed by
the followers of Columbus, they deserve not the rights of
humanity, but should rather be hunted out of society by
beasts as savage as themselves, if such could be found.
How much was affected by the hounds, it is difficult to tell,
for long before their arrival in the country, the editors of
papers in that region had probably concluded upon what
course they would pursue, when official accounts from dogs
should be offered for publication ; but occasionally a reck
less fellow dropped a paragraph like the following : " The
Cuba dogs have proved quite beneficial. They caught five
Indians the other day, in Middle Florida, handsomely." In
March, (1840,) "Colonel Twiggs made a fifteen days' scout
up the St. John's River with the bloodhounds. On his
return, it was stated that they were found to be perfectly use
less ; all attempts to induce them to take the trail of the
Indians proving unsuccessful. These and other trials are
evidences sufficient to put an end to all further anxiety on
the part of the Northern sentimentalists." From such state
ments we are left to make up such accounts as we may, of
what was affected by the bloodhounds.
In November, 1839, Colonel Harney was granted a sick
leave of absence, which he availed himself of to go to Cuba
and recruit his health. He returned to his command May
23, 1840. The season was too far advanced for active

144 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
operations in the field. The Indians continued to be hos
tile and commit depredations. The campaign of 1839 had
few results. The dogs were a failure, and the war was a
series of petty scenes of bloodshed perpetrated on both
sides. In December, 1840, Colonel Harney was ordered to
attack the Spanish Indians, of whom Chaikika was chief, in
the everglades. We quote from Mr. Drake's book again :
Early in December, Colonel Harney, as much now the
terror of the Seminoles as Colonel Church was to the Wam-
panoags, or Daniel Boone to the Kikapoos, undertook an
expedition into the everglades. These much heard of and
little known retreats extend over perhaps 100 square miles.
They are an expanse of shoal water, varying in depth from
one to five feet, dotted with innumerable low and flat
islands, generally covered with trees or shrubs. Much of
the water is shaded by an almost impenetrable saw-grass,
as high as a rnan's head, but the little channels in every
direction are free from it. It had been long supposed, that
upon the islands in some part of this district the Indians
had their head-quarters, from whence they issued upon
their destructive expeditions. This suspicion amounted to
a certainty a little before this, from the testimony of a
negro named John, who had escaped from a clan in that
region and come in at Cape Florida. He had been with
the Indians since 1835, at which time he was captured by
them from Dr. Grew. Therefore it was determined by
Colonel Harney to take John as a guide, and endeavor to
strike an effectual blow upon them in their own fastness.
Accordingly, with 90 men in boats, he set out to traverse
that monotonous world, the everglades. John faithfully
performed his promise, and led the armament directly to
the island where the Indians were, which was at once sur
rounded, and 38 prisoners taken and 2 killed. It proved to
be the band of Chai-ki-ka, as "noted a rogue" as Tatoson
of old. He it was, it is said, who led the party that de
stroyed Indian Key, and traitorously massacred Colonel
Harney's men at the Synebal. As direct evidence of the
fact, upwards of 2,000 dollars' worth of goods taken from
Dr. Perrin's settlement were identified, and 13 Colt's rifles
lost at the Synebal were found ; therefore, as an offset to

SECOND FLORIDA WAR. I45
those affairs, nine of the " warriors " were forthwith execut
ed by hanging, and the tenth was preserved for a future
guide. When Colonel Harney came upon Chaikika's band, the
chief was at a short distance from his people, chopping
wood, and on discovering that the foe was upon them, fled
with all his might for the high grass. Several soldiers
started in pursuit, but he outran them all except a private
named Hall, [the same man that shot the Indian woman be
longing to Sam Jones' band]. When he found he could not
escape from him, and being unarmed, he faced about, and
with a smile of submission on his face, threw up his arms,
in token of surrender. This availed him nothing. Hall
leveled his rifle, which sent a bullet through his skull into
his brains, and he fell lifeless into the water but a little
distance from the shore of the island ! How like the fall
of the great Wampanoag chief! Colonel Harney had one
man killed and five wounded, of whom negro John, the
pilot, was one.
There was great rejoicing at the success of Colonel Har
ney all over Florida ; and although his summary vengeance
upon some of the prisoners called forth imprecations from
many, those were drowned by the general burst of appro
bation ; but this was damped in some degree by the loss
of a very valuable and meritorious officer, who died imme
diately after the expedition returned from the everglades.
This was Captain W. B. Davidson, who died at Indian Key
on the 24th of the same month, from disease engendered
while upon that service.
On taking leave of Colonel Twiggs, as he departed for his
expedition against Chaikika, Harney promised he would
return with the scalp of that piratical savage. The steamer
which carried the expedition to Cape Florida broke a shaft
near the mouth of New Smyrna river, and while the Col
onel was waiting for another vessel he procured from the
skipper of a fishing smack a coil of new rope.
The expedition had set out from Cape Florida, and had
canoes for no more than eighty-eight men ; of these fifty
were dragoons and thirty-eight artillery. The attack was

146 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
made after a perilous and laborious march through mud
and swamps and rain. The Indians were surprised in their
last fastness, and the result was the summary execution of
some of Chaikika's warriors with the rope purchased from
the skipper of the fishing smack. This result broke the
back-bone of the Seminole resistance, and the hostile chiefs
soon sued for peace upon the terms they had so often re
fused. With the killing of Chaikika, and many of his men,
and the consequent destruction of his band of desperate
Spanish Indians, virtually ended the Indian troubles in
Florida. Colonel Harney had been in the active service for three
years, and his vigilance, industry and superior ability, and
experience to circumvent the tricks of the Indians, and
defeat and disperse them in their own fastnesses, proved
him to be, without doubt, the most efficient officer in the
Florida war, and the one who did more than any other
man to bring that long and vexatious trouble to an end.
" The war with the Seminoles in Florida," says a histo
rian of that war, " was certainly the most unsatisfactory and
least glorious one in which our country has ever been
engaged. Millions of dollars were expended upon it with
out any apparent result. The ablest Generals of the coun
try, those who had won laurels from Wellington's veterans
many years before, and have since overthrown army after
army in Mexico, were baffled and enervated ; the Govern
ment was disgraced at home and abroad ; and a handful of
roving, plundering savages rendered one of the finest por
tions of our country almost uninhabitable, and its name a
fell word of terror which even now frequently lingers on
the ear, as a remembrance of some dream.
" The leader of the Indians, Osceola, notwithstanding his
being compared with the unfortunate hero of Mount Hope,
was a kind of political Wigfall, and despised by many of the
savages themselves. Most of his followers were like him
self, and almost all the bands who were active in their out-

SECOND FLORIDA WAR.

147

rages upon the whites were composed of Indians and run
away negroes.
" There is, however, reason to believe that the Florida
war was hastened, perhaps actually caused, by the impru
dence of the whites themselves. Individual license com
mitted in direct opposition to the will of the Government,
and without its knowledge, led to acts of retahation. These
in turn were revenged, until parties assumed an attitude to
which the only alternative was war."
Without regard to the question of official rank, when
Colonel Harney got the scalp of the great Chaikika, he
also won for himself the crowning honors of bringing the
Florida war to a close. His services from the time he first
reported for duty in Florida, were, beyond question, more
efficient than those of any other officer in the field, and
his whole labors were governed by the single purpose that
a trouble existed in Florida that must be terminated, and
to that end he constantly addressed himself, until that end
was achieved, and the national authority acknowledged
throughout the peninsula, and the security of life and the
undisturbed pursuits of industry and education regarded
and protected. For these beneficent ends belongs more
honor to Colonel Harney than to any other man, and for
his services thus rendered will history make a grateful
record, and the patriotic people will speak his praise along
the pathway of the future.
The great soldier, like the great statesman, makes the
occasions and the events with which he is connected, great^
and such has been the character of General Harney. Upon
nearly every event of his life he has impressed greatness ;
demonstrated the great soldier and the determined man ;
in the camp the conspicuous and noted hero.
During the terrible and perilous trials incident to military
duty in Florida, Colonel Harney was compelled to make
two trips to Cuba for his health. The first time, in 1840,
a tendency to pulmonary consumption, with a threatening

148 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
of his life, led to a hasty visit to Havana, as a refuge from
exposure and a shield of his life. On leaving for Cuba,
although alarmed at his own condition, he wrote his wife
in a manner to disabuse her mind of danger, but she,
though far away, prompted by the tender sympathies of a
devoted woman, suspecting the letter to be written in dis
guise, at once packed her trunks and took her children and
left for Cuba, where she knew danger was crouching around
her distant and exposed husband. She made the trip and
found Colonel Harney at the capital of the Island. A brief
stay and his health was restored, and he again repaired to
the field of active duty, and his family returned home.
In March, 1841, Colonel Harney was again absent on
leave until December, 1842.

CHAPTER VIL
THE MEXICAN WAR.
\-p/EXAS, a province of Mexico, had received large ac-
I cessions of population from American settlers. This
immigration had been induced by large and liberal
grants of lands, and from other causes. Not the least
among these causes was the fact that being a foreign coun
try, many fugitives from justice from the States availed
themselves of it as an asylum where processes of courts
could not reach, and many debtors, in desperate circum
stances, forced by the hard times, had also sought a chance
to make a new start in life, secure from the importunities
of creditors. The settlers were a hardy and enterprising
race, impatient of restraint, but preserving the peculiar
characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon-American, they main
tained, in a rough and summary manner, order and the
substance of justice, too often without the forms. The
population was sparse, and scattered over a large extent of
territory. They recognized themselves as a part of the
United States of Mexico, and were loyal in their allegiance
to the authority of the government of their adoption.
In 1835, by a revolution, General Santa Anna became
President, and by a pronunciamento changed the form of
the government, so as to consolidate it by changing its
federal character and destroying the sovereign rights of the
States. The States of Texas and Tamaulipas protested
against the usurpation as a violation of the Constitution,
and the result was their rebellion and ultimate independ
ence, which was accomphshed and acknowledged after the
battle of San Jacinto, April 21, 1836.
During the revolution large bodies of volunteers from the
° 149

150 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
United States went to the assistance of the struggling
Texans. In 1837, the Republic of Texas expressed a wish
for annexation to the United States, but the latter rejected
the proposal. Another effort was made during the Presi
dency of John Tyler, but was not consummated. The
scheme of annexation was, however, persisted in, and be
coming more popular with the people, was finally accom
plished and ratified by the United States Senate, on certain
conditions, March ist, 1845. The Mexican Minister at
Washington, acting under instructions from his govern
ment, exerted all his power and influence to prevent the
annexation. He protested most solemnly against it as an
" act of aggression, the most unjust that can be found in
the annals of modern history, namely, that of despoiling a
friendly nation, like Mexico, of a considerable portion of
her territory." The Minister applied for his passports and
returned home.
The annexation had been rather precipitated by the
apprehension at Washington, that the Texans, too weak
to sustain themselves against Mexico, and being largely an
English-speaking people, would place themselves under the
protection of Great Britain, and become a part of that
powerful Empire. President Monroe had, in 1821, an
nounced the doctrine, called since by his name, which has
been religiously enforced, " that no foreign power, with the
consent of the United States, will be permitted to plant or
establish any new colony or dominion on the North Ameri
can continent." The acquisition of Texas by Great Britain
would probably involve us in a war with that power, while
on the other hand annexation threatened war with Mexico.
The project of annexation to Great Britain had many in
fluential advocates among the Texans, among others the
most popular and ablest of their Generals and statesmen,
the ex-President, Houston. General Houston had com
manded the Texan army, and defeated Santa Anna at San
Jacinto. He was unwilling for his State to knock importu-

HOUSTON AT SAN JACINTO.

THE MEXICAN WAR. I53
nately at the door of the American Congress for admission
into the family of the Union, and was favorable to the
British alliance.
General Houston was a Tennessean, and a representative
man of the early Texas patriots. His career had been
marked by many adventures. Distinguished for his ability
in his native State, he had won both civic and military
laurels. All his prospects for political preferment he had
suddenly abandoned at an early day, when he disappeared
from his former haunts to re-appear after years as the
patriot leader of the Texans in their revolution. His wis
dom and sagacity were eminent qualifications for his high
position, while his eccentricities and peculiar habits well
befitted him for the leader of the hardy, rough, and primi
tive people who were settled in Texas.
Upon the return of the Mexican minister to his own
country, all official intercourse between the two countries
was closed, and the popular indignation was so great that
President Herrera, who favored an adjustment with the
United States by treaty, was deposed or compelled to re
sign, and General Paredes elected to succeed him. Presi
dent Polk sent a special envoy to the Republic of Mexico
in the person of Mr. Slidell, but General Paredes refused to
assent to negotiations. On the 1st of March, 1845, the
Mexican Government refused formally to recognize Mr.
Slidell, and the American minister returned home. In the
meantime President Polk determined to send an armed
force into Texas, and the American squadron took a con
venient position in the Gulf of Mexico. He announced in
his message of December, 1845, that "the moment the
terms of annexation offered by the United States were
accepted by Texas, the latter became so far a part of our
country as to make it our duty to afford protection and
defense against menaced attack." The army and navy
were rapidly concentrated and in position, but were spe
cially instructed "to commit no act of hostihty against

154 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Mexico, unless she declared war or was herself the aggres
sor by striking the first blow." General Zachary Taylor
had been ordered to take command of the corps of obser
vation, and concentrate at a convenient point on the
Western frontier, at or near the Rio Grande del Norte.
His instructions were to confine his operations to the de
fense of the border, unless Mexico should first declare war
against the United States.
Lieutenant Colonel Harney reported from his leave of
absence to his command (the Second Dragoons), then
under Colonel David E. Twiggs, and serving in Texas.
This was in October, 1845. In August previous. General
Taylor, with all his forces, concentrated at Corpus Christi,
where he remained until the lith day of March, 1846, at
which time he pushed forward to the Rio Grande.
While General Taylor was at Corpus Christi, Lieutenant
Colonel Harney, with six companies of dragoons, was sta
tioned at San Antonio. While in this duty he heard the
Mexicans were assembling on the Rio Grande, west of San
Antonio. He determined to push forward, for the pur
poses of reconnoissance and the protection of the frontier,
and before the arrival of General Wool he collected a
force of seven hundred men. Making hastily his prepara
tions, his officers called his attention to the want of artil
lery, and suggested he should send to Victoria for two
pieces of cannon. This would delay the expedition and
involve the loss of valuable time. Colonel Harney inquired
if the Mexicans had any artillery, and upon being told
they had field pieces and ordnance of excellent character,
replied : " Well, then, we will go and take them ; they will
suit me exactly." With his command he pushed forward
to the Rio Grande, which he reached some two hundred
miles above the mouth of that stream. Keeping his troops
in about fifteen miles of the Rio Grande, he sent out scouts,
who soon reported the enemy in large force. He took
with him fifteen picked men and made a reconnoissance

THE MEXICAN WAR. I 55
himself. He found the Mexican troops gone, whereupon
he crossed the Rio Grande and advanced to the town of
Presidio, where the Alcalde waited on him and placed the
town and its inhabitants under his protection. He pre
served discipline and guarded the town in the most careful
manner. From here he determined to move upon Monte
rey, and called a council of his officers. They all opposed
the project, and he was forced to abandon his purpose.
But the news of the crossing of the Rio Grande reached
San Antonio, and quite a number of Texans, some of whom
had seen service in the war of 1836, organized a volunteer
force to reinforce and support him. They, however, could
not reach him till he had fallen back into Texas. While
at Presidio, he collected supplies, which he left under guard
of sixty men, who, shortly after his departure, became
panic-stricken, burnt the stores and retreated after him.
General Wool, in the meantime, had reached San Anto
nio and assumed command of the military district.
He sent a positive and imperative order to Lieuten
ant Colonel Harney to return, but before the order was
dispatched Colonel Harney was already on his way from
Presidio to San Antonio. The order was followed by
another one, ordering Colonel Harney in arrest and placing
Major Bell in command of the troops. On reaching San
Antonio, Lieutenant Colonel Harney reported to General
Wool. He refused to shake hands with that officer, and
demanded to know the occasion of his arrest, and what
charges were lodged against him. General Wool replied,
that he ordered him in arrest because he feared he would
disobey the order to return, and that the people of San
Antonio had assured him Colonel Harney would not return
under the orders. Colonel Harney rejoined, with a
reproach to the General for paying attention to the idle gos
sip and talk of the people, and proceeding to such a grave
extremity as placing an officer in arrest upon such trivial
cause.

IS6 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
At the Arroyo Colorado, General Taylor was met by a
party of Mexican stragglers, who showed a disposition to
oppose his crossing, but they soon fled and dispersed. On
the 24th of March the American General occupied and
took possession of Point Isabel. The Mexican people
displayed a sullen and inhospitable disposition not to be
mistaken, and a deputation met General Taylor, who pro
tested against his march with threats of war if still per
sisted in. They went so far as to set fire to some buildings
at Point Isabel, which was promptly extinguished by Col
onel Twiggs' command. Leaving a garrison of four hundred
and fifty men and ten pieces of artillery at this point, under
command of Major John Monroe, well supplied with stores
and ammunition. General Taylor continued to move for
ward, and on the 28th occupied a point on the Rio
Grande opposite Matamoras. Here General Taylor sent
Brigadier General Worth with despatches to the Me.xican
authorities. A Mexican delegation refused to receive them
and denied General Worth an interview with the American
Consul at that city. This sullen and defiant behavior boded
ill prospect of peace, and it behooved General Taylor to
make his best disposition for war, and he immediately com
menced the fortifications which were afterwards called Fort
Brown. The works progressed rapidly, more than a thou
sand men being at work night and day. Another untoward
event exasperated the American troops, and produced a
profound sensation throughout the United States. Colonel
Truman Cross, an American officer of high rank and rep
utation, was murdered by a party of Me.xicans, under the
command of a Mexican officer named Falcon. He disap
peared on the tenth day of April, and eleven days after
wards his body was found some distance from the camp,
stripped and half eaten by vultures. It had been hoped
he was m.ade prisoner by the Mexicans, and was confined
in some prison. He had been, however, surprised while
riding out alone, by a band of marauders ; had been shot

THE MEXICAN WAR. I57
by Falcon and robbed. Previous to the murder of Colonel
Cross, General Ampudia had largely reinforced the gar
rison at Matamoras. The Mexican inhabitants were enthu
siastic, and bitterly vindictive against the Americans.
General Ampudia, whose reputation for villainy and cru
elty became so conspicuous subsequently, addressed a note
to General Taylor, requesting him to immediately break up
his camp on the Rio Grande, and fall back upon the Nueces.
He cautioned General Taylor if he insisted on remaining
on the south of Tamaulipas, the result would be that arms
and arms alone must decide the questions at issue.
General Ampudia said : " I advise you that we accept
the war which, with so much injustice on your part, you
provoke, and that on our part this war shall be conducted
conformably to the principles of the most civilized
nations, that is to say, the laws of war shall be the guide of
my operations, trusting that on your part the same will be
observed. " The Mexican government claimed that the
Nueces, and not the Rio Grande, was the border of Texas,
and that all that part west of the Nueces, formerly of the
State of Tamaulipas, and other States, was still Mexican
Territory. The inhabitants within this belt of land were
mainly of Mexican origin and in sympathy with the Mexi
can government. General Taylor replied, that his instruc
tions would not allow him to move back to the Nueces, and
expressed his regret that General Ampudia had offered
him only the alternative of war. He assured the Mexi
can commander, however, that he should by no means
avoid such an alternative, but would leave the responsibility
of its horrors and sufferings to those who rashly provoked it.
General Taylor, in spite of Ampudia's threat, continued
to press his fortifications to completion. He soon mounted
a battery of two eighteen-pounders, covering the city of
Matamoras, with which, if necessary, he could batter down
the place, and extended his field-works and armament, with
which, if properly defended, five hundred men could hold

158 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
it against five thousand Mexicans. .The Mexicans, in the
meantime, were not idle, and they entrenched themselves
for about two miles in front of the Americans, on the
opposite side of the river. Lieutenant Porter, an officer
who had been detailed with Lieutenant Dobbins' Third
Infantry on the duty of searching for the body of Colonel
Cross, was, on the 19th of April, and before the body was
found, attacked by some Mexican marauders, about eigh
teen miles above General Taylor's camp. The Americans
had been exposed to a heavy rain, and their powder was
wet. The party scattered in the thickets. News came on
the 24th that Porter and a private soldier had been killed.
This affair produced a profound sensation and greatly exas
perated the Americans. On the 17th day of April two
American schooners, bound for Matamoras, were warned
off the coast, and the mouth of the Rio Grande was declared
in a state of blockade.- General Ampudia addressed an
angry communication to General Taylor, in which he made
threats of serious result if the blockade was not raised.
General Taylor replied that the blockade had been ren
dered necessary by the action of the Mexican authorities.
The Mexicans began to address proclamations and appeals
to the soldiers of foreign birth in General Taylor's army,
asking them to abandon the American standard and become
peaceful Mexican citizens.
After the proclamation of blockade, parties of Mexicans
began to cross the Rio Grande above and below General
Taylor's entrenchments. This necessitated such disposi
tions as would provide against being surrounded and sur
prised. Captain Thornton was placed in command of a
reconnoitering party of dragoons. He had proceeded
about twenty-four miles, when he was ambushed by a party
of Mexicans concealed in a chaparral fence. After a
severe conflict, in which the Americans were at great dis
advantage, the whole party were forced to surrender on the
terms of being treated as prisoners of war. The terms

THE MEXICAN WAR. I 59
were observed, and this engagement was the virtual com
mencement of the war. The Mexicans were greatly elated
over their first success. They crossed the Rio Grande, and
invested the country between Fort Brown and Point Isabel,
threatening Taylor's communication. Captain Walker, a
noted Texas Ranger, in an attempt to open communica
tions with General Taylor, started from Point Isabel, with
about seventy-five men. He was defeated by a large body
of Mexicans, and driven back upon Major Monroe's forti
fications. This affair occurred on the 28th day of April.
Captain Walker succeeded, with six men, in opening
communications with General Taylor, at Fort Brown, and
as soon as that officer ascertained the enemy was threat
ening Point Isabel in force, he determined to march his
whole army to its relief Leaving Major Jacob Brown in
command of the fort, with six hundred men, he marched
on the first day of May. On the 3d of May a battery at
Matamoras opened fire on Fort Brown. It was answered
by the American batteries of eighteen-pounders.
On the second day the gallant commander of Fort Brown
was killed by a bombshell, and the command devolved on
Captain Hawkins, who made a gallant defense, being in
great peril, when on the 8th day of May, Taylor attacked
the Mexican army under General Arista, and on the day
following signally defeated them. The Mexicans threw
away their arms and fled in all directions. The result
of these two days' fights was, that the Mexicans fled
across the river. In these engagements Colonel Twiggs
commanded the left wing of the army, and only a por
tion of the second dragoons were engaged in it. The
remainder, under Lieutenant Colonel Harney, being, as
we have stated, under General Wool, at San An
tonio. It was only a few days until the American army was in
possession of Matamoras, and on the 30th of June, 1846,
Lieutenant Colonel Harney was promoted to the full rank

l60 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
of Colonel, in the place of Colonel Twiggs, promoted to the
rank of Brigadier.
Colonel Harney was ordered, after the occupation of
Matamoras by the Americans, to rejoin his regiment, to the
Colonelcy of which he soon succeeded. He, in company
with Brigadier General Shields, with an escort of only fifteen
men, set out to report to General Taylor at Matamoras.
The route was full of peril, and the escort so scanty
that it was a most hazardous undertaking, as they had to
pass through a country full of enemies. On their route
they had to march one day without fresh water, all the
pools and springs for thirty miles being salt or brackish,
and unfit to drink. On reaching Monterey, he was ordered
to report to General W. O. Butler. This placed him, very
much against his will, again under the command of General
Wool, from whom he had suffered the indignity of an arrest
at San Antonio. As neither General Taylor nor General
Butler had power to change his orders, he obeyed and
reported to General Wool beyond Saltillo. On reporting
to General Wool, he refused again to give him his hand.
General Wool sent Colonel Harney with his dragoons to
the front, at a place called Aqua Caliente. From this
place they made a reconnoissance to the front, in which
they failed to find the enemy. On returning to Aqua
Caliente, he took up his quarters in a church, the only
quarters they could find. Here he and his officers regaled
themselves, after their fatigue, with egg-nogs. In the midst
of the festivities, .a courier arrived with a dispatch from
General Wool, ordering his immediate return, as the enemy,
so the dispatch said, was advancing. Colonel Harney read
the dispatch to his officers, and knowing there was no
enemy, bivouacked for the night. On the following morn
ing he fell back upon the main body, and reported to Gen
eral Wool, who reproached him with his tardiness. Col
onel Harney explained that he knew there was no enemy,
and that General Wool's information was false. He said

-'ift-iwea bv J.C BiiUre.NV

<:r'^'

),jr..'ir iit,N ''iP I'i-Lt: i.' S.A

THE MEXICAN WAR. . l6l
to General Wool, " If you had inquired of me, I could have
told you, from my own knowledge, there was no enemy."
Colonel Harney was next ordered to report to General
Taylor, where he was assigned to duty with General Worth.

CHAPTER VIII.

SCOTT AND HARNEY.

^OLONEL BENTON, in an eulogy delivered in the
i United States Senate,, on the occasion of the announce-
^"^ ment of the death of General Andrew Jackson, dwells
particularly on the petty jealousies with which the military
service of the country was cursed during the Seminole and
war of 1812. He shows how difficult it was to get for the
best and greatest soldier of his time a command suitable
to his merits and ability, or to procure from the military
authorities at Washington a recognition of the merits and
eminent services of the conqueror of Florida and defender
of New Orleans ; and how it was only extorted after the
voice of the people of the nation, more just and discrimi
nating than the Government itself, had placed the patriot
soldier in civic and in military honors high above those who
sought to ignore and degrade him. It has been the ex
perience of every true soldier that the exigencies of the
service demand of him sometimes a patient endurance of
wrong from his superiors ; wrong for which there is no
remedy or compensation.
It was the fate of Colonel Harney at this time to suffer
at the hands of Major General Winfield Scott an injury
gratuitous and unjust, if not malicious, as well as capricious.
That General had, as soon as the brilliant victories of Gen
eral Taylor in 1846, had earned him a reputation and rank
among soldiers, ennobling as it was honorable, so planned
the war that it would look like he deliberately intended to
neutralize his great talents and skill and deprive his country
of his best services. General Scott determined to take the
163

SCOTT AND HARNEY. 163
field himself, and the command in person. He accordingly
went to the seat of war, and formed his plans for an advance
on the City of Mexico from Vera Cruz, but so planned his
campaign as to leave Taylor a most difficult and almost
impossible duty to perform, while he deprived him of the
means of maintaining himself, even on the defensive, at the
same time that his orders demanded of him to take the
field offensively.
A letter of Major General Taylor to Major General Scott,
dated at camp near Victoria, January 15, 1847, which suf
ficiently explains itself, and is, for the information of the
reader, inserted entire :
Head-quarters, Army of Occupation,
Ca^np near Victoria, Mexico, January 75, i8f.y.
Sir: In a communication addressed this day to your
staff-officer, I have replied to so much of your letter of the
6th instant, and its enclosures, as relates to points of detail;
but there are other and grave topics embraced in those
communications, to which I deem it my right and my duty
to reply directly.
The amount of force to be drawn from this frontier, and
the manner in which it is proposed to withdraw it, had
never fully come to my knowledge until yesterday, though
hinted at in your note of November 25. Had you. General,
relieved me at once of the whole command, and assigned
me to duty under your orders, or allowed me to retire from
the field, be assured that no complaint would have been
heard from me ; but while almost every man of my regular
force, and half the volunteers, (now in respectable disci
pline) are withdrawn for distant service, it seems that I am
expected, with less than a thousand regulars and a volun
teer force, partly of new levies, to hold a defensive line,
while a large army of more than twenty thousand men is in
my front.
I speak only of a defensive Hne ; for the idea of assuming
offensive operations in the direction of San Luis by March,
or even May, with such troops as can then be at my dispo
sition, is quite too preposterous to be entertained for a

164 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
moment After all that I have written to the department,
on the subject of such operations, I find it difficult to be
lieve that I am seriously expected to undertake them, with
the extraordinarily limited means at my disposal.
I cannot misunderstand the object of the arrangements
indicated in your letters. I feel that I have lost the confi
dence of the Government, or it would not have suffered me
to remain, up to this time, ignorant of its intentions, with
so vitally affecting interests committed to my charge But,
however much I may feel personally mortified and outraged
at the course pursued, unprecedented at least in our own
history, I will carry out in good faith, while I remain in
Mexico, the views of the Government, though I may be
sacrificed in the effort.
I deeply regret to find in your letters, of January 3d, to
Major General Butler and myself, an allusion to my posi
tion here, which I can but consider an insinuation that I
have put myself, willingly, out of the reach of your com
munications. I beg leave to remark, that the movement
of the troops in this direction, and my own march hither,
were undertaken for public reasons, freely set forth in my
reports to the Adjutant General, one of them being my
desire to place in position for embarkation to Vera Cruz,
should the Government order an expedition to that point,
the force (two thousand regulars and two thousand volun
teers) which I reported might be spared for that service.
I have the honor to be. General, your obedient servant,
Z. TAYLOR,
Major General United States Army, Commanding.
Major General Winfield Scott,
Commanding United States Army, Brassos Island, Tex,
Also, the reply of General Scott :
Head-quarters of the Army,
Brassos San lago, January 26, 18 4.^.
Sir: I have received your two letters of the 15th
instant. There are some expressions in those letters,
which, as I wish to forget them, I shall not specify or
recall. You intimate a preference for service in my particular

SCOTT AND HARNEY. 165
expedition, to remaining in your present position with
greatly reduced numbers. I can most truly respond, that
to take you with me, as second in command, would con
tribute greatly to my personal delight, and, I confidently
believe, to the success of that expedition. But I could not
propose it to you for two reasons, either of which was con
clusive with me at the moment: ist, I thought you would
be left in a higher and more responsible position where you
are ; and 2d, I knew that it was not contemplated by the
Government to supersede you in, or take you from that
immediate command.
If I had been within easy reach of you, at the time I
called for troops from your line of operations, I should,
as I had previously assured you, have consulted you fully
on all points, and, probably, might have modified my call,
both as to the number and description of the forces to be
taken from, or left with you. As it was, I had to act
promptly, and, to a considerable extent, in the dark. All
this, I think, will be appare.nt to you when you shall
review my letters.
I hope I have left, or shall leave you, including the new
volunteers who will soon be up, a competent force to
defend the head of your line (Monterey) and its communi
cations, with the depots in the neighborhood. To enable
¦^'ou to do this more certainly, I must ask you to abandon
Saltillo, and to make no detachments, except for reconnois
sances and immediate defence, much beyond Monterey. I
know this to be the wish of the Government, founded on
reasons in which I concur; among. them, that the enemy
intends to operate against small detachments and posts.
I fear that I may be delayed here, or at Tampico, in
embarking troops, till, perhaps, the lOth of next month,
and again, a few days more, at the general rendezvous
behind the island of Lobos, waiting for some of the volun
teer regiments for debarkation, ordnance, and ordnance
stores. Finding that Colonel Smith, with two companies of his
rifle regiment, are at Tampico, or in its neighborhood, I
shall take with me his seven companies, now near the
mouth of the Rio Grande, and, perhaps. Colonel Curtis'
regiment of Ohio volunteers, detained at Matamoras. My

l66 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
uncertainty in respect to the latter, refers to the number of
new regiments of volunteers 'that may arrive in time, off
this bar, for my expedition. I shall not take with me Cap
tain Hunter's company of the 2d dragoons, as it is dis
mounted. There will, however, be horses for it here, in per
haps a week. I shall leave instructions for him, when
mounted, to ascend the river to Camargo, to meet your
orders. No guard will be left by me at the mouth of the
Rio Grande. I give you this information that you may
place a detachment there at your own discretion.
I remain, sir, with great respect, your most obedient ser
vant.
WINFIELD SCOTT.
The conduct of the commander-in-chief towards Colonel
Harney was not less unjust, but of a most flagrant charac
ter, and we desire to trace this piece of petty persecution
to its origin, and then to give the details, which will enable
the reader to follow it to its ultimate result, and the final
vindication of the gallant soldier before the Government
and the country, as also the rebuke delivered by Secretary
Marcy to the commander-in-chief, for which the Secretary
deserves the lasting gratitude of all who are engaged in the
military service of their country.
Colonel Harney had grown up under the shadows of the
Hermitage. His father had been the neighbor and friend
of General Jackson, and young Harney, when only a
Second Lieutenant, had served with distinction on his per
sonal staff as aide-de-camp at the time Florida was being
ceded by Spain to the United States. He enjoyed the
confidence and esteem of General Jackson, who never gave
his confidence lightly, and never wavered in his friendship
for any one who once gained it.
General Scott had not been a friend of General Jackson,
and their differences had at one time led to a challenge
from General Jackson, which placed Scott in no enviable
light, for he declined to fight, on the ground that "the
service of the country could not spare either of them."

SCOTT AND HARNEY. 167
Jackson had reached the Presidency by the spontaneous
will of the people. Scott w^s ambitious to reach it, and
hoped the campaign in Mexico would place him in reach
of the goal of his ambition. He had always been envious
of Jackson, and was then fearful that Taylor's well-earned
laurels would raise up another rival. He even began to
perceive the shadows of the events that did place the hero
of Palo Alto and Buena Vista in the chair of Washington.
The ridicule he incurred by his " hasty plate of soup "
letter, had made him sensitive as well as envious, for he
was so impatient of ridicule that it has been said of him
that he was indifferent as to his reputation as a soldier, but
fearful of all criticism of his literary talents.
While he was quietly, as far as he could, avenging him
self on his immediate rival. General Taylor, he took occa
sion to visit on Colonel Harney, as the friend of General
Jackson, that personal vengeance he had feared to attempt
upon his great and devoted friend and patron. Jackson
had been in a position to challenge him to a fair fight, a
fight he knew meant death, and his declining it had expos
ed him to ridicule and contempt, which he had sought to
wipe away by afterwards sending a challenge to DeWitt
Clinton, a gentleman not in the military service, and whose
principles and education condemned duelling.
His attack upon Colonel Harney took the shape of de
priving him of the command of the Second Dragoons, and
placing that regiment in the command of Major Sumner,
his inferior officer. This extraordinary and tyrannical
measure occurred just at the moment the campaign was
opening, and the extraordinary reason is given that " Major
Sumner, of the Second Dragoons," was "a much safer and
more efficient commander than Colonel Harney of the
Second." He adds, " That particular command is entirely
too important to the success of my expedition to allow me
to leave anything to hazard which it is in my power to con
trol in advance."

l68, LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
The following order was issued on the 22d day of Janu
ary, 1847:
Headquarters of the Army,
Brassos Santiago, January 22, 184.1.
Sir : Major-General Scott desires me to say, that upon
the receipt of this communication, you will turn over your
command to the next senior officer, and proceed yourself,
personally, to Major-General Taylor's head-quarters, to
whom you will report for duty with the dragoons that re
main under his command.
I am, very respectfully, &c., &c.,
H. L. SCOTT,
A. A. A. General.
Colonel W. S. Harney,
2d Dragoons, &c., Matamoras.
To which Colonel Harney replied :
Head-quarters, 2d Dragoons,
Matamoras, Mexico, January 2j, 184^.
Sir : Your letter of the 22d instant, directing me to turn
over my command and to report, personally, to the head
quarters of Major-General Taylor for duty, with the com
panies of my regiment there, has just been received.
I cannot disguise my surprise at the unexpected nature
of this order, and my extreme regret that it should have
been given just at the moment when my feelings were
deeply enlisted in the success of an enterprise, in which
I had fully hoped to share the dangers and privations of
my regiment. It was my ill fortune to be separated from
that portion of the regiment which participated in the
recent actions with the enemy, and I looked forward with
much pleasure and great pride to the time when I should
see active service Under the orders of Major-General Scott.
I shall not speak of the injustice which I consider to be
done in separating me from seven companies of my regi
ment, and ordering me on duty with the remaining two.
The bare mention of the fact, is the only allusion which I
design to make on the present occasion, but it is proper to
mention that those two companies, by a letter which I re
ceived yesterday from General Worth, are expected here

SCOTT AND HARNEY. 1 69
in seven or ten days, and that I was instructed to unite
them with that portion of the regiment now here.
This fact, I must believe, escaped the attention of the
commanding General, when your letter was written, and I
now hope that he will take it into full consideration, and
reverse the painful order which I have just received.
If other motives, to which I dare not allude, influenced
General Scott in this decision, I have but to remark that it
is natural that he should select those officers from whom he
might expect a hearty co-operation ; but that to accomplish
this I do not believe he would do an act of injustice, and if
my recent conduct can be taken as an earnest of my
endeavors to further his views to the fullest extent, that I
can appeal to it with the greatest confidence.
I have turned over my command, and should it not be
deemed expedient to change the order under consideration,
I have to request that I may be informed at what point I
may find the head-quarters of Major-General Taylor.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. S. HARNEY,
Colonel 2d Dragoons.
Lieut. H. L. Scott,
A. A. A. G. Head-quarters of the Army.
General Scott, by his Adjutant General, replied as fol
lows : Head-quarters of the Army,
Brassos Santiago, January 24, 1847.
• Sir : Your communication of the 23d instant, relative
to your command, was this morning received, through
Brevet Brigadier General Worth, and I am directed by
Major-General Scott to reply as follows :
When he made his arrangements, which now cannot be
changed, to give Major Sumner the command of the regu
lar cavalry called for by him (Major-General Scott) from
the army under the immediate command of Major-General
Taylor, he (Major-General Scott) expected the detachments
would be made up, in nearly equal parts, from the ist and
2d dragoons.
Besides the squadron of the 2d, with Major-General
Taylor, who, probably, will be back at Monterey to-day or

170 life of general HARNEY.
to-morrow. Captain Hunter's company of the same regi
ment is to be soon mounted, and to return to the orders
of General Taylor. That general, it is presumed, (though
Major-General Scott has not given, and does not expect to
give any order on the subject,) may, probably, unite the
two companies of the 1st, with the three of the 2d, all of
which which will be under his command, and, also, a sixth
company, (2d dragoons,) soon expected out under Lieuten
ant Sibley.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
H. L. SCOTT.
A. A. A. G.
To Colonel W. S. Harney,
2d Dragoons.
Upon the receipt of this last letter General Harney, who
had turned over his command to Major Sumner, immedi
ately resumed command and addressed General Scott the
following :
Matamoras, Mexico, January 25, 184^.
Sir: Your communication of the 24th instant was re
ceived last night, and I hasten to return a reply.
In my letter of the 23d I endeavored to explain my posi
tion, and to disabuse the mind of Major General-Scott, in
relation to any preconceived views he may have formed to
my prejudice. It was humiliating to do so, but I deemed
it my duty, in the present state of affairs, to make any rea
sonable sacrifice to preserve harmony, and to enable me t.o
accompany this portion of my regiment into the field.
Your reply has disappointed me ; if not a revocation of
your order, I at least expected that some good and suffi
cient reason would be given for depriving me of my regi
ment, or that reparation would be made to me for it in
another quarter; with this view I relinquished my com
mand. By your letter referred to, you have not only de
prived me of my regiment, but you have placed my junior,
the Major of my own regiment, in command of it ; and the
imaginary command, to which you have been pleased to
allude, I consider as entirely inadequate to the one you
would force me to relinquish, even should it ever be brought
into existence. If General Scott does not deem me capable

SCOTT AND HARNEY. I7I
of discharging my appropriate duties, he may arrest, but
he shall not unresistingly degrade me. It is painful to be
driven to this alternative. I have endeavored to avoid the
issue; it has been forced on me, and I must abide the
judgment of my peers. As long as I am a Colonel, I shall
claim the command of my regiment : it is a right which I
hold by my commission and the laws of the land, and no
authority short of the President of the United States can
legally deprive me of it. In adopting this course, I feel
that I am not only defending my own, but the rights of
every officer of the army. It is true, another course is open
to me, but it is well known by your presence with the army
that an important expedition against the enemy is at hand,
and my desire to participate in it will not allow me to await
redress by an appeal to higher authority. It is in full view
of all the consequences in which I may be involved, that I
have taken this step. I do it with no desire to show a spirit
of insubordination, but because I believe my honor and my
character as a soldier involved in the issue. I have no
hope that anything I may say will alter your determina
tion : to discuss the subject further would be useless, and I
have only to add, that I have assumed the command of my
regiment, and will accompany it to the mouth of the river.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Colonel 2d Dragoons.
Major General Winfield Scott,
Commander-in-Chief U. S. Army.
Charges were preferred by General Worth, and Colonel
Harney was placed in arrest and a court-martial ordered :
Charges and specifications preferred against Colonel W. S.
Harney, of the 2d regimetit of dragoons.
CHARGE.
Disobedience of orders and insubordinate conduct.
Specification ist. In this, that Colonel W. S. Harney, 2d
regiment of dragoons, having been instructed by Major
General Scott, commanding the army, in an official com-

172 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
munication bearing date Brassos Santiago, 22d January,
1847, "to relinquish the command of that portiQn of his,
the said Colonel Harney's regiment, which had reached
Matamoras, and then to repair to the head-quarters of, and
personally to report to, Major General Taylor," did fail to
set out as instructed as aforesaid.
Specification 2d. In this, that the said Colonel W. S.
Harney, 2d regiment of dragoons, did, after having relin
quished the command of the troops aforesaid, as instructed
as aforesaid, resume the command of the same ; and that,
after receiving the reiterated orders of Major General Scott,
dated Brassos Santiago, January 24, 1847, S-^^d in defiance
of such repeated orders.
This, near Matamoras, Mexico, on or about the 25th
January, 1847.
Testimony. — Written instructions of General Scott, dated
22d and 24th January, 1847. Colonel Harney's letters in
acknowledgment and reply, dated January 23d, and January
25th, 1847. By order of General Worth :
J. C. PEMBERTON,
First Lieutenant, A. A. A. General.
Head-quarters of the Army,
Brassos, Santiago, January 28, 1847.
Sir: Major-General Scott has just received a charge,
with two specifications against you, signed by order of
Brigadier General Worth ; a copy of which I herewith
enclose. Considering your well known and long continued per
sonal hostility to Major-General Scott, and that it may,
however erroneously, be supposed that a reciprocal feeling
has been generated on his part ; and considering the per
fect confidence that all may entertain in the honor and
impartiality of our officers generally and almost universally,
I am instructed by Major General Scott to say, you may, if
done promptly, select yourself, from the officers near at
hand, any seven, nine, eleven, or thirteen, to compose the
court for your trial on that charge and its specifications, and
that he, Major-General Scott, will immediately order them
to assemble accordingly.

SCOTT AND HARNEY. 173
As the troops in this neighborhood will be required to
commence embarking, on arrival of the transports, now
hourly expected for them, a list of the officers to compose
the court, signed by your hand, is expected by the return
of the bearer, and that he will be instructed to wait for
such list two hours only.
I enclose, to facilitate your action, a list of the officers
for court-martial duty at camp Palo Alto, from whom you
are at liberty to select, as well as from the officers of the
2d dragoons, regiment of mounted riflemen, and infantry,
at the mouth of the Rio Grande.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
H. L. SCOTT,
A. A. A. General.
To which Colonel Harney replied :
Camp Page, Texas,
January 28, 184^.
Sir: I feel deeply indebted to Major-General Scott, for
his magnanimity in allowing me to select the members of
my court, but there are many reasons why I should decline
this privilege. It is sufficient that I regard the charge on
which I am to be tried as involving a general principle,
which shall not 'be decided by a court of my friends, or
persons from whom I should look for favor, but by impartial
judges who are to render judgment in a case where the
rights of all are concerned. Wholly concurring in the
views entertained by Major General Scott, "in the honor
of our officers generally and almost universally," I leave
with him the entire selection of the court, requesting to be
excluded the first and third officers named on the list which
you enclosed. In regard to the feelings of personal hos
tility alluded to by Major General Scott, I am not aware
that any act of mine can indicate such a feeling towards
General Scott, so clearly as his own attempt to remove me
from my proper command will evince in the estimation of
all- , ,-
I am sir very respectfully, your obedient servant,
1 am, sir, y f WILLIAM S. HARNEY,
Colonel 2d Dragoons.
Lieutenant H. L. Scott, A. D. C.

174 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
A court-martial, of which Colonel Clarke was Judge Ad
vocate, was convened. The Court made the following find
ing, which was published in General Orders :
Head-quarters of the Army,
Brassos Santiago, February 2, 184'/.
I. At a general court martial convened at or near the
mouth of the Rio Grande, pursuant to general orders No.
5, of the 28th ult., and of which Colonel N. S. Clarke, 6th
Infantry, is president, was tried Colonel W. S. Harney, 2d
regiment of dragoons, on the following charge and specifi
cations :
Charge. — Disobedience of orders and insubordinate con
duct. Specification first. In this, that Colonel W. S. Harney,
2d regiment of dragoons, having been instructed by Major
General Winfield Scott, commanding the army, in an official
communication bearing date Brassos Santiago, 22d Jan
uary, 1847, to relinquish the command of that portion of
his (the said Colonel Harney's) regiment which had reach
ed MatamOras, and then to repair to the head-quarters of,
and personally report to. Major General Taylor, did fail to
set out as instructed as aforesaid.
Specification Second. In this, that the said Colonel W.
S. Harney, 2d regiment of dragoons, did, after having
relinquished the command of the troops aforesaid, as in
structed as aforesaid, resume the command of the same,
and that, after receiving the reiterated orders of Major
General Scott, dated Brassos Santiago, January 24, 1847,
and in defiance of such repeated orders. This near Mata
moras, Mexico, on or about the 25th of January, 1847.
To which the accused pleaded as follows :
To the first specification, " Guilty."
To the second specification, " Guilty."
To the charge, " Guilty, except the words ' and insubor
dinate conduct.' "
The court, after deliberation on the testimony adduced,
find the accused. Colonel W. S. Harney, 2d dragoons, as
follows :
Of the first specification, confirm his plea, guilty.
Of the second specification, confirm his plea, guilty.

SCOTT AND HARNEY. 1 75
Of the charge, confirm his plea, guilty of disobedience
of orders, not guilty of insubordinate conduct.
Sentence. — And the court do, therefore, sentence the said
Colonel W. S. Harney, 2d regiment of dragoons, " to be
reprimanded in general orders. "
" The court, in awarding this mild sentence, is moved by
the belief that the accused has acted under the impression
that he could not legally be ordered, against his consent,
to separate himself from the principal portion of his regi
ment ; and while he has, in the belief of the court, been
influenced by a laudable desire to lead his regiment into
battle, he has overlooked the paramount importance, espe
cially with an army in the field, of an immediate and an
unhesitating obedience to orders."
2. The general-in-chief approves the sentence in this
case, which he remits.
3. The general court martial, of which Colonel Clarke is
president, is dissolved.
4. Colonel Harney, therefore, is released from arrest, and
will proceed to execute the instructions which he received
from the general-in-chief on the 24th ultimo.
By command of Major General Scott.
H. L. SCOTT,
A. A. A. G.
The papers and documents were transmitted to the Sec
retary of War, who rebuked the commander-in-chief in
the following letter:
War Department,
Washington, February 2p, 184^.
Sir : I have received your letter of the 28th ultimo, (No.
8,) with the enclosures, numbered from i to 6, inclusive, in
relation to the arrest of Colonel W. S. Harney. These
papers have been submitted to the President, and I am
directed by him to say that he regrets the occurrence.
Recognizing, as he does to the fullest extent, your rights
as commanding general in the field, and disposed to sus
tain you in the ample exercise of them, he is not at hberty,
as commander-in-chief, to overlook the consideration that
the officers under you have their rights, which it is equally
his duty to sustain.

176 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
In the case as you have presented it, he does not dis
cover a sufficient cause for the order depriving Colonel
Harney of the command which appropriately belonged to
him, and devolving it upon his inferior in rank. Without
intending to approve of the conduct of Colonel Harney in
disobeying your orders, the President deems it proper to
apprise you of his opinion that Colonel Harney had good
cause to complain of that order, as derogatory to his rights,
and he hopes that the matter has been reconsidered by
you, and that the Colonel has been restored to his appro
priate command.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. L. MARCY,
Secretary of War.
Major General Winfield Scott,
Commanding the Army of the U. S. in Mexico.
On the 24th day of February, 1847, General Scott wrote
to the Secretary of War, covering nine closely printed
pages of executive document number 59, first session of
30th Congress. It was full of complaints and absurdities,
containing a poetic quotation or two, and indicated a
cacoethes scribendi fit on him. This letter deserves to be
analyzed, as an instance of how childish a great soldier
can become, when he gives way to a pedantic vanity for
writing, and combines it with an unreined political ambi
tion, unworthy his great office. In regard to his com
plaints as to the case of Colonel Harney, in which the very
sentence of the whole court martial, his own remission of
the sentence, and his restoration of Colonel Harney to his
command, which he had compelled him to turn over to an
officer junior in rank, junior in years, and of less experi
ence and distinguished service, had of itself condemned
him and vindicated Colonel Harney.
The extract from the Secretary's reply is a fine speci
men of irony and sarcasm, but never transcends or sinkn
below the dignity and decorum of official intercourse
between a Cabinet Minister and an officer of the State. It

SCOTT AND HARNEY.

177

is found in executive document 59, ist session 30th Con
gress, pages 16 and 17:
No man has more reason than yourself to rejoice that no
order emanated from Washington, though requested by
you, which would have further impaired the efficiency of
General Taylor's command in the crisis that then awaited
him. My letter of the 22d of February, conveying the Presi
dent's views in regard to your order depriving Colonel
Harney of his appropriate command, is severely arraigned
by you as offensive, both in manner and matter.
The facts in relation to this case of alleged grievance are
now before the public, and a brief allusion to them will
place the transaction in its true light. Under your orders
Colonel Harney had brought seven companies of his regi
ment, the 2d Dragoons, from Monterey to the Brassos, to
be under your immediate command; and two others, being
all of the regiment in Mexico, were expected to follow
within a few days. In the midst of his high hopes and
ardent desires for active service, you took from him the com
mand of his own regiment, devolved it on one of his junior
officers, and ordered him back to General Taylor's line, to
look for what was not inappropriately denominated "an
imaginary command." Outraged in his feelings and injured
in his rights, he respectfully remonstrated ; his appeal to
your sense of justice was unavailing. Neither to this gal
lant officer, nor to the President, did you assign any suffi
cient or even plausible reason for this extraordinary pro
ceeding. The whole army, I believe, and the whole coun
try, where the transaction became known, entertained but
one opinion on the subject, and that was, that you had
inflicted an injury and an outrage upon a brave and meri
torious officer. This interposition you have made a grave
matter of accusation against the head of the War Depart
ment, and have characterized it as a censure and a rebuke.
It may imply both, and still, being merited, may leave you
without a pretense for complaint. The President, after
alluding to his duty to sustain the rights of the officers
Under your command, as well as your own rights, informed
you that he did not discover in the case, as you had pre-
13

178 life of GENERAL HARNEY.
sented it, sufficient cause for such an order ; thai, in his
opinion. Colonel Harney had a just cause to complain, and
that he hoped the matter had been reconsidered by you,
and the Colonel restored to his appropriate command.
Your own subsequent course in this case demonstrates the
unreasonableness of your complaint, and vindicates the
correctness of the President's proceedings. You had
really rebuked and censured your own conduct, for even
before you had received the President's views, you had, as
he hoped you would, reconsidered the matter, become con
vinced of your error, reversed your own order, and restored
Colonel Harney to his command ; thus giving the strongest
evidence in favor of the propriety and correctness of all
the President had done in the case. I give you too much
credit for steadiness of purpose, to suspect that you retraced
your steps from mere caprice, or for any other cause than
a conviction that you had fallen into error. After the
matter had thus terminated, it appears unaccountable to me
that you, who above all others should wish it to pass into
oblivion, have again called attention to it by making it an
item in your arraignment of the War Department.
You struggle in vain to vindicate your course in this
case, by referring to your own acts in the campaign of
1 8 14. You then sent away, as you allege, against their
wishes, "three senior field officers, of as many regiments,
who were infirm, uninstructed, and inefficient, in favor of
three juniors, and with the subsequent approbation of
Major General Brown and the head of the War Depart
ment." This precedent does not, in my judgment, change
the aspect of the present case. Colonel Harney was not
"infirm, uninstructed, and inefficient; " you did not assign,
and in deference to the known opinion of the army and
country, you did not venture to assign that reason for
deposing him. I do not understand the force of your logi
cal deduction, that, because you, on a former occasion, had
deprived officers under you of their commands, for good
and sufficient reasons, with subsequent approval, you may
now, and at any time, do the same thing, without any rea
son whatever ; and if the President interposes to correct
the procedure, you have a just cause to complain of an
indignity, and a right to arraign the War Department.

SCOTT AND HARNEY.

179

As your animadversion upon the tone of my letter is,
probably, not a blow aimed at a much more conspicuous
object, to be reached through me, I ought, perhaps, to pass
it without notice. On revision of that letter, I cannot per
ceive that it is not entirely respectful in inanner and lan
guage. The views of the President are therein confidently
expressed, because they were confidently entertained. It
seems to be admitted by you that, " if dictated to the
greenest general of the recent appointments," the letter
would not have been exceptionable. I was not aware that
it was my duty to modify and graduate my style, so as
to meet, according to your fastidious views, the various
degrees of greenness and ripeness of the generals, to
whom I am required to convey the orders of the President ;
and for any such defect in my official communications, I
have no apology to offer.
The same letter from Secretary Marcy calls attention to
the illiberal and unjust manner in which the commander-in-
chief had treated General Taylor, whom he had gotten to
regard, and very justly, as a rival candidate for the Presi
dency. Not that Taylor was a demagogue and looking
beyond his duty as a soldier to his country, but that the
people had already, in their own minds, determined to call
him to that high office.
The hostility of General Scott to Harney manifested
itself at a very early period, and when the latter was only
a Lieutenant, stationed with his company at Bellefontaine,
Mo. This hostility doubtless grew out of the following
incident :
While in the first Florida war. Lieutenant Harney was
assigned to duty for a short time as aide-de-camp to Gen
eral Gaines. During his service in this capacity, a warm
attachment was formed between the Lieutenant and the
General. Not long afterwards, a new commander-in-chief
of the army was to be appointed in place of Macomb.
Generals Gaines and Scott were the two formidable aspi
rants for the place. The officers of the army freely dis
cussed the merits of the two Generals, and each determined

l80 life of GENERAL HARNEY.
upon his preference. Before the appointment was made,
Harney and Worth, who were stopping at the same hotel
in New York City, met one day on the steps of the hotel,
and entered into conversation upon the subject of the rela
tive merits of Scott and Gaines for the office of comman
der-in-chief of the army. Worth advocated the claims of
Scott, while Harney was the warm friend of Gaines. They
both grew warm in the discussion, and General Worth
turned directly to Lieutenant Harney and said, " By g — d,
sir, I hope General Scott will succeed." Whereupon Har
ney, in great heat, and with his face in close proximity to
the face of Worth, said with great emphasis, " By g — d,
sir, I hope General Gaines will succeed."
Scott succeeded to the command of the army, and
whether General Worth told Scott of Lieutenant Harney's
greater admiration of General Gaines, is not known, but on
meeting at Bellefontaine Scott issued an order that was
unjust to Harney, and to which the Lieutenant positively
objected. Members of Scott's staff, however, endeavored
to explain to Harney that, while the order was a mistake,
it was general in its character, and did not apply personally
to him, but to all the officers.
This explanation served as a partial reconciliation of
Lieutenant Harney, but subsequent events seem to afford
evidence that there was engendered in Scott a hostility to
Harney, which now and then, in after years, manifested
itself in official relations between these two distinguished
men. Scott hated Jackson, while Harney was the pet and
friend of Old Hickory. Harney affiliated with the Dem
ocratic party when he stepped outside of military duty,
which he rarely did; Scott was a Whig, and was zealous
in the promotion of the principles of that party.

CHAPTER IX,

MEXICAN WAR CONTINUED.

/T^FTER being court martialed and restored to his
H^ proper command. Colonel Harney marched with
parts of the first and second dragoons and reported
to General Twiggs for active duty in the field. The order
restoring him to his command is dated February 3, 1847,
and is as follows :
Lieutenant H. L. Scott, A. A. A. General, to Brigadier
General W. J. Worth : Head-quarters of the Army,
Brassos Santiago, February, j, 184^.
Sir : I enclose, herewith, a letter for Colonel Wm. S.
Harney, 2d dragoons, and I am instructed by the general-
in-chief to say, that you will, upon assigning Colonel Har
ney to the command of the dragoons, disassociate the
cavalry and rifles, and say, " Major Sumner will continue in
the command of the rifles until the regiment shall be
united under its colonel. "
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient
servant, H. L. SCOTT,
A. A. A. General.
The troops embarked on transports at the mouth of the
Rio Grande River, and proceeded to the island of Lobos,
where they joined the other fleet of transports, carrying
the main body of General Scott's army, who had rendez
voused there.
On their way the transport Yazoo was stranded at San
Lizardo, with Colonel Harney and one troop of cavalry on
board. It resulted in the loss of ten horses, but no men.
Among the horses on board were those belonging to Col-
° 181

182

LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.

onel Harney. One of them, Buncombe, his favorite horse
for hard service, was in the sea twenty-four hours, and
finally got safely ashore.

A MEXICAN FANDANGO.

On the morning of the 7th of March, 1847, General Scott
reconnoitered the city of Vera Cruz, for the purpose of

THE MEXICAN WAR. 1 83
finding a convenient spot for landing his army. Vera Cruz
is the seaport for the City of Mexico. It is situated on the
Gulf of Mexico, on the mainland on the eastern shore, and
in latitude 20 deg. south, and about 190 deg. west longitude
from Washington. The city is well fortified, and protected
by the castle of San Juan d'Ulloa, a strong fortification
situated on an island just off the coast. The harbor or
roadstead is subject to extreme north winds, and is a peril
ous place for shipping at best. There is also on the south
western extremity of the city, at the mouth of a small
stream, another small fortification known as Fort Santiago.
The Island of Sacrificios lies southwest of the castle, and
in the channel between San Juan d'Ulloa and the main
land. There was not anchorage for such a large fleet, and
the troops were on the morning of the 9th removed to the
ships-of-war. Near Sacrificios the landing was effected.
The enemy, not anticipating a landing at that point, had
not made proper dispositions to prevent it. Two steamers
and four gunboats covered the landing, and five thousand
five hundred men were embarked in surf-boats, which
safely reached the shore. They planted the American
standard on the soil of the Aztecs, and in full view of the
city. The first division of troops landed a little before
sunset, the two other divisions followed after night-fall. It
was here that over three hundred years before, Hernando
Cortez had landed with his adventurous Spaniards. There
was no blood spilled and no casualities to mention in
effecting this landing. It was in itself a masterpiece in its
design and in its execution. Although the landing was not
opposed by any troops, yet the guns from the castle and
the city poured into the American troops constant broad
sides of shot and shell. The city was soon invested, so
complete and perfect was General Scott's information of
the topography that he had already given orders for each
corps and regiment and assigned each one its duty. By
the 1 2th of March the city was in a state of siege. The

1,84 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
troops had, with great labor, transported their stores and
supplies through the chaparral and sand without the aid of
carts and wagons, horses and mules, which had not yet
been landed. There were occasional skirmishes with the
enemy while these dispositions were being made. The
lines were five miles in length. It was not until the
17th that ten mortars and four twenty-four-pound guns
were landed, and on the night of the 1 8th the trenches
were opened and the engineers, with sappers and miners,
began the approaches to the city. On the 22d, the ten-
inch mortars being in battery, the American General sum
moned the city to surrender. The Governor, construing
the summons to mean the surrender of the castlCj as well as
the city, refused. On the return of the flag of truce, the
mortar battery opened fire on the city. Other heavy ord
nance having arrived on the 24th, the fire was very active
on the 25th. The scene in the night was terrifically grand,
as the castle returned the fire of the besiegers. On the even
ing of the 25th, the Consuls of the foreign powers residing
at Vera Cruz sent a meinorial to General Scott for a flag
of truce to enable them to retire from the city with the
women and children. General Scott replied that a truce
could only be granted on application of General Morales,
the Governor, with a view to surrender, and that he had
previously offered safeguards to the foreign Consuls, which
they had refused to take advantage of.
It was plain to the besieged that the city must surrender
or be destroyed. Accordingly, General Landero, in com
mand of the city, made overtures of surrender. General
Scott had, in the meantime, made arrangements to carry
the city by assault Upon receiving the Mexican flag of
truce, Generals Worth and Pillow and Colonel Totten
were sent to meet the Mexican commissioners. The arti
cles of capitulation were signed on the night of the 27th,
and on the 29th the American flag floated over both castle
and city after a siege of only fifteen days. Five thousand

THE MEXICAN WAR. I85
prisoners were paroled, and five hundred pieces of artillery,
with munitions, arms and stores were the fruits of this vic
tory. General Worth was placed in command of Vera
Cruz, and the commander-in-chief prepared to march upon
the capital.
Pending the siege the troops in the trenches were par
tially supplied with provisions from the country in the rear.
There were some French gardeners on the Madellin River,
some nine miles south-west of Vera Cruz. A strong de
tachment of Mexican troops took position at a bridge and
intercepted the supplies which the people were willing to
sell the American troops. General Harney was, as we have
said, in command of a portion of the 1st and 2nd Dragoons
belonging to Twiggs' division. After much solicitation, and
after a delegation of French citizens had stated they could
supply the army with vegetables so much needed to pre
vent scurvy, which had already begun to appear, General
Scott ordered Colonel Harney to make a reconnoissance in
force, and to ascertain the strength and position of the
enemy on the Madellin. He was ordered only to recon
noiter, and by no means to engage them. The Colonel
performed his duty so well that in reconnoitering he pro
voked them to fire on him, whereupon he fell back ; upon
which the Mexicans sallied out and began to press the
American Dragoons, when Colonel Harney ordered up his
reserves, turned on them, and defeated and dislodged them.
The defeat of the Mexicans at Madellin, and the con
sequent occupation of the country, hastened the fall of
Vera Cruz, for it cut off the supplies of the beleaguered
enemy. We ought to state that upon reporting to General Scott
after this action. Colonel Harney frankly told the General :
" I have violated your orders, attacked the enemy and
driven them to Madellin. " General Scott said : " Why did
you violate orders ? " Colonel Harney replied : " General,
I have done exactly what you would have done under the

1 86 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
circumstances ; I believe Vera Cruz gets all her supplies
from these gardens through Spanish vessels." General
Scott repHed : " Well, Colonel, we will let it pass."
His frankness had saved him from the consequences of
his soldierly impulsiveness. Although he was successful in
his attack upon the enemy, it was no excuse for disobeying
orders, for which, under the articles of war, he could have
been court martialed and shot.
We will let Colonel Harney tell this in the language of
his own report made at the time. It is dated March 26,
1847:
Head-quarters Second Regiment Dragoons,
Camp Washington, March 26, 1847.
Sir : I have the honor to inform you that, in obedience
to the orders of Major-General Scott, I proceeded yester
day with Captain Thornton's squadron of Dragoons, under
the immediate command of Major Sumner, and fifty dis
mounted men under Captain Ker, toward the Madellin
River, it being reported that a considerable mounted force
was in that direction, and in our neighborhood. I moved
without opposition until I came near the stone bridge of
the Morena, which is skirted by a dense chaparral, and
which I determined to reconnoitre before advancing any
farther, as I had learned that it was fortified, and guarded
by 2,000 men and two pieces of artillery, and small parties
of lancers were seen near the thicket on my approach.
The enemy was prepared, and when I came within sixty
yards of the bridge he opened a heavy fire on my dis-
rnounted skirmishers, and notwithstanding the utmost pre
caution, one corporal was killed and two men severely
wounded. Seeing the bridge was fortified, and the enemy
in force to dispute the passage, I fell back, and sent a
request for two pieces of cannon, with the aid of which I
felt convinced I could drive him from the bridge, and put
him to rout. In the meantime Captain Hardee, who was
engaged in disembarking his horses, hearing that I was
engaged with the enemy, collected all the footmen he had
on shore, and all he could find in camp, numbering more
than forty, and came to my assistance. I was also joined

the MEXICAN WAR. 1 87
by a company of the first Tennessee regiment, command
ed by Captain Cheatham, and part of four companies of the
second Tennessee regiment, under the orders of Colonel
Haskell. Soon after this. Lieutenant Judd, third artillery,
arrived with two pieces of artillery, and I immediately
made my disposition for attack. Captain Ker, with the
dismounted dragoons, was placed on the left of the road
leading to the bridge, the volunteers on the right, while
Captain Hardee, with Lieutenant Hill, was directed to keep
near the artillery to support it if necessary, and to be in
readiness to charge on the bridge. Major Sumner, with the
mounted men, was held in reserve. Lieutenant Judd was
directed to move down the road with caution, as it was
circuitous, and the bridge not visible until within fifty yards
of the fortification. He did so with great judgment ; but
he was no sooner seen than the whole fire of the Mexicans
was concentrated on his party. Hoping to divert their fire,
I ordered the volunteers to commence firing on the right,
and Captain Hardee to extend his men to the left and fire
also ; but Lieutenant Judd, nothing daunted, opened upon
the fortification, and after six or eight well directed rounds,
the heads of the enemy were no longer seen above the
parapet. At this moment I ordered a charge upon the
bridge; and the volunteers, headed by Colonel Haskell and
Captain Cheatham, and the dragoons under Captain Har
dee, rushed upon it with fearless intrepidity. The fortifica
tion opposed no obstacle. It was immediately leaped ; but
by this time the enemy had fallen back, and reformed
beyond the bridge. I then ordered the bridge cleared, and
sent for Major Sumner's command, which came up in gal
lant style, and charged upon the enemy. On his approach,
the footmen fled into the woods, but the lancers were met
and completely routed. Lieutenant Lowry and Lieutenant
Oakes, with three men, pursued a party of about thirty lan
cers, who turned off in a by-road, and all but five were
either sabred or dismounted. Major Sumner and Lieuten
ant Sibley, at the head of the first set of fours, had several
personal encounters with the enemy, who were, in every
instance, either killed or dismounted. The pursuit was con
tinued to the village of Madellin, six miles from the bridge,
fro n which another party of lancers were seen retreating,
and Lieutenant Neill, my adjutant, being in advance, pur-

1 88 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
sued them with three men. A party was sent to support
him ; but his horse being fleeter than the rest, he came
first upon the enemy, and two of them closing upon him, he
received two severe lance wounds in the breast and arm,
in consequence of which he fell from his horse, but not
until he had displayed uncommon gallantry in his defense.
Hearing this, and believing the enemy in force, I continued
the pursuit two miles further ; but night coming on, I was
reluctantly compelled to desist. I had Lieutenant Neill
brought to the village of Madellin, where I halted for three
hours, to refresh men and horses, and I then returned to
camp with my command, which I reached at three o'clock
in the morning. After my disposition had been made for
the attack, Major-General Patterson came up with Colonel
Campbell's regiment of first Tennessee volunteers. He did
not assume command, but rendered important aid by his
gallant bearing and demeanor. Colonel Campbell's regi
ment participated in the attack and assault ; and my thanks
are due to him. Also to Colonel Haskell and Captain
Cheatham, who evinced great zeal and gallantry. Colonel
Haskell was the first to leap the parapet. Lieutenant
Judd's position was perilous, and he exhibited rare judg
ment, coolness and intrepidity ; and the services of himself
and his subaltern, Lieutenent H. Brown, were of inestima
ble value.
The steadiness and gallantry displayed in the presence
of the enemy by officers and men, both of the regular
and volunteer service, merit my highest approbation. As
to rhy own regiment, it would be invidious to particularize
where all behaved so nobly. Especial thanks are due to
my staff. Lieutenant Lowry, Lieutenant Neill, and Doctor
Barnes, who were active and zealous in the discharge of
their respective duties. Neither can I omit to mention the
effective service rendered by Brevet-Major B. L. Beall and
Captain W. J. Hardee, of my regiment The former,
though confined to his bed by sickness, joined my com
mand on the first intimation of an engagement. The latter
mounted at the commencement of the pursuit, and joined
me as one of my staff. In. the day's action I lost two men
killed and nine wounded ; among them my guide, Thomas
Young, of Texas, who discharged his duty with fidelity and

THE MEXICAN WAR. 1 89
bravery. It is not ascertained precisely what number of
the enemy was killed ; but it is known that not less than
fifty fell in the attaick and subsequent pursuit.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. S. H.ARNEY,
Colonel 2d Dragoons, Commanding.
Lieutenant H. L. Scott, A. A. A. G.
Camp Washington, before Vera Cruz.
The affair at Madellin was not mentioned in the
report of the commanding General. Colonel Harney, some
months afterwards, addressed the following letter to the
Adjutant General : Pueblo, Mexico, August 6, 1847.
Sir : The affair at Madellin, in which the dragoons
under my command, aided by two pieces of artillery under
Lieutenant Judd, and several companies of volunteers,
attacked and routed a superior force strongly entrenched,
has never received, in my estimation, that consideration
which it merits. If I am correctly informed, no mention
was made of it in the report of the commanding general
detailing the operations around Vera Cruz. This omission
I believe to have been accidental, and can readily excuse,
in the magnitude of other matters in which the general-in-
chief felt a 'personal concern. J shall make no apology,
therefore, for bringing the subject again to his notice, as I
am convinced he will be happy to do full justice to the
officers and men who fought with me on that occasion.
Events are estimated by their relative importance. An
action which might be regarded as a brilliant achievement
in one age, or one campaign, would in another age and
under different circumstances be considered of minor
importance. This fact is illustrated in the present instance.
To those concerned, it is unfortunate that the fight at
Madellin should have occurred almost simultaneously with
the great victory of Buena Vista, and the unparalleled cap
ture of Vera Cruz and San Juan d'Ulloa. Into these great
events it has been merged, and has consequently received
but little notice. Had it taken place at the commence
ment of the war, immediately preceding the battle of Palo
Alto, for example, it would have been regarded as an

190 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
unprecedented achievement, and have been the occasion of
unbounded joy and enthusiasm; but, by its connection
with these great victories, it has been overshadowed and
forgotten. I do not wish to enlarge on my own services ; what I say
is not intended to glorify myself, but to do justice to my
regiment. Since the war commenced, the 2d regiment of
dragoons has been actively and laboriously engaged — some
portion of the regiment has been in every engagement with
the Mexicans, and the nature of our operations not being
favorable to cavalry service, the regiment has been com
pelled, in a measure, to do all the drudgery, without fully
participating in the glory of our achievements. The only
opportunities it has had for distinction, were at Resaca and
Madellin, and the latter the only place where our cavalry
has fairly met the cavalry of our enemy. My report shows
the result. The enemy were either dismounted, killed, or
dispersed, and I am happy to say that the occasion was
such as to exhibit some of the highest qualities of the
American soldier and officer. It is not my intention in this
place to recapitulate what I have said of that engagement
in my report, but merely to claim, as an act of justice, that
the officers who distinguished themselves on that occa
sion should be rewarded. In this sentiment I believe the
gcneral-in-chief will fully concur, and I therefore append
the names of the officers most distinguished for their gal
lantry and good conduct.
I am, sir, very respectfully,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Colonel 2d dragoons.
To Captain H. L. Scott, A. A. A. General.
List of the officers who distinguished themselves in the
fight at Madellin, March 26th, 1847, and whom I would
respectfully recommend for brevets ;
Major Sumner, 2d dragoons.
Captain Hardee, 2d dragoons.
Captain Sibley, 2d dragoons.
Lieutenant Judd, 3d artillery.
Lieutenant Niell, 2d dragoons.
Lieutenant Oakes, 2d dragoons.

THE MEXICAN WAR. I9I
While the army lay at Vera Cruz, Colonel Harney was
ordered to proceed with a strong force and attack a con
siderable body of Mexicans, which General Scott had
received information were concentrating. This duty was
promptly and ably performed, but the Mexicans managed
to elude him and retreat without an engagement. The
duties of dragoons and cavalry are always arduous in every
army, more especially in an enemy's country, where, upon
their vigilance and discipline depends the very existence
of the main body. They are constantly in the saddle, and
always on hard duty. Colonel Harney had his full share of
this hard service to perform during the siege of Vera Cruz.
In the meantime. General Taylor, on the same day of the
brilliant affair of Colonel Harney at the Madellin, had met
and signally defeated General Santa Anna at Buena Vista.

!%?

SGV jta^^9b J ' Vv:j .'—r

•^MAN

GENERAL TAYLOR AT BUENA VISTA.

CHAPTER X.
THE MEXICAN WAR CONTINUED.
y^HE BATTLE of Buena Vista had defeated but not
I subdued the spirit and energy of General Santa
Anna. Falling back with his scattered forces he soon
rallied his troops, reorganized his army, and seized the
important mountain passes, through which an invading
army must penetrate in marching from Vera Cruz upon the
City of Mexico. General Scott was not ignorant of the
activity of the Mexican General ; but he was delayed by ,
the non-arrival of his wagons and transportation, without
which he could carry neither stores, arms nor ammunition.
Sufficient of them had arrived by the 8th day of April to
justify him in pushing forward General Twiggs' division, in
which command was Colonel Harney's Dragoons, on the
Jalapa road. The other divisions soon followed, and at the
end of three days they were at the foot of the mountains,
and the snow-capped peaks of Orizava overlooked them. It
is on the ridges of this chain that the route lay to the City
of Mexico, and from their impregnable summits the Ameri
can army was observed by General Santa Anna with fifteen
thousand men, who stood on the defensive and were
strongly fortified at Cerro Gordo, which covered the Jalapa
road. The force under General Twiggs was three miles from
the Rio del Plan, on the national road. That road ran
between the river and a series of hills on the right, which
are the border of the table lands of the Cordilleras.
Various spurs of hills, with inaccessible sides, jut out from
the principal heights, while the thick briars and exuberant
vegetation of the ravine, following the course of the river
194 '

THE MEXICAN WAR.

195

formed an almost impassable barrier to an advance. Good
engineers in the Mexican army had done their best to
increase the difficulties of an attack on their chosen posi
tion. Santa Anna, filled with vanity, thought it an impreg
nable one, and believing that the attack would be made
along the line of the national road, was exulting in his
anticipated victory.
On the 1 2th of April, General Twiggs made a reconnois
sance of Cerro Gordo. Colonel Harney, having already
demonstrated his efficiency as a sagacious soldier on many
battle fields, was vigilant in making the reconnoissance.
His first effort was to examine the character of the ground
and determine upon an attack in front of the enemy's
batteries; this he soon learned to be impossible, and
reported that the trees and bushes had been cut down and
the stumps sharpened, and by this approach Cerro Gordo
could not be taken by the grand army of Napoleon. But
there was no time to be lost ; an attack was to be made at
once upon the enemy, and Colonel Harney let no opportu
nity escape to secure a full knowledge of the approaches to
the frowning cannon and defiant batteries and fortifications
that obstructed the pathway of the Americam army to the
city of the Montezumas. A knowledge of the topo
graphical character of the country surrounding the enemy's
works, was the important thing to be learned, thereby, if
possible, to find an easy pathway to victory. Colonel Har
ney's industry soon achieved this end ; he found an old
stage-driver — Jonathan Fitzwater — who had been in Mexico
for many years ; he was familiar with the topographical
character of the country between Vera Cruz and the City
of Mexico. Colonel Harney took Jonathan Fitzwater into
his counsel, and he suggested a pathway to victory through
the iron-clad gate of the enemy, but told the Colonel that
he could not go with mounted men. This, however, was
no drawback to the gallant officer who was eager for a
fight and victory. He assured Fitzwater that he was ready

\
196 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
to go with dismounted men, and climb the rocky steeps.
Colonel Harney soon made a reconnoissance of the route
suggested by Fitzwater, and decided at once that he, by
that approach, could take Cerro Gordo, and so reported to
General Twiggs, and insisted on making the attack the
next morning. General Twiggs consented to Colonel Har
ney's request, but concluded to wait until morning to issue
the necessary orders and then made still further delays.
Meantime the volunteers were constantly arriving, and
General Scott, with the main army, was not far distant.
Colonel Harney, with true professional pride, was eager to
make the attack and gain the position with the regulars
alone rather than divide the honor with the volunteers, and
chaffed under the delay. He felt that a victory that really
belonged to him by right -of discovery was to be divided
between him and the whole army.
When General Scott arrived he sent out his engineers,
with a corps of sappers and miners, and they reported as
their selection the very route that Colonel Harney had
before fixed upon. Robert E. Lee and G. T. Beaure
gard were the officers whose intelligence and engineering
skill vindicated Harney's original plan, and when the plan
of attack was detailed to him by the general-in-chief he
saw with gratification that his own judgment was endorsed
by men who arrived at the same conclusion from observa
tions independently made.
To General Pillow, commanding a column of volunteers,
was assigned the unfortunate duty of attacking between
the national road and the river, at the place Harney had
condemned, and it was here that our army suffered its
greatest loss. The repulse that Pillow met would have
been final were it not that the capture of Cerro Gordo cut
off that portion of the Mexican army from connection with
the rear, and General Jarero, without attempting further
resistance, surrendered his entire force.
General Scott, in the meantime, fully comprehending the

THE MEXICAN WAR. 197
magnitude of the engagement and the value of a certain
victory, selected Colonel Harney to lead, with his dragoons,
the most important line of attack, connected with the
assault and capture of Cerro Gordo. The result of the con
test fully demonstrated the wisdom of the general-in-chief
in making the selection he did.
General Scott ordered a road to be cut to the right of
the American army and to the left of Cerro Gordo, which
would enable them to wind around the base of the moun
tain and ascend the peaks in rear of the Mexican batterie.'j.
so as to reach the Jalapa road behind the Mexican posi
tion. The Mexicans, amused in their front, did > not dis
cover the advance by this route for three days, and the
road was nearly completed on the 17th, when the Mexicans
opened fire on the working parties. General Twiggs, with
his division, advanced, and Colonel Harney, with the rifle
regiment, the first artillery and part of his dragoons, drove
away the enemy and covered the heights between the road
and Cerro Gordo, on which, in the night, was placed a bat
tery of one 24-pounder and two 24-pound howitzers, under
a corps of the engineers and Lieutenant Wagner, of the
ordnance, and carried by storm the hill to the right of
Cerro Gordo, which protected the working parties.
On the 17th General Scott pubhshed his General Order
No. Ill, as follows:
Head-quarters of the Army,
Plan del Rio, April 17, 1847.
The enemy's whole line of intrenchments and batteries
will be attacked in front, and at the same time turned, early
in the day to-morrow — probably before ten o'clock, A. m.
The second (Twiggs') division of regulars is already ad
vanced within easy turning distance towards the enemy's
left. That division has instructions to move forward before
daylight to-morrow, and take up a position across the
national road in the enemy's rear, so as to cut off a retreat
towards Jalapa. It may be reinforced to-day, if unex
pectedly attacked in force, by regiments— one or two taken

198 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
from Shields' brigade of volunteers. If not, the two vol
unteer regiments will march for that purpose at daylight
to-morrow morning, under Brigadier-General Shields, .who
will report to Brigadier-General Twiggs, on getting up with
him, or the general-in-chief, if he be in advance.
The remaining regiment of that volunteer brigade will
receive instructions in the course of the day.
The first division of regulars (Worth's) will follow the
movement against the enemy's left at sunrise to-morrow
morning. As already arranged, Brigadier-General Pillow's brigade
will march at six o'clock to-morrow morning along the
route he has carefully reconnoitered, and stand ready as
soon as he hears the report of arms on our right, or sooner
if circumstances should favor him, to pierce the enemy's
line of batteries at such point — the nearer the river the
better — as he may select. Once in the rear of that line, he
will turn to the right or left, or both, and attack the bat
teries in reverse ; or, if abandoned, he will pursue the
enemy with vigor until further orders.
Wall's field battery and the cavalry will be held in re
verse on the national road, a little out of view and range of
the enemy's batteries. They will take up that position at
nine o'clock in the morning.
The enemy's batteries being carried or abandoned, all
our divisions and corps will pursue with vigor.
This pursuit may be continued many miles, until stopped
by darkness or fortified positions towards Jalapa. Conse
quently, the body of the army will not return to this en
campment, but be followed to-morrow afternoon, or early
the next morning, by the baggage trains of the several
corps. For this purpose, the feebler officers and men of
each corps will be left to guard its camp and effects, and to
load up the latter in the wagons of the corps. A com
mander of the present encampment will be designated in
the course of this day.
As soon as it shall be known that the enemy's works
have been carried, or that the general pursuit has been
commenced, one wagon for each regiment and one for the
cavalry will follow the movements, to receive, under the
directions of medical officers, the wounded and disabled

THE MEXICAN WAR.

199

who will be brought back to this place for treatment in gen
eral hospital.
The surgeon-general will organize this important service
and designate that hospital, as well as the medical officers
to be left at it.
Every man who marches out to attack or pursue the
enemy, will take the usual allowance of ammunition, and
subsistence for at least two days.
By command of Major-General Scott,
H. L. SCOTT, A. A. A. General.
At early dawn, General Twiggs was in motion, the artil
lery, masked by the brush from the batteries on the heights,
carried the day before, opening fire on the Mexican posi
tion. The hills and mountains reverberated with the bel
lowing of cannon. The enemy answered in the same thun
der tones, and as General Shields, with his division, pressed
forward to take possession of the Jalapa road, in the rear
of Cerro Gordo, Twiggs moved forward to his support,
but from Cerro Gordo there was opened a plunging fire on
Twiggs' division. The order was given to storm the bat
teries and works of Cerro Gordo. Colonel Harney was
charged with the execution of this perilous and important
duty. He led the regulars forward, covered by the Ameri
can batteries, till he reached the space between them and
Cerro Gordo, where they encountered the enemy's fire.
They climbed the rocky, steep ascent under a plunging fire
in their front and a rolling fire in flank. Colonel Harney,
full fifty yards in advance of his column, waved his sword
and shouted like the very God of War, and excited the
emulation of his troops to follow. The missiles of death
were decimating the ranks, but they did not falter. As
soon as a comrade fell they closed up with the steadiness
and accuracy of a holiday parade. They gained the hill
and gave one loud shout, for they carried the works, and
found the Mexican commander. General Vasquez, a corpse
in the fortress he so obstinately defended. The American

200 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
flag was raised over Cerro Gordo, and the Mexican colors
pulled down.
General Shields' division, in the meantime, moved upon
the Jalapa road, storming a fort in their front, which was
carried by their valor, but their brave General was shot
through the lungs. The road was taken, and General
Santa Anna, with eight thousand men, were fugitives, while
General La Vega and three other general officers, with
three thousand men, were prisoners.
The Americans were victorious at every point, except
with Pillow's division, which, recoiling under an enfilading
fire, was held at bay till the storming of Cerro Gordo and
the threatened capture of the Jalapa road put Santa Anna
to flight. The fugitive army was pursued with great
slaughter beyond Jalapa.
When the contest was ended and the flag of the Union
waved over the demolished fortifications of the vanquished
Mexicans, the general-in-chief, who was an eye-witness
to the charge of Colonel Harney, with due regard for the
valor and duty done by all the officers and soldiers, felt
that there was one chieftain, " a soldier of the legion," his
chosen champion, who had done more than his duty, and,
overflowing with joy, he rushed to Colonel Harney, and
with tears in his eyes, embraced him with affection as would
an illustrious sire embrace a victorious son at the Olympic
games. This great struggle, which made Colonel Harney illus
trious as a soldier, deserves more than a passing notice, for
it is not the soldier that makes a battle-field historic, but it
is the character of the fortifications or the battle-field, the
position it occupies, the results for weal or woe which
depend upon its capture, or its power to repel an invading
army or navy that makes officers and soldiers illustrious in
victory or defeat. And in every armed contest there are
some battles more conspicuous than others; battles that
give distinction to the contest, and make illustrious surviv-

COLONEL HARNEY AT CERRO GORDO.

THE MEXICAN WAR.

203

ing heroes ; such an one is the battle of Cerro Gordo, and as
such the historians of the two nations are permitted to
speak in reference to the immediate contest.
In his history of the Mexican war, Edward D. Mansfield
describes the battle of Cerro Gordo as follows (pages 191
to 194) :
All is ready. The night-watch is past. Twiggs' divi
sion, which has rested on its arms, is rousing itself at the
first light. The gallant artillerymen and engineers on the
hill cut away the light brush in front of their guns, and now
the heavy cannon begin their fire on the hill batteries
Their thunder tones are echoed from the mountain sides,-
and returned from the pieces of the enemy. The division
of Twiggs is marching. The volunteers of Shields are hur
rying on to seize the Jalapa road in rear of Santa Anna.
Cerro Gordo now opens its plunging fire on Twiggs, and
the issue has come. Cerro Gordo must be stormed. The
storm is led by the gallant Harney. They fight under the
eye of Scott. Here march the rifles, the 1st artillery, the
7th infantry ; and near them, and with them storming the
heights, are the 2d and the 3d infantry, and the 4th artil
lery. These are the regulars of Twiggs, and here they
march up the rocky ascent, sq steep that they must climb
as they go, and with no covering but the very steepness of
the hill. They receive a plunging fire in front and a roll
ing fire on the flanks — but on they go. On — on, Harney
leads his men. The front rank melts away before the shot;
but they stop not till the hill is gained, and then a long and
loud shout echoes from the mountain sides — Cerro Gordo
is gained ! Vasquez, the Mexican General, is killed in the
fortress. Now the flags of the 1st artillery and 7th infantry
are planted on the batteries, and now sergeant Henry hauls
down the national standard of Mexico. The Anglo-Amer
ican again unfurls the flag of his country, and again renews
the victories of Cortez. But where are the volunteers ?
Yet further to the right, and hastening to the Jalapa road,
they storm a fort in front — the heroic Shields is shot
through the lungs — but the fort is taken — the road is
gained — and the flying army of Santa Anna is pursued in
all directions.

204 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
On the river batteries in front, Pillow's attack is not
successful. The batteries enfilade our men, and after
bravely fighting, they are drawn back ; but their effort is
not lost. The corps of General La Vega is kept employed
till Cerro Gordo has fallen. Then he surrenders, with
three thousand men prisoners of war. Santa Anna, with
Almonte, Canalizo, and eight thousand have escaped, leav
ing carriages and baggage behind, and are now on the road
to Jalapa. The sun is at noon, and the battle is ended;
but the pursuit continues. The reserve division of Worth
comes up, passes Twiggs, and hurries rapidly on after the
confused and flying Mexicans,; nor does he stop till Jalapa
appears in sight!
On the 19th of April, from Plan del Rio, Scott an
nounces to the War Department that he is embarrassed
with the results of victory! Three thousand prisoners,
forty-three pieces of bronze artillery manufactured at Se
ville, five thousand stand of arms, five generals, with the
munitions and materials of an army, captured in a single
battle, are the fruits of victory, and demand the earnest
care of the conquering general ! The men must be pa
roled ; the small-arms must be destroyed ; we have not men
to take care of them.
Such was the battle of Cerro Gordo. In the skill with
which it was planned, in the' formidable defences to be sur
mounted, in the heroism of the attack, and in the magni
tude of results, with which of American battles will it not
compare ? There were almost impassable obstacles, sur
mounted by skill; there were almost .impregnable batteries,
stormed by valor; there were thousands of prisoners cap
tured, and an army destroyed ; there was a road to the
capital laid open, and towns and cities taken in the long
vista of a victorious march ! The Mexican empire lies
under the feet of the conqueror, and again is the Aztec
compelled to witness the triumphs of power, and utter by
the ruins of the past, the mournings of the present !
Look around you upon the battle-field, now that the dark
chariot of war has driven by ! Hear the description of one
who has been to look upon the dead.
" A dragoon we encountered on the way kindly offered
to be our guide, and from him we learned the positions of

THE MEXICAN WAR. 205
the different armies, their divisions and subdivisions. As
winding around the hills by the national road, the enemy's
intrenchments, their barricaded heights, strong forts, and
well-defended passes came in view, we halted, and gazed
for several moments in mute amazement. No one, from
reading the newspaper accounts or the reports of the gen
erals, can form a proper idea of the advantages possessed
by the enemy in his chosen position. The battle, I knew
it had been fought and won by our troops ; yet it seemed,
in its bare, still reality, a dream. I could not shake off this
feeling as I rode along the enemy's lines of intrenchments,
entered his dismantled forts and magazines, and looked
from his chosen heights upon the paths up which our troops
rushed into the jaws of death. * * *
" Passing down the ravine where the National Guard had
three times attempted to dislodge the mounted riflemen,
who, supported by the howitzer battery, literally rained
death among their ranks, I was obliged to turn back and
retrace my steps. The gorge was choked up with the
mangled bodies of the flower of the Mexican army. The
wolf-dog and the buzzard howled and screamed as I rode
by, and the stench was too sickening to be endured. Re
turning to the national road, we passed a large number of
cannon taken by our troops, and saw piles of muskets
charred with fire in heaps, where they had been heaped and
burned. *****
" All along the road were the bodies of Mexican lancers
and their horses, cut down by Colonel Harney's dragoons,
when these fire-eaters chased Santa Anna and his retreating
troops into and beyond Jalapa. Almost every man's skull
was literally split open with the sabres of our horsemen,
and they lay stretched upon the ground in ghastly groups."
From this sad scenery of war, as exhibited in the relics
of a battle-field, we must hasten on with the gallant Gen
eral, who renewed with yet deeper verdure the laurels of
Niagara on the summits of Cerro Gordo. Scott was no
distant spectator of the combat. He had called others to
the field, and he shared its dangers himself Having pre
pared all things for the storm of the tower, (called by the
Mexicans the Telegraph,) he took post at the point Colonel
Harney charged, and under the heavy fire of the enemy's

206 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
artillery. There he witnessed the gallant charge, and there
he encouraged the troops. It was then that he thus
addressed Colonel Harney, (between whom and himself
there had been some coolness :) " Colonel Harney, I can
not now adequately express my admiration of your gallant
achievement, but at the proper time I shall take great
pleasure in thanking you in proper terms." Harney, with
the modesty of true valor, claimed the praise as due to his
officers and men.
The storming of Cerro Gordo was one of the most brill
iant and desperate of that long Hne of feats of arms
which belong to the history of the Mexican war. Of Col
onel Harney's part in it, the following brief extract is from
Brooks' " History of the Mexican War : "
" Throughout the night there were 8,ooo Mexicans lying
upon and around the various heights, protected by breast
works and fortifications, and further secured from direct
assault by deep ravines and almost precipitous rocks, up
whose steep sides they imagined a man would scarcely dare
to climb. In addition to the force thus formidably posted,
there was a reserve of 6,000 men, encamped upon the plain
in the rear of Cerro Gordo, and close to the Jalapa road.
" Meanwhile Harney was organizing his storming party.
This consisted of the Fourth Infantry under Lieutenant-
Colonel Plympton, the rifles under Major Loring, four com
panies of the First Artillery under Colonel Child, and
six companies of the Third Infantry under Captain Alex
ander.* All of these, composing the forlorn hope, were
regulars, picked men, daring and resolute. Many of them
were veterans who had passed not unscathed through the
desperate battles of Palo Alto and the Palm Ravine, and
the still more deadly storm of Monterey. Now they were
about to wrestle with a danger perhaps more imminent
than any they had hitherto encountered.
" Onward they rushed, impelled by the double conscious
ness that the eyes of the general-in-chief were upon them,
and of the terrible consequences that would follow a disas
trous issue. Harney led the way, conspicuous above all
others by his full military uniform and his commanding stat
ure. Waving his sword and calling on his men to follow, he

THE MEXICAN WAR.

207

rapidly ascended in full view of the enemy, while his cheer
ing voice infused into the breasts of his command the same
energy and dauntless enthusiasm which animated his own.
It was a race for glorious renown wherein each strove to
be foremost. The front ranks fell, but the survivors still
pressed on, and still above the thunder of the war rose
high, distinct and clear the voice of their intrepid leader."
The key to the whole position was ours, captured under
the eye of the general-in-chief, by an assault that stands
out as one of the most fiery and desperate onsets of modern
war. The historian of Mexico thus speaks of this great battle.
The work is entitled, " The Other Side, or notes for the his
tory of the war between Mexico and the United States,"
translated from the Spanish by Albert C. Ramsey :
On the same day, the 17th, the brigade of General
Arteaga arrived at Jalapa, composed of the active battal
ions and the National Guard of Puebla ; and they had
scarcely retired to their quarters before an order was receiv
ed, from General Santa Anna, to take up their march im
mediately for Cerro Gordo. Without taking any rest after
their journey, those wretched soldiers proceeded; and most
of them reached Dos Rios that night, leaving various
parties behind, who could not endure the fatigue. On the
following day, at a very critical moment indeed, the united
brigade arrived at Cerro Gordo.
Although General Santa Anna apparently fixed his whole
attention on the position of the right, where he naturally
expected the decisive attack, instructed by what had hap
pened, he sent two 12-pounders and one 16, that night up
the hill ; but the last only reached half way up, on the left
side. He also ordered the chiefs of engineers, Robles and
Cano, to construct the most necessary fortifications on that
eminence ; and on the following day, before dawn, he him
self placed a battery on the side of the road, almost in front
of head-quarters, at the aperture of a bushy barranca. The
Americans, in the course of the night, also established a
battery in the hill of the Atalaya ; and their preparations
for an attack on the following day, were interrupted only

208 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
by a few cannon shots, which General Vasquez, Comman-
dante of the Telegrafo, ordered to be fired at them.
At dawn on the i8th, the roar of the enemy's artillery
resounded through the camps, as a solemn announcement
of a battle.
On the hill, where the brave insurgents had in former
days shed their blood for independence, now waved our
flag ; and under its shadow, from that elevation, was seen a
line of men, who were to serve as a wall against the in
vader. Among the files, the different and distinctive rankis
of the army, from the common soldier to the general-inr
chief, then invested with the supreme dignity of the nation,
appeared at that time in all the prestige and with all the
splendor which the illusions of patriotism conceded to
them. The enemy, using the battery of Atalaya, opened from
thence for some hours, their fire upon the Telegrafo, from
which our own replied. General Santa Anna then employ
ed himself in completing the battery by the roadside ; and
the engineers, Robles and Cano, under the enemy's fire,
erected temporary works on the declivity of the Telegrafo,
on the very spot where the corps who defended the center
of the position, the evening before, had formed. Above
the positions of the center and the right of our line, were
now the same forces which had previously garrisoned
them; upon the hill the 1st and 2d Light were sent, which
had gone down early in the morning, to take their rations ;
and the 6th infantry returned to cover the right. The 4th
of the line remained on the spot where they had fought so
bravely on the 17th. The cavalry, which had been ordered
down from Corral Falso in the night, formed on the road,
resting their right opposite the battery just erected, and
were supported by the nth infantry. The 3d and 4th light
battalions remained also formed on the road, ready to
march to any point that might be designated.
Such was the disposition of our forces, before sunrise,
while the cannonade was becoming more and more active
between the two hills, until the roar was repeated every
instant. The enemy, without cessation, poured down
grenades, rockets, and all other kinds of projectiles, which
fell upon the hill, upon the road and even far beyond our

THE MEXICAN WAR. 2O9
camp. Their columns, in the meantime, marched beyond
the Atalaya, by the crags in front of our left ; and about
seven in the morning, one of them, under the command of
General Twiggs, commenced the attack upon Telegrafo.
General Santa Anna, as soon as he had established the
battery on the left, proceeded to the positions on the right,
influenced perhaps by his first idea. But stopping after he
had passed the battery of the center, and observing from
that spot, the activity with which the cannonade was sus
tained on our part, sent orders to. General Vasquez, not to
expend his park, and to shelter the troops from the enemy's
fire. Then returning by the road, on arriving at the foot
of the Telegrafo, the fire of musketry opened, and he im
mediately sent up the 3d and 4th Light battalions to aid
the troops in defending that point.
The Americans charged with firmness, deploying as skir
mishers, covering themselves among the bushes and briers
that were on the ground upon the lines, scarcely marked
out, which it had been intended to construct that morning,
being supported by the 3d of the line, the 2d Light, and
part of the 4th. They made equal exertions against the
left of the Telegrafo, defended by the 4th of the line, and
against the right, where the 6th infantry was posted, to
reinforce them, as on the previous evening. The artillery
had ceased to play on both sides, on account of the prox
imity of the combatants. The fire of the musketry was as
active as the excitement of the contest. Death, flapping
her wings over that bloody field, set on fire in some places
by the projectiles of the enemy, and which was mixed in a
horrible manner with the thick smoke that enveloped thou
sands of men, crimsoned with the contest. Our soldiers
fell in heaps in the midst of the confusion, and the enemy
falling also, were instantly replaced by others, who seemed
to reproduce them. There fell the worthy Colonel Pala-
cios, commander of the artillery of the field, wounded by
the enemy's balls; there a warrior's fame crowned the
career of General Vasquez, in the fulness of his energies
with a glorious death, amidst the tumult of battle, and there
hundreds of brave men shed their blood in the most holy
cause. This commander should have been succeeded by
his second. General Uraga, but he was at the head of his

210 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
battalion, the 4th of the line, on the left decHvity of the
Telegrafo; and having not a moment to lose, General
Baneneli took the command, whose corps, the 3d Light,
had remained in reserve, sheltered from the fire by the
very summit of the hill. The activity of the engagement
redoubling more and more, destroyed new victims. The
2d Light and the 3d and 4th of the line, had lost almost
their entire force, and even the last the greater part of its
officers. The enemy, pressing upon our troops with
superior numbers, successively gained possession of the
lower works of the position, and without losing an in
stant, rapidly ascended to assault the last crest of the
hill. Some of our soldiers now began to leave their ranks, and
to descend the opposite side, attempting to mingle with
the wounded, who were retiring, but General Santa Anna
observing it ordered some of his adjutants to prevent this
disorder, and they either on compulsion, or by the stimulus
of enthusiasm, succeeded in persuading the fugitives to
return. In the meantime. General Baneneli appealed to the last
resource, and ordered his men to charge bayonets. They,
eager to join in an action which they had only heard, im
mediately hastened this movement in full force, to come
up to where they were directed ; but, surprised at finding
themselves hand to hand with an enemy so superior in
numbers, and surrounded on all sides, were panic-struck in
an instant, fell into disorder, and their commander in vain
endeavored to keep them in their ranks. Being himself
involved in the crowd with the chiefs of engineers and
other officers, who endeavored, sword in hand, to keep
back the men, they were actually rolled together down the
opposite declivity, borne along by the multitude, which
poured onward like a torrent from the height.
On the summit of the hiH now was seen, in the midst of
a column of dense smoke, a multitude of Americans, stand
ing amidst the flashing light of their fires, which were di
rected against the enormous mass of men precipitating
themselves down the steep declivity, covered, as it were
with a white robe from the color of their dress. That
shocking spectacle was like the violent eruption of a vol-

THE MEXICAN WAR. 211
cano, throwing out flames and cinders from its bosom, and
spreading them over all its surface.
Among the fire and smoke, and above Jthe mass of blue
formed by the Americans behind the summit of the Tel
egrafo, still floated our deserted flag. But the banner of
the stars was soon raised by the enemy upon the same staff,
and for an instant both became entangled and confounded
together, our own at length falling to the ground, amidst
the shouts and roar of the victors' guns, and the mournful
cries and confused voices of the vanquished.
It was now three-quarters past ten o'clock in the morn
ing. The enemy had appeared on the right of our
line during the attack on the Telegrafo ; and advancing in
column upon our position of the center, endeavored to
take all our entrenchments by assault. Captain Godinez, of
the navy, commanding the artillery, had concerted with the
respective commanders of the three positions, to allow the
enemy to advance upon any of them without firing, until
they should approach within a short distance, taking the
precaution to have the cannon loaded with grape shot.
The American column, composed of volunteers, under the
command of General Pillow, approached nearer and nearer
to our lines without receiving a single shot ; but, as soon as
they reached a convenient place, a close discharge of our
pieces, which raked their ranks, accompanied with a vigor-
bus volley of small arms from the three positions, made a
horrible slaughter among the enemy, threw them into dis
order, and obliged them to make a precipitate retreat.
Before they could reorganize, and when our soldiers had
not suffered the slightest loss, the Telegrafo had yielded ;
and the Americans who had possession of it, descending by
the right declivity, upon the battery on the road, which our
forces had not begun to use, entirely cut off those posi
tions, now surrounded on ah sides, and commanded by the
hill from which the enemy directed their fire. General
Jarero no longer attempted any resistance, but surren
dered, with his force.
When the Telegrafo was lost, the 6th infantry had
retreated to the position on the right, where they capitulated
with the other corps. The grenadier battalion, which had
been drawn out from the battery of the center to the foot

212 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
of the hill, chiefly dispersed, in spite of the exertions made
to collect it.
The brigade of General Arteaga, that had arrived in the
midst of the conflict, being infected by the disorder of the
other forces, fell into confusion, opposite head-quarters,
without having come into action. The nth infantry, in
obedience to different orders from the Commander-in-chief,
made repeated marches and countermarches for that same
point ; while the scattered remains of the 2d, 3d, and 4th
light battalions, and 3d and 4th of the line, there likewise
became disordered ; and the entire mass of men, panic-
struck, without morale, without discipline, moved about in
that small piece of road, in the most frightful state of con
fusion. An enthusiastic officer harangued the troops at the pitch
of his voice, assuring them that they had yet lost nothing,
wishing to reanimate the spirit now dead in all that unfor
tunate' crowd. General Beneneli, rushing in with his horse,
and full of wrath, poured forth a thousand horrible impre
cations upon his soldiers, and with the butt of his pistol
threatened particularly one of his captains. The General-
in-chief vented his rage upon the officers who had lost
their positions ; and the agitation of the multitude, and the
difficulties of the ground, with the general dangers and
desperation, rendered the scene indescribable.
In the meantime, the enemy's column, commanded by
General Worth, passing the barrancas and crags on our
left, which had been deemed inaccessible, approached the
battery that had been thrown up that day, the only remain
ing one in our possession. The General-in-chief ordered
General CanaHzo to charge with the cavalry ; but the woods
absolutely prevented the execution of the movement. The
column advanced, in spite of the fire of the cannon, in a
direction for the road, to the left of our battery, to cut off
our retreat. When, however, they had approached near
enough, more than two hundred skirmishers were sent for
ward, whose balls, as if with a breath of wind, fast cleared
away the men at our guns, which were supplied by the
artillery and a party of cuirassiers, who had been ordered
to dismount to reinforce the battery. The first adjutant,
Velasco, chief of the cuirassiers, had the glory of falling

THE MEXICAN WAR.

213

at the foot of it. The skirmishers advanced to the front of
the battery, so that the head of the column was very near
the road ; when our cavalry, seeing that they were about
to be cut off, retreated rapidly, by the jalapa road. The
last effort was then made by Robles, and the brave artillery
officers, Malagon, Arguelles, and Olzinger, who, surrounded
on all sides, turned their pieces towards the left, directing
them against the head of the column, a few moments
before the skirmishers, who rushed upon them with the
bayonet, got possession of them, and turned them against
us. General Santa Anna, accompanied by some of his adju
tants, proceeded by the road to the left of the battery,
when the enemy's column, now coming out of the woods,
absolutely prevented his passage by a discharge which
obliged him to fall back. The carriage in which he had
left Jalapa was riddled with shot, the mules killed and taken
by the enemy, as well as a wagon containing sixteen thou
sand dollars, received the day before for the pay of the
troops. Every tie of command and obedience now being
broken among our troops, safety alone being the object,
and all being involved in a frightful whirl, they rushed des
perately to the narrow pass of the defile that descends to
the Plan del Rk>, where the General-in-chief had proceeded,
with the chiefs and officers who accompanied him.
Horrible, indeed, was the descent by that narrow and
rocky path, where thousands rushed, disputing the passage
with desperation, and leaving a track of blood upon the
road. AH classes being confounded, all military distinc
tion and respect were lost, the badges of rank became
marks for sarcasm, that were only meted out according to
their grade and humiliation. The enemy, now masters of
our camp, turned their guns upon the fugitives. This aug
mented more and more the terror of the multitude crowded
through the defile, and pressed every instant by a new
impulse, which increased the confusion and disgrace of the
ill-fated day.
Cerro Gordo was lost I * * * Mexico was open to
the iniquity of the invader. * * *
The following extract of the report of General Scott to
the War Department says :

2 14 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
In this hurried and imperfect report I must not omit to
say that Brigadier General Twiggs, in passing the mountain
range beyond Cerro Gordo, crowned with the tower,
detached from his,division, as I suggested the day defore, a
strong force to carry that height, which commanded the
Jalapa road at the foot, and could not fail, if carried, to
cut off the whole or any part of the enemy's forces from a
retreat in any direction. A portion of the first artillery,
under the often-distinguished Brevet Colonel Childs, the
third infantry, under Captain Alexander, the seventh infan
try, under Lieutenant Colonel Plympton, and the rifles,
under Major Loring, all under the temporary command of
Colonel Harney, 2d dragoons, during the confinement to
his bed of Brevet Brigadier General P. F. Smith, composed
that detachment. The style of execution, which I had the
pleasure to witness, was most brilliant and decisive. The
brigade ascended the long and difficult slope of Cerro
Gordo, without shelter, and under the tremendous fire of
artillery and musketry, with the utmost steadiness, reached
the breastworks, drove the enemy from them, planted the
colors of the ist artillery, 3d and 7th infantry — the enemy's
flag still flying — and, after some minutes of sharp firing,
finished the conquest with the bayonet
It is a most pleasing duty to say that the .highest praise
is due to Harney, Childs, Plympton, Loring, Alexander,
their gallant officers and men, for this brilliant service, inde
pendent of the great results which soon foUowed.
Worth's division of regulars coming up at this time, he
detached Brevet Lieutenant Colonel P. F. Smith, with his
light battalion, to support the assault, but not in time. The
General, reaching the tower a few minutes before me, and
observing a white flag displayed from the nearest portion
of the enemy towards the batteries below, sent out Colo
nels Harney and Childs to hold a parly. The surrender
foHowed in an hour or two.
In a supplemental report General Scott says :
" I have heretofore endeavored to do justice to the skill
and courage with which the attack on the height of Cerro
Gordo was directed and executed, naming the regiments
most distinguished, and their commanders, under the lead
of Colonel Harney. Lieutenant G. W. Smith led the

THE MEXICAN WAR. 215
engineer company as part of the storming force, and is
noticed with distinction."
These praises of a gallant officer whom he had capri
ciously persecuted, show that he came to realize that the
Colonel could as safely be trusted as his junior.
A more accurate description of the action in which Col
onel Harney had borne so distinguished a part, wiH be
found in the report of General Twiggs, which we give
entire ; Head-quarters, 2d Division of Regulars,
April icj, 184'/.
Sir : I have the honor to report, for the information of
the general-in-chief, the operations of my division of regu
lars against the enemy on the 17th inst.
Prefacing this report, I will state that I arrived at Plan
del Rio on the nth instant The advanced guard of
dragoons, under Colonel Harney, having driven from the
place a body of the enemy's lancers, I then encamped my
division for the night, intending the following day (12th) to
cover a thorough reconnoissance of his position, and, if
practicable, to make an effective attack on all his works.
Deeming it impracticable to advance, with advantage, be
yond the position which I had gained during the recon
noissance on the 1 2th, (being some three and a half miles
from water,) I withdrew my main force to my old camp,
keeping up a strong picket to retain the ground I had
passed over, intending on the following morning (the 13th)
at 4 o'clock, to make the attack with effect.
Two brigades of volunteers, under the command of
Brigadier-Generals Pillow and Shields, respectively, arrived
at my camp on the 12th instant. Major-General Patterson,
United States volunteers, having reported sick, I assumed
command of the whole. The volunteers, wishing to partic
ipate in the fight, and being so much broken down from the
recent march from Vera Cruz, I thought proper, at the sug
gestion of Generals Pillow and Shields, to defer the attack
one day. Having done so, and having matured my plan
of attack, and assigned to each division its duty, I was
overtaken by an order of Major-General Patterson, after
night on the 13th, to suspend all further offensive opera-

2l6 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
tions until the arrival of the general-in-chief, or until
ordered by himself (General Patterson). Agreeably to this
arrangement I received, on the evening of the i6th, verbal
orders from the general-in-chief to proceed on my line of
operations on the right of the national road. At n o'clock,
A. M., I got in position, the right of my column being about
700 yards from the "enemy's main work. Lieutenant
Gardner held his position under heavy fire until relieved by
Colonel Harney with the rifle regiment and ist artillery.
With this force Colonel Harney cleared the two hills in
front of the enemy's main work, and held secure the posi
tion intended for our heavy battery, which was established
during the night under the direction of Captain Lee, of the
engineer corps. During this evening Brigadier-General
Shields joined me with his brigade of volunteers, composed
of two Illinois regiments under Colonels Baker and Fore
man, and one New York regiment, commanded by Colonel
Burnett. On the morning of the i8th, when our heavy guns
opened. Colonel Harney, having been reinforced by the 3d
and 7th infantry, pushed forward his skirmishiUg parties.
Overcoming all obstacles presented by the nature of the
ground, and under a most galling and destructive fire, this
command advanced with steadiness and regularity, and
finally succeeded in driving from the strong position of
the enemy all his forces, and in putting them in complete
rout. In speaking of the individual efforts of the officers in
command of regiments and companies, I am unable to do
ample justice. Each and every one seemed to be endeav
oring to excel in aU that is required of gaUant officers.
They all responded to the encouraging voice of their gal
lant leader, and conducted their men to victory and glory.
The 2d brigade, under Colonel Riley, advanced under a
heavy fire to gain a position on the Jalapa road in rear of
the enemy, with a view of cutting off his retreat. After
crossing the vaUey at the foot of the Cerro Gordo, the fire of
the enemy became so annoying that two companies of the
2d infantry were ordered out as skirmishers to occupy
them. The remainder of the 2d, conducted by Captain
Lee, engineers, proceeded on their course. Perceiving that

THE MEXICAN WAR. 2I7
the enemy were extending to their left, I ordered General
Shields to cross the ravine on our right, and keep up the
left bank on the part previously reconnoitered by Captain
Lee. In the further progress of this portion of Colonel
Riley's brigade, he was obliged to turn his whole column
to the left to oppose the enemy's direct movement down
the spur. Captain Lee continued his course, supported by
Lieutenant Benjamin's company, 4th artillery. On coming
out in the plain west of the Cerro Gordo, and in full view of
the Jalapa road, a battery of five guns, supported by a
body of lancers was discovered. General Shields' brigade
was discovered by this portion of the enemy. The battery
opened with grape on him and on Lieutenant Benjamin's
company. The gallant General, with a shout from his men,
pushed boldly for the road on the enemy's left, who, seeing
their position completely turned, as well as driven from the
hill, abandoned themselves to flight. General Shields was
here severely wounded, the command of the brigade
devolving upon Colonel Baker, who conducted it with
ability. The pursuit was continued as far as Encerro, when
I was overtaken by Major-General Patterson, United States
volunteers, who then assumed command of the advance
and ordered a halt.
I cannot speak in too high terms of the conduct of Col
onel Harney, who, united with his indomitable courage,
possessed the cool judgment which enabled him to know
just how far to advance to obtain the desired object. That
sterling soldier and accomplished officer. Major Sumner, 2d
dragoons, who was in command of the regiment of mounted
riflemen, exhibited aU the skill and ability required of a
permanent commander of a regiment. He was severely
wounded in the head, by an escopette ball, and obliged to
leave the field, the command of the regiment devolving
upon Major Loring.
Captain Magruder, 1st artiHery, by his wary and good
management in the face of the enemy, succeeded in arriv
ing very near the enemy's works, driving before him the
parties immediately in front His gallant conduct deserves
especial notice. Brevet First Lieutenant Gardner, 7th
infantry, whose company was first sent on the hiU, by sus
taining himself against a vastly superior force, displayed

2l8 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
that ability as commander of a company which, on a former
occasion, acquired for him the distinction he now has as
brevet first lieutenant.
I am sorry that the advantages gained over the enemy
the first day were attended with some loss on our side.
Besides Major Sumner, second dragoons, and Lieutenant
Maury, rifle regiment, who were severely wounded, and
Lieutenant George H. Gordon, rifle regiment, serving in
Major Talcott's battery of mountain howitzers, and Lieu
tenant Gibbs, mounted riflemen, slightly, some fifty casual
ties occurred, principally in the first artillery and rifle regi
ments. Of the conduct of the volunteer force under the brave
General Shields, I cannot speak in too high terms. After
he was wounded, portions of the three regiments were with
me when I arrived first at the Jalapa road, and drove before
them the enemy's cannoniers from their loaded guns.
Their conduct and names shall be the subject of a special
report, as also that of the several officers of the regular
army, who were distinguished on the occasion.
Accompanied with this, I trans^nit the several reports
from brigade and regimental heaa-quarters. In all the
recommendations for praise and promotion I entirely con
cur. Although, whatever I may say, may add little to the
good reputation of Captain Lee, of the engineer corps, yet I
must indulge in the pleasure of speaking of the invaluable
services which he rendered me from the time I left the
main road, until he conducted Colonel Riley's brigade to
its position in rear of the enemy's strong work on the Ja
lapa road. I consulted him with confidence, and adopted
his suggestions with entire assurance. His gallantry and
good conduct on both days deserve the highest praise. I
again present to the favorable consideration of the com
mander-in-chief, and the President, the names of my per
sonal staff, First Lieutenant W. T. H. Brooks, third infan
try, A. A. G., and First Lieutenant P. W. McDonald, sec
ond dragoons, A. D. C, Captain R. A. Allen, A. Q. M.,
rendered me invaluable services, not only in communicating
orders when he was in the field, but in keeping at hand
under ah disadvantages, the necessary supplies for my di-

THE MEXICAN WAR. 2I9
vision. For his services on this, and on former occasions,
I most earnestly recommend him for promotion. To Lieu
tenants Mason, Beauregard, and Tower, of the engineers,
and Lieutenant Sykes, third infantry, A. C. S. to the divi
sion, I am indebted for valuable services. Whilst on recon
noitering duty on the I2th, I lost the valuable services of
Lieutenant Colonel Johnston, who was on duty with me
as chief topographical engineer, and was very severely
wounded under the enemy's works on the left of the road.
In conclusion, I have the pleasure of tendering my
thanks to the commanders of regiments and batteries,
whose conduct tended so much to the attainment of our
glorious victory. The first brigade, under Colonel Harney,
was composed of the 1st artillery, commanded by Colonel
Childs, the rifle regiment, (after Major Sumner was wound
ed), commanded by Major Loring, and the 7th infantry,
commanded by Colonel Plympton.
The 2d brigade, under Colonel Riley, was composed of
the 4th artillery, commanded by Major Gardner, the 2d
infantry, commanded by Captain Morris, and the 3d infan
try, commanded by Captain Alexander.
The volunteer force under my orders was composed of
the 3d Illinois regiment, commanded by Colonel Baker, the
4th Illinois regiment, commanded by Colonel Foreman, and
the New York regiment, commanded by Colonel Burnett.
The field battery was commanded by Captain Taylor, and
the howitzer battery by Major Talcott.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient
servant,
D. E. TWIGGS,
Brigadier General U. S. A.
Captain H. L. Scott,
Acting Assistant Adjutant General.
We also append Colonel Harney's report :
Jalapa, Mexico, April 21, 1847.
Sir: On the evening of the i6th instant, owing to the
illness of Brevet Brigadier General Smith, I was placed in
command of the ist brigade of the 2d division, and it is
now my grateful duty to report the operations of that bri
gade in the actions of the 17th and i8th instant. Our

220 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
encampment at Plan del Rio enabled the engineer officers
to make frequent and close observations on the enemy's
position, and it was ascertained that he had fortified himself
on a range of hills for two miles in a mountain pass, and
that the last of his works was on the Cerro Gordo, which,
from its position and defences, was considered almost
impregnable. On the morning of the 17th the 2d division, under the
command of Brigadier General Twiggs, was directed to
turn the enemy by the right flank, and I was ordered by
that officer to seize • and maintain all the heights in the
neighborhood of the Cerro Gordo, which, from their prox
imity and position, might be of advantage in an attack on
that fortress. Shortly after the column turned off to the
right from the main road. Brevet First Lieutenant F. Gard
ner, 7th infantry, was directed with his company to move
to the crest of the hill on the left, and to watch the enemy's
movements. While in the execution of this order. Lieu
tenant Gardner became engaged with the enemy, but he
gallantly maintained his position against fearful odds, until
he was succored by the riflemen under Major Sumner, and
the artillery under Colonel Childs, who drove the enemy,
after a severe conflict, from their first position, and con
tinued the pursuit until they made a second stand on a hill
near the Cerro Gordo, within the range of their grape and
cannister, and from which our troops suffered a severe loss ;
but the hill was stormed and carried, and afterwards main
tained, although the enemy made three successive charges
to regain it. A portion of the troops under Colonel Childs,
led on by their zeal and impetuosity, rushed down the hill
to the ascent of the Cerro Gordo ; but as an attack was not
intended at that time they were recalled and joined Gen
eral Twiggs.
The rifles and 7th infantry slept on the hill, and to that
point were brought, in the night, a 24-pounder and two
24-howitzers, which at 7 o'clock in the morning, com
menced a cannonade on the enemy's fortification on the
Cerro Gordo.
Early in the morning I was reinforced by four companies
1st artiHery, under Lieutenant Colonel Childs, and six com
panies. 3d infantry, under Captain Alexander, and I imme-

THE MEXICAN WAR. 221
diately gave directions to the different commanders to
prepare their troops for storming Cerro Gordo. The rifles
were directed to move to the left in the ravine and to
engage the enemy; and I instructed Major Loring, that, as
soon as I had discovered that he had commenced the
attack, I would move forward the storming force which I
was about to organize. The 7th infantry was formed on
the right, the 3d infantry on the left, and the artillery was
formed in the rear of the infantry, with orders to support
it. Observing that a large force was moving from the left
on the main road, towards the Cerro Gordo, I deemed it
prudent to advance at once, and immediately ordered the
charge to be sounded without waiting for the fire of the
riflemen. The enemy poured upon my line a most galling
fire of grape, cannister, and musketry, from different posi
tions around the hill; but my troops advanced intrepidly
and as steadily as on a parade day. I cannot speak too
ardently of their animation, zeal, and courage under such
trying circumstances, and without which they never could
have surmounted the natural and artificial obstacles which
opposed their progress.
Around the hill, about sixty yards from the foot, there
was a breastwork of stone, which was filled with Mexican
troops, who offered an obstinate resistance, continuing to
fire until the troops reached the breastwork, and where,
for a few moments, bayonets were crossed. Beyond this
and immediately around the fort, there was another work
from which our advance was again obstinately opposed ;
but the troops immediately surmounted it, carried the fort,
pulled down the Mexican flag, and planted our colors amid
the proud rejoicings of our troops.
Agreeably to instructions, the rifles moved to the left,
where they became engaged with a succoring force, but
which they held in check, notwithstanding a most gaHing
fire from the enemy's entrenchments and from the mus
ketry in front After the enemy's cannon had been cap
tured, I directed Captain Magruder to take charge of the
pieces and to direct their fire upon the enemy, which he
executed with zeal and ability.
It is also due to Lieutenant Richardson to state that, as
soon as he came into the fort, he took possession of one of

222 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
the enemy's guns, and, with his men, promptly turned it
with great effect upon the enemy. I also directed Lieu
tenant-Colonel Plympton, at the same time, to move with
his regiment into the Jalapa road to cut off the enemy's
retreat, which he promptly executed, and maintained his
position until the forts and forces of the enemy had sur
rendered. Such is a plain, but I know an imperfect and hasty
account of the actions of the 17th and 1 8th instant. For
further particulars, I would respectfully refer the com
mander of the division to the reports of the different com
manders of regiments, which are herewith enclosed.
It is now my delicate duty to refer to the different acts
of personal gaHantry displayed by individual officers, non
commissioned officers, and privates ; and as many of these
did not come under my own observation, I would again
refer the commander of the division to the different reports
of the regimental commanders, with the hope that the
merits of all, however humble their situation, may be prop
erly brought before the notice of the government. To
Colonel Plympton, Colonel Childs, Major Sumner, Major
Loring, and Captain Alexander, my especial thanks are due
for their coolness, zeal, gallantry, and for the promptitude
with which, on all occasions, they executed my orders. Cap
tain Steptoe, 3d artillery, Lieutenant Hagner, and Lieuten
ant Reno, ordnance department, and Lieutenant Seymour,
of the artillery, rendered efficient service in the manage
ment of the artillery on the hill. Lieutenant G. W. Smith,
of the engineers, with his company, rendered very efficient
service in his own department, as well as in storming the
fort. The conduct of Captain Mason, of the rifles, who
was so unfortunate as to lose his leg, came under my per
sonal observation, and it is not the first time I have had an
opportunity of witnessing his coolness and intrepidity in
danger. Captain Magruder's gallantry was conspicuously
displayed on several occasions, and he rendered me
efficient service. I lament to refer to the death of Lieu
tenant Ewell, whose, gallant demeanor, throughout the sev
eral engagements with the enemy, attracted my special
notice, and who fell in the breastwork, nobly leading his
men to victory. Particular attention is due to Captain

THE MEXICAN WAR. 223
Hanson and Lieutenant Gardner for distinguished gallantry.
Major Bainbridge, whose good conduct has been conspicu
ous on so many occasions since the war with Mexico, was
the second officer in rank in his regiment, and deserves my
warmest approbation for his gallantry and promptitude.
Especial thanks are due to my personal staff. Lieutenant
Van Dorn, 7th infantry. Lieutenant Oakes, 2d dragoons, and
Lieutenant Derby, topographical engineers, for the efficient
aid which they rendered me both days in transmitting my
orders and for the individual gallantry which they uniformly
displayed. Lieutenant Derby was wounded, and Lieuten
ant Van Dorn killed two Mexican soldiers at the breast
work with his own hands. I have been reluctant to men
tion the names of any, where all acted with so much
energy, zeal, and intrepidity ; no doubt many behaved as
well as those I have mentioned, but who did not come
under my observation ; and I know that all, if occasion
had offered, would have gladly embraced the opportunity
for personal distinction.
In the two days, I had in my brigade, including the 3d
infantry, two officers killed, nine wounded ; twenty-nine
non-commissioned officers and privates killed, 175 non
commissioned officers and privates wounded. The officers
killed in my command are : Lieutenants Ewell and Davis,
of the rifles ; and wounded — Major Sumner, Captain S. T.
Mason, Lieutenants G. McLane, D. H. Maury, and A.
Gibbs, of the rifles ; Lieutenants J. N. Ward and B. E. Bee,
3d infantry; Lieutenant N. J. T. Dana, 7th infantry, and
Lieutenant Derby, topographical engineers.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient
servant,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Col. 2d dragoons, commanding ist brigade.
To Lieut. W. T. H. Brooks, A. A. A. G., 2d division.
An incident worthy to be remembered is related by Gen
eral Harney himself. When the battle was over, a Mexi
can officer was seen slowly riding along the road at the
foot of the hiH and in reach of the American fire. The
troops, without orders, commenced firing at him, which
Colonel Harney perceiving, he gave the order to cease

224 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
firing, but before the order could be transmitted, some five
hundred guns had been fired at him. The Mexican had
never altered his pace, but as soon as the firing ceased he
raised his hand to his head and gracefully saluted the
Americans, On the 15th day of May, when the news had reached
New Orleans and LaFayette of Colonel Harney's gallant
conduct at Cerro Gordo, the citizens made him a present
of a horse, which was shipped to him in Mexico, with the
accompanying letter, as follows :
New Orleans, 15th of May, 1847.
Colonel Wm. S. Harney.
Sir : The undersigned, in behalf of the citizens of New
Orleans and LaFayette, have purchased a horse, which
they beg you to accept as a token of the esteem and adora
tion in which you are held by them for your gallant con
duct, but more especially for the important services you
have rendered our glorious republic in the late battle of
Cerro Gordo.
W. B. Higdon,
John M. Carrigan.
On the 1 8th day of April, 1847, fo*" gallant and merito
rious conduct at Cerro Gordo, Colonel Harney was bre
veted Brigadier-General in the United States army. He
had then held his Colonelcy not quite a year. This compli
ment came to him as a prompt recognition of his services
to his country.
The victorious army moved immediately upon Jalapa,
after caring for their wounded and prisoners, which they
quietly possessed themselves of, until their baggage and
supplies could be moved up.

CHAPTER XI.
THE MEXICAN WAR CONTINUED.
¥HE victorious Americans took possession of Jalapa
on the 19th day of April. The Mexicans aban
doned the strong position of La Hoyo, with its mu
nitions and stores, and on the 22d General Worth occupied
the Castle of Perote, and captured fifty-four pieces of can
non and a large amount of ammunition. Soon afterwards,
on the 15 th of May, the ancient city of Puebla was cap
tured by General Worth. The Mexicans had been able to
make but little resistance after their signal defeat at Cerro
Gordo, and but feeble resistance was offered the American
army, reduced by the casualties of battle and the more dire
causalties of disease engendered by hardships and climate,
to not exceeding five thousand men.
Puebla los Angeles, or city of the Angels, contained
eighty thousand inhabitants and is about ninety miles from
the City of Mexico, and two hundred miles from Vera
Cruz. It is seven thousand feet above the level of the
sea. General Scott could have marched on to Mexico, but
his effective force was reduced to less than five thousand.
Many of his troops were volunteers for twelve months, of
some of whom the time had expired, and they had been
discharged before reaching Puebla. The American army
of invasion, rendezvoused at the Island of Lobos, had been
fourteen thousand strong, with the number discharged,
the sick and disabled, and the garrison at Jalapa and other
places necessary to preserve the communication with Vera
Cruz, the effective force had been reduced ten thousand.
Even with this small army, such was the spirit and confi
dence of the Americans that they could, and probably
15 225

226 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
would, have marched upon the capital city, but the Govern
ment at Washington were anxious for peace, and the Presi
dent and cabinet sent an agent in the person of Mr.
Nicholas P. Trist, chief clerk in the State Department, to
negotiate. General Scott had, after Cerro Gordo, issue4 a
proclamation to the Mexican people, which, with the strict
discipline he enforced among the troops, and the humanity
to prisoners, as well as fair dealing with the population,
had well prepared them for peace.
Mr. Trist, armed with specific instructions and powers,
arrived at Jalapa just before the occupation of Puebla.
The negotiations of Mr. Trist, as well as the necessity of
awaiting reinforcements from the United States, necessitated
a comparative cessation of active hostilities ; but during
this time the troops were drilled and kept active by
constant duty. In about two months the army at
Puebla was recruited to about eleven thousand effective
men. Thus strengthened and reinforced, a council of war was
held on the 5th day of August, and the plans of the com
mander-in-chief for the advance on the capital were sub
mitted and explained. In making his arrangements for
that important and perilous enterprise. General Scott testi
fied his appreciation of Colonel Harney by placing under
his command a brigade of cavalry, consisting of the 1st
Dragoons, commanded by Captain Kearney, the 2d Dra
goons under command of Major Sumner, and the 3d Dra
goons under Captain McReynolds. The cavalry brigade
under Colonel Harney moved out of Puebla as the advance
guard, just preceding the second division under General
Twiggs. On the 8th the division of General Quitman fol
lowed ; Worth's division moved on the 9th, and Pillow's on
the loth. The road taken by the army was the stage road
from Vera Cruz, by way of Puebla, to the City of Mexico.
The route followed by Cortez over three hundred years
before, converges with this road after diverging to the right

THE MEXICAN WAR. ^27
near Perote, and passing around Popocatapetl, near Lake
Chalco. The country around Puebla is beautiful, roHing and
fertile; the climate is temperate, and there is a continual
ascent of the CordiHeras as you move toward the City of
Mexico. The snow-capped mountains lay on either side,
and the volcanic peak of Popocatapetl arose and towered
over the smaHer ranges on the left, many miles away.
The army ascended three thousand feet above Puebla in
fifty-eight miles, and on the third day reached Rio Trio
and the Anahuac range, within forty-five miles of the
capital. In front of this the enemy had prepared for re
sistance, but they had abandoned their intention of offering
battle at this point. After passing the Anahuac range
several miles, on making a sudden turn to the right, the
Americans came in sight of the vast plain, with its beauti
ful lakes, in which is situated the City of Mexico, and its
lofty domes and steeples rose in the clear air. The land
scape was most beautiful and picturesque. It Hes in a
great basin of the Cordilleras, and is dotted with lakes.
On the loth day of August, General Twiggs encamped
at the base of the mountain, and the enemy's scouts began
to be seen and felt in every direction, in front and flank.
They could see the Lake Tezcuco in their front, and at
the lower end of it, about half-way, seven miles off, a for
tified mountain called El Penon ; a series of other lakes and
fortified places defended the approaches to the city which
ran by the road from Ayotla, and through lakes and
marshes over great causeways.
Before approaching the enemy's abandoned fortifications.
General Scott sent for Colonel Harney, on whose gallantry
and dash, as well as discretion, he had learned to rely,
since the affairs of Madellin and Cerro Gordo, and said to
him, " Colonel, I have information from General Worth of
the enemy in our front, and in force ; I want your most
vigilant attention to their movements and approach." Col-

22S LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
onel Harney replied, " General, whatever force of the
enemy there may be, I may not be able to defeat them, but
I promise you I can hold them at bay." General Scott
seized Colonel Harney by the hand, and said, " Colonel, I
have every confidence in you." The facts were. Colonel
Harney was well satisfied that General Worth's information
was incorrect, for his position in the van and covering the
head of the invading forces, gave him facilities for informa
tion, which his sleepless vigilance never failed to acquire.
In the honorable position of the post of danger, and with
the responsible duty of covering the advance, he served
from Puebla to the assault of Chapultepec.
On the nth of August, General Twiggs' division reached
Ayotla, about fifteen miles from Mexico by the National
road. The other divisions came up in their order and took
position ; Worth's division at the village of Chalco, behind
Lake Chalco, which lies south of Ayotla, and the divisions
of Pillow and Quitman between Worth and Twiggs. In
front of Twiggs' division lay a fortified mountain called
El Penon, and beyond that could be seen Lake Tezcuco,
west of which lay the City of Mexico. Passing around the
lake, or between it and the Lake Xochimilco, the road from
Mexico to Acapulco is reached, on which lie, at or near
the road and commanding it, San Antonia, Contreras and
Churubusco. These fortified places lie between San Au
gustine, afterwards a depot of stores and suppHes, and the
city. Contreras lies nearly four miles northwest of the
Acapulco road at San Antonia, and between that and the
Tacubaya causeway. Churubusco was a fortified post, or
tete du pont, at the crossing of a stream or canal of the same
name, which commands the Acapulco road. There are
three great roads which enter the City of Mexico : the
National road, on which Twiggs was encamped at Ayotla,
the Acapulco road, and the Tacubaya.
On the 1 2th of August, a part of the cavalry brigade, of
which Colonel Harney was in command, was ordered to

THE MEXICAN WAR. 229
reconnoitre El Penon, a strongly fortified mountain on the
road from Ayotla, about half-way to the City of Mexico.
This reconnoitering party was composed of the rifle regi
ment and three companies of cavalry. They performed their
duty faithfully and reported the route to Mexico, by that
road, impracticable. The rifles and dragoons continued
their reconnoissance to the left. They discovered, about
five miles from the city, five strong batteries commanding
the road at Mexicalcingo, which is at the head of Lake
Xochimilco. The reconnoitering party countermarched
and found the batteries of El Penon between them and
Twiggs' division, but they were not fired on. General
Scott decided that to advance by the National road was
impracticable, or if practicable, on grounds of humanity,
ought not to be undertaken, as it could only be carried by
assault, and could not be turned. He, therefore, deter
mined to turn the fortifications of the city, by passing to
the west of Lakes Chalco and Xochimilco, and made his
approaches by the Acapulco road and the Tacubaya.
Worth's division was accordingly put in motion, and,
marching around the south end of the Lake Chalco, on the
17th day of August reached San Augustine. The other
divisions soon followed, and on the 1 8th all the army was
concentrated at San Augustine.
On the 1 8th of August, Worth's division was advanced
from San Augustine towards San Antonia, a fortified place
on the Acapulco road, and in a skirmish with the enemy
Captain Thornton, of the 2d dragoons. Colonel Harney's
regiment, was killed. He was the first man killed in the
operations which resulted in the capture of Mexico. Gen
eral Valencia, in the meantime, with six thousand men, had
advanced to the fortified hill of Contreras. General Rincon
took command at Churubusco and strengthened the fortifi
cations. The Mexican forces moving within the short
lines, made their strongest dispositions for defence at the
new points of attack.

230 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
It was at this time that Colonel Harney, whose brigade
was in constant service as scouts and reconnoitering par
ties, encountered a man named Fitzwater, an American,
who had wandered off to the City of Mexico. This man
had been engaged in the business of stage driving, and
knew, of course, the roads and causeways. He had mar
ried a Mexican woman and was domesticated among them.
From him Colonel Harney acquired valuable information
as to the vulnerable points of attack, which ultimately de
termined the commanding General to plan his battles in
the manner he so effectually pursued. Santa Anna was
rapidly strengthening General Valencia, and reinforcements
from the city were reported hourly arriving. Throwing
forward General Twiggs' division as a corps of observation,
and for the protection of some working parties, who were
cutting a road. Captain Magruder's battery was, with great
difficulty, got into position. They were met by the Mex
icans, with twenty-two pieces of artillery, which, after
a severe fight, dismounted all Magruder's guns but one,
and killed some fifteen of the cannoniers. The Mexican
lancers made several charges, but were repulsed. In this
action Colonel Harney rendered efficient service in com
mand of his cavalry.
On the 20th General Scott determined to carry Contre
ras. General Twiggs' division was first on the ground, and
made immediate dispositions for battle ; the other corps
and divisions were taking their places, in the night-time,
without the knowledge of the Mexicans. At 6 A. m., the
arrangements for battle were made ; when the word was
given our men sprang up in the rear and on both flanks of
the Mexicans, rushed over the hill, and dashed into the
entrenchments. The batteries were taken, and General
Valencia's army driven out. The battle was ended almost
as soon as begun, and Valencia was pursued over the
causeway. The part taken in this affair by Colonel Harney is men-

THE MEXICAN WAR.

231

tioned in a report made by Captain Kearney, on the 24th
day of August, 1847. He says :
After the enemy's works were carried, I was ordered to
charge down the road towards the city, after the retreating
enemy. On the route I was joined by Colonel Harney
with several companies of the 2d dragoons ; he assumed
command, and directed me with my three troops of dra
goons, to place myself and command at the head of the

THE CHARGE.
cavalry column ; the Mexicans were overtaken soon after
we entered on the causeway, about three-fourths of a mile
from the city, and suffered a severe slaughter up to its very
gates. Understanding that a battery was on the end of the
causeway next the town, I communicated through Lieu
tenant Steele, A. A. A. General, to Colonel Harney my

232 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
firm intention to charge it, trusting to their panic to enter
with the fugitives. Myself, Lieutenant Steele, and
Lieutenant Ewell, together with some dragoons whose
horses were over-excited, were considerably ahead of
the main body, coming full on the redoubt, when the
enemy opened a fire of grape upon us, amongst their fugi
tives, and I gave the command to the men around me to
dismount and carry it, presuming that the movement would
be observed and followed by the rest of the column. This
movement not being understood by our men, and the recall
which had been sounded and imperfectly heard from the
rear, caused them to halt and retire, but in creditable order.
Also the report of Major Sumner:
Head-quarters, 2d Dragoons, near the city of Mexico,
August 24, 1847.
Sir : In compliance with the direction of Colonel Har
ney, I submit a brief report of the services of the 2d regi
ment of dragoons and company I, mounted rifles, during
the late operations.
We marched from Puebla, at the head of the army, on
the 7th instant. On our arrival at the hacienda " Buena
Vista," at the foot of the western slope of the mountains,
on the 1 0th instant, we first met the enemy. They
appeared in considerable force about a. mile in our front,
and preparations were immediately made to charge them,
on which they disappeared, and we took quarters in the
hacienda. Shortly afterwards, they appeared again and
drove in several of our men who had gone some distance
to the front. Colonel Harney then ordered me to take a
squadron and pursue them, which was done at a rapid pace,
he supporting me with the rest of the regiment. The
enemy fled so fast we could not overtake them, and we
halted at the end of a mile and a half.
On the 17th instant, as we approached San Augustine, the
enemy again appeared in force, but they retired before us.
Captain Blake of the 2d dragoons, who commanded the
advanced guard of the army, entered the town and took
possession of it after a skirmish with the enemy. On the
1 8th, we marched at an early hour with the ist division.
Captain Thornton taking the lead with the advanced guard.

the MEXICAN WAR. 233
As we approached San Antonia, their guns were partially
concealed, and the brave Captain Thornton unfortunately
advanced too far, when he received a cannon shot from
their battery which struck him in the breast and killed him
instantly. On the 19th, at the battle of St. Heronimo, my
command was held in reserve within range of the enemy's
shells. On the 20th, it became necessary to split up the
cavalry into so many detachments, that both Colonel Har
ney and myself were left without commands for the greater
part of the day. On this day. Captains Hardee and Ruff
were holding important points round San Augustine, and
the former was attacked by a large band of guerrillas, who
were repulsed and driven off by Captain Hardee and his
subaltern, Lieutenant Anderson. The firing being heard at
San Augustine, two companies of the 2d and one of the 3d
dragoons were promptly taken out to his assistance by
Lieutenant Colonel Moore of the 3d dragoons. But the
enemy had retired before they arrived, and further pursuit
was deemed unnecessary. In this encounter, between
thirty and forty horses with arms and accoutrements were
captured by Captain Hardee. Captain Blake, with his
squadron, was engaged in conducting and securing the
prisoners taken at St. Heronimo. Captain Ker, of the 2d
dragoons, was ordered to report to General Pierce, and was
engaged with the enemy for some time, and afterwards in
the charge, under the direction of Colonel Harney, that
drove the flying enemy into the city. During all these
operations, my command has been actively engaged in
reconnoitering, on picket guards and patrol duty, and as the
corps of horse is very small in comparison with the other
corps of the army, these duties have been very severe.
It gives me great pleasure to add, that the regular staff
officers. Lieutenant Oakes, as adjutant, and Lieutenant
Tree, as quartermaster, have rendered important services,
and I am much indebted to them for their zeal and energy.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
E. V. SUMNER,
Major 2d Dragoons, Com'g.
Lieutenant Wm. Steele,
Act. Adj. Gen., Cav. Brig.
About eight o'clock A. m. of the same day Churubusco

234 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
was attacked, and after proper dispositions the tete du pont
was carried by storm, with the outworks and forts which
covered and defended it. At San Pablo, which was the
citadel of Churubusco, was posted a company of American
deserters, who were organized in the name of St. Patrick's,
and were commanded by a deserter named Riley. They
fought desperately and with great skill. There were of
them about one hundred, and expecting neither quarter
nor mercy, they made great havoc among the assailing
party. They would not only not surrender, but when the
Mexicans hung out the white flag, they pulled it down.
San Pablo was at last entered, sword in hand, and the
deserters captured at their guns. The whole army was
engaged on this day, and carried the enemy's works at all
points, and Colonel Harney's brave dragoons, commanded
by Captain Kearney, penetrated to the very gates of the
city, when they were recalled.
After this signal victory, propositions were made for
peace ; Mexican commissioners were appointed, and inef
fectual efforts were made by Mr. Trist, the agent of the
United States, under his instructions from Washington, for
a treaty of peace. They disagreed about the cession of
the southern portion of New Mexico to the United States
by way of indemnity. The negotiations for peace delayed
or suspended operations.
On the 7th of September, General Scott made a recon
noissance of the enemy's defences in front of the Tacubaya.
He had established his headquarters at the village of Tacu
baya, about two miles and a half from the city, and before
him lay the formidable works at and around Chapultepec.
It was necessary to possess himself of this castle before
entering the city, for its guns covered both the causeways
by which it was entered and the city itself. Chapultepec
is a fortified hiU of porphyritic rock, and was occupied at
that time as a military school. At the base of the hill is
MoHno del Rey, or King's Mill, and Casa de Mata, another

GENER.4L SCOTT AT THE CITY OF MEXICO.

THE MEXICAN WAR. 23/
strong work of massive stone, is about four hundred yards
west of Molino del Rey, and in a straight line with Chapul
tepec. Molino'del Rey must be taken first.
Colonel Harney participated in the assault upon the
enemy's works, which began at three o'clock in the morn
ing of that day. At one time the Americans were re
pulsed, and fell back under the cover of the fire from Dun
can's battery. The battery continued firing upon one point,
on the enemy's right flank, where Colonel Harney could
see no indications of an enemy. He concluded to ride for
ward alone and reconnoitre. The enemy allowed him to
appi«oach within about one hundred and twenty yards.
Whereupon he wheeled his horse and retreated at a square
trot, keeping out of the line of their fire. When he had
reached near enough his own lines, his brother officers
called to him to run or he would be shot. He replied,
"The rascals never hit anything they shoot at." They did
not, as in the case of the Mexican officer at Cerro Gordo,
give him any opportunity of saluting them.
Both Casa de Mata and Molino del Rey wt ^-e taken by
assault, leaving the castle of Chapultepec alone standing
between the American army and the doomed city. Casa
de Mata was blown up, and the ammunition and stores in
Molino del Rey were destroyed, and General Scott pro
ceeded to make his dispositions for the final attack on Cha
pultepec. Colonel Harney was ordered on the tenth day of Sep
tember by the General-in-chief to proceed with the 2d bat
talion of cavalry to Mexicalcingo, which had been made a
depot of supplies, to take command of the troops of that
place, and make such dispositions as would protect the
depots and hospitals collected there against the large forces
of the enemy known to be outside the city. Colonel Har
ney relieved Lieutenant Colonel Bonham of the I2th infan
try, who was in command of four weak companies of his
own regiment, one of the 3d and one of the 7th infantry.

238 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
not more than three hundred effective men, to which Har
ney's battalion being added (about two hundred), made a
force of not more than five hundred. Colonel Harney
made the best dispositions in his power by arming all camp
followers, and enlisting teamsters to strengthen his forces.
He mounted several pieces of captured artillery and pre
pared for an attack. In this service he remained during
the stirring events of the few days which were signalized
by the storming of Chapultepec. His brigade was, in the
meantime, engaged in the arduous and perilous business of
making reconnoissances, and in the hard fighting which
enabled General Scott to enter in triumph the ancient city
of the Montezumas. Major Sumner commanded during
this time the six companies of the second dragoons, which
belonged to Colonel Harney's regiment, serving with his
brigade of cavalry. It was a sad trial to the gallant soldier
who had so distinguished himself and illustrated his sol
dierly qualities at Cerro Gordo to be kept upon such incon
siderable duty, while new battles were being fought and
fresh laurels won. The habits of discipline and considera
tions of duty and patriotism forced him to submit and
obey. But the duty to which he was assigned demanded a
' steady, determined and able officer.
In the meantime, pending the negotiations, ineffectual as
they proved, between Mr. Trist and the Mexican commis
sioners, the desetters captured at San Pablo were tried by
court-martial. We quote from Mansfield's Mexican War,
page 280:
Desertion in the face of an enemy, and during the exist
ence of actual war, has been, among all nations, and in all
time, punished with death. It is treason — disloyalty — in its
worst, least excusable, and most dangerous form. Of this
crime, were " the companies of St Patrick " palpably and
undeniably guilty. They had fought in the ranks of the
Mexican army, at the batteries of Churubusco ; they had
fought longest and hardest against those very colors which
they had sworn to defend ; they were deserters, and many

THE MEXICAN WAR.

239

of them were taken prisoners. Soon after the battles of
the 20th, and while the negotiations were pending, tiventy-
nine of these men were tried by a general court-martial, of
which Colonel Riley of the 2d infantry was president. The
court found these men guilty, (two-thirds of the whole
court concurring in each several case,) and sentenced each
one of them to hang by the neck tiU dead. In a general
order, dated the 8th of September, General Scott approved
the sentence, with the exception of three, who had deserted
previous to the commencement of the war, and two others,
who were recommended to favor by the court ; and four, in
whose palliation there appeared some mitigating circum
stances. The remainder were executed according to the
sentence. Sixteen were executed at San Angel, on the lOth
of September. Six of the whole number tried were
deserters from the 3d infantry, three from the 5th infantry,
four from the 7th infantry, two from the 2d infantry, five
from the 3d artillery, six from the 4th artfllery, one from
the Ist artillery, and two from the 2d dragoons. General
Scott, in examining the proceedings of the court, appears
to have released every man from the penalty of death, in
whose favor any reason or mitigation could be pleaded.
Among the three whom he found were not legally subject
to the penalty of death, because they had deserted pre
vious to the commencement of the war, was the notorious
Riley, the commander of the deserters' company. His
sentence was commuted, so tliat he was lashed and
branded. The lesson given by this terrible execution was
undoubtedly a severe one, but one which war necessarily
carries with it, and without which the discipline of the army
could not be maintained.
.The unpleasant duty of hanging the twenty doomed
men devolved on General Harney, while he was detached
from his brigade in command of Mexicalcingo. The hour
appointed for their execution, was during the last day's
struggle for the possession of that important and last
Mexican stronghold. The place of execution was in sight
of the castle, and where they could see and hear the ter
rible struggle. Seeing the place would soon fall, he ordered
the execution delayed until the condemned deserters should

240 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
see the Mexican flag come down and the American colors
run up. The prisoners, hearing him give this order, raised
a shout, because few beheved Chapultepec pregnable,
or that it could be taken. He had but a few moments
to wait, for suddenly the firing ceased, and the stars and
stripes arose where the Mexican colors had just struck.
While at the City of Mexico, and before the American
army entered within the gates. Colonel Harney sent Captain
Kearney, with two companies, to make a reconnoissance.
Soon ascertaining that Captain Kearney was going beyond
the boundaries of safety. Colonel Harney sent his aid-de
camp. Captain May, to tell Captain Kearney to return, that
danger was just in the distance. After Captain May had
gone Colonel Harney, supposing it possible that Kearney
would not obey the order, at once sent his orderly, a Mr.
Donovan, with peremptory orders for Captain Kearney
to return. When Mr. Donovan arrived near the gate
of San Antonia, or gate of Santa Anna, he was seized upon
by Mexican officers, who hastily came out of the gate to
kill him. In this moment of peril, Donovan's horse was shot,
fell on hirri, and he himself was about to become a victim
of the enemy. A Mexican officer approached on horse
back, and asked him (Donovan) if he was an officer. Dono
van replied : " I am' Colonel Harney's orderly." The officer,
who was the son of an ex-Mexican Minister to Washington
City, while a boy and in the American capital with his
father, made the acquaintance of Colonel Harney, and held
him in high esteem, told Donovan he knew Colonel Har
ney, and for his high regard for Harney, at once rescued
the orderly from death by the hands of the Mexican
officers, who came from within the gates. The Mexican
officer, seeing the perilous condition of the orderly, told
him to get upon his horse behind him. The orderly did so
and offered the Mexican officer his sword, in conformity to
the duty of a captive to a victor. The officer said : " No !
keep the sword and help to defend yourself, " in the mean-

THE MEXICAN WAR. 24I
time hastening away with Donovan to a place of safety.
He was taken to the headquarters of the Mexican army,
and his life preserved. During his stay at the headquarters
Donovan was offered different commissions in the Mexican
army, but declined all of them, preferring to remain an
American citizen. Captain Kearney lost an arm while
indulging in rashness, and then hastily sought safety within
the lines of his own people. In this instance, Donovan
found Harney's name as potential in the hour of peril, in
the last trial of life, as did Croesus the name of Solon
when the officers of the army of Cyrus had him placed
upon the funeral pile and the torch applied.
On the 1 8th day of September, the American army en
tered the City of Mexico, and General Harney, although
not relieved from the command that exiled him from the
storming of Chapultepec, placed his next senior officer in
command and entered the city with the victorious army.
He reported the fact to General Scott, who said that the
occasion was so propitious, and the duty assigned to Col
onel Harney so important, that he wanted him to hurry
back and give his personal attention to the charge com
mitted to his care.
At the City of Mexico Colonel Harney found quarters,
and occupied the palace where the late emperor Iturbide
had been crowned. Iturbide was the lineal descendant of
Hernando Cortez, the first conqueror of Mexico, by Mari-
amser, a native Aztec, and likewise a descendant of Monte
zuma. The palace was most luxuriously furnished and
indicated the luxury and taste of the early Aztec race.
While here he resumed command of his brigade, and on
one occasion, while he was dining, there were brought to
him some Mexicans who had been caught in an attempt to
outrage the Mexican wife of a Mr. Hall, whose services
had been valuable to him. At that time the Mexicans,
from a feeling of jealousy, were disposed to persecute all
the Mexican women who had married or cohabited with

242 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
American soldiers. Without thinking, supposing it was a
case where the gringoes, or Mexican outlaws, were venting
their spite on a weak and defenceless woman, he directed
the soldiers who brought in the prisoners to dispose of
them. The disposition the soldiers made of them was to
whip them without ceremony, and with short shrift. But
it was, unfortunately, the fact that they were French sub
jects, and not Mexicans, and the French Consul and French
Minister made complaints to General Scott and the Gov
ernment at Washington, which was the occasion of a severe
reprimand from President Polk, and more than all, of great
regrets to himself, for the Colonel was always a great ad
mirer and friend of the French — he has married his two
daughters to French gentlemen, one of them to the Count
de Noue, and the other to the Viscount de Thury,
who served in the late war with the Mexicans under Maxi
milian. The following order of reprimand was, by order of the
President, sent to Colonel Harnay, by the Secretary of
War:
War Department, Washington, "1
December n, 1848. J
Sir : The Government of the French RepubHc has com
plained against you, through their Minister in the United
States, for having caused a degrading punishment to be
inflicted in a summary manner, in the City of Mexico, on
the 26th of October, 1847, upon Marie Courtine, a French
citizen, for an alleged civil offence, upon the statement of
the party aggrieved, without trial and without having heard
what the accused had to say in his defence. Your expla
nations have been submitted to the President, and whilst he
feels that there was cause for your indignation against the
conduct of Courtine for outrages committed by him upon
the person of Mrs. HaH, the wife of an American citizen, yet
you ought not to have forgotten that you had no jurisdic
tion whatever over the offence, and that every man is
entitled to a hearing and fair trial before punishment.
Your proper course would have been to refer the party

THE MEXICAN WAR. 243
aggrieved to the Civil Governor of Mexico for redress.
The President cannot, therefore, but view your conduct
in causing Courtine to be whipped, and more especially as
this was done not at your own discretion, but at the mercy
of the injured husband, as worthy of censure. Of this act
the French Government have a just right to complain, and
it was well calculated to impair the cherished friendship
which the President desires shall ever exist between the
two Republics.
It is true that at the time when this punishment was
inflicted, you did not know that Courtine was a Frenchman ;
and from what you state of your feelings of just regard for
that distinguished nation, it is almost certain that had you
possessed this knowledge, you would not have suffered him
to be punished without trial. But your ignorance upon
this subject was occasioned by your omission to hear the
accused, and by your having summarily delivered him and
his companion ^er to Mr. Hall and the guard in whose
custody he was, with the declaration that " there is my
back yard, you can take them in and do with them what
you please, I shall not interfere. "
It is painful to the President to censure the conduct of
a gallant and meritorious officer like yourself; but a sense
of what is due to justice and to the French nation requires
this at his hands.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. L. MARCY,
Secretary of War.
Brevet Brigadier-General W. S. Harney, U. S. Army.
Shortly after the capture of Mexico, Colonel Harney was,
in October, 1847, ordered as bearer of dispatches to Wash
ington. On his way to Vera Cruz he was assigned the
duty of commanding a force in convoy of a train of treas
ure. Among the friends who accompanied him to Vera
Cruz was Captain Cassius M. Clay, who had been a pris
oner with the Mexicans since the battle of Buena Vista.
Captain Clay had been released from his captivity along
with Major John P. Gaines by an honorable exchange.
The friendship theretofore existing between them was

244 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
strengthened and consolidated on this journey. It was a
tedious trip, for in passing over the mountains the train
was so long that the last wagon camped at night where the
first one had camped the night before. He arrived at Vera
Cruz in due time and embarked for the States.
On his way to Washington he was very near being the
victim of an ovation at New Orleans, the citizens of which
place had testified their admiration of his courage after the
battle of Cerro Gordo, by the present of a horse. He man
aged to elude their hospitable demonstration and avoid the
hero worship they designed for him, for it was repugnant
to the modesty of the soldier, as well as the sensibility of
the gentleman. But at Saint Louis, where his family and
friends lived, he was surprised by an ovation which was
gratifying at the same time it was annoying. A coach with
six white horses drew up to his residenSe ; he was cap
tured and carried in state to the People's Theatre, then
situated where the present old Custom-house is now,
southeast corner of Third and Olive streets, and in a pri
vate box exposed to the admiration of the thronged audi
ence which filled the pit, the galleries and boxes, attracted
there that night more to see the hero of Cerro Gordo than
to see the play.
At Philadelphia, subsequently, he arrived at a time when
the returned volunteers from Mexico were having a cel
ebration, and although he avoided all demonstration, his
hotel was besieged by large crowds of people, who were
packed in the streets for two squares. He was talking to
some ladies on the balcony at the time of this demonstra
tion, unsuspicious that he was the object and cause of the
assemblage, till his attention was called to the fact of the
frequent mention of his name. He withdrew to his room,
and resisted all importunities to show himself to the crowd.
They even came to his room, and were very near breaking
open his doors. Like Coriolanus, he was a soldier and
unfitted for the immodest arts of the demagogue, unwilling

THE MEXICAN WAR. 245
to parade his honorable scars to the applause of the pop
ulace. , A noteworthy fact, which shows something of the inside
character and humanity of General Harney, is related in
reference to a matter connected with some soldiers in the
City of Mexico. When the United States army entered
the city, and peace negotiations were going on, many of
our soldiers won the esteem and love of elegant and refined
women ; matrimonial alliances were formed, and when
peace was declared and the American army was ordered
to vacate the city and return home, these soldiers, who had
won the love of the Castilian maidens, holding that they
had served their country faithfully and helped to win the
honors of a conquest, were entitled to remain in Mexico
with their loves.: Acting upon this view of the case, trou
ble was about to ensue by declaring these soldiers to be
deserters. Colonel Harney, knowing the facts, reported
them to the President as soon as he arrived in Washing
ton, and entreated the President to allow the soldiers to
remain in Mexico and marry as each desired. The Presi
dent approved Colonel Harney's views of the matter and
ordered that the soldiers be relieved and remain with their
loves. The conduct of Colonel Harney in this matter cannot
fail to meet the approval of the best judgment of the
people and entitle him to the lasting gratitude of those di
rectly concerned.

CHAPTER XII.
THE SIOUX EXPEDITION.
/'TN FTER his arduous service in the Mexican war, and
H^ on the restoration of peace, by the treaty of Guada-
loupe. Brevet Brigadier General Harney was ordered
to the command of his regiment, the Second Dragoons, on
the frontier of the eighth department. His head-quarters
were at San Antonio, and while there he made the acquain
tance of the son of Audubon, the celebrated American nat
uralist. The young gentleman was collecting specimens of
the fauna of the United States. He had collected nearly all
his specimens, and wanted only one more, a specimen of
the leopard family, which was very rare, and which he had
been unable to procure. The General was never without
his pack of hounds, and undertook to find one for him.
He sallied out the next morning with his dogs, and by
great good fortune they treed an animal, of which the Gen
eral could only see the head. It occupied a position in a
live oak tree, near the San Antonio spring, which rendered
it impossible to shoot it, except in the small portion ex
posed. Drawing a bead with his rifle, he delivered one fire,
as he supposed at first, without effect. The animal kept
his position without moving a muscle, and he supposed he
had missed it, but as he was preparing to give it another
trial, with a few convulsive motions the strange beast tum
bled dead out of the tree. It proved to be what the nat
uralist wanted to make his collection complete, and Gen
eral Harney presented Audubon with its skin.
General Harney served in Texas, with occasional de
tached service and short leaves of absence, until August,
1852, when he was reheved by General Persifer Smith, an

SIOUX EXPEDITION. 247
officer with whom he had seen much service, and to whom
he was much attached. He was then granted a leave of
absence to December 9, 1852, when he was ordered again to
take command of the eighth military department in Texas,
with head-quarters at Austin, where he remained until
May, 1853, when he was absent again on leave to Decem
ber, 1853, 3-t which time he resumed command of the Sec
ond Dragoons until July 20, 1854. This long and arduous
service on the frontier induced the Government to grant
him, at his request, leave of absence for two years, that he
might visit Europe, and spend some time with his family.
Mrs. Harney, with her daughters, had resided for some
time in Paris, and their only son, John M., was in feeble
health, and it was hoped that travel and change of climate
would benefit him. The condition of the young man was
such as to cause great solicitude to his parents, and Gen
eral Harney had hopes of spending his long leave in the
society of his family. But in the fall of 1854 he received
at Paris the following order to return and take command
of an expedition against the Sioux Indians, who were
making hostile demonstrations in Kansas and Nebraska :
Adjutant General's Office, \
Washington, Oct. 26, 1854. /
Sir : I am instructed by the Secretary of War to inform
you that an expedition will be organized this winter to
operate against the Sioux Indians as early as possible next
spring. Four companies of your regiment will form a part
of this expedition, and it is the intention of the Secretary
of War to place you in command of the troops, if you
should be in position in season. The expedition will be
put in motion as soon as the navigation of the Missouri
river opens in the spring, and it is important that the officer
who is to command should be at St. Louis by the first of
February next, in order to make timely preparations for the
movement. The Secretary of War desires that you wiU make your
arrangements to be at St. Louis at the time above indicated.

248 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
and that if anything should occur to prevent your doing
this, that you will report the fact as soon as possible, as it
will then be necessary to designate some other officer for
the command.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
S. COOPER,
Adjutant General.
Brevet Brigadier-General W. S. Harney,
Colonel 2d Dragoons.
General Harney at once set out for the United States,
leaving Paris on Christmas eve, 1854, and after a pros
perous voyage, reported to the Department at Washington.
On his arrival. President Pierce sent for him, to whom Col
onel Harney complained he had not been allowed to enjoy
the leave of absence granted him. The President frankly
said to him : " General Harney, you have done so much
that I will not order you, but I do wish you would consent
to assume the command and whip the Indians for us."
General Harney accepted the command, and repaired to
St. Louis, and thence to Fort Leavenworth, where he made
his preparations for the expedition. He took four com
panies of dragoons, a portion of the 6th infantry, and one
company of mounted artillery. He expected a general
Indian war, with the whole of the powerful Sioux tribes.
Late in the fall he marched from Fort Leavenworth, by
the CaHfornia road, crossed the South Platte, and thence
moved across the North Platte, and took position at a high
point known as Ash HoHow, so caUed from a growth of ash
wood in the vicinity.
Although General Harney had long ago demonstrated,
by years of arduous labor, that he was the most distin
guished Indian fighter belonging to the American army, it
was the impression at the War office and at Fort Leaven
worth that his command was not sufi^ciently strong to go
with safety into the heart of the Indian country, where hos
tile bands were expected to be encountered on aH sides.
The Government therefore ordered General Sumner to

SIOUX EXPEDITION. 249
move with a force from Fort Leavenworth and support
General Harney. Sumner soon followed, but did not go far,
when he turned about and took his command back to Fort
Leavenworth, where he went into winter quarters, leaving
Harney to prosecute the Indian campaign the best he
could. This conduct enraged General Harney, and in due
time he had Sumner arraigned for trial under the laws of
war. This led to trouble between Harney and Sumner,
which, no doubt, was the culmination of an unfriendly feel
ing engendered in the Mexican war through the partiality
of General Scott toward General Sumner. Sumner was
not relieved from the stain of his unprofessional and ungal-
lant conduct toward Harney in abandoning him in the
enemy's country. On the other hand, Harney made a per
ilous, but victorious and triumphant campaign and won
thereby personal as well as national honors from Sumner,
by courageous manhood and duty done.
It is proper to look a little into the causes of the Indian
war. It will always be found that the Indians have never
been entirely at fault, and although they were always sav
age and cruel in war, they have usually been provoked by
injustice, fraud or gross wrong. The want of sagacity in
our Government has greatly prolonged and brutalized the
Indian wars. They have unfortunately made our civiliza
tion odious, and if our Indian history could be written by
the Indians themselves, perhaps impartial posterity would
do them the tardy justice their more powerful Christian
cotemporaries have denied.
Some emigrants to California, with their cattle and
household goods, had passed the Big Platte, some thirty
miles below Fort Laramie. One of their cows gave out,
and they left it with the Bois Brule Indians. The Indians
took charge of it. Shortly after, an Ogallala chief paid
the Bois Brules a visit. The accustomed hospitality of the
nomadic tribes of America demanded of his hosts that they
should offer him something to eat. The Bois Brules were

250 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
unfortunately on very short rations, and could offer but slim
accommodations in the way of a feast. The honest sav
ages had allowed the white man's cow to fatten on the
grass and recover her strength, and the temptations of
almost starvation, in the absence of buffalo and the always
insufficient supplies furnished by the rascally agent and
contractor, had never tempted them to violate the sanctity
of the white man's sacred trust. But the Ogallala chief
was a guest, and in the absence of any material for a feast,
they apologized for their seeming want of hospitality by
explaining that they had nothing to eat. The Ogallala
chief remarked that he had seen a white buffalo (the Indian
name for a cow) on the prairie. The Bois Brules explained
that the cow belonged to the white people and that they
never disturbed their cattle. The Ogallala chief and his
warriors took in the situation and soon went out on a hunt.
They brought in the white buffalo and had a feast. The
emigrant who owned the cow heard that it had been killed,
and made out a bill for it, which was paid by the officer in
command at Fort Laramie. The officer then sent out
Lieut. Grattan, with thirty soldiers, to the Bois Brules to
bring the warrior who had killed the cow into the fort. The
Lieutenant, with his men, went to the village. The soldiers
were drunk, and on reaching the village they demanded of
Black Beaver, the chief of the Bois Brules, the inan who
had killed the cow. Of course they would not surrender
up their guest. Black Beaver said, " I cannot give up our
guest, but he has behaved badly and you can take him ;
he is in that lodge. I will not deliver him ; it is against
our laws and customs. They would kill me if I gave him
up." The Lieutenant replied, " No, you must bring him
here." Black Beaver repHed, "No, it is against our rules,
and I would rather be kiHed by you than by my own people
for violating the duty of hospitality." Then the drunken
Lieutenant ordered his men to fire. In the meantime, the
Indians who saw the Lieutenant talking with their chief.

XHE SIOUX EXPEDITION. 25 I
prepared for battle. Black Beaver was killed, and no
sooner had the whites discharged the first volley than the
Indians opened on them and killed the Lieutenant, his in
terpreter and all his detachment but one man. After this
affair darkness came on, and an Indian warrior, walking
over the scene of carnage, found one soldier still alive,
whom he took into his lodge and nursed till he got well,
This was the beginning of an Indian war, the occasion be
ing the gross wrong and fault of the commander of the
Americans. This sad occasion is worthy a thought. The savage had
his custom, born of his honor and integrity. It was the
simple conviction and expression of his heart. But to him
it was as sacred and worthy of regard as the faith of the
Christian and the words of the civilized man. The Indian,
in his native home and depressed in his poverty, was still
true to the customs established by his ancestors and made
sacred by generations of usage. The white man, clothed
with superior power, but less of the heart, enters the home,
the community of the red man and tramples down his sa
cred customs and inhumanly murders his directors and
rulers. " The sacred rights of mankind," said Alexander
Hamilton, " are not to be rummaged for among old parch
ments or musty records. They are written as with a sun
beam in the whole volume of human nature, by the hand of
the divinity itself, and can never be erased or obscured by
mortal power." A people of English speech and Anglo-
Saxon lineage should remember, in passing upon these
scenes, that custom makes the common law, and before
they have one word of condemnation for the barbarian of
the frontier, consider how the observance of custom would
have been their own perfect protection.
As General Harney approached the Indian country, he
received a message from Little Thunder, by a trader named
Vasquez. Little Thunder said he would fight him or shake
hands with him. General Harney had learned about the

252 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
situation of the Indians, and had reached a position com
manding their village. He made his dispositions for an
attack before daylight As soon as the Indians discov
ered his position. Little Thunder mounted his pony and
rode over to General Harney's camp. He offered his hand
to the American commander. General Harney refused his
hand and told him he came for a fight, that his men had
been robbing the mails and killing the emigrants, and that
he intended to punish them. Little Thunder was appre
hensive Harney would keep him prisoner of war, but he
was informed he could go back to his people and prepare
for battle. The American guns were superior, and made
great havoc among the savages. The Indians lost seventy-
two men before the Americans lost even one ! The
Indians retreated into the hollow, and placed their women
and children for safety in a cave. From this cave there
were shot some arrows against the Americans, which
wounded some white men. The soldiers fired deadly
volleys into the cave, but, when the commander ascer
tained that there were only women and children in the
cave, he ordered the soldiers to cease firing. The Indians
were soon forced to retreat, and being encumbered with
their women and children, General Harney allowed them
to make good their retreat. The ravine could only be
entered from either end, and after allowing them to escape,
there was a running fight, in which three dragoons were
killed. The report of the fight, which we insert entire, gives
a detailed account that will be of interest to our readers :
REPORT OF GENERAL HARNEY, COMMANDER OF THE SIOUX
EXPEDITION.
Headquarters Sioux Expedition, "j
Camp on Blue Water Creek, N. T., >
September 5, 1855. j
Colonel: I have the honor to report for the information
of the general-in-chief that on my arrival at Ash Hollow,

SIOUX expedition. 255
in the evening of the 2d instant, I ascertained that a large
portion of the Brule band of the Sioux Nation, under
" Little Thunder, " was encamped on Blue Water Creek,
(Mee-na-to-wah-pah) about six miles northwest of Ash
Hollow, and four from the left bank of the North Platte.
Having no doubt, from the information I had received
from the people of the country I had previously met on
the road, and from the guides accompanying me, of the
real character and hostile intentions of the party in question,
I at once commenced preparations for attacking it. I
ordered Lieutenant Colonel P. St. George Cooke, 2d dra
goons, with companies "E" and "K" of the same regi
ment, light company " G, " 4th artillery, and company
" E, " loth infantry, all mounted, to move at three o'clock,
A. M., on the third instant, and secure a position which
would cut off the retreat of the Indians to the Sand
Buttes, the reputed stronghold of the Brules. This move
ment was executed in a most faultless and successful
manner — not apparently having attracted the notice or
excited the suspicion of the enemy up to the very moment
of the encounter.
At 4 : 30 o'clock, A. M., I left my camp with companies
"A," "E, " "H," "I, "and " K, " 6th infantry, under the
immediate command of Major A. Cady, of that regiment,
and proceeded towards the principal village of the Brules,
with a view to attacking it openly in concert with the sur
prise contemplated through the cavalry. But before
reaching it, the lodges were struck, and their occupants
commenced a rapid retreat up the valley of the Blue
Water, precisely in the direction from whence I expected
the mounted troops. They halted short of these, however,
and a parley ensued between the chief and myself, in
which I stated the causes of dissatisfaction which the
Government had towards the Brules, and closed the
interview by telling him that his people had depredated
upon and insulted our- citizens whilst moving quietly
through our country; that they had massacred our troops
under the most aggravated circumstances, and that now the
day of retribution had come ; that I did not wish to harm
him personally, as he professed to be a friend to the whites,
but that he must either deliver up the young men, whom

256 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
he acknowledged he could not control, or they must suffer
the consequences of their past misconduct and take the
chances of battle. Not being able, of course, however
wiHing he might have been, to deliver up all the butchers
of our people, " Little Thunder " returned to his band to
warn them of my decision, and to prepare them for the
contest that must foUow. Immediately after his disappear
ance from my view, I. ordered the infantry to advance, the
leading company (Captain Todd's) as skirmishers, sup
ported by company " H, " 6th infantry (under Lieutenant
McCleary), the remaining companies of the 6th being held
in hand for ulterior movements. The skirmishers, under
Captain Todd, opened their fire, crossed the bluffs on the
right bank of the stream (where the Indians had taken up
their last position) in a very spirited and gallant manner,
driving the savages therefrom into the snare laid for them
by the cavalry, which last troops burst upon them so sud
denly and so unexpectedly as to cause them to cross,
instead of ascending the valley of the Blue Water and
seek an escape through the only avenue now left open to
them, through the bluffs of the left bank of that stream.
But although they availed themselves of this outlet from
complete capture, they did not do so without serious moles
tation, for the infantry not only took them in flank with
their long-range rifles, but the cavalry made a most spirited
charge upon their opposite or left flank and rear, pursuing
them for five or six miles over a very rough country, killing a
large number of them and completely dispersing the whole
party. This brilliant charge of cavalry was supported, as
far as practicable, by the whole body of the infantry, who
were eager from the first for a fray with the butchers of
their comrades of Lieutenant Grattan's party.
The results of this affair were: 86 killed, 5 wounded,
about 70 women and children captured, 50 mules and
ponies taken, besides an indefinite number killed and
disabled. The amount of provisions and camp equipage
must have composed nearly all the enemy possessed.
The casualties of the command amounted to 4 killed, 4
severely wounded, 3 slightly wounded, and i missing, sup
posed to have been kiHed or captured by the enemy.
I enclose herewith a list of the above, and also field

SIOUX EXPEDITION. 257
returns, exhibiting the strength of the troops engaged in
the combat.
With regard to the officers and troops of my command,
I have never seen a finer military spirit displayed generally ;
and if there has been any material difference in the services
they have rendered it must be measured chiefly by the
opportunities they had for distinction. Lieutenant-Colonel
Cooke and Major Cady, the commanders of the mounted
and foot forces, respectively, carried out my instructions to
them with signal alacrity, zeal and intelligence. The com
pany commanders, whose position either in the engage
ment or in the pursuit, brought them in closest contact
with the enemy, were Captain Todd, of the 6th infantry;
Captain Steele and Lieutenant Robertson, of the 2d dra
goons, and Captain Heth, loth infantry. Captain Howe
and his Company ("G," 4th artillery,) participated largely
in the earlier part of the engagement, but for reasons stated
in his commander's report, he took no active part in the
pursuit. Brevet Major Woods, Captain Wharton and Lieu
tenant Patterson, of the 6th infantry, with their companies,
rendered effective service as reserves and supports, taking
an active part in the combat when circumstances would
permit. Colonel Cooke notices the conduct of Lieutenants
Buford and Wright, regimental quartermaster and adjutant
of the 2d dragoons, in a flattering manner. Lieutenants
Drum, Hudson and Mendenhall, 4th artillery. Lieutenants
Hight and Livingston, 2d dragoons, and Lieutenant Dud
ley, loth infantry, gave efficient aid to their company and
commanders. I should do injustice to Mr. Joseph Tesson, one of my
guides, were I to omit a mention of his eminently valuable
services in conducting the column of cavalry to its position
in the rear of the Indian village. To his skill as a guide,
and his knowledge of the character and habits of the
enemy, I ascribe much of the success gained in the engage
ment. Mr. Carsey, also chief of the guides, rendered good
service in transmitting my orders.
The members of my personal staff rendered me most
efficient service in the field. Major O. F. Winship, assis
tant adjutant general and chief of the staff, and Lieutenant
Polk, 2d infantry, my aid-de-camp, in conveying my orders

2S8 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
to different portions of the command, discharged their du
ties with coolness, zeal and energy. Assistant surgeon
Ridgely, of the medical staff, was indefatigable in his atten
tions to the suffering wounded, both of our owii troops and
of the enemy. Lieutenant Warren, topographical engi
neers, was most actively engaged, previous to and during
the combat, reconnoitering the country and the enemy,
and has subsequently made a sketch of the former, which I
enclose herewith. Captain Van Vliet, assistant quarter
master, was charged with the protection of the train — a
service for which his experience on the plains rendered him
eminently qualified. Lieutenant Balch, of the ordnance,
was also left in charge of the stores of his department.
I enclose herewith several papers found in the baggage
of the Indians, some of which are curiosities, and others
may serve to show their disposition towards the whites.
They were mostly taken, as their dates and marks will
indicate, on the occasion of the massacre and plunder
of the mail party in November last. There are also in the
possession of officer-: and others in camp the scalps of two
white females, and the -remnant of the clothing, etc., carried
off by the Indians in the Grattan massacre ; all of which, in
my judgment, sufficiently characterize the people I have
had to deal with.
I am. Colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM.. S. HARNEY,
Brevet Brigadier General, &c.
Lieutenant-Colonel L. Thomas,
Ass' t Adjutant Gen' I, Headquarters of the Army, N. Y.
Headquarters of the Army, 1
New York, Sept. 29, 1855. j
Respectfully forwarded to the Adjutant General, by di
rection of the General-in-chief, who highly approves of the
conduct of Brevet Brigadier General Harney and his com
mand. ' L. THOMAS,
Ass't Adjutant General.
Respectfully submitted to the Secretary of War.
S. COOPER,
October i, 1855. Adjutant General.

SIOUX EXPEDITION.

259

It is due to General Harney's horse, " Buncombe," to say
that, after his return from the Mexican war. General Har
ney took him with him on the Sioux expedition in 1855-6,
and such was the remarkable inteHigence of the horse

general HARNEY AND "BUNCOMBE."

that while on duty and service about the camp, he learned
the distinct smell of the buffalo, the wolf and the Indian;
and during the night, in the enemy's country, when all
had gone to sleep and the guard were ignorant of the ap
proach of an enemy, Buncombe would report, and whether

26o LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
there be wolf, buffalo or Indian, Buncombe would smeH
the intruder and at once rise to his feet and begin to snort
and stamp. And if the alarm was for an Indian, Bun
combe would stamp harder and more often and snort
louder. His alarm was invariably correct, and in many
instances the lives of men were saved by his signals. After
serving his master well, and making an honorable record
for himself, he was retired, and in the quiet of life he be
came so fat that he died without a pain or struggle.
From Ash Hollow General Harney moved to Fort La
ramie. From there he intended to enter upon a general
winter campaign, but after traveling something like one
hundred and thirty miles along the foot of the Black Hills,
without finding any Indians, he encamped one night and
there fell a very heavy snow, with every indication of severe
weather. The General endeavored after the snow to find
the traces of Indians, which, being unable to discover, he
moved with his command to old Fort Pierre, where he
wintered. In the prosecution of this campaign, the engineers, taking
notes of the country, found one mountainous formation
much superior to any other in that region. Upon this
they conferred the name of their commander and called it
Harney's Peak. This peak is 1665 feet in height, and the
name thus given is recognized by the United States Gov
ernment, and placed upon its official maps. When, in 1874,
the United States surveying expedition, under the escort
of General Custar, entered that region and arrived at Har
ney's Peak, General Custar and his staff alighted from their
horses under the shadow of the mountain, fired a salute,
and drank a health to General Harney, the chieftain who
had long gone before with the sword and the axe, and
marked out a path in the wilderness, and given a name to
history and science.
During this winter he sent word to the chiefs of all the
hostile tribes and wished them to meet him in the spring.

SIOUX EXPEDITION. 261
They accordingly came in. Little Thunder among them,
— all except one band — and held a council on some logs
lying around the Fort. Harney made the first speech,
laying down the terms of peace. The chiefs made
speeches, and the conference resulted in a treaty.
The chiefs met General Harney at Fort Pierre, and the
conference between him and the chiefs commenced on
the first day of March, 1856. The Fort and other im
provements were very limited in their accommodations,
and the conference was held in the open air, the contract
ing parties usually sitting on logs. General Harney made
the first speech. He arose and stood erect before the sav
age warriors with a self-conscious majesty as Cineas, the
Thessalian minister, stood before the Senators of Rome,
and contended for the peace of the world.
The conference continued five days. Minutes were kept
of the entire proceedings, and at the close were forwarded
to Washington. On arriving at the war office, they were
referred by Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War, to the Pres
ident, and President Pierce referred the minutes and treaty
to Congress for approval on the 24th of July, 1856.
The following is General Harney's report of the council
to Hon. Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War. It shows his
good sense and thorough knowledge of the Indian char
acter, and if his suggestions and arrangements had been
faithfully carried out by the Government, much subsequent
trouble could have been avoided:
Head-quarters Sioux Expedition,
Fort Pierre, N. T, March 8, 1856.
I have the honor to enclose "the minutes of the councH"
between myself and the different delegations of the Sioux,
which convened at this place on the 1st and closed on the
5 th instant.
The Sioux nation of the Platte and Missouri rivers, with
the exception of Big Head's band of Yanctonnais and the
Ogallala band, were represented in this councH. The

262 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Ogallalas were prevented from coming by the Indian agent
at Fort Laramie, Mr Thomas S. Twiss. I have sent in
structions to Colonel Hoffman to send their delegation to
me at once, and shall impress upon them the same condi
tions as were submitted to those who were in council.
I congratulate the department on this happy issue of
affairs in this section of our frontier; and would most
earnestly recommend that the best poHcy to secure these
results be adopted by the government at an early day.
The character of the Indians is undergoing great modi
fications — the gradual decrease in their supply of food —
their poverty of means to eke out an existence, with the
disease and imposition which has been put upon them on
all sides, have forced upon the minds of these people the
irresistible conclusion, that to live hereafter they must
work. They now desire to do so, and have already, in some
instances, commenced — but they have not been able to
succeed — and they feel that they are obliged to depend
upon the government for future aid and assistance to enable
them to live.
With these impressions they have asked our government
to help them with a beginning, in raising corn and other
simple grains and vegetables ; to give them hoes and seed,
and to have their land ploughed for them until they learn
to do it themselves. Should the government take pity
upon them and grant'their request, they pledge themselves
to enter upon their task in good faith and with energy.
It is not yet too late for us to requite, in some degree,
this unfortunate race for their many sufferings, consequent
to the domain of our people on the soil of this continent.
These Indians, heretofore proud, stern, and unyielding,
now ask of us that assistance which all nations have con
ceded to each other whenever it has been sought. With
proper management a new era wHl dawn upon such of the
Indians as yet remain.
The Sioux seek it and look forward to it, with a hope
which I trust may not be blighted. They have been de
ceived so often by the whites that they would never again
give them their confidence.
A feeling of security being most essential to the success
ful cultivation of the soil, it will be seen that my first

SIOUX EXPEDITION. 263
efforts, after obtaining from the Sioux our demands for past
grievances, have been directed to place them at peace with
the surrounding tribes, viz : the Pawnees, Cheyennes, and
Arrapahoes. This I shall most firmly insist upon with each
of the above named parties, in addition to requiring them
to keep out of each other's country.
I arrived at this conclusion through the information of the
fact that emigrants on arriving in California and Oregon com
plain that nearly all the depredations committed on the en
tire route across the continent, occur between Fort Leaven
worth and Fort Kearney, on the Platte and on the Blue
rivers. This country is Pawnee country, and all of those
nations above mentioned have heretofore considered them
selves at war with the Pawnees ; and under cover of this
hostility make annual excursions to that neighborhood in
the spring, during the time of emigration, for the purpose
of robbing the whites. In case of any accusation being
made, the guilt is shifted to some absent party. The
Pawnees have also availed themselves of this state of things
to steal from the whites. I have, therefore, considered it
best to keep each nation in its own country, and hold them
responsible for all deeds committed therein. This course
will very much simplify our relations with these Indians,
and at the same time render our control over them more
effectual. I have caused the Sioux nation to select and appoint a
certain number of chiefs to govern them, and to see that
they carry out the conditions to which they have consented
in council, and I have informed them these would be the
only chiefs recognized by the President, myself, or their
Indian agent. I was induced to this from the confusion
which has existed among the bands themselves, in conse
quence of the different chiefs which have been appointed
at different times by different interests.
Certain chiefs were recognized by the nation, others by
the mHitary, others again by the Indian agents ; and the
traders, for their own purposes, have most unwarrantably
given medals and appointed chiefs. These conflicting
interests necessarily weakened the authority of all these
chiefs, and to correct this evH I most respectfully request
that the President wiH direct and order that hereafter none

264 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
of the chiefs of the Sioux but those selected in the late
council, under the conditions there agreed upon, be recog
nized by either the War or Interior Departments. This
unity of action will greatly tend to promote the influence
of the government over these people. That the organiza
tion of Sioux may be more complete, I proposed to the
chiefs to have a certain number of soldiers in each band to
assist them to carry out my views. They have each given
in the number which they deemed sufficient for that pur
pose in each band, and I recommend that these soldiers be
regularly named, and receive from the government a dress
or uniform by which they will be known ; and that for the
time they may be doing duty under their chiefs in their
villages they will receive their rations. The expense will
be trifling, and their young men would be stimulated and
encouraged to seek these positions. The dress should be
durable and gaudy, particularly the head dress ; (they are
fond of feathers.) The uniform of the different bands
should be different, and the same should have place in the
different grades of chief, sub-chief, &c. By gradually
causing the interests of a portion of the nation to depend
upon the wishes of the government, the remainder will be
easily controlled.
I intend using these Indians as express men ; they are
wHling, and I am satisfied that as long as a respectable
force is kept in the country they will be useful and eco
nomical agents.
I may state here, that all the difficulties which I have
had with the Sioux of the Missouri have been caused by
the large amount of ammunition which was brought into
the country upon the steamers " St. Mary's " and " Arabia,"
for the purpose of trade. On the " St. Mary's, " three hun
dred kegs of powder were shipped and delivered at the
different trading stations up this river. The " Arabia " had
the same amount, and the quantity of ball in both cases
was in proportion to the powder. When the superin
tendent of Indian affairs reached Fort Clarke he forbid the
ammunition to be traded, but left a discretionary authority
with the Indian agent. Colonel Vaughan, to do so or not.
The Indians, under strong temptation, and encouraged
by the passiveness of these companies' agents, compelled

SIOUX EXPEDITION. 265
Colonel Vaughan, who had not a single soldier to protect
him, to grant these companies permission to trade this
ammunition. There can be but one inference to be drawn in reference
to these companies, and that is, had they firmly supported
Colonel Vaughan in his refusal to the Indians, the Indians
would never have acted as they did.
Do such persons deserve licenses to trade with the
Indians ?
In conclusion, I desire to repeat a former suggestion, as
being necessary \o complete the impression which has been
made upon the Sioux up to this time, and that is, my con
viction that a large force should be by all means thrown
through their country this summer, to convince them of the
ability and intention of the government to enforce obedi
ence to its commands, whenever occasion shall require it.
I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most
obedient servant,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Brevet Brigadier General, &c.
Hon. Secretary of War.
This treaty was one that held within it the germ of peace
to both the contracting parties. Unfortunately for the
settlers on the frontier, their Government had too little ap
preciation of the Indian character, too little insight into the
motives of savage tribes to make it effective. This treaty,
or rather protocol, was entered into by all the immediate
parties with the utmost good faith, and the papers evidenc
ing the appointments of sub-chiefs, made by General Har
ney, were treasured during the lives of the appointees, and
shown with pride as endorsements of the fidelity and
soldierly qualities of the braves, made in solemn council by
the great brave of the white race.
As to the wisdom of these detailed appointments we
have an example in the oldest and most treasured of
human histories. When Jethro, the Midianitish priest,
came to see the methods of his divinely appointed son-in-
law, he marked out a similar plan. Exodus i8 : 21,

266 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
" Moreover thou shalt provide out of aH the people able
men, such- as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness,
and place such oyer them to be rulers of thousands and
rulers of hundreds and rulers of fifties and rulers of tens."
David, the next great law-giver of God's chosen people,
instructed by the great light which shines upon him, made
a similar provision. II. Samuel i8: i, "And David num
bered the people that were with him, and set captains of
thousands and captains of hundreds over them."
Here was one of the simplest principles of government,
put in force in a natural way, and in such manner as com
mended itself to savage men. Had the United States Gov
ernment fully carried out its stipulations there can be no
doubt that many subsequent troubles would have been
avoided. The Indians stood by their own promises, and
held to the obligations imposed upon them, even after it
was clear that our own Government had no intention of
redeeming its promises.
Meanwhile, and early in the spring, there were some tur
bulent Indians on the east side of the Mississippi. They
were Sioux and kinsmen of Black Beaver and Little
Thunder. These sent a message to Harney that they had
heard of him, and wanted to meet him on the war path. He
determined to accept the challenge, and prepared to move
upon them. But his attention was called to his orders,
which did not allow him to go. He applied to Washington
for instructions and permission to pursue his plans, but
they were not accorded him.
He had moved down a hundred miles before he had
tried to hear from Washington. The point where he
encamped is where Sioux City is now situated on the Mis
souri River, where, hearing nothing from Washington, he
returned to St. Louis in September, 1856. He was then
ordered to Florida, where Billy Bowlegs and a remnant of
the Seminoles were still lingering in the swamps and ever
glades. They were soon disposed of by being transported

Sioux EXPEDITION. 267
In a peaceful manner to their homes on the Upper Arkansas.
From Florida he returned in May, 1857, and was ordered
to duty in Kansas, where there was a delicate and impor
tant duty to be performed, requiring the steadiness and
firmness of the soldier and the cool sagacity of the states
man.

CHAPTER XIII.
THE KANSAS TROUBLES.
\-_-/HE difficulties in Kansas had grown out of political
I agitation. The soldiers would have had little to do
if the politicians had made no mischief. It seemed
to be the duty of warriors to keep the peace among politi
cians. The " arX. oi political lying" had been cultivated' to
the result that it was a fine art. While and when lying
involved no personal danger, they could lie enough to
make a dozen wars for soldiers to fight. There was a time
in Ireland when, as is described by Sir Jonah Barrington,
"the lawyers did the fighting, and the soldiers kept the
peace," but in Kansas the agitation of political demagogues
had made such a state of things that there was neither
peace nor fighting. It would be a lesson of interest and
curiosity to write a history of the Kansas troubles. It
would be a chapter of our national history, perhaps better
omitted or forgotten, and if it could be so consigned to
oblivion as to never again be remembered, the office of
the historian and biographer would be relieved of a most
disgusting duty.
As early as 1788, in framing the American Constitution,
an effort was made, supported by the slave-holding States,
to suppress the slave trade from the coast of Africa. It
was resisted by those States whose shipping and ship own
ers were remotely or immediately interested in the infa
mous traffic. They were from the same States which had
sold, in the early settlement of New England, their Indian
captives into slavery in the West Indies, and had brought
the first cargo of slaves into Virginia in 1620. The final
suppression of the slave trade was fixed for 1808. But

KANSAS TROUBLES. 269
in the meantime enough slaves had been sold to the
Southern States to make, with their progeny, over four
millions. The slave trade having ceased, the people
originally engaged in it began to be fanatically opposed
to it.
In 1820 the first compromise was made in the United
States Senate, on the admission of Missouri into the Union,
by which slavery was not to exist in the States or Territo
ries north of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude. This was the
compromise effected through the eloquence and endeavors
of Mr. Clay, of Kentucky.
Afterwards the annexation of Texas gave a large territo
rial preponderance to the South, and upon the accession
of territory again to the North by the acquisition of Cali
fornia, New Mexico and the great West, the Wilmot pro
viso introduced a new element of discord into the councils
of the nation. Mr. Clay again compromised in 1850, not
long before his death, and in a memorable debate crowned
his renown as a statesman and an orator with a garland of
imperishable fame.
But the subject of the admission of Kansas revived the
quarrels between the sections, in which the free thought
of the people aggravated the ordinary vices of politicians
and those who had and could have lived in peace, until
they were embroiled in a controversy which ultimately re
sulted in war-^the war of secession or rebellion. Mr. Douglas,
a senator from Illinois, insisted that, in the settlement of
Kansas, the early settlers could determine for themselves
their domestic institutions, and that a South CaroHnian
could go there with his slaves on the same footing that an
Illinoisan could with his laws and penalties. This doc
trine, known as squatter sovereignty, which Mr. Douglas
had learned from Count Cavour, was odious, it would
seem, to both sections, but in the settlement of Kansas led
to great excitement and agitation from one end of the
Union to the other. But Mr. Benton, who was born.

270 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
raised, lived and died among slaveholders, held quite a
different doctrine to that of Mr. Douglas, and which he
expressed in the following forcible words :
The prohibition of slavery in a territory is assumed to
work an inequality in the States, aHowing one part to
carry its property with it — the other not. This is a mis
take — a great error of fact — the source of great errors of
deduction. The citizens of aH the States, free and slave,
are precisely equal in their capacity to carry their property
with them into territories. Each may carry whatever is
property by the laws of nature : neither can carry that
which is only property by statute law ; and the reason is,
because he cannot carry with him the law which makes it
property. Either may carry the thing which is the subject
of this local property ; but neither can carry the law which
makes it so. The Virginian may carry his man-slave ; but
he cannot carry the Virginian law which makes him a slave.
The citizen of Massachusetts may carry the pile of money
which, under a State law, constitutes a bank;, but he can
not carry the law or charter which makes it a bank: and
his treasure is only a pile of money ; and, besides being
impossible, it would be absurd, and confusion confounded,
to be otherwise. For, if the citizen of one State may carry
his slave State law with him into a territory, the citizens of
every other slave State might do the same ; and then
what Babylonish confusion, not merely of tongues, but of
laws, would be found there ! Fifteen different codes, as
the slave States now number, and more to come. For
every slave State has a servile code of its own, differing
from others in some respects — and in some, radically : as
much so as land, in the eye of the law, differs from cattle.
Thus, in some States, as in Virginia and others, slaves are
only chattels : in others, as in Kentucky and Louisiana,
they are real estate. How would all these codes work
together in a territory under the wing of the Constitution,
protecting aH equally ; no law of Congress there, or of the
territory, to reconcile and harmonize them by forming them
into one ; no law to put the protecting power of the Con
stitution into action ; but of itself, by its own proper vigor,
it is to give general and equal protection to aH slaveholders

ARGUING THE SLAVERY QUESTION.

KANSAS TROUBLES.

273

in the enjoyment of their property— each, according to the
law of the State from which he came ! For, there being no
power in Congress, or the Territorial Legislature, to legis
late upon slavery, the whole subject is left to the Constitu
tion and the State law ! that law which cannot • cross the
State line ! and that Constitution which gives protection to
slave property but in one instance, and that only in States,
not in Territories — the single instance of recovering run
aways. The Constitution protect slave property in a terri
tory ! when, by that instrument, a runaway from the
territory or into the territory cannot be reclaimed ! Beau
tiful constitutional protection that ! only one clause under
it to protect slave property ; and that limited, in express
words, to fugitives between State and State ! and but one
clause in it to protect the master against his slaves, and
that limited to States ! and but one clause in it to tax slaves
as property, and that limited to States ! and but one clause
in it to give a qualified representation to Copgress, and that
limited to States. No ; the thing is impossible. The
ower cannot carry his slave State law with him into the
Territory ; nor can he carry it into another slave State, but
must take the law which he finds there, and have his prop
erty governed by it ; and, in some instances, wholly
changed by it, and rights lost, or acquired, by the change.
In New England eminent preachers, among them the
eloquent Beechers and Kallachs, taught the gospel of
Sharpe's rifles and active resistance, and societies in aid
of free State immigration were organized and liberally sup
ported with money. In the South emigration of pro-sla
very men was encouraged and supported.
These circumstances made the new territory a scene of
perpetual conflict and sedition. The free State men and
the slave State men, under the doctrine of squatter sov
ereignty, endeavored to capture the State of Kansas, either
for the North or the South, and a heavy emigration from
both sections contested the settlement and organization of
the territory, and its ultimate organization as a free or a
slave State.
No State, not even California, was ever so rapidly col-
17

274 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
onized. John Brown, since famous for having been hanged
under Governor Wise's administration, in Charlestown, Vir
ginia, for a fanatical raid upon Harper's Ferry, had come to
Kansas with his family. He was an earnest and honest
fanatic on the subject of slavery, and did much to bring
about hostilities among the discordant and excited elements
in the Kansas population.
The first Governor was Reeder, from Easton, Pennsyl
vania. Reeder, appointed as a Democrat, was a signal
failure; he was tired of his position and was soon suc
ceeded by Geary, who was likewise a weak and vapid
politician, incapable of giving satisfaction. Shannon, ex-
Governor of Ohio, had more character and abHity but as
little success. The governorship of the territory for a
while was in the hands of the acting Governor, who was
Secretary of State. Neither party could be satisfied, and
while it was difficult to satisfy one party it was impossible
to please both. The governorship was at last tendered to
Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, who had been a success
ful cabinet minister, and Secretary of the Treasury. He
asked as a condition if he took the office, that General
Harney should be sent there to command the troops.
Walker was like his predecessors, a signal failure as a gov
ernor, but Harney was a success as a military commander.
At the very beginning of his gubernatorial career in
Kansas, General Harney told Walker, in the most positive
terms, that Kansas had been the grave-yard of every gov
ernor and general sent there, and that he did not intend it
to be his, and positively refused to serve partisan interests
on either side.
The battles of Osawatomie, the sacking of Lawrence,
and the dozens of almost bloodless collisions between Mis-
sourians, who were called " border ruffians," and the emis
saries of emigrant aid societies from New England, and
the frequent bloody murders and assassinations which
were magnified and exaggerated in the press for the Eastern

KANSAS TROUBLES. 27$
lie market, we do not care to dwell upon. Nor do we care
to descant upon the fraudulent elections, or villainies per
petrated with wholesale perjuries and sacrileges that charac
terized the early settlement of that State, which now is so
rapidly developing and taking rank among her sisters ; but
this we have to say, that General Harney went there as a
soldier and not as a politician ; that he pacified the ter
ritory, preserved the peace, and attended to the enforce
ment of the laws ; that his great merit consisted in pre
venting and not making war, and that his administration
of the delicate duties of the commanding officer of his
department, impartial and honest, inflexible and just, re
sulted in the ultimate settlement and admission of the
State of Kansas into the Union, and the prosperity of her
people. General Harney was relieved from duty in Kansas in
April, 1858, and ordered to the command of the expedition
to Utah. On the 27th day of May, 1858, General Harney
reported from Fort Leavenworth to the General-in-chief, in
reference to the Utah expedition :
Head-quarters Utah Forces, \
Fort Leavenworth, May 27, 1858. j
Sir: The second column of the troops destined for
Utah left this post on the 21st instant; the third starts
to-morrow, and the fourth Monday the 31st. I enclose
herewith a return of the second column, and the acting
inspector general's report of his inspections, which will
give detailed informaton in regard to its strength and con
dition. The expedition thus far starts under favorable auspices.
I expect the leading suppHes to reach Camp Scott by the
last of July, and by the lOth of August, one entire
division, about two hundred and fifty wagons, carrying
about four hundred and fifty thousand rations, will have
arrived, with their escort, numbering about nine hundred
men. By that time the first column, under Lieutenant
Colonel Andrews, sixth infantry, about three hundied

276 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.

\

strong, wiH also have arrived over the Bridger's Pass route,
making the force present, including the troops already
there, about three thousand men. Whatever mHitary oper
ations may be necessary can then be commenced with
vigor and tolerable efficiency. I shall be at Camp Scott
myself in advance of the first troops. Of the eighteen
hundred or two thousand wagons which will carry out the
year's supply, only about twelve hundred and fifty are by
the present arrangement provided with escort, but I shall
take timely measures to provide for the remainder, antici
pating that the volunteer force which was expected to be
called out cannot be calculated upon for this purpose.
This provision will probably involve the use of a consid
erable cavalry force on the road ; and for the winter dispo
sitions, the return and establishment of a considerable
force in the district of the Platte, where they will be sub
sisted more cheaply, diminish the draw upon the supply in
Utah, and be ready for convoy service in the spring if
necessary. It would be premature at this time to go more into detail
in regard to these matters, or to anticipate what military
operations may be necessary after my arrival ; but I shall
keep the general-in-chief promptly advised on the sub
ject as circumstances may determine it. The copies of my
orders forwarded regularly to your office and the Adjutant
General's Office, will give the current details of my com
mand. Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. S. HARNEY,
Brevet Brigadier General, commanding.
.The Mormons had, under the leadership of their proph
et, rejected the authority of the United States. Theyjiad
expelled the Judges of the Federal courts, and driven away
the Governors sent them by the Washington Government.
They had incited the Indians to hostHities, and treated with
contempt the Federal authority. General Harney's plan
of the campaign was thorough, and he had fully deter
mined, on arriving at Salt Lake City, to capture Brigham
Young and the twelve apostles, and execute them in a

BRIGHAM YOUNG.

KANSAS TROUBLES. 279
summary manner, and winter in the Temple of the Latter-
day Saints. This would not have been an improbable act
of a military chieftain whose whole life had been so demon
strative. Though possessed of an unusual degree of the
humanitarian element, which always prompted him to take
the side of the weak and oppressed, in conformity to the
teachings of the Higher Law, he was no apologist for
wrong doing, and would never compromise with that which
he believed to be wrong; though his standard of judgment
was not technically that which resulted from religious
teachings, but that which resulted from a sense of duty and
related to personal honor and personal duty, and to the
public peace and prosperity. If, therefore. General Har
ney had been permitted to continue his march to the Mor
mon capital, and, as a consequence, executed Brigham
Young and the twelve apostles under him, he would not
have so done because of any personal concern about the
Mormon religion, for that was a matter of indifference to
him. His thought was only that which related to duty, to
the removal of all obstructions that came in his way, to
the peace of the people, the safety of human life, and the
planting of empire over our unpeopled territory. i
On the other hand, as all things constantly repeat them
selves, nearly the whole of General Harney's military life
has been a repetition of the Jewish warfare, and his military
exploits have been typified by Jethro, Moses, Joshua, and
David, and if he had entered Salt Lake City, he would
have repeated the daring deed of the Roman Titus who
captured and laid waste Jerusalem, the city of the primitive
apostles. In his personal qualities General Harney ex
emplifies, in a great degree, the excellencies of the ancient
Titus. General Harney was relieved from the command of the
Utah expedition and ordered to the Pacific coast. While
on his way to Oregon he was promoted to a Brigadier-
General, the commission bearing date of June 14, 1858.

CHAPTER XIV.
service in OREGON.
IN September, 1858, Brigadier General Harney was
relieved from duty with the Utah expedition, and
ordered to the command of the department of Oregon.
The following were his instructions received from head
quarters : Adjutant General's Office,
Washington, Sept. 14, 1858.
General : In transmitting to you the enclosed " general
orders" No. 10, I am directed by the Secretary of War to
communicate the following instructions, which are to guide
you in prosecuting the war against the Indians of Wash
ington and Oregon Territories :
, The campaign,- already commenced by Brevet Brigadier
general Clarke, must be prosecuted with the greatest
possible vigor and activity, and the hostile bands must be
thoroughly chastised and subdued. There will be no ces
sation of the campaign for the winter, that being on many
accounts the most favorable season for striking at the homes
and herds of the hostiles. The fall of snow, at no time
sufficient to prevent the ready operations of troops in the
valleys lying between the Cascade and Rocky mountains,
where the Indians dwell and graze their animals in winter,
is, nevertheless, so great in the mountain, passes as to pre
vent their passage by the Indians. Their families and
Herds will thus be readily reached by the troops, and no
exertions should be spared to capture the first and destroy
the last.
No overtures of friendship should be made to any tribes
before the chastisement of the hostiles. It would be taken
as an evidence of weakness or fear, and exaggerate rather
than relieve the evils of a war with those people.
Undoubted evidences of friendship towards the whites

service in OREGON. 28 1
by any of the tribes should be met in a spirit of kindness,
but overtures should not be made to any.
The Secretary further directs me to say that he expects
you to let no opportunity pass of communicating events to
the War Department, and to this end he desires you to for
ward to the Adjutant General duplicates of your reports,
which, in the ordinary channel, will pass through army
headquarters. I have the honor to be, general, very respectfully, your
obedient servant,
E. D. TOWNSEND,
Assistant Adjutant General.
Brig. Gen. W. S. Harney,
United States Army, Washington, D. C.
Here he found the situation such as to demand all the
highest faculties of the experienced soldier and the civilian.
On being ordered to the Pacific coast, he asked the Gov
ernment to send with him Father De Smet, an eminent
Jesuit priest, who had been a missionary among the Flat
Heads and other tribes on the Columbia river and its tribu
taries. He knew the influence Father De Smet had with
the Indians, and he deemed it necessary to have him with
him, not only for his influence, but for the information he
could afford him of the country and the nature and dispo
sition of the several tribes. Father De Smet was appointed
chaplain. The records of the War Department at Wash
ington show as follows :
" General Harney has suggested to the Secretary of
War the propriety of appointing the Reverend P. J.
De Smet, of the Roman Catholic Church, as chaplain of the
army of Utah, in view of his services being important in
many respects to the public interests in Utah. "
Accompanying this is an order from John B. Floyd,
Secretary of War, for the appointment, as also a letter
from General Harney to Adjutant General Cooper, to tele
graph Father De Smet of his appointment, at the Planter's
House, St. Louis, to gain time for preparation.

282 LIFF of GENERAL HARNEY.
Father De Smet accompanied him to the Pacific coast.
In California the Indians had been hostile, and the troubles
resulted in frequent skirmishes and fights. General Clarke
was in command, whom General Harney was ordered to
relieve. Before he reached there General Clarke sent mes
sages to the hostile Indians for a council. They carhe in,
and the officer in immediate command. Colonel Thomas,
demanded of them the surrender, of their prisoners. The
Indians refused to accede to the terms, when Major Key,
of the 2d artillery, asked the privilege of addressing the
Indians, which being granted, he addressed them, and
stated that the great war chief, General Harney, whose
fame as an Indian fighter was well known among all the
tribes, was on his way to relieve General Clarke and take
command of the department; that General Harney would,
if the terms demanded were not conceded, demand more
and make such vigorous war upon them as to exact harder
and severer conditions. After Major Key's speech, the
Indians deliberated and made a treaty conformable to the
terms proposed originally.
Accompanied by Captain Pleasanton and Lieutenant
Jesup of his staff, with Father De Smet, General Harney
arrived at Fort Vancouver, October 24, 1858. Of Father
De Smet it is due to say, he was chaplain to General Har
ney from no wordly considerations, and the services he ren
dered the United States were rendered in the cause of
humanity, Christianity and duty. Born in Belgium, a noble
man, with every prospect in life before him in any wordly
pursuit, he espoused the teachings of the Catholic Church,
and won high distinction among its honored leaders, and was
noted for his devotion to its cause. With other students,
in 1 82 1, he sailed for America, for the purpose of being
ordained a priest and joining the " Society of Jesus." The
late Reverend Father Van Asche, S. J., likewise a youth
of noble lineage, was of the party, who, in 1877, was
buried at the novitiate of Saint Stanislaus, near the village

service in OREGON. 283
of Florissant, or Saint Ferdinand, near Saint Louis, where
he had been parish priest for fifty-four years. Father De
Smet was ordained in America, and was for a long time a
missionary among the Indians in Chili and other provinces
of South America. He devoted his life to the red man.
With learning, talents, eloquence, birth, wealth, influence,
and power, he deserted the social allurements of the highest
civilization to devote himself to missionary labors, and
found among the Indians an ample field for his abilities,
his energies, and the faith of his choice and adoption.
His life-labors were self-sacrificing, and in the interest of
the poor Indian whose untutored mind " sees God in clouds
and hears Him in the wind." From almost the coast of
Patagonia to the frozen regions of Behring's Strait and the
sterile and inhospitable lands of Alaska, he had lived in
familiar intercourse with the aboriginal savage. He had
found him made in the image of his Creator, and had found
in him a soul and a heart. With the cross and the sacra
ment he carried the gospel to all the wild tribes of the
Northwest; had traversed the whole land from the Mis
souri River to the Pacific Ocean, preaching, teaching, and
baptizing. No guHe was on his tongue, and the natives
had learned to revere him, to believe and trust him. The
' black gown" was a welcome guest in every lodge and
at every feast from Minnesota to Alaska. With no carnal
weapons, and without purse or scrip, in the manner of the
primitive apostles, he had taken with him only his divine
commission to teach. The nations of aboriginal savages
listened in wonder ; they revered his holy life, and believed
in his holy faith. Unmercenary and courteous, only in the
love of souls, he fasted and feasted with them. When they
ate their dogs and ponies, he shared their homely fare ;
when they were riotous he rebuked them, and they took
this " open rebuke " as " secret love." When they were in
sorrow he comforted them. Their friend in distress, their
adviser and teacher in faith, he was with them, revered not

284 life of general HARNEY.
only as a priest and father, but as a faithful and honest ally
on whom they might depend, either for advice or rebuke,
without suspicion of falsehood or mercenary motive. So
had his holy and devout life impressed them that the
" black gown " could, in war or peace, pass through the
tribes, hostHe or friendly ; always greeted with hospitality,
and always trusted, a trust that was never betrayed, nor
under suspicion of treachery. With learning, all that a
most vigorous intellect and the most devoted application
could acquire in the best schools of Europe, secular and
religious ; with a cultivation in classics and elegant litera
ture of all that was knowable and to be known, and with
a profound and exhaustive knowledge of philosophy, he
condescended to look into the mind and philosophy of the
simple savage, and. the result of his condescension was, he
found the. savage a philosopher. He learned the Indian
dialects and all their languages ; probed the secret springs
of all their motives ; searched into the secrets of their
hearts ; sounded the depths of their affections ; got to
sympathize in their love of country and their families, and
found the Indian was human ; that he was manly and brave,
truthful and honest, and the good apostle devoted his life
to their cause and welfare, and in the nearly fifty years of
his mission among them they had not ever heard or known
of his once "speaking with a forked tongue." He had
never deceived them, never cheated them, and they had
never deceived him.
Father De Smet had, as a missionary, ascended and ex
plored the Columbia and the rivers of Oregon; had feasted
with them on the dead and rotten salmon killed in jumping
the falls and rapids, and feasted with them when they were
fat and prosperous. With every foot of the unexplored
region of Oregon he was acquainted, and with the chiefs,
women and children of the Indian tribes he was always a
welcome guest. Many of them were his catechumens, and
-had received from him the sacrament of baptism. Their

SERVICE IN OREGON, 285
chiefs were his friends, and the selection of the good father
for his chaplain indicates not only the wisdom of the sol
dier, but the sagacity of the statesman in General Harney.
On his arrival at Fort Vancouver, General Harney found
a state of things with the Indians indicated in his dis
patches to the War Department. Lieutenant Jesup was,
at his own request, relieved from duty and ordered to
rejoin his regiment, the lOth infantry, leaving with him
Father De Smet, chaplain, and Captain Pleasanton, Acting
Assistant Adjutant General. The Indians had sued for
peace, as we have stated, and treaties had been made. with
the Spokanes, the Coeur d'Alenes and Nez Perces, Walla
Wallas, and other tribes, in September. The turbulent
Indians who had been concerned in the outbreaks had fled
to the Flat Heads, and General Harney announces his de
termination to demand their surrender. He deliberately
planned his campaign, and determined to enforce the laws,
as well as protect the settlers and preserve the public
peace. By the treaty made with the Coeur d'Alene In
dians, which applied to the Nez Perces, the Indians who
had, without orders, attacked Colonel Steptoe's command,
were to be given up, and hostages were to be delivered as
a guaranty for good faith for one year, after which time a
permanent treaty was to be made with the tribes. Treaties
similar in effect were made with the Spokane and Walla
Walla Indians. The Indians who had committed the dep
redations in various parts of the territory, were promptly
demanded, and in several instances as promptly delivered
up. General Harney, in a dispatch to the War Depart
ment, dated November 4, 1858, said:
Headquarters Department of Oregon, 1
Fort Vancouver, W. T., Nov. 4, 1858. J
Sir: I have the honor to inform the general-in-chief of
the receipt of a report from Captain I. I. Archer, of the 9th
infantry, commanding Fort Simcoe, in which it is stated
that two of the three surviving murderers of Bolan, viz :

286 LIFE OF general HARNEY.
"Stahan" and " Wapi-wapi-tla," had been brought in to
that post by a party of friendly Indians, on the i6th ultimo,
and that he had caused them to be hung. Captain Archer
further reports that " Sugintch," the only remainhig mur
derer, has since committed suicide, in order to disappoint
the Indians who were endeavoring to capture him.
This prompt action on the part of Captain Archer is ap
proved. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, Commanding.
In a dispatch of the day following he gives an interesting
account of the Indians of Oregon and Washington Territo
ries:
Headquarters Department of Oregon, 1
Fort Vancouver, W. T., Nov. 5, 1858. j
Sir: The Indians in this section of the country are en
tirely different from the great nomadic tribes of the plains,
who own and roam over vast regions in search of plunder
and game, and all of whose instincts are warlike. The
tribes of Washington and Oregon Territories, with the ex
ception of those residing near the Rocky Mountains, are
small in number, each occupying a limited territory, from
which in many cases they obtain a meagre subsistence.
The subdivisions of these Indians into tribes are very nu
merous. Those tribes residing on the Columbia .river and
its tributaries subsist principally upon fish, particularly the
salmon, whose annual migration up these rivers forms one
of the great curiosities of nature. Other tribes live on
roots, berries, and such wild fruits as their country affords,
and in times of great privation they obtain from the moss of
the country, which is very abundant, a glutinous substance
that supports life. The same improvidence which charac
terizes the Indian race elsewhere is seen here, attended by
the same results ; and it is not too much to predict that the
red men of America will gradually disappear about the
same time from the different sections of our country.
From the different languages, interests, and jealousies
existing among so many different tribes, a coalition of all
of them in one common cause is impossible ; indeed, the

SERVICE IN OREGON, 287
events of the past summer have shown the difficulties
which require to be removed before a small number could
be made to act together, and these difficulties are out of all
proportion to the advantages and facilities the troops pos
sess to crush them. If the reports I have received be
correct, another coalition of these Indians never will be
attempted. For the welfare of the Indians, as well as the better
security of the white settler, I would respectfuHy recom
mend that the Indians of this department be placed on
reservations assigned them by the government for their
support and sustenance. A system of instruction in culti
vating the soil applicable to them should also be adopted,
with a proper provision of seeds and implements for their
use. Laws should also be passed defining their positions and
their rights upon these reservations, which should be con
venient to the military stations, that all controversies
between them and the settlers may be decided on the spot,
and that the Indian could have a market for his produce
when desiring to dispose of it.
To secure the emigrant route to this department from
the frontiers of Missouri, I shall establish a post in the
spring in the vicinity of Fort Boisee, on Snake River, some
two hundred and thirty miles from Fort Walla- Walla. At
least four companies should garrison this point — two of
foot and two of mounted force. The road is a good one
from Fort Walla- Walla, and it can be supplied from that
point. I also respectfully recommend a post near Fort
Hall on the same route, but would advise that the garrison,
as well as the supplies, be furnished from the department of
Utah, for reasons of economy and supervision.
As soon as the season will permit I shall establish a gar
rison of at least four companies in the vicinity of Colville,
to protect the interests of the citizens in that quarter and
serve as a check upon the Indian tribes who were so lately
hostile. The establishment of the above-mentioned posts is con
sidered subject to the revision of higher authority.
I enclose a copy of my instructions to the Rev. P. J.
De Smet, who, it will be seen, has proceeded to the Coeur

288 LIFE OF GENERAL HAR1;JEY.
d'Alene Mission, by my directions, to visit the Indians of
that vicinity for the purpose of observing their disposition,
and to counsel them to observe most faithfully all the con
ditions they have promised to fulfill towards the govern
ment and its citizens.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, Commanding.
Assistant Adjutant General,
Headquarters of the Army, New York City.
Father De Smet had, in the meantime, been sent on a
mission to the Coeur d'Alenes, with the foHowing instruc
tions, dated October 28, 1858 :
Headquarters Department of Oregon, \
Fort Vancouver, W. T., Oct. 28, 1858. /
Dear Sir: The general commanding instructs me to
say that he most cordially approves of your proposition to
visit the Coeur d'Alene Mission this winter, for he conceives
the happiest results from your presence among the Indian
tribes of that vicinity.
He has directed that every facility shall be furnished you
to enable you to perform in safety the inclement and trying
journey you are about to undertake. A copy of his
instructions is enclosed herewith.
The general desires you to impress upon the Indians you
are to counsel the strong necessity existing for them to
live up to the conditions to which they have so lately
subscribed in the treaties they have made, more especially
in the surrender of such persons as were demanded of
them. Two of these persons, Kamaikin and Schloom, it is
reported, have gone among the Flatheads, but that circum
stance must not prevent the tribes concerned from using
every endeavor to obtain possession of them for the pur
poses above indicated.
While informing the Indians that the government is aiways
generous to a fallen foe, state to them it is at the same
time determined to protect its citizens in every part of its
territory, and that they can only expect to exist by
implicitly obeying the commands they receive.

SERVICE IN OREGON. 289
The same troops are permanently stationed in the
country who met them in the field the past summer, and
these will, most assuredly, be placed upon their trail in the
spring, with instructions to give no quarter should they
again turn a deaf ear to what has been told them.
I am instructed to say you will communicate freely with
these headquarters.
The best wishes of the general will attend you in the
holy mission of charity to which you have devoted your
self in so generous a manner.
I am. Father, most respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. PLEASONTON,
Captain 2d Dragoons, Acting Asst. Adj't. General.
Rev. Father P. J. De Smet,
Chaplain, &c., Vancouver, W. T.
The fall and winter of 1858 were spent in the reorgani
zation of the troops, and in the pacification of the hostile
Indians, both of which objects were effected without blood
shed, and as the result of a wise energy and sleepless
vigilance. In a dispatch to the War Department, Novem
ber 24, 1858, suggestion is made of the bad condition of
the horses belonging to the four companies of the 6th dra
goons on duty at Fort Walla Walla, and on the 27th a fur
ther dispatch announces that the pacification of the Indians
is so far effected, that the hostages delivered under the
treaty made in September, have been released from their
captivity and sent back to their tribes.
While treaties were being faithfully performed and the
Indians pacified. General Harney took the most effectual
means of providing for the future peace of Oregon and the
safety of white settlements by providing for cheap, ready
and rapid communication between Fort Vancouver, and
the Great Salt Lake. To that end he detaHed an efficient
officer, and the result is contained in his dispatch of
November 29, 1858:
Headquarters Department of Oregon,
Fort Vancouver, W. T., Nov. 29, 1858.
Sir : I have the honor to enclose a report from Captain
19

290 life of general HARNEY.
Ingalls, assistant quartermaster at this place, upon the ex
pediency, economy, and advantage to the service of sup
plying the department of Utah from depots recommended
to be established at Fort Vancouver.
The report includes the statements of several reliable
persons of Oregon and Washington Territories, with a table
of distances from Fort Vancouver to the Great Salt Lake
City, and a map of the country through which the supplies
must pass.
Upon examining the map of the country on the Pacific
coast, and the country connecting it with Utah, it will be
seen an uninterrupted chain of mountains extends along the
whole coast from the British possessions to Lower Califor
nia, rendering access to the interior country extremely dif
ficult, and in many places impossible. In Washington and
Oregon Territories this chain of mountains is called the
Cascade range of mountains, while in California it is termed
by its Spanish name, the Sierra Nevada.
The bold and astonishing action of the Columbia river
in forcing its way directly through the Cascade range of
mountains in almost a straight line to the ocean has made
the passage of this chain of mountains from Fort Van
couver extremely simple and easy. The only land travel
which is now required to pass beyond the Cascade moun
tains from this point is over the two portages : one at the
Cascades of five miles, the other at the DaHes of fifteen
miles ; at each portage there is now a good wagon road.
The river is then navigable for good-sized steamers as high
up as Fort Walla-Walla, and for smaller craft, the Snake
river can be navigated as far as the mouth of the Pelouse
river. Again referring to the map, we perceive a great basin or
plain extending up the Snake river from the Columbia
river to the Great Salt Lake. This plain is watered by
numerous streams, and the country is represented to be
well wooded, with excellent grass.
All reports agree in stating that several good wagon
routes can be made through this plain from the Columbia
river to the Great Salt Lake City. The emigrant route
from Fort Hall to the DaHes is at present a good road.
The distance to be passed over by land from the pro-

SERVICE IN OREGON. 29 1
posed depot at UmatHla to the Salt Lake City is estimated
at 614 miles, but I have been informed that a good route
one hundred miles shorter can be made from the Des
Chutes river, passing to the head of the Malheur river,
down the valley of that river to the Snake river. This
route would place Salt Lake City 5 14 mHes from the Dalles,
at which point the depots of trans-shipment in wagons
should be placed.
Another great consideration in favor of this route is,
that it can be travelled at all seasons of the year ; and I
am credibly informed that the month of February is the
best time to travel it, as the grasses are then mOst flour
ishing. My own evidence at this place supports this asser
tion, as the grass here at this time is as green and fresh as
it is found in the Western States in May.
The Sierra Nevada range of mountains of California
cannot be crossed in safety with wagons before July ; and
it is well known supplies cannot be sent from Fort Leaven
worth to arrive in Utah before August or September.
In point of economy, it appears that ten cents per pound
from the Umatilla or Walla-Walla to Salt Lake City would
be considered a high price, and in a short time it could be
done much cheaper. From New York to Walla- Walla the
freight on supplies is not quite five cents per pound.
Entire freight from New York to Salt Lake would then be
fifteen cents, and probably much less. Compare these
prices with the heavy expenses the government has been
compelled to incur during the past year for the transporta
tion of supplies from Fort Leavenworth to Utah, and a very
large margin will be left in favor of the route under con
sideration. The country to the west and north of the Salt Lake is
not so mountainous, nor does it present the difficulties for
obstruction that belong to the country to the east of it. It
is accessible at all seasons, and presents a military feature
as regards the proposed route which will tend to modify
the necessity for maintaining a large force in Utah, where
all the elements of subsistence are wanting.
Let two strong garrisons be placed on the route ; con
centrate a force of two or three thousand men in the de
partment of Oregon; let the Mormons understand that this

292 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
force can be placed in their midst in six weeks time, at any
season, and they will be very careful not to afford any occa
sion for its being done. The army in Utah can then be
reduced to an efficent garrison.
I shall cause a complete and thorough exploration to be
made of the country in question early in the spring, at the
same time directing a good wagon route to be laid out in
the direction of Salt Lake City to the limits of this depart
ment. I respectfully recommend to the general-in-chief, and to
the government, the earnest consideration of this subject,
which contains such important results to the interests of
the military service ; for I do not doubt that the physical
features above enumerated will attract public attention to
their advantages in favor of one of the great national high
ways which must sooner or later connect the Atlantic
States with those of the Pacific.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, Commanding.
The Assistant Adjutant General,
Headquarters of the Army, New York City.
During this winter, while he was making these wise dis
positions for the efficiency and economy of the military
service of the United States, one of those occasions
occurred which demand of the soldier, whether commander
of rank or subaltern, the knowledge of rights and
duties, as well as the necessity of demanding and sustain
ing them. First Lieutenant Joshua W. Sill, of the ord
nance, had been ordered on duty at Fort Vancouver. He
was the only and consequently the ranking officer of ord
nance. Lieutenant SiH had been ordered on the specific
duty of erecting an arsenal at Fort Vancouver. He claimed
the allowances of an office and fuel under general orders
No. HI, from the War Department, of March 24, 1858,
and based his claim upon the fact that being the only, he
was the senior officer of the ordnance. General Harney
denied his application :

SERVICE IN OREGON. 293
Headquarters Department of Oregon, l
Fort Vancouver, W. T., Dec. 2, 1858. j
Sir : Your application for an office and fuel, under para-
gragh III of general orders No. 3 from the War Depart
ment of March 24, 1858, has been submitted to the general
commanding. As the orders assigning you to duty in this department
are specific in naming you to the duty of erecting an arse
nal at Fort Vancouver, the general commanding does not
think it would be becoming and proper to separate you
from those duties sufficiently as to recognize you in the
light of senior ordnance officer at the headquarters of this
department, as contemplated in the paragraph of the order
above quoted.
From your position as ordnance officer of the depot at
Fort Vancouver you are entitled to an office and fuel,
which you are authorized to obtain in the usual manner as
the service requires at the other ordnance stations.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. PLEASONTON,
Captain 2d Dragoons, A. Ass't. Adj't. General.
First Lieutenant J. W. Sill,
Ordnance Department, Fort Vancouver, W. T.
To this communication Lieutenant Sill replied in lan
guage which the General construed to be disrespectful and
subversive of good order and discipline. The consequences
were that he preferred charges against him and ordered
him in arrest. At the same time he offered to Lieutenant
Sill an opportunity to recant or modify his language in
such a manner that the commanding General might dismiss
the charges and restore him to duty. Lieutenant Sill, how
ever, standing upon what he regarded as his right as well as
duty, refused to modify his language, and stated that he
preferred to be relieved from duty.
The charge and specification are as follows :
Charge. — Contempt and disrespect to his superior officer.
Specification. — In this : that he. First Lieutenant Joshua
W. SHI, ordnance department, having been informed by

294 life of general harney.
his commanding officer. Brigadier General W. S. Harney,
United States army, commanding the department of Ore
gon, that the provisions of paragraph 3 of General Orders
No. 3 from the War Department, of March 24, 1858, were
not applicable to him, did reply in a communication disre
spectful and contemptuous ; accusing his commanding offi
cer of attempting to place on him, the said Sill,. an indig
nity, and stating that his self-respect demanded that he
should appeal to the chief of ordnance for redress.
This at Fort Vancouver, Washington Territory, on the
3d day of December, 1858.
W. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, Commanding.
Witnesses: ,
Brigadier General W. S. Harney,
Captain A. Pleasonton.
General Harney found, on taking command of the
Department of Oregon, that the troops under his command
had, through the most culpable neglect, been unsupplied
with proper clothing. He addressed himself to the duty
of seeing them provided.
He says in his dispatch to General Scott, Assistant Ad
jutant General :
Head-quarters Department of Oregon,
Fort Vancouver, W. T, Feb. 7, i8^g.
Through the most culpable neglect, beyond my power of
investigation, the troops of this command have been de
prived of the proper clothing for months ; and the men are
suffering at many posts for want of overalls, drawers, stock
ings, shirts and shoes. Requisition upon requisition has
been sent to the depots at San Francisco without effect ;
and as I have no authority to institute any inquiry to elicit
the facts concerning this strange state of things, I respect
fully and earnestly request that orders may be given at an
early date, requiring the supplies for this command to be
sent to this point to be subject to the action of officers
under my exclusive control.
In the meantime, the road to Salt Lake byway of Fort
Dalles, which had been mentioned and recommended by

SERVICE IN OREGON. 295
him, had been reconnoitered and marked out by Captain
Wallen. Father De Smet visited the various tribes of
Indians, and by his influence among them restored peace
«nd effected the carrying out of treaties. The services of
the Reverend Father were most valuable and efficient, and
in May, 1859, accompanied by several chiefs, he reported
at Fort Vancouver; among others, two noted chiefs, leaders
in the late war, Kamiakin and Schloom, surrendered them
selves to the government. The country was free from-
Indian depredations, and travel became safe from all parts
of the territory. Father De Smet's report is as follows :
Fort Vancouver, May 25, 1859.
Dear Captain : Towards the end of last March, owing
to the deep snows and the impracticableness of the moun
tain passes, I received your kind favor of the ist of January
of the present year. I am happy that my request to the
general, concerning the bringing down to Vancouver a dep
utation of the various chiefs of the upper tribes, met with
his approval. I have no doubt, from the happy disposi
tions in which I left them at Walla-Walla, the gen
eral's advice and counsel will be cheerfully and punctually
followed out by them, and will prove highly beneficial to
their respective tribes, and consolidate the peace estab
lished last fall by Colonel Wright.
During my stay among the Rocky Mountain Indians, in
the long and dreary winter, from the 2 Ist of November
last untH the end of April, I have carried out, as far as lay
in my power, the instructions of the general. I succeeded,
I think, in removing many doubts and prejudices against
the intentions of government, and against the whites gen
erally, which were stHl lurking in the minds of a great
number of the most influential Indians. I held frequent
conversations with the chieftains of the Coeur d' Alenes,
the Spokanes, several of the Schuyelpees or Kettlefalls,
and lower Kalispels, who had chiefly aided, particularly the
two first-mentioned tribes, in their lawless and savage
attack on Colonel Steptoe and in their war with Colonel
Wright. These various tribes, with the exception perhaps
of a smaH portion of lawless KettlefaHs Indians, are well

296 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
disposed, and will faithfully adhere to the conditions pre
scribed by Colonel Wright, and to any future requests and
proposals of treaties coming from government. The upper
Pend d'Oreilles, the Koetinays and Flatheads, I found, as
years ago, strong friends and adherents to the whites, and I
have every reason to think that they wiH remain faithful ;
they ever glory, and truly, that not a drop of white man's
blood has ever been spilled by any one of their respective
tribes. When I proposed to them that from each tribe a
chief should accompany me down to Fort Vancouver to
pay their respects to the general and listen to his advice,
all eagerly consented, and they kept in readiness for the
long journey as soon as the snow would have sufficiently
disappeared. Meanwhile Major Owen, agent among the
Flatheads, arrived at St. Ignatius' Mission, and made
known to me that he had received orders from the super
intendent of Indian affairs and from Commissioner Mot to
bring down to Salem a chief of each tribe of the upper
country. Upon this declaration I persuaded the Indians
that as Major Owen had received orders from the highest
authority he superseded me, and they should look upon
him as their leader in this expedition, whilst I would fol
low on with them as far as practicable and I would be
allowed. The Major having brought no provisions for them, I
lodged the chiefs in my own tent, and provided them with
all the necessary supplies from the i6th of April untH the
13th instant, the day on which we reached Walla- Walla,
and where the chiefs were liberally provided for by Captain
Dent, in command of the fort. The deputation of chiefs
was stopped at Walla-Walla by Major Owen, to await an
express he had sent on from the Spokane prairie, with
instructions to the superintendent at Salem. My own
instructions from the general, according to your letter of
the 1st of January, " to return to Fort Vancouver as early
in the spring as practicable, for some contingency might
arise requiring the general's presence elsewhere," hurried
me down in compliance with said order.
With regard to Kamiakin and his brother, Schloom, I
held several talks with them in February, March, and
April, and acquainted them with the general's order, wish.

SERVICE IN OREGON. 297
and desire, in their regard, videlicet, of following me, and of
their surrendering into his hands, assuring them, in the
general's own words, that " the government is always gen
erous to a fallen foe, though it is at the same time deter
mined to protect its citizens in every part of its territory,"
&c. They invariably listened with attention and respect.
Kamiakin made an open avowal of all he had done in his
wars against the government of the country, particularly in
the attack on Colonel Steptoe, and in the war with Colonel
Wright. Kamiakin stated that he strongly advised his
people to the contrary, but was at last drawn into the con
test by the most opprobrious language the deceitful Telga-
wax upbraided him with in full council, in presence of the
various chiefs of the Coeur d'Alenes, Spokanes, and
Pelouses. Kamiakin repeatedly declared to me, and with
the greatest apparent earnestness, that he never was a mur
derer, and, whenever he could, he restrained his people
against all violent attacks on whites passing through the
country. On my way down to Vancouver, from St. Igna
tius' Mission, I met him again, near Thompson's prairie, on
Clark's fork. Kamiakin declared he would go down and
follow me if he had a horse to ride, his own not being in a
condition to undertake a long journey. I had none to
lend him at that moment. At my arrival in the Spokane
prairie, meeting with Gerry, one of the Spokane chiefs, I
acquainted him with the circumstance, and entreated him,
for the sake of Kamiakin and his poor children, to send
him a horse and an invitation to come on and to accom
pany the other chiefs to Walla- Walla, and hence to Van
couver; the best opportunity for him to present himself
before the general and the superintendent, and to expose
his case to them and obtain rest and peace. Gerry com
plied with my request, and Kamiakin soon presented him
self and joined the other chiefs. I had daily conversa
tions with him untH we reached Walla-Walla. He places
implicit confidence in the generosity of the general. I
believe him sincere in his repeated declarations that hence
forth nothing shall ever be able to withdraw him again
from the path of peace; or, in his own words, "to unbury
and raise the tomahawk against the whites."
My candid impression is, should Kamiakin be allowed to

298 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
return soon, pardoned and free, to his country, it will have
the happiest and most salutary effect among the upper
Indian tribes, and facHitate greatly aH future transactions
and views of government in their regard. The Indians are
anxiously awaiting the result; I pray that it may terminate
favorably with Kamiakin. The sight of Kamiakin's chil
dren, the poverty and misery in which I found them
plunged, drew abundant tears from my eyes. Kamiakin,
the once powerful chieftain, who possessed thousands of
horses and a large number of cattle — he has lost all, and is
now reduced to the most abject poverty. His brother,
Schloom, if he lives, wHl come in in the course of summer.
I left him on Clark's fork, sickly and almost blind ; he
could only travel by small journeys. Telgawax, a Pelouse,
I think, is among the Buffalo Nez Perces ; from all I can
learn he has been the prime mover in all the late wars
against Colonel Steptoe and Colonel Wright. His influ
ence is not great, but he remains unceasing in his endeav
ors to create bitter feelings against the whites whenever he
can meet with an opportunity.
With the highest consideration of respect and esteem for
our worthy general and his assistant adjutant general, I
remain, dear captain, your humble and obedient servant,
P. J. DESMET, S.J,
Chaplain U. S. A.
A. Pleasonton,
Captain 2d dragoons, A. A. Adjutant General.
These Indians were taken in custody by the Indian
agent, and their detention occasioned distrust on the part
of the chiefs of the good faith of the Government, but
General Harney promptly interposed for their protection.
After accomplishing the pacification of the Indians,
Father De Smet was sent overland through the various
Indian tribes inhabiting the country between Oregon and
the Missouri River. The following are his instructions :
Head-quarters Department of Oregon,
Fort Vancouver, W. T.,June i, 18^0.
My Dear Father : The general commanding instructs
me to enclose a copy of his Special Orders No. 59, of this

SERVICE IN OREGON. 299
date, authorizing you to return to St. Louis through the
different tribes of the interior, which you are so desirous to
visit once again, for the purpose of confirming them in their
good disposition towards the whites, as well as to renew
their zeal and intelligence in the elements of Christianity,
the means so signally productive of good-will and confi
dence in your labors of the past winter requiring such self-
denial and resolution.
On your arrival in St. Louis the general desires you to
report by letter to the Adjutant General at Washington,
when your relations with the military service will cease,
unless otherwise ordered by the War Department.
The general is anxious that I should communicate to
you the deep regret with which he feels your separation
from the service, and in making the announcement he is
assured the same feeling extends to all those who have in
any way been associated with you.
By the campaign of last summer submission had been
conquered, but the embittered feelings of the two races
excited by war still existed, and it remained for you to
supply that which was wanting to the sword. It was nec
essary to exercise the strong faith which the red man pos
sessed in your purity and holiness of character to enable
the general to evince successfully towards them the kind
intentions of the government, and to restore confidence and
repose to their minds. This has been done ; the victory is
yours, and the general will take great pleasure in recording
your services at the War Department. For such services
no one feels more sensibly than yourself the proper ac
knowledgment is linked with the hopes that are cherished
in the fulfillment of a Christian duty.
Satisfied that all necessary blessings will be bestowed
upon you in whatever sphere of duty you may be called to.
serve, the general will always be happy to tender you the
evidence of his esteem and friendship.
I remain, father, with the highest respect, your most
obedient servant,
A. PLEASONTON,
Captain 2d Dragoons, Acting Ass't Adj't General.
Rev. P. J. DESMET, 5./.,
Chaplain, &c.. Fort Vancouver, W. T.

300 life of GENERAL HARNEY.
During the summer of 1859, General Harney visited the
various posts in his department and examined the defences
of the coast. His report to the commander-in-chief of
July 19th indicates the importance of providing proper
defences for Puget Sound, and calls the attention of the
War Department to the fact that there was no ordnance
heavier than a six-pounder to be had in Oregon and Wash
ington Territories, and that while the British government
kept three war vessels in the waters along the coast of
their possessions, there was no American ship-of-war nearer
than San Francisco.
While on this tour of inspection. General Harney paid a
visit to Victoria, and was received by Governor Douglas,
of British Columbia, with every mark of consideration and
respect. In July, 1859, General Harney found it necessary to
administer a severe reprimand to First Lieutenant Henry
V. DeHart, of the 3d artillery. That officer called upon
Captain Pleasonton, the Assistant Adjutant General, and
demanded a withdrawal of the language used in the com
munication containing the reprimand, and insisted he would
hold him personally responsible for it. Lieutenant DeHart
was placed in arrest and charges preferred against him.
The law and regulations required that the President should
call a general court martial for his trial. Before the court
martial was ordered, General Scott, the commander-in-chief,
interfered by ordering Lieutenant DeHart's release and
return to duty. .This interference was the occasion of a
bitter correspondence, and the commander-in-chief indulged
in some malignant remarks on General Harney's letter to
the Secretary of War. We have seen in his conduct
towards General Harney, whHe in Mexico, that General
Scott missed no opportunity to do him injustice.
The letter of General Harney to the War Department,
with General Scott's endorsement, is as follows :

FATHER DE SMET.

LINCOLN GREETING HARNEY.

SERVICE IN OREGON. 3O3

Headquarters Departiwent of Oregon,
Fort Vancouver, W. T., Dec. 9, 1859.
Colonel : I have the honor to return Colonel Mer
chant's communication and enclosure, with the following
explanation, in connection with the enclosed copies of let
ters from these headquarters to the commander of Fort
Vancouver, dated July 23 and August 4, 1859.
In the letter of July 23, 1859, certain enlisted men were
directed to be furloughed at dates anterior to that of the
communication, for the reason that the necessary orders
had been given verbally, at the proper times, but were mis
understood, and these men were improperly reported on
extra duty. Such reports entitled the men to an increase
of pay to which they had no just claim, and as soon as the
facts were discovered the mistakes were corrected by the
instructions of July 23. The post return of Fort Van
couver for the month of July, 1859, is correct. A copy is
enclosed, and any reports at variance with this should be
made to correspond.
It is proper on this occasion to call the attention of the
War Department to three officers whose reports Colonel
Merchant considers irregular.
First Lieutenant George Ihrie, who temporarily com
manded " B " and " D " companies, has since tendered his
resignation, and I trust, for the honor of the service, it has
¦ been accepted. This resignation was hastened by the fact
of an officer having testified before the general court-mar
tial which assembled for the trial of First Lieutenant
Lyman M. Kellog, 3d artillery, that he would not believe
Lieutenant Ihrie under oath, in any matter in which he was
at all interested.
The general opinion of Lieutenant Ihrie's character, with
those in the service who know him, is but little better than
that above recorded.
The second officer, who was commanding company
"A," 3d artillery, in the month of July, 1859, is First
Lieutenant Lyman M. Kellog. He has since been tried
for drunkenness on San Juan island. The proceedings
in his case were sent direct to the Adjutant General
by the court, and, from the heinousness of his offences.

304 life of general harney,
he has doubtless been sentenced to be dismissed the
service. The third officer referred to by Colonel Merchant is First
Lieutenant Henry V. De Hart, who only reported for duty
in this department on the lOth day of July last, and was
placed in arrest on the 31st of that month.
The short space of twenty days was sufficient for Lieu
tenant De Hart to develop his character.
He began by writing an impertinent and disrespectful
communication to his commander, myself, which was
returned to him three times by my orders, for which he
insulted my staff officer. Captain Pleasonton, attempting to
hold him responsible for my acts, and charging him with
shielding himself behind his official position after insulting
liim. Charges have been duly preferred against Lieutenant De
Hart for this conduct, and were submitted to the War
Department for its action. Nothing since has been heard
from them ; but on the arrival of Lieutenant General Scott,
he informed me the charges would not be entertained by
the War Department, and requested me to release Lieu
tenant De Hart from arrest.
I replied to the general-in-chief, through his staff officer,
that I could not consent to the release of Lieutenant De
Hart, as it would be impossible for me to maintain discip
line if such outrageous conduct was permitted to pass
unnoticed. The general-in-chief then gave me a peremptory order
to release Lieutenant De Hart from arrest. A copy of this
order is enclosed.
I have now the honor to forward these charges against
Lieutenant De Hart, for the consideration of his excellency
the President of the United States ; at the same time I
submit my protest to the action of Lieutenant General
Scott in this case, for the following reasons, viz :
First. It is seriously impairing the force of a vital mili
tary principle established for the government of the army
in reference to staff officers, in admitting the conduct of
Lieutenant De Hart to be wanting in offence, or not in
express violation of the rules of war and the custom of
our service, by claiming responsibHity on the part of a

SERVICE IN OREGON. 3©$
staff officer for the orders of his commander. In jus
tice to the army. Lieutenant De Hart should be brought
to trial.
Second. The act of Congress of the 29th of May, 1830,
sections I and 2, reads as follows :
" Whenever a general officer commanding an army, or a
colonel commanding a separate department, shall be the
accuser or prosecutor of any officer in the army of the
United States under his command, the general court-martial
for the trial of such officer shall be appointed by the Pres
ident of the United States.
" The proceeding and sentence of the said court shall be
sent directly to the Secretary of War, to be by him laid
before the President for his confirmation or approval, or
orders in the case."
This act of Congress deprives the general-in-chief of any
action in a case where the commander of a military depart
ment is the accuser of an officer in his command, and
restricts the exercise of that power to the President in
such cases. The general-in-chief, being deprived of the
power of instituting a legal examination, is necessarily
deprived by the l^w of the power of acquittal or interfer
ence under the same circumstances. For Lieutenant Gen
eral Scott to order the release of Lieutenant De Hart, in
opposition to my remonstrances, and before the action of
the President had been duly published, was an illegal and
arbitrary exercise of power, prejudicial to the service by
tending to lessen my influence and authority over the
troops of this command.
The necessity for the law above quoted is obvious when
we consider the facilities such power would give a weak
or envious commander-in-chief to injure an army in the
field or separate military department in effecting purposes
of his own detrimental to the honor and dignity of the
service. The law having assigned to the President the duty of
deciding in the case of difficulty between myself, as the
commander of this department, and an officer of my com
mand, I respectfully request that the proper legal investiga
tion by court-martial may be instituted in the case of
Lieutenant De Hart, as the only available means of main-
ao

306 LIFE OF GENHAAL HARNEY.
taining discipline, and at the same time rendering justice to
the parties concerned.
I am. Colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, commanding.
Colonel S. Cooper,
Adjutant General, U. S. Army, Washington City, D. C.
* Remarks
On Brigadier General Harney's letter to the Secretary of
War, dated December 9, 1859, which the Secretary has
courteously caused to be sent to me, evidently against the
wishes of the writer.
' This act of the Secretary, with the rebuke that went
direct from him to Brigadier General H., on the 7th inst.,
may, it is hoped, somewhat disabuse the latter of the be
sotted notion that he and his principal staff officer will be
supported at Washington, no matter what blunder either
of them may officially commit.
At the foot of page 3 the brigadier general says that I
had informed him his charges against Lieutenant De Hart
"would not be entertained by the War Department."
This is an error with a motive. What I did say, or author
ized Lieutenant Colonel Thomas to say in my behalf, was
simply this : that from some slight allusion to the charges
against Lieutenant De H., volunteered by the acting Sec
retary of War, in conversation with me at my last visit to
Washington, I thought it doubtful whether a court would
be ordered for the trial of the lieutenant on those charges ;
and in the meantime, as the lieutenant's services were
needed, I wished the brigadier general to suspend the
arrest, and to have the credit of doing a generous act. But
this was not to his taste, which satisfied me that his object
was not discipline, but vengeance. Hence I ordered the
suspension myself, and added, expressly, in the order, that
in case the War Department should appoint a court for the
trial of the lieutenant, his arrest could then be renewed.
Indeed, from the beginning I was surprised that the pros
ecutor should desire to place his charges before a court, as,
to me, it appeared certain that the accused would not be
the greater sufferer by an investigation.

SERVICE IN OREGON. 3O7
In the next (4th) page of the letter the brigadier-general
protests {.') against that temporary release of the accused,
on two grounds :
I. That the suspension of the arrest " seriously impaired
the force of a vital military principle," &c. There might
be some little sense or application in this ground of protest
if I had pardoned, or attempted to pardon, Lieutenant De
Hart before trial ; but it is utter nonsense when it is recol
lected that my order in the case did nothing that could
delay a trial for a moment, or cripple, in the case of guilt,
the ultimate vengeance of the law, but only relieved him
from the private vengeance of his prosecutor or prosecutors
until a court could take him in hand.
Under this same head something is said about a " viola
tion of the rules of war and the custom of our service."
According to these it is quite common to suspend the
arrest of an officer in the long absence of any court, or to
meet an exigency of the service, and I had the two motives
in my act, as well as a third, viz : to relieve a meritorious
young officer from the persecution of his- prosecutors.
2. The second ground of protest set forth by the briga
dier-general is as curious as it is malignant. He cites the
act of May 29, 1850 — a law expressly intended to protect
the prosecuted against trial by courts appointed by prose
cutors, (!) as if it could have any possible bearing on my
act in the case under consideration ; for I neither appointed
a court nor placed the lieutenant beyond the reach of his
prosecutor ; and yet that act is treated as an acquittal " of
the accused before trial or before the action of the Pres
ident ! " But, again, this blundering was not without a
motive. It is used as a vehicle for insinuation against " a
weak or envious (!) commander-in-chief," having " pur
poses of his own detrimental to the honor and dignity of
the service I "
In the several quotations from the letter in question, it is
plainly seen why the letter was clandestinely sent (over my
head) to Washington, against the prescribed and indispen
sable rules of military correspondence.
In dismissing this most nauseating subject, I beg permis
sion to add, that the highest obligations of my station com
pel me to suggest a doubt whether it be safe in respect to

308 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
our foreign relations, or just to the gallant officers and men
in the Oregon department, to leave them longer, at so great
a distance, subject to the ignorance, passion, and caprice of
the present headquarters of that department.
Respectfully submitted to the Secretary of War.
WINFIELD SCOTT.
New York, February 14, i860.
Lieutenant De Hart was released by orders of the Sec
retary of War, February 7, i860, and subsequently became
the author of an excellent treatise on the law of courts
martial. In vindication of General Harney's action toward Lieuten
ant De Hart and his quondam friend Ihrie, whose efforts have
been to make themselves more conspicuous than useful to
the country, the following letter from General Ingalls to
General Harney, referring to the conduct of the latter while
in command on the Pacific coast, will be found of the
greatest interest.
Headquarters Military Division of the Missouri,
Chicago, Illinois, May 19, 1878.
My Dear General : I was greatly rejoiced to receive
your letter the 15th ult. I have been moving rapidly of
late, and just settled down to duty at these headquarters.
I mention this simply to account for the delay.
I do not recollect that De Hart wrote a book. It is cer
tain I never saw it, and I hope, out of respect to his mem
ory and the truth, he made no assertion that you compelled
soldiers to work on your farm at Fort Vancouver against
their will, and for your private benefit. If such statements
were made, they were made recklessly and maliciously. I
was present and was perfectly familiar with what actually
took place in the premises.
When you arrived at Vancouver you took quarters at
the post, which was then commanded by the late Colonel
Thompson Morris, of the 4th Infantry, a genial and gallant
soldier, but not at all strict as to discipline, a fact which
you would not faH to discover. In attempting to infuse an
increased efficiency by causing recitations, drills and pa-

service in OREGON. 3O9
rades, you incurred the displeasure of several young offi
cers who felt themselves aggrieved by your interference,
and sought every pretext to annoy you. There was a
scarcity of quarters at the post, and you were desirous of
taking yours outside, if suitable accommodations could be
created. Acting partly on this desire, and partly for pleas
ant occupation and exercise, you conceived the plan of
clearing a piece of ground on the heights beyond Dundas
Castle and building thereon a modest, inexpensive estab
lishment to be occupied by yourself and Captain (now Gen
eral) Pleasonton. To that end you issued short furloughs
or leaves of absence to certain soldier-mechanics and la
borers, in the absence of civilian help, and employed and
paid them as a private citizen. You worked daily with
them yourself, personally using the ax, hatchet, hammer
and saw. The men, of course, were well pleased and ben
efited, and no public outlay was made in any way, nor pub
lic detriment occasioned. Young De Hart commanded a
company, and he and Ihrie, perhaps more, made the order
of furloughing the men a pretext for ill-timed, incorrect
and unsoldierly criticisms on your course, on their morning
reports. Arrests followed, appeals were made, through
irregular channels, to your old-time enemy. General Scott,
who did not fail still to be a bitter enemy. They tried to
defeat and prostrate all your measures to secure discipline
and the prompt performance of military duties. You were
relieved and ordered to Washington before you had time
to consummate necessary reforms ; but had you remained
six months longer, with proper support, you would then
have left the department in excellent condition. I wish to
declare that your entire administration in the now Depart
ment of the Columbia was energetic, wise, considerate, un
selfish, and for the public interest alone.
Your determination to occupy the island of San Juan
in 1859, was adopted on the application of the citizens of
that island, after a personal inspection and mature delib
eration. There was but one British subject on the island,
and he was there simply in the capacity of herder. It was
clearly manifest, as it is now, that the island belonged to
us. "V'ou occupied and held it against all the threats of the
British officials, and until all peril of collision was entirely

3IO LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
past. Had your conduct been sustained, we should have
been in uninterrupted possession, and have been spared the
humiliating spectacle of a joint occupancy, tiresome
diplomatic intrigues, and years of delay. It was notorious
that there would be no fight for the island on the part of
England. But a weak and vacillating administration sent
your old enemy out, who was bound in malice, if for no
better reason, to undo what you had done. The result is
known to all who read history. The British got the better
of us, as they did in the settlement of the northeastern aS
well as northwestern boundaries.
I am happy to know that you stand your years so bravely
and nobly. May they yet be many. I have much to thank
you for. You were kind to me when I was a Lieutenant of
dragoons in Louisiana, 33-5 years ago, and many a time
since. Very respectfully, your sincere friend,
RUFUS INGALLS,
Brevet Major General, U. S. Army.
General Wm. S. Harney,
U. S. Army, St. Louis, Mo.
So completely had the Indians been pacified through
the good offices of Father De Smet and the active and
efficient measures of General Harney, that the emigration
to Oregon during the summer of 1859 continued to pour
into the territory. The road surveyed and cut out by Cap
tain Wallen had opened a convenient and safe passage
from Salt Lake, while the troops engaged in that duty
gave assurance of protection. In September a party of
emigrants at Grande Ronde took occasion gracefully to
acknowledge their obligations to the commanding General
of the department in the following:
Grande Ronde, Oregon, September 30, 1859.
Sir : We desire, through you, to express our acknowl
edgments to General Harney, commanding in the State of
Oregon and in Washington Territory, for the protection
extended by him to the large emigration that has just
passed through a hostile Indian country. The Indians had

SERVICE IN OREGON. 3 1 1
avowed their determination not to aHow the emigrants to
pass through without committing acts of violence, but the
general's troops were ready to meet us hundreds of miles
from the Columbia river, and protect the lives of our wives
and children.
We fcannot take leave of you, captain, without present
ing our thanks for your uniform kindness to us along the
route, for supplying provisions and transportation to those
families who were destitute, and for waiting patiently with
us on the road until all have passed safely into the settle
ments. For these and the many other acts of courtesy
from yourself and the officers and soldiers under your com
mand, be pleased to accept our gratitude.
NICOLAS DUPUIS,
WILSON SMITH,
JACOB GOYETTE,
JOHN J. NYE,
JOSEPH HEMIOT,
S. C. DORO,
FRANCIS GOYETTE,
E. WARD,
NICOLAS DUPUIS, Jr.
Captain Wallen,
U. S. Army, commanding troops on Snake river.
In October of that year, the results of the wisdom of the
commanding General in sending Father De Smet through
the Indian country, manifested itself, and the General re
ceived the following letter :
St. Louis University, October 5, 1859.
Dear Captain : I hope my letters from the Rocky
Mountains will have reached you in due time. They con
tained nothing of very particular interest. I reached Fort
Benton, on the Missouri, on the 29th of July last, eleven
days after the departure of the steamer " Chippeway."
All appeared to be quiet among the Blackfeet. I found
about two hundred lodges of Gros Ventres and Indians of
various bands camped in the vicinity of the fort. I held
several conferences with them of a peaceful and reHgious
nature, during which they seemingly paid the utmost atten
tion and respect.

312 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Since the treaty made by Governors Stevens and Cum-
mings they have strictly adhered to all its stipulations ; and
fair hopes, I think, may be entertained of the continuance
of their good will towards the whites.
I left Rev. F. Hoecken among the Blackfeet, who is to
commence a missionary establishment in their midst, with
the approbation and apparently to the great satisfaction of
all the Indians of this upper region. Fr. Hoecken has
great hopes of its success.
At my arrival at Fort Benton my Indian horses had
pretty nigh given out ; their backs were sore and their
hoofs much worn, which made me determine on returning
to St. Louis by way of the Missouri river. I ordered the
construction of a skiff and hired three young men to assist
me in my downward course, adding a fourth one to the
number to act as interpreter, pilot and hunter.
My long trip has been most happy and prosperous. I
found the whole country, quiet, with an abundance and a
great variety of game, of which we gladly availed ourselves
as a pleasant relief both to body and mind.
I left Fort Benton on the evening of the 3d of August
and reached Fort Union on the i6th, having been detained
for about two days by rain and contrary wind. Here I
met about one hundred and fifty lodges of well-disposed
Assiniboins, in whose camp I passed a whole day, con
firming them in their submission to the government and in
their good will to all their white brethren.
On the 22d I reached Fort Berthold, where I visited all
the Minatarees or Gros Ventres of the Missouri, the little
remaining band of Mandans and several lodges of Crow
Indians. All were very friendly and attentive to every
thing I said, and appeared to be very desirous to keep on
the best of terms with the whites ; like their neighbors, (the
Assiniboins,) they expressed to me a great desire to estab
lish missions amongst them.
On the 24th, at Fort Clarke, I found the Rees or Rica-
rees in their old viHage. They were mourning over the
loss of nine kHled and a great number wounded. A nu
merous war party of Sioux (over five hundred strong) had
recently attacked and defeated them. They were prepar
ing for revenge and retaliation, but I advised them, being

SERVICE IN OREGON. 3I3
the weakest party, not to expose themselves and not to
provoke further the Sioux, who might speedily visit them
again, with an increase of numbers, being, too powerful
for them. They besought me then to see the Sioux on my
way down, and to sue for peace in their favor. I gave
them some good and salutary advice, which they badly
needed, and prosecuted my journey.
On the 1st of September I arrived at Fort Pierre. The
Two-kettle band of Sioux, with a great number of Brules,
Yanctons, and Yanctonnais, etc., were encamped in the
prairie between the two forts. They were just receiving
the^ long coming and beautiful uniforms of the general.
On the next day some sixty or seventy horsemen made
a grand display — and truly they looked well in their new
dress. They paid me a particular visit and honored me
with a salute. I took occasion to explain to them the
character of a true soldier — the motives, why their great
father, the President, at the particular request of his great
general, had sent them this uniform and sword. I express
ed the hope that thenceforth, under the protection of this
fine band of chiefs and soldiers, in whose promises the
greatest confidence had been placed, the white men would
no longer be molested and the whole country remain quiet.
All their speeches and answers, as a matter of course,
were very favorable and no doubt sincere. Certain it is
that the imposing uniform pleased them very much. May
they keep their word ! Whilst with them I fulfilled my
promises to the Ricarees, and made known that I came
from their enemies as a messenger of peace.
You know with what ease such messages are received
and accepted, and how soon they may be forgotten again
by these poor children of nature ; however, they seemed to
be in real good earnest on the occasion.
On the 9th of September I stopped a few hours at Fort
Randall and dined with Colonel Monroe, in charge of the
beautiful little post. The colonel had the great kindness
to provide me with all the necessary little articles for my
journey. On the l6th I arrived in Omaha City, where I left my
little skiff and went on board the steamer Thom. E. Tudd.
We landed, at last, safe and sound, on the 23d of Septem-

314 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
ber, in the harbor of St. Louis, and in the midst of my
old friends and acquaintances.
Sleeping in a house, after a couple of nights, seemed to
prostrate me completely, and I was obliged to keep my
bed for several days under the influence of a pretty severe
fever; this prevented me from sending you sooner my little
communication. I have sent in my resignation to govern
ment, as directed, and hope to receive soon an affirmative
answer to that effect.
I shall ever gratefully remember the great kindness I
have received whilst in the army from the general and from
his worthy assistant adjutant general, and shall daily be
seech heaven, in my poor prayers, for their prosperity and
happiness ; happy indeed should I ever have it in my power
to make a suitable return.
Please present my best respects to the general, and re
ceive, dear captain, the acknowledgment of my most pro
found respect and esteem.
Most respectfully, your obedient servant and friend,
P.J. DESMET, S.J.
A. Plasonton,
Captain 2d Dragoons, A. A. A. G., Fort Vancouver, W. T.
It is due General Harney to state that his perfect knowl
edge of the Indian character, and his sagacity in adapting
his measures to their wants and peculiarities, rendered him
the most eminently successful of the American officers who
were assigned to command on the frontiers. In his inter
course with them he had one rule, and that was the rule of
honesty and good faith. His intimate relations with Father
De Smet, and the wisdom and advice of the Jesuit Father,
confirmed him in his theory, and enabled him practically to
enforce his sound and honest theories. In his dispatches
from Puget's Sound, where he had a chance to see the
effect of a similar policy carried out by the British gov
ernment with their Indians, he calls attention to the supe
rior management of the English and its good results.

CHAPTER XV.
THE SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES EXPLAINED.
¥HE following account of the Island of San Juan^
taken from the official pubHcations of the Govern
ment, is proper to an understanding of the situation
of things when General Harney took command of the De
partment of Oregon.
The first permanent occupation of the island of San Juan
was effected on the i6th day of December, 1853, by the
landing from the Hudson's Bay Company's steamer " Beav
er" of a flock of 1,300 sheep, under charge qf Mr. Charles
J. Griffin, then a clerk, now a chief trader in the company's
service, and who has ever since remained on the island in
charge of their property interests. The place had, how
ever, been freque,nted the three previous years as a fishing
station ; the fishing parties were respectively under charge
of Messrs. Simpson and McDonald, both clerks in the com
pany's service ; they occupied the island simply the few
weeks of the salmon season, abandoning it as soon as. that
was over.
No English settler or colonist has ever been on the is
land, and no occupation or claim was attempted to be set
up previous to the year 1853. In the summer of that year
the propriety of claiming and occupying it was discussed
by the chief factors of the Hudson's Bay Company at Vic
toria, and having determined on doing so, Mr. McDonald,
the same who had been in charge of the fishing parties for
the two previous years, was designated as the person to
open a sheep farm, and thus make the claim through the
company in behalf of the English government. This was
determined in the month of July. Delays, however, arose
315

3l6 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
till the early part of December, when, on the arrival of Mr.
Griffin from Fort Simpson, it was deemed that he was a
more suitable person, and he was accordingly forthwith
dispatched to San Juan for that purpose.
On learning of this invasion of American soil, J. M.
Ebey, the collector of customs for the Puget's Sound dis
trict, at once notified Governor Douglas that the sheep were
liable to seizure for being brought within the jurisdiction of
his custom-house without paying duty. Governor Douglas
thereupon claimed it as British soil, and appointed Mr.
Griffin a stipendiary magistrate for the island of San Juan,
as a dependency of Vancouver's island, thus .extending the
English laws over the island.
The United States collector having no means of enforcing
the collection of the customs — there was at that time no
revenue cutter in the district, or other available force — pro
tested against the action of Governor Douglas, notifying
him that eventually this unjustifiable intrusion would have
to be accounted for. He also appointed a United States
inspector of customs to remain on the island, directing him
to keep an account of all goods and dutiable effects that
might be landed by the English. Shortly afterwards a
complaint was sworn to against Mr. Webber, the inspector,
by Captain Sangster, the collector of Vancouver's island,
and on that complaint, the purport of which was the very
absurd one of calling himself a custom-house officer, a war
rant was issued. Captain Sangster, himself, acting as con
stable, placed his hands on Webber's shoulder, and attempt
ed to arrest him in the Queen's name. Webber declined to
obey the arrest, threatening to shoot the first man who in
terfered with him in the possession of his rightful liberty,
saying, first, that he had committed no crime ; and, second
ly, that he was on American soil, and would not recognize
their right to issue any process against him. The warrant
of arrest is still in Mr. Webber's possession. The constable
having handed it to him, on his request to see it, he retained

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 317
it as a proof, should there be any necessity for such, of the
strange and absurd course of conduct pursued by the Hud
son's Bay Company and the English colonial authorities of
Vancouver's island.
Mr. Webber remained on San Juan about a year, but was
forced at last to leave on account of the daily insecurity of
his life from the northern Indians, on several occasions hav
ing to seek the shelter of the Hudson's Bay House, at one
time remaining several days within their enclosure without
daring to go out.
He was succeeded in office by Oscar Olney, who left
for the same reason after a few months, and he in turn by
the present inspector, Paul K. Hubbs, jr., all of whom have,
at different times, been compelled, temporarily, to avail
themselves of the protection of Mr. Griffin, the Hudson's
Bay Company's agent, and which, in justice to him, I must
say was always freely accorded.
This feeling of insecurity, however, effectually prevented
the settlement of the island, which would otherwise, from
its position and its agricultural advantages, have been years
ago almost entirely taken up by farmers.
At the first session of the legislative assembly of Wash
ington Territory, in 1854, the upper part of Island county,
which, by its organization in 1852 by the Oregon legisla
ture, included within its boundaries the islands of San Juan,
Lopez, Oreas, Blakely, Decatur and Shaw, was organized
into the new county of Whatcom.
The assessment of San Juan was made with the other
parts of the county the same year, but the enforcement of
the tax was not made tiH March 18, 1855, when the sheriff,
in pursuance with the requirements of the law in such cases,
seized thirty odd sheep on the Hudson's Bay Company's
farm, and sold them to the highest bidder, the payment of
the taxes due the county having been refused by Mr.
Griffin. It is for this seizure the Hudson's Bay Company have

3l8 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
had the assurance to present a claim through the British
minister to the State Department for the moderate sum of
nearly ^15,000. As a more full and complete answer to
this extravagant claim, to show how out of all proportion
to the damage incurred is the amount claimed, I annex
herewith a review of the report of Governor Douglas, pub
lished in the "Pioneer & Democrat," at Olympia, Wash
ington Territory, April 30, 1858.
Whatcom county never relinquished her claim, and the
taxes were regularly assessed each year, though no attempt
was again made to enforce them, in the strong hopes that
prompt and energetic steps would be at once taken by the
government to prevent any further necessity of having thus
rigidly to assert her rights. The county authorities, in
order to prevent any collision or difficulty, which they saw
would be inevitable should they follow their original deter
mination, contented themselves by simply each year mak
ing the annual assessment, feeling confident that in the end
the rightful dues would be paid, looking forward to a
speedy settlement of their undoubted right of sovereignty
over the island.
The same was also the course of conduct pursued by the
custom-house inspector, he merely taking an account of the
vessels arriving and the goods landed.
The last assessment was made on the 20th of May, 1859,
at which time there was due the county ^^93 5. There were
4,500 sheep, 40 head of cattle, five yoke of oxen, 35 horses,
and 40 hogs on the island, the property of the company,
with about 80 acres fenced and under cultivation, sowed
principally with oats, peas, and potatoes. There were at
tached to the Hudson's Bay Company's station, besides
Mr. Griffin, eighteen servants, three only of whom were
white, and those three were naturalized American citizens,
and exercised their rights as such at the territorial election
held on the second Monday in July last, at which time there
were twenty-nine actual settlers on the island.

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 3I9
The request was made by the American settlers as early
as May to General Harney to give them a small force, say
a detachment of twenty men, something that would give
them a feeling of security, as continued apprehension was
equally as bad as actual danger ; it had prevented the set
tlement of San Juan and the adjoining isolated islands for
years, this being the stopping place or point of departure
from whence the northern marauding Indians issued to
commit their depredations. Already several murders had
been committed in the neighborhood, some of them quite
recently, and they claimed that protection which citizens
had a right to demand of their government. He was ur
gently asked to visit the island, to view its resources and its
advantageous position. He did so on his inspecting tour,
a few weeks later, of the military posts on the sound, after
his return from a visit to Vancouver's island.
The settlers afterwards drew up the request in writing,
which they had before verbally made, and forwarded for his
action thereon. At the same time he was also informed of
the expectation of the settlers, that one of their number
would be arrested by the English authorities.
In accordance with this request. General Harney placed
upon the island Captain Pickett's company of the 9th in
fantry. Troops had previously been sent there in small
detachments to inquire into outrages committed. What
was asked was permanent protection, and not an occasional
visit of an inadequate force at long intervening periods.
Not the most remote idea was entertained by the settlers
that the thus affording them the protection to which they
were entitled was to be made the excuse for the excitement
so very unnecessarily created by the indiscreet action and
demonstration made by Governor Douglas. They the less
apprehended it, because those of their own number who
had been thrown most in contact with the English authori
ties were convinced that the English themselves did not
conscientiously believe they had any legitimate right what-

320 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
ever to the island. It had simply been located on by the
Hudson's Bay Company, to give to a shadowy claim the
substance of an occupation, hoping that they would be left
undisturbed in possession long enough to dignify the pre
tence into something like a right — a mere stroke of colonial
policy, perhaps successful from its very audacity. By
claiming all the islands to the Rosario straits, rather than
have any difficulty — and we were to be compelled to be
lieve, if possible, we were on the verge of it — a compromise
would be effected by the adoption of Washington channel,
a narrow strait between the islands of San Juan and Lopez,
in some parts a scant quarter of a mile across, and the sur
render to them of Point Roberts, at the mouth of Eraser
river, thus obtaining the most valuable of the islands — in
deed the only one they cared about. These are known to
have been their hopes and expectations ever since they
took the bold step'of occupying San Juan.
The same day that Captain Pickett landed, her Britannic
Majesty's ship " Satellite " came into the harbor of San
Juan and landed Major De Courcy as the English stipendi
ary magistrate. At the time the " Satellite " left Victoria
it was not known that there were any American troops on
the island or to be placed there. Captain Prevost, the
commander of the "Satellite," stated that it was not even
known at Victoria such a movement was contemplated.
He had come over by direction of the colonial governor to
instaH the English magistrate in his position as the civil
official of the island.
So many false statements have been published in the
" London Times," which are somewhat official in their na
ture, being written by Mr. Donald Eraser, a member of the
executive council of Vancouver's island, and which are
taken for the true history of the affair, instead of being, as
they most generally are, exactly the reverse, that I deem it
proper here to say, in contradiction of some of those mis
representations, that no American magistrate or any other

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 321
civilian whatever came with Captain Pickett. As the magis
trate of Whatcom county, on my arrival in the steamer
" Constitution," on the 29th July, I came merely for a tem
porary visit ; finding there was an English official claiming
to be the civil authority of the island, I remained as such
on the part of the United States. I did so in accordance
with my own judgment of what was my duty in the prem
ises, informing the English magistrate that whilst I could
not for a moment acknowledge he had any right whatever
to exercise any magisterial functions on the island, and the
attempt to execute any process he might issue would be at
once promptly met, yet I felt sure that, taking into con
sideration the disastrous consequences that might ensue by
a collision on the part of the civil authority, he would do
whatever lay in his power to avoid so deplorable a result.
By direction of Governor Douglas, the British naval force
were to obey any command or requisition that he might
make upon them for assistance.
Major De Courcy realized the responsibility of his posi
tion, and acted throughout the whole difficulty with a dis
cretion and good feehng which tended very much to pre
serve quiet and peace. That he was appointed for the ex
press purpose of seeing British laws enforced upon the
island is beyond doubt. His commission is dated July 26,
1859, and he was notified that he was to be appointed nearly
a month previous. These are facts that cannot be disputed.
Governor Douglas's letter to General Harney is not cor
rect in two essential points : one with regard to Mr. Dallas,
and the other as to the intended attempt to apprehend an
American citizen.
Mr. DaHas, it is true, did not come over in a man-of-war ;
he came over in the Hudson's Bay Company's steamer
" Beaver ; " nor could he have known tiH after his arrival, as
the occurrence had taken place but a few hours previous,
anything with regard to the difficulty. His subsequent in-
discret conduct, and the controHing influence he possesses
21

322 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
over Governor Douglas, is the whole cause of all the trouble
on that score.
Mr. Dallas is not a chief factor; his powers are much
more extensive. He is one of the directors of the Hud
son's Bay Company, and has extraordinary powers granted
him by the company, as will be seen by his commission.
So far from not being connected with the government, he
has been ever since his residence on Vancouver's island —
for nearly the last two years — a member of the executive
council, as is also Mr. Donald Eraser, who was with him at
the time above alluded to.
Immediately on his return from San Juan, the appoint
ment of a magistrate for the island was determined on, and
the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company was directed to
lodge a complaint against the party referred to, not only on
the ground of the killing of the animal, but also as a tres
pass upon lands belonging to the company, in addition to
which he was directed to proceed against any other of the
settlers that he might deem interfered with his sheep runs,
or wherever he might think proper to place his flocks or
other stock. This cannot, with truth, be denied.
As that would leave it at the option of the agent to claim
the whole island, or, to the same effect, aH the grazing por
tions, the result would have been, if enforced, the removal
of all the settlers.
The only inference that can be drawn is, had there been
no probability of at once an active resistance to the execu
tion of process, the original intention would have been car
ried out.
The governor says further, in his letter, that had there
been any complaint against an American citizen, he should
have referred it to American authorities, and that he paid
no attention to a complaint which was made by an English
subject upon one occasion, out of respect to the friendly
government to which the alleged offender belonged.
Thoroughly conversant with the occurrences that have

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 323
taken place on San Juan from 1853 to the present time, I
a:n, in common with other residents of the island, at a loss
to know to what or whom he aHudes. That he does not
hesitate to take notice of exceedingly frivolous complaints,
the one he forwards to General Scott with regard to the fine
and imprisonment of a man who was engaged in the nefari
ous traffic of liquor to Indians, is in itself an evidence. The
reply to his communication is hereto appended.
The island of San Juan does not command, as has been
asserted, the entrance to the harbor of Victoria, nor the
passage northward to the settlements in British Columbia.
It is not in any manner, nor could it by any means of
offence or defence, become essential in a military point of
view to the protection of either of the British colonies.
The entrance to the harbor of Victoria is full eighteen miles
from the nearest portion of San Juan, and the Canal del
Haro has a width of over seven miles. It is the only one
of the channels that is over cannon shot across.
Their claim is based upon the statement that in olden
times the captains of their brigs and trading vessels more
frequently used the Rosario straits ; that it was more fre
quently used is owing to the fact of the Canal del Haro,
which is in reality but a continuation of the Straits of Fuca,
being a broad, deftp arm of the sea; in case of adverse
winds or calms the anchorage was both difficult to reach,
and when found afforded but poor holding ground, whereas
Rosario straits is a much narrower channel, in some parts
not two miles across, and afforded everywhere secure an
chorage. Yet on this flimsy pretext of the action and cau
tion of Hudson's Bay Company's captains, who were well
aware if they lost a vessel their employment ceased, is
based their claim that the Rosario straits is the channel
designated as the boundary by the treaty of 1846, notwith
standing the fact that in aH the discussions in the United
States Senate at the time of its ratifi.cation the Canal del
Haro was especially alluded to as the boundary.

324 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
From Victoria to Eraser River, by the way of Rosario
straits, is nearly twenty miles further than by the Canal del
Haro. The steamer and other American vessels, during^
the Eraser River excitement, went a still nearer passage
inside of Saturna island, called the "Active pass," but
which the British surveying steamer " Plumper," that came
out eighteen months after the United States coast survey
steamer "Active" had surveyed and named the same —
indeed went through it with the sailing directions of the
"Active" — very coolly puts down on the chart as the
"Plumper pass," a piece of appropriation that resembles
only their claim to the islands.
In 1846 the vessels owned by the Hudson's Bay Com
pany, independent of their ships bringing their supplies
direct from England and returning with furs, were the
steamer " Beaver," the brigs " Mary Dare " and " Cadboro,"
and the schooner "Una."
The "Beaver" went up north as far as Sitka, supplying
the northern posts and trading with the Russian Indians ;
the "Mary Dare" and "Una" traded to the Sandwich
Islands, whilst the " Cadboro " was more especially for the
posts on Eraser River and Puget's Sound.
The "Beaver" used the Canal del Haro, as did also the
" Cadboro," when she had a leading breeze. One of the
passages out of the Canal del Haro into the Gulf of Geor
gia is named the Cadboro passage. All of the vessels had
been years employed in the fur trade; the "Beaver" since
1835, the first steamer ever on the Pacific, and the "Cad
boro" as far back as 1829.
The island of San Juan is nineteen mHes long, with a
width of seven mHes, containing about 50,000 acres of land.
The soil is fertile. There are on it many prairies, and, as
the woods have not that thick matted undergrowth so com
mon to the Oregon coast, is easy of access in all directions.
The causes before assigned are the only reasons why it has
not been before entirely occupied.

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 325
There is but a small band of Indians residing on the
island, a part of the Lummi tribe of BeHingham Bay. The
•Sanich and Cowitchins, of Vancouver's island, both large
tribes, frequent it in great numbers during the fishing sea
son in summer. The Sanich are a tribe whose winter
camping grounds adjoin the town of Victoria.
As their land is of great value, and exceedingly desirable
as a continuation of the water front of the town, the motion
was made some months since in the colonial legislature, and
gravely discussed, to remove them from Victoria as seriously
interfering with the interests of the community, and locate
them permanently on the island of San Juan. It was intro
duced and urged mainly by the speaker, Dr. Helenchen, a
son-in-law of the governor. Parties of the Bella-Bellas,
Milbauks-chim-zi-ans, Hyder, Stickens, and Tongas, con
stantly visit the island. The three last tribes are the most
dangerous of all, though none are to be trusted ; they live
far to the north. The Hyders are from Queen Charlotte
island ; the Stickens and Tongas from the Russian posses
sions. It is these northern Indians that keep the whole
upper part of the sound in a state of continual dread. Their
canoes are large, carrying generally from 20 to 30 paddles,
sometimes double that number, all being well armed, each
canoe having an arm-chest, in which there is stowed a gun
for each man, in addition to the one beside him for imme
diate use. They move rapidly from point to point, await a
favorable opportunity to commit a depredation, and then
push at once for their homes. What conduces in some
manner to the protection of the settlers is, that the tribes
of the sound are our outposts of alarm ; between them there
is always an open war, though, as the northern Indians are
bold and remarkably athletic men, having a singular resem
blance to the Tartar race in complexion and appearance,
they never attack them unless in much greater numbers,
and only then when at a great disadvantage.
As they never have been punished for their depredations.

326 LIFE OF- GENERAL HARNEY.
each year they increase in boldness and numbers. The
Stickens are the Indians who committed the murders in
BeHingham Bay in 1854, and a branch of the tribe called"
the Ka-acks, the murder of Colonel Ebey, in the summer
of 1856.
The heads of the persons murdered are always carried
off as trophies, around which, on their arrival amongst their
tribes, are performed ceremonies similiar to the scalp dance
of the plains.
From the admirable manner in which the Hudson's Bay
Company have managed the Indians — treating them with
kindness, and at the same time with great firmness ; just so
sure as they committed an outrage on persons or property,
just so sure were they certain to be promptly punished,
never allowing that terrible delay of which our frontier set
tlers have so bitterly experienced its evils, to rob the ex
ample of its proper effect, but doing whatever they deemed
justice required at once and thoroughly, thus insuring to
their agents and employes, even in the most distant and
isolated regions, entire security — one of their number could
go anywhere through the most warlike of the tribes or
remain in their neighborhood unmolested, whilst an Ameri-
. can dared not trust himself in their vicinity, except by de
ceiving them as to his nationality. The Hudson's Bay
Company's servants could remain in safety on San Juan ;
the Americans could not. The question resolved itself
into whether the island was to be abandoned or the settlers
protected. We have refrained in the former chapter from giving an
account of the difficulties growing out of the conflicting
claims of the United States and the Hudson's Bay Com
pany to the little but important Island of San Juan. Our
cousins of our own blood, from whom we are descended, are
an aggressive and land-loving people. The English have
managed to acquire territory all over the world. The sun
never sets on the dominions of Victoria, by the grace of

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 327
God Queen of Great Britain, Ireland and France, and
Empress of the Indies. The pillars of Hercules are in her
possession. She holds the Island of Malta, owns the
isthmus of Suez, is now demonstrating for the Bosphorus,
and her fleets are in the Sea of Marmora.
The complications which might have resulted in a war
between England and America came to a head while Gen
eral Harney was in command of the Department in
Oregon. His promptness in meeting the issue resulted
most happily. In the last chapter we did not allude to the
affair of the Island of San Juan because we deemed it
worthy of a special chapter to itself, and besides, it would
have distracted the mind of the reader from the important
summary we were endeavoring to make of General Har
ney's administration in command of the department of
Oregon. That sagacious statesman, William L. Marcy, was Secre
tary of State, under Mr. Pierce. He had been Secretary of
War under Mr. Polk, and had as such rendered great ser
vice to the nation, had especially earned the gratitude of
the army in the matter of the protection of junior officers
against the capricious tyranny of their superiors. We havfe al
ready given an account of the vindication of General Harney
when Colonel of 2nd Dragoons, by Secretary Marcy, against
General Scott, who sought to depose him of his command
and place Major Sumner in charge of the regiment. As
early as 1855, Mr. Marcy saw the necessity of maintaining
America's rights on the Pacific, and at the same time pre
serving peace with our kinspeople across the Atlantic. He
accordingly instructed Gdvernor Stephens, in that terse,
perspicuous and manly English for which his state papers
are so remarkable, as follows :
Department of State, \
Washington, July 14, 1855. j
*******
He [the President] has instructed me to say to you that

328 life of general harney.
the officers of the territory should abstain from all acts on
the disputed grounds which are calculated to provoke any
conflicts, so far as it can be done without implying the con
cession to the authority of Great Britain of an exclusive
right over the premises.
The title ought to be settled before either party should
exclude the other by force, or exercise complete and exclu
sive sovereign rights within the fairly disputed limits. Ap
plication wiH be made to the British government to inter
pose with the local authorities on the northern borders of
our territory to abstain from like acts of exclusive owner
ship, with the explicit understanding that any forbearance
on either side to assert the rights, respectively, shaH not be
construed into any concession to the adverse party.
By a conciHatory and moderate course on both sides, it
is sincerely hoped, that aH difficulties wiH be avoided untH
an adjustment of the boundary line can be made in a man
ner mutually satisfactory. The government of the United
States will do what it can to have the line established at an
early period. .
W. L. MARCY.
On the 17th of July, 1855, he addressed a note to
Mr. Crampton of the British legation, with the suggestion
that pending negotiations and the settlement of conflicting
claims in Oregon, means should be found to prevent a con
flict between the citizens of the two governments. The
wise forbearance which resulted from Mr. Marcy's timely
note to Mr. Crampton prevented any open collision between
the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company and the citizens
of Oregon, at the same time that each government had not,
by yielding to the forms o"f law and abstaining from actual
hostHities, conceded any question or matter of right. As
has been related, the sheriff of Whitcom County, Oregon,
in collecting his taxes on San Juan island, had made a levy
on the sheep belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company for
taxes, the American settlers in May, 1859, requested Gen
eral Harney to give them a smaH force to give them a feel
ing of security. The want of a competent force had pre-

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 329
vented a settlement of Americans on the island and the
adjoining islands for years. General Harney issued orders
to Lieut. Colonel S. Casey, as follows :
Headquarters Department of Oregon, 1
Fort Vancouver, W. T., July i8, 1859. /
Sir : By Special Orders No. 72, herewith inclosed, you
will perceive the general commanding has withdrawn the
garrison from BeHingham and Townsend, and has placed
the steamer " Massachusetts " under your orders for the bet
ter protection and supervision of the waters of Puget's
Sound. To carry out these instructions with more effect, the gen
eral commanding desires me to communicate to you the
following directions : The steamer " Massachusetts " will
proceed without delay to BeHingham, to be used in estab
lishing company " D," 9th infantry, on San Juan island;
after which she will convey company " I " of the 4th in
fantry to Steilacoom, when the company you assign for ser
vice on the steamer will be embarked under your supervis
ion. Article 37, general regulations : Troops on board of
transports, will, as far as practicable, govern in the disposi
tion of the company on board. As no surgeon is available
for the ship, medical attendance will be obtained at Fort
Steilacoom or San Juan island, when required, medical sup
plies, however, with directions for use, will be furnished by
your medical officer for such probable cases of danger as
will require immediate attention.
After the ship has received the necessary stores and sup
plies, she will be instructed to cruise in the sound among
the islands frequented by the northern Indians, who will be
warned not to come into any of the waters under the juris
diction of the United States, which embraces all the islands
and currents to the east of the Straits of Haro.
Any opposition by these Indians will be speedily checked,
and the requirements of these instructions will be maintain
ed by force, if necessary. The ordinary rendezvous of the
steamer Massachusetts, for wood and water, will be San
Juan island, and should the commander of that island de
sire the assistance of any force from the ship for purposes
connected with the defense of the island, the officer in com-

330 life of general harney,
mand of the ship will be instructed to furnish the force and
co-operate with the troops in all measures requiring its
safety and protection. At the end of every two months
the ship will visit Fort Steilacoom to obtain supplies, and
for the muster and inspection required by the regulations.
The command on the steamer Massachusetts will be borne
on the post return of Fort Steilacoom, as a component
part of its garrison.
In the ordinary cruising of the sound, the ship will be
propelled by sail only, but at least four days' fuel for steam
will be kept constantly on board, to be used whenever ne
cessity requires celerity of motion. The ship will visit the
light-houses on the sound in her cruises, and furnish them
any protection that may be needed. As the ship is mount
ed with eight thirty-two pounders, and the proper ammu
nition has been provided, the crew will be instructed, under
the direction of the master of the vessel in their use, to
obtain the most efficient action from all parties in cases re
quiring it. Whenever circumstances occur requiring a de
viation from the tenor of these instructions, you are au
thorized to use your own discretion and judgment in the
matter, reporting the occurrence to this office. The gen
eral commanding is pleased to communicate his confidence
in the zeal, energy, and intelligence you exercise in the
discharge of your duties to the service, and he rests assured
the details transmitted in this communication will be ren
dered with satisfaction and advantage to such worthy
qualities. I am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. PLEASONTON,
Captain 2d Dragoons, A. Ass't. Adj't. General.
First Lieutenant S. Casey,
gth Infantry commanding Fort Steilacoom, Puget's Sound.
On the nth of July Captain George E. Pickett was or
dered to estabhsh himself with his company at Bellevue,
on the Island of San Juan. His instructions were that he
was to protect the inhabitants from hostile incursions of the
Indians from British America and the Ru.ssian possessions.
He was ordered not to aHow any force of the Indians in
Puget Sound or to visit San Juan, or the neighboring

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 331
islands over which the United States had any jurisdiction.
He was instructed to warn them in a peaceable but firm
manner to return to their own country, and if they showed
any hostile opposition, to use the most decisive measures
to enforce his demands; and the troops on. the steamer
Massachusetts, cruising in the sound, were instructed to sup
port Captain Pickett with their whole force.
Captain Pickett's second instruction :
Second. Another serious and important duty will devolve
upon you in the occupation of San Juan island, arising
from the conflicting interests of the American citizens and
the Hudson's Bay Company establishment at that point.
This duty is to afford adequate protection to the American
citizens in their rights as such, and to resist all attempts at
interference by the British authorities residing on Vancou
ver's Island, by intimidation or force, in the controversies
of the above-mentioned parties.
This protection has been called for in consequence of the
chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, Mr. Dallas,
having recently visited San Juan island with a British sloop-
of-war, and threatened to take an American citizen by force
to Victoria for trial by British laws. It is hoped a second
attempt of this kind will not be made, but to insure the
safety of our citizens the general commanding directs you
to meet the authorities from Victoria at once, on a second
arrival, and inform them they cannot be permitted to inter
fere with our citizens in any way. Any grievances they
may allege as requiring redress can only be examined un
der our own laws, to which they must submit their claims
in proper form.
The promptness of General Harney in taking possession
of San Juan, rather startled the authorities at Washington,
and on the receipt of the General's dispatches the follow
ing letter from the acting Secretary of War was sent to
him : War Department, September 3, 1859.
Sir : Your dispatch of the 19th July last, addressed to
the general-in-chief, has been forwarded to this department
and laid before the President for his consideration.

332 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
The President was not prepared to learn that you had
ordered military possession to be taken of the island of San
Juan or Bellevue. Although he believes the Straits of
Haro to be the true boundary between Great Britain and
the United States, under the treaty of June 15, 1846, and
that, consequently, this island belongs to us, yet he had not
anticipated that so decided a step would have been resorted
to without instructions. In cases respecting territory in
dispute between friendly nations it is usual to suffer the
status of the parties to remain until the dispute is termin
ated one way or the other, and this more especially whilst
the question is pending for decision before a joint commis
sion of the two governments. If you had good reason to
believe that the colonial authorities of Great Britain were
about to disturb the status by taking possession of the
island and assuming jurisdiction over it, you were in the
right to anticipate their action.
***** The President will not, for
the present, form any decided opinion upon your course on
the statement of facts presented in your dispatch. He will
await further details, which he expects to receive from you
by the next steamer. He is especially anxious to ascertain
whether, before you proceeded to act, you had communi
cated with Commissioner Campbell, who could not then
have been distant from you, and who was intrusted by this
government, in conjunction with the British Commissioner,
to decide this very boundary question.
In the meantime care ought to be taken to apprise the
British authorities that possession has thus been taken
solely with the view of protecting the rights of our citizens
on the island, and preventing the incursions of the northern
Indians into our territory, and not with any view of pre
judging the question in dispute or retaining the island
should the question be finally decided against the United
States, Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. R. DRINKARD,
Acting Secretary of War.
Brigadier-General Wm. S. Harney,
Commanding Department of Oregon, Fort Vancouver.

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 333
General Harney had, in the meantime, forwarded a copy
of the petition of the American citizens of San Juan, asking
protection, upon which he had based his action in posting
Captain Pickett's force on the island.
San Juan Island, July ii, 1859.
To General Hamey, Commander-in- Chief
of the Pacific division of the United States army :
The undersigned, American citizens on the island of San
Juan, would respectfully represent : That in the month of
April, in the year one thousand eight hundred and fifty-
eight, the house of the United States inspector of customs
for this island was attacked and fired into in the night by a
party of Indians living on this island, and known as the
Clallams, and had it not been .for the timely aid of the
Hudson's Bay Company, the inspector would have fallen
a victim to their savage designs. In the month of July fol
lowing we found on the beach, close to the above-men
tioned Indian camp, the bodies of two white men, appar
ently Americans, who had, when found, cotton cords about
their necks which had been used to conceal them under
water. Last fall another daring murder was committed in
the middle of the day, and in the plain sight of us all here,
without the slightest chance of our rendering them assis
tance. Only ten days ago another body was found on our
shore which had been the victim of foul play. Inclusive
with the above dangers that we are exposed to from our
neighboring Indians, we are continually in fear of a descent
upon us by the bands of marauding northern Indians, who
infest these waters in large numbers, and are greatly re
tarding the progress of the settlement of this island.
According- to the treaty concluded June 15, 1846, be
tween the United States and Great Britain, (the provisions
of which are plain, obvious, and pointed to us all here,) this
and all the islands east of the Canal del Haro belong to us ;
we therefore claim American protection in our present ex
posed and defenseless position.
With a view of these facts, and for the essential advan
tage of having this and the surrounding islands immediately
settled, we most earnestly pray that you wiH have stationed
on this island a sufficient military force to protect us from

3l34 life of general harney.
the above-mentioned dangers until we become sufficiently
'Strong to protect ourselves.
J. M. Haggarat. NoH Ent.
Samuel McCauley. Michael Farris.
J. E. HigginS. George Perkins.
Chas H. Hubbs. Alex. McDonald.
L. A. Cutlar. Peter Johnson.
William Butler. Angus McDonald.
J. D. Warren. William Smith.
H. Wharton, jr. Charles McCoy.
John Witty. D. W. Oakes.
B. S. Andrews. Paul K. Hubbs, jr.
John Hunter McKay. Paul K. Hubbs.
On the 7th of August, General Harney's dispatches to
the War Department give a full account of the situation.
Headquarters Department of Oregon,
Fort Vancouver, W. T., August 7, i8^g. '
Colonel : I have the honor to enclose, for the informa
tion of the War Department, a copy of a proclamation of
Governor Douglas of her Britannic Majesty's island of Van
couver, also a copy of my reply to the same, with a copy
of a letter I have addressed to the senior officer of our
navy on this coast, requesting him to send a proper force
to observe the three British vessels-of-war, which are used
to threaten, with attempts to intimidate, our people on the
sound. I have also the honor to enclose a correspondence be
tween Captain George Pickett, 9th infantry, commanding
on San Juan, island, and Captain Hornby, the senior officer
commanding her Majesty's ships " Tribune," " Plumper,"
and " Satellite."
The threatening attitude the British authorities have seen
proper to .assume, has caused me to order Lieutenant-Col
onel Casy to reinforce Captain Pickett with his three com
panies from Fort Steilacoom, which post will be occupied
by four companies of the 3d artillery from Fort Vancouver
until further orders.
In my report of July 19, 1859, to the head- quarters of
the army, I stated I had ordered the company from Fort

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 335
BeHingham to San Juan island to protect the American
citizens residing on that island from the insults and indig
nities which the British authorities of Vancouver's island
did not hesitate to offer them on every occasion. Oa my
visit to San Juan island, mentioned in that report, the
United Sta^s inspector of customs on the - island, Mr.
Hubbs, made an official complaint in behalf of the Ameri
can citizens of the outrages perpetrated upon them by the
British authorities of Vancouver's island, who are con
nected with the Hudson's Bay Company establishment, and
who have a sheep farm on the island. This company pre
tend to own the whole island, which is some fifteen or
twenty miles long and five or six broad^ — while their im
provements on the island are a few old houses and some
small fields under inclosure.
A week or ten days before my arrival on that island one
of the Americans shot a pig belonging to the Hudson's
Bay Company, after having been greatly provoked by the
person in charge, to whom he had applied to have the pig
secured, as it damaged his fields. This request was treated
with contempt, and the pig was shot, the American offering
twice the value for the animal, which was refused. The
next day the British ship-of-war " Satellite," with Mr.
Dallas on board, who is the chief factor of the Hudson's
Bay Company, and a son-in-law of Governor Douglas,
visited the island and threatened to take the American to
Victoria, by force, for trial. The American resisted, seized
his rifle, and in return told Mr. Dallas he mig,ht take him,
but he would kill him first. I was also informed that the
Hudson's Bay Company had threatened at different times
to send the northern Indians down upon them and drive
them from the island. This statement has since been con
firmed to me by some of the most reliable citizens of the
Sound. . I felt it my duty therefore to gi\/e these citizens
the protection they sought with such just and pressing
claims. Governor Douglas is the father-in-law of Mr. Dallas, and,
having the local rank of vice-admiral, he commands the
British navy in the Sound. This accounts in some measure
for the use of the British ships-of-war in the supervision of
the interests of the Hudson's Bay Company. To attempt

336 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
to take, by armed force, an American citizen from our soH,
to be tried by British laws, is an insult to our flag and an
outrage upon the rights of our people, that has roused them
to a high state of indignation. I therefore most respect
fully request the President to consider the necessities for an
increased naval force on this station, to give confidence to
the people that their rights will be respected.
It would be well for the British government to know the
American people of this coast will never sanction any
claim they may assert to any other island in Puget's Sound
than that of Vancouver, south of the 49th paraHel, and
east of the Canal del Haro ; any attempt at possession by
them will be followed by a collision.
I desire to assure the department that while there is no
one more desirous than myself for an amicable settlement
of the difficulties raised by the British authorities of Van
couver's Island at this time, I shall use all the means at my
command to maintain the position I have assumed in
regard to San Juan island ; being fully convinced that
whatever respect and consideration might have been yielded
to the statements of a doubtful claim advanced in due form,
have been forfeited by the overbearing, insulting, and
aggressive conduct her Majesty's executive officers have
displayed not only towards our citizens but to the officer
commanding our troops at San Juan.
I am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General Commanding.
Colonel S. Cooper,
Adjutant General, Washington City, D. C.
About the same time dispatches from Lieutenant Colonel
Casey, 9th infantry, informed General Harney of the men
acing attitude of the English and Hudson's Bay Company,
with the suggestion that "the authorities on the other side
are trying to bluff a little." But on the 30th of July Cap
tain Pickett had demanded of Colonel Casey the active
co-operation of the forces at Fort SteHacoom and the aid
of the steamer Massachusetts. His dispatches best explain
the situation :

san juan difficulties. 337
Military Camp,
San Juan Island, W. T., July 30, 1859.
My Dear Colonel : I have the honor to inclose you
some notes which passed this morning between the Hud
son's Bay authorities and myself. From the threatening
attitude of affairs at present, I deem it my duty to request
that the Massachusetts may be sent at once to this point.
I do not know that any actual- collision will take place, but
it is not comfortable to be lying within range of a couple
of war steamers. The " Tribune, " a 30-gun frigate, is
lying broadside to our camp, and from present indications
everything leads me to suppose that they will attempt to
prevent my carrying out my instructions.
If you have any boats to spare I should be happy to get
one at least. The only whale boat we Lad was, most
unfortunately, staved on the day of our departure.
We will be very much in want of some tools and camp
equipage. I have not the time, colonel, to make out the
proper requisition, but if your quartermaster can send us
some of these articles it will be of great service.
I am, sir, in haste, very truly, your obedient servant,
G. E. PICKETT,
Captain gth Infantry.
Lieutenant Colonel S. Casey,
gth Infantry, Commanding Fort Steilacoom, W. T.
P. S. — The Shubrick has rendered us every assistance in
her power, and I am much indebted for the kindness of
officers. Bellevue Farm, San Juan, July 30, 1859.
Sir : I have the honor to inform you that the island of
San Juan, on which your camp is pitched, is the property
and in the occupation of the Hudson's Bay Company, and
to request that you and the whole of the party who have
landed from the American vessels wHl immediately cease
to occupy the same. Should you be unwilling to comply
with my request, I feel bound to apply to the civH authori
ties. Awaiting your reply,
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
CHAS. JNO. GRIFFIN,
Agent Hudson's Bay Company.
Captain Pickett, &c., &c., &c.

338 life of general harney.
Military Camp,
San Juan, W. T., July 30, 1859.
Sir: Your communication of this instant has been re
ceived. I have to state in reply that I do not acknowledge
the right of the Hudson's Bay Company to dictate my
course of action. I am here by virtue of an order from my
government, and shaH remain tiH recalled by the same
authority. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEORGE E. PICKETT,
Captain gth U. S. Infantry, Commanding.
Mr. Charles J. Griffin,
Agent Hudson's Bay Company, San Juan, W. T,
Military Post,
San Juan, W. T., August 3, 10 p. m.
Captain : I have the honor to report the following cir
cumstances : The British ships, the " Tribune, " the
" Plumper, " and the " Satellite " are lying here in a men
acing attitude. I have been warned off by the Hudson's
Bay agent ; then a summons was sent me to appear before
a Mr. De Courcy, an official of her Britannic Majesty.
To-day I received the inclosed communications, and I
also inclose my answer to same.
I had to deal with three captains, and I thought it better
to take the brunt of it. They have a force so much supe
rior to mine that it will be merely a mouthful for them ;
stHl I have informed them that I am here by order of my
commanding general, and will maintain my position if
possible. They wish to have a conjoint occupation of the island;
I decline anything of that kind. They can, if they
choose, land at almost any point on the island, and I can
not prevent them. I have used the utmost courtesy and
delicacy in my intercourse ; and if it is possible, please
inform me at such an early hour as to prevent a collision.
The utmost I could expect to-day was to suspend any pro
ceeding till they have time to digest a //// which I gave
them. They wish to throw the onus on me, because I
refused to allow them to land an equal force, and each of

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 339
US to have military occupation, thereby wiping out both
civil authorities.
I say I cannot do so till I hear from the general.
I have endeavored to impress them with the idea that my
authority comes directly through you from Washington.
The " Pleiades " left this morning for San Francisco with
Colonel Hawkins.
The excitement in Victoria and here is tremendous. I
suppose some five hundred people have visited us. I have
had to use a great deal of my peace-making disposition in
order to restrain some of the sovereigns.
Please excuse this hasty, and I am almost afraid unintel
ligible letter, but the steamer is waiting, and I have been
writing under the most unfavorable circumstances. I must
add that they seem to doubt the authority of the general
commanding, and do not wish to acknowledge his right to
this island, which they say is in dispute, unless the United
States government have decided the question with Great
Britain. I have so far staved them off, by saying that the
two governments have without doubt settled this affair; but
this state of affairs cannot last, therefore I most respect
fully ask that an express be sent me immediately on my
future guidance. I do not think there are any moments to
waste. In order to maintain our dignity we must occupy
in force, or allow them to land an equal force, which they
can do now, and possibly wiH do in spite of my diplomacy.
I have the honor to inclose all the correspondence which
has taken place. Hoping that my course of action will
meet with the approval of the general commanding, and
that I may hear from him in regard to my future course at
once. I remain, captain, your obedient servant,
G. E. PICKETT,
Captain gth Infantry, Commanding Post.
Captain A. Pleasonton,
Mounted Dragoons, Adjutant General,
Department of Oregon, Fort Vancouver, W. T.
On the 3d of August, Captain Hornby, then in command
of his Majesty's ship " Tribune," addressed a note to Captain
Pickett, asking him to meet him on board the ship. To

340 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
this Captain Pickett replied, by asking the British officer
to meet him in his camp, which invitation was duly accepted,
and Captain Hornby made a formal written communication
as follows : Her Majesty's Ship "Tribune,"
San Juan Island, August 3, 1859.
Sir : In accordance with your request for a written com
munication, I have the honor to transmit the substance of
the declarations and propositions made by me to you to
day. Having drawn your attention to the extract of a dispatch
from Mr. Marcy, Secretary of State, to his excellency
Governor Stevens, dated July 14, 1855, prescribing the
conduct that should be pursued by the officers of the Uni
ted States in respect of the disputed grounds, I asked if
that was the tenor of your present instructions, or if the
relations of the two States had been placed on other than
a friendly footing by any of a more recent date.
To this you replied by referring to the date of the dis
patch. I then asked you, in the name of Governor Douglas, the
terms on which you had occupied the island of San Juan ;
to which you replied that you did so by order of the " gen
eral commanding," to protect it as a part of the United
States territory, and that you believed he acted under orders
from the government at Washington.
I then presented to you the governor's protest against
any such occupation or claim. I represented to you that
the fact of occupying a disputed island by a military force
necessitated a similar action on our part ; that again in
volved the imminent risk of a coHision between the forces,
there being a magistrate of each nation now acting on the
island, either of whom might call on those of their country
for aid.
To prevent the chance of such collision, I suggested that
a joint niilitary occupation might take place, and continue
until replies could be received from our respective govern
ments ; and, during such times, that the commanding offi
cers of the forces should control and adjudicate between
their respective countrymen, the magistrates being with-

SAN JUAN difficulties. 34I
drawn on both sides, or the action of their courts suspended
for the time being, their employment not being necessary
under a joint military occupation.
I suggested this course as apparently the only one left
(short of entire evacuation by the troops under your com
mand) likely to produce the object so much to be desired,
viz : the prevention of a collision between the forces or
authorities of the two countries, landed or in the harbor of
San Juan — an event which must lead to still more disastrous
results, by permanently estranging the friendly relations
subsisting between Great Britain and the United States of
America. You replied that you had not authority to conclude such
terms, but suggested the reference of them to General Har
ney and Governor Douglas, without interference in any way
with our liberty of action.
I pointed out that my proposition was strictly in accord
ance with the principles laid down in Mr. Marcy's dispatch,
and that yours, on the other hand, offered no security
against the occurrence of some immediate evil.
That as officers of the United States government had
committed an act of aggression by landing an armed force
on this island pending the settlement of our respective
claims to its sovereignty, without warning to us, and with
out giving you a discretionary power of making any neces
sary arrangements, that the United States and its officers
alone must be responsible for any consequences that might
result, either immediate or future
I agreed to your request to furnish you with the sub
stance of the conversation in writing, and concluded by
informing you that having now made what seemed to me a
most equitable and simple proposition, I reserved to myself,
in the event of your non-acceptance of it, entire liberty of
action either for the protection of British subjects and prop
erty, or of our claims to the sovereignty of the island, until
they are settled by the Northwest Boundary Commission,
now existing, or by the respective governments.
I believe I have now given you the substance of our con
versation, and have only to add my regret that you were
not able to agree to a course which it appears to me would
totally avoid the risk of a collision.

342 life of general harney.
The responsibility of any such catastrophe does not, I
feel, now rest on me or on her Majesty's representative at
Vancouver's island.
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient, humble
servant,
GEOFFREY PHIPPS HORNBY,
Captain and Senior Officer.
Captain George Pickett,
Commanding Detachment United States gth Regiment.
To 'which Captain Pickett replied:
Military Post,
Island of San Juan, W. T., August 3, n p. m.
Sir : I have honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of this date, in reference to the conversa
tion which was held to-day between ourselves and Captains
Prevost and Richards. Your recollection of said conversa
tion seems to be very accurate. There is one point, how
ever, which I dwelt upon particularly, and which I must
endeavor, as the officer representing my government, to
impress upon you, viz : That, as a matter of course, I,
being here under orders from my government, cannot allow
any joint occupation till so ordered by my commanding gen
eral, and that any attempt to make such occupation as you
have proposed, before I can communicate with General
Harney, will be bringing on a collision which can be avoided
by awaiting this issue. I do not for one moment imagine
that there will any difficulty occur on this island which will
render a military interference necessary ; and I therefore
deem it proper to state that I think no discredit can reflect
upon either of us, or our respective flags, by remaining in
our present positions until we have an opportunity of hear
ing from those higher in authority.
I hope most sincerely, sir, you will reflect on this, and
hope you may coincide with me in my conclusion.
Should you see fit to act otherwise, you wiH then be the
person who wHl bring on a most unfortunate and disastrous
difficulty, and not the United States officials.

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 343
I have thus hurriedly answered your communication in
order to avoid any delay and its consequences.
I remain, with much respect, your obedient servant,
GEORGE E. PICKETT,,
Captain gth Infantry, Commanding Post,
Captain G. Phipps Hornby,
Commanding her Britannic Majesty's ship " Tribune,"
Harbor of San Juan, Washington Territory.
On the 2nd day of August, Governor Douglas issued the
following proclamation :
By James Douglas, C. B., governor and commander-in-chief
in and over the colony of Vancouver's island and its de
pendencies, vice-admiral of the sarne, &c.
The sovereignty of the island of San Juan, and of the
whole of the Haro archipelago, has always been undeviat-
ingly claimed to be in the crown of Great Britian. There
fore, I, James Douglas, do hereby, formally and solemnly,
protest against the occupation of the said island, or any
part of the said archipelago, by any person whatsoever, for
or on behalf of any other power, hereby protesting and
declaring that the sovereignty thereof by right now is, and
always hath been, in her Majesty Queen Victoria and her
predecessors. Kings of Great Britain.
Given under my hand and seal, at Victoria, Vancouver's
island, on this second day of August, one thousand eight
hundred and fifty-nine, and in the twenty-third year of her
Majesty's reign. " JAMES DOUGLAS.
To which General tiarney replied :
Headquarters Department of Oregon,
Fort Vancouver, W. T, August 6, i8^g.
Sir : I have the honor to inform you of the receipt of
an official copy of a protest made by you to the occupation
of San Juan island, in Puget's Sound, by a company of
United States troops under my command.
This official copy was furnished by Captain Hornby, of
her Majesty's ship " Tribune," to the United States officer
in command at San Juan island. Captain George Pickett,
of the 9th infantry of the American army, together with a

344 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
communication threatening a joint occupation of San Juan
island by the forces of her Majesty's ships " Tribune," " Plum
per," and "Satellite," now in the harbor of that island by
your orders.
As the military commander of the department of Oregon,
assigned to that command by the orders of the President
of the United States, I have the honor to state, for your in
formation, that by such authority invested in me I placed a
military command upon the island of San Juan to protect
the American citizens residing on that island from the in
sults and indignities which the British authorities of Van
couver's island and the establishment of the Hudson's Bay
Company recently offered them by sending a British ship-
of-war from Vancouver's island to convey the chief factor
of the Hudson's Bay Company to San Juan for the purpose
of seizing an American citizen and forcibly transporting
him to Vancouver's island to be tried by British laws.
I have reported this attempted outrage to my govern
ment, and they will doubtless seek the proper redress from
the British government. In the meantime, I have the honor
to inform your excellency I shall not permit a repetition of
that insult, and shall retain a command on San Juan island
to protect its citizens, in the name of the United States,
until I receive further orders from my government.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient
servant, W. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General United States Army Commanding.
His excellency James Doulgas, C. B.,
Governor of Vancouver' s Islqnd, &c.,
Vice-Admiral of the same.
He also approved the steps taken by Cap'tain Pick::tt in
relation to the occupation of San Juan, and on the 7th
day of August transmitted to the officer commanding the
naval squadron on the Pacific coast, Governor Douglas'
proclamation, and requested him to order such a naval
force to Puget's sound as he could spare, for the protec
tion of American interests. The General ordered Lieu
tenant-Colonel Casey to reinforce Captain Picke't x- ¦ r. four
companies, and to evacuate forts Steilacoom an J Town-

SAN JUAN DIFFICULTIES. 345
send. This, of course, gave rise to further angry corres
pondence between the British officers and the American
commander. The situation was critical, and a trifling in
discretion might have been the occasion of a war between
two great nations, who were of common blood, language,
and line;ij2. The British fleet consisted of five ships of
war, carrying one hundred and sixty-seven guns, and nine
teen hundred and forty men, besides which there was an
extra force of six hundred sappers and miners and marines.
It was not known whether the British commander would
land in force or not. He could very easily have over
powered the American troops under Colonel Casey and
Captain Pickett. But fortunately for the peace of both
countries, so firm had been the stand taken by General
Harney, and so prudent and wise were his measures, that
no collision was provoked, and the matter was referred to
their respective governments by the two commanders.
General Harney was not idle while things stood in this
menacing attitude. He informed the Governor of Wash
ington Territory of the state of affairs and indicated that he
might possibly ask for volunteers for the public defence.
He also communicated with General Clarke, commanding in
California, and made such dispositions as would, in the event
of hostilities, bring speedy reinforcements.
The correspondence between General Harney and Gover
nor Douglas of Vancouver, resulted in the denial by the
British authorities of any intention to outrage American
citizens by arresting them and carrying them to Victoria
for trial. But General Harney soon produced evidences of
the fact ; and in reply to the Governor's demand for the
evacuation of the island of San Juan, declared his intention
to maintain his forces there till he received orders from his
government.
. General Scott was ordered by the President to repair to
Oregon, and settle the matter between the British colonial
authorities and the American settlers. The result was an

346 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
amicable adjustment, and the ultimate abandonment of all
British claim to the island of San Juan, and the neighbor
ing archipelago.
General Harney remained in command of the department
of Oregon untH July, i860, when he was ordered to St. Louis
to take command of the Department of the West. He
remained in this duty untH November, i860, when he was
reheved, and awaited orders until May, 1861.

CHAPTER XVL
THE CIVIL WAR.
\ . /HE annals of mankind present but one conflict of
I arms surpassing in the scope and importance of its
results that of the American conflict or civil war pre
cipitated under the administration of Abraham Lincoln.
That other and greater conflict was the revolution that
gave to the world the American Constitution and the
American nation. Possible and sublime as was that great
event in history that bequeathed so much liberty to man
kind, it left ungathered the seeds of disturbance and de
struction in the native soil of freedom. Before the revolu
tion of 1776 slavery was planted, was befriended and culti
vated on American soil. It was the enemy of freedom,
and a feud as old as the human race — a strife between free
dom and slavery crossed the Atlantic and was transplanted
where the Bible and the cross were proclaimed to be the
supreme authority to direct the action of men in social and
political society. But time demonstrated a new and pecul
iar problem in government to be confronted and solved.
Such was the antagonism between freedom and slavery
that it soon grew to be irreconcilable ; and so seeing, Mr.
Jefferson said that if the South were severed from the
North, South Carolina and Georgia would duly transfer
their jealousy from New England to Maryland and Virginia.
When General Jackson suppressed nullification in South
Carolina he foresaw the dangers which threatened from a
disregard of the authority of the national Government. He
said that nullification would rise again, in some future time,
in the disguise of the slavery agitation, and so it did. But
the coming contest, gigantic as it grew to be, had no
347

348 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
element of perpetuity, no power to create and establish
enduring conditions of disunion. It was an American con
flict, and all its causes and conditions were incidental and
transient, and destined to pass away like the mist of the
morning. The presidential election of i860 had elevated to the chief
office of the nation Abraham Lincoln. The canvass had
been one of great violence and excitement, and threats
were made of secession on the part of the slave-holding
States from the Union. The people of those States who
dominated public sentiment professed to regard Mr. Lin
coln's election, on an anti-slavery platfoim, hostile to the
rights of the Southern States, and as such a sufficient justi
fication for a dissolution of their relations in the family of
the Union.
Although Mr. Lincoln's election did not carry with it a
single pledge of hostility to slavery in the then existing
States, it was another and more advanced step in the field of
party discussion and contest, which had already assumed a
positive and aggressive form in the struggle for freedom in
Kansas, and which was transferred from that young terri
tory, in the election of Mr. Lincoln, to the older States
of the South, where it was easy to be seen that a long-
threatened storm, an irrepressible conflict, was soon to cul
minate in a national contest.
The civil contest between the slave and free States was a
great event in history, and has only been surpassed by that
mighty social volcano, the French revolution. It came
upon the Republic like a gathering, moving, mighty storm.
It was the execution of the WiH of the eternal God to dis
pose of, by revolution, that which man failed to dispose of
by legislation. It was a conflict to eliminate slavery from
our political organism. It caHed into the battle-field larger
and better equipped armies than were ever before arrayed
against each other in deadly combat It gave a larger
experience and resulted in more important consequences

THE CIVIL WAR.

349

than were ever before given to man in any other equal
number of years. It called into public discussion the fuH
talent of the American people ; of the press and the pulpit,
of the forum and of the bench, of skill and genius, of
music and oratory. In its onward movement it spread
social disorder, and the wealth of communities, towns, cities
and States fell into decay and ruin, and laws and religions
were of no avail to maintain order and piety, in a land
where belhgerent States had arrayed themselves against the
authority of the constitution.
The civil conflict thus precipitated, differed widely from
all preceding internecine struggles. For though it be true
that revolutions do not go backward, it is the general rule
among the people of the earth for oppression to be on the
side of constituted authority. Not so in the civH conflict.
Freedom was the boon of the national authority, slavery
the chief corner-stone of the rebellion. Victor Hugo had
called American slavery the greatest moral deformity of
the nineteenth century.
At the approach of this unusual conflict — for it was at
variance in its essential character with any other conflict
of arms known to history — strong men and brave women,
without regard to education, station, or place of birth, took
sides in the issue according to the circumstances and sur
roundings at the hour of peril, yielding in the main, how
ever, to the side on which education, party politics and reli
gion had overshadowed and disregarded patriotism.
At the breaking out of the civil conflict the army of the
United States was more limited in numbers than any other
class of professional men. It seemed that the nation had
almost learned to live without the use of soldiers, and what
ever scattered remnants there were upon the frontier or the
coast parts of the country, they too, in common with the
entire people in every rank of life, took sides in the great
struggle, accordingly as influence of one kind or another
directed their action.

350 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Generals of various official ranks espoused the cause of
the South, as against the Government, which they saw fit
to call the North. General Harney had just returned from
long and arduous duty on the Pacific coast. He was not a
graduate of West Point, nor in any wise a politician. He
had been taught by Jackson that both the citizen and the
soldier must be patriotic. The struggle came on like a
mighty storm, but General Harney, who had confronted
the enemies of his country on unnumbered battle-fields, was
not to be deterred and driven from his country's flag in the
midst of peril to the Union. He was a soldier of the Re
public. On returning from the Pacific coast he was placed
in command at St. Louis. He visited 'VV^ashington before
the expiration of Mr. Buchanan's term of office, and was
ordered to report to the President twice a day to consult
with him upon the affairs of the country. He advised Mr.
Buchanan to fortify the seaboard upon the Southern coast ;
but notwithstanding President Buchanan ¦ constantly sought
the counsel of General Harney, he as often ignored it
because of the advice and influence of John B. Floyd, his
Secretary of War.
Ascertaining the counteracting influence of Floyd upon
Buchanan, Harney returned to St. Louis and assumed com
mand. Mr. Lincoln was soon inaugurated, and new
relations and duties presented themselves for every citizen,
as well as every soldier of the Government. The strife of
many years of bitter partisan discussion, and a conflict of
interests, had engendered a bitter feeling of antagonism
between the people of the South and the North. General
Harney had been bred in the camp and on duty to the pro
fession of arms. He took no part in politics or civil strife.
He had learned by the observations of a life-time many of
the arts of the politicians and the plotters for power, but
he had always held himself aloof from intrigue, and in
official duty acted alone the part of the soldier. The

THE CIVIL WAR. 35 I
approach of the civil war compelled him to confront new
problems in official life. St. Louis was his home ; here he
had married and gathered around him a large circle of
friends and relatives, composed of wealthy and influential
citizens ; these, in the main, were sympathizers with the
South, and many of them participants in the rebellion.
This circumstance of domestic and social life was unjustly
interpreted as unfavorable to the official position of Gen
eral Harney, and, coupled with the fact that most of the
leading men who sprang like magic into power on the
side of the Government, had no personal acquaintance
with him, contributed to prejudice many good people
against him. General Harney had seen the work of poli
ticians in Kansas, and he would not yield to their solicita
tions to step outside of his duty as a soldier to serve them.
He saw the same elements at work in St. Louis at the
breaking out of the civil war that he had seen in Kansas,
and he only knew the soldier's duty to be that of a pre
server of the peace. In this capacity General Harney felt
himself master of the situation. He felt that he had
learned from the experience of many battle-fields how to
measure the strength of his enemy, and that he could
determine the measure of his own ability to assert his own
authority. It is not the purpose of this volume to present a detailed
account of the mHitary operations, or of the acts of men
in St. Louis during the time that General Harney was in
command of the Department of the West, but only so far
as to fully present and vindicate three important and prom
inent facts :
I. That General Harney was a loyal and devoted soldier,
inflexibly attached to the Union and the supremacy of the
constitution ; and
II. That his removal from the command of the Depart
ment of the West was not brought about because of a
doubt of his loyalty, but

352 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
III. Because he was in command, and at one of the
most important points on the continent, and was in the way
of schemers and intriguing plotters for plunder and power.
To demonstrate these things in the defence of a great
soldier, a man who was a pillar in the national life, and to
vindicate his honor, his patriotism, and his great name,
shall be the extent of the presentation of military affairs
in St. Louis during the spring and summer of 1861.
The elements of civil war were rapidly organizing, with
full intent on the part of the general Government and those
who had determined to resist its authority, to make a
gigantic struggle. On the nth day of April, 1861, Gen
eral Harney issued the following order in reference to the
disposition of troops :
Headquarters Department of the West,
St. Louis, Missouri, April 11, 186 1.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of the 5th instant, directing that six companies
of artillery, three from Fort Ridgely and three from Fort
Randall, rapair to the city of New York.
The order for the movement from Fort Randall has been
sent by telegraph to Council Bluffs, to be forwarded thence
by special messenger. The steamer " Omaha " has been
chartered by the assistant quartermaster here to convey the
troops from Fort Randall to Saint Joseph, the terminus of
the railroad. The "Omaha" is now at Saint Joseph and
instructions have been sent to that point by telegraph for
her to leave for Fort Randall without delay.
The orders for the movements from Forts Ridgely, Rip
ley, and Ambercrombie were transmitted by telegraph to
Saint Paul, to be forwarded thence by special messenger to
the several posts concerned; but since they were issued I
have received a copy of your despatch of the 6th instant
to Major Morris, commanding at Fort Ridgely, requiring
him to proceed at once with his command, save a small
detachment, to the city of New York, instead of waiting to
be relieved by a company of the 2d infantry, as at first
directed.

the civil war. 353
I have, therefore, recalled, by telegraph, my own order to
Major Morris.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, Commanding.
Lieutenant Colonel E. D. Townsend,
Assistant Adjutant General, Headquarters
of the Army, Washington, D. C.
Affairs in St. Louis were now assuming a more active
character, and General Harney asked instructions from
Washington in reference to the management of the troops
at the arsenal.
Headquarters Department of the West,
St. Louis, Missouri, April i6, 1861.
Sir : In the present state of affairs in this quarter I deem
it to be my duty to make a special report with reference to
the St. Louis arsenal.
The arsenal buildings and grounds are completely com
manded by hills immediately in their rear, and within
easy range. I learn from sources which I consider
reliable that it is the intention of the executive of
this State to cause batteries to be erected on these
hills, and also upon the island opposite to the arsenal.
I arn further informed that should such batteries be
erected it is contemplated by the State authorities, in the
event of the secession of the State from the Union, to de
mand the surrender of the arsenal.
The command at the arsenal at this time consists of nine
officers and about four hundred and thirty enlisted men,
made up of a detachment of ordnance. Captain Totten's
company of the 2d artillery, Captain Lyon's company
of the 2d infantry and 4th artillery, and general service
recruits. While this force would probably be able to resist suc
cessfully an assaulting party, unless greatly superior to
itself in numbers, it could not withstand the fire of batteries
situated as above indicated.
23

354 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Under these circumstances, I respectfully request instruc
tions for rriy guidance.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, Commanding.
Lieutenant Colonel E. D. Townsend,
Assistant Adjutant General, Headquarters
of the Army, Washington, D. C.
On the 20th of April, General Harney again referred the
affairs of the arsenal to the Adjutant General at Wash
ington, urging his immediate attention to the matter of
securing an officer of rank for the command. He also tele
graphed to the same purpose on the same day. The dis
patches are as follows :
Headquarters Department of the West,
St. Louis, Missouri, April 20, 1861.
Sir : I deem it of the highest importance to the public
interests that an officer of rank should be forthwith assigned
to the command of the troops at the St. Louis arsenal, and to
the charge of the defences at that place. In making this
recommendation, I take pleasure in bearing testimony to
the zeal and fidelity which have been displayed by the pres
ent commander. Captain N. Lyon, 2d infantry. There are
reasons, however, which, in my judgment, render it expedi
ent that the change in the command I have suggested
should be made without delay.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, Commanding.
Lieutenant Colonel E. D. Townsend,
Assistant Adjuta?it General, Headquarters
of the Army, Washington, D. C.
Military affairs by this time were growing more compli
cated, and it was evident that however loyal the friends of
the Government were, rival elements began to show them
selves, and General Harney left for Washington in obedi
ence to orders from the Secretary of War, on the 23d day
of April, 1 86 1.

THE CIVIL WAR, 355
On his way to Washington, he was captured at Harper's
Ferry, by the Confederates, on the 25th of April, 1861.
The train was stopped at Harper's Ferry, and after some
delay General Harney asked an officer or employe on the
train, what caused the great delay. The man answered,
" General, I do not know, but I heard your name men
tioned frequently." "Ah," said the General. Soon a young
pedantic officer entered the car and approaching General
Harney, said, " General, you are my prisoner." He had
no sooner declared his authority, than General Harney
seized him and with the declaration of " God damn your
soul, get out of here !" brought him to the floor of the
car, and soon convinced the young and officious stripling
that he. General Harney, was master. Soon after this first
onset, several officers came into the car and expressed to
General Harney their regret for the officiousness of the
young man, but told the General he must consider himself
a prisoner. The General answered that he could not alone
fight an army, and yielded. The bluff old soldier, who had
been victor on many battle-fields, felt humiliated when
compelled to yield to forces against which he had no con
tract to contend. Made the first prisoner of the war, he
was taken to Richmond, where he met those in high au
thority on the Confederate side ; many of whom were old ac
quaintances. Mrs. Governor Letcher met him as an old and
admired friend and implored him to join with the South in
the great conflict ; but the General, while deeply impressed
with a sense of high regard at the friendship born of earlier
and happier days, stood unshaken in his expressions of de
votion to the flag of the Union. Governor Letcher met him
as an old friend, and told him that his arrest at Harper's
Ferry was a blunder made by an incompetent officer.
The General had not been long in Richmond before he
was released, and departed for Washington. His fraternal
associations at Richmond were of the most pleasant char
acter, bringing back green spots in memory's waste, the

3S6 life of general harney.
happy recollections of by-gone years. In a public way his
associations were sad and full of regret. Early on his
arrival he met General Robert E. Lee, the hope and the
stay of the rebellion. On meeting General Lee, General
Harney said :
" General, I am sorry to meet you in this way."
General Lee answered :
" General Harney, I had no idea of taking any part in
this matter; I wanted to stay at Arlington and raise pota
toes for my family, but my friends forced me into it."
Sad enough, sad enough ! two great war chiefs, born and
reared and sheltered under the same flag, meet at the open
ing of a great crisis, a great conflict, one poised in self-con
scious majesty, because unshaken in his devotion to the
flag he had carried to victory on so many battle-fields, the
other sad and shaken in his manhood for espousing a cause
that was not vindicated by his highest judgment.
General Joseph E. Johnston also met General Harney at
Richmond, and told him that he was opposed to the rebel
lion, but said that all his relatives lived in Virginia, and
that they would execrate him if he did not join the cause
of rebellion, and that he was forced to take the side he did.
Here we have the testimony and expressions of regret
from two military men of high rank, of great mental
capacity and personal worth, along side of whom is placed
in contrast the name and character of General Harney.
On one side is maintained a lofty character and an unques
tioned patriotism ; on the other side are the expressions of
fallen hopes and a lost cause.
On his way from Richmond to Washington General Har
ney met with one constant ovation. At every station the
people crowded to see the war chief of the West. He was
reluctant to respond to any demonstration in favor of his
distinction. On one occasion the people would not allow
the train to leave the depot until General Harney made'
some response to their demonstration; he was therefore

THE CIVIL WAR. 357
urge.d to put his head out of the car window and express
some token of regard to his anxious admirers, and this he
did with reluctance. The people were devoted to him,
they knew his greatness and his honor. He only knew his
duty and his devotion to the flag of his country.
On the 29th of April, General Williams notified Adjutant
General Thomas, at Washington, of the departure of Gen
eral Harney for Washington :
Headquarters Department of the West,
St. Louis, Missouri, April 2g, 1861.
Sir: In the absence of a department commander, I have
the honor to acknowledge the receipt, this morning, of
your letter of the 21st instant to Brigadier-General Harney,
relieving that officer from the command of the Department
of the West, and stating that the command will devolve up
on the senior officer in the department.
General Harney left this city for Washington, April
23, under the operation of your telegraphic despatch of
AprH 21.
Colonel E. B. Alexander, loth infantry, stationed at Fort
Laramie, is now the senior officer in the Department of the
West. I have to-day sent a despatch to him, (by telegraph
as far as Fort Kearney), advising him that the command
of the department devolves upon him.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
S. WILLIAMS,
Assistant Adjutant General,
Colonel L. Thomas,
Adjutant General of the Army,
Washington, D. C.
This was the commencement of a succession of acts
designed to result in the final removal of General Harney
from the command of the Department of the West On
the lOth of April, and before the return of General Harney
from Washington, Camp Jackson was taken, the official cor
respondence between General Lyon and General D. M.
Frost being as given below :

35 8 life of general harney.
Headquarters United States Troops,
St. Louis, May lO, 1861.
Sir : Your command is regarded as evidently hostHe
toward the government of the United States. It is for the
most part made up of those secessionists who have openly
avowed their hostHity to the general government, and have
been plotting the seizure of its property and the overthrow
of its authority.
You are openly in communication with the so-called
Southern Confederacy, which is now at war with the United
States, and you are receiving at your camp from the said
Confederacy, urder its flag, large supplies of material of war,
most of which is known to be the property of the United
States. These extraordinary preparations plainly indicate none
other than the well-known purpose of the governor of this
State, under whose orders you are acting, and whose pur
pose, recently communicated to the legislature, has just
been responded to by that body in the most unparalleled
legislation, having in direct view hostilities to the general
government and co-operating with the enemies.
In view of these considerations, and your failure to dis
perse in obedience to the proclamation of the President,
and of the eminent necessity of State policy and welfare,
and obligations imposed upon me by instructions from
Washington, it is my duty to demand, and I do hereby
demand, of you an immediate surrender of your command,
with no other conditions than that all persons surrendering
under this demand shall be humanely treated. Believing
myself prepared to enforce this ddmand, one half-hour's
time before doing so will be allowed for your compliance
therewith.
N. LYON,-
Capt^ 2d Infantry, Commandiiig Troops:
General D. M. Frost.
General Frost, being in no condition to withstand an
attack by the troops under Captain Lyon, yielded to the
demand of the latter and surrendered his forces. The fol
lowing letter from General Frost to General Harney ex
plains what followed:

THE CIVIL WAR. 359
St. Louis Arsenal, Missouri, May ii, 1861.
Sir : In accordance with the laws of the State of Mis
souri, which have been existing for some years, and in
obedience to the orders of the governor, on Monday last
I entered into an encampment with the militia force of St.
Louis county for the purpose of instructing the same in
accordance with the laws of the United States and of this
State. Every officer and soldier in my- command had taken with
uplifted hand the following oath, to-wit :
" You each and every one of you do solemnly swear that
you will honestly and faithfully serve the State of Missouri
against all enemies, and that you will do youj utmost to
sustain the Constitution and laws of the United States, and
of this State, against all violence of whatsoever kind or
description ; and you do further swear that you will well
and truly execute and obey the legal orders of all officers
properly placed over you whilst on duty. So help you
God." Whilst in the peaceable performance of the duties de
volved upon me and my command under these laws, my
encampment was yesterday surrounded by an overwhelm
ing force of armed men acting under the command of
Captain N. Lyon, 2d infantry, United States army, and
called upon by him, through a written communication,
marked "A," accompanying this. To which communica
tion I replied in the following terms, to-wit :
Camp Jackson, Missouri, May 10, 1861.
Sir: I never for a moment having conceived the idea
that so illegal and unconstitutional a demand as I have just
received from you would be made by' an officer of the
United States army, I am wholly unprepared to defend my
command from this unwarranted attack, and shall there
fore be forced to comply with your demand.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Brigadier-General D. M. FROST,
Commanding Camp Jackson, M. M.
Captain N. Lyon,
Commanding United States Troops.
My command was, in accordance with the above, deprived

360 life of general harney.
of their arms and surrendered into the hands of Captain
Lyon. After which, whilst thus disarmed and surrounded,
a fire was opened upon a portion of it by his troops and a
number of my men put to death, together with several inno
cent lookers on, men, women, and children.
My command was then marched as prisoners of war in
triumph to thisplace.
I am now informed, as I was at the time of the surrender,
by the captain, that my command may be released upon
the officers and men giving their parole " not to take up
arms or to serve in a military capacity against the United
States during the present civil war."
Against the whole proceeding of Captain Lyon, as well
as' against the terms of release, I most earnestly protest,
for the following reasons :
That in addition to the obligations of loyalty which rest
upon every citizen, every man of my command now held as
a prisoner has voluntarily taken an oath to sustain the Con
stitution and laws of the United States.
That when my camp was attacked in this unaccountable
manner, and during the previous days of its existence, the
only flags that floated there were those of the United States
with all the stars, and its fellow bearing the coat of arms
of the State of Missouri.
That, in addition to all this, on the morning before this
attack was made, I addressed to Captain Lyon a communi
cation informing him of the proffer of services I had per
sonally made of myself and of my command, and if neces
sary, the whole power of the State of Missouri, to protect
the United States property, and assuring him that I had in
no respect changed those views or opinions either of my
own relations or through any orders emanating from my
constitutional commander.
Under all these circumstances, I appeal to you, as the
chief representative of the United States in this depart
ment, for justice on behalf of those loyal citizens who are
now held as prisoners of war, captured under and marched
to their place of confinement with the flag of the Union
flying over their heads. I ask that you wiH not put upon
the command the additional indignity of requiring us to
give our parole when we have already given our oath in

the civil war. 361
support of the Constitution, but that you will order our
restoration to the liberties of which we have illegally been
deprived, as well as of the property of the State and indi
viduals also, as the larger portion of the equipments have
been purchased with the private funds of the individuals of
my command, both officers and men.
I trust that such as have been so purchased will, at least,
be restored to the proper owners.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
D. M. FROST,
Brigadier General, Missouri Volunteer Militia.
General Wm. S. Harney,
Commanding the Department of the West,
United States Army.
The political excitement began to intensify, and people
everywhere began to procure private arms for any emer
gency. On the lOth of May, 1861, it was announced in the city
papers that General Harney had been reappointed to the
command of the Department of the West, and on the suc
ceeding day, the nth, he arrived in St. Louis, from Wash
ington, and reassumed command.
On taking command. General Harney reported to the
Department at Washington as follows ;
Headquarters Department of the West,
St. Louis, Missouri, May 13, 1861.
Sir : I have the honor to report, for the information of
the general-in-chief, that, in obedience to the instructions
of the Hon. Secretary of War, communicated through the
adjutant general of the army, I resumed command of the
Department of the West the nth instant.
On my arrival at Saint Louis I found very great excite
ment prevailing throughout the community in consequence
of the capture, on the lOth instant, of the brigade of Mis
souri militia, under the command of Brigadier General D.
M. Frost, while in camp near this city, by the United
States forces, under the command of Captain N. Lyon, 2d
infantry. I am informed that a detaHed report of that

362 life of general harney,
affair was forwarded previous to my resuming command of
the department, but I deem it proper to state that the con
duct of Captain Lyon on the occasion meets with my
entire approval.
As serious apprehensions were entertained yesterday
morning that the excitement existing in the city would
result in an outbreak in the course of a few hours unless
allayed, I deemed it necessary to issue a proclamation, of
which the enclosed is a copy, and which I am assured was
well received, and had the effect to tranquilize the public
mind. I also ordered up from the arsenal some two hundred and
fifty regular troops, with four pieces of artillery, to aid the
civil authorities in the preservation of the public peace.
I am happy to add that all indications of the threatened
disturbance have disappeared.
I am, sir, very respectfully ,> your obedient servant,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, Commanding.
Lieutenant Colonel E. D. Townsend,
Assistant Adjutant General, Headquarters
of the Army, Washington, D. C
On Sunday, June 12th, after the arrival of General
Harney from Washington, intense feeling pervaded the
city. The capture of Camp Jackson stimulated the friends
of the Union and the friends of the so-called Southern Con
federacy to a high state of excitement. The long and
boastful spirit of self-constituted aristocracy, founded upon
slavery, felt that it was called upon to humiliate itself by
having to confront the democratic spirit founded upon free
labor. General Harney, full of the spirit of manhood, and be
lieving, from his youth up, that slavery was wrong, and had
often so expressed himself in the army, only to be resented
with vindictive retorts, was not the man to step to the front
in its defence when the nation was assaulted.
But he felt that he had the power to keep peace in St.
Louis and the State of Missouri. He believed that the

THE CIVIL WAR. 363
people wanted peace and safety more than war, and he at ¦«
once issued the following PROCLAMATION :
Military Department of the West,
St. Louis, Missouri, May 14, 1861.
To the people of the State of Missouri :
On my return to the duties of the command of this
department, I find, greatly to my astonishment and morti
fication, a most extraordinary state of things existing in
this State, deeply affecting the stability of the government
of the United States, as well as the government and other
interests of Missouri itself.
As a citizen of Missouri, owing allegiance to the United
States, and having interests in common with you, I feel it
my duty, as well as privilege, to extend a warning voice to
my fellow-citizens against the common dangers that
threaten us, and to appeal to your patriotism and sense of
justice to exert all your moral powers to avert them.
It is with regret that I feel it my duty to call your atten
tion to the recent act of the general assembly of Missouri,
known as the military bill, which is the result, no doubt,
of the temporary excitement that now pervades the public
mind. This bill cannot be regarded in any other light than an
indirect secession ordinance, ignoring even the forms re
sorted to by other States. Manifestly its most material
provisions are in conflict with the Constitution and laws of
the United States. To this extent it is a nullity, and can
not, and oug^t not, to be upheld or regarded by the good
citizens of Missouri. There are obligations and duties
resting upon the people of Missouri under the constitution
and laws of the United States which are paramount, and
which, I trust, you will carefully consider and weigh well
before you will allow yourselves to be carried out of the
Union, under the form of yielding obedience to this military
bill, which is clearly in violation of your duties as citizens
of the United States.
It must be apparent to every one who has taken a proper
and unbiased view of the subject, that whatever may be
the termination of the unfortunate condition of things in

364 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
respect to the so-called "Cotton States," Missouri must
share the destiny of the Union. Her geographical position,
her soil, productions, and, in short, all her material interests,
point to this result. We cannot shut our eyes against this
controlling fact. It is seen, and its force is felt throughout
the nation.
So important is this regarded to the great interests of
the country, that I venture to express the opinion that the
whole power of the government of the United States, if
necessary, will be exerted to maintain Missouri in her pres
ent position in the Union. I express to you, in all frank
ness and sincerity, my own deliberate convictions, without
assuming to speak for the government of the United States,
whose authority, here and elsewhere, I shall at all times,
and under all circumstances, endeavor faithfully to uphold.
I desire above all things most earnestly to invite my fel
low-citizens dispassionately to consider their true interests
as well as their true relation to the government under which
we live and to which we owe so much.
In this connection, I desire to direct attention to one
subject which no doubt will be made the pretext for more
or less popular excitement. I allude to the recent transac
tions at Camp Jackson, near St. Louis. It is not proper
for me to comment upon the official conduct of my prede
cessor in command of this department, but it is right and
proper for the people of Missouri to know that the main
avenue of Camp Jackson, recently under command of Gen
eral Frost, had the name of Davis, and a principal street of
the same camp that of Beauregard ; and that a body of men
had been received into that camp by its commander which
had been notoriously organized in the interests of the se
cessionists, the men openly wearihg the dress and badge
distinguishing the army of the so-called Southern Confed
eracy. It is also a notorious fact that a quantity of arms
had been received into the camp which were unlawfully
taken from the United States arsenal at Baton Rouge, and
surreptitiously passed up the river in boxes marked marble.
Upon facts Hke these, and having in view what occurred
at Liberty, the people can draw their own inferences, and it
cannot be difficult for any one to arrive at a correct conclu
sion as to the character and ultimate purpose of that en-

THE CIVIL WAR. 365
campment. No government in the world would be entitled
to respect that would tolerate for a moment such openly
treasonable preparations.
It is but simple justice, however, that I should state the
fact that there were many good and loyal men in the camp
who were in no manner responsible for its treasonable char
acter. Disclaiming, as I do, all desire or intention to interfere in
any way with the prerogatives of the State of Missouri, or
with the functions of its executive or other authorities, yet
I regard it as my plain path of duty to express to the peo
ple in respectful, but at the same time decided language,
that within the field and scope of my command and au
thority the "supreme law" of the land must and shall be
maintained, and no subterfuges, whether in the forms of
legislative acts or otherwise, can be permitted to harass or
suppress the good and law-abiding people of Missouri. I
shall exert my authority to protect their persons and prop
erty from violations of every kind, and I shall deem it my
duty to suppress all unlawful combinations of men, whethesr
formed under pretext of military organizations or«therwise.
WILLIAM S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General United States Army, Commanding.
General Harney's proclamation was received with general
satisfaction by all good people, and it gave assurance of the
reign of peace and the protection of life. The better peo
ple far more desired this state of things than to encourage
hate, revenge and bloody strife, and they saw in Harney a
firm, resolute and protecting power.
The subject of slavery everywhere lurked in the thoughts
and discussions of men, and the following correspondence
took place between Colonel T. T. Gantt and General Har
ney relative thereto :
Sir : In common with thousands who have perused your
admirable proclamation of this morning, I return you the
thanks of a citizen of Missouri for its patriotic tone and
tranquillizing assurances.
There is nothing in this paper which, in my opinion, needs
explanation ; yet I wish to be able to answer, with the author-

366 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
ity of your name, a question which I have already replied
to on my own judgment. Last evening, a gentleman of the
highest respectability and intelligence, from Green county,
Missouri, asked me whether I supposed it was the intention
of the United States government to interfere with the insti
tution of negro slavery in Missouri or any slave State, or
impair the security of that description of property. Of
course, my answer was most unqualifiedly and almost indig
nantly in the negative. I told him that I had no means of
forming an opinion which was not open to every private
citizen ; but that I felt certain that the force of the United
States would, if necessary, be exerted for the protection of
this, as well as any other kind of property. WHl you be
good enough to spare from your engrossing military duties
so much time as may be required to say whether I answered
correctly ?
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, your
most obedient servant,
THOMAS T. GANTT.
General Wm. S. Harney,
Commanding the Military Department
of the West, St. Louis, Missouri.
May 14, 1861.
Sir: I have just received your note of this date, inquir
ing whether, in my opinion, you were correct in replying to
a citizen of southwestern Missouri as to the purpose of the
United States government respecting the protection of
negro property.
I must premise by saying that I have no special instruc
tions from the War Department. But I should as soon
expect to hear that the orders of the government were
directed towards the overthrow of any other kind of pro
perty as of this in negro slaves. I entertain no doubt
whatever that you answered the question you mention cor
rectly. I should certainly have answered it in the same
manner, and, I think, with the very feelings you describe.
I am not a little astonished that such a question could be
seriously put. Already, since the commencement of these
unhappy disturbances, slaves have escaped from their
owners and sought refuge in the camps of the United

THE CIVIL WAR. 367
States troops from Northern States, and commanded by a
Northern General. They were carefully sent back to their
owners. An insurrection of slaves was reported to have
taken place in Maryland. A Northern General offered to
the executive of that State the aid of Northern troops
under his own command, to suppress it. Incendiaries have
asked of the President permission to invade the Southern
States and have been warned that any attempt to do this
will be punished as a crime. I repeat it, I have no special
means of knowledge on this subject, but what I have cited,
and my general acquaintance with the statesman-like views
of the President makes me confident in expressing the
opinion above given.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. S. HARNEY,
Commanding Military Department of the West
Thomas T. Gantt,
St. Louis, Missouri.
General Harney had from the beginning taken the
ground that there was no necessity for firing a single gun
in Missouri, and he was determined that none should be
'fired until the necessity did exist. His splendid reputation
as a soldier, his known firmness, and his stainless honor,
were sufficient pledges that peace and order would be pre
served. On the 14th he issued his proclamation an
nouncing his resumption of the command, and his intention
to maintain the peace.
Unfortunately there were plenty of turbulent spirits to
whom peace was by no means pleasing. Either their occu
pation was discord or they hoped to gain an occupation by
fomenting strife. Then again, of the two political parties,
each furiously exasperated, each was anxious to be pro
tected, and yet wished that protection coupled with freedom
to harass and oppress the other.
General Harney was the very man for the emergency.
He gave protection, indiscriminately, to all, and at the same
time curbed the spirit of Hcense that was in danger of

368 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
becoming prevalent He had no reputation as a fighter to
make; that reputation was too weH established on un
counted fields to lead him to look for laurels where they
might rather be left ungathered.
The^intelHgent and the prudent gave him their support,
when a cabal, whose plans he interrupted, sought to mov'e
him from their path through the exercise of influence at
Washington. Messrs. James E. Yeatman and Hamilton
R. Gamble, as a delegation representing those citizens
most entitled to respect, went on to Washington to
represent to the President, and those by whom he was
advised, that General Harney was proceeding to the true
solution of one of the most difficult problems of the day.
On the 14th of May, General Harney's celebrated proc
lamation was promulgated, breathing the spirit of peace,
yet full of a determination to conquer a peace if other
means proved unavailing.
The capture of Captain Emmet Macdonald, at Camp
Jackson, led to some legal proceedings in the United States
Court. Macdonald sought release from imprisonment by a
writ of habeas corpus. The action of General Harney in
the matter was prompt and decisive, as his communications
to the War Department show :
Headquarters Department of the West,
St. Louis, Mis.souri, May 18, 1861.
Sir : I have the honor to report that on the 14th instant
a writ of " habeas corpus " was served on me, requiring me
to bring before Judge Treat, judge of the United States
court, eastern district of Missouri, Captain Emmet Mac
donald, one of the officers captured at Camp Jackson, near
this city. May 10, by the United States forces, under the
command of Captain N. Lyon, 2d infantry. Captain Mac
donald declined to give his parole, and has therefore been
detained as a prisoner of war. He was transferred, on the
13th instant, to the custody of the officer in command of
the Illinois troops at Caseyville, Illinois, some ten miles
from St. Louis. I transmit herewith a copy of my answer

THE CIVIL WAR. 369
to the writ of habeas corpus. The case has been postponed
untH Monday next, when it wiH come up before the United
States court at its regular session.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, Commanding.
Lieut. Col. E. D. Townsend,
Assistant Adjutant General,
Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C.
St. Louis, May, 15, i86r.
To Hon. Judge Treat, Judge of United States Court, Eastern
District :
In response to the writ of habeas corpus, yesterday served
on me, commanding me to bring before his honor one
Emmet Macdonald, I have to say that Mr. Macdonald, the
person described in the v/rit, is not imprisoned or kept in
confinement by me, nor is he under my control or com
mand, nor has he been imprisoned or confined, or so under
my control or command at or since the issuing of this writ.
In making this return to the writ of habeas corpus, issued
by you commanding me to produce the body of Emmet
Macdonald, and in making my response to the same, I
avaH myself of the opportunity thus presented to express
my profound regret of the state of things existing in this
community. I declare my wish to sustain the Constitution
and laws of the United States and of the State of Missouri ;
but while making this declaration I find myself in such a
position that in deciding upon a particular case I must take
what I am compelled to regard as the higher law, even if
by so doing my conduct shall have the appearance of
coming in conflict with the forms of law. With respect to
the transaction which took place at Camp Jackson, near
this city, on the lOth instant, I have to say that it hap
pened prior to my arrival here, and before my assumption
of the command of this Department. While I am not,
therefore, responsible for the proceedings at that camp, and
under ordinary circumstances should not feel at liberty to
comment upon them officially, I am not disposed, in the
existing state of things, to shrink from the responsibility
24

370 life of general harney.
of acknowledging that my predecessor in command saw
in the proclamation of the President of the United States,
ordering the dispersion of all armed rebels hostile to the
United States, as described in the proclamation, a high and
imperative duty imposed upon him with respect to the
camp in question, the evidences of its treasonable purposes
having been, to his mind, indisputably clear. His action
in the premises I recognize, therefore, as imposing upon
me the obligation of assuming the consequences of his pro
ceedings so far as to abstain from pursuing any course
which, by implication, might throw a doubt upon the
sufficiency of his authority. Upon looking into the cir
cumstances attending the detention of Emmet Macdonald,
I find they are such, if I had him in charge, that I could
not give orders that might set him at large, unless some
sufficient evidence should be furnished that he was not of
the number of those in Camp Jackson who gave to that
camp its character, by which it came under the class of
disaffected men hostile to the government of the United
States, according to the terms of the proclamation refer
red to.
For this purpose nothing has been required of those
persons but a simple pledge of parole of honor. The whole
subject will be referred by me to the government of the
United States, whose instructions to me at the critical time
are paramount.
W. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General United States Army, Commanding.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 15th day of
May, 1 86 1. JOSHUA W. BOURNE, Notary Public.
Meanwhile, General Harney addressed himself to the
task of pacification, and one week later an agreement,
which was no compromise on his part and no abatement of
what the Government had a right to expect, was entered
into between him and General Sterling Price, and formally
published on the 2 ist of May:

the civil war. 37i
St. Louis, May 21, 1861.
The undersigned, officers of the United States Govern
ment and of the Government of the State of Missouri, for
the purpose of removing misapprehension and of allaying
public excitement, deem it proper to declare publicly that
they have this day had a personal interview in this city, in
which it has been mutually understood, without the sem
blance of dissent on either part, that each of them has no
other than a common object, equally interesting and impor
tant to every citizen of Missouri — that of restoring peace
and good order to the people of the State in subordination
to the laws of the General and State Governments.
It being thus understood, there seems no reason why
every citizen should not confide in the proper officers of
the General and State Governments to restore quiet, and,
as among the best means of offering no counter-influences,
we mutually recommend to all persons to respect each
others' rights throughout the State, making no attempt to
exercise unauthorized powers, as it is the determination of
the proper authorities to suppress all unlawful proceedings
which can only disturb the public peace. General Price
having, by commission, full authority over the militia of the
State of Missouri, undertakes with the sanction of the Gov
ernor of the State, already declared, to direct the whole
power of the State officers to maintaining order within the
State among the people thereof General Harney pub
licly declares that this object being assured, he can have
no occasion, as he has no wish, to make military move
ments that might otherwise create excitement and jeal
ousy, which he most earnestly desires to avoid.
We, the undersigned, do therefore mutually enjoin upon
the people of the State to attend to their civil business, of
whatsoever sort it may be, and it is hoped that the unquiet
elements which have threatened so seriously to disturb the
public peace, may soon subside and be remembered only
to be deplored.
W. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General Commanding.
STERLING PRICE,
Major-General Missouri State Guard.
This agreement between Harney and Price gave promise

372 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
of quiet to the people, and did so for a time, and until the
wave of revolution had grown beyond local control.
On the 29th of May General Harney wrote to the De
partment at Washington and expressed himself highly sat
isfied that the agreement between himself and General
Price was maintaining the peace of the State and building
up loyalty in every part thereof :
Headquarters Department of the West,
St. Louis, Missouri, May 29, 1861.
Sir : I have the honor to report that by the course pur
sued in this State, under the instructions from the War
Department, Missouri is rapidly becoming tranquilized, and
I am convinced that by pursuing the course I have thus
far, which is fully indicated in my former communications
to you, peace and confidence in the ability of the govern
ment to maintain its authority will be fully and perma
nently restored.
Interference by unauthorized parties as to the course I
shall pursue can alone prevent the realization of these
hopes ; and although the policy they might inaugurate
might be more brilliant, in a military point of view, and
far'more expensive to carry out, it could not secure the
results the government seek, viz : the maintenance of the
loyalty now fully aroused in the State, and her firm secu
rity in the Union.
I entertain the conviction that the agreement between
myself and General Price will be carried out in good faith,
but while entertaining this belief, I shall watch, carefully,
the movements of the State authorities. I have reliable
means of obtaining information of their movements, and
any violation of their pledge, and any attempt at rebellion,
will be promptly met and put down.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General, Commanding.
Lieutenant Colonel E. D. Townsend,
Assistant Adjutant General,
Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C.
This letter was sent the day before his removal.
Those who were anxious for war in Missouri saw their

the civil war. 373
opportunity slipping away from them. Harmony was being
restored, and the parties to the covenant might well hope
for the happiest effects. Yet the opposition side held the
winning card, and were only waiting for the time to make
the play effective.
In presenting the history of these troubled times, many
letters were produced from different parts of the State
which spoke of the persecution of Union men. General
Harney was convinced that many of these letters were
written in St. Louis, or inspired by the cabal.
An incident which occurred at this time deepened the
conviction in General Harney's mind. He received a letter
from St. Joseph, stating that ex-Governor Stewart and a
number of the most respectable men in St. Joseph had
been driven from their homes, and that unless soldiers
were soon sent, they (the Union men) would all have to
leave. General Harney called upon Colonel Blair with the
open letter, and asked him if he knew the writer. Blair
merely glanced at it without reading, and replied :
" Oh, yes, he is perfectly reliable. You can believe any
thing he says."
" Then," replied Harney, " I wiH write immediately to
General Price and ask him to attend to it."
" Are you going to wait to hear from Price ? " asked Blair,
quickly, with a gesture of astonishment.
" Certainly," replied Harney.
Two or three days later, Harney received a copy of the
St Joseph News, containing a letter written by ex-Governor
Stewart, and a marked paragraph stated in substance :
" Neither I nor any other Union man has been driven out
of St Joe."
The cry of " persecution " was stiH kept up, and one day
Harney significantly asked Blair how one man could suc
cessfully persecute two? It was weH known that the
Union men throughout the State were in a strong majority
— at the very least, two to one.

374 life of general harney.
But the long-standing determination to get General Har
ney out of the way of aspiring persons, was still the source
of much vigilance and activity. Colonel F. A. Dick was
sent by his enemies to Washington to secure the removal
of General Harney, and his labors in that direction are
affirmed by his own letters, bearing date and evidence as
herewith presented : Washington City, May i6, 1861.
Dear Ben. — I made aH haste to get here, and arrived at
ten this morning, turning off at Harrisburg, leaving my
family to go on to Philadelphia alone. * *****
I went at once to see Judge Blair, and told him of our
affairs. He took his hat and went straight with me to see
General Cameron. He was at the President's. We went
there and found Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Bates, Mr. Smith (Secre
tary of the Interior), and General Cameron. I was intro-
' duced, and told my story straight on. ***** *
* * I A^ould at once have got all I wanted, but for Judge
Bates. He had seen Yeatman and HamHton Gamble,
they had told him their story, and Bates asked Mr. Lincoln
not to decide upon action until he had heard those gentle
men. While I was talking. Judge Blair wrote out a mem
orandum for an order removing Harney and appointing
Lyon Brigadier-General, and presented it to the President
for his signature. He would have signed it but for said
request of Bates. I went over to Bates and privately re
monstrated with him, but could not change his purpose.
Lincoln wrote a note over to General Scott, asking his
opinion upon the propositions contained in Judge Blair's
memorandum, and sent it by his private secretary, asking
an immediate answer. Judge Blair and I then went to
Cameron's office. I found him impressed with the idea
that Lyon is a rash man, and not at all impressed with his
real worth and ability. I found such an impression also on
Judge Bates' mind ; but I removed it from Cameron's mind,
and gave him a correct idea of Captain Lyon's ability and
worth. General Cameron agreed that he should have leave of
absence granted him, and be commissioned as a Brigadier-

THE CIVIL WAR. 375
General of the four regiments which had elected him. We
then left Cameron's office, and Judge Blair hurried off to
see General Scott about the matter mentioned in the Presi
dent's note. Thus the matter stands at the time of my
writing this letter. " But for Bates and General Scott I
would have had things fixed exactly right ; if they do not
come out as we want them, you will, from what I have said,
understand them.
But I believe that Harney will be ordered away again.
I am sorry, sorry enough, that when he was here that
Frank did not write about him. Frank does not write
often enough. My impressions are that the Cabinet is
made up of too old men. It seems to lack vigor, prompt
itude, and resolution. ******
Captain Lyon's achievement in taking the camp of the
traitors has given great satisfaction in the East, and
mainly for that reason, so far as I can judge, is approved
by the President. Perhaps I do him injustice. Judge
Blair has turned in, in earnest, to get the measures I came
on for carried out, and I shall stick to the work until I
accomplish a result, and I am in strong hopes now of
achieving the precise results I came for.
Yours sincerely,
F. A. DICK.
To Ben. Farrar, St. Louis. Washington, May i6, i86i.
Dear Ben. — Since writing you this noon I take the sub
ject up where that letter left it off. Judge Blair went with
me to the office of L. Thomas, Adjutant-General, where
we procured the enclosed order to General Harney. I
enclose it to you that you may give it to Frank or General
Lyon, and have it delivered to General Harney at such
time as they may see fit. * * * Next, Cap--
tain Lyon is appointed Brigadier-General of the Missouri
Brigade, but the commission will not issue until to-morrow.
***** ******
I take the credit to Frank, and my efforts here, for this ;
and no man more deserves the advancement than General
Lyon. It was a labor of satisfaction to me. * * * *
General Lyon stands in high position with the administra-

376 life of general harney.
tion for his achievement. It is felt he" has brought honor
upon the Government by it ; and the howling of the trai
tors is correctly appreciated here. The result is, the Presi
dent and Cabinet fully indorse his conduct and appoint him
a Brigadier-General, and effectually remove Harney out of
his way. He must go ahead now and win new laurels.
The capture of Claib Jackson will be regarded with great
favor by the administration. *****
Yours truly,
F. A. DICK.
Benj. Farrar, Esq., St. Louis. Washington, May 17, 1861.
Dear Ben. — Since telegraphing you I would start, I find
Mr. Davisson going straight to St. Louis, who carries the
inclosed papers. "The letter to General Harney, from M.
Blair, is, of course, not to be delivered to him unless the
command is taken away from him. Mr. Davisson is ap
pointed Consul to Bordeaux. He knows the importance
of the immediate delivery of these papers, and promises
to deliver them to you with all dispatch. Judge Blair and
his father, also General Cameron, think it unnecessary to
use the paper on Harney. General Cameron fully approves
the discretionary power to Colonel F. P. Blair, Jr., as to
displacing Harney.
The papers sent herewith by Mr. Davisson are :
First — Duplicate of the order mailed you last night.
Second — Commission for General Lyon as Brigadier-
General. Third — Letters from Montgomery Blair.
Tell General Lyon he is commissioned as one of the
regular Brigadier-Generals through the war and not merely
for three months. This is certain ; I have it from both
General Thomas and General Cameron, who hesitated some
time on it, but at last yielded, and thus issued the enclosed
commission. Yours,
F. A. DICK.
To Ben. Farrar, St. Louis.
Ben. Farrar, Esq., or Colonel Frank P. Blair, Jr.
Dear Sir — The inclosed dispatches are, first, a commis
sion for Lyon ; second a leave of absence for Harney.

THE CIVIL WAR.

377

I have had great difficulty in accomplishing these results.
The Secretary of War was against both. As to Lyon, the
rule of granting leave of absence to officers of the army
¦was the chief difficulty. As to Harney, his public course,
viewed from this point, seems reasonable enough, and the
leave of absence goes to Frank (Blair), to be delivered to
Harney only, if in his judgment it is now decided advisa
ble to relieve him from command. I think it possible that,
if Harney had about him some resolute, sensible men, he
would be all right all the time. It is only because he falls
into the hands of our opponents that he is dangerous ; his
intention being good, but his judgment being weak.
This, however, must be left to Frank ; and as the danger
is remote, I do not feel that it is right to keep Harney in
cortimand, without the full approbation of those imme
diately concerned. It is better to mortify him than to
endanger the lives of many men, and the position of Mis
souri in the present conflict.
Yours truly, M. BLAIR.
Washington, May 17, 1861.
On the 17th of May, 1861, Colonel Dick again writes to
a friend in St. Louis in reference to the removal of General
Harney. Montgomery Blair also writes to the same party
on the same subject. In addition to the correspondence of
Colonol Dick are submitted two letters from his personal
friend and co-laborer for the removal of General Harney,
whereby to remove a bulwark of honor, patriotism, and
national strength, and open an easy way to promote the
cause of securing favorite contracts and offices for personal
friends. This was one of the prime and highest objects
for which General Harney's removal was demanded :
Office of Assistant Treasurer, U. S. "I
St. Louis, Mo., May 29, 1861. J
Dear Judge :
Our friends here are complaining, and, I believe, not
without reason, that the Government patronage at this
point is all thrown into the hands of, and for the benefit of,
our enemies, the secessionists. No one doubts that our

378 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
friends among the mercantile community can, and will, sell
to the Government all manner of goods on terms as favor
able to the Government as any traitor, yet it seems that the
disbursing officers hereabouts have a most decided prefer
ence for patronizing our enemies. This thing should not
be permitted. I am anxious to see the Government admin
istered on the most economic plan ; but, to gain that ob
ject, is it necessary that our friends should be excluded,
and traitors employed to subsist the army, and fatten on its
profits ? Yes, and probably subscribe some of those very
profits to Jeff. Davis' army.
The Government purchases must always be to the ad
vantage of somebody, and friends rather than enemies
should be preferred.
Major McKinstry, the Acting Quartermaster at this
place, should have a leave of absence, or some other leave.
Captain Kelton, who acts here as Commissary of Sub
sistence, successor to Major Waggaman, who introduced
him on resigning, is known only to our enemies, on whom
he is said to shower patronage, and for details I refer you
to an article in "Democrat" of to-day. I learn that Saml.
Simmons is an applicant for that post, made vacant by the
resignation of Major Waggaman, and I regard it as a mat
ter of the utmost importance that he should be appointed,
and that it be done immediately.
Can't you have General Harney sent away from here ?
If he remains here much longer we shall be compelled a
second time to conquer a peace in Missouri. Can't a divis
ion of the army be made for him, embracing Utah and the
Indians ? Very truly yours,
BEN. FARRAR.
Hon. M. Blair, P. M. G., Washington.
This letter was addressed to Montgomery Blair the day
before the writer, Ben. Farrar, in behalf of Colonel F. P.
Blair, delivered to General Harney the order from the War
Department, removing him from the command.
THE BLAIR FAMILY.
The removal of General Harney was not made to give

THE CIVIL WAR.

379

place to a more loyal man, a better soldier, or a more
competent officer, but for the purpose of promoting the
interests of ambition by co-operating agencies. As in
Rome lived the Tarquin family, the members of which
were seditious, ambitious, and intriguers for power, so in
America lived the Blair family, full of ambition, love of
power and the spirit of rule or ruin. Gifted with considera
ble ability, and constantly thirsting for power, Francis P.
Blair, Sen., was brought into public notice by the friend
ship and aid of Henry Clay, whose reputation and abilities
lifted Mr. Blair to distinction. But this was only to be
achieved by him to turn and desert Mr. Clay in the hope
of winning higher honors from the aid of his enemies. He
sought for refuge and for higher honors in the kitchen
cabinet of General Jackson, where he lost no time in plot
ting for profit and for power. Gifted with intense selfish
ness and ambition, he over-leaped the boundaries of wis
dom and prudence, and Jackson, seeing the evil tendency
of Blair's genius, " smote him hip and thigh " and cast him
out. It was this man that was smitten by Jackson, who was at
the bottom of the intrigue inaugurated to overthrow Gen
eral Harney. His sons had inherited the traits of the father,
and with that cunning that is always found associated with
selfish ambition, Francis P. Blair saw, as he thought, an
opportunity for family distinction, and when General Fre
mont was placed in command of the Department of the
West, Francis P. Blair, Sen., wrote from Washington to
Fremont and presented to him his scheme for gaining
political power. He proposed to Fremont the mode by
which he could retain the command of the West, and he
and one member of the Blair family control the political
power of the West, whHe the other Blairs in Washington
were to control the political power of the East, and thus
control the country. But this scheme of ambition did not
win.

380 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
When trouble finally arose between the Blairs and Gen
eral Fremont, Mrs. Fremont caHed upon the President to
see that her husband received justice. While in conversa
tion with the President, and as she warmed with her sub
ject, Blair, hitherto unnoticed in the room, remarked to
Mrs. Fremont that " We" (the Blairs) "make men!" Mrs.
Fremont arose and indignantly replied : " From the speci
mens you have turned out, you have no occasion to be
proud of your progeny ! "
Francis P. Blair, Jr., was also a man of great ambition.
While he did much to preserve the Union, he sought to do
more to promote his personal ends in the metropolis of the
Mississippi Valley. But for the good he did the public
records will alone be left to interpret his purposes and the
mantle of charity will be flung over his grave.
Montgomery Blair, the Pisistratus of his race, the man of
sedition, madness, and intrigue, still remains — a disgrace to
the high place he once held in President Lincoln's cabinet.
Holding a cabinet office, and stimulated by the ambition
of an aspiring family, he brought into requisition every
means his office afforded to remove General Harney. He
saw St. Louis to be a great central point for place and
power, and it was to aid in securing these for another that
he sought to remove the obstructions to the achievement
of such an end. General Harney was in the way. In mil
itary life he knew no politicians, no speculators. He was
a bruff, overshadowing and decisive soldier. In no way
could he be used by politicians seeking place and power.
Therefore the entire enginery of a talented and "ambitious
family, who held high places, was organized against Gen
eral Harney, and well did Mr. Lincoln remark at one time
that he could hear but little about Missouri — it was in the
hands of the Blair family.
There was a d,eep-rooted conspiracy leveled against Gen
eral Harney. But time has vindicated Harney and con
fronted Montgomery Blair with his own self-imposed wreck,

THE CIVIL WAR. 38 1
which now haunts him in his decHning years, and the Amer
ican patriot may well point to him and with the voice of
oratory teH him that "ambition, like the amruta cup of
Indian fable, gives to the virtuous an immortality of glory
and happiness, but to the corrupt an immortality of ruin,
shame and misery."
General Scott and President Lincoln were slow to yield
to the conspirators against the fame and usefulness of a
warrior who had long since, from President Monroe's admin
istration, been a noted soldier to the country. There never
was any evidence, nor can there be found any to show that
either President Lincoln or General Scott approved of the
removal of General Harney from the command of the West.
On the other hand, it is notoriously true, though not of
official record, that President Lincoln said that the removal
of General Harney was one of the greatest mistakes of liis
administration, and that General Scott said that the re
moval of General Harney would cost the Government loo,-
000 men, and ^100,000,000 of treasure.
General Hitchcock, in a letter to Judge John M. Krum, in
which he reviewed the military affairs of St. Louis during
the command of General Harney, approved in the highest
terms of the course pursued by General Harney, and said
that his removal was a great blunder.
Special order number 135, as follows, reheved General
Harney from the command of the West :
I. Brigadier-General W. S. Harney is relieved from com
mand of the Department of the West, and is granted leave
of absence until further orders. By order,
L. THOMAS,
Adjutant-General.
This order was handed to General Harney on the 30th of
May, 1 86 1.
Bearing date of May 18, 1 861, is a note as follows from
President Lincoln to Hon. F. P. Blair, in reference to the
removal of General Harney.

382 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Washington, D. C, May 18, 1861.
Hon. F. P. Blair:
My Dear Sir — We have a good deal of anxiety here
about St. Louis. I understand an order has gone from the
War Department to you, to be delivered or withheld in
your discretion, relieving General Harney from his com
mand. I was not quite satisfied with the order when it was
made, though on the whole I thought it best to make it ;
but since then I have become more doubtful of its pro
priety. I do not write now to countermand it, but to say I
wish you would withhold it, unless in your judgment the
necessity to the contrary is very urgent. There are several
reasons for this. We better have him a friend than an
enemy. It will dissatisfy a good many who otherwise would
be quiet. More than all, we first relieve him, then restore
him ; and now if we relieve him again the public will ask,
"Why aH this vacillation?"
Still, if in your judgment it is indispensable, let it be so.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
It will be seen by the reading of Mr. Lincoln's letter,
that the order for General Harney's removal was issued
without the knowledge of the President, and reluctantly
assented to by him. Mr. Lincoln knew Harney of old and
knew him to be a gallant and brave soldier, a man of high
learning and a loyal patriot.
After some intervening correspondence General Harney
addressed the following letter to General L. Thomas, Ad
jutant General of the Army, at Washington, in vindication
of his honor and his loyalty to the flag of the country :
St. Louis, June 5, 1861.
General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt
of your letter of the 27th ultimo, containing instructions to
put down all attempts to commit outrages on loyal citizens
of Missouri. In reply to that letter I respectfully refer
you to my communication of the 29th ultimo, written and
mailed before the receipt of yours. I therein informed the
government that I had reliable means of obtaining infor-

THE CIVIL WAR. 383
mation of the movements of the State authorities, and that
I should promptly punish any violation of agreement and
put down any attempt at rebellion.
The many complaints of individuals by letter, setting
forth that acts of oppression were committed' by the seces
sionists, have received my careful attention, and an investi
gation has proved the majority of them to he without foun
dation. As an instance of the groundlessness of these
mischievous rumors, I cite the report which obtained cur
rency, that ex-Governor Stewart and other loyal citizens
had been driven from St. Joseph, and the ex-Governor
promptly published an unqualified denial that such outrage
was perpetrated, clearly proves that there is a disposition
on the part of some parties to manufacture excitement
where cause does not exist.
My confidence in the honor and integrity of General
Price, in the purity of his motives, and in his loyalty to the
Government, remains unimpared. His course as president
of the State convention that voted by a large majority
against submitting an ordinance of secession, and his efforts
since that time to calm the elements of discord, have served
to confirm the high opinion of him I have for many years
entertained. My whole course as commander of the Department of
the West has been dictated by a desire to carry out, in good
faith, the instructions of my government, regardless of the
clamor of the conflicting elements surrounding me, and
whose advice and dictation could not be followed without
involving the State in blood and the government in the un
necessary expenditure of millions. Under the course I
pursued Missouri was secured to the Union, and the triumph
of the government was only the more glorious for being
almost a bloodless victory. But those who clamored for
blood have not ceased to impugn my motives. Twice,
within a brief space of time, have I been relieved from the
command here ; the second time in a manner that has in
flicted unmerited disgrace upon a true and loyal soldier.
During a long life dedicated to my country I have seen some
service, and more than once I have held her honor in my
hand, and during that time my loyalty, I believe, was never
questioned ; and now, when in the natural course of things.

384 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
I shall, before the lapse of many years, lay aside the sword
which has so long served my country, my countrymen will
be slow to beheve that I have chosen this portion of my
career to damn with treason my life which is so soon to-
become a record of the past, and which I shall most will
ingly leave to the unbiased judgment of posterity.
I trust that I may yet be spared to do my country some-
further service that will testify to the love I bear her, and
that the vigor of my arm may never relax while there is a.
blow to be struck in her defence.
I respectfully ask to be assigned to the command of the
department of California, and I doubt not the present com
mander of that division is even now anxious to serve on.
the Atlantic frontier.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM S. HARNEY,
Brigadier General United States Army.
Brevet Brigadier General L. Thomas,
Adjutant General United States Army, Washington, D. C-
The military history of General Harney, in connection
with the civil war, is plain and brief. He met the gather
ing storm of rebellion in the simple discharge of his offi
cial duty, and as the sentinel of the nation. He had been
taught in his youth by Jackson to stand by the flag of the
Union ; the services of a long life under that flag had made
him a part of the Government, and he knew no other path
of duty in which to walk than that marked out by the
Constitution. His native State, Tennessee, refused by a
large majority vote to throw off the authority of the Con
stitution, though afterwards dragged by violence into the
rebellion. Harney stood at the helm when the storm of
civil strife was gathering, undaunted and unawed, in the-
gaHant discharge of his duty. Every official act of his,
and every official paper issued by him , was in accordance
with strict mHitary usage, and demon itrated his patriotism
and readiness to serve his country in the hour of peril
His long experience in the army, and his soldierly qualities'"

THE CIVIL WAR. 383
his decisive acts and good judgment, aH united in making
him the soldier upon whom the Government and the peo
ple of the West could rely and confide in the hour of
deepest trouble. In proof of this is submitted the foHow
ing letter from General McNeH, who held an important
command in Missouri at the breaking out of troubles in
this State ; St. Louis, February 27, 1878.
L. U. Reavis, Esq.
Dear Sir: Your note of 20th, with prospectus of the
Life of Major-General William S. Harney, is at hand.
You ask me to state " my opinion of the General as a man,
a soldier and a patriot." The fame and character of this
illustrious soldier have been too long and too firmly estab
lished to require any support of mine. His record is made
and belongs to history, and her muse will inscribe his name
high in the roll of those who have clothed the arms of their
country with imperishable glory.
What I can do in the interest of your work and in the
interest of " the truth of history " I cheerfully do. It is
this : to briefly record my testimony in regard to a charge
made in the spring of 1861 that the General was not in
full and hearty accord with the Government in the support
of the Union against the seceding States and all aiders
and abettors of rebellion.
Immediately after the capture of Camp Jackson, and the
following two days of excitement, I was in command of the
volunteer garrison of the city. By request of General Har
ney I called upon him at his house on Fourth street. I
found there Judge Krum and Colonel Rombauer. The
General stated that he had invited us to caH that he might
explain a statement that had been made by the Mayor in a
public meeting, that he had promised to disarm the " Home
Guard." This promise he said had only been made in a
qualified manner in consequence of the representations of
many leading and influential citizens and old acquaintances
— that the presence of this force within the city was the
sole cause of irritation and disturbance. That, regarding
himself as in command of aH troops within his district, he
had said to those people that if upon enquiry he should
25

• 386 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
find their statements sustained he would remove these
troops to Jefferson Barracks or elsewhere outside of the
city. But receipt of more recent orders from Washington
had given the command of the new levies to General Lyon,
so that he now had no control of them. But since he had
learned more of these troops and of the officers command
ing them, he would not now remove them if he could.
Further conversation convinced me that this old soldier
and officer was true to his oath of office, his colors and his
country, and as bitter a foe of secession and rebellion as I
was. During the interview an old brother officer of the army,
one who subsequently achieved high command in the Con
federate army, and who laid down his life in the service of
that cause, came in. He had been captured and paroled
at Camp Jackson. He said he had called to protest against
the obligation .of that parole and to say that he did not in
tend to observe it. Said Harney, "If you break that pa
role, sir, and I capture you in arms against the constituted
authority of the United States, I'll hang you in five min
utes." I left that interview with a full conviction of the loyalty
and devotion to duty of this old soldier.
I have always since regretted that the interference of
politicians deprived him of confidence at Washington and
remanded to private life one whose services would have
been invaluable in the field.
If he could have armed, organized and commanded the
Indians of the Indian Territory, such was the power of
his name in Arkansas and the Southwest, that Missouri
would, I am convinced, have been saved from pHlage and
devastation and a wedge inserted between the Confed
eracy and her best source of supplies, that would have
materially shortened the war.
I am, sir, very respectfully yours,
JOHN McNeil.
This letter from General McNeH may weH serve as an
offset to the letters of Colonel Pick, whose highest ambi
tion seems to have been, with others, to secure the removal
of General Harney, for there were those who from the

THE CIVIL WAR. 387
beginning plotted against his honor and his devotion to the
country, which he had served so long. The record and the
facts are plain, and not to be misinterpreted, that General
Harney's removal from the command of the Department
of the West, was the work of intrigue, stimulated by the
ambition of designing men. It was done in disregard of
the wishes of President Lincoln and General Scott, and no
man who sought his removal has left a name or a record to
compare with the shining honors and deeds of General
Harney. Neither history or tombs exist to- vindicate
those who plotted against his fidelity and usefulness, and
for his overthrow, on the other hand, the record and the
honors of General Harney stand unshaken.
And while he won no honors, no victories, by shedding
the blood of his own countrymen, he has builded for him
self a monument of true glory in defending his country on
distant battle-fields, where the heroic dead sleep
"On fame's eternal camping ground."
During the events preceding our civil war, and which
marked its inception. General Harney was stationed in Mis
souri. If there was a local pride in the breast of the man
who had felt equally at home when stationed in Maine, or
when fighting in the everglades of Florida ; who had borne
his country's flag with distinction along every stretch of
her frontier, from the head waters of our noble river to
where the Rio Grande flings its waters to the Gulf; who
had stood unflinchingly at the head of his dragoons when
menaced by the combined cavalry of the Mexican army ;
and who had participated in the final triumphant entry into-
the city of the Montezumas — if there was a spot which,
more than another, claimed his affections, it was that geo
graphical division.that bounded the home of his wife and
his children. He had been engaged for nearly half a cen
tury in protecting the feeble outposts of civilization as they
moved westward over an empire that had been reclaimed
from barbarism. Every instinct of his nature, of his pre-

388 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
fessional teaching, and of his long experience, had taught
him to look for enemies from without and not from within.
He had seen Kansas pacified, in perHous times, by the
exercise of firmness and moderation. He was ever ready
to fight any and all enemies of the Government whose uni
form he so nobly wore, but he was by no means disposed
to first make enemies for the satisfaction of fighting them
afterward. He was convinced from the first that the wrangling of
factions in 'Missouri, was caused by a political ferment that
would never develop into disloyalty unless met with irreso
lution and a teasing, tyrannous policy. There was on each
side of him a party not numerous but active, anxious to
stir up dissensions and to precipitate a conflict, for real or ,
fancied benefit to themselves. And now between the bluff
old soldier and the schemers grew up differences that they
were far from being disposed to reconcile. He believed
their aggressive policy would be fatal; they believed, or
affected to believe, that his policy was unwise.
But as to the question of his devotion to the Union and
Government of " these States," there was neither variable
ness nor shadow of turning on the part of General Harney,
as the following high-toned and statesmanlike letter to
Colonel O'Fallon fully demonstrates, and which will ever
remain an irrefutable record to his genius and honor :
LETTER FROM GENERAL HARNEY TO COLONEL O'fALLON.
Washington, May i, 1861.
My Dear Sir: — The report of my arrest at Harper's
Ferry by persons assuming to act under authority of the
State of "Virginia, has no doubt reached you. Upon my
arrival at Richmond, under mHitary escort. Governor
Letcher immediately directed my release, with assurances
disavowing the act of his subordinates and express
ing regret at their mistake or abuse of his authority. The
kind attention and civility received from him, from the
escort that accompanied me, and other distinguished citi-

the civil war. 389
zens of Virginia, and esteemed friends whom I there met,
compensated for any personal trouble and annoyance, yet
I cannot but feel deep mortification and regret that our
country should be in a condition to expose any one to such
an incident. It has furnished occasion for mistake or mis
representation in respect to my views and sentiments, which
a sense of duty requires to be promptly corrected. No
better mode occurs to me than by a letter addressed to
yourself as an esteemed personal friend.
It has been represented through the public press that I
was a willing prisoner to the State of Virginia ; that I
designed to resign my commission in the United States
army, throw off my allegiance to the Federal Government,
and join the forces of the Confederate States.
Forty-two years I have been in the military service of
the United States, and have followed, during all that time,
but one flag — the flag of the Union. I have seen it pro
tecting our frontier, and guarding our coast, from Maine to
Florida. I have witnessed it in the smoke of battle, stained
with the blood of gallant men leading it on to victory,
planted upon the strongholds and waving over the capital
of a foreign foe. My eyes have beheld that flag affording
protection to our States and Territories on the Pacific, and
commanding reverence and respect from hostile fleets and
squadrons and from foreign governments, never exhibited
to any other banner on the globe.
Twenty stars, each representing a State, have been added
to that banner during my services, and under its folds I
have advanced from the rank of Lieutenant to that which I
now hold. The Government, whose honors have been
bestowed upon me, I shall serve the remainder of my days.
The flag, whose glories I have witnessed, shall never be
forsaken by me while I can strike a blow in its defense.
•While I have breath I shall ever be ready to serve the Gov
ernment of the United States, and be its faithful and loyal
soldier. Without condemning or in any degree criticising the
course other persons have deemed proper to pursue in the
present juncture, my hne of duty is plain to my own heart
and judgment. The course of events that has led to the
deplorable condition in which our country now stands, has

390 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
been watched by me with painful interest. Perceiving that
many of my fellow-citizens in the Southern States were
discontented with the Government, and desired some
change to protect them from existing evils, my feelings have
been strongly against coercion, and anxious for some com^
promise or arrangement that would restore peace and har
mony. The provisions of the Federal Constitution offered,
in my judgment, ample means of redress through a conven
tion of all the States, which might adopt amendments that
would reconcile all differences, or if that could not be ac
complished, might provide for peaceful separation in a
manner becoming friends and brethren. So long as this
hope of peaceful settlement of our troubles could be in
dulged, I have felt it to be the wise duty of the General Gov
ernment to bear with patience outrages that no other gov
ernment could have endured, and to forbear any exertion
of force until the last hope departed. But when the Con
federate States, with seven thousand men, under cover of
strong fortifications and impregnable batteries, assailed a
starving garrison of seventy men in Fort Sumpter, com
pelled the banner of the United States to be "^lowered, and
boasted of its dishonor before the world, the state of the
question was immediately changed. Instead of the Gov
ernment coercing the States demanding redress of greiv-r
ances by constitutional means, the case was presented of
revolutionists waging war against their Government, seek
ing its overthrow by force of arms, assaHing public prop
erty by overwhelming force, laboring to destroy the hves
of gallant officers and soldiers, and dishonoring the na
tional flag. The question now before us is whether the
Government of the United States, with its many blessings
and past glories, shaH be overthrown by the military dic
tatorship lately planted and now bearing sway in the Con
federate States ? My hand cannot aid that work.
Finding ourselves in a state of civil war, actually exist
ing or fast approaching, some of my brethren-in-arms,
citizens of seceding States, for whom I have the highest
personal respect, have considered it their duty to throw up
their commissions and follow their States. In that view of
duty I cannot concur. As an officer of the army, and a
citizen of the United States, I consider my primary' allegi-

THE CIVIL WAR. 39 1
ance to be due to the Federal Government ; and subordinate
to that is my allegiance to the State. This, as you are
aware, has been the concurring opinion of the most eminent
jurists of this country. It was the judgment of the Court
of Appeals of South Carolina in the case of Hunt, when
the case was discussed with matchless ability. In that case
the highest court of South Carolina deliberately decided
that the soldier's and citizen's primary duty of allegiance
is due to the United States Government, and not the gov
ernment of his State. Of late it has been contended that
the allegiance due by a citizen to the Federal Government
was dissolved when his State secedes from the Union.
Into that snare many have fallen. But in my judgment
there is, and can be no such right of secession of a State
by its own act. The Government of the Union can only
be dissolved by the concurrence of the States that have
entered into the Federal compact. The doctrine of seces
sion is destructive to all government, and leads to universal
anarchy. But, supposing States may secede and destroy the Gov
ernment whenever the fancy takes those who are strong
enough to set up an arbitrary power in the State, Missouri,
the State of my residence, has not seceded, and secession
would, in my opinion, be her ruin. The only special inter
est of Missouri, in common with the Confederate States, is
slavery. Her interest in that institution is now protected
by the Federal Constitution. But if Missouri secedes, that
protection is gone. Surrounded on three sides by free
States, which might soon become hostile, it would not be
long until a slave could not be found within her borders.
What interest could Missouri then have with the cotton
States, or a confederacy founded on slavery or its exten
sion ? The protection of her slave property, if nothing else,
admonishes Missouri never to give up the Union. Other
interests of vast magnitude can only be preserved by stead
fast adherence and support of the United States Govern
ment. AH hope of a Pacific raHroad, so deeply interesting
to St. Louis and the whole State, must vanish with the
Government. Great manufacturing and commercial inter
ests, with which the cotton States can have no sympathy,
must perish in case of secession, and from her present

392 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
proud position of a thriving State, rapidly developing every
element of wealth and social prosperity, Missouri would
dwindle to a mere appendage and convenience for the mil
itary aristocracy establislied in the cotton States. Many
other considerations might be offered to show that seces
sion would be ruin to Missouri. And I implore my feHow-
citizens of that State not to be seduced by designing men
to become the instruments of their mad ambition by plung
ing the State into the vortex of revolution.
Whether governed by feelings inspired by the banner
under which I have served, or by my judgment of my duty
as a citizen, or by interests as a resident and property-
owner in Missouri, I feel bound to stand by the Union, and,
remaining in the service, shall devote my efforts to the
maintenance of the Federal Government, and the perpetua
tion of its blessings to posterity. Yours, truly,
WM. S. HARNEY,
Brigadier-General U.S. A.
Colonel John O'Fallon, St. Louis, Mo.
As to the loyalty of General Harney, and his unquestioned
devotion to the flag and the Constitution of the United
States during the civil conflict, there can be no manner of
doubt. The history of the great conflict vindicates his
name, and he has no enemy so base and envious that is
able to point to a single act, private or official, that con
tains one particle of evidence to prove his want of patri
otism and detract from his high standing as an American
soldier. More than this, if justice had been done General
Harney he would have been placed at the head of the
army when death relieved General Scott. Harney's rank,
years, experience and superior military powets not only
fitted him to command the army, but he was justly
entitled to that high position. But such is the high char
acter, the iHustrious deeds and great name of General Har
ney, that no malice can reach him, no envy defile his long
and eventful record. His name has been fixed upon
mountain peaks, upon inland seas, and upon works of art.

the civil war.

393

there to shine in imperishable letters of history and science
and to be read and known by civilized men as they tread
cycles of succeeding generations yet to be.
Side by side will nature, history and science perpetuate
his name with that of the great German, . Humboldt, and
long after those who, stimulated by intrigue and ambition,
plotted his overthrow and sought to tarnish his fair name,
shall have mouldered into dust, time, the avenger of all
things, will hold in its sacred keeping his undying name
engraven upon the eternal hills and waters of a continent
over which he extended his labors to plant empire, and
enlarge the rule of the Constitution.

CHAPTER XVII.
the AMERICAN INDIAN.
¥HE discovery of America revealed to the elder fam
ilies of man aboriginal races, native to the continent,
which have presented to thought and science new
problems, the solution of which have called into requisition
the ablest exponents of civilized warfare, of government,
and of religion.
It is in the character of an Indian-fighter and negotiator
that the superior and most distinctive qualities of General
Harney's thought and action shine out with their strongest
individuality. He was a Christian warrior, and he was
intimately acquainted with the habits, modes of thought,
and secret springs of action of our savage tribes. He had
spent many years among them in intimate relations, and a
warm sympathy existed between them. He saw much in
them to admire and respect, and his moderation, his justice,
and his soldierly qualities, had presented themselves to the
Indians so strongly that they revered and even loved him.
Before we form our estimate of the Indians we must try to
produce before the mind the picture of that unhappy peo
ple before civilization had overwhelmed and degraded
them. The Indian of a generation since, is quite a dif
ferent object from the Indian of to-day.
Here was a people whose reHgion and whose institutions
had come down to them from a period so remote that the
twilight of creation envelopes them. They were as brave
as any race of which history makes record, and they had a
genius for war surpassing that of any other aboriginal
tribes, and which made them at least equal to the best
instructed civilized soldiers. The Indian was a self-respect-
394

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 395
ing man whose institutions were founded upon the abso
lutely sacred dignity of every individual of the society,
and where each was reverenced for his achievements alone.
Our North American Indians have suffered much from
two diverse views of their character, views widely sepa
rated and equally erroneous. One of these was promul
gated by the natural Indian hater, who pictured him as
cruel, rapacious, and unfeeling, a creature of vicious tastes
and brutal instincts. The other view was that of the im
practicable sentimentalist, who looked upon the savage
state as an arcadian existence, where exertion and repose
were in their happiest combination, and where man, sur
rounded by untrammelled nature, was a creature of purity
and truth, brave, courteous, hospitable, chivalric. The
philanthropist who witnessed their heroic struggle and their
unhappy fall, could but feel sad over each new develop
ment in their history, while the hardy frontiersman who
felt the weight of the vengeance that their many wrongs
had aroused, looked upon them as fiends incarnate, and
sought their extermination without pity and without
remorse. Between these two ideal creations the North American
Indian stands out a well defined, and by no means a repul
sive object, in the history of this country. His virtues were
many, his discernment good, his character stable and
devoid of petty meannesses, while his vices were such as
we may excuse, for we can find for them a reasonable ex
planation. It is difficult to attempt an exposition of Indian
character, and the almost continuous struggle of civihza-
tion and savagery here, for, as has been well said in an early
official paper, " The situation of the Indians and the opera
tion of the settlement and improvement of the country
upon them are without a parallel in the progress of human
society." The advance of civHization was regarded by the
Indian not as a blessing which was to furnish him with
new means of subsistence, but as a cause which was to

396 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
sweep him from the earth. In time he came to see the
futility of the resistance he was making, and consented to
treaties in which he made large concessions to the whites.
It is the disgrace of our civilization that upon its out-posts
there has always been found by the side of the true pioneer
a class of white men who sought their own advantage by
every possible means. These creatures, who were at once
the basest and most unscrupulous of their species, were the
refuse product of civiHzation, and they inflamed the pas
sions of the Indians to fury.
The question of the origin of the Indians and their settle
ment of this continent has opened up a boundless field of
inquiry which has engaged the attention of many scholarly
and able men. Eliot, in 163 1, first opened up the subject
in a comprehensive review, and a quaint writer of that time.
Cotton Mather, calls them "the ruins of mankind."
' The lapse of more than two hundred years has not been
able to stifle the moral sensibilities of Americans on the
subject, nor have the problems of their origin or of their
peculiarities been solved, for large masses of absolutely new
information are constantly being brought forward. It would
seem that the name Indian, has misled many into a semi-
belief of their unity with the Hindoos, and some points of
resemblance have been traced in inscriptions which have
been noticed among the Aztecs, but there now exists no
doubt that these drawings are of a date subsequent to the
conquest of Mexico. There was a tradition among the
South American tribes of an universal deluge at a remote
age, which swept off all mankind but a single family or
pair, to whom the re-peopleing of the world is attributed.
Still no trace of Christianity or of Mohamedanism is found
among them, but their manners and customs present some
traits which denote their unity with a more ancient race
whose opinions and dogmas once overspread the Oriental
world. Allusion is made to some of the earliest nations in
the worship of the sun and moon, the adoration of the prin-

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-..t-

/' ^- ,==;;--.-.'. *

i^

'1^1

<*J£fl

HARNEY's LAKE, OREGON.

398 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY,
ciple of fire, and the dogmas of the principles of good and
evil. In Peru, the worship of the sun existed with a cere
mony and intensity as full as was ever witnessed by the
Ghebins of Persia, and these are evidences of the ancient
prevalence of this worship throughout America. In
Mexico, where the doctrine had been overlaid by horrid
rites and superstitions, it was still a fundamental belief, and
they attributed to the sun all vitality, power and intelli
gence. Tribes who passed at various eras from the tropi
cal to the temperate latitudes, and who abhorred human
sacrifices, carried with them the milder forms and cere
monies of this early superstition of the human race.
The rites of this worship were established at an early
epoch on the banks of the Mississippi. They were found
by De Soto among the Quigualtangi on the east bank of
the river below the junction of the Arkansas. He aimed
vainly to ingratiate himself as the " child of the sun." The
French found this belief to exist throughout this geographi
cal position on the settlement of Louisiana. It is believed
that at recent periods its sacred fires have been lit on the
summits of the tumuli, which were once so widely spread
throughout this valley. Vestiges of the former prevalence
of fire worship exist over immense spaces, and its rites are
found to lie at the foundation of the aboriginal religion
throughout the geographical area of the United States.
In one of the Indian traditions the preservation of a sacred
fire is carried to the banks of Lake Superior. Even over
the bleak latitudes of New England, where the sparseness
of the nation's population did not permit large assemblages
to assist in such rites, there is the clearest indication that
the sun was worshiped as the direct symbol and visible
presence of the Great Spirit. Cotton Mather observes of
the Massachusetts Indians, " There is with them a Sun-god '
and a Moon-god, and the like, and they cannot conceive
but that fire must be a kind of god, inasmuch as a spark of
it will produce very strange effects." Hymns to the sun

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 399
were found to be offered by a Chippeway prophetess on
Lake Superior, and on her scroll of sacred symbols that of
the moon was found prominent and much relied on. The
origin of manners and customs, of rites and opinions, are
often found to successfully defy every other mode of inves
tigation, than that to be derived from attempts to record
the outlines of ideas by rude symbols, and these latter are
abundant among the Indians. The sacred character of
fire is impressed very widely and deeply on Indian man
ners and customs. Among the Chippeways of the north,
there is a custom to light a fire at night on a newly made
grave, and to renew this fire during four nights. Fire, in
their minds, is regarded, in some manner, as we should the
opening of a door into the spiritual world. It is believed
that its symbolic light is thus thrown on the path of the
deceased to guide his footsteps through its darkling way to
the land of the dead.
It is to be observed that these rites and these supersti
tions are not of a debasing nature, but that in the absence
of Christianity they are rather elevating and ennobHng, in
leading the mind to the contemplation of higher sources of
power and reliance upon a divinity that is beneficent in its
operations. The importance which the aborigines attach to the sub
stance of fire, and its effects on their superstitious rites and
customs, has impressed leading minds, who have been led
to turn their thoughts from the daily passing customs of
Indian life to the more abstract philosophical considerations
on which those customs are founded.
The early missionaries of Europe who visited the In
dians, were hurried away by an entirely spiritual view of
their reclamation, without casting a thought on speculative
subjects. A later class of observers have, however, been
impressed by the stress which aH Indians lay on the pro
duction of a sacred fire to be used in their most solemn
transactions. Mr. Cass, who in 1820 visited the northern

400 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Indian tribes, saw in this ceremonious respect for fire, and
in contemplating their customs, a deeper meaning. He
says many of the customs which formerly existed among
the Indian tribes are now preserved only in tradition. Of
these one of the most singular was an institution for the
preservation of an eternal fire. All the rites and duties
connected with it are yet fresh in the recollection of the
Indians, and it was not extinguished until after the French
arrived upon the great lakes.
The prevalence of a similar custom among the nations of
the East, from a very early period, is well known to all who
have traced the history and progress of human supersti
tions. And from them it found its way to Greece and
eventually to Rome. It is not, perhaps, surprising that the
element of fire should be selected as the object of worship
by nations ignorant of the true religion and seeking safety
in that system of polytheism which marked the manners
and morals of the most polished people of antiquity. The
affections seem to require something visible and tangible
for their support, and this mysterious agent was sufficiently
powerful in its effects and striking in its operation to ap
pear as a direct emanation of the Deity. But there was a
uniformity in the mode of worship and in the principles of
its observance which leave no doubt of the common origin
of this belief. The sacred flame was not only regarded as
the object of veneration, but its preservation was indisso-
lubly connected with the existence of the state. It was the
visible emblem of the public safety, guarded by chosen
ministers secured by dreadful imprecations and punishments
and made holy by a solemn and imposing ritual. The
coincidences which will be found between these observ
ances and opinions, and the ceremonies and belief of the
Indians, indicate with sufficient certainty that their notions
upon this subject were brought with them from the eastern
hemisphere and were derived from the fruitful Persian
stock. It is certain that the Natchez were fire worshipers.

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 4OI
and without giving full credit to all the marvelous tales
related of this tribe by the early French travelers, we may
yet be satisfied from many concurring accounts that they
were believers in the efficacy of an eternal fire. Charlevoix
represents most of the tribes of Louisiana as having a per
petual fire in their temples. The Natchez, who were wor
shipers of the sun and took their cognomen of political
power from that luminary, kept its symbol perpetually
burning. Both he and Du Pratz were eye-witnesses of this
rite. This tribe had a sacred edifice devoted to it, and the
nation pretended to be descendants of the sun. The he
reditary dignitary of Ruler or Chief , Sun descended in the
female line, and the laws of intermarriage were so regulated
that his descendants were obliged to ally themselves with
the lower class of the tribe — a system by which all came
to be identified and bound together in their political and
religious ties and honors. The title of Sun was equivalent
to that of Inca or Emperor, and he exercised a more des
potic power than appears to have been awarded to any
other nation north of Mexico. This power and this wor
ship were kept up with an oriental display and an oriental
use of the language of honor and ceremony long after the
French settled in the Mississippi Valley, and indeed up to
their destruction in 1729.
These investigations denote some striking coincidences
with the earlier forms of human opinion. They remind
one more of the dogmas of Zoroaster than of the philoso
phers of later date. They recaH the idea of the Author of
the creation under the symbol of the Sun, which lies at the
foundation of the worship of an eternal fire. This opinion
reverts- back, not to the philosophy, rites, and arts of the
Hindoos, involved in their subtle systems of polytheism,
but it carries the mind to the original seats of mankind.
An interest is thus thrown over the history of the races
which, whHe it eludes scrutiny, becomes deeper the more
calmly and soberly we view it. Arts, sciences, and reli-

402 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
gions have grown up in Asia and extended themselves
over tribes of nations who were then nomadic and bar
barous. Europe has since become the great theatre of
human knowledge, letters, and arts ; and we point our
telescope toward the ancient and time-honored shores of
Asia as if we could descry the early tracks of nations in
the sand.
One of our later writers, one, perhaps, of more research
than any other, in speaking of the divergence of the Indians
from their parent stock, says : " Immense changes have
supervened. Nearly four centuries have passed Since the
Indian rule or empire in America fell. His ancient arts
are gone. He could build mounds, form intrenchments
and utensils of clay, make axes of copper and bronze,
carve images, weave nets, make needles, and other fabrics.
We have trampled upon him with the foot of a giant,
laughed at his manners and customs, put out his fires, and
pursued him with the arts of civilization till he has com
pletely lost his own."
Charlevoix, one of the most learned, benevolent, and
candid observers, remarks that " with a mien and appear
ance altogether savage, and with manners and customs
which favor the greatest barbarity, the Indian enjoys all
the advantages of society. At first view one would im
agine them without form of government, law or subordina
tion, and subject to the wildest caprice. Nevertheless they
very rarely deviate from certain maxims or usages founded
on good sense alone, which holds the place of law, and
supplies in some sort the want of authority. Reason alone
is capable of retaining them in a kind of subordination not
the less effectual toward the end proposed for being en
tirely voluntary. They manifest much stability in the
engagements they have solemnly entered upon, particularly
in application as well as in their submission to what they
apprehend to be the appointment of Providence; in all of
which they exhibit a nobleness of soul and constancy of

THE AMERICAN INDIAN.

403

mind at which we rarely arrive with our phHosophy and
religion." When the Indian is compared with civHized man, we
have an opportunity of noting the wide difference of two
forms of culture. We absorb our knowledge and view of
opinions in most part from what is written by others, and so
absorb into ourselves a portion of the thought and feel
ing of others. The Indian, taciturn, solitary and reflecting,
expands from within himself and evolves opinions that
sometimes amuse us and sometimes stagger our philosophy.
Because he is furious in his resentments in a state of war,
or fierce personal feud, or cruel and unsparing in his wrath,
it is not to be inferred that this is his natural or ordinary
mood. But, it may be asked, is this unscrupulous fury,
under such circumstances, greater than that of a brutal
commander who puts a whole garrison to the sword, merely
because they defended a work with heroic bravery ? Are his
endurance at the stake, and his shouts and songs of triumph
under torment more strange than the firmness which has
"sustained martyrs dying for a principle ?
His language is forcible, but his vocabulary is small and
not flexible, and ill-adapted to purposes of lyric poetry.
Yet as an orator the striking originality of his expressions
and his directness charm us who are acquainted with the
best of the Athenian models. Our earliest notices of him
denote a man of excellent powers in oratory. Nothing
that actually exists in his life and trainings would seem
indeed to justify so much vigor of thought and propriety
of expression. But it is not recoHected in this view that
he has been brought up in the school of nature, where his
mind from chHdhood has been impressed by images which
are bold, vivid, and fresh. His books, truly, have been the
heavens, with aH their bright phenomena, and when he
takes the oratorical attitude, and employs figures to enable
him to express his meaning within the compass of a limited
vocabulary, it is from this store-house of his thoughts that

404 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
the selection is made. These iHustrations are striking and
pertinent, because they are simple and true. Nor is he
deficient when he comes to discourse of things of the heart
and of its affections. Stoical and imperturbable he is
indeed, in a manner, but it is sufficient to allude to the
names of Garraugula, of Logan, Sagoyawatha, or Red
Jacket, of Caunassatigo, Pontiac, Skenandoah, of the once
powerful Passaconaway, and a line of renowned aboriginal
speakers, to sustain the conclusion that they have produced
men of intellectual, energetic and eloquent minds. If the
physiologist does not perceive why the Indian does not
develop mind, while he aims to preserve ideas of the
strength and skill of his distinguished men by mnemonic
appeals to a rude pictography ; while he invents fictions to
amuse his hearers ; while he is eloquent in council and in
debate, when he has great things at stake ; if his faculties
can be stimulated to understand the mental operations of
arithmetic, and to comprehend the elements of knowledge,
it is not perceived why the aboriginal man is deficient in
his natural intellectual powers. The Gospel mystery of the
union of God and man has been dissolved before his eyes
by DeSmet, and Eliot, and Brainerd, and a host of self-
sacrificing divines, and he has been brought to feel his
deficiencies in presenting himself in his own strength before
his Creator. He has learned the mystery of letters, and
one, the Cadmus of his age, invented for his people an
alphabet of the simple sounds of his language, more flexi
ble and easier to learn than the Romaic characters which
have been bent to fit our own composite tongue.
The leaders in the advancement of civilization over the
domain of the Indians, have, of necessity, taken on a more
or less manlike character. The garb of either the priest
or the soldier was necessary to command their respect and
obedience, and it is in this connection interesting to foHow
the path of DeSoto, LaSaHe, and Marquette, who traced
paths in the wilderness along which General Harney, in

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 4O5
the first part of the nineteenth century, was to foHow with
.an enthusiasm equal to theirs, and with an ardor and intre
pidity that makes him the crusader of his age. Gayarre,
the historian of Louisiana, draws an ideal picture of De-
Soto's career :
"On the 31st of May, 1839, the bay of Santa Spirito in
Florida presented a curious spectacle. Eleven vessels of
quaint shape, bearing the broad banner of Spain, were
moved close to the shore. One thousand men of infantry
and three hundred and fifty of cavalry, fully equipped,
were landed in proud array under the command of Her
nando de Soto, one of the most illustrious companions of
Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, and reputed one of the
hest lances of Spain. ' When he led the van of battle, so
powerful was his charge, ' says the old chronicler of his
¦exploits, ' so broad was the passage which he carved out in
the ranks of the enemy, that ten of his men-at-arms could
with ease, follow him abreast.' He had acquired enprmous
wealth in Peru, and might have rested satisfied a knight of
renown in the government of St. Jago de Cuba, in the
enjoyment of youth and of power, basking in the smiles of
his beautiful wife, Isabella de Bobadilla. But hiS adven
turous mind scorned such inglorious repose, and now he
stands erect and full of pride on the sandy shores of'
Florida, whither he comes with feudal power, by leave of the
King, to establish nothing less than a marquisate ninety-five
mUes long by forty-five miles wide, and there to rule supreme
a governor for life of all the territory that he can sub
jugate. Not unmindful he, the Christian knight, of his duty
toward the imperishable souls of his future vassals, for twen
ty-two ecclesiastics accompany him to preach the Word
of God. Among his followers are gentlemen of the best
"blood of Spain and Poi-tugal, who, by combined skiH and
bravery, had won the praises of Gonsaloo de Condova,
yclept ' the great captain,' VasconceHas de Silva, of
Portugal, who for birth and courage knew no superior,

406 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Nuno Toboa, a knight above fear and reproach, Murcaso
de Alvarado, who in that smaH host of heroes ranked in
their estimation next to De Soto himself. Let the imagina
tion trace the glorious pageantry as it sweeps by through
the long vistas of those pine woods. How nobly they bore
themselves, those bronzed sons of Spain clad in their reful
gent armour ! How fleet they move — those Andalusian
chargers with arched necks, dilated nostrils. But the whole
train suddenly halts in that verdant valley, by that bubbling
stream, shaded by venerable oaks with gray moss hanging
from their branches, in imitation of the whitening beard of
age. Let the whole encampment rise distinct upon the
mind, De Soto seated apart with his peers in rank if not in
command, and intent upon developing to them his plans of
conquest, while the dusky faces of Indian boys and women
in the background expressed their wild astonishment.
None of the warriors of that race were to be seen. They
are reported to have been absent on a distant, hunting
expedition, but some of them may at times have peered
through the neighboring thickets with fierce glance and
martial eye sparkling with the suppressed fury of antici
pated revenge. What incredible difficulties are overcome
by the advancing host ! How heroic is the resistance of the
Mobilians and of the Alabamians ! With what headlong
fury those denizens of the forest rushed upon the iron-clad
warriors and dared the thunders of those whom they took
to be the children of the sun ! How splendidly described
is the seige of Mobile, where women fought like men and
wrapped themselves up in the flames of their destroyed
city, rather than surrender to their invaders ! But the con
quering herd must beware, for he is soon to encamp on
the territory of the Chickasaws, the most feiocious of the
Indian tribes, and it was lu:ky that De Soto was as prudent
as he was brave, and si. pt equally prepared for an advance
or an attack. In the dead of a winter's night, when the
cold north wind in the month of January, 1541, was howl-

THE AMERICAN INDIAN.

407

ing through the leafless trees, a simultaneous howHng was
heard, more hideous than the voice of the tempest. The
Indians rushed impetuously with fire brands, and the
thatched roofs which sheltered the Spaniards were soon on
fire, threatening them with immediate destruction. The
horses rear and plunge in wHd affright, and break loose from
their fastenings. The naked yet undaunted Spaniards
struggle against the devouring element and the unsparing
foe. The desperate deeds of valor executed by De Soto
and his companions, the deep-toned shouts of Saint Jago
and Spain to the rescue, the demon-like shrieks of the red
warriors, the final overthrow of the Indians, the hot pursuit
by the late occupants of the flaming village, form a picture
highly exciting to the imagination, and cold indeed must he
be who does not take delight in the strange contrast of the
heroic warfare of chivalry on the one side and of the untu
tored courage of man in a savage state on the other.
" At last De Soto stands upon the banks of the Missis
sippi, near the spot where now stands the Egyptian-named
city of Memphis. He crosses the mighty river and onward
he goes up to White River, while roaming over the territory
of Arkansas. Meeting with alternate hospitality and hostil
ity on the part of the Indians, he arrives at the mouth of Red
River, within the present limits of the State of Louisiana.
There he was fated to close his adventurous career. He
who in Spain was cheered by beauty's glance, by the song
of minstrel when he sped to the contest with adversaries
worthy of his prowess — with the noble and chivalric
Maons; he who had reveled in the halls of the imperial
Incas of Peru, and who was said to have amassed princely
wealth ; he, the flower of European courts, had been wildly
roaming over an immense territory where he had discov
ered but half-naked savages dwelling in miserable huts,
ignobly repulsive when compared with Castile's stately
domes, with Grenada's fantastic palaces, and with Peru's
imperial dwellings, massive with gold. His wealth was

408 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
gone. Two-thirds of his brave companions were dead.
What account of them would he render to their noble fam-
ihes, and he bankrupt in fame and in fortune ? How would
he withstand the gibe of envy? Thought, that inward
scourge of life, racked his brain, and his heart was seared
with deep anguish. A slow fever wasted his powerful
frame, and he sank on his couch never to rise again. The
Spaniards closed around him and alternately looked with
despair on their dying chieftain and at the ominous hue of
the bloody river known at this day under the name of Red
River. But he was not the man to let the wild havoc in
the soul betray itself in the outward mien. It was not in
him to utter to the vulgar herd one word of waH, but with
smiling lips and stern brow he addressed his companions
and summoned them one by one to swear allegiance in his
hands to Murcaso de Alvarado, whom he designated as
his successor. 'Union and perseverance, my friends,' he
said. ' So long as the breath of life animates your bodies,
do not falter in the enterprise you have undertaken.
Spain expects a richer harvest and more ample domains
for her.' "
The same historian, Gayarre, paints also the picture of
La Salle's enterprise as follows : " One hundred and thirty
years had passed away since the apparition of De Soto,
without any further attempt on the part of the white race
to enter into that fair region, when on the 7th of July,
1673, a small band of Canadians reached the Mississippi,
which they had come to seek from the distant city of Que
bec. That band had two leaders — Father Marquette, a
monk, and Joliet, a merchant — the prototypes of two great
sources of power, religion and commerce, which in the
course of time were destined to exercise such an influence
on the civHization of the Western territory traversed by
the mighty river, which they had discovered. They could
not be ordinary men, these adventurers, who in those days
undertook to expose themselves to the fatigues and perils

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 4O9
of a journey through unknown solitudes from the St. Law
rence to the Mississippi.
" That humble monkish gown of Father Marquette con
cealed a hero's heart, and in the merchant's breast there
dwelt a soul that would have degraded no belted knight.
" Joliet and Father Marquette floated down the river with
out much impediment as far as the Arkansas. There they
had received sufficient evidence that the Mississippi dis
charged itself into the Gulf of Mexico, and they retraced
their way and returned to Canada. But in that frail bark,
drifting down the current of the Mississippi, sat the hard-
plodding merchant, with the deep wrinkles of thought and
forecast on his brow, planning deep schemes of trade with
unknown nations, and surveying with curious eye that
boundless territory which seemed as some long stretch in
commensurate proportion with the infiniteness of space.
In that frail bark, where mused over his breviary that
grey haired monk, leaning on that long staff, surmounted
with the silver cross of Christ, and computing the souls
that he had saved, and the souls to be saved from idolatry,
is there not as much poetry as in the famed vessel of Argus
sailing in quest of the golden fleece ? Were not their
hearts as brave as those of the Greek adventurers ? Were
not their dangers as great, and was not the object they had
in view much superior?"
Thus, on the first acquaintance of our European fathers
with the great valley of the Mississippi, there was an in
stinct that thriHed them with the thought that it was there
that the seeds of empire and greatness were sown. Were
they not right in those deviations that pushed them on
ward to that favored spot through so many dangers ?
Greatness and empire were there, and therefore all the
elements of poetry.
In 1673, La SaHe, with the genius and daring which
seemed to grow brighter as years passed away, landed in
Canada after forming a gigantic plan of connecting the St.

4IO LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Lawrence with the Mississippi, by a chain of forts. He
returned to France, and with that assurance which genius
imparts, would have forced his way to the foot of the throne
and appealed to majesty itself, but he first fired the Prince
Conti with his own generous and contagious enthusiasm,
and through him obtained from the king immense conces
sions of land, and all the powers and privileges required
for trading with the Indians, and for carrying on his medi
tated plans of discovery. He was also ennobled by letters
patent. Again on the 15th of September, 1678, proud and erect,
with the consciousness of success, he stood within the walls
of Quebec, and was stimulated by the cheers of the whole
population. He immediately entered upon the execution
of his daring projects. Four years after he was at the
mouth of the Mississippi and in the name (as appears from
the notarial act still extant) of the most puissant, most
high, and most victorious King Louis the Great, King of
France, took possession of all the country which he had
discovered. Two years later he returned to France and found himself
famous, and the poor boy, the ignoble by birth, was pre-
.sented to Louis XIV, amid all the splendor of his court.
That Jupiter among the kings of earth had a smile to be
stow upon the humble subject who came to deposit at the
foot of the throne the title deeds of such broad domains.
La Salle, again in pursuit of his audacious design, sailed
from France with four vessels to find himself abandoned
on the shores of the baj'- of St. Bernard, in 1685, and was
reduced to shift for himself with very limited resources.
Then follows a period of three other years of great suffer
ing and of bloody and incessant wanderings through the
territory of the present State of Texas, .^ere, after a long
series of adventures, he was basely murdered by his French
companions, and revenged by his body servant, an Eng-
Hshman by birth. He died somewhere about the spot

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 4II
where now stands the town of Washington, which owes its
foundation to some of that race to whom belong his
avenger, and the flag of the United States now proudly
waves where, the first herald of civilization consecrated
with his blood the future land of liberty.
It is only by comparing the views of contemporaries that
we can judge of the surroundings of prominent men, and
the lights they had to guide them and the difficulties they
encountered. Fifty years after La Salle, Lamothe Cardillac, a witty and'
discerning official of the French court in Louisiana, pro
tested against any effort at commerce with the northern
tributaries of the Mississippi. On receiving positive orders
to assist the agents of Crozat in establishing trading posts
'on the Wabash and on the Illinois, he wrote, " I have seen
Crozat's instructions to his agents and thought them issued
from a lunatic asylum, and there appeared to me to be no
more sense in them than in the apocalypse. It is expected
that for any commercial or profitable purpose, boats will
never be able to run up the Mississippi into the Wabash,
the Missouri, or the Red rivers. One might as well try to
bite a slice off the moon." Cardillac was one of the most
penetrating men of his age, and yet he saw no further than
this. So at every stage of the progress of civilization on this
continent there has been a vigorous opposition to advance,
and now let us withhold no meed of the praise due to those
who made that progress possible, and who pushed on the
car of progress itself
Again Cardillac writes to the ministry : " Not only are
these rivers as rapid as the Rhone, but in their crooked
course they imitate to perfection a snake's undulations.
Hence, for instance, on every turn of the Mississippi traders
would be obliged to wait for a change of wind, if wind
could be had. For this river is so lined up with thick
woods that very little wind has access to its bed."
It was not until 1852 that the Red River was ever fully

412 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
explored, and it was then brought about by Jefferson
Davis, then Secretary of War. The officers detailed for
the service were Randolph B. Marcy, Captain of the 5th
infantry, assisted by George B. McClellan, brevet Captain
U. S. Engineers.
In considering the influence of the Indian character in
connection with the military operations upon this continent,
we must constantly remember that we are separated by
but a narrow line from the Indian tribes that have virtually
disappeared, and also that when General Harney came
upon the field the whole territory west of the Mississippi,
.and many of what are now our fairest States, were virtually
under savage domination.
Among the first of General Harney's labors was a mili
tary service in Florida, where he served on the staff of his
friend and patron. General Jackson. To show the spirit that
animated those Indians, and their ferocity, mingled with
magnanimity and lucid reasoning, there is no finer example
of Indian thought and Indian eloquence than the speech of
Weatherford before General Jackson, on the question of the
removal of the tribes. Weatherford had been the leader in
what is called the, " atrocious butchery at Fort Mims." A
number of the chiefs of the hostile party sought the pres
ence of Jackson, and offered peace upon his own terms.
Jackson demanded as a preliminary to negotiations the sur
render of Weatherford. A few days after an Indian pre
sented himself at the camp, and desired to be conducted to
the presence of the General, to whom he announced him
self as Weatherford.
The American commander expressed his astonishment
that one whose hands were stained with the inhuman mur
der of captives should dare to appear in his presence,
knowing as he must that his arrest had been ordered for
the purpose of bringing him to punishment. The un
daunted chieftain replied: "I am in your power; do with
me as you please ; I am a warrior, and I have done the

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 4IJ
white people all the harm I could. I have fought them,.
and fought them bravely. If I had any warriors left I
would still fight and contend to the last. But I have none.
My people are gone, and now I can only mourn over the
misfortunes of my nation.''
Struck with a magnanimity so near akin to his own high-
spirit, the General explained to the visitor the terms upon
which his people might have peace, adding that he should
take no advantage of his voluntary surrender, and that he
was now at liberty to remain and be protected, or retire and
re-unite himself with the war party, but that if taken his
life should pay the forfeit of his crimes.
The undismayed savage, retaining the self-possession
which distinguishes his race, replied : " I am willing to be
addressed in such language now. There was a time when
I could have answered you. I then had a choice, but now
I have none. Even hope has ended. Once I could lead
my warriors to battle, but I cannot call the dead to life.
My warriors can no longer hear my voice. Their bones
are at Talludega, Tallaschatchie, Emuckfaw, and Toho-
peka. I have not surrendered myself without reflection.
While there was a chance of success I never left my post
nor asked for peace, but my people are gone, and I now
ask for peace for my nation and for myself. I look back
with sorrow upon the miseries and misfortunes brought
upon my country, and wish to avoid still greater calamities.
Our best warriors are slain, our cattle and grain destroyed,
and our women and children are destitute of provisions.
If I had been left to contend with the Georgia army, I
would have raised my corn on one bank of the river and
fought them on the other, but your people have destroyed
my nation. You are a brave man, I rely on your gener
osity. You will exact no terms from a conquered people
but such as they should accept Whatever they may be,
it would be madness in us to oppose them. If any oppose
them you will find me stern in enforcing, obedience. Those

414 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
who would still hold out can be influenced only by revenge,
and to this they must not, and shall not, sacrifice the last
remnants of their nation. You have told us where we must
go and be safe. This is a good talk, and they ought to
listen to it, and they shall listen to it."
Where can we find an instance of a Christian soldier
taking a more generous part or placing himself in a more
self-sacrificing position ? Neither does the savage lose
any of his dignity in his utter defeat. It will not do to
treat such an individual either as a child or as a man defi
cient in clearness of judgment, and we see how intricate
are the questions that presented themselves to the soldier
of a generation ago.
Though their language was ill adapted to rhythmical
poetry, their ideas were eminently poetical, and the nomen
clature which they have left upon our mountains, our
majestic rivers, and our geographical sub-divisions of the
country, are beautiful and expressive to a degree that no
other nation can boast. An American female poet has
given this idea a very happy expression in the following
lines : " I see that all have passed away,
The noble race and brave.
That their light canoes have vanished
From off the crested vyave.
That 'mid the forests where they roamed.
There rings no hunter's shout.
But their name is on your waters.
Ye may not wash it out,
" I see their cone-like cabins,
That cluster o'er the vale.
Have disappeared as withered leaves
Before the autumn gale.
But their memory liveth on your hiUs,
Their baptism on your shore,
¦your ever rolling rivers speak.
Their dialect of yore."
A volume of geographical facts regarding the position of
the Indians, which was laid before the Congress of the

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 415
United States a few years before our great civil war, traces
in a concise manner the movements of the Indian tribes
during our short history.
Once spread out along the Atlantic and the Gplf coasts,
from the St. John's, in Maine, to the mouths of the Missis
sippi and the Rio Grande, not a tribe remains on its orig
inal hunting grounds. Some remnants of them have be
taken themselves to nooks and corners of their once wide
domain, where they linger in dreams of a pleasing, quiet
philosophy in thinking on the past. A few of them, who
yet show by a pie -bald costume a preference for the tastes
of their fathers, are found to gain a subsistence as lumber
men on the banks of the Penobscot — delighted with the
fierce and wild currents of waters where they once guided
their canoes. Others, living on the stormy coasts of Cape
Cod and the islands of Massachusetts, attached as gulls are
to their sea rocks, have adopted the vocation of seamen
and whalers. The converts of the days of Eliot and the
Mayhews are gone. The fiery and subtle Pokanoket, King
Philip, no longer alarms the disturbed pilgrims of England.
Nucas has joined his great rival Miantonima in the land of
spirits, and if the ghosts of red men come back to visit
their hunting grounds, Tamenund, the St. Tammany of our
history, stalks over his old island of Manhattan, literally
the place of the whirlpool, called HeH Gate, to ask what all
this incessant clamor of ships and buildings and temples
and the endless roar of wheels and carriages night and day
imports. The once haughty Iroquois, who trod the earth
with a high step, has withdrawn to one of those nooks on
the western skirts of his once lordly patrimony, where he
plows the soil and drives oxen. He no longer, like the an
cient Idumean chiefs, holds the oHve branch in one hand
and the tomahawk in the other, to sway the destinies of
councils. His simple and proud eloquence is no longer
exerted to huri irony at La Barre from the tongue of a
Garrangula, or touch the deepest recesses of the human,

4l6 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
heart with the appeals of a Logan. The conquered Lenni
Lenapees are no longer cowed down in council with the
keen reproof of a Canassatigo — " Who gave you authority
to sell lands ? " The Eries have not come back to occupy
the position from which they were driven from near the
vicinage of the ceaseless roaring of Niagara. The Susque-
hannocks have never wandered from the symbolic hunting
grounds to which they were suddenly dispatched by the
Iroquois tomahawks. The Powhatans, who once swept the
forests of the Potomac, the Rappahannock and the princely
James River, are no more alarmed by traces of the foot
steps of the sanguinary Massawomacks, who have ranged
the heights and skirts of the Alleghanies a thousand miles
to wrench off the scalps of a Mannahoac, an Erie, a Ca
tawba, or a Cherokee.
The position of the tribes is wholly changed. The Ara
bian magician could scarcely have done it more quickly, or
at least more effectively. The Alleghanies, which cost a
British army such peril to cross in "1775, have been sur
mounted without an effort, and the Ohio valley, so often
essayed by the sword, has at last been conquered by the
plow. The tribes have learned this art from the white
man, and they have gone west beyond the Father of Wa
ters with the implements of peace in their hands. The
Delawares now plant corn on the banks of the Kansas, or
hunt the deer in Texas. The Mohicans, who once at
tracted the love of Zinzendorf aijd his brethren, and who
so long and prominently, under Edwards, enjoyed the care
of the London society for propagating the gospel, yet lin
ger in fragmentary bands in Eastern Wisconsin, or share
the hospitality of their Delaware brethren west of the Mis
souri. There are found also spread out over the territorial
length of Kansas, the Shawnees, the true Parthians of our
history, the Miamis, who so long battled for the Wabash,
the elementary bands of the once famous Illinois and the
numerous other tribes of the wide-spreading Algonquin

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 417
stock. Pontiac no longer battles for nationality at Detroit,
nor Minniwawinna at Michilimackinac.
The whole Atlantic coasts are as free from the footsteps
of those once proud, populous and dominant races as the
ruins of Palmyra are from the tread of their builders —
unless indeed we admit an exception in behalf of those
delegates from the tribes of the West, who have adopted
letters, arts and Christianity, and who visit the city of the
republic periodically to inquire into their affairs.
The wilderness has ever been a very attractive position
to the Indian. So early as 1796, while Louisiana was still
under Spanish rule, two of the most active and restless and
enterprising of the Algonquin group of tribes, the Shaw
nees and the Delawares, made arrangements for crossing
the Mississippi and occupying positions in the central and
wild parts of that province. They were followed in the
design of finding better hunting grounds, about 18 16, at
the close of the war with Great Britain, by a part of the
Cherokees, who in the treaty with the United States of
18 17, secured the right to occupy a tract therein referred to,
lying on the northern borders of Arkansas. Small bands
and remnants of tribes of the Gulf shores and lower parts
of Louisiana had at earlier dates passed into the region of
the Red River and its tributaries. Causes were, therefore,
it will be seen, in operation as the settlements were devel
oped, to produce voluntary migration to a region which
offered advantages to a hunter population.
The introduction of gunpowder and fire arms among the
Indian tribes has produced the great changes in Indian
industry. The fur trade had at first stimulated the chase
and aroused the Indian hunter to greater activity, but it at
length reacted, and by furnishing him greater facilities to
gratify his tastes produced depopulation and weakness.
His lands were quickly denuded of game, and remained an
encumbrance on his hands, but at the same time better
fitted for a white agricultural population. By ceding his

41 8 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
surplus territory from time to time he has repaired the
declining fortunes of the fur trade, and had the means of
subsistence and clothing. Taking annuities in money has
had a dissipating, if not a paralyzing effect; for whHe the
periodical possession of wealth which could not be pru
dently expended has not only operated as a bar to industry
but fostered his native bias for a life of ease, freedom and
idleness, scarcely anything has been thought of when want
began to infringe but to continue the course of cessions
and fly to remoter localities in the west. Thus the entire
maritime borders of the colonies were originally relin
quished, and men now living have seen him cross at sep
arate points the Alleghanies and the Mississippi.
The name of Oregon is derived from the Spanish word
for the artimesia or wild sage. This plant is found in the
country east of the Cascade Mountains to the Rocky
Mountains, and to the sources of the Nebraska. By the
early Spanish traders from Santa Fe it was called Oregano.
The oldest mountain men corrupted this term to Oregon.
Before one proceeds too far in sympathy for the Indian
tribes, and lamentation over their unhappy fate, it is well to
also consider the statement of Schoolcraft in that connec
tion. His opportunities for investigation and his research
exceed those of any other writer, and greater weight
attaches to his conclusions. He says : " No government on
earth has ever been more liberal in its political treatment to
an aboriginal population. All the ancient conquerors of
Europe and Asia put iron yokes upon the subdued nations.
The most grievous political exactions were everywhere
made. Rome tried to exterminate the Britons, and the
Normans made the Anglo-Saxon actually go to bed at
curfew to prevent faction from germinating." William Von
Humboldt observes in his investigations among the Basque
tribes of Spain that even the very terms and monuments of
their traditions and history had been obliterated by their
Spanish conquerors, and that their curious and complex

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 4I9
language was in fact aH that was left to denote their old
nationality. The Spanish did the same thing in America,
so far as related to the antiquities of maps, picture writings
and a certain class of sculptures in Mexico. Where they
could not destroy they buried them, as we behold in the
great calendar stone of Mexico, which is par excellence the
monument of the astronomical knowledge of the Toltecs
and Aztecs.
The agriculture of the Indian was, of course, extremely
rude. He was indeed separated by a wide step from agri
cultural life. Barbarous nations first become pastoral and
then agricultural. The Indian had not yet reached the
pastoral state when America was discovered, and the
attempt to force civilization upon him without its transi
tional stages was a failure. He withered away before the
touch of civilization.
Still he preserved for the European races that were to
succeed him, three gifts of the soil worth many thousands
of times more than all the wealth of the Peruvian Incas.
These were tobacco, the potatoe, and Indian corn. These
articles have given commerce and civilization an impetus
that is almost incalculable. Subtract Indian corn from the
history of America and it would place us backward hun
dreds of years in the calendar of progress. Still this food
was planted only to a limited extent by the Atlantic and
Mississippi tribes, for no trader or traveler has noticed its
cultivation among the interior or mountain tribes.
Tobacco was discovered in America by the Spaniards in
1560. It had been used by the aborigines from unknown
times, and the greatest value was set upon it. It was first
sent to Spain from a port in Yucutan, called Tobago,
whence the name. Sir Walter Raleigh introduced it into -
England about 1585, and first taught the people how to
use it The plant is now used by most European and
Asiatic nations, and notwithstanding the opposition of
priests and rulers, has taken hold upon aH classes of p"o-

420 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
pie. The Turks and Syrians are as much addicted to its
use as the North American Indians themselves, and some
of the most caustic and witty observers of the manners of
the United States, have made it a point to launch some
of their sharpest shafts of ridicule at its extensive use
among our people. Its value as an agricultural product
places it very high in our list of productions. There ap
pears to be no mention of it in ancient history. Heroditus
is silent. The pyramids cast no light on the topic. It is
conceded to be of American origin, and the chief supplies
are brought from the United States.
The potato is now an important part of the food of
civilized man. Before its importation from America the
Englishman supplemented his roast beef with parsnips.
The large amount of food which it yields from a small
space of ground, led to its early- introduction into Ireland,.
where it became the chief food of large masses of people.
Hence the misleading term applied to the more important
variety called " Irish potatoes," as distinguished from the
sweet potato.
To those who first made a study of Indian government,.
their institutions appeared too rude to entitle them to
respect, but we who live under republican rule may now
trace its characteristics, and find in some of them the con
centrated wisdom of the ages. Nor is it impossible that
the early Americans gathered light from the teachings of
these solons of the forest.
It is a memorable fact that the Iroquois were so strongly
impressed with the wisdom of the workings of their .system
that they publicly recommended a simHar union to the
British colonies. In the important conferences at Lancas
ter in 1774, Cannasatigo, a respected sachem, expressed
this view to the commissioners of Pennsylvania, Virginia
and Maryland: "Our wise forefathers," he said, "estab
lished unity and amity between the five nations. This has
made us formidable. This has given us great weight and

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 421
authority with our neighboring nations. We are a power
ful confederacy, and by observing the same methods our
wise forefathers have taken you will acquire fresh strength
and power. Therefore I counsel you, whatever befalls
you, never to fall out with one another." No sage of the
. brightest day of Greece could have more fully appreciated
the secret of power and success, and, viewed in the light of
our recent history, we must accord to this wise man the
gift of the greatest elevation of mind, bordering upon ac
tual inspiration.
It remained for the Anglo-Saxon race, who had them
selves been struggling for civil liberty and private rights
from the days of King John, to appreciate fully the true
character of the Iroquois confederacy. No persons seem
to have been better qualified to express their sense of this
confederacy, or to have so early seen its merits as Cadwal-
lader Colden or DeWitt Clinton.
"The five nations," observes Colden, in 1747, "consist of
so many tribes or nations joined together by a league or
confederacy, like the United Provinces, without any supe
riority the one over the other. This union has continued so
long that the Christians know nothing of the original of it.
The people in it are known to the English under the names
•of Mohawks, Oneydoes, Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas."
The Tuscarawas, after fleeing from Carolina, found ref
uge with these nations and became incorporated with them,
and the Creek Indians were also admitted to their friend
ship as members of the confederacy.
The historian of their day says of them : " The Five Na
tions have such absolute notions of liberty that they allow
•of no kind of superiority of one over another, and banish
all servitude from their territories. They never make any
prisoner a slave, but it is customary to make a compliment
•of naturaHzation into the Five Nations, and considering how
highly they value themselves above aH others, this must be
no small compliment."

422 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Monsieur De la Paterie, in his History of North Amer
ica, says of them : " When we speak of the Five Nations in
France they are thought, by a common mistake, to be
mere barbarians, always thirsting after human blood ; but
their true character is very different. They are indeed the
fiercest and most formidable people in North America, and
at the same time are as polite and judicious as can well be
conceived. An old Mohawk sachem, in a poor blanket
and a dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his orders with as
arbitrary an authority as a Roman dictator."
The influence of women among this singularly wise and
brave people is clearly presented by Mr. Cadwallader Col
den, who had often been a commissioner to the Iroquois
during the reign of George II, and who received from
them the compliment of adoption :
" The history of the world shows that it is one of the
tendencies of bravery to cause woman to be respected, and
to assume her proper rank and influence in society. This
was strikingly manifested in the history of the Iroquois.
They are the only tribes in America, North or South, so
far as we have any accounts, who gave, to woman a con
servative power in their political deliberations. The
Iroquois matrons had their representative in the public
councils, and they exercised a negative, or what we call the
veto power, in the important question of the declaration of
war. They had the right, also, to interpose in bringing
about a peace. It did not compromise the war policy of
the cantons if the body of the matrons expressed a deci
sion in. favor of peace. To such a pitch of power had the
Iroquois confederacy reached on the discovery of New
York in 1609, that there can be no doubt that if the arrival
of the Europeans had been delayed a century later it
would have absorbed all the tribes situated between the
Gulf of St Lawrence and the mouth of the Ohio, if not to
the Gulf of Mexico. Such a process of extension was in
rapid progress when they were first supplied with fire-arms

THE AMERICAN INDIAN.

423

by the northern colonists, and as this was in advance of the
Western tribes the result was for a long time promoted
by it."
It is the observation of DeWitt Clinton, a man of lofty
inteHect, and who is regarded as having been one of the
greatest benefactors of his native State of New York, that
the Iroquois were the only people of the Indian stocks who
possessed true eloquence ; yet we have seen since Clinton's
time some of the finest examples of eloquence of which
history can boast, in Florida and along the Mississippi
river, among native chiefs who felt deeply, and who ex
pressed themselves strongly.
We have seen in a preceding chapter that when the
Black Hawk war broke out. General Harney was a Captain
in the army, and that he took a lively part in that memor
able struggle. Black Hawk, who has obtained such wide
celebrity, was not a chief, and does not appear to have
been a man of high qualities, though he was the central
figure of a memorable struggle, and leader of a people
engaged in a brave but hopeless war against the United
States. Having been taken prisoner at the close of that
contest, he was conducted, with a few companions, to
Washington and some other cities, where his fame and his
misfortunes caused so much curiosity that he was every
where visited by crowds, while his propriety of deportment
was such as to sustain the reputation that had preceded
him. Keokuk, chief of the Sacs and Foxes, is said to have
been possessed of a fine person and gifted with courage,
prudence and eloquence. He was also the most daring and
graceful rider of his nation, was always well mounted, and
he no doubt owed much of his popularity to his imposing
appearance when equipped for war or ceremony, and to his
feats of horsemanship. " Keokuk, " says the chronicler of
his time, " is in all respects a magnificent savage. Bold,
enterprising and impulsive, he is also placable, and pos-

424 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
sesses an intimate knowledge of human nature, and a tact
which enables him to bring the resources of his mind into
prompt operation. "
He once displayed his skill and eloquence in a remarka
ble manner. Some of his warriors falling in with an
encampment of unarmed Menomines in sight of Fort
Crawford at Prairie Du Chien, murdered the whole party.
The Menomines, justly incensed at this unprovoked and
cowardly murder, declared war, and their friends, the Win
nebagoes, who were previously hostile to the Sauks or
Sacs, were also highly indignant at this outrage. To pre
vent a sanguinary war. General Street, agent of the United
States at Prairie du Chien, invited the several tribes to a
councH. They assembled, at Fort Crawford, but the Men
omines positively refused to hold any negotiations with the
offending party. When Keokuk was informed of this res
olution he told the Agent confidentially that it made no
difference ; that he would make a treaty with the Men
omines before they separated. All he asked was to be
brought face to face with them in the council house. The
several tribes accordingly assembled, each sitting apart, but
when the ceremony of smoking, which precedes all public
discussions, was commenced, the Menomines refused to
join in it, sitting in moody silence, whHe the other tribes
indulged in this ordinary courtesy. The breach between
the Sacs and Foxes and the Winnebagoes was talked over,
explanations were mutually made and peace cemented.
Keokuk then turned toward the Menomines and ad
dressed them. They at first averted their faces or listened
with looks of defiance. The commencement of a speech
without previously smoking and shaking hands was a
breach of etiquette, and he was besides the head of a tribe
which had done them an injury that nothing but blood
could atone for. Under aH these disadvantages the Sauk
chief proceeded with his harangue, and such was the
power of his eloquence even upon men thus predisposed.

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 42$
that his hearers gradually relaxed, listened, assented, and
when he concluded by saying proudly, but in a conciliatory
tone : " I come here to say that I am sorry for the impru
dence of my young men — I come to make peace. I now
offer the hand of Keokuk. Who will refuse it ? " — they
rose one by one and accepted the proffered grasp.
Could our own Daniel Webster, or Burke, or Pitt, have
relied upon his powers of eloquence and persuasion more
completely than did Keokuk ?
When Keokuk, with a deputation, among whom were
some Sioux, the hereditary enemies of the Sacs and Foxes,
visited Washington, the observer at that time remarked,
" We remarked a decided want of gracefulness in all these
speakers. Each of them, having shaken hands with the
Secretary of War, who sat facing the audience, stood im
mediately before and near him, with the interpreter at his
elbow, both having their backs to the spectators, and in
this awkward position, speaking low and rapidly, but little
of what was said could be understood except by persons
near them.
" Not so with Keokuk. Whefi it came his turn to speak,
he rose deliberately, advanced to the Secretary, and having
saluted him, returned to his place, which, being at the front
of the stage, and at one side of it, his face was not con
cealed from any of the several parties present. His inter
preter stood beside him. The whole arrangement was
judicious, and though apparently unstudied, showed the
tact of the orator. He stood erefct, in an easy but martial
posture, with his robe thrown over his left shoulder and
arm, leaving the right arm bare to' be used in action. • His
voice was fine. His enunciation remarkably clear, dis
tinct, and rapid. Those who have had the gratification of
hearing a distinguished Senator from South Carolina, now
in Congress, whose rapidity of utterance, concentration of
thought, and conciseness of language are alike peculiar to
himself, may form some idea of the style of Keokuk, — the

426 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
latter adding, however, an attention to graces of attitude
and action to which the former makes no pretension. He
spoke with dignity, but with great animation. ' They teH
you,' said he, 'that our ears must be bored with sticks,
but, my father, you cannot penetrate their thick skulls in
that way, it would require a hot iron. They say they would
as soon think of making peace with this child as with us
(pointing to his son, a lad of about ten years, who accom
panied him), but they know better ; for when they made
war with us they found us men. They tell you that peace
has often been made but we have broken it. How happens
it, then, that so many of their braves have been slain in our
country ? I will tell you. They invaded us ; we never
invaded them. None of my braves have been killed in
their country. We have their scalps and can tell where we
took them.' "
Having presented something of Indian character, it is
interesting to see General Harney's method of dealing
with them. The council held by him after the battle of
Ash Hollow has been adverted to in the narrative of this
book. Some of the minutes of the proceedings, as com
municated by the President of the United States, Franklin
Pierce, to the Senate and House of Representatives, give a
clear insight into the animating spirit on both sides.
There were present delegations from nine of the bands
of the Sioux.
The General opened the council by speaking to the In
dians through Zephyr Rencontre, as follows :
" I am glad to see you here, according to my request of
one hundred days ago. The Ogallalas have not come, and
that is the mistake of their agent ; they are coming. Big
Head has not come, but I did not expect him; I suppose
him to be too busy.
" I told the people who were here a hundred days ago
that I would write to their Great Father, and perhaps he
would say something that might please them ; that I would
do all I could for them to make them happy.

THE AMERICAN INDIAN.

427

" Here's what I have to say to them now — what the
Great Father has told me to say after I had written to him
that the Indians were very humble, and very sorry for what
they had done, and would do whatever he told them.
Now listen to what the Great Father says."
The treaty was then read and interpreted to the Indians,
after which General Harney proceeded as follows :
" The Brules here have done very well ; I am very well
pleased with their conduct lately. I told them at Laramie
that when all the murderers were given up their people who
are now our prisoners should be restored to them. There
is only two men now to be given up, ' the man who killed
the cow, ' and ' the one who killed Gibson, ' and I hope you
have them here now that I can give to the Brules their
prisoners. The stolen property can be given up after this ;
but the women and children of the Brules are crying to go
home, and as soon as these two men are delivered up,
then these women and children can go with the Brules.
When you have done this, and returned all the stolen prop
erty of every description, then your annuities will be re
stored to you. These annuities, hereafter, will always be
given out at a military post and nowhere else. Hereafter,
that you may have justice done you, and that you may not
be imposed on by the traders, all trading will be done at the
military posts. This will enable you to get your things at
•a fair price ; you will be dealt with fairly and reasonably ;
and if the traders don't behave themselves, but try to
impose on the Indians, I will send them out of the country.
" I have now told you what the Great Father told me,
with his own mouth and his own words, to tell you ; and he
has left it with me to do anything I think proper with you.
What I say is this : The Great Father sent your father.
Colonel Vaughan, here to advise you and assist you ; but
you did not listen to him, but insulted him and behaved
very badly, indeed; and this is one great reason the Great
Father sent me here to punish you, and I am going to do
it The Sioux are not friends to themselves ; and not until
they do what is required of them wiH I be their friend.
Do as I teH them and they wiH find me the best friend they
ever had ; but if they don't do it, they wiH find me the
worst enemy they ever had."

428 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
On the second day. Little Thunder, chief of the Platte
Brules, spoke as follows, through the interpreter :
" I came here to see you because you sent for me. I
did not know what the manners of the whites are, but I wiH
tell you what I have thought of on my road here. I don't
wish to fight you. What I want with you is to shake hands
with you and hold your hands hard. AH the women and
children who were in my lodge, you have them here, but
they are alive and I am glad. You took them on the
Platte. I was there when I heard that you have called me.
" At the Laramie you called me for five of my men, and
I have given them to you. After that you asked me for
horses, and I gave them to you. After that I stood there
and listened and watched to see if you would call me and
deliberate for me. You called me, I heard it, and started
to come. The snow was very bad, but I have come, and I
am now satisfied you will give me my life. When I left
my camp all my men, women and children were waiting
for me to return. They expect me to bring our people who
are prisoners with me.
" You have asked us to be friendly. I have tried, and if
we are not so it is not my fault. My friends that are here
liave got chiefs. I am not a chief They can deliberate
and see. My friends have heard that you have asked them
for two men. I wish I was in their place. I would bring
them in. This is all I have to say."
To this speech General Harney replied that he was
pleased with what he had said. " Yours was the first band
of the Sioux I met when I came to fight, but if I had met
any other band it would have been the same. I am sorry
it fell so hard upon Little Thunder. From what we had
heard I expected to fight them everywhere. Their young
men had done a great many bad things, so many that their
Great Father had sent his soldiers here. I don't find them
as I expected. Their feelings are different from what I
expected. There are a great many good men among them,
but some bad ones, hke other people. I think the great
trouble with them is. the young men don't obey their
chiefs. If they did that there would be no trouble. As I
told them yesterday, their chiefs must be obeyed! These
I see here are the principal chiefs of the different bands. I

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 429
am satisfied they are all disposed to be friendly and keep
at peace with the whites. They can look to me as their
friend, and if their people don't obey them I will fight for
thern and make them obey. I shaH always look to these
chiefs as the heads of the different bands. I shaH not rec
ognize anybody else. If they want any advice or assistance
let them come to me. I wiH not recognize any other chiefs,,
neither wiH the father here, or any of the agents. I hope
they will aH support each other to keep peace with the
whites. " Tell Little Thunder he has done so weH that I think he
and his people have done enough at present, and I do not
ask him to take any hand in bringing in the other two men.
The Sioux ought not to expect it ; he stood forward be
tween them and the whites, and is the only one who has-
suffered yet.
" I feel like shaking hands with aH the chiefs, particularly
Little Thunder ; but that is not our way. I have no doubt
in a few days, when those men are brought in, I shaH be
able to do it.
" The stolen animals can be brought in in a reasonable
time. Tell Little Thunder that he can have his people that
are here to take back with him — (Applause.)
" When we go to war, some of the good have to suffer
with the bad, we cannot help it ; but some of them among
you had better recollect it ; I cannot separate the bad from
the good ; they must do it themselves."
In the proceedings of the fourth day the Yancton chief
presented a picture of his own suffering and his action, and
showed a dignified and honorable demeanor. He said :
" My brother : I am going to speak, and I believe the
Great Spirit will hear me ; I am going to speak, the Great
Spirit knows it, and has given me a beautiful day. Since
we commenced this talk we have not had so beautiful a
day. The man who calls himself a man and is not afraid
to die, is yourself I am one also. I think that I am brave,
and for my death, I am not afraid of it. What I call my
bravery is this : I traveled all day to get here and did not
eat or sleep, and the next day and night I did the same.
This is what I call brave. As for bravery, I am not afraid
to lose my life. This starvation is worse than my bravery.

430 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
I was SO hungry that when I saw your cattle I could not
help eat them, and that's what kept me aHve. Let you be
as brave as you please, if you starve you will take what you
meet with and live.
" I am not going to beg you for my Hfe ; I beheve I am
a man, and I am not going to beg you for my life. I see
you here, and your manners and situation are enough to
scare any of us ; but if I was afraid I would squat down,
but I don't. If I do what you tell me, I know I will be
well off and well treated.
" You mentioned to me your cattle. Yes ! I have eaten
twelve of them ; but they were on my land. I ate some —
the Saiitees ate some — and the half-breeds ate some ; but
you counted me one ; I ate twelve ; on that account you
have asked me nineteen horses. If I had been you, I
would not have asked for those horses at that time, when
they were poor — I would have waited till spring. I got
the horses to bring them, but on my way four have died — ¦
and again four more have died — and I have only eleven.
Do you think your fresh meat is worth more than anything
else ? Let me know so, and I will bear it. If I had owned the
horses, I should not mind; it is not the number I care for;
but I havn't got them. I have always done what the father
here (Col. Vaughan) has told me. It is very hard, when a
man has only one thing to give more than he has got.
" I can't make horses out of the ground ; if you are not
satisfied, do with me what you please ; take my body and
sell me — do what you please.
" This is what my heart speaks ; I have some young men
here yet, who wHl listen to me."
Later in the conference the same chief explained his
action more fully, and General Harney knew him to be
speaking truth, and treated him magnanimously :
" I don't want to tell no lies ; I want to tell the truth.
'Twas Little Provost ; he told me there was an ox thrown
. away ; to go after it and eat it. My young men started,
but it was so wild they had to kill it."
The General then said : " I know he was hungry ; but
the Great Father can't give the cattle he wants for his sol
diers to everybody. I thought the troops that went down

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 43 I
to your country would have plenty of fresh meat ; that you
would .save it for them ; but they had nothing. It is not
for the value of the cattle ; but we want them now to give
to your people here. But that's a smaH matter; he did not
try to hide it, but came out and acted like a man. I
would have been better pleased if they had kept some of
them." The-man-that-is-struck-by-the-Ree then said that his peo
ple did not take all the cattle ; that a half-breed by the
name of Sizzieodore, son of old Dorion, took two ;
" they have sent me a letter on that account. Sizzieodore
left us and started to go west among the Brules ; I don't
know where."
The General said : " I want ' Little Thunder ' to make
him go away from the Brules; and if he don't, and I catch
him in the country, I'll hang him. 'Tis men like that who
set so bad an example to the Indians. I won't have such
men among the Indians. He says he got but twelve cat
tle. I only want him to settle for twelve. He should have
told me so before."
The-man-that-is-struck-by-the-Ree said his people had
only killed nine. Sizzieodore two ; and a Frenchman one.
The General said : " As far as he is concerned that is all
settled. I know what it is to be hungry ; and I can look
over a great deal.
"As to his making peace with the Pawnees. I don't
want him to make peace, if the Pawnees strike him after I
speak to them. I will go with him myself, and all he is to
do is to show me the trail.
" I ask you to make this peace, as it is for the benefit of all
of us ; and if any violate it, they will have me on their
backs, and they wHl find me a hard load to carry. The
Cheyennes will also have to behave themselves. "
The same chief, later on, very happily sums up some of
the abuses of Indian management :
" I believe to-day you wish to give me the life. You
pick out the poorest man you have and send him up here
to give us our goods.
"When an agent comes here he is poor, but he gets rich,
and after he gets rich he goes away and another poor one

432 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
comes. Now there's a great many white men, but there
are some thieves among them. I say so, but this father
here (Colonel Vaughan) I wish him to stay and be our
father, and I wish to let you know ; for if you send an
other I shall be afraid of him. I will tell him I don't know
him." General Harney's views of Indian management, and the
truthfulness and good faith of the Indians, is well put in
his testimony before the House committee on Indian Af
fairs. That testimony tells its own story :
Washington, D. C, February 4, 1874.
General Harney appeared before the committee in re
sponse to its invitation.
The Chairman. State the length and extent of your mil
itary service on the Indian frontier.
General Harney. The greater portion of my military
service has been on the frontier, among the Indians.
Q. What military department or division did you com
mand ? A. I never had the command of a division.
Q. At what points in the present Indian country did you
serve ? A. From Florida to Dakota.
Q. How long since you have been in command ? A. It
is some ten or twelve years since I have been retired from
active service.
Q. State with what Indian tribes you were brought in
contact as a military officer ? A. Principally with the Sioux
and Cheyennes, and all the Indians of the plains, and the
Florida Indians. I was very intimately acquainted with
the Sioux for a great many years, and have been stationed
among the Winnebagoes, Menomonees, and other Indians.
Q. The question has been discussed as to the manage
ment of Indian tribes by the army, and as you have had
great experience in command of the army on the frontier,
the committee desires to have your opinion as to whether
the army can manage Indian affairs better than, or equally
as well as, the Indian Bureau ? A. I think decidedly it can,
and better.
Q. Give your reasons. A. The Indians have more re
spect for the military, and more fear of them, and there
would be less steaHng. I must use plain words ; I have

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 433
seen so much of it, that I know the Indians are robbed con
tinually. That, I think, is pretty well known, and I assert
it positively. I know it of my own knowledge. That is
the principal cause of Indian difficulties, I think. In fact, if
we would keep our treaty stipulations with the Indians we
would have no trouble with them. The Indians do not
violate their treaty stipulations, except when they are
driven to it by the whites.
Q. Do you think that it is the disposition of the Indian
tribes to observe treaty stipulations? A. Yes; I have
never known but two instances in which they violated trea
ties. One was the case of the Sacs and Foxes, and the
other the case of the Seminoles in Florida. They were
treated with, and were to have gone west, but the Govern
ment did not require them to comply with the conditions
of the treaty for many years, and by the time they were
required to go' west all the leading men who had made the
treaty were dead, and the Indians of that day said that
they were not going to obey a treaty which was made by
"a parcel of old women." It was the same thing with the
Sacs and Foxes. Ignorant as. they were, there was some
excuse for them, but still they were punished. We were
fighting the Seminoles for about seven years.
Q. Are these Indian wars incited by the settlers, or are
they brought about by the army? A. I never heard of
any di "ficulty being brought about by the army. It is
principally the whisky sellers and the Indian agents that
make the difficulty. The Indian agents go out there to
feather their own nests. Agents should never open a
tierce, box, or any package till the Indians are all present
to witness the operation. This would prevent any diffi
culty or trouble to the agents.
Q. Of how many Indian agents have you such an inti
mate knowledge that you can speak advisedly of their
character ? A. I cannot say how many. I have been a
good deal among the Indians, and have been often present
when goods were issued to them, but I had nothing to do
with it.
Q. You have had experience when the Indian tribes
were under the management of the War Department, and
you have had experience since they have been under the

434 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
management of the Interior Department. Now, I would
like to know your opinion as to which of these Depart
ments is qualified to take care and have general control of
the Indians. A. The army ; there is no doubt about that
at all. There cannot be any stealing in the army.
Q. From your knowledge of the Indian character, do
you believe that those people are to be controlled in any
way except by fear of punishment? A. Yes, sir; kind
treatment ax^d justice can do it. They know what justice is,
and they want it. If they are treated with justice we will
never have any trouble with them.
Q. Then it is your experience that the trouble grows out
of the stealing of their annuity-goods ? A. Yes, sir, prin
cipally ; and out of whisky-selling.
Q. How can you prevent the introduction of whisky
among the Indians ? A. If the commanding officer is worth
a cent he can prevent it.
Q. How would you do it? A. I would hang the whisky-
sellers or shoot them. They are the very worst class of
people on the frontier.
Q. While the hanging process is going on, would it not
be well to hang the men who steal the annuity-goods too?
A. Decidedly.
. Q. Was he an officer of the army? A. Oh, no, sir; In
dian agents are generally called majors.
Q. Would it be safe to arm the settlers and let them
take care of the frontiers? A. I do not think it would.
Q. Do you think if you could rid the country of whisky-
sellers there would be no difficulty in the main ? ^ A. If
you do that and Ao justice to the Indians at the same time,
you will have no trouble.
Q. As between fighting them and giving them kind
treatment, which would you say was the preferable course ?
A. Kind treatment in the first place ; then if we comply
with our treaty stipulations, we wHl have no difficulty at aH
with them.
Q. What do you think as to the policy of getting them
on reservations, and taking good care of them ? A. I
have been in favor of it always. If the Indians had been
treated properly, I do not think there, would ever have
been any difficulty.

THE AMERICAN INDIAN.

4SS

Q. State whether, in your opinion, the Government now
furnishes supplies enough to comply with the treaties. A.
I think that the Government does, if the Indians could get
them. Q. Do you think that the Indians are now getting their
full supplies under the treaties ? A. I cannot say. I have
been on the retired list ten or twelve years.
Q. Is the policy of justice being carried out or not? A.
I have had very little intercourse with the Indians lately,
and I cannot tell. But I suppose we would not have had
so much trouble with them if we had done them justice.
Q. Have you been among the Indians for the last twelve
years, so that, frcm your personal knowledge of Indian
agents, you are able to make a statement as to their hon
esty ? A. Yes ; after I was placed on the retired list, I
was kept on duty for three or four years.
Q. Then, for the last eight years, since the Government
peace policy has been carried on, you have had no personal
knowledge of Indian agents ? A. Not since I left the In
dian country, and that was in 1866 or 1868, I think.
Q. Then your statement a little whHe ago that the In
dian agents steal did not apply to Indian agents within the
last eight years ? A. I did not mean to say that they all
steal ; there may be many of them honest.
Q. But you meant that statement to have reference to a
period prior to 1868? A. Yes, sir, and in 1868.
Q. You were a member of the Indian peace commission
in 1868? A. Yes, sir; I am not positive as to the date; it
was between '66 and '68, I believe.
Q. There were three army officers on that commission
besides yourself? A. Yes, sir; General Sherman, General
Augur, andGeneral Terry.
Q. You visited the Indian country during the time you
were on that peace commission? Yes; we made treaties
with' them in different places.
Q. From the investigations that you made at that time,
did you come to the conclusion that the Indians were the
wronged parties, or that the wars and troubles which had
arisen with the Indians were caused by white men ? A.
Decidedly so.
Q. What was that affair?

436 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Q. You said that this cow. had given out and had been
abandoned ?
Q. From your investigations on this peace commission
you came to the conclusion that our Indian wars had
resulted from outrages perpetrated upon the Indians ? A.
I think I would be safe in saying that nine cases in ten. I
am satisfied that if the Indians were to receive justice there
would be no trouble. There ought to be some way of pre
venting whisky-selling out of the Indian country.
Q. Have you had any experience with Indian tribes be
yond the Rocky Mountains ? A. I was sent to Washing- •
ton Territory by the Government to pursue the Indians of
various tribes. It was thought we were to have a general
Indian war with them, but the matter was settled before I
arrived. Q. What year was that? A. That was about 1858 or
i860, I think.
Q. You do not know how that war was brought on, do
you ? A. No, sir ; I do not.
Q. From your knowledge of the facts that you obtained
after you arrived in the country, do you not recollect that
it was through the murder of the Indian agent by the
Indians that the war was brought on ? A.I forget now ;
it was over when I arrived there. I was sent over to pun
ish them, and I would have done it. Of course I intended
to make a winter campaign against them.
Q. The question has come up as to the kind of troops
that are most valuable to fight against the Indians. What is
your judgment as to that? Is infantry needed as much as
cavalry, or can cavalry be used alone against the Indians
with better advantage ? A. The cavalry alone can pursue
them and catch them.
Q. There is a double garrison at all of those post on the
frontier, about the same number of infantry as of cavalry,
and some question has been raised whether as much infan
try as cavalry was needed at those frontier posts. A. I
think it is absolutely necessary to have some infantry at
each post.
Q. You stated a moment ago that you wanted army
officers to take charge of these matters, because soldiers
never steal. A. I mean officers. The common soldiers

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 437
have nothing to do with it ; but there are exceptions of
course among officers.
Q. Human nature is so much the same, that, removed
from the restraints of civilization and subjected to great
temptation, would not army officers and Indian agents be
pretty much on the same level ; that is, there would be
¦exceptions among both classes ? A. Certainly, but proper
officers would be selected — it cannot be so with agents.
Q. You do not mean to admit that army officers would
be as liable to steal as Indian agents : you mean to stick
to what you said, that army officers would be better dis
bursing agents and managers than Indian agents would be ?
A. Certainly.
Q. As a class, are they more honest than Indian agents-?
A. Why, of course.
Q. Is your comparison with Indian agents twenty years
ago ? A. I do not think they were as corrupt then as they
are now.
Q. The proposition is to introduce the arts of civilized
life among the Indians ; to reform and educate them ; to
teach them agriculture and the mechanic arts. Do you
think that the army could do that as weH as civil employes
of the government ? A. If the army officers had orders
they would obey them, I think.
Q. Do you think that they would be as weH qualified to
carry out that branch of the Indian service as civilians are?
A. "They would not act as teachers, but they would super
intend all these things, and they would do it better than
civilians, because they would have no interest except to do
their duty.
General Harney was appointed a member of the Indian
Peace Commission in 1865, and visited the Indians for the
last time on the waters of the Platte River, and in the
region of the Black Hills. On the return of the Commis
sion to St. Louis, General Harney was given carte blanche
authority to make some purchases of goods for the Indians,
and in the absence of special instructions from Washington
he proceeded to make out an inventory of goods, such as
he had decided the Indians required, and made the pur
chases, amounting to near ;g 1,000,000, and sent them away.

438 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
The authorities at Washington, knowing the honor and
good judgment of General Harney, approved of his work
and paid the bills.
While in councH at the Platte bridge, an incident of note
. occurred. Without any reference to the deliberations, an
elderly Indian woman passed the crowd, and on reaching
General Harney, took him by the hand, and shook it freely,
and said to the General, "You -were a friend of my father."
The General was unable to identify her, but received her
greetings with satisfaction. Meanwhile the entire proceed
ings of the Commission ceased until the meeting of the
old war chief and the old Indian matron ended.
RELIGION, TRADITIONS, POETRY.
It has been said that man, when he first distinguished
himself from the animal, was religious ; that is to say, he saw
something beyond reality, and for himself something be
yond death. This feeling, for thousands of years, wan
dered about in the. strangest way. With many races it
never went beyond a belief in sorceries, in the crude form
in which we still find it in certain parts of Oceanica. With
some the religious sentiment culminated in the shameful
scenes of butchery which characterized the ancient religion
in Mexico ; with others, especially in Africa, it reached
pure fetishism, or the adoration of a natural object to which
were attributed supernatural powers. The religions of
Babylonia and Syria never extricated themselves from a
basis of amazing sensuality. The first intentions of the
Indo-European race were essentially naturalistic, but it was
a deep moral naturalism, a loving embrace of nature by
man, a delicious poetry full of the feeling of the Infinite,
the principle of all that German and Celtic genius, of what
a Shakespeare, of what a -Goethe was afterwards to ex
press. The Greek attempt at reform did not suffice to give
solid aliment to souls. Persia alone succeeded in forming
a religion almost monotheistic, and wisely organized, but

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 439
Persia did not convert the world. She was, on the con
trary, converted on her frontiers to the banner of divine
unity proclaimed by Islam. Far beyond the confines of
history, under his tent, remaining pure from the disorders
of a world already corrupt, the Bedouin patriarch prepared
the faith of the world.
When we come to try the North American Indian by our
own high standard, we find that he had made religious ad
vances that surprise us. He had almost succeeded in
shaking off all grossness and sensuality, and worshiped
his one Great Spirit as a benignant and all-powerful
creator. When the Christian scheme was unfolded before
him, he embraced Christianity with childlike purity and
trust. Had it not been for the rapid settlement of this
country by the whites, it is quite possible that they might,
as a race, have become converted to Christianity, and
slowly passed from the barbarous to the pastoral state, and
eventually have become an agricultural and civilized
Christian people. HIAWATHA.
The distinctive characteristics of Indian thought present
themselves in all their purity and strength in the legend of
Hiawatha. He was to the Six Nations what Moses was to
the Jews, or Confucius to the Chinese. He may even have
lived before the time of Moses and been a contemporary of
Sanconiathon. The tradition, which was strong and clear-
cut, was gJfoered from the verbal narrations of Abraham
Le Fort, an Onandaga chief, who was a graduate of Geneva
College, as follows :
Tarenyawago taught the Six Nations arts and knowl
edge. He had a canoe which would move without pad
dles. It was only necessary to will it to compel it to go.
He taught the people to raise corn and beans, removed
obstructions from their water courses, and made their fish
ing grounds clear. He helped them to get the mastery

440 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
over the great monsters which overran the country, and so
prepared the forests for the hunters. His wisdom was as
great as his power, and the people listened to him with
admiration and followed his advice gladly. There was
nothing in which he did not excel good hunters, brave war
riors and eloquent orators.
He gave them wise instruction for observing the laws
and maxims of the Great Spirit. Having done these things,
he laid aside the high powers of his public mission and re
solved to set them an example of how they should live.
For this purpose he selected a beautiful spot on the shore
of a small lake, which is still called Tioto (Cross Lake).
Here he erected his lodge, planted his field of corn, kept
by him his magic canoe, and selected a wife.
In relinquishing his former position as a subordinate
power to the Great Spirit, he also dropped his name and
took that of Hiawatha, meaning a person of very great
wisdom, which the people spontaneously bestowed upon
him. When Hiawatha assumed the duties of an individual at
Tioto, he drew out of the water his beautiful talismanic
canoe, which he never used except on journeys to attend
the general councils. He had been elected to become a
member of the Onondaga tribe, and chose the residence of
this people in their fruitful valley.
After the termination of his higher mission from above,
years passed away in prosperity, and the Onondagas as
sumed an elevated rank for their wisdom and learing among
the other tribes, and there was not one of these that did
not yield its assent to their high privilege of lighting the
general council fire.
Suddenly there arose a great alarm at the invasion of a
ferocious band of warriors from north of the Great Lakes.
As they advanced an indiscriminate slaughter was made of
men, women and children. Destruction threatened to be
alike the fate of those who boldly resisted or quietly sub-

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 44I
mitted. The public alarm was extreme. Hiawatha ad
vised them not to waste their efforts in a desultory manner,
but to call a general council of all the tribes that could be
gathered together from the east to the west, and he ap
pointed the meeting to take place on the banks of the
Onondaga Lake.
Accordingly all the chief men assembled at this spot.
The occasion brought together vast multitudes of men,
women and children, for there was an expectation of some
great deliverance. Three days had already elapsed, and
.there began to be a general anxiety lest Hiawatha should
not arrive. Messengers were despatched for him to Tioto,
who found him in a pensive mood, to whom he communi
cated his strong presentiments that evil betided his attend
ance. These were overruled by the strong representations
of the messengers, and he again put his wonderful vessel in
its element, and set out for the council, taking his only
daughter with him. She timidly took her seat in the stern
with a light paddle, to give direction to the vessel ; for the
strength of the current of the Seneca River was sufficient
to give velocity to the motion till arriving at So-ha-hi, the
Onondaga outlet. At this point the powerful exertions of
the aged chief were required till they entered on the bright
bosom of the Onondaga.
The grand council that was to avert the threatened dan
ger, was quickly in sight, and sent up shouts of welcome
as the venerated man approached and landed in front of
the assemblage. An ascent led up the banks of the lake
to the place occupied by the councH. As he walked up
this, a loud sound was hetfrd in the air above, as if caused
by some rushing current of wind. Instantly the eyes of all
' were directed upward to the sky, where a spot of matter
was discovered descending rapidly, and every instant en
larging in its size and velocity. Terror and alarm were the
first impulses, for it appeared to be descending into their
midst, and they scattered in confusion.

442 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Hiawatha, as soon as he had gained the eminence, stood
still, and. caused his daughter to do the same; deeming it
cowardly to fly, artd impossible, if it were attempted, to
divert the designs of the Great Spirit.
The descending object had now assumed a more definite
aspect, and as it came do .vn, revealed the shape of a gigan
tic white bird, with wide, extended and pointed wings,
which came down swifter and swifter, with a mighty swoop,
and crushed the girl to the earth. Not a muscle was
moved in the face of Hiawatha. His daughter lay dead
before him, but the great and mysterious white bird was
also destroyed by the shock. Such had been the violence
of the concussion, that it had completely buried its beak
and head in the ground. But the most wonderful sight was
the carcass of the prostrated bird, which was covered with
beautiful plumes of snow-white, shining feathers. Each
warrior stepped up and decorated himself with a plume.
And hence it became a custom to assume this kind of
feathers on the war-path. Succeeding generations substi
tuted the plumes of the white heron, which led this bird to
be greatly esteemed.
But yet a greater wonder ensued. On removing the
carcass of the bird, not a human trace could be discovered
of the daughter ; she had completely vanished. At this
the father was greatly afflicted in spirit, and disconsolate,
but he roused himself,, as from a lethargy, and walked to
the head of the council with a dignified air, covered with
a simple robe of wolf-skins; taking his seat with the chief
warriors and counsellors, and listening with attentive
gravity to the plans of the different speakers. One day
was given to these discussions; on the next day he arose
and said : " My friends and brothers : You are members of •
many tribes, and have come from a great distance. We
have met to promote the common interest, and our safety.
How shall it be accomplished ? To oppose these Northern
hordes in tribes singly, while we are at variance often with

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 443
each other, is impossible. By uniting in a common band
of brotherhood, we may hope to succeed. Let this be
done, and we shall drive the enemy from our land. Listen
to me, my tribes.
" You (the Mohawks), who are sitting under the shadow
of the Great Tree, whose roots sink deep in the earth, and
whose branches spread wide around, shall be the first
nation because you are warlike and mighty.
" You (the Oneidas), who recline your bodies against the
everlasting stone that cannot be moved, shall be the second
nation, because you always give wise counsel.
" You (the Onondagas), who have your habitation at the
foot of the great hills, and are overshadowed by their crags,
shall be the third nation, because you are all greatly gifted
in speech.
" You (the Senecas), whose dwelling is in the Dark
Forest, and whose home is everywhere, shall be the fourth
nation, because of your superior cunning in hunting.
" And you (the Cayugas), the people who live in the open
country, and possess much wisdom, shall be the fifth
nation, because you understand better the art of raising
corn and beans, and making houses,
" Unite, you five nations, and have one common interest,
and no foe shall disturb or subdue you. You, the people
who are as the feeble bushes, and you, who are a fishing
people, may place yourselves under our protection, and we
will defend you. And you, of the South and of the West,
may do the same, and we will protect you. We earnestly
desire the alliance and friendship of you all.
" Brothers, if we unite in this great bond, the Great
Spirit will smHe upon us, and we shaH be free, prosperous
and happy. But if we remain as we are, we shall be sub
ject to his frown. We shall be enslaved, ruined, perhaps
annihHated. We may perish under the war-storm, and our
names be no longer remembered by good men, nor be
repeated in the dance song.

444 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
" Brothers, these are the words of Hiawatha. I have
said it. I am done."
The next day the plan of union was again considered,
and adopted by the council. Conceiving this to be the ac
complishment of his mission to the Iroquois, the tutelar
patron of this rising confederacy addressed them in a
speech, elaborate with wise counsels, and then announced
his withdrawal to the skies. At its conclusion he went
down to the shore, and assumed his seat in his mystical
vessel. Sweet music was heard in the air at the same mo
ment, and its cadence floated in the ears of the wondering
multitude ; it rose in the air, higher and higher till it van
ished from the sight, and disappeared in the celestial
regions inhabited only by Owayneo and his hosts.
This story of the origin and mission of Hiawatha may
be regarded as one of the most beautiful narratives to be
found in pre-historic romance ; and it is a matter of no
little concern to the American people that the greatest part
of the new world has regaled this story with more classic
beauty and lifted it to a higher place in literature than was
ever given to Grecian, Roman or Icelandic mythology.
And if we are to believe the tradition, the mission of
Hiawatha was more important, of wider range, of more
varied use, than ever before discharged by Egyptian, Per
sian, Jewish, Grecian or Roman teacher or benefactor, and
when contrasted with these, well may the savage hunter,
taught by Hiawatha, say, in reference to the life of the pale
faces : " I hate these classic walls,
I hate the Grecian poet's song."
The departure of Hiawatha from his people, after having
filled so important a mission, is so full of suggestion and
thought for civilized man, that we give place to Long
fellow to describe this great event :

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 445.
" Forth into the village went he,
Bade farewell to all the warriors.
Bade farewell to all the young men.
Spake persuading, spake in this wise :
' I am going, O my people.
On a long and distant journey ;
Many moons and many winters
Will have come, and will have vanished.
Ere I come again to see you.
But my guests I leave behind me ;
Listen to their words of wisdom.
Listen to the truth they tell you.
For the Master of Life has sent them
From the land of light and morning ! '
On the shore stood Hiawatha,
Turned and waved his hand at parting ;
On the clear and luminous water
Launched his birch canoe for sailing.
From the pebbles of the margin
Shoved it forth into the water ;
Whispered to it, ' Westward ! westward ! '
And with speed it darted forward.
And the evening sun descending
Set the clouds on fire with redness.
Burned the broad sky, like a prairie.
Left upon the level water
One long track and trail of splendor,
Down whose stream, as down a river.
Westward, westward Hiawatha
Sailed into the fiery sunset.
Sailed into the purple vapors.
Sailed into the dusk of evening.
And the people from the margin
Watched him floating, rising, sinking.
Till the birch canoe seemed lifted
High into that sea of splendor.
Till it sank into the vapors
Like the new moon slowly, slowly
Sinking in the purple distance. "
Hiawatha had finished his work among his people below,
and henceforth there was for him a crown laid up in the
island of the blessed, the legend of which follows.
Where do we find among savages a more beautiful and
pure-minded allegory than in the legend of

446 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
THE ISLAND OF THE BLESSED; OR THE HUNTEr's DREAM?
There was once a beautiful girl, who died suddenly on
the day she was to have been married to a handsome young
hunter. He had also proved his bravery in war, so that he
enjoyed the praises of his tribe, but his heart was not proof
against this loss. From the hour she was buried there was
no more joy or peace for him. He went often to visit the
spot where her people had buried her, and sat musing
there when it was thought by some of his friends he would
have done better to have tried to amuse himself in the
chase or diverted himself in the war-path. But war and
hunting had lost their charms for him. His heart was
already dead. He wholly neglected both his war-clubs and
his bows and arrows.
He had heard old people say there was a path that led
to the land of souls, and he determined to follow it. He
set out one morning, after making preparations for his jour
ney, and being guided by tradition solely, knew that he
must go south. For a time he could see no change in the
face of the country. Forests and streams and valleys had
the same look that they wore in his native place. There
was snow on the ground when he set out, and it was some
times seen to be piled and matted on the thick trees and
bushes. At length it began to diminish, and as he walked
on finally disappeared. The forest assumed a more cheer
ful appearance, the leaves put forth their buds, and before
he was aware of the completeness of the change he found
he had left behind him the land of snow and ice. The air
became pure and mild, the dark clouds roHed away from
the sky, a pure field of blue was above him, and as he went
forward on his journey he saw flowers beside his path and
heard the song of birds. By these signs he knew that he
was going the right way, for they agreed with the tradi
tions of his tribe. At length he spied a path. It took him
through a grove and then up a long and elevated ridge, on

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 447
the very top of which he came to a lodge. At the door
stood an old man with white hair, whose eyes, though
deeply sunk, had a fiery brilliancy. He had a long roll of
skins thrown over his shoulders and a staff in his hands.
The young man began to tell his story, but the venerable
chief arrested him before he had proceeded to speak ten
words. " I have expected you," he replied, " and had
just risen to welcome you to my abode. She whom you
seek passed here but a short time since, and, being fatigued
with her journey, rested herself here. Enter my lodge and
be seated, and I will then satisfy your inquiries and give
you directions for your journey from this point." Having
done this, and refreshed himself by rest, they both issued
forth from the lodge door. " You see yonder gulf," said
the old man, " and a wide stretching plain beyond : it is
the land of souls. You stand upon its borders, and my
lodge is the gate of entrance. But you cannot take your
body along. Leave it here with your bow and arrows,
your bundle and your dog. You will find them safe on
your return." So saying, he re-entered the lodge, and the
freed traveler bounded forward as if his feet had suddenly
been endowed with the power of wings. But all things
retained their natural colors and shapes. The woods and
trees and leaves, and streams and lakes, were only more
bright and comely than he had ever witnessed. Animals
bounded across his path with a freedom and confidence
that seemed to tell him there was no blood shed there.
Birds of beautful plumage inhabited the groves and sported
in the waters. There was but one thing in which he saw a
very unusual effect. He noticed that his passage was not
stopped by trees or other objects. He seemed to walk
directly through them. They were in fact but the images
or shadows of material forms. He became sensible that he
was in the land of souls.
When he had traveled half a day's journey through a
country which was continually becoming more attractive.

448 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
he came to the banks of a broad lake in which was a large
and beautiful island. He found a canoe of white shining
stone tied to the shore. He was now sure he had come to
the right path, for the aged man told him of this. There
were also shining paddles. He immediately entered the
canoe and took the paddles in his hands, when, to his joy
and surprise, on turning around, he beheld the object of his
search in another canoe, exactly its counterpart in every
thing. It seemed to be the shadow of his own. She had
exactly imitated his motions, and they were side by side.
They at once pushed out from the shore and began to cross
the lake. Its waves seemed to be rising, and at a distance
looked ready to swallow them up, but just as they en
tered the whitened edge of them they seemed to melt
away as if they were but the images of waves. But no
sooner was one wreath of foam passed than another, more
threatening still, rose up. Thus they were in perpetual
fear, but what added to it was the clearness of the water
through which they could see heaps of the bones of beings
who had perished before.
The Master of Life had, however, decreed to let them
pass, for the thoughts and acts of neither of them had
been bad. But they saw many others struggling and sink
ing in the waves. Old men and young men, males and
females of all ages and ranks were there ; some passed and
some sank. It was only the little children whose canoes
seemed to meet no waves. At length every difficulty was
gone as in a moment, and they both leaped out on the
happy island. They felt that the very air was food. It
strengthened and nourished them. They wandered to
gether over the blissful fields, where everything was formed
to please the eye and the ear. There were no tempests,
there was no ice nor chilly winds, no one shivered for the
want of warm clothes, no one suffered from hunger, no one
mourned for the dead. They saw no graves, they heard of
no wars. Animals ran freely about, for there was no blood.

THE AMERICAN INDIAN. 449
spilled in hunting them, for the air itself nourished them.
Gladly would the young warrior have remained there for
ever, but he was obliged to go back for his body. He did
not see the Master of Life, but he heard a voice, as if it
were a soft breeze. " Go back," said the voice, "to the
land whence you came. Your time has not yet come. The
duties for which I made you, and which you are to per
form, are not yet finished. Return to your people and
accomplish the acts of a good man. You will be the ruler
of your tribe for many days. The rules you are to observe
will be told you by my messenger, who keeps the gate ;
when he surrenders back your body, he will tell you what
to do. Listen to him and you shall afterwards rejoin the
spirit you have followed, but whom you must now leave
behind. She is accepted and will be ever here as young
and as happy as she was when I first called her from the
land of snows." When this voice ceased the narrator
awoke. It was the fancy-work of a dream, and he was
still in the bitter land of snows and hunger, death and
tears.

20

CHAPTER XVIIL
RECOLLECTIONS, CONCLUSIONS, AND INCIDENTS.
^ ENERAL HARNEY is one of the most conspicuous,
I -|- as he is also one of the most interesting monuments
^A of the mHitary history of our country during the first
half of the nineteenth century. His military life began at
a time when daring pirates infested the waters about the
mouth of the Mississippi, when the peninsula of Florida
was still a Spanish possession, and when civilization was
struggling against barbarism, far to the eastward of the
great river. At .the Centennial anniversary of American
Independence, the military achieveinents of our citizens
may properly and naturally be divided into three periods,
each distinctly marked, and each guided by men of dif
ferent schools of thought and of action. The first period,
which covers the Revolution and the subsequent struggle
which the initial force of its policy led up to, was con
trolled by men collected from all nations, and from every
avocation. A great idea had but one field upon which it
could find a satisfactory solution, and the genius of the
world was collected upon our shores to give embodiment
to the darling hope of centuries. All were earnest, most
were heroic ; yet they became congruous only through the
unity of a thought to which recorded history has furnished
no parallel. They were all patriots, and some of them were
soldiers. They organized such forces as they could com
mand, and our Republic was the fruit of their devotion.
On occasions when their skiH might have been questioned,
the purity of their motives silenced all criticism. Their
services have crystallized into history, which it is our most
pleasant duty to preserve and honor.
450

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 45 I
In the second period, our military operations were di
rected by professional soldiers. The early heroes, profiting
by their own experience and the teachings of history, were
the founders of a system under which the flower of the
youth of the Republic were educated to the profession of
arms. The system was one which all human experience
approved, and one for which no adequate substitute can
ever be devised. It gave to the nation a body of officers
skilled in the science and art of war, whose habits of
thought, accuracy of judgment, and promptness of action,
made them in a very considerable measure the counsellors
of statesmen, as they were also the custodians of the na
tional honor. Entirely divorced from the operations of
trade and the machinery of politics by their education,
their life and their ambitions, their judgment was not warped
by any of the considerations which are so potent in civil
life. Beneath each uniform was the heart of a paladin in
action, of an unselfish intelligence in council. To the sys
tem rather than the individuals that composed it, are to be
attributed the peculiarities presented by its members.
These are the men who in our army and navy carried
the flag of the nation with honor ; who in general applied,
when they did not direct, the policy of our intercourse with
the nations of the old world, and our neighbors in this.
They were frequently called upon to decide nice questions
of diplomacy and international law, in situations where
blunders would have magnified into crimes; yet the uni
formly high character of those decisions is a proper sub
ject for national pride. Our intercourse with the Indians,
whether friendly or hostile, was almost entirely in their
hands ; and when exceptionally not so, it was a matter of
regret. They faced the brave aborigines of North America
for half a century — a people of keen discernment and the
highest genius for war that has been developed by any
native race in the world. Using force with prudence, yet
preferring conciliation when it did not conflict with justice.

452 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
they commanded the respect and admiration of their ene
mies, as well as of their own people. Their picket line on
the frontier was the protection of civilization against the
vengeance of the Indians and the rapacity of the Mexicans.
This, the second period of our military history, may be
said to have ended with the opening of the civil war. New
men, with questionable claims to preferment, were placed
in command of men, simply because armies were too-
numerous to be officered by professional soldiers. Politics
and intrigue united also with military reasons in shaping a
military policy. Armies were formed in which men and
officers were equally ignorant of the business of war, and
it took time to acquire that discipline which alone can make
valor formidable to civilized man.
It is with the second of these periods that General Har
ney is identified. For nearly half a century he wore his
country's uniform, and through all bore himself with
dignity and distinguished honor and ability. His record
has already passed into history with the period to which it
belongs, and is now, so far as it goes, secure from the dan
ger of being misunderstood. \
The long and active life which he has led has brought
him into more or less intimate association with many of the
most brilliant and distinguished men and women of Amer
ica and Europe, and the recollections of these associations
furnish a pleasing solace to the meditation of the veteran
soldier. He began camp life with Jackson and Jesup for
his earliest friends. Jackson was then at the height of his
splendid mHitary fame, and was interested and pleased with
the dash and enthusiasm of his favorite protege, whom he
had known from his childhood. Harney in turn recipro
cated the friendship and love of his patron, and looked up
to him as a model for emulation.
General Jesup, who had been struck by the soldieriy
bearing of the youth, and who had procured his commis
sion for him without solicitation and while he was on a

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 453
visit at Baton Rouge, was also an object of his sincere
attachment. A few years later when the two faced com
mon dangers in the everglades and swamps of Florida,
where savage foes lurked in every thicket, and where many
bloody battles were fought, this attachment grew stronger,
and still remains undimmed in General Harney's breast.
General Gaines, who was a professional soldier before this
century commenced, and a man who won every step of his
promotion, was one of his friends, and he served in the
military family of that officer as an aid-de-camp for some
time. The relations between Harney and General Har
rison were also of the most intimate character. Although
the relations between Harney and General Scott never
partook of personal regard and were sometimes marked by
bitterness, General Scott often committed to his charge
some of the most important duties on the battle-field, and
promptly recognized his services in a public manner. On
the other hand. General Harney, waiving all questions of
personal matters, was ever outspoken in bearing testimony
to the high soldierly qualities and abilities of Scott.
He and Taylor were good friends. In 1821 he met La
fitte in New Orleans. Although there was no personal
acquaintance, they had learned to know each other, and
the amnested freebooter was perfectly aware that Harney
had dealt him a hard blow in capturing some vessels be
longing to his men. On passing in the streets in New Or
leans, they would eye each other, and sometimes, when at
a distance, would be seen to turn and look back. There
was manifestly a spirit of jealousy between the two, and
something of a feeling of regret that hostilities were closed;
something, too, of that rivalry and pride with which two
mastiffs survey each other when they rush to the contest
for supremacy. The ex-pirate chief was a hero among his
friends, who thought his record a worthy, as well as a
heroic one. When at this distance we look back calmly
on Lafitte's career and strip it as well as we can from the

454 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Stigma cast upon it by enemies, and the false coloring of
friends, and consider the chaotic condition of nationah-
ties on this continent and the fashion for privateering,
which, in many cases, was scarcely to be distinguished even
by courtly eyes from piracy, we see that the odium heaped
upon Lafitte is not deserved. His virtues were at least
equal to his crimes, if such they were ; his faults were those
of that age, and were not as debasing as rigid moralists
would now have us believe. His family had suffered se
verely from the cruelty and rapacity of Spanish power and
Spanish rule. He was a Frenchman, and Spain was his
personal enemy, made so by persecutions of his family,
which he resolved in early life to resent in his manhood.
It is true that he made American wafers and American soH
a place of refuge and a vantage ground from which to
strike his heaviest blows and to satisfy his unquenchable
hatred, yet by his friends he is said tq have possessed the
devotion of the patriot, the ardor of the warrior, the fidelity
of the friend, the loyalty and truth of the man of honor.
Another man who was a warm friend of Harney, and
with whom he was for a time associated in his dealings with
the Indians, was that distinguished divine. Rev. P. J.
De Smet, S. J. Father De Smet commanded more respect
and love among the Indians than any other divine of this
century. His labors had been constant and extended
among them, and he spoke their various dialects with facility.
He was with them in their daily life, and had shared their
privations and their joys. They looked up to him as a
friend and benefactor, and he sought their good by every
means which his superior learning and knowledge of the
world made available. Long before General Harney made
his expedition to the Black Hills Father De Smet had lived
there with the Indians. On one occasion while there an
incident occurred which displayed the Christian spirit of
the man. An Indian girl brought him a bright, yellow
pebble about the size of a quail's egg, and very heavy.

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 455
which she found in the bed of a stream, and asked him
what it was. As soon as the Father weighed it in his
hand, he said to her and a few other wonderers who stood
around, in the Sioux dialect :
" My daughters, that is the white man's money. There is nothing in this
world the white i»an loves so much as he does that ; for its possession he will
go on long journeys, where his feet have never trod before ; he will be brave,
and risk his life for it ; no dangers will stop him from going where he thinks it
can be found ; for it he makes peace and he makes war ; with it he buys every
thing he needs or desires; it brings him fine houses and horses, and all he
wishes to eat or to wear. He must never know you found this shining pebble
here ; you must never tell where or how you got it. If you do the white man
will hear of it, and they will come in like the grasshopper clouds, and take
your beautiful country from you."
This is the utterance of a man who, born a nobleman in
the land where wealth and honors are coveted, he had
abandoned the honors and fortune of his inheritance, and
with the cross and without scrip had directed his steps to
the new world to devote his life to the cause of the Indians
on two continents. And be it said to the lasting honor of
this man, that the purity of his character, his unselfish de
votion to his philanthropic convictions, and the religious
life he led, had made the black gown and the cross the
shield of his life among savage tribes.
Of the many scholars, travelers, writers, celebrities and
eminent men whom General Harney has freely met and
whose friendship he has enjoyed may be enumerated as a
part, Henry Schoolcraft, the Duke of Saxe- Weimar, George
Catlin, the son of Audubon the naturalist, BonneviHe, Gil
pin, Kit Carson, all explorers and frontiersmen and the
ornament of the society of every section. Among his
friends were the wife and the son of Alexander Hamilton,
of whom he speaks with great admiration and regard, both
for -their personal qualities and the associations that chng
around " the principal and most confidential aid of Wash
ington. "
The trusted chieftain always stands close to the execu-

45 6 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
tive head of the government, and General Harney has been
the friend and adviser of every President, from Monroe
down, through his public life. President Pierce trusted
him as he trusted no other soldier. In another phase of
public life he mentions with respect and kindness Greeley
and Sumner, and Butler and Banks, Lincoln and Jefferson
Davis, Senators Benton and Linn, of Missouri, Sam Hous
ton and Davy Crockett, and Cassius M. Clay. These are
but a few of the many public men who treated him with
courtesy, honored his judgment, and held him in high
esteem. Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis are spoken
of by him with great regard, as being friends of his early
and of his later life.
In Cuba he met and became acquainted with Fanny
Ellsler, the celebrated French dancer, and renewed that
acquaintance in New York City. The friendship was wo
ven between the two, and the admiration reciprocal. Cora
Montgomery, a writer of considerable talents and the au
thor of several books, the most quoted of which is " The
Queen of Islands and the King of Rivers," was a lady
whose society he enjoyed in Florida. Madame Octavia
LeVert, a lady whose talents and charms are known to a
large portion of the American people, and whose personal
recoHections were varied and romantic, was one of his
staunch friends and admirers.
In the wanderings and vicissitudes of a long hfe, the rec
oHections of chHdhood stiH remain as the freshest spots to
which the memory reverts, and neither weary years nor
the fragHity of human things can so becloud the mind or
weaken the sensibilities as to take away the fond recollec
tions of youth when green pastures, running brooks and
school-boy days come and go hke phantom moments in
the life of the pioneer boy. Of those who were kindred
and friends of General Harney in his youth, but one
who grew up side by side with General Harney, still re
mains on this side of the eternal worid. General E. G. W.

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 457
Butler remains a bright connecting link between the pres
ent and the past, and furnishes some recollections that none
other could give; 1529 Lucas Place,
St. Louis, May 20, 1878.
My Dear Sir:
Your note has just been handed to me, and I proceed to reply to it, in com
pliance with your request, and according to my understanding of its interest
and meaning.
Tho' previously acquainted. General Harney and myself were brought to
gether as inmates of the family and students under the late learned and Rev.
Thomas Craighead, a Scotch Divine, and brotlier-in-law of Hon. James Brown,
Senator from Louisiana, apd Dr. Sam Brown, of Kentucky ; where we remained
till my departure for West Point, in the autumn of 1816. He was a warm
hearted, brave, impulsive, generous and affectionate boy, and devoted friend ;
and his after distinguished military career is but the sequel of such honorable
characteristics. His father resided in the immediate neighborhoL .. of
ParsDn Craighead; and I, (then the ward of Andrew Jackson, having lost my
gallant father when only three years of age), passed much of my time at the
" Hei-mitage," three or four miles away. During my absence at West Point,
Harney was appointed a Second Lieutenant in the ist regiment of infantry,
and a year after my graduation at the Military Academy, in 1821, I found him
at Baton Rouge.
As the last paragraph of your letter seems to have reference to myself, I will
remark that I was born at Tellico, a. military station on Hiawassee River, in
East Tennessee, then commanded by my father, on the 22nd of February, 1800.
My grandfather, Thomas Butler, an officer in the British array, having been
implicated in revolutionary movements in Ireland, resigned and removed with
his wife and three sons (Richard, WiUiam and Thomas), to Carlisle, in Penn
sylvania, in 1748, where Pierce and Edward, the other two of "the five Revo
lutionary Butler Brothers," as they were termed, were born. They were Major
General Richard, commander of the "Rifles" during the Revolution, and
killed at "St. Clair's Defeat," 4th November, 1791 ; and Colonels WiUiam,
Thomas, Pierce and Edward, the latter Adjutant General of the Army, in 1796,
under Major General Wayne, and my father.
My grandfather was descended from the "Danboyne" branch of the Irish
Butlers, originally Fitzwalters, from Normandy ; in addition to which those are
now extant, the Houses of Onuoude, Carrick, Lanesboro, St. Mountgaust, and
others extinct or in abeyance. My mother was IsabeUa Fowler, daughter of
George Fowler, Captain of British Grenadiers, who led the British "Forlorn
Hope" at Bunker HiU, for which "desperate gallantry" Major General Sir
Richard Pigott presented him- on the field the Grenadier's Cap, now in my
possession, of crimson velvet, with the British Crown and Royal Cipher C. R. ;
the white Saxon horse, and motto of the Royal Hauddecaa Guelphie Order:
"nee aspera terrant." The extract from General LuUane's "History of the
West Point Graduates" will give you an idea of my military record, and my
civil one covers too much space for your present purpose ; but, being written

458 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
out, you may possibly think it worth your notice in future. 'Were you to see
the letters now on my table, and in my trunks and drawers, you would imagine
it would confuse a nearly blind man to attempt to quote from them.
My gifted and illustrious wife, who died at Pass Christain, Mississippi, June
30th, 1875, was born at Mount 'Vernon, November 27, 1799, seventeen days
before the death, of 'Washington. Her father, Lawrence Lewis, was the son of
the General's only sister, Elizabeth, who married Fielding Lewis; and her
mother, Eleanor Parke Custis, was the daughter of John Parke Custis, son of
Mrs. Washington, by the first husband, Daniel Parke Custis; and her mother
was Jul'a Calvert, granddaughter of Lord Baltimore.
When she died, Mrs. Butler was the nearest living relative of Washington,
and in common with Mrs. Commodore Newman and George Washington
Peter, of Maryland, she was the nearest living relative of Mrs.' Washington.
A most remarkable pedigree !
My noble and beautiful daughter died in New Orleans, September 16, 1876,
leaving me alone with my only living son and child. Major Lawrence Lewis
Butler, of this place.
God has dealt harshly with me ; but a distinguished friend writes to me :
"I envy you, my dear sir, your cheerful fortitude and the brave unconcern
with which you face all the batteries of life."
With best wishes, Faithfully yours,
E. G. W. BUTLER.
L. U. Reavis, Esq., St. Louis, Mo.
General Harney also counts among his warm and life
long friends, Mrs. Myra Clark Gaines, a modern Minerva.
The records of the United States Supreme Court bear con
spicuous evidence of her pertinacity, perseverance, and
ability, while her feminine delicacy and generosity, and the
unostentatious contribution of charities, add lustre to her
personal excellences. She is in truth a historic woman ;
the daughter of Daniel Clark, an Irish nobleman, who came
to this country in the latter part of the last century. She
was born in 1807, in New Orieans. Her last marriage was
to General Gaines, a warm personal friend of General Har
ney. General Gaines possessed the highest excellencies
of a friend and a husband, and deeply sympathizing with
Miss Myra Clark, in her efforts to get possession of her
father's property, a marriage was consummated, and Gen
eral Gaines placed ^100,000 at her disposal to prosecute
her claims and establish her title to her father's estates.

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 459
Of the many noted Indian chiefs known and esteemed
by General Harney, in years gone by, Osceola and Keokuk
were most admired by him. He regarded Osceola as a gal
lant, daring, scheming, able and efficient leader, one worthy
to be an opponent. This was an estimate of Osceola quite
different to that usually made by writers.
Keokuk was, in the highest degree, a fine specimen of
physical and intellectual manhood, and General Harney
relates with pleasure that he was the best dancer ever
known among the Indians of his day, and could only be
equaled in the dance by himself He was also companion
able in his associations, and was not behind in contributing
his share of fun when in company. Keokuk was fond of
relating, as one of his best, a story of a tribe of Indians
found at one time when on a war chase. He said they
never ate. Keokuk would tell to his hungry auditors that
this tribe would cook thin victuals and then stand over and
smell them till their hunger was gone.
INCIDENTS AND PERILS.
An interesting phase of General Harney's life is well
iHustrated by anecdotes and perHs, a few of which have
been gathered.
Beginning in 1 850, the citizens of Texas, particularly the
new settlers, were troubled, harassed and suffered a consid
erable loss of property, stock, etc., by the incursions and
raids of predatory, thieving bands of Indians, principally the
Tonquas, Lipans and northern Comanches. These tribes
were noted thieves, and stole and drove off on every possi
ble occasion large numbers of horses, mules, etc. These
thefts having been brought officially to the notice of Gen
eral Harney, then Colonel of the 2d regiment United
States dragoons and Brevet Brigadier General United
States army, commanding the Department of Texas, he
gave orders for the organization of several expeditions, the
first of which was against the Tonquas, which went out in
the latter part of 1850, under the command of Major

460 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
Sibley, 2d dragoons. The command consisted of detach
ments from three companies of dragoons and one company
of mounted rifles, now the 3d U. S. cavalry. This com
mand encountered a large force, gave them a severe licking,
killing four and wounding several, and recovered two hun
dred and forty stolen animals, which were returned to the
owners whenever found. In this engagement Lieutenant
Arthur D. Tree, 2d dragoons, was slightly wounded ; one
private of Company I, 2d dragoons, was killed by being
thrown from his horse in the charge down the ravine upon
the Indians. A large number of silver-mounted bridles
were found concealed under the blankets worn by the
squaws captured, for which the owners could not be found.
It was supposed that these bridles were stolen in Mexico,
or near the Mexican border.
In the latter part of 1850, and early in 185 1, several
smaller expeditions and scouting parties were sent out by
General Harney, which succeeded in taking several prison
ers (afterwards released), and securing considerable stolen
property. In the spring of 185 1, quite a large expedition, compris
ing two companies, A and G, 2d. dragoons, and a company
of infantry mounted, went out after the Tonquas. Major
Arnold was detailed for command, but being sick and un
able to go, Lieutenant R. I. Dodge, of the infantry, took
command. After a rapid pursuit of nine days, the Indians
were overtaken, and an engagement ensued, in which three
were kiHed, several wounded and taken prisoners ; over
two hundred horses and ponies, including ten or twelve
pack mules, were captured. The casualties of Lieutenant
Dodge's command were two men wounded, and a Delaware
Indian guide killed.
Later in 185 1, a large expedition was sent out by order
of General Harney, composed of several detachments of
cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant W. B. Hazen, of the
infantry (now Colonel and Brevet Major-General U. S. A.)

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 46 1
This force, after a long march, encountered the Lipans near
the Nueces River, and a running fight ensued for several
mHes. Three warriors were killed and several wounded:
Lieutenant Hazen was severely wounded, and had three
men wounded, one of whom died subsequently at Fort
Mason, Texas. He was shot in the breast with a flint
arrow. Over three hundred anirnals were captured. In
those days the Indians did not use rifles and ball cartridges,
which accounts for so few casualties among the troops.
Numerous small expeditions and scouting parties were,
by orders of General Harney, sent out from Forts Mason,
Chadbourne, McKarett, Terrett, Belknap, and other posts,
whenever Indian depredations were reported, from 1851 to-
1853, which met the Indians in small bodies, and from
whom was taken the animals found in their possession.
In the summer of 1854, a large expedition was sent out
by General Harney to find the northern Comanches who-
were reported in force on the North Fork of the Canadian
River, in the Wichita Mountains, Texas. This expedition
comprised all the available forces of the 2d dragoons.
General Harney's regiment, stationed at Forts Mason, Ter
rett, McKarett, Chadbourne, and Belknap, in all about
three hundred men, and a battery of mountain howitzers,.
manned by a detachment of said regiment. Captain W. I.
Newton started in command, but at Fort Terrett he went
on the sick report, when Captain Patrick Calhoun (son of
Hon. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina,) assumed com
mand. He was a brave and gallant officer and was eager
for a fight. Captain Calhoun's command did not find the
Comanches in as large force as was expected, but found a
large camp of a few Indians guarding about three hun
dred animals ; these were captured.
Scouting parties were sent out frequently after this along
the Llano, Nueces, Salado, and other rivers where the
Indians congregated up to 1855, when the regiment left
the State for Kansas and the Ash HoHow and Sioux

462 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
expedition, at which time Indian raids and depredations
were almost entirely suppressed, and the citizens of the
State had a long immunity from thefts and disorders.
The punishment of the numerous tribes in Texas and the
recovery of the large number of stolen animals, remanded
to the possession of their owners when found, was due. in
the largest measure to the zeal, energy, and promptness of
General Harney, as commander of the Department of
Texas. While he was stationed there he had the confi
dence and high regard of the citizens of the State, who
felt safe and secure while he was in command. " Harney
and his dragoons " were the terror of the red devils, who
soon found out the sort of a man they had to deal with.
As an evidence of the appreciation by the citizens of his
administration of military affairs, the authorities of San
Antonio thanked him officially, and presented Lieutenant
Hazen (for gallantry in the Lipan fight) with a fine sword.
From this time the State began to increase wonderfully in
population and importance.
Up to 1857 there was an old sergeant in the 2d dra
goons named Koconski. He had been ist sergeant of Gen
eral Harney's company when he was a Captain, and served
with him in the Florida war. Koconski had served a long
time and was very fond of his toddy, and frequently getting
tight, he was reduced to the ranks by the Captain of his
company. Captain W. I. Newton. On an occasion when a
number of privates were required to go on the General's
escort, Koconski was one of the number so detailed.
When he appeared at Austin before the General, the
latter asked him :
" Is not that sergeant Koconski ? "
" I was sergeant Koconski, sir, but the Captain, Newton,
reduced me to the ranks."
" What for ? " asked the General. .
" For getting drunk, sir," he rephed.
" WeH," said the General, "you go back and teH Captain

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 463
Newton to restore you as a sergeant A man who has
served as long as you have and done as good service as
you have, can drink as much as he wants in my regiment."
Koconski, upon returning to his company, put on his ser
geant's chevrons. When Captain Newton saw him he
asked him what he was doing with a sergeant's chevrons
on after having been reduced to the ranks. He replied :
" A d — d sight better man than you ' told me to put
them on, sir. The General, Harney, told me to put them
on, sir."
Koconski was not disturbed after that.
On one occasion, when General Harney was mustering
the companies of the regiment, he came to Company "G,"
to which Koconski belonged. The first sergeant being sick,
it devolved upon Sergeant Koconski, the senior duty ser
geant, to call the roll. While doing so, the old man's
mind seemed to wander, and he began calling a number of
names that no one present ever heard of before. The Gen
eral observing him intensely, and recognizing the names as
those belonging to his company in the Florida war, said,
" Hold on, sergeant, the men whose names you are calling
were all killed in the Florida war. They are all dead and
buried years and years ago." " Captain," said he, turning
to Captain Newton, " don't let that man do any more duty.
He has soldiered long enough. He has had his day. Let
him rest ; let him rest ! "
At Fort Mason, Texas, in 185 1, Dr. Steiner, Assistant
Surgeon U. S. A., in a personal altercation, shot and killed
Captain and Brevet Major Ripley A. Arnold. To avoid
arrest and a trial by court martial, Steiner left the post and
went to Waco Village, as it was then designated. General
Harney, in order to have Steiner court martialed, sent a
detachment of his regiment, under command of Lieutenant
Richard H. Anderson (afterwards Major General in the
Confederate army), to arrest Steiner. Steiner's friends, in
great force, with rifles, shot-guns and pistols, assembled at

464 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
his house and swore he should not be taken. Anderson,
with his small force, and himself not liking the job, failed
to arrest Steiner. When General Harney heard of Ander
son's failure, he swore he would have Steiner, and proposed
to go himself, with his entire regiment, if he could not be
taken otherwise. Before any preparations were made for a
second attempt to secure Steiner, he fled from Waco, and
could not be found. General Harney did not like Ander
son's action in the matter, and never had a good opinion of
him afterwards.
While at Austin, at the headquarters, in 1852, General
Harney had as his orderly a chief bugler of the regiment,
named Fieldstroop. The General, early one morning, found
Fieldstroop in his garden, with his shot-gun, engaged in
shooting his (the General's) fine chickens. These were of
fine breed and very valuable. Looking at Fieldstroop and
a dead chicken just shot, the General called to him :
" What are you doing shooting my chickens ? " said the
General. " Is that the way you do after I have given you
a shot-gun and bought you ammunition to kill game, you
kill my fine poultry ? "
" I didn't know they belonged to you. General," said F.
" Very well," said the General, " go and take off those
chevrons," referring to the ensignia of rank of the chief -
bugler (sergeant of the band).
" But, General, I did not intend — "
" Go and take them off," thundered the General, and
poor Fieldstroop was reduced to the ranks without cere
mony. The next day the General encountered Eugene PuHen,
a private of " G " company, on the detaH of the General's
escort. " Pullen," said he, " can you blow a bugle ? "
" No, General," said Pullen.
" Can you blow a penny whistle ? — can you blow any
thing ? "

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 465
" Yes, sir,'' said Pullen, " I can blow a whistle."
" Then," said the General, " I make you my chief bu
gler," and Pullen was promoted.
General Harney, on a certain occasion, said something
to a teamster, which he thought was rather personal, and
replied to the General that he was as good a man as he
was. " Very well," replied the General, " we will test that
proposition ; " and they began to " go for each other."
Both being powerful men, capable of giving and receiving
sturdy blows, it was rather a drawn battle. The teamster
was, however, pretty roughly handled. After they got
through the teamster said the General was a hard customer
to handle. The General told him " he was a pretty good
man after all."
In 1852, while in command in Texas, General Harney
procured for his regiment a fine quality of Mexican som
breros (wide-brimmed hats) as a protection against the hot
sun. One day, in San Antonio, he accosted a citizen
having on his head one of the hats issued to the 2d dra
goons. " Where did you get that hat? " asked the General.
" I bought it from a store," repHed the citizen.
"No, sir," said the General; "those hats belong to the
2d dragoons, my regiment, and the men don't sell them.
That hat belongs to my regiment, and if you don't return
it I wiH have you arrested for theft." The hat was turned
over. On one occasion when a detachment of his regiment was
going into a fight, they were ordered to throw away the
old, cumbersome musketoons. The men afterwards found
them charged to them on the pay roll, but General Harney
ordered that they should be condemned, and that the men
should "not be compelled to pay for them.
By order of the Secretary of War, General Harney
was directed, in 185 1, to test the merits of meat biscuit,
a sort of compound which, as stated by the inventor, was
30

466 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
a substitute for both meat and bread. It was supposed
that on account of its compressed condition large quanti
ties could be transported, sufficient for a command on long
expeditions. General Harney selected a number of officers
to go on a march and bake nothing to eat but the meat bis
cuit, in order that its merits might be fully tested. They
were positively instructed to draw no rations of any kind
from the commissary but the " biscuit," which instructions
were carried out to the letter. After a scout and march of
ten days the officers and men returned to camp with a very
poor opinion of the meat biscuit. It is sufficient to state
that the biscuit was heard of jio more in the army. The
officers did not like the General's order restricting them
from other diet, but they obeyed and came in from the
trip in a lean, hungry condition.
The life of the soldier upon the frontier is full of priva
tions and perils, and what is still harder to be borne at
times, a long monotony. Too many of the officers of the
army fall into dissipation from the very lack of something
to employ them, but in General Harney's case, his asso
ciates all bear witness to his wonderful activity and to his
abstemiousness. His love of adventure and his habit of
exploration led him into many perils and many exploits
which a more reserved or a less energetic man would have
avoided. While in Florida, he on one occasion received information
that the Indians were in force some distance down the
coast, and supposing their numbers to be small, he ordered
out boats, and with fifty-four picked men started on an
expedition down the Matanzas River. This was in Sep
tember, about the time of the equinoxial storm, and he
had only proceeded some twenty miles to a poini called
the " Haul Over," which was a narrow portage between the
Indian River and the New Smyrna, when the storm came
and compelled him to lay up with his party. This delay
exhausted their supplies, and they were driven to return to

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 467
St. Augustine for more rations. When he started he took
all the men the boats would carry, and supposed that there
were only some two or three hundred of the Indians. In
that case he would have had an adequate force, but after
his return he learned that there were several thousand, and
if the expedition had not been turned back an attack by
so small a party would have been extremely disastrous,
and perhaps resulted in the killing of the whole party.
On the return it was necessary to move, for some fifteen
or twenty miles, in the ocean to get to the mouth of the
Smyrna river. The wind shifted from the east to the
west, and, the tide running out, made a strong current off
shore and increased the hazard. Colonel Harney's boat
was in the advance and it was only when the danger was
fully encountered that it was apparent. In the rough wa
ter it was equally as hazardous to attempt to return as to
advance. While struggling against wind and tide in a
heavy sea, the boat capsized. Colonel Harney told the
men to hang to the boat; but few of them were able to do
so, and only three were eventually saved. Only one
clung to the boat. Harney himself became entangled
in a rope, and sank when the boat went over, but on extri
cating himself he came to the surface and saw the boat
some thirty yards distant. He was already much ex
hausted, and a barrel of hard-tack drifting near him, he
seized and clung to it. The men in the other boats wit
nessed the disaster from the mouth of the river, but could
render no assistance. Harnej^ was blown entirely out of
sight and was supposed by his comrades to be lost. Still
he clung to his barrel of hard-tack, which was to him a
veritable " staff of Hfe." He had been in the water over
an hour, when he felt himself exhausted and was despair
ing, feeling aH the bitterness of the brave man whose life
was that of contention upon the land, and who was now
about to be swaHowed up by the sea.
In this situation the words of Solomon went through his

468 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
mind : " Bone for bone, and skin for skin. Yea, all that a
man hath wiH he give for his life." But the fates had of
fered him no alternative. He said his prayers, and with
the madness of despair and exhaustion pushed the barrel
from him and resigned himself to the sea. To his surprise
his foot struck the bottom before his head went under, and
hope revived in his breast. He was a good swimmer, and
he now had an incentive to exertion. After a long strug
gle, which tested even his wonderful powers of endurance,.
he reached the shore and carried joy to the hearts of his.
comrades, after having been in the water for an hour and
three-quarters. Another watery peril was encountered at Cape May,
where he had gone with his family to have some recrea
tion at a time when his children were at school at St.
Mary's convent in Maryland. While there a party, con
sisting of himself. Miss Niles, daughter of the veteran
editor of Niles' Register, a Mr. Ayers of Philadelphia,.
and Miss Taylor, niece of General Taylor, were bathing.
They advanced some distance from the shore, all being
ignorant of the nature of the bottom. General Harney,
accompanied by Miss Niles, suddenly entered deep water.
Feeling himself careened over by the buoyancy of the
water, he seized Miss Niles, and holding her at arm's
length above the water, so increased his own weight as to
gain a firm foothold and walk back with her, at the same
time warning the others. It was only when all were safe
that the ladies learned of the great danger they had
escaped. This incident well illustrates his . presence of
mind and prompt action in danger.
In the mHitary life of General Harney he has not only
fulfilled all the specified and well-defined duties of his posi
tion, but he has in many instances gone beyond the ordi
nary requirements to promote the interests of the people
among whom he has been stationed. His good deeds have
been impressed upon every community wherever his duty

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 469
has called him, and he is remembered with pride and grat
itude. His benevolences have been large, and the subjects
for their exercise well chosen.
As a soldier,. proud of his duty, and enthusiastic in its
discharge, he was tenacious of the privileges and honors
that he felt he had fairly won. The following communi
cation, addressed to General Scott, recounts with clear
ness his services up to that period, and gives point to the
position of affairs at that time : Austin, Texas, August i, 1852.
General :
It is one of the most invaluable privileges of every person under the protec
tion of the laws of the United States, whether he is connected with the Govern
ment by the ties of official relation or a simple citizen, whenever he deems him
self the subject of any public grievance, to present a firm but respectful peti
tion to the proper authority for a redress of his wrongs.
I trust that it will not be thought that I am presumptuous when I say that
such is now my lot. After a faithful, and I am sure I may assert without being
reproached with egotism, a useful and intelligent service, extending over a
term of thirty-five years — commencing in my boyhood and reaching beyond
the climacteric point of life ; after having passed through every grade from the
lowest known in Our army organization, to the command of a cavalry regiment,
•with the brevet of a General officer, I find myself assigned, by a late order
from the Headquarters of the Eighth Military Department, to a post to be gar-
ilsoned by one company of dragoons, and the necessary attaches of the head
quarters of a regiment. 'What command vrill I have at this post ? The paper
command of my regiment and of a garrison of a single company !
I do not mention this matter in a tone of complaint of the present distin
guished commander of the Eighth MiUtary Department.
He is a soldier of the highest merit, and a gentleman of exalted and varied
-accompUshments, adorned by the grace of simple, urbane and unaffected
manners. Under the limitations placed around him by higher authority, he was com-
peUed to assign me to some of the frontier posts, the garrison of no one of
which could exceed two companies. It was a matter of indifference so far as
command was involved, whether I went to a post occupied by one or two com
panies, and hence the order was shaped, on other accounts, so as to place me
at a one company post.
I respectfully ask whether this is a proper renumeration for the length of
•time I have served my country, the character of the services I have rendered
it, or a fit and proper command for an officer of the grade which I attained in
¦its army ? The answer to this question, I aiii constrained to believe, would be
^iven in the negative by every well-informed and unbiased man.
As I have more than once referred to my mUitary services, I wiU, that it may

470 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
be seen that I do not exaggerate their importance, present a brief outline of my
military life for the past sixteen years. I do not deem it necessary to go back
to the long years of patient toil which I passed in the frozen and trackless wilds
of the northwest, surrounded by thousands of warlike savages ; nor to refer to
the arduous and trying duty which fell to the active participants in the Indian-
troubles of 1831 and 1832 — a season when an insiduous pestilence environed
the troops with dangers a thousand fold more appalling than all the casualties
of undisciplined warfare, and before whose awful violence the stoutest all
over the land fell an easy prey, and many of the bravest hearts quailed.
I could have the history of my service from 1818 to 1836 read without any
fear that it would bring discredit on me ; but it is not necessary for the purpose
for which I write this paper to recur to a period so remote.
In the summer of 1836, the regiment of which I have the honor to be at the-
head, was formed, and in August of the same year, I was appointed its Lieu
tenant Colonel. I applied immediately to be ordered to Florida, the scene of
active hostilities, which request was granted.
Without detailing minutely all the incidents of my six years' service in the
Florida War, I will remark generally, that I was actively engaged,- with the ex
ception of two intervals, from 1836 to 1842. The absences were necessary to-
restore my health, which had been destroyed by fever brought on by exposure
to the miasmas of the hammocks.
From the moment of my entrance into Florida to the day of my departure, I
was active in season and out of season in the cause of my country. No call
ever reached me in the whole of that space — whether it came at midday or mid
night — whether it was to scour the everglades at the head of small and inade
quate commands, or to explore the dark, sinuous streams, whose basky shores
were the safe hiding place for the Seminole armed with his unerring rifle, to
which I did not yield wiUing and instant obedience. When a summons to
move came to me, I staid not to count numbers or to reckon consequences. I
only remembered that my country demanded my exertions, and that my duty
was prompt obedience.
Blessed by nature with far more than ordinary health and strength, I was
enabled to perform almost Herculean labors. My long service among the
Northwestern Indians had given me a knowledge of their habits and of wood
craft which was invaluable.
As a necessary consequence of such a course, I was engaged in more afl^airs
with the enemy, marched over a greater number of miles, explored more un
known country, was instrumental in capturing more prisoners, and was exposed
to more personal hardships and dangers than any other officer engaged in the
war. The conflicts at Fort Mellon, Jupiter, the " Hunting Grounds," the various
skirmishes in the Everglades, the perilous and laborious expeditions I made
through them, the dangerous explorations I performed of unknown streams
and lakes to gain information for the movements of the army, attest the truth
of this broad and apparently self-eulogistic assertion. A true history of the
Florida War woijld sustain the declaration, and I therefore do not hesitate ta
make it.

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 47I
Notwithstanding the service which I performed in Florida, at the close of the
war, officers who had not done one-fourth of the duty I had, were brevetted,
some even received two brevets, and others, who had not even heard a bullet
during the war, received one brevet.
At the close of the war my regiment left Florida for duty on the Western
frontier. I joined a portion of it in that region shortly afterwards, and remained
with it until the successful termination of the treaty for the annexation of
Texas required our arms in the newly gained territory. I was posted for sev
eral months after my arrival in Texas, at San Antonio, in charge of the Indian
frontier. Anterior to the declaration of war with Mexico, but when hostilities
with that republic were inevitable, I made various applications to General
Taylor to be permitted to join him ; these applications were, however, refused
on the ground that my services were necessary in the position I then occupied.
I come now to speak of a transaction which has been much misunderstood
by my military seniors, and which has therefore been the cause of serious in
jury to me. I refer to the call I made for volunteers in the summer of 1846, for
the defence of the country against the invasion of Mexican troops, believed to
be assembled in Mexico in the vicinity of Presidio de Rio Grande. This place
is on the Rio Grande, nearly due west from San Antonio, and is the point at
which a force destined against the latter, Austin, and other towns in the same
region of Texas, would most probably cross the river; many rumors had
reached me, all bearing concurrent testimony to the assemblage of a military
force on the Rio Grande, for the invasion of the district of country with whose
defence I was specially charged. I, however, did not repose entire confidence
in such reports, but, to be assured of the truth, despatched two special mes
sengers, said to be the most reliable men in the country, to Presidio de Rio
Grande. These spies returned, bringing me information that all the approaches
to the river, even the very cow-paths, were guarded, and the opposite bank
was bristling with troops. Being thus assured of the correctness of the rumors
which had been received, it was plainly my duty to prepare for the defence of
the country. I had under my immediate command three skeleton companies
of dragoons, a force entirely inadequate to meet the coming danger. No alter
native was left me but a resort to the militia of the State, and for assistance
from this force I appealed and received it.
I marched toward the Rio Grande with my entire command, first, to prevent
the enemy from crossing the river, if he had not done it, or secondly, if he had,
to meet him in the wild and uninhabited country which is found eighty or ninety
miles west of San Antonio. I was resolved to prevent, if possible, any Mexi
can forces from penetrating into the cultivated reigons commencing on the
beautiful streams some twenty-five miles west of San Antonio, and extending
eastward to the S^ibine. Had he been permitted to reach this district he could
have drawn suppUes from our very soU. My heart would have been scorched
with shame if I had beheld the footsteps of invasion blighting so fair a portion
of my country, with whose protection I was specially charged. It may. seem
absurd now to speak of invasion by a Mexican army or to fear the consequen
ces which might ensue from it. They were then, however, an almost unknown
and untried foe, and in proportion as unknown and untried, were respected.

472 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
I reported all these things to General Taylor, the senior officer in the field,
explaining fully the cause of my movements on the Rio Grande. As I did not
receive any acknowledgment from General Taylor of the reception of my report,
and as I have never seen it among the published documents relating to the
Mexican War, I am constrained to believe that the officer through whom I was
compelled to transmit it, suppressed it. He is, hence, chargeable with all the
misapprehensions and wrong which I have suffered from not having my motives
and conduct in that whole transaction properly understood.
By him I was stricken from the command, arrested and disgraced in pres
ence of the troops; and this, too, for having been too zealous in the perform
ance of what I conceived to be my duty.
I was not long detained in arrest, being released in a few days thereafter.
This, however, did not remove the sting which had been planted in my bosom,
by the attempt to insult and humiliate me in the presence of my command.
I was finally permitted to enter Mexico, and after a long and arduous march,
checkered by various vicissitudes, I found the army assembled at the mouth of
the Rio Grande, with a view to the invasion of Mexico through 'Vera Cruz.
I am now arrived at the initial point of events of so recent occurrence, and
involving so many personal feelings and unsettled points, that I would fain here
close this communication.
But justice to myself requires that I should continue the narrative yet a little
further ; I wiU, however, be as concise as possible, and treat only of matters
about which, I fancy, there can be no difference of opinion.
During the investment of "Vera Cruz, the action at MadelUn was fought and
won. You doubtlessly remember, General, that this was done entirely at my
solicitation, and that I planned and directed the entire fight from beglmiing to
end. ¦Whatever of credit is due, therefore, for this achievement is justly mine. ^
It does not become me to discuss the merits or enhance the importance of my
actions, and I leave it to you and my associates to vindicate the truth of an as
sertion which I wiU now hazard. I assert that no separate, independent action
was fought during the whole of the Mexican War, with equal importance with
that of Madellin, for which the senior officer present has not received, if of the
regular army, a brevet commission. In support of this assertion, I will remark
that every officer under me, with some two exceptions, was brevetted for their
participation in the action.
I do not think it is just to make an exception of me.
Next in order followed the battle of Cerro Gordo. Here modesty compels
ine to be silent.
In due time the army was organized in Puebla for the march into the vaUey
of Mexico, and in the assignment of command I was placed at the head of the
cavalry Ijrigade.
It is true, that from the nature of the operations in the valley, the cavalry was
not permitted to effect any brilliant achievement.'
I venture to say, however, without fear of successful contradiction, that no
force in the army was so uniformly aetive, so generally ready for aU descrip
tions of duty, or so entirely useful as the cavalry. This force constituted the

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 473
great prehensile power of the army, by which all its supplies were obtained, and
without which all movements would have been impossible.
With these remarks on the services of the troops which I commanded in the
operations around the capitol of Mexico, I take leave of the little army, whose
bright exploits on -that stage wiU live forever in memory, comfortably quartered
in this city.
Since the close of the war, has followed the dispensation of rewards and
favors and the assignments to command.
In casting about me to see what I have received and how I stand in relation
to others near me in rank, I find that I am ranked lineally and brevet by
those who have not seen half the service that I have ; and by brevet by some
who are my lineal juniors. Furthermore, these juniors have received com
mands corresponding to their brevet grades, while there seems to have been a
studied intention to deprive me of such positions and advantages as Fortune or
the accidents of the service have thrown in my path.
Those above and below me have been advanced, while I seem to have
occupied an unfortunate middle ground on which no genial showers of favor
have fallen.
Believe me. General, I do not mention these facts to reproach you, as I am
sure you have had no part nor lot in them. I am confident you .desire to see
full, ample, and even-handed justice dispensed to every officer of the army,
and that you are ever ready to exert your influence for the accomplishment of
this end.
My object in laying this paper before you, is to request your assistance, as
the head of the army, in remedying the grievance of which I complain.
I am, General, most respectfully your obedient servant,
[signed.] WILLIAM S. HARNEY,
Colonel Second Dragoons, &c.
Major General Winfield Scott,
Commander-in-Chief U. S. A., Washington City, D. C.
Note. — In speaking of my services in Florida, I have attributed great im
portance to the many difficult reconnoissances I made. The great value of a
successful exploration in Indian warfare can only be properly understood by
those well-instructed in the habits of the savages. It is often more difficult to
find them, than to beat them after they are found. Hence, the officer who can
discover the hiding places of a savage enemy, and can happily conduct his own
troops to them, is often more useful than he who exercises the chief command.
I wiU add in regard to my participation in the operations in the valley of
Mexico, that, although I was prevented by the nature of the ground or from
the limited extent of the cavalry force, from accomplishing anything briUiant,
I was under fire in every battle fought in the vaUey except Chapultepec.
So broken up was the cavalry brigade by detachments being drawn from it
for various purposes, that I absolutely commenced the pursuit of the Mexicaq^
army at Churubusco -with a corporal and six men.

474 LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
In vindication of the military services of General Har
ney in the Florida war, the foHowing letter from General
Jesup to the Hon. Lewis F. Linn, United States Senator
from Missouri, is one of the many and well deserving fugi
tive testimonials to the honor and valor of this gallant
soldier, that have been showered upon his name through
his long life : Washington City, August 2gth, 1842.
Sir : In reply to your note requesting information in regard to the merits and
services of Colonel Hamey in the Florida war, I have the honor to state that
the Colonel joined the army under my command in January, 1837. He was in
the battle of Fort Mellon in February of that year, where Colonel Fanning and
himself, with less than three hundred men, defeated upwards of four hundred
Indian warriors. In the summer and autumn of 1837, except during a short
leave of absence, he was constantly and actively engaged in the most useful
service. During that summer and autumn, though my force was small and the
Indian force comparatively large, hardly a single depredation was allowed to
be committed upon the inhabitants of the country — there were no Indian com-
fields cut up by the troops that season, it is true, for so active and energetic
were their operations that not a stalk of corn was allowed to grow anywhere
but on the farms of citizens — if we could not catch the Indians we kept them
constantly running and distant from the frontier.
In the campaign of 1837-8, Colonel Plarney was most active and flistin-
guished. He and an officer of my staff. Major Searle, in separate boats, pro-
peUed by poles and oars, explored the river St. John to the highest point of
boat navigation, through a hostile country, where they were every moment
liable to attack. The success of the campaign was believed to depend upon
the performance of that service, and hazardous as it was, it was to be per
formed. , It could not have been confided to better hands, nor have been more
ably and gaUantly executed. The battle of Locha Hatchee, fought about the
last of January, 1838, by the troops under my immediate command, and the
Indians under their chiefs, Toskegee and HaUeck Hadjo, was the last battle in
Florida where the enemy appeared in large force — all the affairs since have
been skirmishes with little parties of from five to twenty-five, or perhaps in one
instance thirty warriors. That batde \¥as as decisive as any other In our whole
Indian history— it resulted in an arrangement with the Indians by which up
wards of twelve hundred, including negroes, surrendered, of whom near four
hundred were warriors— equal to aU that has been accomplished from that time
to this moment. In that battle, as well as in the events which followed. Colonel
Harney bore a most prominent and distinguished part. At the head of a por
tion of his battaUon he was the first to cross the river under the fire of the
enemy, and had he been immediately supported, results which it required
several weeks to accomplish would doubtless have been immediate ; but at the
moment when about to enter and cross the river myself, at the head of a body
of Tennessee volunteers, I received a shot under the left eye, which produced

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 475
for the moment almost total blindness, and threw me out of action for more
than half an hour. The consequence was, the enemy, though completely
beaten, was not pursued. Colonel Harney was soon after sent into the ever
glades in pursuit of Sam Jones and Chekeka and their party. He came up with
them, fought and beat them, and I am confident would, in less than a month,
have captured or destroyed them ; but I received orders to send his corps out of
Florida, and was obUged to recall him. I was about that time recaUed myself.
The subsequent services of Colonel Harney are known to the country. The
destruction of Chekeka' s band in the everglades was one of the most impor
tant blows that has been struck since I left Florida. That was effected by the
persevering energy of Colonel Harney alone. View his whole services, from •
their commencement to their termination, and they will compare advan
tageously with those of any other officer who has served in Florida at any time ;
and if justice be done he will receive as high reward as any other. I may
have been thought remiss in not having placed more prominently before the
country the gallant and meritorious services of the officers who were associated
with me. It was my intention to do justice to aU ; and on my return I pre
sented a condensed report of my operations, intending to follow it by a report
in minute detail. But I soon discovered that I had been denounced and my
acts misrepresented in my absence, not only by a profligate press, but by dem
agogues still more profligate, who, skulking behind the ramparts of privilege,
had fulminated slanders and misrepresentations against me which they would
not have dared even to whisper had they not been shielded by the broad cur
tain of the Constitution. False issues had been made, and the public deceived
in regard to my measures. The country was in the highest state of political
excitement in consequence of the canvass then going on for the Presidency.
My condensed report was not published in more than half a dozen papers, and
was read only by my personal friends, though the army under my command
had killed and captured more Indians than the armies of Wayne and Harrison
in all their Indian campaigns. I was convinced the time had not come when
truth would be listened to — and knowing that I had performed my duty not
only faithfuUy but efficiently, and relying with perfect confidence on the ulti
mate justice of my countrymen, I determined to wait a more propitious time.
The proper time I believe has nearly arrived — the war is said to be closed —
honors are showered upon some of the actors, whilst most of those who served
with me have been overlooked. With more difficulties to surmount than aU the
other commanders together, it was my fortune to kiU and capture during the
few months of my command about double as many Indians and negroes as all
who preceded me and aU who have succeeded me up to this hour. Yet so far
as I am concerned personally, I hold in absolute contempt aU honor derived from
Indian warfare ; but the gallant men who served with me are entitled to the
benefit of the whole truth, and it shall be my business, so soon as my official
engagements' wiU permit, to place it before the Government and the country.
I have the honor, 6S:c., &c., most respectfully, &c., &c.,
[Signed] THOS. S. JESUP,
Major-General United States Army.
The Hon. L. F. Linn,
Senate of the United States, Washington City.

47^ LIFE OF GENERAL HARNEY.
In concluding, I am led to say that I am a believer in
great men — a hero worshiper if you will ; still I reverence
those who have made a fame among the world's people
through the exercise of great qualities ; those who, like
towering columns, lift themselves above the level upon
"which the mass of men stand. Whether this distinction be
won upon the battle-field or in the civic strife of legislative
halls ; whether by the man of action or the man of reflec
tion ; in the exhibition of the strong arm of power or in
statesmanlike laws for the directing and governing of the
people — I hold it to be admirable and worthy of emulation.
Patriotism, heroism and humanity constitute the trinity
•of attributes that make public life a fraternity. Without
the influence of these attributes the pious would doubt the
favor of God and the spirit of Cain pervade the world. Of
the many illustrious men whom I have met and admired,
there have been but few that I have fully trusted and
loved ; but few for whom I have felt the attractiveness of
intimacy and friendship. These I name : Richard Yates,
Horace Greeley, Charles Sumner and General William
Selby Harney, all names familiar to American history. I
knew Richard Yates for a longer period than any of the
others, and God in his bounty never more richly endowed
any man with the chief of the elements of character that
distinguish men in social and public life. Greeley and
Sumner were my friends, I admired them for purity of
life, for correctness of thought and teaching, and for their
masterful genius and ability. My acquaintance with Gen
eral Harney is of more recent date, of but few years' stand
ing. In him I have found a friend, and have never met a
man of more distinguished bearing, of more dignified and
courteous address, or a soldier whose record is . so fuH of
all that is interesting and all that is noble .and unselfish.
General Harney sprang from a line to which belongs heroic
blood. He has defended his country and my country as
most other men could not. He has perHed his life to pro-

RECOLLECTIONS AND INCIDENTS. 477"
mote the civHization and progress of the people. He has
that generous and sympathizing heart, that clear judgment,
and that promptitude of action that would distinguish him
in any station in life. He is a born leader, one of nature's
captains, whose tall plume was always to be seen in front
of the battle, and with all those elements of manhood
which, in earlier days, produced the patriarch, Avho com
bined the functions of the warrior,' the legislator and the
ruler. General Harney has met the foes of his country, civ-
lized and uncivilized, and none have stood before his
onset. He has made laws for savage tribes, and gov
erned them with justice and moderation ; he has entered
the province of diplomacy when diplomates were wanting,.
and has reached a ready solution of vexing questions ; he
has often judicially interpreted the instructions and laws
under which he was acting, and always with advantage to
the soldiers and civilians who came within the scope of his
action. Many nice questions frequently came before him
for adjustment, and it was only by clear insight into the
motives of men and by practical and not theoretical prin
ciples that he reached substantial justice. Through in
trigue and jealousy his own purity of motives and generous
spirit found a safe pathway for his o-wn line of duty, and he
steadily pursued it. In the mHitary annals of the country
he has a name which no detraction can reach. He has
achieved a reputation which no amount of envy or malice
can possibly tarnish. He may well be content. His
record is secure ; his motives cannot be questioned. A
kindly, impetuous and intrepid spirit, America has shel
tered no nobler nor more unselfish heart, no character more
worthy of her lasting honor. THE END.

YALE UNIVERSITY 1

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