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SECRET HISTORY
OE
THE COURT
OF
Barnes t&e fixxt
CONTAINXNG,
i. osborne's traditional memoirs.
II. SIR ANTHONY WELDON's COURT AND CHARACTER
OF KING- JAMES.
III. AULICUS COgUINARLE.
IV. SIR EDWARD PEYTON'S DIVINE CATASTROPHE OF
THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. WITH
NOTES AND INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. IT.

EDINBURGH :
Printed by James Ballantyne and Co.
FOR JOHN BALLANTYNE AND CO., EDINBURGH ; AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,
LONDON. 1811.

CONTENTS

VOLUME SECOND.

Head qf James the First to face the Title.

PAGE.

The Character of King James by Sir Anthony Well-
don  1
Explanation of the Frontispiece. • •  13
The Court of King Charles, continued unto the be
ginning of these unhappy Times  19
A perfect Description of the People and Country of
Scotland  75
Introduction to Aulicus Coquinariae,  91
Preface  101
Aulicus Coquinariae, or the Character of him who
satyrized King James and his Court  105
The Character. • • >-  -  • • < 293
Epitaph upon King James his Death  299

IV CONTENTS.

PEYTON. PAGE.

The Divine Catastrophe of the Kingly Family of
the House of Stuarts, by Sir Edward Peyton. • • 301
Introduction.  303
Catastrophe of the House of Stuarts.  309

THJB
CHARACTER

OF

KI1NG JAMES,

BY

SIR ANTHONY WELLDON.

This kings character is much easier to
take than his picture, for he could never
be brought to sit for the taking of that,
which is the reason of so few good peeces
of him ; * but his character was obvious to
every eye.
He was of a middle stature, more cor
pulent through his cloathes then in his
body, yet fat enough, his cloathes ever
being made large and easie, the doublets
quilted for steletto proofe, his breeches in
great pleits and full stuffed ; hee was na*
• See Ihe frontispiece and subsequent note.
VOL. II. A .

& CHARACTER OP
turally of a timorous disposition, which was
the, reason of his quilted doublets ; his eyes
large, ever rowling after any stranger that
came in his presence, insomuch, as many
for shame have left the roome, as being out
of countenance ; his beard was very thin :
his tongue too large for his mouth, which
ever made him speak ful] in the mouth,
and made him drink very uncomely, as if
eating his drink, which caine out into the
cup of each side of his mouth ; his skin
was as soft as taffeta sarsnet, which felt so,
because hee never, washt his hands, onely
rubb'd his fingers ends slightly with the
wet end of a napkin ; his legs were very
weake, having had (as was thought) some
foul play in his youth, or rather before he
was born,1 that he was not able to stand at
seven years of age, that weaknesse made,
him ever leaning on other mens shoulders ;
his walke was ever circular, his fingers ever
in that walke fidling about his cod-piece ;
* Probably alluding to the murder of Rizzio in his
mother's presence during her pregnancy.

KING JAMES." 3
he was very temperate in his exercises and
in his dyet, and not intemperate in his
drinking ; however, in his old age, Buck-
inghams joviall suppers, when he had any
turne to doe with him, made him some
times overtaken, which he would the very
next day remember and repent with tears ;
it is true he drank very often; which was
rather out of a custom than any delight,
and his drinks were ofthat kind for strength,
as frontiniack, canary, high country wine,
tent wine, and Scottish ale, that, had he not
had a very strong brain, might have daily
been overtaken, although he seldom drank
at any one time above four spoonfulls,
many times not above one or two ; ¦ he was
* " This year, 16 14, as it was the meridian of the
king's glory in England, so was it of his pleasures. The
king was excessively addicted to hunting and drink
ing, not ordinary French and Spanish wines, but strong
Greek wines ; and though he would divide his huntr
ing from drinking these wines, yet he would compound
his hunting with these wines, and to that purpose he
was attended with a special officer, who was as much
as he could be, always at hand to fill the king's cup in
his hunting when he called for it. I have heard my

4 CHARACTER OP
v
very constant inalj things, (his favourites
excepted,) in which he loved change, yet
never cast down any (he once raised) from
the height of greatnesse, though from their
wonted nearnesse and privacy ; unlesse by
their Own default,1 by opposing his change,
as in Somersets case : yet had he not been
in that foul poysoning business, and so cast
down himself, I do verily beleeve not him
neither, for all his other favourites he left
great in honour, great in fortune ; and did
much love Montgomery, and trusted him
more at the very last gaspe then at the first
minute of his favouriteshjp : In his dyet,
father say, that being hunting with the king, after the
king had drank of the wine, he also drank of it; and
though he was young, and of an healthful disposition,
rr it so disordered his head, that it spoiled his pleasure,
and disordered him for three days after. Whether it
yiexe drinking these wines, or from sonre other cause,
the lqng became so lazy and unwieldy, that he was
treist on horseback, and as he was set so he would ride,
without posing himself on his saddle ; nay, when his
hat was set on his head, he would not take the pains to
alter it, but it sate as it was put on." — Roger Coke's
Detection of the Court and State of England during the
four lasf Reigns. Lond. 1697, p. 7Q.

KING JAMES. 5
apparrell, and journeys, he was very con
stant ; in his apparrell so constant, as by
his good will he would never change his
cloathes untill worn out to very ragges ;
his fashion never, insomuch, as one bring
ing to him a hat of a Spanish block, he<
cast it from him, swearing he neither loved
them nor their fashions. Another time,
bringing him roses on his shooes, he asked,
If they would make him a ruffe-footed
dove ? one yard of six penny ribbond ser
ved that turn ; his diet and journies was so
constant, that the best observing courtier
of our time was wont to say, were he asleep
seven yeares, and then awakened, he would
tell where the king every day had been,
and every dish he had had at his table.
He was not very uxorious, though he
had a very brave queen that never crossed
his designes, nor intermeddled with state
affaires, but ever complyed with him (even
against the nature of any, but of a milde
spirit) in the change of favourites.; for he
was ever best when furthest from his queene,

6 CHARACTER OP
and that was thought to be the first grounds
of his often removes, which afterwards pro
ved habitual! He was unfortunate in the
marriage of his daughter, and so was all
Christendome besides ; but sure the daugh
ter was more unfortunate in a father then
he in a daughter ; he naturally loved not
the sight of a souldier, nor of any valiant
man ; and it was an observation that Sir
Robert Mansell was the only valiant man
he ever loved, and him he loved so intire
ly, that for all Buckinghams greatnesse with
the king, and his hatred of Sir Robert
Mansell, yet could not that alienate the
kings affections from him ; insomuch, as
when by the instigation of Cottington, (then
embassadour in Spaine,) by Buckinghams
procurement, the Spanish embassadour
came with a great complaint against Sir
Robert Mansell, then at Argiers, to sup-
presse the pirats, that he did support them ;
having never a friend there (though many)
that durst speake in his defence, the king
himselfe defended him in these words :

KING JAMES. 7
" My Lord Embassadour, I cannot beleeve
this, for I made choyce my selfe of bim,
out of these reasons ; I know him to be va
lient, honest, and nobly descended as most
in my kingdome, and will never beleeve a
man thus qualified will do so base an act."
He naturally loved honest men, that were
not over-active, yet never, loved any man
heartily untill he had bound him unto him
by giving him some suite, which he thought
bound the others love to him again ; but
that argued a poore disposition in him, to
beleeve that any thing but a noble minde,
seasoned with vertue, could make any firme
love or union, for mercinary mindes are
carried away with a greater prize, but noble
mindes, alienated with nothing but publick
disgraces. He was very witty, and had as many
ready witty jests as any man living, at which
he would not smile himselfe, but deliver
them in a grave and serious manner. He
, was very liberall of what he had not in his
owne gripe, and would rather part with

8 CHARACTER OP
100. li. hee never had in his keeping then
one twenty shillings peece within his owne
custody; he spent much, and had much
use of his subjects purses, which bred some
clashings with them in parliament, yet
would alwayes come off, and end with a
sweet and plausible close ; and truly his
bounty was not discommendable, for his
raising favourites was the worst ; reward
ing old servants, and relieving his native
countrymen , was infinitely more to be com
mended in him then condemned. His send
ing embassadours were no lesse chargeable
then dishonourable and unprofitable to him
and his whole kingdome ; for he' was ever
abused in all negotiations, yet he had ra
ther spend 100000. li. on embassies, to keep
or procure peace with dishonour, then
10000 li. on an army that would have for
ced peace with honour. He loved good
lawes, and had many made in his time,
and in his last parliament, for the good of
his subjects, and suppressing promoters,
and progging fellowes, gave way to that

KINGJAMES. 9
nullum tempus, Sec. to be confined to 60
yeares., which was more beneficiall to the
subjects, in respect of their quiets, then all
the parliaments had given him during his
whole reign. By his frequenting sermons
he appeared religious ; yet his Tuesday ser
mons (if you will beleeve his owne country
men, that lived in those times when they
were erected, and well understood thocause
of erecting them) were dedicated for a
strange peece of devotion.
He would make a great deale too bold
with God in his passion, both in cursing
and swearing, and one straine higher ver
ging on blasphemie ; but would in his
better temper say, " He hoped God would
not impute them as sins, and lay them to
his charge, seeing they proceeded from pas
sion." He had need of great assurance, ra
ther then hopes, that would make daily so
bold with God.
He was very crafty and cunning in petty
things, as the circumventing any great man,
the change of a favourite, &c. insomuch, as

10 CHARACTER OF
a very wise man was wont to say, he be-
leeved him the wisest foole in Christen
dom e, meaning him wise in small things,
butsa foole in weighty affaires.
He ever desired to prefer meane men in
great places, that when he turned them out
again, they should have no friend to bandy
with them : And besides, they were so ha
ted by being raised from a meane estate, to
overtop all men, that every one held it a
pretty recreation to have them often turn
ed out : There were living in this kings
time, at one instant, two treasurers, three
secretaries, two lord keepers, two admiralls,
three lord chief justices, yet but one in play,
therefore this king had a pretty faculty in
putting out and in. By this you may per
ceive in what his wisdome consisted, but in
great and weighty affaires ever at his wits
end. He had a trick to cousen hjmselfe with
bargains under hand, by taking 1000./?. or
10000. li. as a bribe, when his counsell was
treating with his customers to raise them

KING JAMES. 11
to so much more yearly. This went into his
privy purse, wherein hee thought hee had
over-reached the lords, but cousened him-
selfe ; but would as easily breake the bar-
gaine upon the next offer, saying, he was
mistaken and deceived, and therefore no
reason he should keep the bargaine : this
was often the case with the farmers of the
customes. He was infinitely inclined to
peace, but more out of feare then con
science, and this was the greatest blemish
this king had through all his reign, other
wise might have been ranked with the very
best of our kings ; yet sometimes would hee
shew pretty flashes of valour which might
easily be discerned to be forced, not natu
rali ; and being forced, could have wished
rather it would have recoiled backe into
himselfe, then carried to that king it had
concerned, least he might have been put to
the tryall to maintaine his seeming valour.
- In a word, he was (take him altogether
and not in peeces) such, a king, I wish this

12 CHARACTER, &C.
kingdome have never any worse, on the
condition, not any better ; for he lived in
peace, dyed in peace, and left all his king-
domes in a peaceable condition, with his
owne motto :
Beati pacifici.

EXPLANATION or
THE FRONTISPIECE.

1 o illustrate this description of James's person, a
striking, but unfavourable likeness of that monarch was
prefixed to the second edition of Welldon's book, with
this motto: mars. puer. alecto. virgo. vulpes. leo.
nullus, of which we have given a fac simile as fron
tispiece to the present volume. The motto subjoined
was, according to the sapient Lilly, the line in which, a
prophetic monk of -, Italy answered an embassador of
Henry VIL, who consulted him to know how long the
crown acquired by his master in the battle of Bosworth
should continue in the family.
The response appearing lo the ambassador altogether
enigmatical, the prophet was prevailed upon to exhibit
in elucidation the following scene of phantasmagoria :

14 EXPLANATION OF THE
" The monk commanded the ambassadour, at a se
lected time, to attend him, with some other English
gentlemen besides himselfe, and then he doubted not
but that he should fully content him.
" The time came, and the ambassadour and his friend
waiting for some great matter in a very large spacious
roome, to which they were purposely invited, in comes
the holy monke, and seating himselfe by them, com
manding them without feare or affright, to observe
what they could, and to commit it to posterity, assuring
them of no hurt, but protesting they should/see now the
former words fully explicated.
" Immediately there entered, and appeared in the
roome, a lusty stout young gentleman, strong, and of a
great proportion, with very furious majesticall looks ; a
large strong sword by his side, and walking to the up
per part of the chamber, there instantly appeared a
crowne, laid upon a faire- table ; to which crowne this
gallant with much jollity approached, and put it upon
his head, then walking up and down the chamber with
much strutting and bravery ; but at last, as it were, un
willingly, he repaired to the place where he first tooke
up the crowne, and there gently laid it downe with
some obeysance, and vanished out of sight,
" He was no sooner out of sight, but there entred a
-young youth, full of modesty, and looking carefully with
his eyes on the beholders, went directly to that part of
the roome where the crowne lay, with some difficulty

FRONTISPIECE. 15
put it on his head, then traversing the roome with some
labour and paines a little while, he discharged his head
of its heavy burthen, and assigned the crowne to its
proper seat, and then his apparition vanished.
" After whom, a lady all in mourning attire, of sad
countenance, and much gravity, with a booke in her
hande, entred the chamber; who, walking demurely
to the upper end of the roome, put on the crowne up
on her head, and then marched some few turnes up and
downe, with much sadnesse or discontented looks, then
repaired where the former apparitions left the crowne,
and there also she disposed of it, instantly vanishing.
" The next in order that appeared, was a young lady
clothed in stately apparell, cheerfull and lively, who
presently ascended to the upper part of the chamber,
and there with much cheerfullnesse put the crowne up
on her head, and afterwards, for a pretty space of time,
with much majesty and state, passed up and downe the
roome, and then gently left the crowne in the place she
received it, vanishing instantly out of sight.
" After which, there immediately advanced jn the
room another apparition, iu form of a huntsman, with
a horne by his side, in rich green apparell, who, with
out ceremony, quickly espied the crowne, and put it up
on his head, and then, .with much carelesnesse, walk
ed many times up arid downe the chamber ; but at last
repaired to the same place where the rest had disposed
ofthe crowne, and, there he quietly left it.

16 EXPLANATION OF THE
" Which he had no sooner done, -and vanished out
of sight, but a "fierce young man, active and nimble,
entred into the chamber, and made great haste to the
upper part of the roome where the crowne lay, which
he, as it were, snatched up and put on his head, and then
made many nimble turnings from one end of the roome
to the other ; but when it was expected that he should
in gentle wise lay down the crown, as al the rest bad-
done, behold, both he and the crowne vanished out of
sight, and appeared no more, to the great wonder of |he
ambassador and the English gentlemen there present :
more than these ayery apparitions, and the former hex
ameter verse could never be procured from the Italian
monke, onely he oft times averred afterwards in con
ference with ihe ambassadour, that he had neither in
the words or apparitions expressed lesse than truth-, and
that time would best explain his sense and meaning.
" Many hundreds of this kingdome, I well know,
have heard the words many yeares since, but whether
in full measure, as by me reported, I know not : But I
have twenty yeares since heard the Rorqan priests much
speak of it, and doe believe, that the foreknowledge
hereof was a strong inducement to goe on with that
activenesse in this kings raigne against protestantisme,
as for some years they have done." — Lilly's Collection
of Ancient and Modern Prophesies. London, 1645. 4,
p. £, 3, 4.
This story appears to have been very popular, and is

FRONTISPIECE. 17
alluded to by Osborne, who mentions the vision of a
Green King, said to he aver'd from Italy. * And the
cavaliers, instead of insisting that the prophecy was
confuted by the restoration, endeavoured to give it a
different turn, owing to his reigning for a year before
his coronation, as if during that space he had been, as
it were, a king and no king.
' See vol. i. p. 200.

VOL. II.

THE
COURT OF KING CHARLES ;
CONTINUED
UNTO THE BEGINNING OF THESE UNHAPPY TIMES,
WITH SOME OBSERVATIONS UPON HIM INSTEAD
OF A CHARACTER.
COLLECTED AND PERFECTED
BY
SIR A[NTHONY] W[ELLDON.]
Published by Authority.
1651.

THE
COURT OF KING. CHARLES.

Now having brought this peaceable king
to rest in all peace, the 27th of March, his -
son, by the sound of the trumpet, was pro
claimed king, by the name of Charles the
First. His fathers reign began with a great
plague, and we have seen what this reign
was ; his sons, with a greater plague, and
the greatest that was ever in these parts*
we shall see what his reign will be, and the
effects of this plague have also hung as a
fatal com met over this kingdome, in some
parts, and over London in more particular.

212 KING CHARLES.
ever since : and we earnestly pray we may
not fall intd the hands of men, but rather,
ever with that divinely inspired royall pro
phet David, that we fall into the hand of
the Lord, for his mercies are great.
This king was not crowned with that so
lemnity all other kings had formerly been,
by riding through the city in all state, al
though the same triumphes were provided
for them, as sumptuous as for any other ;
this some have taken as an ill omen. Its
further reported, which I will not believe,
that he tooke not the usual oath all our
kings are bound unto at their coronation,
and its tobe read in Covells book; if so,
sure its a worse omen.
One more observation is of this king,
which I remember not to have happened
in any other kingdome, I am confident ne
ver in this ; that with him did also rise his
fathers favourite, and in much more glory
and luster then in his fathers time, as if he
were no lesse an inheritor of bis sons favors
than the sonne of the fathers crowne ; and

KING CHARLES. 23
this, as it happened, was the worst omen of
all ; for whereas in the fathers time there
was some kind of moderation, by reason
he was weary of the insolency of his fa
vorite ; in the sons time, he reigned like an
impetuous storme, bearing downe all before
him that stood in his way, and would not
yield to him or comply with him. This
shewed no heroical or kingly spirit, for the
king ever to endure him, that had put such
scornes and insolent affronts on him in his
fathers time.
This king (as the father did set in peace)
did rise like a Mars, as if he would say,
Arma virumque cano ; and to that end, to
make himselfe more formidable to Spaine
and France, he called a parliament, where
in never subjects expressed more hearty af
fection to a sovereigne ; and, in truth, were
more loving than wise, for as if for an in
come to welcome him, they gave him two
intire subsidies, and in so doing, they brake
the very foundation and priviledges of par-

24 •> KING CHARLES.
liament, which- never was wont to give sub*
sidies, but as a thankful gratuity for enact
ing good lawes, therefore it is but Gods jus
tice to repay them with Italian lawes, to have
their priviledges broken, seeing they first
chalked out the way ; the king, in requital of
this great love of theirs, did instantly dissolve
the parliament, which hath bred such ill
blood in the veins of the subjects to their
sovereign, and in the sovereign to the sub
ject, that it is like to produce an epidemi-
call infection. ^ ¦
But the occasion taken to dissolve it was
worst of all ; for Buckingham, by his in
solent behaviour, had not onely lost that
love his hatred, to Spaine had procured
him, but was now growne into such an ha
tred, that they* fell on him for the death of
his old master, which had been of long
time before but whispered; but now the
examinations bred such confessions, that it
looked with an ugly deformed poysonous
countenance, and nothing but the dissolu-
tion ofthat parliament could have saved his

KING CHARLES. 25
dissolution, and that with a brand of shame
and infamy, as well as of ingratitude.
I remember I heard a noble gentleman,
an old parliament man of that committee
for examinations, say, at first he derided the
very thought of it ; but after the first dayes
examination it proved so foule, as that he
both hated and scorned the name and me
mory of Buckingham ; and though man
would not punish it, God would, which
proved an unhappy prediction.
This dissolving the parliament was ill
relished by the people, and that which to
them did seeme the cause worse, and to
make the case yet fouler, and that it must
needs be the evident cause, Buckinghams
counsels were so stupid, and himselfe so in
solent, that he did thinke it a glory to dis
grace all those that followed that businesse
in that parliament, or that seemed inquisi
tive thereafter, and caused many old ser
vants of the kings he formerly favoured very
much, to be banished from court, never to
return more, nor did they ever ; as Clare,

26 KING CHARLES.
Crofts, Sir Fra. Stewart, &c, nay, Dr Cragg,
his physitian, who, from his very childhood,
had the generall repute of a very honest
man ; for, expressing himselfe like an ho
nest man in the kings presence, was in
stantly dismissed, never could recover his
place or favour more.
Now also is Williams, Lord Keeper, turn
ed out of his place, and Coventry, the kings
atturney, who, had Buckingham lived, had
as soon followed in the same steps.
Then goes Buckingham into France, on
a stately embassie for that lady the king
had seen and set an affection on in his pas
sage to Spaine, which was obtained with
small intreaty.
Now doth Buckingham soare so high both
in his masters favours, and in the pride of
his own heart, as he alters all great officers,
makes war against Spaine and France, the
quarrel only his, voiced to be on strange
grounds, the success accordingly ; navies,
armies, and nothing but war appears, as if
we intended in shew to conquer all that

KING CHARLES. 27
opposed. Lord Wambleton the generall,
from whom as little could be expected as
he performed, carrying a powerful army to
Cales, after an infinite expence, and drink
ing much Spanish wines, and beating out
the heads of what they could not drinke, (as
if they intended to overthrow that yeares
trade of Spanish wine,) returned as like a,
valiant commander, as he ever was repu
ted ; whereas, had he brought home those
wasted wines^ it may be they would have
defrayed the charge of that expedition.
After the returne of that wise pagean-
tisme, Denbigh is sent into France to aide
Rochell, who managed it better than his
great kinsman Buckingham, who would
afterwards needs goe to doe great exploits,
for he brought his ships and men safe againe,
the other left his men in powdering tubs,1
as if he meant to have kept them sweet

1 Alluding to the misadventure of the Duke of Buck
ingham at the Isle of Rhe, where, in endeavouring to
re-embark, the rear of his army was cut off in a piece
of ground broken by salUpits.

28 KING CHARLES.
against his next coming thither. In short,
this unhappy voyage lost all the honour
our glorious ancestors had ever gotten, over
that nation, there being so many brave gen
tlemen wilfully lost, as if that voyage- had
been on purpose plotted to disable our na
tion, by taking away so many gallant brave
young spirits ; so many of our colours lost,
as trophies of their victory, and of our
shame, hung up in Nostredame church,
that the brave Talbot and Salisbury, with
many other our valiant ancestors, will rise
up in judgement against him for that every
way inglorious act. Nay, to how low an
ebbe of honour was this our poore des
picable kingdome brought, that (even in
Queene Elizabeths time, the glory of the.
world,) a great nobleman being taken pri
soner, was freely released, with this farewell
given with him, that they desired but two
English mastieffes for his ransome !
But the king, by that unnecessary and
dishonourable war, was driven to that exi
gency for want of money, that he was for-

KING CHARLES. 29
ced to pawne his rich cupboard of plate to
Amsterdam, * and to send Cottington intq
Spaine, in a manner to beg a peace, which
having obtained, it was thought so great a
service of him, that it raised him to all his
honour and fortunes.
Yet all the while Rochell, in sharpe dis-
tresse, was left unreleeved, although other
wise intended, or but pretended rather.
For the courting betwixt the duke and the
governour of the Isle of Ree, in sending
compliments and presents to each other,
shewed rather an intimate dearnesse, then
any hostility to be meant between them.
And sure I am, the successe made it ap
parent, that their purpose was no better
then to carry so many goodly gentlemen to
* The favourite Buckingham himself went to the
Hague to accomplish this sale of the crown jewels, un
der pretence of engaging the united states in a joint
effort for recovery of the palatinate. A curious list of
the articles pledged or sold upon this occasion may
be found in the notes on the Duke's life, in the Biogra-
phia Britannica.

30 KING CHARLES.
the slaughter-house and powdering-tub, as
even now I instanced.
Yet was the king so content to be abus
ed, as publickly at his dinner, he delivered
it for a miracle, that having such ill suc-
cesse, there were so few men lost, for that
as many came home as went forth, as ap
peared at the chequer-roll, within five hun
dred. At which a gentleman, (whose faith-
full valour prompting him to speake a truth
in season, though theirs did not them to
fight,) standing at the back of the kings
chair, said, " Yea, sir, as you hear that hear
very little of truth ; but if you please to in
quire of such as can and dare informe you
truly, you shall find many thousands fewer
came home then went forth." For which
relation this honest telt-troth was command
ed presently from his court attendance,
which doom he never could get reverst,
wherein you may behold the power .of
Buckingham with the king, whose word
stood for a law.

KING CHARLES. 31
Which power of his grew now so exorbi
tant, he aspires to'get higher titles both in
honour and place, as, Prince of Tipperary,
(a place so called in Ireland,) and Lord
High Constable of England, (an office aim
ed at by that monster and Machivillain,
Leicester, in Queen Elizabeths time ; but
he therein was crossed and contradicted by
the then Lord Chancellour Hatton,) now
affected by Buckingham, who herein wrote
after Leicesters ambitious example, but he
crossed too (by president) with Coventry,
now Lord Keeper, and no question but
upon those just grounds his predecessor
did. For you must understand, this office
hath an authority annexed unto it, to call
any subject in question for his life, by try
ing, condemning, and executing him, in
despight of the king himselfe. Nay, some
have made no bones on't to affirme, that
(for misgovernment) the king himselfe is
not exempted from that officers power ; po
liticly, therefore, did the aforementioned

32 KING CHARLES.
Hatton, (who well understood the validity
of such a power, when Leicesters commis
sion was in dispute,) to tel. the queen that
his own hand should never strike off his
own head ; which word was enough to her
who was hereat so wise as also in all other
matters of state-concernment, wherein, as
¦ &
she were hinted to a fore-sight of any pre
judice, she knew how to prevent it. And
thus that ended in his time.
But Buckinghams ambition would not
be so bounded ; for, upon the opposing it
by Coventry, he peremptorily thus accost
ed him, saying, " Who made you, Coven
try, Lord Keeper?" he replyed, " the king;"
Buckingham sur-replyed, " Its false, 'twas
I did make, you, and you shall know that
I, who made you, can and will unmake
you." Coventry thus answered him : " Did
I conceive I held my place by your favour,
I would presently unmake my selfe, by ren
dering the seale to his majesty," Then
Buckingham, in a scorn and fury flung

KING CHARLES. 33
from him, saying, " You shall not keep it
long." And surely, had not Felton pre
vented him, he had made good his word.
And before that hapned, Weston was,
by his power, and- for his ends, made trea
surer, it should seem, upon some assurance
from him, that he wOuld find ways where-
out to raise monys into the treasury, (he
judging him to be one, that out of his own
necessitous condition would adventure on
any desperate projection to raise himself,
but yet withall to fill the chequer coffers,)
who was no sooner warmed in his office,
but hee began to shew his inbred base dis
position to his rayser Buckingham, as for
merly he had don to Cranfield, who was in
deed his preserver from perishing in a pri
son, whence he redeemed him, making him
a free partaker, first of his bounteous table,
then raising him shortly after to be Chan-
cellour of the Exchequer ; who, at length,
for requitall, supplanted him. But for all
this Buckingham feared not, his high spirit
in himselfe and vast power with the king
vol. ii. e

54 KING CHARLES.
were so predominant and unmoveable : He
now, therefore, used at his owne pleasure
to come to the counsell-table, (he being
then honoured as the oracle from whom
they gaped for all answers,) but ever made
them wait his comming, and were so tutor
ed to their duteous observance of him, that
at his approach, or returning thence, they
ever must rise, as if he had been the king
himselfe. So that you may see to what a
pretty passe those great men by their poor
spirits had brought themselves.
But on a time there issued this amongst
other passages of insolencies from Bucking
ham, who comming into the councell, with
out any other court-preface, sayes to the
treasurer Weston, " My lord, the king must *
have 60,000/. provided against to-morrow
morning." The lords startled at the men
tion of such a sum, (the whole exchequer
not having seen within its keeping scarce
1000/. in many yeares,) and could not ima
gine how, unlesse by the philosophers stone,
such a sum was possible to be gotten, but

KING CHARLES. 35
yet all looking on Weston, (to whom it was
in this case proper to make answer,) who
bethought himselfe what to say, (the rest
every one, the while, gazing at each other,
another while againe all at Weston, as a
man of great wisdome, for so was hee ac
counted (of a plebeian.) At length, up he
stands, and thus he answers Buckingham :
" My lord, the exchequer is in a deep con
sumption." Whereat Buckingham interrupts
him, saying, " How, sir ! You came in to
cure that consumption, and to restore it to
its usefull plenitude. I remember you pro
mised (like amountebanke) when you were
to be invested by the king, you would do
so, therefore, sir, see you the money be pro
vided, otherwise you shall hear further of
it." With that high strain he rose up and
departed. Now are all ways indeavoured to get
mony from the subjects, which was not to
be gotten by fair means, the king having
tryed all the shifts which any former prince
(out of the parliamentary way) had ever
12

36 KING CHARLES.
don, and had great sums brought in, such
as none of his .predecessors ever had ; of
which, one was the royall subsidy, every
man lending as much as the summe in the
subsidy towards which he was assessed : as
if (for example) assessed at 40. li. besides
so much payd, he lent also W.li. and so
from the least to the greatest proportions
assessed. Yet all this would not serve him, but that
quickly vanished, then all other fair means
proving (as was thought for their profuse-
nesse) too scant and slow, force then must
be the last remedy ; the king must keep
standing garrisons to awe his good subjects,
and they consisting too of strangers, not of
natives. To that end, one Dalbier (that
had been generall of Count Mansfields *
horse) is dealt with for the raising of 1000
1 This appears to be the same person who acted as
Commissary General of the horse under the Earl of Es
sex, and who afterwards was slain at the rising at
Kingston, where the Earl of ^Holland, his patron, was
made prisoner.

KING CHARLES. 37
or 2000 German horse, the most whereof
to bee quartered betwixt Gravesend and
London ;x for advancing of which service,
Sir William Balfore (as great a servant and
confident he is now of this parliament)"
was sent to Hamborough with 30000/. to
buy and to bring over those horse with their
impressed riders and furniture, but many
of them ready to be imbarked, it should
seeme they were told by the way, by some

1 Nothing could be more rash and ill-concerted than
this project of entertaining foreign mercenaries to sup
port the intended commission of trail-baston. Charles
had no money to pay a strong force of these strangers,
and a few could but serve to render him odious to his
subjects. 1 Sir William Balfour, a Scotchman, whom the king
had made Lieutenant-Governor of the Tower of Lon
don, " to the great and general scandal," says Lord
Clarendon, "and offence ofthe English nation," began
notwithstanding to take part with the parliament, which
he particularly evinced in the rigour he exercised in the
captivity of the Earl of Stafford while under his charge.
He was dismissed by the king, who incautiously placed
in the office Colonel Lunsford, a man peculiarly odious
to the citizens. The parliament remonstrated upon Bali
four's removal, and he afterwards enjoyed their trust,
and held considerable command in their armies.

38 - KING CHARLES.
well-affected to England, that the king had
not mony to continue them in pay ; and
plunder they could not there, for they
should be so invironed with sea, that there
was no flying, but they must expect to have
all their throats cut, if they took any thing
from any man : Upon which, those rascals*
put of feare, not conscience, refused to come
over. However, Balfore so wel lickt his
fingers in that employment, as that he there
with laid the foundation of his future for
tunes ; yet, if this parliament consider well
this action of his, there is no reason he
should be so deare unto them : For, of any
thing yet toucht upon against any man by
this parliament, I dare affirme this (of his)
to be the greatest peece of villany/ and to
be the nearest way to render us all slaves,
and to make us have neither propriety in
our estates, wives, nor children. And yet
was this Balfore a princjpall undertaker
and actor in this pernicious designe, and
(perhaps for that very cause) the greatest
creature of Buckinghams that ever was.

KING CHARLES. 39
In this intervall their shifts not avayling
them, (to see therefore if by this faire means
their ends might be obtained,) another par
liament was summoned, wherein, after some
expostulations on both sides, there proved
no better a good speed and successe then
a meere frustration of all hopes on both
hands ; which, for the kings part, hee ap
prehended with so great aversnesse, that,
as 'twas said, he made a vow never to call
more parliaments.
Forreigne forces, and fraudulent and faire
devices home-spun, failing all ; now must
projects in all their variegated inventions
bee set on foot ; to which sage (or rather
rufull) purpose, one Noy, a very famous
lawyer as ever this kingdome bred, and (for
merly) a great patriot, and the only searcher
of presidents for the parliaments ; by which
he grew so cunning, as he understood all
the shifts which former kings had used to
get monies with.
This man the king sends for, tels him he

40 king* charlesJ
will make him his attorney Noy, * (like a
true cynick as he was,) for that time went
away, not returning to the king so much as
the civility of a thankes ; nor indeed was it
worth his thankes, I am sure he was not
worthy of ours. For, after the court soli-
citings had bewitched him to become the
kings, he grew the most hatefull man that
ever lived. And its to me a wonder that
this parliament of wonders doth not enact
a law, that his very name should nevermore
be in this kingdome, he having been as great
a deluge to this realme, as the flood was
to the whole world : for he swept away all
our priviledges, and in truth hath been the
cause of all these miseries this kingdome
* Sir William Noy, Attorney-General to Charles I.,
and deviser of the odious tax of ship-money, has left a
character more estimable for talent than probity. He
was a most acute and laborious lawyer, as was quaintly
expressed in an anagram on his name, I moyle in law.
But in temper he was rough, bearish, and morose, and
devoid even of the shadow of patriotism. He died 9th
August, 11534, flying, as it were, to the tomb, from the
approaching hour of popular vengeance.

KING CHARLES? 41
hath since been ingulphed ; whether you
consider our religion, (he being a great pa
pist, if not an atheist,) and the protector of
all papists, and the raiser of them up unto
that boldnesse they were now growne unto,
who formerly had some moderation ; or, if
you consider our states and liberties, they
were impoverished and enthralled by mul
titudes of projects and illegall wayes : this
monster was the sole author of all.
But first, now because there must be
some great man (as a captaine projector)
to lead some on, and hearten others to fol
low, Sir George Goring leads up the march
and dance with the monopolie of tobacco,
and licensing of tavernes, setting some up,
where, and as many as he pleased, and this
done by a seale appendicular to an office
erected by him for that purpose, as if au
thorised by a law ; besides all this, hee hath
pensions out of the pretermitted customs :
insomuch, as I have heard it most credibly
reported, that his revenue was 9000/. per
annum, all of these kindes ; and for this

42 KING CHARLES.
peece of good service he was made a lord
and privy councellour, to countenance his
traine of projectors the better.
Then did Weston enhance the custornes,
and laid new and heavyer impositions on
all things exported or imported ; with such
unconscionable rates upon tobacco, that
millions of pounds of it lay rotting in the
custome-house, (the merchants refusing to
pay the custome,) besides losse of all other
charges for the tobacco it selfe. In short,
there was not any thing (almost) that any
man did eate, drinke, or weare, or had in
his house from forraine parts, or scarce any
domesticke commodities exempted, but he
paid, as it were, an excise for it; yea, at
last, even cards and dice escaped not, but
they were monopolized by a great councel
lour, the Lord Cottington : yea, (to keep
their hands in use,) they got patents for the
very rags, marrow-bones, guts, and such
like excrements, as were thought of no use
but be cast on the dunghils ; and he was
held the bravest common-wealths man that

KING CHARLES. 43
could bring in the most money, (yet, the
kings private purse, or publick treasury, lit
tle or nothing bettered, but) to impoverish
and vex the subject, and to no other end ;
for which he was ordinarily rewarded with
honour. This good service (the quite contrary
way) did Weston and Noy doe for the king ;
and, I beleeve you shall see God reward
them and their posterity ; for the one, like
a Jonas gourd sprang up suddenly from a
beggerly estate to much honour and great
fortunes, will shortly wither ; the other, hb
son and heire, was killed in France, present
ly after his death ; ' and when both are dead,
let their names and memory rot, and be
extinct from the face of the earth.
Now doth Buckingham provide for ano-
1 This was probably Noy's eldest son, to whom, after
some bequests to the rest of his tamiiy, he left tns for
tune under this remarkable form : " Keliqua meorum
omnia primogenito meoEdwardo dissipaiidado, et lego
nee melius unquam spt- ravi ego." Tne manner of this
unfortunate young man's death seems to conhrm his fa
ther's opinion of his, profligacy.

44 KING CHARLES.
flier forfaigne enterprise, but carried so
close, I could never learne what it was ;
nor did any wise men much inquire after
it, assuring themselves that such counsells
could produce no better effects than those
former. In the beginning, yea, even at the
very entrance thereunto, he did so stinke
in the nostrils of God and man, that God
made one Felton his instrument to take
such a monster (as he was indeed) from his
longer domineering amongst men, by a blow
as fearefull as strange ; after which he had
not time to say, Lord have mercy on him ;
a just judgement on him thatforsooke God,
to seeke to the devill by witches and sor
cerers in his life ; one whereof was Doctor
Lamb, (who wais his great defensitive pre
server as he thought him,) whose fate it was
to be brained by a shoe-makers last when
he least look'd fori it ; " the other was stabb'd

* The pretended astrologers, with whom the country
swarmed at this period, often wrought themselves into
the confidence of the great, and suggested by their pro
phecies schemes of ambition, which they sometimes

KING CHARLES. 45
the next morning after that night he had
caused a fellow to be hanged, (not suffer-
doubtless aided by their villainy in realizing. We have
seen the share which Forman, a knave of this stamp,
had in the favour of Somerset and his lady. Bucking
ham was less attached to these impostors, but a person
high in his favour was the celebrated Dr Lamb.
" Dr Lamb, a man of an infamous conversation, (ha
ving been arraigned for a witch, and found guilty of it
at Worcester, and arraigned for a rape, and found
guilty of it at the king's bench bar at Westminster,
yet escaped the stroke of justice for both by his favour
in court,) was much employed by the mother and son,
which generally the people took notice of, and were so
incensed against Lamb, that, finding him in the streets
of London, in the year J 628, they rose against him,
and with stones and staves, knocked out his brains.
" And, besides Lamb, there was one Butler, an Irish
man, (which vaunted himself to be of the house of Or
mond,) who was a kind of mountebank, which the duke
and his mother much confided in. This Butler was
first an apprentice to a cutler in London, and before his
time expired, quitted his master, having a cunning head,
and went to the Bermudaes, where he lived some time
as a servant in the island ; and walking by the sea-side
with another of his companions, they found a great
mass of ambergreece that the seas bounty had cast up
to them, which they willingly concealed, meaning to
make their best markets of it. Butler being a subtle
snap, wrought so with his companion with promises of
a share, that he got the possession of it ; and in the next

46 KING CHARLES.
ing him to have that nights respite) aftef
his sentence and offence (what ere it was)

Dutch ship that arrived, at the Bermudaes, he shipped
himself and his commodities for Amsterdam, where,
having sold his bargain at a good rate, and made his
credit with his fellow-venturer cheap enough, engross
ing all to himself, he came into England, lived in a
gallant and noble equipage, kept a great and free table
at his lodgings in the Strand, which were furnished
suitable to his mind, and had his coach with six horses,
and many footmen attending on him, with as much
state and grandeur as if his greatness had been real.
But though his means lasted not to support this long,
yet it brought him into great acquaintance ; and being
pragmatical in tongue, and having an active pate, he
fell to some distillations, and other odd extracting prac
tices, which kept him afloat; and some men thought he
had gotten the long dreamed-after philosopher's stone ;
but the best receipe which he had to maintain his great
ness, after his amber-money fum'd and vapour'd away,
was suspected to come from his friends at Whitehall :
and the story of his death, if it be true, is one great evi
dence of some secret machination betwixt the duke and
him, that the duke was willing to be rid of him. For
mischief being an engrosser, is unsure and unsatisfied
when their wares are to be vended in many shops.
Therefore, he was recommended upon some plausible
occasion by the duke's means (as fame delivered it) to
some jesuites beyond the seas, where he was entertained
with a great deal of specious ceremony and respect,
in one of their colleges or cloysters ; and at night they

KING CHARLES. 47
to repent him of his sins, with this vow, he
would neither eate nor drinke untill he see
him dye ; God, in requitall of his merci-
lesse cruelty, would neither suffer him to
eate nor drinke before he dyed by that dis-
attending him to his chamber with much civility, the
chamber being hanged with tapistry, and tapers burn
ing in stretched out arms upon the walls ; and when
they gave him the good-night, they told him they would
send one who should direct him to his lodging ; and
they were no sooner out of this room of death, but the
floor that hung upon great hinges on one side was let
fall by artificial engines, and the poor ventiine Butler
dropped into a precipice, where he was never more
heard of. That there are such secret inquisition-con
veyances, of a horrid nature, is obvious ; and such close
contrivances may fly up and down upon the wings of
rumour ; but it is impossible to find out the bottom of
such black pit-fals, but with as much danger as ¦ those
that find the bitter effects of them. And this was re
ported to be the end of Butler." — Wilson, ut supra,
p. 791.
The death of Lamb is more minutely narrated by
Rushworth and Whiteloeke. The poor wretch, up
wards of eighty years of age, was driven-from street to
street under the opprobrious epithets of devil, witch,
the duke's conjurer, &c. by at least five hundred peo
ple, and for the space of three hours, until they had
literally pelted him to death. The city was most de
servedly fined for this cruel outrage, not a single peace
officer having interfered in his behalf.

48 KING CHARLES.
mall stroake of a poore tenpenny knife, of
the said Feltons setting home. Thus neare
alike in time and manner were these two
hellish agents catastrophees. And now is
set this great sun, or rather portendous
comet, from whose influences all the offi
cers and ministers had by reflexion their
life and heat.
After his death, the very name of a favou
rite dyed with him, none singly engrossing
the kings care and favour; buta regular mo
tion was set to all officers, as appertained
to their severall places; as to the arch-bishop
the management and chief superintendency
of the church ; to the Lord Treasurer the
Exchequer and the Customs ; to the Lords
keepers of the Great and Pri vie Seales,
what belonged to equity; to the Judges
what belonged to law : so that, one would
have thought, all things now went so just
and equall, and in their proper channel!,
as none but might expect now from that
new and better government halcyon dayes.
But it far'd farre otherwise (God being

KING CHARLES. 49
angry at the nations sins the generall jug
gling of the state was one, and a great one ;)
all those procedures being but in appear
ance righteous, nothing really so : but, like
the apples of Sodome, faire in shew, rotten
and corrupt within. For now, instead of
the late (but one) favourite, every great
officer and lord of the councell proved a
. very tyrant ; and it appeared that not their
vertues, but the former favourites power
only did restraine them from being so ; for
that falling (together with himselfe, as you
have heard) and they left to their owne
arbetrary power, you would verily have be-
leeved that hell had been broke loose :
And to make good that metaphor, one of
the Councell being told by a gentleman
that the country was much troubled at a
certaine great grievance, replyed, Doth that
trouble them ? by God, there are seaven
worse devills to be shortly let out amongst
them. And in sober sadnesse, they all
might truly have undergone the name of
legion, for they were all many devills;
VOL. II. D

60 KING CHARLES.
and like true devills, tooke pleasure in tor
menting. - So that hereby may be perceived
the kingdome in generall had no benefit,
(though some particular men, as Weston
Treasurer, Coventry Lord Keeper, and all
such as paid his beggerly kindred pensions,
which now were ceased) by this mans death,
whose purpose 'twas to have turned out of
place both Coventry -and Weston, before
his last intended voyage. But now did
Weston begin to be more cruell in pride
and tyranny than Buckingham had. been
before him, and had not the archbishop
(Laud) ballanced him, he would have been
more insufferable. He cheated the king ih
the sale of timber and of land, and in the
letting of his customs, the archbishop not
withstanding truly informing the king there
of. Weston was so mad at the thoughts of
it, he would often say to his friends in pri
vate, That little priest would monopolize
the kings eare, for he was ever whispering
to the king.
And now begin the Councel Table, the

KING CHARLES. 51
Star-Chamber, and High Commission to be
scourges and tortures to the commonwealth,
by imprisonments and mutilations of mem
bers ; and were made, some of them, by
finings, the greatest incomes to the Exche
quer ; and in truth did now put down the
common laws deciding of meum and tuum.
And if any, desiring to appeal from them,
refused to stand there to their censures,
they were committed untill they would sub
mit thereunto. If men sent unto by them
for money, refused it, they would imprison
them till they would give or lend ; and if any
were summoned thither they had a mind to
quarrell with, in whom they could not find
a fault, they would make one by saying,
The gentleman laughs at us, or the gentle
man saith thus and thus ; it may be that he
had not in his thought, and yet there should
not want a false witnesse ; for some lords
that sat with their backs towards them, or
so farre off that they could not heare, yet
would testifie either the words or actions ;
or for want of this, a clerk of the councell
4

52 KING CHARLES.
should bee called to witnesse, vvho, for his
profit, must swear what any lord said : If
they. hit not upon that trick, then some
times they would contrive to put a gentle
man into passion by calling him some dis
graceful name, or by scoffing at him ; so
that, indeed, the councell-table was grown
more like a pasquil then a grave senate.
But if the spirit of the man were such, that
he. could not take those indignities without
some regret, it was well for him if he escaped
with imprisonment, and not called Ore tenets
to the Star-Chamber, and fined, s (as many
were) to his undoing, for to that point were
now the fines of that court risen.
As ; for the High Commission court, that
was. a very (Spanish-like) inquisition, in
which all pollings and tyrannizhigs over our
estates and consciences were practised, as
were in the other over our estates and
bodyes. <
;Then Were the judges so much their ser
vants, or rather slaves,, that what ere they
illegally put in execution, they found law
to maintaine.

KING CHARLES. 53
But that which is a wonder above all
wonders is, that Coventry, who formerly had
gained the opinion of a just and honest man,
was a principall in all these miscarrages, yet
dyed he unquestioned ; when, had his ac
tions been scanned by a parliament (in that
they were not, you may see what opinion is
which in the multitude blindeth the under
standing) he had been found as foul a man
as ever lived.
Finch, a fellow of an excellent tongue,
but not of one dram of law, made, for all
that, Cheife Justice Of the Common-Pleas,
the onely court most learned in the law;
yet he brought all the learned judges, ex
cept two only, Hutton and Crook, to be of
his illegall opinion for ship mony. This
surely must be a punishment from God on
them and us for our sins, otherwise it had
been impossible so many grave judges
should haye been over-ruled by such a
slight and trivial fellow.
Now also all officers in all places took
what fees they pleased, as if in a jubilee

54 KING CHARLES.
Amongst the rest those of the Star-Cham
ber, the Councell Table, and the High
Commission were very grandees : Yea, the
very messengers to them were countenan
ced in their abuse and insultings over the
gentry, when in their clutches : and to such
a strange passe were disorders come unto,
that every lacquey of those great lords might
give a check-mate to any gentleman, yea,
to any country nobleman, that was not in
the court favour.
And to fill full the measure of the times
abounding iniquity, the court-chaplines,
and others else where, with the reverend bi
shops themselves did preach away our liber
ties and proprieties, yet kept they divinity
enough for their own interests: for, they con
cluded, all was either God or the kings, their
part belonged to God, in which the king
had no propriety: Our part belonged wholly
to the king, in which we had propriety no
J longer, when the king were disposed to call
for them; so that, betwixt the law and the

KING CHARLESb 55
gospel, we were ejected out of lands, liber
ties, and lives at pleasure.
And now is Gods time come to visite
with his justice; and behold it: For the
pit they digged for others they themselves
are fallen into, for all their honours, lands,
and liberties are a gasping (and the judges
are but in very little better case) for the
parliament will doe that to them by the law
which they would have done to us by wrest
ing the gospel.
But what needed all that joy for the
death of Buckingham, sith the times suo
ceeding him have been so infinitely beyond
him in all oppression, as they are like to
bring all mannerof miseries both upon king
and people ? So that in truth his hydra's
head being struck downe, an hundred more
instead thereof appeared, which never durst
in his life time : And as he got much by
suites, so did Weston, much, by cheating,
(yet all came out of the subjects purses ;)
and Coventry (that so generally a reputed
honest man) got such an estate by bribery

56 KING CHARLES.
and injustice, that he is said to have left a
family worth a million ; which may com
mend his wisdome, but in no wise his ho
nesty. And now also dies Weston, after he had
first brought in (as you may remember I
told yoUj himselfe was by Cranfield) Sir
Thomas Wentworth, after Earl of Strafford,
the active manager of the state, and sole
governor of the king.
This Strafford, without doubt, was the
ablest minister that this kingdome had since
Salisburies time ; and, to speak uprightly,
there was not any but himselfe worthy of
that name amongst all the kings councell ;
yet I am confident, by the weaknesse pf
that boord, his abilities in state affaires
were judged more than they were ; and be
sides, that very word of statesman was now
grown a stranger to our nation. Nor was
he, as Salisbury, or our ancient heroes, a
generall statesman, nor was it possible he
should be, he not having that breeding him
selfe ; nor kept he any upon his charge in

KING CHARLES. 57
forraigne parts for intelligence ; nor had he
such a tutour as the other had of his father,
who was the most absolute statesman in the
world, whose very papers (which were left
to this Salisbury, and served as so many
rich presidents and instructors to him) were
able, if wanting in abilities of his own, to
make him an able statesman. But I held
Strafford's abilities to be more on this side
then beyond the seas ; yet might he challenge
the title of a good patriot : And so indeed
he was, before he turned a courtier; after
that he converted his studies and endea
vours to make the king an absolute arbi
trary monarch, by screwing up the regall
prerogative to so high a strain as hath made
it crack, and by raising his revenues so high
that he made them fal ; iri which also his
owne interest was concerned, for he did
neither serve God. nor the king for naught.
Nor would Straffords abilities have been so
transparent had any such concurrents as
Buckhurst, Walsingham, or Hatton been
now living, or such an one as the Earl of

58 KlftG CHARLES".
Essex, who was Salisburies antagonist. But
this man had onely the archbishop (whose
proper element too was but the church)
and they drew both in one line. And here
I shall give you one note of Strafford's fail
ing in his master-piece, that he was no such
absolute wise man (that could not find the
just medium of the peoples temper) but by
striving to make the king all, and on a sud- '
den, he made the king Jesse and himselfe
lesse then nothing. And had he beene wise,
he could not but find' the kings spirit was
not to undergoe, nor to goe through with
great actions, but would faile under them
and crush the owners : which he to his la
mentable experience hath found and felt
too true. Besides, I much doubt Straffords
owne spirit, that, seeing his wisdom was too
short to protect him, his spirit was so low
to faile him, that hee did not, like Sampson,
pull down the house upon others heads, but
fall like a tame foole, himselfe alone, caught
in a gin, and lay still without any fluttering ;
when, surely, some others of the cabinet

KING CHARLES. 59
councell were as deep as himselfe in any
designe. You have here now seene a greate sub
ject, yea, the greatest that ever our eyes be
held, that was no favourite, and greater in
his fortunes then many favourites.
You have also seen a king, the greatest
that our nation ever had, both in preroga
tive, power, and revenues, and the most ab
solute over his subjects ; the one fallen be
low the earth, the other so low upon earth,
that I wish I could but see him in the same
state his peaceable father left him, who
kept his prerogative"*to the height, without
cracking it, because he had able ministers
and councellors left, who were of Queen
Elizabeths stocke ; but this kings ministers
straine all so high, that the very ligaments
and nerves of sovereignty are quite broken
in sunder ; I wish them well sothered again.
But because, if I write further, I must
tune to a much lower key, I will here end
with my prayers, That God would give the
king a wise councell and an understanding

60 -t KING CHARLES.
heart, to bee able to give himselfe councell,
what will be best for himselfe, his posterity,
and the people committed to his charge ;
and that he may discern such as councell
hira for their own private ends and interest,
not for his honour and safety.
And here do I draw a curtaine betwixt
the time past, and that to come in this kings
reign, desiring it may never be remembred
to posterity.

, / '-'A)

OBSERVATIONS
(instead of a character)

UPON

THIS KING FROM HIS CHILDHOOD.

It being improper to write the character of
kings before their deaths, (I wish this Were
not much nearer the period of his happi-
nesse than his death,) give me, therefore,
leave to present into your view some re
markable observations of this unfortunate
king. In his very infancy, he was so subject to
that wilfull humour,' still possessing him,
that if any thing crossed him, he could

62 KING CHARLES.
hardly be stilled; which then they were
forced to give way unto, by reason of that
extreame weaknesse which disabled him,
(as the like did his father) untill the 7th
yeare of his age, to goe, or scarce to stand
alone ; crawling, when of himselfe he would
be in motion, upon all four, in a most un
seemly manner : For the recovery whereof
he was beholding to the skill of one master
Stutavile, an excellent artist for strengthen
ing limbs and straitning crooked bodies;
but, forthe rectifying his wayward disposi
tion, to the tender care of the lady Carey,
afterward Countesse of Monmouth. *

* Sir Robert Carey, in his Memoirs, givts the follow
ing account ofthe state of Charles's health, (then Duke
of York,) while he was under his lady's charge. " The
duke was past four years old when he was first deli
vered to my wife ; he was not able to go, nor scant
stand alone, he was so weak in his joints, and especially
his ankles, insomuch, as many feared they were out of
joint ; yet God so blessed him both with health and
strength, that he proved daily stronger and stronger.
Many a battle my wife had with the king, but she still
prevailed. The king was desirous, that the spring un
der his tongue should be cut, for he was so long be
ginning to speak, as he thought he would never have

KING CHARLES. 63
This humour of his principally he tooke
from his mother, who notwithstanding was
a gallant lady ; nor was he free from it by
the fathers side, though his timorous nature
gave it an allay. His mother (who loved
him so dearly, that she said, she loved him
as she did her soul, yet) was wont to say,
that she must with griefe of heart confesse,
he was a foole and wilful!, which would
hereafter endanger him the losse of his
crowne. A sad censure, yet it should seeme pro-
pheticall. But it were a lesson fit for all
parents learning, rather to leave their chil
dren to Gods providence, than to pry into
his office of fore knowledge.
spoke. Then he would have him put in iron boots to
strengthen his sinews and joints ; but my wife protested
so much against them both, as she got the victory, and
the king was fain to yield. My wife had the charge of
him from a little past four till he was almost eleven
years old, in all which time, he daily grew more and
more in health and strength, both of body and mind,
to the amazement of many that knew his weakness
when she first took charge of him."-!— Edit. 180S, p.
140.

64 KING CHARLES. j
He ever exprest an ill nature, by taking
delight to doe ill offices to his fathers ser
vants as well as to his owne; witnesse that
instance concerning Master Murrey his tu
tor, and Doctor Hackwell placed about
him, to instruct him in the principles of re
ligion, who (rightly) judging it corincident
to that his employment, did therefore (up
on the treaty for the Spanish match) de
liver him a small treatise in manuscript,
therein intimating his advice and judge
ment to informe his conscience aright,
against coupling himselfe with a papist,
saying to him, " Sir, I beseech you make
use of this, by reading it your selfe, but if
you shew it to your father, I shall be un
done for my good will." The prince re
turned him manythankes, and assured him
it should never goe farther then the cabi
net of his owne breast ; but withal], he ask
ed him, To whom he had shewed it ? Hack-
well replyed, " The Arch-bishop (Abbot)
hath read it," who, returning him it, said to
him, " Well done thou good and faithfull

KING CHARLES. 65
servant." Besides him, he told the prince,
he had only shewed it to Mr Murrey the
tutor, who belike, being better acquainted
with his masters perfidious disposition then
the other, did then disswade him from de
livering it to the prince; "For," saith he,
" He will betray you." And it so fell out,
for within lesse then two houres after his
said engagement to the doctor, he presents
it to his father ; upon which, he, or any
through whose hands and cognizance it had
passed before, were all under a disgrace,
and banished the court, (only Murrey was
afterwards proyost of Eaton.) Here was an
embleme of his breach of oathes and pro
testations in future, and of his untrustinesse,
which in a subject would have been called
treachery. Such a one too he shewed himselfe in the
businesse of Rochell ; which, after his faire
promises, and deep imprecations for their
reliefe and assistance, wherein they put
some confidence, was meerly betrayed by
him ; insomuch, that when the Rochel agents
VOL. II. E

66 Sing charles,
found themselves abused through their whole
yeares attendance, they left this bitter jeere
upon him, that now they could rightly call
England the land of promise.
He seldome loved any but to serve his
turne, and would himselfe serve a turne to
doe any mischiefe, as was to be seene by
his saying amen to every full point of Buck-
mghams accusation in the face of the par
liament against Bristol for his miscarriage
in Spaine ; when it appeared by Bristols
defence in publick, beforethe face of that
same parliament, that there was not scarce
one syllable had any. truth in it ; who also
freely put himself upon the test, that if
there were any truth in that combined ac
cusation against him, hee would yeeld him
selfe guilty of it all.
He was of a very poore spirit, which may '
be conceived (amongst other things) by his
making Buckingham his privado, after he
came to the crown, otherwise would he ne
ver have forgotten those unsufferable inso
lencies offered him being prince ; what they

KING CHARLES. 67
were you have already heard. His prede
cessor Henry the Fifth, (and so his brother
Henry,) would have instructed him other
wise ; for although (its true) noble mindes
should forget injuries, so as not to revenge
them, yet so, as not to countenance the
doers of them, especially to take them into
so much hearenesse and dearnesse as he did
him after those two proud affronts, which
argued in him, as I said, before, a poore
and ignoble spirit.
He had all his kingdom es left in peace
and tranquility by his father, which he shone
after made a shift to distemper by a foolish
warre upon France and Spaine, and by a
more foolish Conduct of either ignorant,
unexperienced^ or cowardly commanders.
And in truth, if you will give credit to Vox
Populi, ' (the book so called, written by one
Scot,) they were suitable to the grounds of
such quarrels, being no fairer than the sa
tisfying the beastly appetite of his favourite,
* Reprinted in Somers' Tracts, vol. iv.

68 KING- CHARLES.
who must be reveng'd (forsooth) upon those
states. In which I admire Gods justice,
that he who unjustly made war upon un
warrantable grounds, should have warre
thus brought home unto him ; so that now
God hath given him the same measure he
hath met to others, even full, pressed down,
and running over.
I wish I may have a time to give him a
rairer character when he is dead, then are
my observations in his life ; but I may ra
ther wish then hope, in that course he yet
continues.

CERTAINE OBSERVATIONS
BEFORE
QUEENE ELIZABETH'S DEATH,

I Cannot but admire Gods providence in
bringing peace, when nothing was thought
of but war ; and nOw bringing a cruell
warre, when nothing could be expected
but peace : Peace with all forraigrie estates,
peace at home. Not long before the death
of Queene Elizabeth all the discourse was
in a secret whispering on whom the suc
cession would fall ; some said, the Lady
Arabella, some the King of Scotland, and
reason given pro and con on both sides ;
they who were for her, saying, the Lady

70 OBSERVATIONS BEFORE
Arabella was a native, and a maid, and
that this kingdome never flourished^ more
then under a maidens reigne : Others for
the Scot, said, that the King of Scots was
more neare to the crowne by descent ; far
ther off, say others, as being a stranger, and
that nation ever in hostility against us.
Nor did the king himselfe beleeve he should
have come in with a sheathed sword, which
appeared by that letter he produced of the
Earle of Northumberlands, that if he made
any doubt hereof, he would bring him forty
thousand catholicks should conduct him
into England. But the queene dyed, the
king comes in peaceably, even to tbe ad
miration of all forraigne princes, and to
the gnashing of their teeth ; but the reason
was, they had lived in obedience under a
just sovereigne, who was wont ever to say,
when any great man had opprest a poore
gentleman that petitioned her for redresse
against such oppression, when all the great
lords and officers wOuld hold together to
support the oppressor, ahd trample upon

QUEENE ELIZABETHS DEATH. 7l
the oppressed : " My lords, (quoth she,)
content you, 1 am queene of the valleys as
well as of the hills, and I must not suffer
the hills to over-top, nor yet to over-shade
the valleys."
A worthy saying, which if it had been
imitated by her successors, these our mi
series had never happened ; but I say (and
this is it I now drive at) her justice made
her subjects to beleeve there could be no
injustice in monarchy ; and that was it did
facilitate the kings peaceable entrance. In
that tranquility did the kingdome continue
all his dayes, and about fifteen yeares of
his sons reign : when behold, there was no
thing but jollity in the court, as if saying
to themselves, Who dares molest us ? the
king having now a plentifull issue ; for, let
me tell you, the kings iss^ue made him and
his courtiers the more to trample on the
country gentry. But behold, when nothing
but peace, peace, sudden destruction came
on them and us unawares ; and God sends
such a war as no man could dreame of.

72 OBSERVATIONS BEFORE, cfecv
Now the corollary of all is this, the high
injustice of church and state was the cause
of this warre. And O, may not the conti
nuing of that in any other government prove
the continuance of this war ! there being a
farre greater appearance of the continu
ance thereof then ever there was of the be
ginning : But Gods will be done.

PERFECT DESCRIPTION, &c.

1 o Welldon's Memoirs, Court and Character of
James I., &c. it seems proper to subjoin the Character
of Scotland by the same author. It was written during
a visit of James to his native and original kingdom, in
l6l7, and contains a severe and satirical account of
the poverty and fanatical manners of the Scottish na
tion at that period. The piece having been found
wrapped up in one of the records of the Board of Green.
Cloth, was traced to Sir Anthony Welldon, and led to
his dismissal from court. See vol. i. page 301.
The satire seems to have crept to the press like the
Court and Character of James I., after the writer was
no more. That it is the libel of Welldon mentioned
by Wood, appears as well by internal evidence as from
the period at which it was written. It seems to have
been eom piled in the shape of a letter from Edinburgh.

PERFECT DESCRIPTION

OF THE

PEOPLE AND COUNTRY OF SCOTLAND,
LONDON, PRINTED FOR J. S. 1659.
12. 21 PAGES.

First for the country, I must confess, it
is too good for those that possess it, and
too bad for others to be at the charge to
conquer it. The aire might be wholesome,
but for the stinking people that inhabit it
The ground inight be fruitful, had they wit
to manure it.
Their beasts be generally small, women
only excepted, of which sort there are none
greater in the whole world. There is great
store of fowl too, as foul houses, foul sheets,
foul linen, foul dishes and pots, foul trench-

76 A PERFECT UESCRIF'TION
ers and napkins ; with which sort, we have
bin forced to say, as the children did with
their foul in the wilderness. They have
good store of fish too, and good for those
that can eat it raw ; but if it come once
into their hands, it is worse than if it were
three days old. For their butter and cheese
I will not meddle withall at this time, nor
no man else at any time that loves his life.
They have great store of deer, but they
are so far from the place where I have been,
that I had rather believe then go to dis
prove it. I confesse, all the deer I met
withall was dear lodgings, dear horsemeat,
and dear tobacco and English beer.
As for fruit, for their grandsire Adams
sake,' they never planted any ; and for other
trees, had Christ been betrayed in this coun-
trey, (as doubtlesse he should had he come
as a stranger^) Judas had sooner found the
grace of repentance, then a tree to hang
himself on.
They have many hills, wherein they say
is much treasure, but they shew none of it.

OP SCOTLAND.
Nature hath only discovered to them some
mines of-coal, to shew to what end he crea
ted them.
I see little grasse, but in their pottage.
The thistle is not given them of nought,
for it is the fairest flower in their garden.
The word hay is heathen Greek unto them ;
neither man nor beast knows what it is.
Corn is reasonable plenty at this time,
for since they heard of the kings comming,
it hath been as unlawfull for the common
people to eate wheate, as it was in the old
time for any but the priests to eat shew-
bread. They prayed much for his comming,
and long fasted for his welfare ; but in the
more plainer sense, that he might fare the
better, all his followers were welcome but
his guard ; for those, they say, are like Pha
raoh's lean kine, and threaten death where
soever they come. They could perswade
the footmen that oaten cakes would make
them long-winded ; and the children ofthe
chappel they have brought to eat of them
for the maintenance of their voices.

78 A PERFECT DESCRIPTION
They say our cooks are too sawcy, and
for grooms and coachmen, they wish them
to give to their horses no worse then they
eat themselves; they commend the brave
minds of the pentioners, and the gentle
men ofthe Bed-Chamber, which choose ra
ther to go to taverns, then to be always eat
ing of the kings provision ; they likewise do
commend the yeomen of. the buttery and
cellar, for their readiness' and silence, in
that they will hear twenty knocks before
they will answer one. * They perswade the
trumpeters that fasting is good for men of
4;hat quality ; for emptiness, they say, causes
wind, and wind causes a trumpet to sound
well. The bringing of heralds, they say, was a
needless charge, they all know their pede-
grees well enough, and the harbingers might
have been spared, so hence they brought
so many beds with them ; and of two evils,
* The allusion seems to refer, though obscurely, to the
knock on the dresser, by which the cooks announced
that dinner was ready to be served.

OF SCOTLAND. 79
since the least should be chosen, they wish
the beds might remain with them, and poor
harbengers keep their places, and do their
office as they return. His majesty's hang
ings they desire might likewise be left as re
liques, to put them in mind of his majesty ;
and they promise to dispense with the wood-
enimages, but for those graven images in his
new beautified chappell, they threaten to
pull down soon after his departure, and to
make them a burnt-offering to appease the
indignation they imagined conceived against
them in the brest of the Almighty, for suf
fering such idolatry to enter into their king
dom. The organ, I think, will find mercy,
because (as they say) there is some affinity
, between them and the bag-pipes.
The skipper that brought the singing
men with their papistical vestments, com
plains that he hath been much troubled
with a strange singing in his head ever
since they came aboard his ship. For re
medy whereof, the parson ofthe parish hath
pers waded him to sell that prophane ves-

80 A PERFECT DESCRIPTION
sel, and to distribute the money among the
faithful! brethren. '

1 We leara from graver authority, that the episcopal
vestments, music, and decorations, introduced by James
into the chapel at Holyrood palace, during his visit in
1617, were regarded with great horror by his Scottish
lieges. " The Scots," says one of their own historians,
" are in all acts of religious devotion, simple, rude, and
naked of ceremonial. The.king, accustomed to the use of
the organ and church ritual, commanded them to be
used in his chapel of Holy-Rood, and in the moment of
joy, occasioned bythe general expectation of his arrival,
did that by exertion of authority, which he could not
have done otherwise consistently with the customs and
religious establishment of his native country. This was
ill endured by the common people of Edinburgh, who
considered it as staining and polluting the house of reli
gion by the, dregs of popery. The more prudent indeed
judged it but reasonable that the king should enjoy his
own form of worship in his own chapel ;- but then fol
lowed a rumour, that the religious vestments and altars
were to be forcibly introduced into all the churches,
and the purity of religion, so long establised in Scot
land, for ever defiled. And it required the utmost ef
forts of the magistrates to restrain the inflamed passions
of the common people." — Translated from Johnston's
Historia Rerum JSritannicarum, ad annum, 1617.
It is impossible to read this passage and some of those
in the satires, without being astbnished that Charles I.,
aware of the strong prejudices of the Scottish nation
against the English form of worship, should have ever

OF SCOTLAND. 8l
For his majesties entertainment, I must
needs ingenuously Confess, he was received
into the parish of Edinburg (for a city I
Cannot call it) with great shouts of joy, but
no shew of charge for pageants ; they hold
them idolatrous things, and not fit to be
used in so reformed a place. ' From the
castle they gave him some pieces of ord
nance, which surely he gave them since he
was King of England, and at the entrance
of the town they presented him with a gol
den bason, which was carried before him
on mens shoulders to his palace, I think,
from whence it came. His majesty was
conveyed by the younkers of the town,
which Were some 100 halberds, (dearly shall

attempted to impose the Book of Common Prayer up
on them.
1 They gave James entertainments which were pro
bably more to his taste : For James Hay, the town
clerk, made him a long and adulatory harangue ; the
professors of the university held a public disputation
for his pastime ; and the citizens presented to him
10,000 marks Scottish money, in double golden angels
in a gilt silver Bason.
VOL. II. F f.

82 A PERFECT DESCRIPTION
they rue it, inregard ofthe charge,) to the
cross, apd so to the High Church, where the
only bell they had stood on tip-toe to be
hold his sweet face ; where I must intreat
you to spare him, for an hour I lost him.
In the mean time, to report the speeches
ofthe people concerning his never-exam-
pled entertainment, were to make this dis
course too tedious unto you, as the sermon
was to those that were constrained to en
dure it. After the preachment, he was con
ducted by the same halberds unto his pa
lace, of which I forbeare to speak, because
it was a place sanctified by his divine ma
jesty, onely I wish it had been better wall
ed for my friends sake that waited on him.
Now I will begin briefly to speak of the
people, according to their degrees and qua
lities ; for the lords spiritual, they may well
be termed so indeed ; for they, are neither
fish nor flesh, but what it shall please their
earthly god, the king, to make them. Obe
dience is better then sacrifice, and therefore
they make a mock at martyrdom, saying,

OF SCOTLAND. 83
that Christ was to dy for them, and not they
for him. They will rather subscribe then
surrender, and rather dispence with small
things then trouble themselves with great
disputation ; they will rather acknowledge
the king to be their head then want where
with to pamper iheir bodies. *
They have taken great pains and trouble
to compass their bishopricks, and they will
not leave them for a trifle ; for the deacons,
whose defect will not lift them up to dig
nities, all their study is to disgrace them
that have gotten the least degree above
them ; and because they cannot bishop,
they proclaim they never1 heard of any.
The scriptures, say they, speak of deacons
and elders, but not a word of bishops.
Their discourses are full of detraction ; their
1 James had, with infinite difficulty, after long in
triguing, and by never letting slip a favourable oppor
tunity, estabhshed in Scotland the order of bishops,
who, conscious that they were detested by the inferior
clergy and the common people, clung for support to
the king, who had raised them to their tottering dig
nity.

84 A PERFECT DESCRIPTION
sermons nothing but railing ; and their con
clusions nothing but heresies and treasons.
For the religion they have, I confess they
have it above reach, and, God willing, I will
never reach for it.
They christen without the cross, marry
without the ring, receive the sacrament
without repentance, and bury without di
vine service; they keep no holy days,
nor acknowledge any saint but S. Andrew,
who, they say, got that honour by present
ing Christ with an oaten cake after his forty
days fast. They say likewise, that he that
translated the Bible was the son of a mault-
ster, because it speaks of a miracle done
by barley loaves, whereas they swear they
were oaten cakes, and that no other bread
ofthat quantity could have sufficed so many
thousands. They use no prayer at all, for they say it
is needless ; God knows their minds with
out pratling, and what he doth, he loves to
do it freely. Their sabbaths exercise is a
preaching in the forenoon, and a persecu-

OF SCOTLAND. 85
ting in the afterhoon ; tlrey go toVhurch in
the forenoon to hear the law, and to the
crags and mountains in the afternoon to
louse themselves.
They hold their noses if you talk of bear-
beating, and stop their ears if you speak of
a play. Fornication, they hold but a pas
time, wherein mans ability is approved, and
a womans fertility discovered. At adultery
they shake their heads ; theft they rail at ;
murder they wink at ; and blasphemy they
laugh at ; they think it impossible to lose
the way to heaven, if they can but leave
Rome behind them. * 7
To be opposite to the pope, is to be pre
sently with God : to conclude, I am per-
swaded, that if God and his angels, at the
last day, should come down in their whitest
garments, they would run away, and cry,
The children of the chappel are come again
to torment us, let us fly from the abomina
tion of these boys, and hide ourselves in
the mountains.
For the lords temporal and spiritual, tem-

Bff A PERFECT DESCRIPTION
porizing gentlemen, if I were to speak of
any, I could not speak much of them ; on
ly I must let you know, they are not Scot-
tishmen, for as soon as they fall from the
breast of the beast their mother, their care
ful sire, posts them away to France, where,
as they pass, the sea sucks from them that
which they have suckt from their rude
dams ; there they gather new flesh, new
blood, new manner, and there they learn to
put on their cloaths, and then return into
their countrys to wear them out ; there they
learn to stand, to speak, and to discourse,
and congee, to court women, and to com
plement with men.
They spared of no cost to honor the king,
|nthe nor form or complimental curtesie to wel-
original l
firno. come their countrymen; their followers are
their fellows ; their wives their slaves ; their
horses their masters, and their swords their
judges ; by reason whereof, they have but
few laborers, and those not very rich. Their
parliaments hold but three days, their sta
tutes three lines, and their suits are deter-

OF SCOTLAND. 87
mined, in a manner, in three words, or very
few more, &c.
The wonders pf tlieir kingdom are these,
the Lord Chancellor he is believed ; the
Master of the Rolls well spoken of; and
the whole counsel, who are the judges for
all causes, are free from suspicion of cor
ruption. The country, although it be moun
tainous, affords no monsters, but women,
of which the greatest sort (as countesses
and ladies) are kept like lions in iron grates ;
the merchants wives are also prisoners, but
not in so strong a hold ; they have wooden
cages like our boar franks, through which
sometimes peeping to catch the air, we are
almost choaked with the sight of them.
The greatest madness amongst the men is
jealousie ; in that they fear what no man
that hath but two sences will take from
them. The ladies are of opinion, that Susanna
could not be chast, because she bathed so
often. Pride is a thing bred in their bones ;
and their flesh naturally abhors cleanliness.

88 A PERFECT DESCRIPTION
Their breath commonly stinks of pottage I
their linen of p— ; their hands of pigs t— ;
their body of sweat, and their splay-feet ne
ver offend in socks. To be chained in mar
riage with one of them, were to be tied tQ
a dead carkasse, and cast into a stinking
ditch, Formosity and a dainty face are
things they dream not of.
The oyntments they most frequently use
amongst them are brimstone and butter for
the scab, and oyl of bays, and stavessacre.
I protest, I had rather be the meanest ser
vant of the two of my pupils chamber*
maid, than to be the master-minion to the
fayrest countess I have yet discovered The
sin of curiosity of oyntments is hut newly
crept into the kingdom, and I do not think
will long continue.
' To draw you down by degrees from the
citizens wives to the country gentlewomen!,,
and convey yon to common dames in Sea-
coal lane, tbat converse with rags and mar
row bones, are things of minerall race 5
every whore in Houndsditch is an Helena ;

OF SCOTLAND. 89
and the greasie bawds in Turnbal-street are
Greekish dames in comparrison of these ;
and therefore to conclude. The men of
old did no more wonder, that the great
Messias should be born in so poor a town
as Bethlem, in Judea, then I do wonder
that so brave a prince as King James should
be born in so stinking a town as Edenburg,
in lousy Scotland.

FINIS.

INTRODUCTION TO
AULICUS COQUINARIAE.

The Aulicus Coquinaricz is a professed an
swer to the Court and Character of James I.
by Sir Anthony Welldon. It is obviously
the work of a zealous loyalist ; the mate
rials of which were chiefly compiled by Dr
Godfrey Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester.
This prelate suffered under the arbitrary
authority of the Primate Laud, by whom he
was committed to a pursuivant, and after
wards to the Gatehouse, for dissenting from
the canons imposed on the church in 1640.
In 1643, Bishop Goodman was plunder-

92 INTRODUCTION TO
ed, and utterly ruined by the prevailing re
publican party, and ever afterwards lived
obscurely in the parish of St Margaret's, in
Westminster. He embraced the Roman ca
tholic faith, and died in that persuasion,
19th January, 1655. Upon the publication
of Sir Anthony Welldon's Court of King
James, Goodman compiled an answer, en
titled, " The Court of King James, by Sir
A. W. reviewed," which^as Wood informs us,
still exists in the Bodleian library, and be
gins thus : " Though I cannot say I was an
ear and_ eye-witness, but truly I have been
an observer of the times, and what I shall
relate of my own knowledge, God knows is
most true." And it concludes abruptly thus :
" Yet notwithstanding, I have given him
the name of a knight, because he hath plea
sed so to stile himself, and that I might not
offend him." The following extract from,
Wood, relating to Bishop Goodman's Re
view, will shew that it was the source whence
theauthorof Aulicus Coquinariae drewmuch
of his information.

AULICUS COQUINARIiE. 93
" This manuscript book was made in an
swer to a published book, entitled, The
Court and Character of King James. Lond.
1650, Oct. written and taken by Sir A. W. ;
which book being accounted a most no
torious libel, especially by the loyalists and
court-party, was also answered by this Bi
shop Goodman, much of whose manuscript
above-mentioned is involved in an anony
mous book, entitled, Aulicus Coquinaria.',
or, a Vindication in Answer to a Pamphlet,
entitled, The Court and Character of K.
James, &c. Lond. 1650. The author of the
said Court and Character was one Sir Anth.
Welldon, of Kent, whose parent took rise
from Queen Elizabeth's kitchen, and left it
a legacy for preferment of his issue. Sir
Anthony went the same way, and by grace
of the court got up to the Green Cloth ; in
which place, attending K. James into Scot-
, land, he practised there to libel that na
tion. Which, at his return home, was wrapt
up in a record of that board ; and by the

94 INTRODUCTION TQ
hand being known to be his, he was de
servedly removed from his place, as un
worthy to eat his bread, whose birth-right
he had so vilely defamed. Yet, by favour
of the king, with a piece of money in his
purse, and a pension to boot, to preserve
him loyal during his life, though, as a bad
creditor, he took this course to repay him'
to the purpose. In his lifetime, he disco
vered part Of this piece to his fellow-cour
tier, who earnestly dissuaded him not to
publish so defective and false a scandal ;
which* as it seems, in conscience he so de
clined. I have also been credibly inform
ed, that Sir A. Welldon did, at the begin
ning of the long-parliament, communicate
the MS. of it to Lady Eliz. Sidley, (mo
ther to Sir Will, and Sir Charles,) account
ed a very sober and prudent woman ; who, v
after perusal, did lay the vileness of it
much to Sir Anthony's door, that he was
resolved never to make it public, which
perhaps is the reason why a certain au-

AULICUS COQUINARIiE. 95
thor ' should say, that ' With some regret
of what he had maliciously written, did
intend it for the fire, and died Tepentant;
though since stolen to the press out of a
lady's closet.' And if this be true, our
exceptions may willingly fall upon the
practice of the publisher of the said li
bel, who, by his additions, may abuse us
with a false story, which he discovers to
the reader in five remarkable passages ;
and therefore, in some manner, gives us
occasion lo spare our censure on Sir An
thony, who was dead some time before the
said libel was published. The second edi
tion of it printed at Lond. in Oct. an. 1651,
is dedicated to the said noble Lady Eliz.
Sidley, and hath added to it, (1.) The Court
of K. Charles, continued, unto the Beginning
of these Unhappy Times, &c. (2.) Observa
tions {instead of Character) upon this King
from his Childhood. (3.) Certain Observa-
* Will. Sanderson, in his poem on the Reign and
Death of 1£. James I., printed 1(355, fol.

96 INTRODUCTION TO
Horn before Q.Elizabeth's Death, But these
are not animadverted upon by Aulicus Coq.
or B. Goodman, because they came out
after they had written their respective an
swers. The said Bishop Goodman hath
also written, The two Mysteries of Christian
Religion,' the ineffable Trinity and wonder*
fill Incarnation explicated, See. Lond. 1653.
qu. dedicated by one epistle to Oliver
Cromwell, L. General 1, and by another,
to the master, fellows, scholars, and stu
dents of Trin. College, in Cambridge. Also,
An Account of his Sufferings, which is only
a little pamphlet, printed 1650." — Wood's
Athente, i. 729-
The Aulicus Coquinariae itself, which
derives its quaint title from Sir Anthony
Welldon's being the son of Queen Eliza
beth's clerk of the kitchen, is generally sup
posed to have been compiled from Good
man's materials by William Sanderson, au
thor of the Histories of James I. and
Charles I. This author was born in Lincoln-

AULICUS COQUINARIiE. 97
shire, and originally secretary to Lord Hol
land, afterwards a sufferer in the royal cause,
and upon the restoration, promoted to the
honour of Knighthood, and the post of
Gentleman of the Privy Chamber. He died
15th July, 1676, at the advanced age of
ninety.

vol. 11. o

AULICUS COQUINARIAE, OR
A VINDICATION
IN ANSWER TO A PAMPHLET,
ENTITULED
THE COURT AND CHARACTER OF KING JAMES.
V
PRETENDED TO BE PENNED BT SIR A. W. AND PUBLISHED
SINCE HIS DEATH, 1650.
— — — Auribus oculisq ; recepta.
Nemesis a tergo.

PREFACE.

There are some men so delight in sinne,
who rather than be idle from doing evil,
will take much pains to scandall the dead.
My fear to offend hath withheld my
hand a convenient time, lest I should fall
into the like error with him that published
the pamphlet, entituled, The Court and
Character of King James, and father's the
brat upon Sir A. W. And if common fame
mistake not the meaning, his parent took
rise from Q. Elizabeths kitchin, and left it
a legacy for preferment of his issue.
This man went the same way, and by
grace of the court got up to the Green-
cloth. In which place, attending King James

102 PREFACE.
into Scotland, he practised there to libell
that nation, which at his return home was
found wrapt up in a record of that board,
and by the hand being known to be his,
he was deservedly removed out, as unwor
thy to eat of his bread, whose birth-right
he had so vilely defamed. Yet by favour
of the king, with a piece of money in his
purse, and a pension to boot, to preserve
him loyall duiing his life, though as a bad
creditor, he took this course to repay him
to the purpose.
And I have heard, that in hi& life, he dis
covered a part of this peece to his fellow
courtier, who earnestly diswaded him not
to publish so defective and false a scandall,
which as it seems in conscience he so de
clined. . /
And therefore my exception willingly
falls upon the practice of the publisher,
who by his additions may abuse us with
this false story, which he discovers to the
reader in five remarkable passages, and gives
me the occasion to spare my censure on

PKEFACE. 103
the deceased person: but to bestow my
unkindness (which necessarily intervenes
in this vindication) on him who yet fives,
to make out his bad act with a reply (if he
please) more pestilent, upon me.

AULICUS COQUINARLE,
OR THE
CHARACTER OF HIM
WHO SATYRIZ'D
KING JAMES AND HIS COURT.

Queen Elizabeth died, anno domini 1602,
having bin long sick; and indeed despe
rate, which gave this state time enough to
conclude for his reception the undoubted
heir to these crownes, James, then King of
Scotland ; she hath been highly valued,
since her death ; the best of any former so
vereigne over us. She was fitted for for
tunes Darling, but with some imprisonment,
the better to mould her for the rule and so
vereignty of a kingdome, and for the cus
tody of a scepter. She shewed her justice

Queen Elizabeth*

106 AULICUS COQUINARIiE.
and piety as a president to posterity. She
was a princesse learned, even then, when
letters had estimation and began them into
fashion ; which brought forth many .rare
and excellent men, both of the gowne, and
of the sword. Some say she had many fa
vorites, but in truth she had none. They
were neer and dear to her, and to her af
faires, as partners of her care, not minions
of phansey. And yet such as they were
she ever mastered by her. own rules, not
they her by their own wills. And she want
ed not many of them at need, or pleasure.
She was magnificent, (comparative with
other princes ;) which yet she disposed fru
gally ; having alwaies much to do with
little money : for truly, those either wise or
gallant men were never cloied with her
bounty more then in her grace ; which,
with her mannage, passed for good pay
ment. The Irish affaires was to her maligne,
which drew her treasure almost dry ; the
only cause of distemper in the state, and
J2

Esset. Pamp. 10,

AULICUS COQU-INARIiE. 107
ended not but with her life. At which time
she left her cofers empty, and yet her ene
mies potent; and therefore it could be no Pamp. 31
treason in them, that afterwards councelled
the peace, but rather in such who indea-
voured then and after the re-establishing a
new war.
Amongst her favourites of the sword,
none could boast more of her bounty and
grace then the Earl of Essex, whose in*
grate disposition, blown beyond the com-
passe of his steere, by too much popularity
and pride, cosened him into that absolute
treason against his soveraigne, that, not with
standing many forewarnings of his neerest
friends, and unwilling resentments of his
deerest mistresse, his open rebellion at last
"brought him to publique tryall, condemned
and executed as the most ingrate that form
er times could produce. (Of which we shall
take occasion hereafter in some particular.)
Wherein Sir Robert Cecill acted no more
then a dutiful subject, councelour, and
judge ought to have done against him, and

108 -AULICUS COQUINARIJE.
such like of her time, evermore attempting
by assassination or poyson to take away her
life. As were also the like attempts, by
others in Scotland, (witnesse the fore
warning of the Duke of Florence, by ex-
presse message of Sir -Henry Wootton to
King James, a year before his comming to
these kingdomes) against her beloved and
undoubted heir ; and in them to destroy
the protestant religion.
The most remarkable was, that of Gow-
racie!" r*es conspiracy in Scotland. And I never
read or heard (till our pamphlet) that Sir
George Hewms his gravity and wisdome
ushered him into the secrets of the king
(therefore) and chiefly to make good that
The first _ . . . i i 1 •
passage of story. For of that nation, both the wisest
the preface '
rbTeark* an(^ most honest, gave great credit thereto ;
and the commemoration was advisedly set
tled by acts of their parliament; which
anathematize upon Gowries house and
name. And solemnized there and here, with
narratives in print, of each particular cir-

Gowrie'a conspi racie.
Pamph. fl.

AULICUS COQUTNARIJE. 109
cumstance, and the ground and cause in
viting that treason.
And truly, the anniversary feast-day in
August was usually solemnized to God's
glory by the most reverend preachers : wit
nesse those rare divine sermons of our Bi
shop Andrews and others, whose consciences
no doubt were not so large, to cozen God
Almighty with a fained tale. Indeed there
might have been more additionall truths
annexed to the relation, which I have heard,
to make it more apprehensive to our pam-
phleler; whose speculations, in this, as in
other histories of court and state, took in
formation (belike) but in his office, below-
staires ; and which makes his faith drawe
downe the effects of those sermons for the Pamp.io.
father, as a cause of the sad events and
sufferings of the son, and us all, to this pre
sent. The name of Ruthen in Scotland was not
notorious, until anno 1568, when Ruthen,
amongst others, confederates, in those divi
ded times of trouble, laboured much for the

110 AULICUS COQUINARIJ3.
imprisoning Queene Mary, mother to King
James. " In 1582, his sonne William was
created Earle Gowry, in the time of that
king's minority, though the father bore
deadly hatred to the king's prosperity ; and
in 1584, himselfe was in actuall rebellion,
in which he suffered at Dondee. His eldest
son John, then in travel! in Italy, returns
'home to inherit his lands and honours;
but hot ones jot changed in disposition,
from the traiterous wayes of his predeces*
sors : For not long after he falls into this
conspiracy; which is not so ancient, but
that many then and now living can, and
myselfe, have often heard the repetition.
The house of Gowry were all of them
much addicted to chimislry. * And thesC

* The author is as inaccurate in his account of Scot
tish affairs as he whom he attempts to confute. Wil
liam, fourth Lord. Ruthven, could not be concerned in
imprisoning Queen Mary ; for, having fled for his deep
participation in the murder of David Rizzio, he died at
Berwick, 1566-7,
¦ * The first Earl of Gowrie, beheaded in 1584, is said,
by Spottiswood, to have been loo euripus in inquiring

AULICUS C0QU1NARIJE. Ill
more to the practise ; often publishing (as
such professors usually do) more rare expe
riments then ever could be performed;
wherein the king (a general scholar) had
little faith. But to infuse more credit to
the practise, Alexander Ruthen, the second
brother, takes this occasion ; and withall
conspires with Gowry to assassinate the
king ; and taking opportunity in his hunt
ing, not far from his house, St Johnstone,
invites the king to be an eye-witnesse of
his productions. In their way, Sir Thomas
Erskin (after Lord Kelly) overtakes them
and others, demanding of the Duke of Le
nox, then present, why Alexander had in-
grossed the king's eare, to carry him from
his sports ? Peace, man, said the duke, wee's
all be turned into gold. Not far they rid,
at wizards about the events of futurity. And his son,
slain in the course of the memorable conspiracy, was also
supposed to be addicted to mystical studies and natural
magic. William and Patrick Ruthvens, his brothers,
were celebrated for their knowledge of chemistry, which
was then believed connected with occult science ; and
the latter practised as a physician.

112 AULICUS COQUINARIiE.
but that the Earle powry made good by
protestation his brother's story ; and thus
was the king brought to guest. Neere the
end of dinner, at his fruit, and the lords
and waiters gone to eate, Alexander begs
of the king, at this opportunity, to with
draw, and to be partaker of his production ;
to the view of that which yet he could not
believe. And up he leades the king, into by-lodg
ings, locking each door behind them, till
they came into a back-roome; where, no
sooner entered, but that Alexander claps
on his bonnet, and with stejrne countenance
faces the king; and saies : Now, sir, you
must know, I had a father whose bloud
calls for revenge, shed fpr your sake. The
kifig amazed, deales gently with his fury,
excuses the guilt of his death, by his then
infancy, advising him not to lay violent
hands on the sacred person of his anointed
soveraigne, especially in a cause of his
innocency, pleading the laws of God and
man; which so much wrought upon him.

AULICUS COQUINARIiE. Il3
that he said, Well, I will speak with my
brother ; and so put the king into a lobby
room next the chamber, where no sooner
entered, but that there appeared a fellow,
weaponed, ready for execution ; to whose
custody the king is committed till his re
turn. Alexander gone downe, the fellow trem
bles with reverence, puts down his sword,
and craves pardon ; whieh gave the king
occasion to worke upon that passion, and
to aske him whether he resolved to murther
him? Being assured to the contrary, the
king gets leave to open a window that
looked into a back court, when presently
Alexander returnes, and tells the king that
he must dy. But much affrighted, at the
fellowes countenance, with his sword offers
violence to the king, which the fellow
seemingly opposes ; and betweene them be
gan a scuffle, which gave advantage to the
king to cry treason at the window, which
looked into a back court; where Sir Thomas
Erskin and one Herries were come in pur*
VOL. II. n

1.1-i AULICUS COQUINARUE.
suite of the king, who was rumored to be
gone out the back way to his hunting.
At the cry of treason, and known to be
the king's voice, they both hastened up a
back staire, called the Turnepike, being
directed by a servant of the house, who saw
Alexander ascend that way ; and so for
cing some doores, they found them above
panting with the fray; and up comes also,
at heeles of them, John Ramsey (after Earle
of Holdernesse ;) by them Alexander was
soon dispatched.
Not long after came the Earle Gowry
(by his double key) the first way, with a
case of rapiers, his usual! weapons, and
ready drawn ; to whom Erskin said, as to
diverthis purpose, What do you meane, my
lord ? the king is killed, (for the king was
shadowed, having cast himselfe upon a
bed from his sight; and his cloak was
thrown upon the body of Alexander, bleed
ing on the ground.) At which Gowry stops,
sincking the points of his weapons ; when
suddenly Herries strickes at. him with a

AULICUS COQUINARIiE. 115
hunting fawlchion ; and Ramsey having his
hawke on his fist, casts her off, and steps
into Gowry, and stabs him to the heart;
and forthwith more company came up.
And the truth, very notorious then to
every eye and eare-witnesse, not a few.
There remained but one younger sonne
of that house, who, though a childe, was
from that time imprisoned, by act of their
parliament, and so continued afterwards
here in the Tower of London until that
king's death ; and the grace ofthe late King
Charles restored him to liberty, with a
small pension, which kept him like a gen
tleman to these times ; but now failing*
he walks the streets, poore, but well expe
rienced also in chimicall physick, and in
other parts of learning.
* Not long after this conspiracy, Herries
dies well rewarded. John Ramsey hath the
honor of knighthood, with an additional
bearing to his cote of armes, a hand hold
ing forth a dagger, reversed proper, piercing
a bloudy heart, the point crowned empe-

116 AULICUS COQUINARIiE.
riall, with this d isti ck, Hcec Dextra Vindew
Principis et Patriot. Afterward he was cre
ated Lord Haddington and Earle of Hol-
dernesse. And our pamphlet bestowes on him this
character, a very good gentleman by nature,
r-amp.a. but (in this story) a lier by practise: for
* which all these favours were too little re
ward. Sir Thomas Erskin was afterwards crea
ted Earl of Kelly, Knight of the Garter,
captain of the king's guard, and groome of
the stoole ; and the fellow designed for
the murtherervhad a large pension confirm
ed by act of their parliament. *
And all these men (but Herries) were
living, with other witnesses at King James'
journey, when he went from hence to visit
Scotland ; and met together by direction
at the same house, with ceremony ; and all
of them, with a number of courtiers, ascend
ed 4nto the same roome, the bloud yet re
maining, where the king related the story,
and confirmed by them ; and afterwards

AULICUS COQUINARIiE. 117
'kneeling down, with tears of contrition for
his sinnes to God, and thankfulnesse for
this mercy, using many pious ejaculations,
embraced all these actors in the former tra
gedy ; when the poor fellow also kist the
king's hand.
These circumstances gave occasion then,
that this whole story was freshly revived, to
the common satisfaction of the whole coun-
trey, and our English courtiers ; and in
especiall, unto the very reverend bishop,
and nobly borne, James Mountegue, then
present ; to whom the king addressed him
self, in this relation, and from whose mouth
I received these particulars at his return
into England.
And thus much we have by* word of
mouth ; somewhat I shall add out of wri
tings for more satisfaction.
This treason was attempted the 4th of
August, 1600; and though there followed
sundry suspitions and examination of seve
ral other persons supposed abbetters and
contrivers, yet it lay undiscovered, tanquame

118 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
postliminio untill eight years after, by the
Circumspection principally of the Earle of
Dunbar, a man of as great wisdome as those
times and that kingdome could boast of,
upon the person of one George Sprot, no-
tary-publick, of Ayemouth, in Scotland.
From some words, which at first he sparing
ly or unawares expressed, and also by some
papers which were found in his house,
whereof being examined, with a little adoe
he confessed, and was condemned and exe
cuted at Edenburgh the 1 2th of August,
1608. ¦sA relation I conceive not common, but
in my hands to be produced, and written
by that learned gentleman Sir William Hart,
then Lord Justice of Scotland, and princi
pall in all the acts of judicature herein.
And first, George Sprot confesseth, That
he knew perfectly that Robert Logane, late
of Restalrig, was prjvy, and upon foreknow
ledge of John, late Earl of Gowrie's trea
sonable Conspiracy : That he knew there
were divers letters interchanged betwixt
12

AULICUS COQUINARI.E. 119
them, anent their treasonable purpose, July
1600, which letters, James Bour, called
Laird Bour, servitor to Restalrig, (imploy-
ed betwixt them, and privy to all that ar-
rand,) had in keeping, and shewed the same
to Sprot in Fast-Castle. That Sprot was
present, when Bour, after five daies absence,
returned with answers by letter from Gowry,
and staid all night with Restalrig, at his
house Gunnesgreen, and rode the next
morne to Lothiane, where he staid six daies,
then to FasfcCastle, where he abode a short
space. That he saw and heard Restalrig read
these letter^, which Bour brought back
from Gowry, and all their conference there-
anent. And that Bour said, " Sir, if you
think to get commodity by this dealing,
lay your hand on your heart ;" and that
Restalrig answered, " though he should lose
all in the world, yet he would passe through
with Gowry ; for that matter would as welF
content him as the kingdome." To wnom
Bour said, " You may do as you please,

£20 AULICUS COQUINARIjE.
sir, but it is not my councell that you
should be so suddain in that other matter;
but for the condition of Darlton, I would
ljke very well of it." To this Restalrig an
swered, " Content yourself, I am not at my
wits end."
That Sprot himself entered into confer
ence with Bour, demanding what was to
be dope between the Carle and the laird ?
Bour answered, " That he beleeved that
the laird would get Darlton without gold
or silver ; but he feared it would be deerer
to him."
That Sprot inquiring further how that
should be done ? Bour said, " They have
another pie in hand then buying and sell
ing of land; but prayed $prot fpr God's
sake, that he would let be, and not be
troubled with the lairds business ; for he
feared that within few daies the laird would
be landlesse and livelesse."
And Sprot being demanded afterwards,
if all these confessions were true, as he
would answer upon the salvation of his

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 121
soul, seeing his death was neer approach
ing t Sprot said,
" That he had no desire, to live, and had
care only of cleering his conscience in the
truth ; and that all the former points and
circumstances were true, with the deposi
tions made b}r him the 5th of July last, and
the whole confession made by him since,
as he hoped to be saved, and which he
would scale with his bloud."
And further being demanded, Where was'
now the letter of Restalrig to Gowry ? he
answered, " That he had this letter amongst
oi her of Restalrig's papers which Bour had
in keeping, and whieh Sprot copied out,
and that he left the principall letter in his
chest amongst his writings when he was ta
ken and brought away, and that it is closed
and folded in a sheet of paper."
These depositions made by George Sprot,
the 10th of August, 1608, and others be
fore, (being all included in this indictment
following, to which for brevity 1 shall re
mit the reader,) and written by James Primr

122 AULICUS COQUINARI.E.
rose, clerk of the king's councell, and sub
scribed George Sprot. Present,
Earl of Dunbar, Earl Lothiane, Bishop
of Rosse, Lord Schone, Lord Hallo-rod-
house, Lord Blantire, Sir William Hart,
Lord Justice, Mr John Hall, Mr Patrick
Galloway, Mr Peter Hewet, -ministers of
Edenburgh, and subscribed with all their
hands. The next^day, 11th of August, Sprot was
re-examined, and to him declared the as
surance of his death, and was advised not
to abuse his conscience to witnesse un
truths, and upon the innocency of the dead
or living. To which he deposeth, That be
ing resolved to die, and as he wishes to be
participant of heaven, upon the salvation
or damnation of his soul, that all that he
had deposed were true in every point and
circumstance, and no untruth in them.
The next day, being the 12th of August,
1608, Sprot was presented in judgement

AULICUS COQUINARI^. 123
upon pannell, within the talboth of Eden-
burgh, before
Sir William Hart, Knight, Lord Justice
of Scotland, assisted with these per
sons, viz.
Alexander, Earle of Dunferling, Lord
Chancellour ; George* Earle of Dunbar,
Lord Treasurer ; John, Arch-bishop of Glas-
coe; David, Bishop of Rosse; G a wen, Bi
shop of Galloway ; Andrew, Bishop of Bre-
chine ; David, Earl of Crawford ; Mark,
Earl of Lothaine ; James, Lord Aberne-
thie ofSaltonne; James, Lord of Balme-
rinoth Senitapie ; Walter, Lord Blantire ;
John, Lord Burley ; Sir Richard Coburn,
Knight; Master John Preston, Collector,
General ; Sir John Skewe, Knight, Regis-
ter. And he was declared accused, and pur
sued by Sir Thomas Hamilton, Knight, ad
vocate to the king, for his highnesse entries
of the crimes contained in his indictment,
whereof the tenure followes, viz. : *

124 AULICUS COQUINARIiE.
George Sprot, notary in Ayemouth, you
are indicted and accused, forasmuch as
John, sometime Earle of Gowry, having
most cruelly, detestably, and treasonably
conspired, in the moneth of July, the year
of God 1600, to murther our deere and
most gracious soveraigne the king's most
excellent majesty; and, having imparted
that divelish purpose to Robert Logaine of
Restalrig, who allowed of the same, and
most willingly and readily undertook to be
partaker thereof. The same comming to
your knowledge, at the times, and in the
manner particularly after specified, you
most unnaturally, maliciously, and treason
ably concealed the satne, and was art and
part thereof in manner following : And first,
In the said moneth of July, 1600, after you
had perceived and known that divers let
ters and messages had past betwixt the said
John, som times Earl of Gowry, and the
said Robert Logane. of Restalrig, you be
ing in the house of Fast-Castle, you saw

AULICUS COQUINARIJE. 125
and read a letter written by the said Res
talrig, with his own hand, to the said Earl
of Gowry, viz.
My lord, &c. at the receipt of your let
ter I am so confuted, that I can neither
utter my joy, nor find my selfe sufficient
ly able to requite your lordship with due
thanks ; and perswade your lordship, in
that matter, I shall be as forward for your
honour as if it were my own cause ; and I
think there is no Christian that would not
be content to revenge that Machiavilian
massacring of our deer friends ; yea, how
beit it should be to venture and hazard life,
lands, and all things else. My heart can
bind me to take part in that matter, as
your lordship shall find proof thereof; but
one thing would be done, namely, that your
lordship should be circumspect and earnest
with your brother, that he be not rash in
any speeches touching the purpose of Pal-
dua. And a certain space after the execution
ofthe aforesaid treason, the said Robert Lo-

126^ AULICUS COQUlNARXas.
gane having desired the Laird of Bour to
deliver to him the said letter, or else to burn
it ; and Bour having given to you, all tickets
and letters which he then had, either con
cerning Restalrig or others, to see the same,
because he could not xeade himself, you
abstracted the above-written letter, and re
tained the same in your own hands, and
divers times read it, containing further, to
wit, My lord, you may easily understand,
that such a purpose as your lordship in
tendeth can not be done rashly, but with
deliberation ; and I think for my self, that
it were most meet to have the men your
lordship spake of ready in a bote or bark,
and addresse them as if they were taking
pastime on the sea in such faire summer
time ; and if your lordship could think
good, either your self to come to my house
Fast-castle by sea, or to send your brother,
I should have the house very quiet, and well
provided after your lordships advertisement;
and no others shall have accesse to haunt

AULICUS COQUINARIiE. 127
the place, during your being here. And if
your lordship doubt of safe landing, J shall
provide all such necessaries as may serve
for your arrival within a flight-shot of the
house. And perswade your lordship, you
shall be as sure and quiet here, while we
have setled our plot, as if you were in your
own chamber ; for I trust, and am assured,
we shall have word within few daies from
them your lordship knowes of; for I have
care to see what ships come home by. Your
lordship knows I have kept the lord Both-
well quietly in this house in his greatest
extremity, in spite of king and councell. I
hope, if all things come to pass, (as I trust
they shall,) to have both your lordship and
his lordship at a good dinner ere I dy, Hac
jocose. To animate your lordship, I doubt
not but all things will be well.: and I am
resolved thereof, your lordship shall not
doubt of any thing on my part : peril of
life, lands, honor and goods ; yea, the ha
zard of hell shall not affray me from that ;
yea, though the scaffold were already set

128 AULICUS COQUINARI.&.
up. The sooner the matter were done, it
were the better : for the king's buck-hunt
ing will be shortly, and I hope it will pre
pare some daintier cheer for us to live the
next year. I remember well, my lord, that
merry sport which your lordship's brother
told me of a nobleman at Padua : for I
think that a parasceve to this purpose.
My lord, think nothing that I commit
the secret hereof to this bearer ; for I dare
not onely venture my life, lands, honour,
and all I have else on his credit, but I
durst hazard my soule in his keeping, I am
so perswaded of his fidelity. And I trow
(as your lordship may ask him if it be true)
he would go to hell-gates for me, and he is
not beguiled of my part to him. And
therefore I doubt not but this will perswade
"your lordship to give him trust in this mat
ter as to my self. But I pray you direct
him home again with all speed possible ;
and give him strait command, that he take
not a wink sleep till he see me again after x
he comes from you. And as your lordship

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 129
desireth in your letter to me, either rive or
burn this letter, or send it back again with
the bearer ; for so is the fashion I grant.
Restalrig.
Which letter, writ every word with the
said Robert Logane's own hand, was also
so subscribed with this word, Restalrig.
And albeit by the contents of the afore
said letter, you know perfectly the truth of
the said most treasonable conspiracy, and
the said Logane his foreknowledge, allow
ance and guilt thereof, like as you were as
sured of the same by his receiving divers
letters sent by Gowry to him, and by his
returning letters to Gowry for the same pur
pose, and by sundry conferences betwixt
Logane and Bour, in your presence and
hearing, concerning the said treason, as
well in July preceding the attempt thereof,
as at divers other times shortly thereafter ;
as likewise by Bour his revealing thereof
to you, who was upon the knowledge and
devise of the treason, and was imployed as
VOL. II. I

130 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
ordinary messenger by Logane to Gowry ;
whereby your knowledge, concealing, and
guilt of the same was undeniable.
Yet for further manifestation thereof,
about July 1602, the said Logane shewed
unto you, that Bour had told him, that he
had been somewhat rash, to let you see a
letter which came from Gowry to Logane,
who then urged you to tell what you under
stood by the same : to whom you answered,
that you took the meaning thereof to be,
that he had been upon the councell and
purpose of Gowrie's conspiracy : and that
he answered you, what e're he had done,
the worst was his own : but if you would
swear to him that you should never reveale
any thing of that matter to any person, it
should be the best sight that ever you saw :
and in token of further recompence, he gave
you twelve pounds of silver. Never thelesse,
albeit you know perfectly the whole prac
tise and progresse of all the said treason,
from the beginning to the end ; , as also by
your conference with Bour and Logane,

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 131
during all the daies of their lives, who lived
till the year 1606, or therabouts: and so
by the space of six years you concealed the
same, and so you was and is art and part
of the said treason, and of the concealing ;
and so you ought to suffer under the pain
of high treason. To the token, that you
have not only by your depositions subscri
bed by you, and solemnly made in presence
of many of the lords of his majestie's privy
councell, and the ministers of the borough
of Edenburgh, of the dates of the 5. 15.
and 16. daies of July last past, and 10. and
11. of August instant, confessed every head,
point, and article of the indictment above-
said, but also by divers other depositions
subscribed by you ; you have ratifyed the
same, and sworn constantly to abide there
at, and to seal the same with your bloud.
Which indictment being read openly, before
Sprot was put to the knowledge of inquest,
he confess'd the same and every point to be
true ; and therefore the indictment was put

132 '^AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
to the inquest of the honest, famous, and dis
creet persons, that is to say,
Williani Trumball, of Ardre; William
Fisher, merchant and burgesse of Eden
burgh; Rob. Short there; Ed. Johnstone,
merchant burgess there ; Harb. Maxwel,
of Cavens ; Ja. Tennent, of Linchouse ;
Wil.Trumbill, burg, of Edenburgh; Geor.
Brown, in Gorgy Mill ; Joh. Hucheson and
John Lewes, merch. burgh, of Edenburgh;
Ja. Somervill and Wil. Swinton, of the same ;
John Crunison, of Dirlton ; Th. Smith and
. John Cowtis, burg, of Edenburgh.
Which persons of inquest, sworn and ad
mitted, and reading over the same indict
ment again in his and their presence, the
said George Sprot confessed the same to be
true. Whereupon the said SirThomas Ha
milton, his majesties advocate, asked act
and instrument; and therefore the inquest
removed to the Inquest-house, and elected
Harbert Maxwell to be their chancelour or
foreman : And after mature deliberation,

AULICUS COQUINARI«. 133
they all re-entred againe in court, where the
said foreman declared the said George Sprot
to be guilty, filed, and convict of art and
part of the said treason ; for which cause
the said justice, by the mouth of the dem-
ster of court, by sentence and doom ordain
ed the said George Sprot to be taken to the
Market>crosse of Edenburgh, and there to
be hanged upon a gibbet till he be dead,
and thereafter his head to be stricken off,
and his body to be quartered and demean
ed as a traytor, and his head to be set upon
a prick of iron upon the highest part of the
talboth of Edenburgh, where the traytor
Gowrie and otherconspiratours heads stand,
and his lands and goods forfeited and es
cheat to our sovereign lord the kings use.
Extractum de Libro Actorum Adjornalis
S. D. N. Regis per me D. Johannem
Coburne de Ormeston Militem9 Clericum
Institiarii ejusdem generalem. Sub meis
signo $• mbscriptione manualibus.
And so was George Sprot conveyed to a
private house, remaining at his meditations ;

134 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
and afterwards conferred with the ministers,
confessing all aforesaid with extreame hu
miliation and prayer. , Afterwards, gang
ing up the ladder, with his hands loose and
untyed, he was again put in mind of the
truth of his confessions. He, for the greater
assurance thereof, perform'd an act marvel
ous, promising, by God's assistance, to give ¦
them an evident token before the yielding
up of his spirit ; which was, when he had
hung a very good while, he left up both his
hands a good height, and clapped them
together three severall times, to the wonder
of thousand spectators, and so dyed.
For more confirmation of the afore narra
tion, there was present George Abbot, then
doctor in divinity, and Dean of Winches
ter, after Arch- Bishop of Canterbury, who
was present both at his examination and
execution, and hath made the same wri
ting and observance even almost verbatim,
as all the afore specified relation intends;
which I can produce also.
And more, one  , doctor of divinity,

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 135
present also, saies as much ; which no doubt
is sufficient satisfaction to all reasonable
men, tbat there was such a conspiracy, and
not fained.
And now we come to remember the Earl E^e* m9
of Essex ; the universal love of whose me
mory was but of such whom he formerly
caught by his affected popularity, or of
others, that followed his treasonable prac
tises, which were grosse enough to be fore-
apprehended by every faithful subject,
especially, being prosecuted against the
person of that glorious sunne, his obliging Pamv' 10*
mistresse, whom a little before our pamph
let commemorates with much passion, till
now that he comes to treason ; a small fault
belike, and pardonable in Essex. For he
saith, that King James hated Sir Robert
Cecill ; it seems for but prosecuting,
amongst other councelours and peers, a
traytor's death. Intimating, no doubt, the
king's impatient desire to inherit these
crownes by any treason. But he spares no

136 AULICUS COQUINARlAft.
invectives against any of worth or honor
that comes in his way.
ft^x.' This earle was eldest sonne to Walter
Devoreux, (of a Norman family,) Viscount
Hereford and Bowrchier, Lord Ferrers of
Chartley ; and by Queen Elizabeth created
Earle of Essex and Ewe, anno 1572, and
Knight of the Garter.
He was sent into Ireland Lord Marshall
against the rebells ; and, as if but sent of
an errand, he presently falls sick, and dies
at Dublin, 1576: His body brought over,
and intomb'd at Carmarthen, in Wales.
This Robert succeeded his father's ho
nours, and was looked upon in court by all
with pity, through the sacrifice of his fa
ther ; but by the queen with great affection,
whome she advanced (his fortunes being
lowe) with many gifts of grace and bounty ;
at his arraignement accounted to the Lord
Treasurer Dorset to be 300,000 1. sterling,
in pure gift for his only use, besides the
fees of his offices, and the disposition of the

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 137
treasure in his armies : Of all which he
Soon became a bold ingrosser both of fame
and favour.
And first, in anno 1585, he receaves
knighthood ; in 1588, Knight of the Gar
ter ; in 1589 he had command in chief in
an expedition into Portingal against Lis-
bone ; in 1595, sworn councelour of state ;
1596 he was sent with a navy lo the isle
Cadiz, in Spain, and presently after made
Lord Marshall of England. In 1597 he
commanded in another fleet, to the islands
Sercera's ; his contemporaries who stood in
competition with him for fame, were, Sir
Charles Blunt, afterwards Earle ot Devon- Biunt.iate
shire, and General! Norris, his neer friends ;
and yet whom he envied, the last to his
ruin ; men of greater merit and truer value.
And after the destruction of Norris,he takes
upon him the expedition into Ireland, the
place of exercise for the best of the militia.
And who durst oppose him ? Though
the queen had an eye of favour upon Blunt,
often saying, that she presaged him the

E. of Dev.

138 AULICUS C0QUTNARI.3E.
man to end her cares in that kingdome.
And she was a true prophetesse, though
not in her time, but in her successor, King
James. This Blunt was^a gallant gentleman, and
learned, on whom she bestowed a Jewell
for his behaviour at a tilting, which he
wore after, tackt with a scarlet riband, upon
his arme; and for no other cause Essex
' must needs fight with him, and was runne
through the arme for his labour. '
But Essex got imployments from them
all ; offering, the service evermore, at lesse .
charge of men and money, then others his
competitors.
?rXnd0f And over he goes, Deputy -of Ireland,
neraii.er and generall of all the forces there ; with
commission strict enough to imbound his
popularity with the souldiery and his own
family, which followed him in troops, either
to devour or undo him.
No sooner landed, but ere he drew sword
1 See vol, I. p. 47, note.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 139
on the enemy, he dubbs knighthood upon
seven gentlemen, volunteers ; which honour
he had very lavishly bestowed at Cadiz, and
was therefore soundly chidden by the
queen. And now restrained by his commission,
with much a-do, unlesse to men of known
merit, and those after battaile.
For this-first act, the-queene swore he
began his rant : Of which he had present
intelligence from his deerest friend and un
cle, Sir Francis Knowls, a councelor of sr Francis
Knowlea
state and controwler of her household, and J* c<£;
after Earl of Banbury ; who spared not his dent"
advise and councel at all times : And be
tween them there passed intelligence with
every dispatch ; whose letters and papers,
principall from Essex, and copies to him I
have seen ; by which there appears, even
from the beginning of that imployment, a
very plaine and intentional resolution in
Essex to make himself master of his own
ambition, and by this way and meanes to
effect it ; grounding all his discontents and

rone,

140. AULICUS COQUINARIiE.
dislikes, that the queens eare was open to
his enemies at court ; and therefore it be
hoved him io guard bimself, which he re
solved to do by help of his friends and fate ;
and, indeed, having fallen into remarkable
offences, together with the treaties with Ty
rone the arch-rebell, without order from
England, and without acquainting his
councell of warre, with whose advise he was
limetted to act.
w"hTy. ^is true he advanced against the enemy,
and soon accepts an invitation to a treaty,
accompanied with his councell of warre;
but comming to the brinck of a river, the
place assigned, he plunges his horse to the
middle stream alone, and there meets him
Tyrone on horseback, where their private
discourse gave sufficient caution to all that
looked on aloof-off, that Essex meant no
fair play for his mistresse. For which fact,
and no blow stroock in all this time, men
and money wasted, he was soundly blamed
by the councell at home, and no more let
ters from the queens own hand, which he
usually received afore.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 141
In great choler, as to dispute or revenge, Return*
liome.
and without leave from hence, he leaves
his command to a lieutenant, and comes
over with a hundred gentlemen, his best
confidents ; hastens to court, ere it was
known to any but to his deer uncle, to
whom he writes, " Dear uncle, receiving
your last at my entring on ship-board, I
return the accounts thereof at my landing ;
being resolved, with all speed, (and your
silence,) to appear in the face of my ene
mies, not trusting afarre off to my own in
nocency, or to the queens favour, with
whom they have got so much power," &c.
At sight of him, with amaze to the queen,
she swore, God's death, my lord, what do
you here ? Your presence is most unwel
come without Tyrone's head in your port-
mantle. But he, falling more to a dispute
then any excuse, she, in disdaine to be
tauglit but what she pleased to do, bid him
begone, his boots stunck.
And so was he presently commanded T
v J Is com-
and committed to the Arch-bishop of Can- ™S"4

His rebel
lious de
signs.

142 AULICUS COQUINARI.E.
terbury to Lambeth, where, not long after,
he was convented before a committee of
the councel, ad correctionem, not ad destruc-
tioneni. The queen very gracious, hoping
his offences might discerne favour, for ac
cording to his examinations then and the
merit of his cause. I have seen his uncles
papers, breviates, (who was one of his
judges,) intended as his censure to con
demnation, and so fitted for further tryall.
But the day before they had other direc
tion from the queen, saying, " He was
young enough to mend and make amends
for all."
And so their censures shewed him his
errors, and left him to her grace and mercy,
only restraining him to his own house against
Saint Clements, not without dayly letters
from Knowles, with advice to be rid of his
ranting followers, captaines, and sword-
men of the town, flocking and incouraging
him to a revenge on his enemies.
It was not long that he could contain,
saying, "¦ He was engaged to go on ;" and

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 14S
on a Sunday morning the councell sat,
(which was usuall, untill the late Arch-bi
shop Lawd, in honour of the morning sacri
fice, altered that course to the afternoon,)
then the first flame brake out.
To him they sent their clerke of the coun- i„,priSons
cell, to know the reason from his lordship ofthe"
~_ councell,
of the meetmg of so many weaponed men
at his house ; but the messenger not return
ing, being kept prisoner, the chiefest coun-
celours commanded by the queen came to
him ; and no sooner entered Essex house,
but the gates were clapped too, all their
train kept out, the court-yard full of gal
lants. Some cryed kill them, imprison
them, to the court, seise the queen, and
be our own carvers. Essex comes down and the
with all reverence, ushers them up, resol- thedco°un-
ving to detain them prisoners, and pledges
for his successe.
Indeed, in this hurly burly of advice he
took the worst ; for, leaving them in safety
with Sir Ferdinando Gorges," he, with the
Earle of Southampton in one boat, and

cell.

:sf ¦-;-[.'(«!,:

144 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
some others in other boats, took water at his
garden staires, and landing neer the bridge,
went on foot up the streets, with such stragg
ling company as came in their way ; towhora
he protested, that the queen should have
been murthered, and his and other good
councellors lives in perill by enemies of the
state,' that forced a power from 'the queene
to the imminent destruction of the kingdom;
These speeches, with their swords drawne,
took little effect with the people, who came
running out of the churches, being sermon-
time, without weapons or any offensable
assistance, contrary to his expectation.
But on he goes to Sir Thomas Smith's,
where he kept his shreevealty, neere Fan-.
church, his confiding friend, by whose coun
tenance he hoped to worke with' the multi
tude. He being absent at Paul's crosse
sermon, Essex staid no longer then to shift
his shirt, and so passed through Cheap-side
to Paul's west-end, where he found his first
opposition by some forces got together by
the Bishop of London and the trained band.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 145
And after proclamation, .that Essex and
Southampton were traitors, and all those
that followed their faction ; many dropping
from the crowds there was little defence by
his parly, though some were killed, and
himselfe forsaken of the wisest. He retires
back to Queenhithe, and so to Essex house
by water ; where, finding the birds flowen,
the councellors released by their keeper,
who, in hope of pardon, accompanied them
to the queenes presence, discovering so
much as he knew concerning his lord, who,
finding himselfe too weake to withstand
the force of a peece of cannon, mounted
upon the church to batter his house, he
and Southampton yeelded themselves pri
soners to the Tower ; where, being arraign
ed and condemned, Southampton had re-
preeve, and after pardon ; but Essex, the Arraigped
and exe-
reward of his merits, and executed in March, cuted.
1601, upon the inrter hill. in the Tower, to
the regret of none either wise or honest;
leaving behind him one only son, the last
of his line.
VOE. u, , j?

146, AULICUS^ COQUINARIAE.
pamp! 10. William Cecil!, illustrate from the family
of Cecils, (who suffered persecution in the
times of Henry Eighth, Edward Sixth, and
Queen Mary,) he was knighted by Queen
Elizabeth, so soone as she was settled in
her crowne, then Secretary and Councellor
of .State, afterwards created Baron Of Bur-
lighj'then made Lord Treasurer of England,
and Knight ofthe Garter, and died Chan-
cellor of the University of Cambridge,
anno 1598, intombed at Westminster, lea
ving two sons : the elder, Thomas, was theh
Lord President of the North, and after
wards created Earle of Exeter by King
James, and Privy Councellor of State. He
died anno , discreet and honourable,
whom the world could never tax with any
taint.
gRobert The Qther g0]lj Robertj wag the gecondj
but a true inheriter of his fathers wisdome,
and by him trained up to future perfections
of a judicious statesman. After his knight
hood, the first imployment from court, (for
he was not at all bred out of it,) sent him

AULICUS COGUINARIAE. 147
assistant with the Earle of Darby, embas- v
sadour to the French king. At his returne,
the queen took him second secretary with
Sir Fr. Walsingham ; after whose decease,
he continued principal, and so kept it to
his death, not relinquishing any preferment
for the addition of a greater ; a remarkable
note, which few men of the gowne can boast
of. His father lived to see him setled in
these preferments, and after Master of the
Wards and Liveries : these he held to the
queenes death, being in all her time used
amongst the men of weight, as having great
sufficiencies from his instruction who begat
him. Those offices here in public, with per
petual correspondence by emissaries of his
own into Scotland, might no doubt make
him capable of reception with King James,
who was to be advised by him how to be
received here of his people. Without any
necessity then, to make use pf Sir George
Hewmes or his initiation afterwards with
any juggling trickes, his merrits certainly pamP.i3,
appeared to. the king, who not onely not

148 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
diminished his former preferments, but of
ten added to them even to the day of his
death. As first, Baron of Essenden, then Vis
count Cranborne, after Earle of Salisbury,
and Knight of the Garter ; and lastly, Lord
Treasurer of England.
He was a councellor of singular merit, a
very great discoverer of the late queens ene
mies abroad, and of private assinations at
home : For which she valued him, and the
papists hated him, which they published
by several manuscripts (which I have seen)
and printed libels ; and that most pestilent
against his birth and honour, threatening
to kill him, which himselfe answered wise
ly, learnedly, and religiously, extant in Eng
lish and La tine, Adversus Perduelles.
Indeed it behoved the king to bestow
upon him the waight of the treasurers staffe,
the cofers then in some want, which the
king was not likely soon to recover, but
rather to increase in debt, having the addi
tion of wife and children to boot. And be-

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 149
ing now come, with common opinion into
the capacity, (by his additional crownes,)
to reward his old servants, and to appear
obliging unto new ones.
The world wondering at the worth of this
great councellor, I know not upon what
score our pamphleter should endeavour to
scandal bis memory.
Which he rancks into numbers of ill PaniP-,s'
offices to his nation, as the burning of a
whole cart-load of parliaments presidents,
which no man can be so sottish as to be-
leeve that knowes the strict concerving of
those records by sworne officers.
As for the baronets, it was the earnest Baronets-
suite of two hundred prime gentlemen of
birth and estates to my knowledge, for I
copied the list before ever it came to this
lord. And as true it is, that this lord's re
ception thereto was in the "same Words
which our pamphlet puts upon the king,
that it would discontent the gentry, to
which themselves replyed, " Nay, my lord,
it will rather satisfie .them in advance of

150 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
dignity be fore1 others, who now come be
hind those meaner men, whom the king
was forced to knight for his own honour,
and some merits of theirs, having no other
reward or money to spare, and therein not
much to blame to oblige them that way.
Pamp. 13. ^s for j.nat supposed jugling which the
Duke of Bullion should discover, as it
was never known to wiser men, so we may
take it a devise of his, who in these, as in
other such like of his own, may truly merit
that character which he bestowes before
.[On the good gentleman.]
Pamp. 9. i desire pardon if I speake much and
truth in the memory of this noble lord, be
ing somewhat concerned to speak my owne
knowledge. I know that this Earle of Salesbury, de
clining his health with continuall labour for
the good of this nation, both in the former
and in this his soveraign's service, and am
willing to give some light thereof to such
as are pleased to read these particulars, be
ing an account of his concernments.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 151
For first, he found the king's manndrs j^6sbr"ce
and fairest • possessions most unsurveyed 1°^
and uncertain, rather by report then by iaadTr
measure, not more known then by ancient
rents ; the estate granted rather by chance
then upon knowledge.
The custody-lands, (antiently termed £n£°d^
crown-lands,) much charged upon the she
riffs, yearly discharged by annual pensions.
A revenue which seemed decayed, by des
cent of times, and worne out of all remem
brance : these he evermore revived by com
missioners of asserts.
The woods were more uncertain then the woods.
rest ; no man knew the copices, number of
acres, growth, or value, nor of timber-trees,
either number or worth. So as truly he
might well find himself in a wood indeed :
the trees wasted without controwle, because
no record kept thereof ; these he caused to
be numbred, marked, and valued, easily to
be questioned when thereafter missing.
The copy-hold lands, where the arbitrary c°py-
fines ceased by the discretion of the stew-

152 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
ards, and did seldome yeeld the parsons
parti and that also vanished in fees and
charges. The state was then after like to
raise of these natures the true values, and
to receive equal benefit with the rest of the
subjects, if the book had bin since obser
ved, which he caused in print.
And for the copy-holders of inheritance,
who by many records prove their fines cer
tain, they did hereupon offer for their free-
dome 20, 30, 40, and 50 yeares purchase,
where they could shew probable records
without fine to free themselves. The wastes
Hfctm- ano- commons were tender titles, full of
murmering and commotion, which truly he
never durst offer to inclose, nor to urge the
tenants to become suitors themselves, with
whom commissioners were to be appointed
to compound for a part, and so he made a
good president for the rest.
casual The casual fines due to the king out of
the private possessions, (as other lords have
by their courts of leets, court barons, and
such like,) and out of publique offences,

MODS

fines,

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 153
as the king was parent of the common
wealth ; unto whom belonged et pramium
et pana. These being natures left for the
king's bounty, he commended them also
to commissioners for a better revenue to
be raised, being till his time utterly neglect
ed and almost lost. "
As for the extended lands, where the of
ficers became indebted to the crown, and
made it an art to have their lands extend
ed at easy rates, he caused the most of
these to be surveyed, commended the im
provement to commissioners, and com
manded the tenants to appear before them.
The improvements of the customes he
advanced from 86,000/. to 120,000 1, and
from that to 125,000/. by the year.
.He bargained for the river- water to be River wa-
ter.
brought to London, and so to the driest
parts, which brought a great yearly value.
He alwaies incouraged all industry of- Manufac-.
° J tures.
manufactures : such inventions as the sta
tutes admit and countenance, as home-ma
king of allome, salt by the sunne, "busses

154

AULICUS COQUINARIAE.

Intelli
gence.

Ireland
improved.

Wards and
liveries.

for fishing, salt upon salt, by new fires and
inventions, copper and coperas of iron, and
of Steele, that the subjects at home might
be set on work, and the small treasure of
the nation kept within.
It concerned him as secretary to have
intelligence from all parts of the world, and
correspondence with all embassadours and"
forreigne states, not to be neglected at any
hand, which he did, at his own cost. So did
all parts grow confident of such a counce-
lour ; and so he kept rules with the United
Provinces, whose friendships he would say
much concerned this state.
I may not forget his Christian care for
poor Ireland ; plantations there, and trans
plantations of the natives, to advance the
customes there, and to abate the charges
of the garrisons ; and he did endeavour,
and in manner did effect, an universall
course of law and justice in the most bar
barous and remote parts of that nation.
And now concerning the court of wards
and liveries. By constitution of this state

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 155
all the lands of this nation are holden by
two tenures, by soccage, or by knights ser
vice, by the plough to feed us, or by the
sword to defend us ; and who so died lea
ving an heir within age, unable to do this
service, his heir and lands fell both to the
protection of the soveraign ; and this in
antient time was promiscuously carryed in
the court of Chancery until the middle
time of Henry the Eighth, when this court
of wards was first erected. Since which
time, the masters thereof, by favour of the
soveraign, did accustome (as a bounty of
state) to grant unto noble men, the king's
servants, and their owne followers, both the
marriage of the body and the lease of the
lands for a third peny of their true worth.
But in all humility, his lordship finding
the estate in a retrograde consumption, did
with, all obedience present his patent at the
kings feet, and so the whole benefit became
the profit ofthe crown.
Thus he wrought in the mine ofthe state-
affaires, and wasted his carkasse with desire

12.

156 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
to have done better service in these his of-
fices of Treasurer, Secretary, and Master of
the Wards ; and yet these were sufficient
just and true merits, without friends, wit,
of wealth, to raise him so much in his mas
ter's esteem ; or without ill offices done by
him to this nation, as our pamphlet will
make us believe in many absurd particu
lars.
Pamp.ii. And truly his studious labours in the
state brought him the sooner to sicknesse,
a consumption of the lungs, wherein he
wasted some years: and at last, by ad
vise for cure at the Bath, he took leave of
the king, who came to visit him at Salis
bury house, and, with tears at his parting,
protested to the lords attending, his "great
losse of the wisest councelour and best ser
vant that any prince in^Christendome could
paralel : of whom one saies,
Tu pater et patria. princeps, prudentia cu-
jus extulit immensum reges, populosque Bri-
tannos. His time at the Bath was short, being

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 157
spent to extremity ere he came thither, and
returning back by the way, he was taken
out of his litter, and put himself in his
coach, and died afterwards at St Margarets,
in the house of that worthy gentleman Mr
Daniel, in May 1612. My Lord Viscount
Crambome, now Earle of Salisbury, and
the Lord Clifford, Sir Robert Manton, and
many more gentlemen of quality then pre
sent whom I saw there. He was imbalmed,
and after intombed at his princely mannor
of Hartfield ; a fairer corps then any brasen pamp. u.
face that belies his disease. His death was
extreame sadness to the king and to all his
friends, and others of worth and honour.
For in spite of the pamphleter, he will be PamP- 1*>
valued, as he does confesse,
Never came a better.
The next we meet with is Henry, Earle HenryHoward,
of Northampton. Earieof
L - Northamp-
The antient and illustrious family of the ton*
Howards were here more eminent then any

158 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
other that ushered the king to his addition-
all crownes.
This Henry Howard was brother unto
Thomas,NDuke of Norfolke, who suffered
for his attempt of marriage with the Queen
of Scots whilst she was prisoner here in
England, which might be some motive to
induce the king to consider the advance of
that family, though they were indued with
large possessions from their ancestors.
The duke left two sons, Philip, Earl of
Arundel], and Thomas Howard, Earl of
Suffolk, afterwards Lord Treasurer.
Pamp. 15; Henry Howard their uncle was more
Wedded to his book then to the bed, for he
died a bacheler, and so had the lesse oc
casion to advance his fortune by court-flat
tery or state-imployment ; nor indeed was
he ever any suitor for either.
He was accounted both wise and learn
ed, and therefore out of the kings great af
fection to letters, especially when they are
met in a noble person, he was advanced

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 159
in his creation of Baron of Marnhill and
Earle of Southampton, then Privy Coun
celor, Lord Privy Seale, and Lord Warden
of the Cinque Ports, and Knight of the
Garter. He had very plentifull for his
single life, and to spare for his friends.
In his expence not over frugal, maintain
ing his port, the most remarkable (like the
antient noble man) in his family and de
pendants, of any other lord then or since
i his time. He assisted his nephew the Earl
of Suffolk, by his designing and large con
tribution to that excellent fabrick A wd ley-
end. He built the noble structure at Char
ring-Crosse, from the ground Northampton
house, and presented it a new-years gift to
¦ the Lord Walden, Suffolkes eldest sonne,
and now called Suffolk House; and yet
left his other nephew the Earl of Arundell
the rest of his estate, so to appear to the
World his equal distribution to such even
kindred. He was religious, and gave good
testimony thereof in his life, built that
handsome convent at Greenwich, and in-

16.

Jama
Hay, Earl-

160 AULICr5 COQCIXARIJL.
dued it with revenue for ever, for mainten
ance of decaied gentlemen a sufficient num
ber, and for women also considerable. He
died in anno 1613, full of years and honour
able fame, though our pamphleter will not
know so much, and jet no doubt most
needs be intimate with his person ; for he
telk us his thoughts, that he had assuredly
promised to himself the treasurers staff,
although we can produce this lords letter*
and other testimonies, imploring all bis
owne and bis friends interest for that pre
ferment upon his nephew Soffolke, and ex
cusing himself of the burthen and weight
of that office, bj his known infirmity of
stone, of the which he died.
Indeed it is no matter upon v bat score
that the king gave his affection to this fa
vorite James Hay.
The Scots were never very eminent with
neighbour princes, «fhat credit they had
came bj the French to keep ballance with
England and them. TLe beginning miaat
then be hoped, when their union with these

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. , l6l
crownes should afford the meanes"T6 set
them forth.
And it was prudentiall in the king to
pick out one of his own to splendour that
nation in our way of peace and courtship,
especially when all was done at the master's
cost. For Hay was poor, unlesse what he
got by his first match with the Lord Den
nis heir, for by his last he had nothing, the
great spirit of Pearcy, Earle of Northum
berland, disdaining the marriage, and refu
sed to afford a groat to a beggerly Scot, as
he called him.1
. And now this lord (for so was he soon Hisvaine
x expences.
made Lord Hay, then Viscount Doncaster,
and Earl of Carlile) did most vainly prodi-
gallize what he often begged ; and in truth
he had it granted for no other purpose to
put down the English courtier at that va
nity ; and which, both abroad and at home,
was often paid for by the king's privy purse.
As that feast at Essex house, and many his Pamp. io.
" See vol. i. p. 214, note.
VOL. II. L

162 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
masquerades at court, (for he medled not
with the tilt-staff, as being no sword-man,)
but in the other and such like, he never.
escaped to act onb part. s
And these expences famed him with lit
tle credit, who ere he appears to our pamph-
Pamp.21. leters judgement, who cries up the bounty
of his mind beyond the moon at least, who,
in truth, was never good to man or beast.
His em- His embassies were not so weighty when
bassies to O J
Germany, ^q posted so long through Germany to find
out the emperor, who afforded him the wild-
goose-chase, as knowing his errand, before
he came at him ; which, in truth, was pur
posely so designed by the king, only to
spend time, and to amuse mens expecta
tions (who were wild after a warre) to be
get a treaty concerning the lost palatine.
The effects whereof (as the king wisely pro-
phesyed) would produce distemper through
all Christendome, if not destructive to his
son-in-law.
France. He went into France extraordinary; it
was to treate with that king in favour of

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 163
the Hugenots, the religion (as they account
it) being risen to a civill warre by manage
ment ofthe Duke d'Rohan, Count Sobeeze,
and others, to a dangerous consequence in
severall places almost over France ; which
to allay, that king had raised a great army*
resolving, with countenance of his own per
son, to give end thereto.- But King James
being invited by several troublesome com
missioners, their agents, to implore for their
cause, and take upon him their protection,
which he {a wise prince in that) declined ;
yet not to neglect them, and the rather to
satisfy some of our people of the like gang,
medled thus farre to mediate by embassy
of Hay, who, as in that of Germany, did
nothing with effect, but went up to Monta-
ban, and so came home again,
JTis true he went into Spain with a mes- SpaIne/
sage to our prince, with no more matter
then others that came after to waite on him
in that courtship ; for there, as in other
kingdome^ his Scots vanity must also be
blazoned.

164 AULICUS COQUINARTiE.
Again in- And for his last embassy in France about
to France.
ourmatch with that daughter and ourquCen,
he came not into commission till the treaty
was confirmed and the marriage concluded,
by embassy only of the Earle of Holland,
and Carlile put in afterwards to dance out
Holland ^e measures > his name being used in the
proxie for that ceremony, and at this time
the Earl of Holland had some colour for
his expence which he lavished without rea
son lo the weakening of his unsettled for-
tttnes, being forced to follow the other then
in all his fashion's. And which infection,
by after-custome, became his disease also,
and almost, if not over-mastering, yet over
shadowing his natural eminent parts, with
which his inside was habited, and perspi
cuous to such as knew him.
But I am not delighted to urge out this
story of the Earle of Carlile, as not willing
to speak ill of any, unlike our pamphlet
that spares none but him ; for I should
know that vertue and vice are inherent in
man, and as it becomes us to tell truth:

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. , 16$
when we speak their vertue, yet with mo
desty and compassion to discover their
vices, either being examples for the future,
that to imitate, this to shun. And I can
not but with compunction remind, that the
monstrous excesse ofthe belly and the back,
by his first president, became then the mode
of those times for great persons (the most
part) to follow, and for the common people
to this hour to practise. '
* There are seveial passages of Wilson's History which
serve to illustrate the extravagant expence of the Earl
of Carlisle in his embassies.
" But to returne to the Lord Hayes. Thus aecouter'd
and accomplish' d he went into France; and a day for
audience being prefixed, all the argument and dispute
betwixt him and his train, (which took up some time,)
was, how they should go to the court. Coaches, like
curtains, would eclipse their splendor ; riding on horse
back in boots would make them look like travellers,,
not courtiers ; and not having all footcloths, it would
be an unsuitable mixture: Those that brought rich
trappings for their horses were willing to have them
seen ; so it was Concluded for the faotcloth, and those
that have none (to their bitter cost) must furnish them
selves. This preparation begot expectation ; and that
fill'd all the windows, balconies, and streets of Paris, as
they passed, with a multitude of spectators. Six trum
peters and two marshals (in tawny velvet liveries, com-

166 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
And truly a wise anil a good man ought
justly to have hated his condition in this
pleatly suited, laced all over with gold, richly and close
ly laid) led the way ; the ambassador followed with a
great train of pages and footmen in the same rich li
very encircling his horse, and the rest of his retinue
according to their qualities and degrees, in as much
bravery as they could devise or procure, follow'd in
'couples, to the wonderment of the beholders. And some
said (how truly I cannot assert) the ambassadors horse
was shod with silver shoes, lightly tack'd on; and when
he came to a place where persons or beauties of emin
ency were, his very horse prancing and curveting in
humble reverence, flung his shoes away, which the
greedy understanders scrambled for ; and he was con
tented to be gazed on and admired, till a farrier, or ra
ther an argentier, in one of his rich liveries, among his
train of footmen, out of a tawny velvet bag took others,
and tack'd them on, which lasted till he came to the
next troop of grandees : And thus, with much ado, he
reached the Louvre."— Wilson, apud, Kennet, ii. 704.
Another embassy of the same nobleman upon the
hopeless errand of interceding for restoration of the
palatinate, was even more expensive than that to France,
as well as more fruitless.
" The king was modest, and almost ashamed to tell
the parliament how much money the Viscount Doncas-
ter's journey cost ; therefore he minces it into a small
proportion. But this we know, when he landed at Rot
terdam, the first night and morning before he went to
the Hague, his expences of those two meales, in the inn
where he lay, came to above a thousand gilders, which

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. l6j
Without suspition of malice or envy, as it is ?au,p- 21-
said Northampton -did, who yet, as may be
A
is a hundred pound sterling. And the innkeeper at the
Peacock at Dort (hoping he would make that his way
into Germany) made great "provisions for him upon no
other order but a bare fancy ; and the ambassador ta
king his way by Utrecht, the innkeeper of Dort follow'd
him, complaining that he was much prejudiced by his
baulking that town : for hearing of a great ambassador's
coming, and what he had expended at Rotterdam, I
made (saith he) preparations suitable, and now they
will lye on my hands. Which coming to Doncaster's
ear, he commanded his steward to give him thirty
pounds sterling, and never tasted of his cup. And we
have been assured by some of his train, that his very
carriages could not cost so little as threescore pounds
a-day ; for he had with him a great many noblemens
sons, and other personages of quality, that the Germans
might admire the glory of the English, as well as the
French did in the last ambassage. And he was out so
long following the emperor in his progresses from city
to camp, and from camp to city; a poor humble solici
tor, if not petitioner, that his expence could not amount
to less than fifty or threescore thousand pounds." — *
Ibid, p. 730. Yet Wilson adds, that, setting aside these
vanities of grandeur, the Earl of Carlisle was a gentle
man every way accomplished, unaffectedly courteous,
liberal, and insinuating. So that he was in every re-.
spect fit for the high charges which he supported with,
such cost.

168 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
remembered, took leave of this life ere Hay
was setled on horsback.
And that other mark of reproach also
may without partiallity be taken off the
score from that noble Northampton, who,
on my conscience, (for I knew him well,)
disdained the guilt in that frivolous story
of Sir Robert Mansell. Nor is it material
to credit the rest of that rant in -his vice-
ad mirali voyage. »
second The second remark of the preface falls
reraarke,
Pamp. 30: upon the treason of Sir Walter Ralegh,
which the pamphlet calls an arrant trick
of state, and Cecil the invenire faciasthere-
of.
sir waiter Sir Walter Ralegh was a gentleman of
7 good alliance in the west of England, and
very well descended. He began his im
provements by the university and inns of
court ; the latter was alwaies the place of
esteem with the queen, " Which", she said,
<? fitted youth for the future ;" but he staid
not there. And as his fate would have him

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. l6<)
of the sword first, so his destinie drew him
on to have a mixt reputation with the gown ;
for he was often called to councell, but ne
ver sworn. He was twice in expeditions of
land-service into Ireland uhder Generall
Norris and Grey, a volunteer in either, as
also in the Low Countries, and a voyage
at sea, ere he was known at couit.
And such waies as these were- his intro
ductions (the best hopes of his rising):
some naturali parts he had, a good wit and
judgement ; but his best weapon was his
tongue, which gave him repute to be learn
ed then ; but after he improved to a great
value, in his future troubles ; the best school
to a wise man.-f
He had a quarrel with Grey in Ireland,
which being referred to a councell of warre,
it had like to cost him his life ; but by re
ference came afterwards to repetition at
home before the lords. Grey had the bet
ter cause, but Ralegh the advantage in
pleading, who so took them, especially Les
ter, that the queen was told the tale, and

17Q AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
somewhat more of him. And no sooner he
came to be known to her, but she took him
to grace. In whom (as jn other of the like
form) their alwaies meet oposites, enemies
of greater ranck, and they kept him under, '
sometimes in, sometimes out, which when
it fell out to be so, he would wisely decline
himselfe out of the court-rode : And then ,
you found him not but by fame ; in voyages
to the West Indies, Guiana, New Planta
tions, Virginia, or in some expeditions
against the Spaniard ; against whom, his
and other the like successe, of Drake, Can-
dish, Forlisher, Hawkins, with other island-
voyages, neer home, confirm'd Ralegh a
grand opposer of the generall peace which
KingJames brought in with him, and that
brought Ralegh to, his .ruin.
And for all these his good parts, he rose
to no more then Governor of Jersey, Lord
Warden of the Stanneries in the West, and .>
Captain of the Guard to the queen's person ; ,
which last place brought him to esteem in
the court, but not in the state at all.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 171
Yet busie he had been heretofore to speak
his mind of the generall affaires ; and there
in he pieasedhis late mistresse ; for then his
inclination went with the humour of those
times of war, but now his councell came
out of season ; for at the entrance of the
king, he was presented by Ralegh with a
manuscript of his own, against the peace
with Spain. It was alwaies his table-talk,
to beget the more esteem, which took ac
cordingly ; and the way to make him the
contrary, was the work of the Spanish fac
tion ; either to buy him out ofthat humour,
or to abuse him into a worse condition,
which was thus effected.
And indeed to mould this treason there iiisirea-
was a medly of divers conditions; but the
Contrivers were two*1 priests, Watsoh and
Clarke, and Count Arembergh, Embasse-
dor Extraordinary for the Arch-Duke, who
brought in the Lord Cobham ; and he his
brother, George Brooke ; and he, Parham ;
and these, the Lord Grey of Wilton. Then
came in Sir Walter Ralegh, the wisest of
12-

SOD,

172 aulicus coquinaria;.
them all, who dallied like the flje with the
flame, till it consumed him, Willing he was
(it seemes) to know it, and thought by his
wit to over-reach the confederates, whom
he knew well enough, though none but
Cobham, for a good while, dealt with him ;
and with him Ralegh plaid fast and loose
till himselfe was caught in the gin.
There was oneMathew deLawrencie here
at London, a merchant of Antwerpe, with
whom Cobham held intelligence for many
years before, and, for some reasons of state,
connived at by the late queen and hercoun-
cel. This man was the property whom
Arenbergh made use of to Cobham, who
now was much discontented.
These three made the first step to fhe
contrivement ; and it hath bin my jealousie
that Lawrency betrayed it to this state ; for
I never could be assured how it was disco
vered, though I have bin often present with
Sir Walter, in his imprisonment, when he
privately discoursed hereof.
But being ripe, they were severally exar

AULICUS COQUINARI*. 173
mined and restrained ; first to their owne
homes, not without watchful eyes on either
of them, then to imprisonment, and, lastly,
to their tryals at Winchester, whither the
terme removed, out of this evermore pes-
tilentiall city.
And on the J 7 November, 1602, the day ™8^;iitj
of arraignment for Ralegh, and the jury
called to the bar ; against whose persons
he did not except, nor could, for they were
the most able, sufficient, in Middlesex,
(where the fact had its scene.)
I shall name them : Sir Ralphe Conisby,
Sir Thomas Fowler, Sir Edward Peacock,
Sir William Roe, Knights ; Henry Godwin,
Robert Wood, Thomas Walker, Thomas
Whitley, Thomas Highgate, Robert Kemp-
ton, John Chalke, and Robert Bromley,
Esquires. The indictment was managed by the
king's atturney, Sir Edward Cook, Serjeant
Heal, and' Serjeant Philips, and drawne
from the 9th Jun. 1603. The accusation
was double, against the king and the state.

174 aulicus coquinariae.
The personal had two parts, first against
his life.
Secondly, to disable his title to this
crowne. To the first was read Brookes confession,
that his brother Cobham used these
speeches, That it would never be well till
the king and his cubs were taken away,
and said, that he thought it proceeded
from Ralegh.
To this Ralegh answered, " that Brookes
was his enemy. It was replyed, but Cob
ham was ever your friend ; and it would
seeme a strange malice in Brooks to ruin
his brother to undo you.
To the second part there was produced
a booke, (which I have read,) a defence of
the Queens proceedings against Mary
Queen of Scots, which Cobham confessed
Ralegh had delivered to him, and he to
Brookes, and Brookes to Gray, upon Cob-
hams discontent.
Ralegh acknowledged that it contained
matter of scandal to the kings title ; and.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 175
that he had leave of Sir Robert Cecil], after
his fathers death, to search his study for
cosmographicall manuscripts of the West
Indies, and so lighted on this book.
Sir Robert Cecill, then present upon the
bench, acknowledged this leafe ; and said,
He would then as really have trusted him sirRo-
f . > f. bert Cecils
as any man ; though since, for some mfir- word.
mities of Sir Walter, the bonds of affection
were crackt ; and yet, reserving his duty to
the king, which may not be dispensed with
all in this his masters service, he swore by
God he loved him, and had a great conflict
in himself, that so compleat a member was
fallen from this state.
And this passage needs no soothing, to
excuse Cecil], either for the father or the
son, for I have heard Sir Robert Cecill,
when he was Salisbury, say publickly at his
own table, that he had intercepted and
kept all the considerable libells against the
late queen and this king. But though jus
tifiable in them, as councelours of state,
yet it was a crime in Ralegh, who never

176 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
was any. And this book, as I remember,
was of one Bragg, or Stagg, a Jesuite ; but
Sir Walter excused it, that there was no
thing acted thereby to the kings prejudice,
for the book was burnt.
But to insist hereupon, Cobham had con
fessed, that Ralegh had agreed that Cob
ham should treate with Aremburgh for 600
thousand crownes, to the intent to advance
the title of the Lady Arabella to this crown.
That Cobham, under pretence of travelling,
should prosecute this designe in the Lowe-
Countries, France, and Spaine, and to carry
three letters from her to the Arch-Duke,
Duke of Savoy, and to the King of Spaine,
and to promise toleration of religion, and
her marriage to be disposed of by them.
That at his returne he should meete Ralegh
at Jersey, the place of his command, and
there agree to dispose the money to discon
tents ; and Ralegh should have seven thou
sand crownes from Arenberge for himselfe.
And further confessed, that Ralegh had
instigated him to all these treasons. *

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 177
And that Ralegh should say, that he
thought the best way to trouble England,
was to cause division in Scotland.
To this, onely of Scotland, he answered
and confessed the words, and that he had
so thought these twenty years. It seems'
by the sequell since he was not mistaken.
Lawrencie confessed that he and Cob
ham and Ralegh being together, he deli
vered a letter to Cobham from Arembergh ;
and presently Ralegh went with Cobham
in private to conferre thereof.
To all these confessions Ralegh craved
that Cobham might appeare, to accuse
him face to face. »y
I may^ not omit one passage acted here
tofore, which comes in here properly to be
considered. When the confederates had
suffered under some examinations, and were
restrained to their several houses, and Ra
legh knew well that Lawrency was then
suspected, but not examined, then did
Ralegh discover, in a letter to Sir Robert
Cecil, where Cobham was with Lawrency,
VOL. II. M

178 AULICUS COQUINARIJE.
and that then was the time to apprehend
Lawrency, and so to intercept their intelli
gence ere matters were ripe.
What Ralegh's design was herein I must
confesse my conceipt is very blunt ; but
this use was made of it to Raleghs ruine ;
for after that Cobham had denied much of
the former stuffe upon his first examina
tions, this letter was shewed him, under
Ralegh's hand, and upon mature and often
deliberation, to be assured that it was his
hand, then Cobham, in an extasie, calling
Ralegh villain, traitor, delivered his positive
accusation of Ralegh as aforesaid ; and
added, that Ralegh, after his first examina
tions before the lords, had writ to Cobham,
that although he had bin examined of many
things, yet that he had cleered Cobham of
all, when (as the lords protested) he had not
at all been examined concerning Cobham.
And thereby this was inferred (by the coun
cell) to confirm Cobham to deny all when
he should be examined : Sir Walter said,
that Cobham had not signed his accusa-

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 179
tion, and that he was at the worst but sin-
gularis testis. To which my Lord Chief
Justice gave it for law, that it was not ne
cessary to signe, nor to have more then one
witnesse. After much pleading herein, and
Ralegh alledging law and scripture for not
admitting a single witnesse to condemn one,
yet the court was satisfyed" therein by the
judges, to the contrary.
Ralegh said, then prove it by one wit
nesse face to face, and I will confesse my
self guilty : but the judges were of opinion
that it was not to be permitted by law : yet
Ralegh insisted hereupon, with many stories,
which took up much time : then being
nsked, if he would be concluded thereby
if Cobham would now justify his accusa
tion under his hand ? To this it may be
observed, that Ralegh made no answer at
all, but consented that the jury should go
together. Then was produced Cobham's letter to
the lords, writ but the day before, in effect
thus :

180 AULIGUS COQUINARIAE.
That Sir Waiter had writ a letter to him
wrapt in an apple, and cast in at his win
dow ten daies since, in the Tower, to intreat
him for God's sake to write to him, under
his own hand, that he had wronged him in
his accusations, and advised him to be con
stant in denialls, rather then to appeale to
the king. And now (writes Cobham) it is
no time to dissemble, and therefore pro
tested before God and his angells, that all
and every part of his accusation of Sir Wal
ter Ralegh was substantially true: and
added, that Ralegh had dealt with him,
since the king's coming, to procure him a
pension from Spain, for intelligence, &c.
Then Ralegh, rayling against Cobham,
confessed this letter was in an apple, to
which Cobham returned an answer, which
Ralegh produced, and desired that it might
be read : but the atturney opposed Sir Ro
bert Cecil's consent thereto : to whom Cecil
replied ; Sir, you are more peremptory then
honest ; come you hither to direct us ? and
so read it. Which in effect was a confes-

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 181
sion that he had wronged Sir Walter, and
that he was innocent. This bore date ten
days before. And here Ralegh confessed,
that Cobham had offered to him a pension
from Spain, to the effect before Confessed,
and that he had concealed it, as loth to
ruine Cobham.
Then the jury went out, and returned in
halfe an houre, with their verdict, Guilty.
So was sentence* as in case of treason. And
he was returned to the Tower of London,
and there lay upon reprieve twelve yeares,
and three years after was executed, in Oc
tober, 1618.
And because this second remarke in the observa-
-, i . n ., ... tions upon
pamphleter and this prefacer stickes in their this tryaii.
stomacks, with which they indeavour to
choke the readers, I have therefore bin the
more prolix, that thereby the whole world
may judge, with the jury, of his guilt or pamP.35:
innocency. Ralegh's rise of preferment was occasion
ed upon a contest with the Lord Grey, in
the queenes time, which they were to plead

182 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
' face to face, where indeed, but not in truth,
Sir Walter had the better by the tongue,
telling his tale to advantage, which tooke
the queene, who tooke him from that in
stant into favour, as before remembered.
Belike he expected the same providence at
this time, when so oft he desired to plead
pamp. 35. face to facej witn Cobham.
How could Wade, the lieutenant of the
Tower (as is surmized) tamper with Cob
ham, to write his name to a blanck, to which
Wade framed the accusation against Ra
legh ; when it appears Cobham never sign
ed at all to his examinations ; which, there
fore, was so much insisted upon at his
tryall, for his advantage.
But in truth, besides the confession of
Cobham, the fatal evidence was Cobham's
own voluntary last letter of accusation, or
confession over night, writ every whit with
his own hand.
The king commanded (as the court was
assured nt the triall) that upon any exami
nation, there should none be rackt, which

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 183
made Captaine Kemish (who was the in
strument of messages and letters betweene
Ralegh and Cobham) often to protest, in my
hearing, that in truth he was threatened
with the rack, which was shewed to him,
but had he tasted thereof, he said, that he
should have bin inforced to tell an odd
tale, meaning of discovery.
Sir Walter was admitted a chair, pen,
inck, and paper for his memory ; and truly
he rather tryed the court and jury with im
pertinences. And thus Avas Sir Walter Ralegh reprie- Repree-
ved to the Tower, and many years of impri
sonment in that liberty, till his future merits
and fame of learning begat many to pitty
his sufferings ; so that at last, by meanes
ofthe French embassadour, with others of
our own lords, he had freedome to repair
for his health to his house at Saint James ; .
and after a yeare or two, he procured a
commission to make a voyage to Gueana,
in the West Indies, for the return of gold
ore or mine ; but was expressly limited

184 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
not to trench upon the Spaniard to the
breach of peace.
His landing was at St Thomas, a town of
the Spaniards, upon the opening of the
great river Orenoque, in America, where
he killed many of them, and there lost his
eldest son Walter under the walls. Then
sends he Captain Kemish, his old servant,
(upon whose confidence it appears this voy
age was resolved) up this river, to the foot
of a mountain, where heretofore, and. also
during Ralegh's imprisonment, he had been
sent, and returned with wonderfull remarks
of a rich mine, or rather Madre-del-Ore ;
but now comes from thence, and all the
account came to no more, but that the
mountain was fled away, he could not find
it. Upon this the whole fleet, four or five
saile, mutiny, forces him home againe as a
prisoner ; in the return, Kemish kills himr
self in his own cabin, and so no tales could
be told. i
Ralegh's ships were first cast upon the

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 185
south of Ireland ; then they land in the
west of England, where warrants were ready
to apprehend him prisoner to the Tower.
In the west, he is discovered to deal with
a French master of a ship to steal away in
to France. Then in his journey to Lon
don, he combines' with a French mounte-
banck, who assisted him with ingredients,
(which he desired,) that would, without
danger of life, bring him to breake forth
into blanes, purposely done by this meanes
to get longer time to work opportunities to
save his life, which he knew he had so deep
ly forfeited.
Then being delivered into the hands of
Sir John Stukely, Lieutenant ofthe Tower,
he deales with him for a sum of money,
part in hand being paid, to join with him
in escape both of them into France ; Stuke
ly yields to all, and accompanies him by
water in the way to Gravesend, where (by
designe of Stukelie's treachery in that, and
so it prospered with him, being hanged af
terwards for clipping of gold) they were

186 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
seized and brought back to the Tower.
From whence, very speedily, Ralegh was
commanded to the King's-Bench bar, at
Westminster, before the Lord Chief Justice
Montegue, where the records of his former
sentence only were read, and he demanded
why execution should not be done ?
Sir Walter acknowledged that sentence,-
and the king's mercy for his life thus long ;
and that he hoped, seeing he had bin im-
ployed by commission, with power of life
and death over the king's liege people, it
did make void that former sentence.
He was told to the contrary, and that his
time of execution was the next morning ;
and so the Sheriff of Middlesex took him
into custody to the Gate-house, and to exe
cution the next day, in the old Palace-yard,
at Westminster ; where he had the favor of
the ax, " Which," he said, (smilingly touch-
ing it,) " was a sharp medicine, but a true
physitian to cure all diseases ;" and so it
proved to him at this veiy time in his ague
fit.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 187
At his death, himselfe endeavoured to
cleere some points, which it seemes our
pamphleter knew not of, otherwise he would
have done it for him.
To have had often plots with France,
which he denied, but confessed thathe had
bin solicited thence, and endeavoured to
escape thither at twice. That the French
agent came oft to him with commission
from that king to him ; but he returned the
commission. «
That he should speake disloyally of the
king: His accuser, he said, was a base -
runagate Frenchman, and perfideous, whom
he trusted, -being sworne to secrecie, which
he betrayed ; much he said in these parti
culars, which he did not deny, but traversed.
So then there were other businesse of
charge, to which he was liable to a new
tryall ; but the prudence of the king would
not hazard further proceedings, having a
sufficient upon the old score* And now for Pam ss
that additional tale of the pamphleter con
cerning Sir Walter's recovery of Queen

188 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
Anne, for which he begged the boone, viz.
for the examination of the Lord Cobham
by four earles and two councelors.
I never heard nor read thereof before,
nor can beleeve it ; for this I know, by se
veral! relations of those great ladies of her
bedchamber, and of her chirurgians and
physitians now living, that she was never
cured of her disease, but by death, that
ends all maladies.
It followes in the pamphlet, that after
he hath ranted his stories of Mansell and
Monson, and of the peace, ratifyed and
sworne, he makes Cecill the chief ringleader
of the king by the nose.
But to say truth, the king was alwaies
brought up to his ease, though the fore
part of his raigne in Scotland proved trou
blesome enough to his councell ; and there
fore now he was to follow his affaires in
peace, and his own inclination in a sport-
full life. The rather, he being much sub
ject to unwildines or weakness in his limbs,
and which, because of his extream disaffec-

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 189
tion to physick, he was advised to the best
aire, most agreeable to the nature of Scot
land, fresh, and bleak ; and for that end he
chose Roystan and Newmarket.
Without that scandalous intimation of
leaving his queen, without any love or li
king. We are forced to fall upon one Lake, sirTho,
whom we find to be that learned gentle- Pamp.54.
man Sir Thomas Lake, apted in his youth
with rudiments of the book, to attend Sir
Francis Walsingham (that subtile JSecretary
of State to Queen Elizabeth) as amanuensis
to him ; and after good experience of his
desarts, he was recommended to the queen,
and read to her French and Latine. In
which tongues, she would say, that he sur
passed her secretaries, and was so imployed
to her death ; for he was reading to her
when the Countesse of Warwick told him
that the queen was departed.
But not long before, she received him merit
Clarke of her Signet ; and he was chosen
by this state in that place to attend the

190 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
king from Barwick. And so sufficient he
was, that the king made use of his present
service in some French affaires after he
came into England, which indeed Secre
tary Cecil had reason to resent, as too much
trenching on his office ; and therefore cra
ved leave of the king that he might not at
tend beyond his moneth to prejudice the
other clerks, which was excused, and he
kept still at court.
These sufficiencies of his enabled him in
those times of gaining, with much repute
and direct honesty, to purchase large pos
sessions.
as secre- After Cecils death, the place of Secretary
was joyned in two principals ; and not long
after he was one of them, and sc^continued
with honourable esteem of all men, until
that malice and revenge, two violent pas
sions, over-ruling the weaker sexe concern
ing his wife-and daughter, involved him in
to their quarrel, the chiefe and only cause
menS' of W\ruine. He had by his wife sons and
anVdaugh- daughters; his eldest married unto the Lord
ter

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 191
Baron Rosse, (in right of a grand-mother,)
the son of Thomas, Earle of Exeter, by a
former venter ; and upon the credit of Sir
Thomas Lake, he was sent Embassadour
Extraordinary into Spaine, in a very gal
lant equipage, with some hopes of his own
to continue leiger, to save charges of trans
mitting any other.
In his absence, there fell out an extreame asamst the
Countesse
deadly fewd (tis no matter for what) be- pfEXcter'
tweene the Lady Lake and the Countesse
of Exeter. A youthful widow she had bin
and virtuous, and so became bedfellow to
this aged, gowty, diseased, but noble earle ;
and that preferment had made her subject
to envy and malice.
Home comes the Lord Rosse from his
embassy, when being fallen into some ne
glect of his wife and his kindred, I conceive
upon refusal of an increase of allowance to
her settlement of joynture, which was pro
mised to be compleated at his returne.
Not long he staies in England, but away
he getp into Italy, turnes a professed Ro- -

19^ AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
mane catholick, being cousened into that
religion by his publick confident, Gonda*
, more.
The ac- jn tjijs nis last absence, (never to returne,)
cusation. ' x "
the mother and daughter accuse the coun
tesse of former incontinencie with the Lord
Rosse whilst he was here, and that there
fore, upon his wives discovery, he was fled
from hence, and from her marriage-bed,
with other devised calumnies, by several
designes and contriveroents, to have poison
ed the mother and daughter.
This quarrel was soone blazoned at court
to the king's eare, who, as privately as could
be, singly examines each party. The coun
tesse, with teares and imprecations, pro*-
fesseth her innocency, which, to oppose,
the mother Lake and her daughter coun-*
terfeit her hand to a whole sheet of paiper;
wherein they make the countessCj with
much contrition, to acknowledge her selfe
guilty, craves pardon for attempting to
poison them, and desires friendship with
them all.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 193
The king gets sight of this, as in favour
to them, and demands the place, time, and
occasion when this should be writ. They
tell him, that all the parties met in a visit at
Wimbleton, (the house ofthe Lord of Ex
eter,) where, in dispute of their differences.
she confesses her guilt of attempting their
poison ; and being desirous of absolution
and friendship, (being required thereto,)
consents to set down all circumstances
therein, under her own hand, which pre
sently she writ at the window, in the upper
end of the great chamber, at Wimbleton,
in presence of the mother and daughter,
the Lord Rosse, and one Diego, a Spaniard,
his confiding servant. But now they being
gone and at Rome, the king forthwith sends
Mr Dendy, (one of his Serjeants at armes,
sometime a domestick of the Earl of Ex-
eters, an bpnest and worthy gentleman,) post
to Rome, who speedily returnes with Rosse
and Diego's hand, and other testimonialls,
confirming, that all the said accusation and
confession> suspitions, and papers, concern-
vol. u. n

194 .AULICUS COQUINARIAE. ' A
ing the countesse, were notorious, false, and
scandalous, and confirmes it by receiving
the hoast, in assurance of her honour and
his innocency. The king* well satisfyed,
sends to the countesse, friends, and trus
ties, for her jointure and estate ; who, com
paring many of her letters with this writing,
do conclude it counterfeit.
Then he tells the mother and daughter,
that this writing being denied by her, arid
their testimonies being parties, would not
prevaile with any belief; but any other ad-
ditionall witnesse would give it sufficient
credit. To which they assure him, that one
Sarah Swarton, their chamberesse, stood
behind the hanging, at the entrance ofthe
room, and heard the countesse read over
what she had writ ; and her also they pro
cure to swear unto this before the king.
To make further tryal, the king, in a
hunting journy, at New Park, neer Wim
bleton, gallops thither, viewes the room;
observing the great distance of the window
from the lower end of the room, and pla-

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 1Q5
cing himself behind the hanging, and so
other lords in turn, they could not hear
one speak aloud from the window.
Then the house-keeper was called, who
protested those hangings had constantly*
furnisht that room for thirty years, which
the king observed to be two foot short of
the ground, and might discover the woman
if hidden behind them. I may present al
so the king saying, " Oaths cannot con
found my sight."
Besides all this, the mother and daugh
ter counterfeit another writing, a confes
sion of one Luke Hutton, acknowledging
for 401. annuity, the countesse hired him
to poison them ; which man, with wonder
ful providence, was found out privately,
and denies it to the king.
And thus prepared, the king sends for
Sir Thomas Lake, whom, in truth, he very
much valued ; tells him the danger to im-
bark himself in this quarrel, advising him
to leave them to the law, being now ready
for the Star-Chamber. He humbly thank-

196

AULICUS COQUINARIAE.

comes to
hearing
in Star-
Chamber,

and sen
tenced.

ed his majestie, but could not refuse to be
a father and a husband, and so puts his
name with theirs in a crosse bill, which at
the hearing, took up five several daies, the
king sitting in judgement. But the former
testimonies, and some private confessions
of the Lady Rosse and Sarah Wharton,
wliich the king kept in private from pub
lick proceedings, made the cause for some
of the daies of triall appeare doubtful to
the court untill the king's discovery, which
concluded the sentence, and was pronoun
ced upon severall censures. Sir Thomas
Lake and his lady fined 10,000/. to the
king, 5000/. to the countesse, 50/. to Hut
ton ; Sara Wharton to be whipt at a carts
taile about the streets, and to do penance
at Saint Martin's church ; the Lady Rosse,
for confessing the truth and plot in the
midst of the trial], was pardoned by the
major voices from penall sentence.
The king, I remember, compared their
crimes to the first plot of the first sin in
Paradise ; the Lady Lake to the serpent,

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 197
her daughter unto Eve, and Sir Thomas to
poor Adam, whom he thought in his con
science that his love to his wife had be
guiled him. I am sure he paid for all,
whicl:, as he told me, cdst him 30,000/.,
and the losse of his masters favour and of
fices of gaine and honour; but truly' with
much pitty and compassion of the court.
Our pamphleter enters upon the Scots, Pamp.5T.
r r r ' concern-
p. 57, and would cousen us to credit their sTou.6
story, where he begins a division between
the English and them at court, and goes
smoothly on to the middle of these last
times, when it seems he writ this : " And," Pamp- 58.
as he saies, " saw all our happinesse deri
vative from their favours by their own va
lour and bravery of spirit." Good man, he
beleeves what he thought he saw ; but want
ing the eye of faith to foresee this great al
teration, which he lived not to find, but we
now to feele : " Our late gude presbyterian
brethren turne false loones, and become the
the traiterous rebells to that reformation,
which not long ago they professed, and he N

198

AULICUS COQUINARIAE.

Pamp. 60.
'Scandal upon Earle
of Salis- -
bury.

Kernar. 3.

Pamp. 61 .
Robert Carre and
Sir Tho.
Overbury.

and others beleeved, and so disunited the
union of all our quiet and happines."
He tells us of a trick, that the Earle of
Salisbury had to compound with the Scots
courtiers for their books of feeTfarmes which
they bought at 100/. per annum for a thou
sand pound ; then would he fill up these
bookes with prime land worth 20,000/.
A pretty trick indeed to make himselfe
Lord Paramount of the best lands in Eng
land ; but it had bin a gainful trade of our
author to have turned informer to the state
in the particulars of these tricks ; and so
the return of these lands so deceitfully got
would prove now as hard a bargain to his
son, (as the lord-like purchasers of debenture
have done lately,) and' to his son that may
succeed him. s
We are come to the consideration ofthe
third remark in the preface ; and so we fall
in the history of Robert Car, after Earle of
Summerset, and intermixed with that of Sir
Thomas Overbury.
Robert Car was a Scottishman, of no

\ -

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 199

eminent birth, but a gentleman, and had
bin a page of honor to the king in Scot
land ; and, in truth, he became the first fa
vorite that we find, that is, one whom the
king fancied meerly for his fashion, upon
no other score nor plot of design. His con-
/fident was one Sir Thomas Overbury, a man
of good parts, whom our author hath well
characterized ; and, his policy was to please
the English, by entertaining them his do-
mestiques. There was amongst other persons of ho
nor and quality in court, a young lady of
great birth and beauty, Fra. the daughter
of Thomas Howard, then Earle of Suffolk,
and Lord Treasurer of England, married
in under-age unto the late and last Earle
of Essex.
Of him, common fame had an opinion,
(grounded upon his own suspition,) of his
insufficiency to content, a wife; and the
effects of this narration, with thesequell of
his life, and conversation with his second
wife, is so notorious, as might spare me and

200 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
the reader our severall labours for any other
convincing arguments. But with his first,
when both were of years to expect the
event and blessing of their marriage-bed,
he was alwaies observed to avoid the com
pany of ladies, and so much to neglect his
6wn, that to wish a maid into a mischief,
was to commend her to my Lord of Essex ;
which increased the jealousie of such men
whose interests were to observe him, that
he preferred the occasion himself to a se
paration. And which indeed, from publique
fame, begat private disputation amongst ci
vilians ofthe legality thereof, wherein those
lawyers are boundlesse.
This case followed the heeles of a former
nullity, fresh in memory, between the Lord
Rich and his fair lady, by mutual consent;
but because the Earle of Devonshire mar
ried her whilst her husband lived, the king
was so much displeased thereat, as it broke
the earl's heart : for his majesty told him,
that he had purchased a fair woman wi'th

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 201
a black soul. * And this is a known truth,
that before Viscount Rochford (for so was.

* This was the celebrated Sir Charles Blunt, Lord
Mountjoy, and Earl of Devonshire, who.fought a duel
with Essex, on account of having been graced with a
favour by Queen Elizabeth. See volume i. page 47.
He greatly injured his reputation by the alliance men
tioned in the text, and it was probably upon the un
easiness it occasioned him that he conceived the dis
content, which, according to Moryson, his secretary,
affected him during the two years preceding his death.
" It was undoubtedly upon account of this dishonour
able action that the author of a letter to Mr Winwood
made use of these harsh expressions : ' The Earl of De?
vonshire left this life — soon and early for his years, but
late enough for himself 5 and happy had 'he been if he
had gone two or three years since, before the world was
weary of him, or that he had left that scandall behind
him.' The person, it seems, who married them was W.
Laud, then chaplain to the Earl of Devonshire, and af
terward Archbishop of Canterbury, for which he was
severely reflected upon by Archbishop Abbot, in the
following words: ' It .was an observation what a sweet
man this was like to be, that the first observable act he
did was the marrying of the Earl of D  to the Lady
R  , when it was notorious to the world that she
had another husband, and the same a nobleman, who
had divers children living by her. King James did for
many years take this so ill, that he would never hear
of any great preferment of him.' Mr Laud knew not,

202 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
Carre lately created) had made any address
to this lady, her own friends, in justice and
honour to her birth, exposed her to the
plaint of her husband, and to the severest
triall in a course of judicature.
And 'tis as true that the king knew here-
Pamp.77. of, our pamphlet saies : [A party in this
baudy businesse,] for what was legall for
the meanest subject, Could not in justice
be denied,, unto her ; which, in fine, sen-
fenced them both, by divine and civil ca
non, loose from their matrimoniall bands.
And because the nullity gave freedome
to either, and so the means to the coun
tesses after-marriage, with the sad occasions
of all the sequell mishaps and suspected
scandalls, so untruly expressed by the pam
phlet ; I have with some diligence labour-
as he pretended, that she was then the wife of the Lord
Rich ; and therefore looked upon that action as one of
the greatest misfortunes of his life, and set down the
day into the catalogue of days of special observance to
him, both in his diary and the manuscript book of his
private devotions." — Biogr. Brit. Ed. 1780, ii. 375.
note E.

AULICUS COGUINARIAE. 203
ed out the truth, precisely and punctually
as it was acted, and proceeded by commis
sion delegative, not easily now otherwayes
to be brought to light.
Upon Petition of the Earle of Suffolke Proceed.
Jr ings of
and his Daughter Frances to the King. DUll"y-
That whereas his daughter Frances, Coun
tesse of Essex, had been married many
years unto Robert, Earle of Essex, in hope
of comfortable effects to them, which con-
A
trary wise, by reason of certaine latent and
secret imperfections and impediments of
the said earl, disabling him in the rights of
marriage, and most unwillingly discovered
to him by his daughter ; which longer by
him to conceale, without remedy of law,
and the practice of all Christian policy, in
like cases, might prove very prejudiciall.
And therefore pray the king,
To commit this cause of nullity of ma
trimony, which she is forced to prosecute
against the gaid' earle, to some grave and

204 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
»
worthy persons, by commission under the
great seale of England, as is usual, &c.
Which accordingly was granted unto
foure bishops, two privy counsellers, learn
ed in the law, and to foure other civill law
yers ; with clause to proceed, Cum omni,
qua poterint, celeritate, et expeditione, Sum
marie, ac de piano, sine strepitu, ac Jigura
judicii, sola rei et facti veritate inspecta, et
mera cequitate attenta. And with this clause
also, Quorum vos prafat. Reverendissimum
patrem Cant. Archi-^episcopum, Reverendis
simum patrem Lond. Episcop. et Iul. C&sar.
Mil. aut duo vestrorum, inferenda sententia,
interesse volumus. But for some exceptions
concerning the quorum by the commission
ers in the words sententia esse, not interesse,
a second commission was granted and ad-
joyned two bishops more, with this Quo
rum, quorum ex vobis prafat. Re. Pa. Georg.
Cant. Archiepis. Ioh. Lond. Episc. Tho. Win
ton Episc. Launcelot Eliens. Episc. Richard
Covent. et Lichs. Episc. Ioh. Rof. Episc.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 205
lulio Casare, Tho. Parry Mil. in ferenda
sententia, tres esse volumus.
Upon this, the lady procures processe ^,{adies
against the earl to answer her in a cause
of nullity of matrimony.
The Carl appears before the commission
ers by this proctor, and she gives in her li-
bell, viz.
That the earl and the lady, six years since,
in January, anno dom. 1606, were married,
her age then 13, and his 14, and now she
is -22, and he 23 years old.
That for three years since the marriage,
and he 18 years old, they both did cohabit
as married folke in one bed, naked, and
alone,, indeavouring to have carnali know
ledge each of others body.
Notwithstanding, the, earl neither did,
nor could ever know her carnally ; he be
ing before and since possessed with perpe-
tuall incurable impediment and impotency,
at least in respect of her.
That the lady was, and is apt and fit,

206 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
without any defect, and is yet a virgin, and
carnally unknown by any man.
That the earl hath confessed often times
to persons of great credit, and his neerest
friends, that he_ was never able carnally to
know her, though he had often attempted
and used his utmost indeavour.
And therefore prayeth the commissioners,
upon due proof hereof, to pronounce for
the invalidity and nullity of the marriage.
The earl, by his proctor, denies the said
contents, cont est atio litis negative.
u^onolth; His answer is required by oath, by se
cond process, where, in open court, his oath
was administered with so great care and
effectuall words, to minde him of all cir
cumstances, as the like hath been seldome
observed.
tiwvoce. The earl confesseth the marriage and cir
cumstance, (as in the libel],) and were not
absent above three moneths the one from
the other in any of the said three years.
That for one whole yeare of the three he

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 207
did attempt divers times carnally to know v
her; but the other two years he lay in bed
with her nightly, but found no motion to
copulation with her.
That in the first year she shewed willing
ness and readiness thereto.
That he did never carnally know her, but
did not find any impediment in himself, but
was not able to penetrate or injoy her.
And beleeveth, that before and after the
marriage, he found in himself ability to
other women, and hath sometimes felt mo
tions that way.
But being asked, Whether he found in
himself a perpetuall and incurable impedi
ment towards her ? he answered, " That in
two or three years last he hath had no mo
tion to her, and believeth he never shall,
nor that she is apt as other women ; and
that she is virgo integra et incorrupta.
And confesseth, that he hath often be
fore persons of credit confessed thus much.
Notwithstanding this his oath, she pro
duced sundry witnesses of the marriage,

208 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
time, age, cohabitation at bed and at board,
as before in the libell, &c.
So then that period of time, limited by
the civill and canon law> proved his coha
bitation and condormition for consumma
tion. The next was, that notwithstanding she
remained Virgo integra, incorrupt a : But,
because the earl beleeved not the lady to
be fit and apt for copulation, therefore her
counsell desired, Matronas aliquas probas et
honestas, fide dignas, et in ea parte peritas,
per dominos assignari, ad inspiciendum corpus
dictae dominae. .
Whereupon it was decreed,
* That six midwives, of the best note, and
ten other noble matrons, fearing God, and
mothers of children, out of which themselves
would choose two midwives and three ma
trons, and out of which the delegates did
select five, ut sequitur.
Tunc domini, viz. Arch. Cant. Lond.Eliens,
Coventry et Lichs. Casar, Parry, Dun, Ben^
net, Edwards, habit a inter eos private delibe*
12

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 209
ratione, ex numero matronarum predict, eli-
gerunt ; the Lady Martha Terwhite, wife of
Sir Ph. Terwhite, Baronet ; the Lady Alice
Carew, wife of Sir Mathew ; the Lady Da-
lison, wife of Sir Roger. Et insupplementum
casu earum impedire, the Lady Anne Waller,
widdow, et ex obstetricum numero, SfC Mar-
garatam Mercer, et Christianam Chest. Et as-
signarunt procuratorem dictce domina, Fran-
ci. ad sustendum cujus modi inspectatrices, co
ram Reverendissimo patre. Lond. Episc-. Julio.
Ctesar, et Daniele Dun, Spe. Inter cateros no-
minat. isto die, inter horas quintam et sextam
post meridiem, juramentum in hac parte subdi-
turas, atque inspectione facta fideliter relatu
ras, earum judicium juxta earum scientiam et
experientiam, 8pc. Coram dictis dominis, de-
legatis, sic ut prafertur, assignatis, quam
cito fieri possit, ante horam quartam, post me
ridiem diei Jovis prox. alioquin, ad comparen-
dum, hoc in loco coram Comissariis, dicto die
Jovis, inter horas quartam et sextam post me
ridiem ejusdem diei earum judicium in hac
parte, tunc relaturas, et interessendum diebus
hora et loco, respective pradict. ad videndum,
VOL. II. o

210 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
inspectatrices prcedictas, juramento in hac
parte onerari. Nee non quibuscunque aliis
diebus, hora et loco pradictos dominos eom-
missarios nominat. dictis inspectatricibus ad
referend. earum judicium assignatum.
Accordingly, between the hours of five
and six in the afternoon that day, were pre
sented before the said delegates, London,
Caesar, et Dun ; the said Lady Terwhite,
Lady Carew, Lady Anne Waller, Margaret
Mercer, and Christian Chest, midwives,
sworn ad inquirend. et inspect.
1. Whether the Lady Frances were a wo
man, apt and fit for carnali copulation,
without any defect that migjit disable her
to that purpose.
2. Whether she were a virgin unknown
carnally by any man.
Whereupon they went from the presence
of the commissioners into the next room
where the lady was, accompanied then with
the councell of both sides ; into which room
was no entrance but at one dore, whereout
the counctll came forth, and only the lady
left with the said women, who, after some

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 211
convenient time, returned their report un
der their hands ; the commissioners having
first sequestred from their presence the coun
cell of the earl and lady, who had been
present in all these passages, and all other
persons except the register, that so the la
dies and midwives might more freely deli
ver their secret reasons, &c. though it was
not fit to insert them in the record.
And this is their sum of their relation,
viz. 1. That they believed the said lady fitted
with abilities to have carnali copulation,
ahd apt to have children.
2. That she is a virgin incorrupted.
And to coroborate all this, the lady in
open court produced seven women of her
consanguinity. That, in as much as the truth of all was
best known to her selfe, she might by ver
tue of her oath discover the same, and her
oath should be no further regarded than it
was confirmed by the oathes of these her
kinswomen.

212 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
The law presuming that such kindred
should be best acquainted with the inward
secrets of their kinswoman.
In ordei\ hereto, the Lady Frances, in
open court, had an oath administered to
her, with all the like grave admonition as
before to the earl.
And so she affirmed,
That since the earl was 18 years old, for
three years, he and she had divers times
layn naked in bed all night ; and sundry
times there the earl had attempted, and
indevoured to consummate marriage with
her, and she accordingly yielded, and wil
ling thereto, and yet he never had copula
tion with her.
And then these seven noble women, viz.
Katherine, Countesse of Suffolke ; Frances,
Countesse of Kildare ; Elizabeth, Lady
Walden; Elizabeth, Lady'Knevet; Lady
Katherin Thinn, Mistris Katherine Fines,
Mistris Dorothy Neal, her kinswomen, be
ing charged by the court to speak without
partiality what they beleeved as to the la-

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 213
dies deposition, they did all depose, that
they believed the same to be true.
1. And in particular, that post plenam pu-
bertatem utriusque, they both endeavoured
copulation. 2. That, notwithstanding this : cohabita
tion and ability of his part, per inspesta-
trices, she remained a virgin incorrupted.
3, That the earl had judicially sworne,
that he never had, nor could, nor should
ever know her carnally.
And this the law being, that impotentia
coeundi in viro, howsoever, whether by na
turali defect or accidentall means ; and
whether absolute towards all, or respective
to his wife alone, if it precede matrimony,
and be perpetuall, as by law is presumed,
when by three yeares continuance, after
the mans age of 1 8 years, there having been
nil ad copulam, the marriage not consum
mated ; the law allowing the said proofs,
&c. was abundantly sufficient to convince
the said earle of impotency.
Because, canonum statufa, cmiodiri de-

214 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
bent ab omnibus ; et nemo in actionibus, vel
judiciis ecclesiasticis, suo sensii; sed eorum aut .
horitale duci debet.
The said reverend and grave judges de
legates gave this sentence unanimously, as
followeth :
" Idcirco nos episcopi, &c. in dicta causa
iudices, delegati, et commissarii, Christi
nomine (primitus) invocato, et ipsum solum
deum, oculis nostris preeponentes, et haben
tes, deque, et cum consilio iurisperitor cum
quibus in hac parte communicavimus ; ma-
tureque, deliberavimus praefatum dominum
Comitem Essex, dictam dominam Francis-
cam, ob aliquod latens, et incurabile im-
pedimentum perpetuum prsedictum con
tractum, et solemnizationem, praecedens,
citra solemnizationem, et contractum prae-
dictum, nunquam carnaliter cognovisse*
aut carnaliter eandem, cognoscere potuisse.
aut posse, et eundem dominum comitem
quod carnale copulam* cum eadem domi
na FranCisca, exercend. omnino inhabilem,
et im'potentem fuisse, et esse : Pronuncia-

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 215
mus, decernimus, et declaramus praefatum
praetensum matrimonium, sic inter preedic-
tum virum Robertum Devoreaux, Comitem
Essex, et praedictam praenobilemfaeminam,
Franciscam Howard, de facto contractum,
et solemnizatum, omniaque exinde sequen-
tia, ratione prasmissorum, omnino invali
dum, ac nullum, nulla fuisse, et esse, viri-
busque juris caruisse, et carere debere;
atque nullo et nullis ; et invalido et invali-
dis ; ad omnem iuris effectum, etiamque
pronunciamus decernimus et declaramus,
dictum matrimonium praetensum, omnia
que ex inde sequentia, cassamus, anulla-
mus, et irritamus ; memoratamque Domi
nam Franciscam Howard, ab aliquo .vincu
lo, hujusmodi praejensi matrimonii, inter,
earn, et dictum dominum, Robertum Comi
tem (ut praefatur) de facto contracti, et so-
lemnizati, liberam, et solutam fuisse, et
esse, Et sic tam liberam, et solutam insu
per pronunciamus, decernimus et declara
mus. Eademque dominam Franciscam, ab
eodem domino Comite Essex, quoad vin-'

Pamp. 78.

216 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
culum matrimonii praetensi praedicti, om-
niaque, ex inde sequentia, liberandam et
divortiandam fore debere, prorjunciamus,
et sic liberamus, Ct divortiamus ; eosdem
quo ad transitum ad alias nuptias, consci-
entiis suis, in domino relinquere per hanc
nostram sententiam definitam, sive hoc nos
trum finale decretum, quam sive, quod- se-
cimus, et promulgamus in his scriptis."
. And these records extant doe mention
fhe proceedings (you see) modest and le-
gall, parallel with any former of the like
kind, though our pamphleter, with his baudy
tale, pleasCth himself to defame those re
verend bishops, whose dignities gave them
place of judges, acting no more' or other-
wayes than the ecclesiasticall canons in
such cases prescribe. Nemine contradicente.
, " Yes," sayes he, " Archbishop Abbot,
who was therefore excluded the councell
table, and so dyed in disgrace of that king,
though in favour with the King of kings."
The truth is otherwise ; for the archbi
shop (Providence permitting) ayming with

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 217*
a crossebow to strike a deere, killed his
game keeper ; for which act, having his
hand in blood, by the canons ofthe church,
he cannot be admitted to officiate at the
altar; and so he not being admitted to the
full use of his spiritual calling, himself for
bore the councell table, as he told me in
these words : " Since they will have it so,
that I am uncapable of the one, I shall
spare myself the trouble of the other."
But he enjoyed the benefit of that see
whilst he lived, and retyred in that time
(most constant) to his palace at Lambeth.
Much displeased he was (as I well re
member) with the court and clergy, and
upon that score. , And forsooth, to justifie
that his function was not weakened by his
mischance quarrelling with the canons, he
fell upon down-right puritan tenents, which
gave occasion to many discontents, of our
church and state, to visit him so frequent,
that they called themselves Nicodemites,
and his disciples.
, And I observed very often, pCrhaps there-

175

218 AULICUS COQUINABI*.
fore (for I could not meet with a better rea- /
son) that the archbishop, constantly with
candell light in his chamber and study*
made it midnight at noon day.
And here he began to be-the first man of
eminency in our- church, a ringleader of
that faction, for I can name those then his
private disciples, which lately appear des
perate proselites. And thus he lived, but
ft»mp. died not in displeasure of King James;
for the pamphlet perswades us afterwards
to believe him to be the kings confesses,
living long after in tbe late kings time, from
"whom no evill resentment could passe in
relation to this former story, it being buried
in oblivion to him and all good men, till
that bur pamphletter rakes in the embers
to light his owne candel.
And thus, after all the former proceed
ings and the nullity pronounced, a mar
riage was solemnised with Viscount Roch
ford, then Earl of Somerset.
And truly here I should be unwilling to
prosecute this story, but our pamphletters

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 219
foule mouth leads me back to Master Co- famP- P&
Mr Cop
pinger, whose birth, breeding, and beha- piDger*
viour, deserves no lesse of fame, than to
leave him quiet in the silent grave. [But
he knew him otherwise deserving.] I am
sure many men now living know that our
author may give himselfe Copingers cha
racter ; faces about, and in truth you have
him to a haires bredth. •¦>
Master Copinger had been heretofore
master of a larger fortune, which yet fell
not so low, as to turne baud for want of
better maintenance. Indeed he was enter
tained a dependent on Rochford, a favou
rite*, and Lord Chamberlaine, and so no
dishonour for him or other men of better
ranke and birth than our authors family,
to be near attending so great a person as
gentleman of his bed chamber; and there
by the more proper to be trusted with the
secrets and civilities of his masters lawfull
affection and addresse to so great a lady,
which might then well become him, or any
other honest man to advance ; and I may

220 AULICUS COQUTNAKIAE.
believe he afforded the conveniency of his
own house for their meeting and consent of
marriage, which was not long after solem
nized with much honour and magnificence;
sir Tho- and Sir Thomas Overbury congratulating
*"*' the ceremony with as publique profession
as others in court expressed. And it con-
cerned this great favourite to look upon
him with respect of preferment ; and as he
failed not the meanest, so it became him
to advance his confident Overbury, most
pamp. 65. eminent, whose character our phamphlet-
ter hath more deservedly hit upon than any
other. And therefore it was his own seeking, as
best fitting his excellent parts to present
60. the kings person in embassie to France,
which to my knowledge he accepted, and
seemingly prepared to advance.
Conceiting, perhaps, that the power
which he usurped over Somerset, and the
interests of- eithers affection, (which Over
bury knew best how to master,) could not
endure absence without much regret, which

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 221
accordingly had for some time the true ef
fects, as Overbury 'intended.
But when Somerset had wisely consider
ed, that there would be no great loss of so
loose a friend, then Overbury would not
goe ; no, though I know his instructions
were drawn, and additional^ thereto, by his
own consent.
And this was a just and true ground for
the king and councell to punish so great
insolency with imprisonment in the Tower,
which Somerset heartily endeavoured in
due time to release.
But Overbury (to shadow his own de
merits) devised the reason and cause from
his disaffection of the former marriage, and
which he published with much dishonor,
though not the ty the which is studied in our
pamphleters libell. For which the malice
of women (as it often meets) sought revenge
by poyson to punish him to the death ; and
for which fact they were arraigned, and
some suffered death.
In prosecution of which, it behoved the
kings piety and justice to be severe and

222 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
serious, without any king-craft ; and there
fore needed not such an additionall false
hood, (as to kneel down to the judges,)
when then, as usual], he gave them their
charge upon their itinerate circuits.1

T* Roger Cokey in his " Detection," is very minute in
his detailing the discovery of Overbury's murder, and
there may be some advantage in comparing, his ac
count with that given by Welldon, and by- the author
of Aulicus Coquinariae.
" Sir Thomas Overbury's murder had been about
twenty months concealed, when, about the middle of
August, it was brought to light ; but the manner how
was Variously rumoured : some talked, that Sir Thp-
mas his servant gave notice of it to Sir Edward Coke;
others, that my Lord of Canterbury had got knowledge
of it, and made it known to Sir Ralph Winwood, one
of the Secretaries of State ; and that, by searching in a
certain place, he should find a trunk, wherein were pa
pers, ^ which would disclose the whole business, which
Sir Ralph did, and found it so.
" The king at this time was gone to hunt at Royston,
and Somerset with him ; and when the king had been
there about a week, next day he designed to proceed
to Newmarket, and Somerset to return to London ;
when Sir Ralph came to Royston, and acquainted the.
king with what he had discovered about Sir Thomas
Overbury's murder, the king was so surprised herewith,
that he posted away a messenger to Sir Edward Coke
to apprehend the earl. I speak this with confidence,
because I had it from one of Sir Edward's sons.
4

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 223
for then the truth of Overburies poison
ing was but suspected" ; and therefore it was
" Sir Edward lay then at the, Temple, and measured
out his time at regular hours, two whereof were to go
to bed at nine o'clock, and in the morning to rise at
three ; at this time Sir Edward's son and some others
were in Sir Edward's lodging, but not in bed; when the
messenger, about one in the morning, knocked at the
door, where the son met him, and knew him : Says he,
' I come from the king, and must immediately speak
with your father.' — ' If you come from ten kings,' he
answered, ' you shall not ; for I know my father's dis
position td be such, that if he be disturbed in his sleep,
he will not be fit for any business ; but if you' will do
as we do, you shall be welcome, and about two hours
hence my father will rise, and you then may do as you
please/ to which he assented.
" At three, Sir Edward rung a little bell, to give no
tice to his servant to come to him, and then the mes
senger went to him^ and gave him the king's letter;
and Sir Edward immediately made a warrant to appre
hend Somerset, and sent to the king that he would wait
upon him that day.
The messenger went back post to Royston, and ar
rived there about ten in the morning; the king had a
loathsome way of lolling his'arms about his favourites
necks/and kissing them ; and in this posture the mes
senger found the king with Somerset, saying, ' When
shall I see thee again ?' -Somerset then designing for
London, when he was arrested by Sir Edward's warrant.
Somerset exclaimed, that never such an affront was of
fered to a peer of England in the presence of the king.

224 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
not unnaturall nor wonderous for the king
to take his leave of his favorite and friend
with expressions of great kindness, who
yet injustice he exposed to persecution.
And truly in this much forced story of
our author, take him at his own dimension,
an ingenious good nature may find out
much strugling in the king to make justice
and mercy kiss each other.
I was present at their arraignments, and
the pictures, puppets, for magick spells,
were no other but severall French babies,
' Nay, man,' said the king, ' if Coke sends for me I must
go ;' and when he was gone, ' Now the deel go with
thee,' said the king, ' for I will never see thy face more.'
" About three in the afternoon, the Chief Justice
came to Royston ; and so soon as he had seen the king,
the king told him that he was acquainted with the most
wicked murder by Somerset and his wife that was ever
perpetrated, upon Sir Thomas Overbury, and that they
had made him a pimp to carry on their bawdry and
murder ; and therefore commanded the Chief Justice
with all the scrutiny possible, to search into the bot
tom of the conspiracy, and to spare no man however
great soever ; concluding, ' God's curse be upon you
and yours, if you spare any of them ; and God's curse
be upon me and mine if I pardon any of them.'— Coke's
Detection, ut supra.

AULICUS CQQUINARIJE.^ 225
some naked, others clothed ; which were
usu all then* and so are now a dayes, to
teach us the fashions for dresse of ladies
tyring and apparrell. '
1 Our author dismisses this story of diablerie, which
was an ingredient iu many trials of the time, with
more philosophy and good sense than is used upon the
same occasion by another historian, more infected bjr
the superstition of the period.
" There was also shewed in court certain pictures of
a man and woman in copulation, made in lead, as also
the mould in brasse, wherein they were cast ; a black
scarfe also, full of white crosses, whieh Mrs Turner had
in her custody ; at the shewing of these, and inchanted
papers, and other pictures in court, there was heard a
cracke from the scaffolds, which caused great fear, tu
mult^ ajtjd qqpfusion among the spectators, and through
out the hall, every one fearing hurt, as if the devil had
been present, and grown angry to have his workman
ship shewed by such as were not his own scholars ; and.
this terror coming about a quarter of an hour after si
lence proclaimed, the rest of the cunning tricks were
likewise shewed. ,
" Dr Jjorman's wife being administratix of her hus
band,, found letters in packets, by which much was dis
covered ; she was ih court, and deposed, that Mrs Tur
ner came to her house immediately after her husband's
death, and did demand certain pictures which were in
her hushand's study ; namely, one picture in wax, very
sumptuously apparelled in silkes and sattins, and also
one other, sitting in form of a naked woman, spreading
VOL. II. P

226* _ AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
And indeed Foremans book was brought
forth, wherein the mountebanck had for
merly, for his own advantage and credit,
sawcily inserted the countesses name, so
of many others that came to seek fortunes,
which she cleared by her own protestatidn
and Foremans confession that she was ne
ver with him. '

, and laying forth hef hair in a looking glasSe, which
Mrs 1 urner did confidently affirm to be in a box, and
that she knew in what part of the roome of the study
they were.
" Mrs Forman further deposeth, that Mrs Turner and
her husband would be sometimes three or four hours
locked up in his study together; she did depose farther,
that her husband had a ring would open like a watch.
" There was also a note shewed in court, made by
Dr Forman, and written in parchment, signifying what
ladies loved what lords in the court ; but the Lord Chief
Justicewouldnotsufferittobe read openly in the court."
— Narrative History of King James for the first fourteen^
Years, 1651, apud Somers' Tracts, second edit. ii. S3>2.
* The best account of this knave Foreman is to be
found in the Life of his fellow-cheat William Lilly, who
thus recounts his parentage and marvellous feats :
" He was a chandler's son in the city of Westmin
ster; he travelled into Holland for a month in 1580,
purposely to be instructed in astrology and more oc
cult sciences ; as also in physick, taking his degree of

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 227
Sir Thomas Monson was brought to the s!r '"J0-
o mas Mon-
bar and began his tryall, but was remitted ">B*
doctor beyond seas : being sufficiently furnished and
instructed with what he desired, he returned into Eng
land towards the latter end of the reign of Queen Eli
zabeth, and flourished until that year of King James,
Wherein the Countess of Essex, the Earl of Somerset,
and Sir Thomas Overbury's matters were questioned.
He lived in Lambeth with a very good report of the
neighbourhood, especially ofthe poor, unto whom he
was charitable. He was a person that, in horary ques
tions, (especially thefts,) was very judicious and fortu
nate ; so also in sicknesses, which indeed was his mas- ,
ter-piece. In resolving questions about marriage, he
had good success : in other questions very moderate.
He was a person of indefatigable pains. I have seen
sometimes half one sheet of paper wrote of his judge
ment upon one question ; in writing whereof he used
much tautology, as you may see yourself, most excel
lent esquire, if you read a great book of Dr Flood's,
which you have, who had all that book from the ma
nuscripts of Forman ; for I have seen the same, word
for word, in English manuscript, formerly belonging to.
Dr Willoughby of Gloucestershire. Had Forman lived
to have methodised his own papers, I doubt not but he
would have advanced the jatromathematical part there
of very completely ; for he was very observant, and kept
notes of the success of his judgments, as in many of
his figure's I have observed. I very well remember to
have read in one of his manuscripts what followeth :
' Being in bed one morning,' says he, ' I was desirous
to know whether I should ever be a lord, earl, or knight ;

228 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
to the Tower with as much civility as is
usuall td other prisoners.
whereupon I set a figure :' by which he concluded, that
Within two years time he should be a lord or great
fnafi. ' But,' says he, ' before the two years were ex
pired, the doctors put me in Newgate, and nothing
eame.' Not long after he was desirous to know the
same things concerning his honour or greatship. Ano
ther- figure was set, and that promised him to be a great
lord within one year ; but he sets down that in that
year he had no preferment at all, ' only I became ac
quainted with a merchant's wife, by whom I got well.'
There' is another figure concerning one Sir  Ayre,
Sis going into Turkey, whether it would be a good
Toyage or not. The doctor repeats all his astrological
reasons, and musters them together'; and then gave his
judgment it Would be a fortunate- voyage. But under
this figure, he concludes, ' This proved not so, for he
Was taken prisoner by pirates ere he arrived in Turkey,
and lost all.' He set several questions to know if he
should attain the philosophers stone, and the figures,
according to his straining, did seem to signify as much ;
atld theh he tuggs upon the aspects and configurations,
and elected a fit time to begin his operation ; but by
and by, in conclusion, he adds, ' So the Work went very
forward ; but upon the Q of ©>, the setting glass broke,
and 1 lost all my pains.' He sets down five or six such
judgments, but still complains all came to nothing, up*
on the malignant aspects of *2 and $ . Although some
df his astrological judgments did fail, more particular- '
ly those concerning himself, he being no way capable
of such preferment as he ambitiously desired ; yet I

AULICUS COQUINARIAE, 22$
And sir George More, then lieutenant of
the tower, took him from the bar, and both
shall repeat some other of -'lis judgments, which did
not fail, being performed by conference with- spirits.
My mistress went unto him to know when her husband,
then in Cumberland, would return, he having promited
to be at home near the time of the question ; after some
consideration, lie told her to this effect : ' Margejy,
(for so her name was,) thy husband will not be St home
these eighteen days ; his kindred have vexed bim, and
he is come away from them in much anger : he is now
in Carlisle, and hath but three-pence in his.pjarse,' And
when he came home, he confessed all to be true ; and
that, upon leaving his kindred, he had but three-ipenee
in his purse. I shall relate but one story more, and
then his death.
" One Coleman, clerk to Sir Thomas Beaumont, of
Leicestershire, having had some liberal favours both
from his lady and .her daughters, bragged of it, &c,
The knight brought him into the Star-chamber, had
his servant sentenced to be pilloried, whipped, and af*
terwards, during his life, to be imprisoned* The sen*-
tence was executed in London, and was to be, in Lei*
cestershire ; two keepers were to convey Coleman from
the Fleet to Leicester. My mistress taking coasiderar
tion of Coleman, and the miseries he was to suffer, went
presently to Forman, acquainted him therewith; mho,'
after consideration, swore Coleman had lain both with
mother and daughters ; and besides, said, ...

230 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
together were carried in his coach to the
Tower. I say the truth, for I saw it.

- 'They
intend in Leicester to Whip him to death ; but I assure
thee, Margery, he shall never come there; yet they
set forward to-morrow,' says he, and so his two keepers
did, Coleman's legs being locked with an iron chain
, under the horses belly. In this nature they travelled
the first and second day ; on the third day, the two
keepers seeing tlieir prisoner's civility the two prece
ding days, did not lock his chain under the horses belly
as, formerly, but locked it only to one side. In this
posture they rode some miles beyond Northampton,
when, on a sudden, one of the keepers had a necessity
to undress, and so the other and Coleman stood still ;
by and by the other keeper desired Coleman to hold
his horse, for he had occasion also. Coleman immedi
ately took out one of their swords, and ran through two
of the horses, killing them stark dead ; gets upon the
other with one of their swords ; ' Farewell, gentlemen,'
quoth he, ' tell my master I have no mind to be whip
ped in Leicestershire,' and so went his way. The two
keepers in all haste went to a gentleman's house, near
at hand, complaining of their misfortune, and desired
of him to pursue their prisoner, which he with nruch
civility granted ; but ere the horses could be got ready,
the mistress of the house came down, and enquiring
what the matter was, went to the stable, and commanded
the horses to be unsaddled,, with this sharp speech : ' Let

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 231
•But I cannot pick out the meaning why
so much pains is taken to tell out Mon-
the Lady Beaumont and her daughters live honestly ;
none of my horses shall go forth upon this occasion.'
" I could relate many such stories of his perform
ances ; as also whatJie wrote in a book left behind hira,
vifc. ' This I made the devil write with his own hand,
in Lambeth Fields, 15Q6, in June or July, as I now re
member.' He professed to his wife there would be
much trouble about Carr and the Countess of Essex,
who frequently resorted unto him, and from whose
company he would sometimes lock himself in his study
a whole day. Now we come to his death, which hap
pened as follows : — The Sunday before he died, his wife
and he being at supper in their garden-house, she be
ing pleasant, told him, that she had been informed he
could resolve whether man or wife should die first;
' Whether shall I,' quoth she, 'bury you or no ?' — 'Oh,
Trunco, (for so he called her,) thou wilt bury me, but
thou wilt much repent it.' — ' Yea, but how long first?'
¦'. I shall die,' said he, * ere Thursday night.' Monday
came, all was well ; Tuesday came, he not sick ; Wed
nesday came, and still he was well ; with which his im
pertinent wife did much twit him ; Thursday came, and
dinner was ended, he very well ; he went down to the
water-side, and took a pair of oars to go to some build
ings he was in- hand with in Pulddle-dock.v Being in
the middle of the Thames, he presently fell down, only
saying, ' An impost, an impost,' and so died, a most
gad storm of wind -immediately following. He died
Worth one thousand two hundred pounds, and left only

v

232 aulicus CoQUiNaRIae.
sons tale; was he guilty or no ; by the story
he had hard measure : so perhaps had some
of the others, for he was a creature of that
family ; and yet for some, no doubt pri
vate, respects of our author, for he was his-
companion, he is in and out, and out and
in, and in and out again.
And now comes Somerset, who he sayes,
Pamph.
115. ^ being warned to his tryal, absolutely re
fused, and was assured by the king never
to" come to any. When was this assurance;
for he tells us, at their parting at Royston,
they never met after, but we must conceive
it by message.

one son, called Clement. All his rarities, secret ma
nuscripts, of what quality soever, Dr Napper of Lind-
ford, in Buckinghamshire, had, who had been a long
'time his scholar ; and of Whom Forman used to say,
he would be a dunce : yet in circumstance of time, he
jproved a singular astrologer and physician. Sir Rich
ard, now living, has all those rarities in his possession,
which were Forman's, being kinsman and heir, to
Dr tapper. [His son, Thomas Napper, Esq. most ge
nerously gave most of these manuscripts to Elias Ash
mole, Esq."]— Lill\'s History of his Life and Tim®.
Lond. 1774. 8.

aulicus coquinariae. *2S3
And why for this must More, a wise
man, be at his wits end.
The warrant for tryall came over night
late, and it is so usual as it never failes,
that the lieutenant of the Tower hath free-
dome of accesse to waken his soveraign at
any hour.
The importance of his place and trust
having that consequence annexed ; and in
special! to give knowledge of warrants, ei
ther of tryalls or of execution of prisoners.
And this of course he did, when the king,
in tears, is told a tale in his eare, that none
knew, but he that was furthest off.
A trick of wit brings him to the barre,
and a desperate plot by two men placed at
his elbow, with clokes to clap over him,
made him calm at his tryall. And thus it
was, that the lieutenant stood on his right,
and the gentleman jaylor on his left hand,
with clokes on their backs, but not on their
armes, might colour our authors conceipt.
It had appeared a mad president, when
a prisoner at his tryall, upon life or death,

ny

234 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
hath freedome to speak for himself in pub
lique course of justice, to be snatched from
the bar, and from the power of the judge,
at the pleasure of a jaylor. But, to make
out this monument, the king rewards him
i^mph. with 15001. And for a truth More tells all
this to the author, of whom himself con
fesses he had no assurance of his honesty
nor I believe any body else.
The conclusion of all is, that due execu
tion was done upon Sir Jervice Ellowayes,
Mrs Turner, Weston, and Franklyn. Mon
son cleared, the countesse and earl reprie
ved, (our author and most men cleer him
of the poyson, and condemn him only in
the high point of friendship, for suffering
his imprisonment,) which he could not re
lease, and the countesse only guilty of con
nivance. *
* Northampton*? accession to this infernal murder, is
too plainly proved by the following letters, addressed
to Elwaies, the lieutenant of the 'lower, respecting the
disposal of the body. The first, which was obviously
designed to be ostensible, is signed, by Northampton,
and couched in a stile of hypocritical ambiguity; su'g-

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 235
And now comes this.
Our prefacers third remarke to the judg
ment seat for sentence. Let him pick out
a greater president in any history, more re^
marke than this of the king, to make good
this his former protestation, wherein by the
gesting to Elwaies, at the same time he seems to desire
the honours of a public funeral for Overbury, a suffi
cient apology for evading his own request. The se
cond note is, for very obvious reasons, left unsigned, and
betrays all the hurry and anxiety of guilt. And North
ampton being allowed guilty, how shall we excuse So
merset, whose name he uses so suspiciously ?
The Earl qf Northampton to Sir Geroaise Helwise, Lieu
tenant ofthe Tower.
Worthy Mr Lieutenant,
% My Lord of Rochester, desiring to do the last honour
to his deceased friend, requires me to desire you to de
liver the body of Sir Thomas Overbury, to any friend
of his that desires it, to do him honour at his funeral.
Herein my lord declares the constancy of his affection
to the dead, and the meaning that he had in my know
ledge, to have given his strongest straine at this time
of the king's being at Tiballds for tbe delivery. I fear
no impediment to this honourable desire of my lords,
but the unsweetness of the body, because it was. report
ed that he had some issues, and in that case the keep
ing of him above must" needs give more offence then it

2315 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
way he may take leave, to be allowed his
owne even conscience, for justice and mercy
both.
can do honour. My fear is also, that the body is already
buried upon that cause whereof I write ; which being
so, it is too late to set out solemnity.
Thus with my kindest commendations I ende, and
reste Your affectionate and assured friend,
H. Northampton.
postscript.
You see my lord's earnest desire, with my concurring
care, that all respect be had to him that may be for the
credit of his memory ; but yet I wish with all that you
do very discreetly enforme yourself whether this grace
hath been afforded formerly to close prisoners, or whe
ther you may grant my request in this case, who speak
out of the sense of my lord's affection, though I be a
counsellor, is without offence or prejudice. For I
would be loath to drawe either you or myself into cen
sure now I have well thought of the matter, though it
be a work of charity.
Upon the back of this letter are the following words
in Sir Gervaise Helwis's own hand :
So soon as SirThomas Overbury was. departed, I wrot
unto my lord of Northampton ; and because my ex*
perience could not direct me, I desired to know what
I should do with the body, acquainting his lordship
with his issues, as Weston had informed me, and other
foulness of his body, which was then accounted the

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 237
Which, no doubt, hath found acceptance
at Gods tribunali, in behalfe of him and

pox. My lord wrot unto me, that I should first have
his body viewed by a Jewry, apd I well remember hia
lordship advised me to send for Sir John Lidcote to see
the body, and to suffer as many els of his friends to see
it as would, and presently to bury it in the body of the
quire, for the body would not keep. Notwithstanding
Sir Thomas Overbury dying about five in the morning
I kept his body unburied until three or four of the clock
in the afternoon. The next day Sir John Lidcote came
thither; I could not get him to bestow a coffin nor a
winding-sheet upon him. The coffin I bestowed; but
who did wind him I know not. For indeed the body
was very noysome ; so that, notwithstanding my lord's
direction, by reason of the danger of keeping the body,
I kept it over long, as we all felt. Ger. Hsi/wrssE.
The Earl of Northampton to the Lieutenant of the Tower.
Worthy Mr Lieutenant,
Let me intreat you to call Lidcote and some of his
friends, if so many come, to view the body, if they have
not already done it ; and so soon as it is viewed, with
out staying the coming of a messenger from the court;
in any case see it enterr'd in the body of the chappel
within the Tower instantly.
If they have viewed, then bury it by and by ; for it
is time, considering the humours of that damned crevr
that only desire means to move pity and raise scandals.

Palsgrave

238 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
his, his own death being ordinary, not for
ced by anyv poyson. And his posterity in
due time, by our Saviours merits, shall be
gathered up in the mystery of everlasting
salvation.
pamP. 82. But by the way how smoothly we are
told a story of the pittifull Palsgrave ; how
he married a kings daughter, with much
joy, and great misfortune to all the princes
of Christendom ; but fayling of that, and
all the rest, how he was cast out, he and
his to beg their bread ; but had his father-
in-law been half so wise, (with our authors
good counsell to boot,) and had he bought
swords, with a quarter expence of words,

Let no man's instance move you to stay in any case,
and bring me these letters when 1 next see you.
Fail not a jote herein as you love your friends ; nor
after Lidcote and his friends have viewed, stay one mi
nute, but let the priest be ready ; and if Lidcote be not
there, send for him speedily, pretending that the body
will not tarry.
In post-haste at 12. Yours ever.
Winwood's Memorials, ii. 481, 482.

Prince

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 23$
he had bin  What ? as his sonne that
succeeds him, Palsgrave.
But we hasten, having much matter to
meddle with, confusedly put together in
our pamphlet ; which wee must take leave Henry"
to separate for each single story ; and re- The 4Hl
mind back, the death of that heroick Prince K^re.
Henry, in the midst of Somerset's greatnes,.
who, had he liv'd to have bin king, would p*meh-b8-
no doubt (with our authors leave) have
been so gracious as to leave alive one Ho
ward to pisse against the wall ; when, as
with reverence to his memory, it was a no
torious truth, that he made court to the
Countesse of Essex before any other lady
then living. '

» On the subject of the amours of Prirtce Henry, his
reverend historian is not very luminous. It is believed
that a jealotlsy of Car's favour with Lady Essex occasion
ed the prince's aversion to that favourite, whom upon
one occasion he threatened to strike with his racquet,
while they played at tennis together. — See vol. I. page
266. " With regard to any unlawful passion for women, to
the temptation of which the prince's youth and situa
tion peculiarly exposed him, his historian, who knew him

240 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
But he is dead, (and poysoned too, as
we shall haveTt in his following discourse,)
and yet speaks not one word more of him
afterwards.

and observed him much, assures us, that, having been
present at great feasts made in the prince's house, to
which he invited the most beautiful ladies of the court
and city, he could not discover by his highness's beha
viour, eyes or countenance the least appearance of a
particular inclination to any one of them ; nor was he
at any other time witness of such words, or actions, as
could justly be a ground of the least suspicion of his
virtue. Though he observes, that some persons of that
time, measuring the prince by themselves, were pleased
to conceive and report otherwise of him. It is indeed
asserted as a notorious truth by the writer of Aulicus
Coquinarite, believed upon good grounds to be William
Saunderson, Esq7 author of the Complete History of
Mary Queen of Scotland, and his son and successor
King James, that the prince made court to the Countess
of Essex, afterwards divorced from the Earl, and mar
ried to the Viscount Rochester, before any other lady then
living. And Arthur Wilson mentions the many amor
ous glances which the prince gave her, tin, discover
ing that she was captivated with the growing fortunes
of Lord Rochester, and grounded more hope upon him
than the uncertain and hopeless love of his highness,
he soon slighted her. The learned and pious antiquary
Sir Simonds d'Ewes, in a manuscript life of himself,
written with his own hand, and brought down to the

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 241
Prince Henry was borne in Scotland, at
Striveling Castle, in February 1594, the
first sonne unto King James and Queene
Anne. His breeding apted his excellent incli
nation to all exercises of honor and arts
of knowledge, which gave him fame, the
year 1637, is positive that, notwithstanding the inesti
mable Prince Henry's martial desires and initiation into
the ways of godliness," the countess, " being set on by
the Earl of Northampton, her father's uncle, first caught
his eye and heart, and afterwards prostituted herself to
him, who first reaped the fruits of her virginity. But those
sparks of grace, which even then began to shew their
lustre in him, with those more heroic innate qualities
derived from virtue, which gave the law to his more
advised actions, soon raised him out of the slumber of
that distemper, and taught him to reject he^ following
temptations with indignation and superciliousness."
But these authorities ought to have little weight, to
the prejudice of the. prince's character against the
direct testimony in his favour from sq well-informed a
writer as Sir Charles Cornwallis. — Birch's Life of Prince
Henry, p. 402. — Wilson informsus, that Lady Essex, ha
ving dropped her glove at a masque, a courtier, thinking
to please the prince, picked it up and presented it to him,
who replied haughtily " He scorned it, since it had been
stretched by another."
VOL. II. Q

242 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
most exquisite hopefull prince in Christen-
dome.
hu sick- In the nineteenth yeare of bis age, ap
peared the first symptome of change, from
a full round face and pleasant disposition,
to be paler and sharpe, more sad and reti
red ; often complaining of a giddy heavi-
nesse in his for-head, which was somewhat
eased by bleeding at the nose ; and that
suddenly stopping, was the first of his dis
temper, and brought him to extraordinary
qualms, which his physicians recovered
with strong waters.
-About this time, severall ambassadors
extraordinary being dispatched home, he
retired to his. house at Richmond, pleasant
ly seated by the Thames river, which invi
ted him to learn to swim in the evenings
after a full supper, the first immediate per
nicious cause of stopping that gentle flux
of blood, which thereby putrifying, might
ingender that fatall fea ver that accompa
nied him to his grave. His active body
used violent exercises ; for at this time be-

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 243
ing to meet the king at Bever, in Notting
hamshire, he rode it in two dayes, neer a
hundred miles, in the extremity of heat in
summer ; for he set out early, and came to
Sir Oliver Cromwells, neer Huntingden, ' by
ten a clock before noon, neer 60 miles,
¦and the next day betimes to Bever, 40
miles. There and at other places, all that pro
gress, he accustomed to feasting, hunting,
and other sports of balloon and tennis, with
too much violence.
And now returned to Richmond, in the
fall of the leaf, he complained afresh of his
pain in the head, with increase of a mea
ger complexion, inclining to feverish ; and
then for the rareness thereof called the new
disease. Which increasing, the 10th of October Takes his
chamber,
he took his chamber, and began eouncel
with his physician, Doctor Hammond, an
honest and worthily learned man; three
1 Uncle to the Protector, whom he lived to see in pos
session of supreme authority : but his principles would
not permit him to profit by his nephew's elevation.

244 AULICUS COQUINARI.&.
dayes after he fell into a loosness (by cold)
15 times a day.
Then removes to London, to St James's,
contrary to all advise ; and (with a spirit
above his indisposition) gives leave to his
physician to go to his own home.
And so allowes himselfe too much liber
ty, in accompanying the Palsgrave, and
Count Henry of Nassaw, (who was come
hither upon fame to see him) in a great
match at tennis in his shirt, that winter sea
son, his looks then presaging sickness. And
on Sunday the 25th of October, he heard a
sCrmon, the text in Job ; " Man that is bora
of a woman, is of short continuance, and is
full of trouble." After that, he presently
went to Whitehall, and heard another ser
mon before the king, and after dinner be
ing ill,' craves leave to retire to his own
court, where instantly he fell into sudden
sicknes, faintings, and after that a shaking,
bed."" with great heat and head-ach, that left him
not whilst he had life.
Instantly he takes his bed, continuing all
that night in great drought and little rest ;

and his

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 245
the next day head-ache increasing, his body
costive, pulse high, his water thyn and whit-
tish. Doctor Mayern prescribes him a glister ;
after which he rose, played at cards that
and the next day, but looked pale, spake
hollow, dead sunk eyes, with great drought.
And therefore Mr Nasmith should have
let him blood by Mayerns counsell ; but
the other physicians disagreeing, it was de
ferred ; yet he rose all this day, had his fit
first cold, then a dry great heat.
On his 4th day comes Doctor Butler,
(that famous man of Cambridge?) who ap
proved what had bin ministred, gave hopes
of recovery, and allowed of what should be
given him.
Mayern, Hammond and Butler, desired
the assistance of more doctors ; but the
prince would not, to avoid confusion in
counsell. His head-ache, drought, and other
accidents increased.
This evening there appeared, two hours
after sun set, a lunar rainbow, directly cross
over the house, very ominous.

246 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
The sixth and seventh increasing his di
sease. I"
The eighth his physicians bleed the me
dian of his right arm, eight ounces, thin
and putride : after which he found ease,
with great hopes ; and was visited by king,
queen, duke, palsgrave and sister.
Hisdisease. rphe ninth worse than before, and there
fore Doctor Atkins assisted their opinions,
That his disease was a corrupt putrid fea
ver, seated under the liver, in the first pas
sage; The malignity, by reason of the pu
trefaction, (in the highest degree) was ve-
nemous. The tenth increasing convulsions, greater
ravings, and feaver violent ; and therefore
Mayern advised more bleeding, but the
rest would not, but applycd pigeons and
cupping glasses to draw away the pain.
The eleventh small hopes, all accidents
violently increasing, no applications giving
ease, his chaplains continuing their daily
devotions by his bed side, the Archbishop
of Canterbury, and Doctor Melborn, Dean

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 247
of Rochester, and others, with whom he
daily prayed. J
The twelfth no hope. The king with ex- i
cessive grief removes to Kensington House. .
There were added Doctor Palmer and
Doctor Guifford, all imaginable helps, or-
dialls, diaphoretick, and quintessential!
spirits, and a water from Sir Walter Raleigh,
prisoner ih the Tower ; all these were by
consent administred without any effect. '
And so he died at eight a clock at night, h>s death.
Friday the sixth of November, 1612.
The corps laid upon a table, the fairest, corps laid
cleerest, and best proportioned, without any
spot or blemish.
, The next day was solemnly appointed
for imbowelling the corps, in the presence
of some of the counsell, all the physicians,
chirurgions, apothecaries, and the Pals
graves physician.
And this is the true copy of their view, and *%•
1 * ed by cer-
under their hands as followeth : — tifecate-
The skin, as of others blackish, but no SkiD-
way spotted with blacknesse, or pale marks,

248 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
much less purpled, like flea bites, could shew
any contagion, or pestilenticall venome.
Kidnies. About the place of his kidnies, hipps,
and behind his thighs, full of rednesse, and,
, because of his continuall lying upon his
back, his bellyv somewhat swollen and
stretched out.
stomach. The stomach whole and handsom within
and without, having never in all his sick-
nesse been troubled with vomiting, lothing,
or yelping, or any other accidents which
could shew any taint.
L»er. The liver marked with small spots above,
and in the lower parts with small lines.
Gau. The gall bladder, void of any humour,
full of wind.
spleen. The spleen on the top and in the lower *
end, blackish, filled with black heavy blood.
Kidnies. » The kidnies without any blemish.
Midriffe, The midrife, under the filme or membraine
Heart. containing the heart, (wherein a little moys-
ture) spotted with black leadish colour by
reason ofthe brusing.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 249
The lungs, the greatest part black, the imb&.
rest all spotted with black, ifhbrewed and
full of adust blood, with a corrupt and
thick serocity, which, by a vent made in -
the lungs, came out foming in great abund
ance. In which doing, and cutting a small
skin which invironeth the heart to shew the
same, the chirurgian by chance cutting the
trunck of the great veine, the most part of
the blood issued out into the chest, leaving
the lower veins empty ; upon sight whereof,
they concluded an extream heat and full-
nesse, and the same more appeared that the
windpipe, with the throat and tongue, were Throat.
covered with thick blacknesse. ,
The tongue cleft and dry in many places Topgue
The hinder veins, called piamater, in the piam
inmost filme of the braine, swolne, abund
ance of blood, more than naturali.
The substance of the braine, faire and Braine.
eleere; but the ventricks thereof full, of
clCere water, in great abundance, which was
engendred by reason of the feaver maligne, ,
divers humors, being gathered together of a

250 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
long time before, he not being subject to
any dangerous sicknesse by birth.
without The other part, by reason of the convul-
pOySOU. 1 'J
sions, resoundings, and benummings, and of
the fullnesse, choaking the naturali heat,
, and destroying the vitalis by their maligni
ty, have convayed him to the grave with
out any token or accident of poyson.
His admirable patience in all his sick-
nCsse might deceive the physicians, never
dreaming danger.
The urines shewd none ; and the un
known state of his greatest griefe lay closely
rooted in his head, which in the opening
was discovered.
And vainly But the picture of death, by a strange
surmised. extraordinary countenance, from the begin
ning possessing him, hath been the cause
that some vainely rumored that he was
poysoned. ,
By sent.] But no, symptome appearing, it is sur
mised that he might be poysoned by a sent.
But indeed he died in the rage of a ma
licious extraordinary burning fever.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 251
The seventh of december, he was inter
red at Westminster, 1612.
His mottos, Fax mentis, Honesta Gloria.
Juvat ire per Altum.
¦ He was comely tall, five foot eight in- Descrip-
ches high, strong and well made, somewhat
broad shoulders, a small waste, amiable
with majesty ; his haire aborne colour, long
faced, and broad for-head, a pearcing grave and
eye, a gracious smile, but with a frowne,
danting. Courteous and affable, naturali shame- Character.
fast and modest, patient and slow to an
ger, mercifull and judicious in punishing
offenders ; quick to conceive, yet not rash,
very constant in resolves, wonderfull secret
of any trust even from his youth ; his corage
prince-like, fearless, noble, undaunted, say
ing that there should be nothing impossible
to him that had bin done by another : most
religious and Christian, protesting his great
desire to compose differences in religion.
In a word, he was never heard by any
body living to swear an oath, and it was re-

252 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
membred at his funerall sermon by the
archbishop, that he being commended by .
one for not replying with passion in play,
or swearing to the truth, he should answer
that he knew no game, or value to be won
or lost, that could be worth an oath.
To say no more, such and so many were
his virtues that they covered sin.
i'amp.85. We are told by our pamphlet, that his
death was foretold by Bruce, who was there
fore banished : and if so, he deserved ra
ther to be hanged.
But, in truth, he was not banished at all,
but wisely removed himself into Germany,
where his profession of prophesying gained
most profit; and from whence all Chris-
tendome are filled with such lying foretel-
lings. But in this particular he needed not
much art or devills help to say, that Salis-
buries crazy body should yeeld to nature
before Prince Henry's.
Pamph. 68. ^nd this true story of Prince Henry
may answer the fourth remarke in the pre
face, that he came not to untimely- death.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 253
Sir Arthur Ingram and Sir Lionell'Cran- sir Arthur
Ingram.
field our pamphlet Gouples upon the score Cranfield1
of merchants; though the latter being of
merit, and was ranked with the peers.
Ingram, was bred a merchant, and for his
wit and wealth imployed as a customer ;
and afterwards came to that esteem, as to
be preferred cofferer in the kings house, and
with much reason and policy so to be. For
the vast expence of the state, kept the trea
sury dry ; especially the needfull disburse
ments ofthe court, divided into severalls of
king, queen, prince, princess, and palsgrave
and duke. , And at this time also of the
marriage, and who more proper to assist,
(the revenue failing) but such able men as
these, who could, and honestly might, dis
cover the cunning craft of the cosening
merchant. And it was high time so to doe,
or the customers had ingrosed all the wealth
of the commonweal.
Though our pamphlet bestowes on them Pamph, st
the characters of evill birds-defiling their
own nests, what is our auther then, who

254 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
defiled the court that gave him breeding,
defamed the king that gave him bread ?
And this I know, that the king, most pru
dent, put this course in practice at court,
somewhat differing, I confess, in the line of
ascent to the household preferment, which
rises by order and succession.
This man, Sir Arthur Ingram, a stranger
in court, stept in to discover the conceal
ments of the Green Cloth also, and when
this tyde had its ebb, it returned again to
its wonted chanell. And it is true, that the
king shifted the fault upon his favorit; an
ordinary fate, which often follows them, to
beare the burthen of their masters mistakes :
which yet was but an experiment, proper
enough for the Lord Chamberlain to put in
practice.
sir Lioneii He being layd aside, Sir Lionell Cran
field came into publick upon such like de
sign, but in a nobler way.
I find him of an antient family in Glo
cestershire, as by their bearing of arms in
the Heralcls Office appears.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 255
This gentleman, a brother unto Sir Ran
dall Cranfield, who inherited his fathers
possessions there, and in other counties of
good value, and in Kent, neighbouring
our authors habitation.
He was bred a merchant adventurer in
London, and by his extraordinary quali
ties, and the blessing of God upon his in-
deavours in that most commendable way
of adventure (besides his great understand
ing in the affairs of the customes) became
usefull to the state.
And first had the honour of knighthood,
then the custody of the kings wardrobes,
afterwards Master of the Court of Wards
and Liveries ; and, lastly, succeeded Suf
folke in the place of Treasurer of England,
and in that time created Earle of Middle
sex. In all which offices of trust, I never knew
then, nor can find since, any suspicion, un
lesse in that of the treasurer ; the ground p*™Ph-
whereof is hinted unto us by our author.
But in truth in this he hath but scummed

Pamph. 166.

25*6 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
the pot to cleere the broth. For indeed,
who more fit (for the reasons I have shew
ed) than this man of experience in stating
the accompts for the revenues of the state,
which I know he improved, and not unlike
ly thereby purchased envy for his eminency.
And to say truth, according tohisplacei he
did indeavor to husband the same to piece
out with the expence, which the princes
journey into Spain had wonderfully and
unnecessarily exhausted ; as by the printed
accompt thereof lately divulged by parlia
ment doth manifestly appeare. Then which
no better evidence can be produced to ac
quit the treasurer, together with what the
pamphletter publishes as a supposed crime,
his refusall to supply that journey, and
Buckinghams folly and prodigallity ; and
this he did deny, as the duty of his office re
quired, and which he well understood, as
being of counsell, and acted as a-counsel-
lour-in that undertaking, to my knowledge,
and as indeed being then the statesman at
the counsell table.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 257
But his refusall of supplying Bucking
ham, upon that score only, wrought him
no doubt, at his returne home, the treasurers
great enemy.
And whom he opposed, a small accusa
tion might serve to turne any man out of
all, as he did him.
And yet, to the honour of his memory,
though they raked into all his actions, and
racked all mens discoveries to the height of
information, the power of Buckingham could
never produce any crime, though mightely
attempted, against his exact accompts in
that boundlesse trust of the tempting trea
sury. And in spite of malice, though they di
vested him of that office, yet he lived long
after in peace, wealth, and honour ; and
died since these times of inquiry, leaving
to his heire, his honors untaint with a plen--
tifuli estate to all his children, enabling
them to beare up the worthy character of
their fathers meritts.
VOL. II. R

258 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
And thus, having digressed in our mat-
George ter beyond our time, we returne to the first
Viliers,80. * . ~,
Hisducent. appearance of our new favorite, Ijeorge
Villiers, who was of an ancient family in
Leicestershire. His father, Sir Edward Vil
liers, begat him upon a second wife, Mary
Beomont, of noble birth, whom for her
beauty and goodnesse he married. He had
by her three sonnes, John Viscount Pur
beck, George Duke of Buckingham, and
Christopher Earle of Anglesey, and one
daughter, Susan Countesse of Denbigh.
Page so. Our pamphlet tells us, That he come
over by chance from his French travells,
and sought his preferment in marriage with
any body, but mist of his match, for want
of a hundred marks joynture ; and so pieces
him for the court, (like in the story of
Dametus' Caparisons, ') borrowing of every
one piecemeal to put him forward for the
kings favourite.
The truth is thus : His mother, a widow,
1 A clown in Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia, who is arm
ed for a mock combat.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 259
was lately married unto Sir Thomas Comp
ton, second brother to the Lord Compton,
who by chance falling upon a wonder-
full match (for matchless wealth,) with Al
derman Sir John Spencer's daughter and
heir.1
1 Of this Compton, Wilson has recorded an early ad
venture, which seems worthy of notice. Slugs and a
sawpit have" been often mentioned, but I believe this
is the only instance in which tlie latter has been
really chosen as a scene of combat. " And now we
have named Sir Thomas Compton, there will follow
a story of his youthful actions, which, though done long
since, will not be uncomely to crowd in here. He
had the remark of a slow-spirited man when he was
young, and truly his wife made him retain it to the
last. But such as found him so in those vigorous days
of duelling, would trample on his easiness; and there
could not a worse character be imprinted on any man
than to be termed a coward. Among the rest, one Bird,
a roaring captain, was the more bold and insolent against
him, because he found him slow and backward, (which
is a baseness of an overbearing nature,) and his provo
cations were so great, that some of Compton's friends
taking notice of him, told him, it were better to die
nobly once than live infamously ever; and wrought so
upon his cold temper, that the next affront that this
bold Bird put upon him, he was heartened into the cou
rage to send him a challenge. Bird, a great massy fel
low, confident of his own strength (disdaining Compton,'
being less both in stature and courage,) told the second

260 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
And his father then lately dead, this lord
was master of all, which was of more than
that brought the challenge, in a vapouring manner,
that he would not stir a foot to encounter Compton,
unless he would meet him in a sawpit, where he might
be sure Compton could not run away from him. The
second, that looked upon this as a rodomontado fancy,
told him, that if he would appoint the place, Compton
should not fail to meet him. Bird making choice both
of the place and weapon, (which in the vain formality
of fighters was in the election of the challenged,) he
chose a sawpit and a single sword ; where, according
to the time appointed, they met. "Being together in the
pit, with swords drawn, and stript ready for the encoun
ter, ' Now, Compton, said Bird, thou shalt not escape
from me ;' and hovering his sword over his head in a
disdainful manner, said, ' Come, Compton, let's see
what you can do now.' Compton, attending his business
with a watchful eye, seeing Bird's sword hovering over
him, ran under it in upon him, and in a moment run
him through the body ; so that his pride fell to the
ground, and there did spraul out its last vanity ; which
should teach us that strong presumption is the greatest
weakness; and it's far from wisdom in the most arro
gant strength to slight and disdain the meanest adver
sary. There is yet in bleeding memory, (even in these
times of just severity against this impious duelling,) one
of the same family of the Comptons, in some part guil
ty of Bird's crime; for the provoker to such horrid en
counters seldom escapes, the divine justice permitting
such violent madness to tend to its own destruction," —
Wilson, ut supra, p. 727i

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 26l
credible ; and so might be enabled bounti-
fully to set up a kinsman, without help or
alms ofthe parish.
And it was plotted long beforehand Vil
liers sent for to the same purpose. And this
indeed was done by practise of some Eng
lish lords.
And I can tell him the time and place.
There was a great but private entertain
ment at supper, at Baynards Castle, by the
family of Herberts, Hartford, and Bedford,
and some others; by the way in Fleet-street,
hung out Somersets picture, at a painters
stall ; which one of the lords envying, bad
his footman fling dirt in the face, which he
did ; and gave me occasion therejay to ask
my companion upon what score that was
done. He told me that this meeting would
discover : and truly I waited neer and op
portune, and so was acquainted With the
design to bring in Villiers. And thus backt,
our hew favourite needed not to borrow,
nor to seek out many bravoes to second

262 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
his quarrels, which at first I confess he met
with.' For, having bought the place of cup
bearer tothe king, his fight was to have the
upper end of the table at the reversion of
the kings diet, only during his monethly
waiting. But he, not so perfect a courtier
in the orders of the house, set himself first
out of his month when it was not his due;
and was told of it, and so removed : which
was not done with over much kindnesses
for indeed the other was Somersets crea-
ture. But, not long after, this party, by chance
rather than by designe, spilt upon Villiers

1 As King James returned from his visit to Scotland,
in 1 6 1 7, the dispute between the rising and falling fa
vourite had nearly been brought to a bloody issue. For
Ker, a bastard of the house of Fernihirst, having resolved
to avenge the quarrel of his kinsman Somerset, came to
Carlisle armed, and determined to assassinate Bucking
ham. His design was betrayed by one to whom he had
communicated his purpose, and shewed the gun with
which he meant to execute it. But as he fiercely and
stubbornly denied the charge, he escaped after a long
and severe imprisonment.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 263
cloaths as he carried meat to the kings ta
ble ; and returning to dinner, Villiers gave
him a box on the eare ; for which the cus
tome of the court was to have his hand cut
off, and which belonged to Somerset, as
chamberlain, to prosecute the execution,
as he did. And here the kings mercifull Favnrite-
pardon, without any satisfaction to the par
ty, made him appear a budding favorite.
And now we are fallen upon a story of pamph.oi.
fooling and fidling, sometime used for
courtlike recreations I confesse, but alwayes
with so much wit as might well, become the Not Ger-
biers.
exercise of an academy ; which our author
misconstrues and calls a brothelry, to
usher in the new favourite, and to out the
old one, whose misfortunes with his lady,
break out, even now, as we have told of be- v
fore. And now indeed all the browse boughs [Pamph.
cut downe or removed to plain the stemm,
our favourite appears like a proper palm.
His first step into honourable office was Admirals.
in the admiralty, to succeed a good and

264 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
gallant old Lord of Nottingham, who be
ing almost bed ridd, madesute to the king,
that himself might dispose his place as a
legacy in his life-time upon Villiers, which
was so -done ; and who, to my knowledge,
went in person to acknowledge the kind-
nesse, and presented his young lady with
a very noble and valuable reward, which
my Lord Compton paid for, and besides a
pension therefore during his life. And all
this was done with so much love and li
king, that I have often observed Villiers his
great civility to him ever after, at each
meeting to call him father, and bend his
knee, without the least regret of the lord
that gained more than he lost by the bar
gain, and did not cost the king a penny.
And because Sir Robert Mansell (a de
pendant pf Nottingham) had the place of
vice-admirall at pleasure only, Villiers (for
his lords sake) continued him by patent
during life.
For which courtesie, the good old man
came himself to give thanks, (as I remem-

AULICUS COQUIXARIJE. 265
ber,) the last complement his age gave him
leave to offer.
And thus was this office of honor and
safet v to the kingdom, ordered from the
command of a decrepid old man to a pro
per young lord, and strengthned with the
abilities of an experienced assistant, with- p^:«.
out deserving the least quarrelling item of
our carping pamphleter.
Tne next in onr way. is that of the Lord efcap*.
Egerton : he was Chancellor of England, !?¦
a man verv aged* and now with sicknesse iai
fallen on his death-bed.
The term come, and the seal to be dis
posed : in order thereunto, the king sent
Secretary Winwood (not Bacon) for the
seal, with this message : That himself would
be his nnder-keeper, and not to dispose it
whilst he lived, to bear the name of Chan
cellor. Nor did any receive the scale out
of the kings sight till Egerton was dead,
which followed soon after.
Sir Francis Bacon succeeded him in the cu*:**-
Chancerr. He was At tome v General 1 . and

266 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
as others by that place, and the usuall way
of preferment, (time without memory) come
to high office of judicature, either in Chan
cery, or to the other benches, so did he
rise. He was a man of excellent parts, of all
other learning, as of that pf the law ; and
as proper for that place as any man of the
gown. His merits made him so then, which
in after-time his vices blemished, and he
justly removed to his private studies, which
render him to the world full of worth ; and
with the small charity of our author, might
merit the bayes before any man of that
age. And so we shall spare our labor to ob
serve his entrance into that honor, by the
idle message from Buckingham, made up
pamph. only by our authors mouth, who tells us
of his growings, heighth, and pride ; parti
cularly intimated afterwards to the king in
Scotland, by letters from Winwood, which
pamph. the king read unto our author ; at which,
he sayes, they were very merry. Good

127.

131.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 267
God ! the king opens his bosome to him at
that instant, (not usuall tp any ofthe Green-
cloth,) when this man, so vilely studied
and plotted his soveraigns and that king
doms dishonor, for which he was turned
out of the court. Was the king so gracious r«fe pre-
° ° face.
to him, and he so graceless then and since
in the pamphlet to defame him arid his
posterity ? He that eats of his bread lifts
up his hand to destroy him.
And afterwards we are told his downfall,
which, he says, at last humbled him to a
horse-boy. He did (as became him to do to the
House of Peers) prostrate himself and sins,
which ingeniously he acknowledged, cra
ving pardon of God and them, promising
with Gods mercy to amend his life ; which
he made good to the worlds eye, those ex
cellent works contrived in his retirements
doe manifest.
And let me give this light to his better
character, from an observation of the late
king, then prince. Returning from hunting,

268 ' AULICUS COQUTNARIAE.
he espied a coach, attended with a goodly
troop of horsemenrwho, it seems, were ga
thered together to wait upon the chan
cellour to his house at Gorembury, at the
time of his declension.
At which the prince smiled : " Well, do
we what we can," said he, " this man scornes
to go out like a snuffe." ' Commending his
undaunted spirit and excellent parts, not
without some regrett that^uch a manshould
be falling off; and all this much differing
from our authors character pf him.
Pampb.v Those times are complained of. What
base courses our favourite took to raise
moneys for advance of his beggerly kin
dred. Heretofore we are told that the
great men mastered all, and now the affairs
are managed with beggerly fellows ; and
1 Gondomar found that Bacon had the same spirit,
when, haughtily taunting him in his misfortunes, he
wished him ironical a merry Easter, " And to you, Sig
nior, I wish a good Passover," alluding to his supposed
Jewish descent, — the most deep affront that could be
given to a Spaniard, — and perhaps to his speedy dismis
sal from England.

129.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 26<3
concludes against himselfe, that riches make
men cowards, and poverty valiant.
'Tis true, plenty makes men proude, and
industry brings a man to honour. Had our
author lived to these our dayes, and obser
ved as much now as he pried into then,
he must have spoke other language, un
lesse (as likely he could) hold with the hare
and run with the hounds.
We all know the Duke of Buckingham
had many kindred, for his family were an
tient, -and dispersed by time into severall
matches with the gentry, who, no doubt,
did addresse to the favourite for prefer
ment. And what strange or new ^advice
was it in him to raise them that were neere
in blood by noble and worthy wayes as he
did ; and if our author bad liked to lick
after the kitchen maid, had it been hand
some for a kinsman to have kickt at his
kihdnesse ?
Good God ! what a summary bead-roll Pampn.
. . '29. 130-
of pensioners are listed in our authors ac
count ; sure he became register to the re-

270 / AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
venue of that rabble. Chancellour, attor
neys deans, bishops, treasurers, rich and
poore, raking upon the rates of offices, bi
shopricks, deaneries, with fines and pen
sions. " Otherwise," he sayes, " it had been
_ impossible that three kingdomes could have
maintained his beggerly kindred."
Pamph, 7. Oh, but he must tell us he made them
all lords, which got him much hatred ; he
did so, and he did well. He made his two
brothers peers, his mother, and sister, coun
tesses ; the rest of his kindred, by his coun
tenance, got means to live like their birth
rights, being a race handsome and beau ti*
full. And yet let me tell him, I havebeen of
ten present, when it hath been urged as a
crime to this great man the neglect of his
owne, when the discourse hath been prest
for preferment of his friends; and this ^1
know, for I acted therein. The late- king,
in honour of Buckinghams memory, sup
plied the necessities of his kindred, which
his untimely death left without support.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 271
As for the base observations through and
through the pamphlet, though I lived in
the shadow of the court reasonable years
to see many turns of state, yet I confesse
my time other wayes diverted than to rake
after so much ribaldry and beastly baw-
dery, as now to question this his peeping,
pimping, into each petticoat placket ; and
for his sufficiency therein, he might have
been made master of the game.
In Bacops place, comes to preferment P»™Ph-
Doctor Williams, by the title of Keeper °°^°arms>
ofthe Seal duringpleasure, which the chan- Keeper.
cellor hath for life. He was also Dean
of Westminster and Bishop of Lincolne,
" Brought in," sayes he, " to serve turns to
do that which no layman was found bad
enough to undertake."
Former ages held it more consonant to
reason to trust the conscience of the clergy
with the case of the laymen, they best know
ing a case of conscience.
And antiently the civill law was alwayes
judged by the ministers of the church, and

272 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
the chancery and courts of equity in charge
of a divine minister.
So ran that channell till Bacons father
had it from a bishop, and now a bishop
has it again.
And had King James lived to have ef
fected his desires, the clergy had fixed firm
footing in courts of judicature, out of the
rode of the common law.
And this was the true cause of Williams.
initiation thither ; how he fell from that
and, other his wayes since, from worse to
worst of all, we leave him, if he be living, to
lead a better life, and make a godly end.
Amen.
Pamph. 'Tis no new matter to tell us, that the
143.
match.h Spanish Jesuit is more than our match in
mrk?" the intricate way of treaty, being enabled
to out-wit us and all the world besides ; of
which we made trjTall, upon trust of our
emissaries, and now the king was minded
to put it to the touch.
And so resolved, that the prince, with
Buckingham and Cottington, and a domes-_

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 273
tick ofthe dukes, should hazard a journey
into Spain, being invited thither by secret
intimation of Sir Walter Aston, ambassa
dor extraordinary, with the Earl of Bris-
tow, lieger, which was to put period to that
business of a marriage that had lasted long
enough in design to weary both parties.
Nor was it held such a ranting journey by
wise men, that knew more perhaps than
our author would make us beleeve he did.
For the great busines inclusive with the
match was to get render of the Palatinate,
which this way or none was to be expected.
And it appeared afterwards, that though
the Spaniard did pretend it, yet he had
other overtures with the house of Austria
as a double bow-string.
All which we suspected before, and there-
fore it was a prince-like boldnesse, to bring
it to issue by himselfe, or to break the
bonds asunder ; which, at his being there,
he soon discovered, and so returned.
Wherein Bristol], a suspected pensioner
to that state, did not so timely unmask the
VOL. II. s

274 AULICUS COQUIXARIX.
Spanish counsells to the princes advantage
as he might and ought to have done ; for
which neglect, it had like to have cost him
his life when he came home to the true
examination.
p^Phj But evermore we must expect a bawdy
tale in our authors stories ; which to all
men that know the retired custome of the
Spanish (much more of the grandees ladies)
from conversing or sight of their owne,
either kindred or friends, (much more of
strangers,) must needs discredit this tale of
Buckingham, with Olyvares countess, as
absurd and feigned.
Nor hath our author either courtship or
civill breeding otherwise to understand what
the princes behaviour should have been to
wards so great a person as the infanta of
Spain, but to allow him his cap on his head,
and privacy in her cabinet.
But above all the strains of impudency,
give me leave to marke out the infamy
which he endeavours (oh horrid !) to cast
on King James, as of many other which

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 275
he asperts him, so this sans-parell, intima
ting thus much, that not glutted with the p^'~
blood of his dear and eldest son, that most
incomparable Prince Henry, for whose
death he should cunningly dissemble with
a feigned sorrow. So now to adde to that,
and for hatred to Buckingham, whom the
y world knew he could have blasted with >
his breath, he should think it no ill bargain
to lose this prince, his only son and suc
cessor to all his crowns.
And to illustrate the kings wearinesse of Flw}''
Buckingham, he tells us a tale of the lieger
Spanish ambassador Marquesa dTnnocessa,
and a Spanish confessor Padre Maiestre,
" which," he sayes, " was sent to reveal to
the king what he had received under seal
of confession, and on pain of damnation
never to utter, which was, that the king 153-
should be murthered by Buckingham, or
some body else, or no body at all."
Then the kings passion hereupon, with- 154
out any other proceeding to secure his own
life, that was so fearfull to lose it.

: 276 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
And then that the duke being challenged
with the truth, durst not fight in his own
defence, which certainly had he bin so
wicked to designe, the devil might have
assisted him with courage to have counte
nanced it.
Pamph. Indeed there was a letter of complaint
sent lo Spain, by advice of the whole coun
cell here, to demand of that king how far
he had commissioned his ambassador in an
affair of consequence, which letter was in
closed and returned lo him with peremp
tory command, to give satisfaction to the
prince and duke, or to be subject to worse
construction ; which, to my knowledge, the
ambassador did recant, (for I copyed the
transactions,) and with much adoe, begged
favour of the prince to be reconciled upon
' submission, which the prince in honour
was pleased to accept, or it might have
cost Inocossa his head at his coming home.1
'The following account of the discovery of the Spa
nish intrigue against Buckingham, and its being coun
teracted, is taken from the Life of the Lord Keeper

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 277
The former story is interlaced with ob- nl '
servatioh, how Buckingham shifted from
Williams, the principal agent in the whole transaction.
It is confirmed, partially at least, by the papers in the
Cabala, which refer to the subject.
" A paper of informations or complaints against the
parliament and Buckingham, was put into the icings
pocket unobserved ; and in the postscript it was pray
ed, That Don Francisco Carondolel, secretary to the
Marquis Iniosa, might be brought to the king when he
and the prince were sitting in the House of Peers, to
satisfy such doubts as his majesty might raise. This
sleight was performed by the Earl of Kelly, who told
their errand so spitefully, that the king was much trou
bled about it, and it struck especially at the marquis ;
whpm, though he defended in some particulars against
any of the Spanish, yet he complained that he had
noted a turbulent spirit in him of late, and knew not
how to mitigate it. In, this humour -he took coach
with the prince for Windsor ; and when Buckingham,
who attended, offered to step in, the king found a
slight excuse to leave him behind, who begged in vain
with tears to know the cause of his majesty's displea
sure. Williams, who spared no cost to procure intel
ligence, had notice by his scout of the information,
went immediately to the marquis, who was retired me
lancholy to Wallingford-house, where he acquainted
him with what he had discovered ; and bid him go to
Windsor, and never leave his majesty, to prevent any
more mischief, in persuading his majesty to break
thoroughly with the parliament, and upon their disso
lution, to send the marquis to the Tower. Bucking-

278 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
trusting the king, as knowing his desire to
be rid of him ; a d so the duke wrought
ham takes the advice, and on Saturday tells the story
to the prince at Windsor, who was early on Monday
morning at the House ofLLords ; and when the keeper
came thither, took him aside into the lobby, thanked
him for the warning given to Buckingham, and begged
him to search further into the plot against that favou
rite. Williams answered, ' That he knew some in the
Spanish ambassador's house had been preparing mis
chief, and infused into his majesty about four days past.'
The prince replied, ' I expected better from you ; for
if that be the picture-drawer's shop, no counsellor in
the kingdom is better acquainted than yourself with
the work and the workmen.' — ' I might have been,'
says the keeperi ' and I am panged like a woman in
travail, till I know what misshapen figure they are
drawing ; but your highnes and the marquis have made
it a crime to send unto that house ; it is a month since
I have forbid the servants of that family to come to
me.' — ' But, sir,' answered the prince, ' I will make
that passage open to you without offence, and inter
pose any way to bring us out of this wood ; only, be
fore we part, keep not from me how you came to know
or imagine that the Spanish agents had charged Buck
ingham to my father with high misdemeanours, or per
haps disloyalty. I would hear you to that point, that
I may compare it with some parcels of my intelligence.'
— ' Sir,' says the keeper, ' I will go in directly with-
you. Another perhaps would blush when I tell you
what heifer I plough with ; but knowing mine inno
cence, the worst that can happen ,is to be laughed at.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 279
himself into the princes poor spirit, with
much regret ofthe old king and every body
Your highness hath often seen Don Francisco Caron-
dolet ; he loves me because he is a scholar, for he js
Arch-Deacon of Cambray > and sometimes we are plea
sant together, for he is a Walloon by birth, and not a
Castilian. I have discovered him to be a wanton and
an humble servant to some of our English beauties;
but, above all, to one of that craft in Mark-lane ; a wit
she is, and one that must be courted with news and oc
currences at home and abroad, as well as wiLh gifts. I
have a friend that bribed her in my name to send me
a faithful account of such tidings as her paramour Ca-
rondolet brings to her. All that I intrusted the mar
quis with came out of her chamber ; and she hath well
earned a piece of plate or two from me ; and shall not
go unrecompenced for these secrets about which your
highness do use me, if the drab can help me in it ;
truly, sir, this is my dark lanthorn, and I am not asha
med to require of a Dalilah lo resolve a riddle ; for in
my studies of divinity I have gleaned up this maxim,
licet uti altero peccato. Though the devil make her a
sinner, I may make good use of her sin.' — ' Yea,' says
the prince merrily, ' do you deal in such ware ?'— ' In
good faith,' replied the keeper, ' I never saw her face.'
He then left the prince, and got Carondolet's under
secretary, whose lodging he knew, seized as a Romish
priest. This brought Carqndolet to him to beg his
secretary's discharge; To which, says the keeper,
* would you have me run such a hazard to set a priest
at liberty, a dead man by our statutes, when the eyes
of parliament are so vigilant upon the breach of justicej

280 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
else, especiaUy when he should rather have
called to mind the bravery of his brother
who hated the whole family, " although,"
especially in this kind, to the grievance of our godly
men, who detest them that come hither out of the se
minaries above all malefactors, because they come
to pervert them who have lived in the bosom of our
church ?' — ' My lord,' said Francisco, f let not the
dread of this parliament trouble you ; I can tell you,
if you ha'n't heard it, that it is upon expiration.' He
afterwards fished out of the secretary the heads of all
the articles in the paper slipt, as above mentioned, in
to the king's pocket. He did not stay for the copy of
them, which was brought to him four days after, but
immediately drew the heads, then discovered to him
into such a form, as it sbould appear to be copied from
the original ; and gave all to the prince, of whom he
desired secrecy, having put his life into the hands of
his highness, first for searching into the king's coun--
cils, and then discovering them ; and for further secu
rity, he ordered Carondolet out of the kingdom imme
diately, that he might not be produced to confront
him, if the matter should come to be questioned. Dr
Hacket observes, that this story accounts for the king's
reconciliation to the parliament, as well as why his ma
jesty never offered afterwards to retrieve the Spanish
match, and furnishes a reason why King Charles the
following year readily entered into a war with Spain.
But our chief motive for inserting it here is, that it
agrees with one part of our author's character repre
sented by Lord Clarendon." — Biogr. Brit. p. 4283,
note II.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 281
he sayes, " none of them had ever offended
him." Certainly Buckingham was not in being
when Prince Henry died ; and if he were, /
he was more brave indeed than to hate the
family that never did him hurt. But sure
our author meant Somersets ladies family
Howards ; for he tells us before, that Prince
Henry would not leave one of them to pisse
against the wall, (the male ones he means.)
And taking occasion before to smell out
something of suspition of poyson in Prince
Henries death, we are promised in his page
84, that his discourse following will tell you Pa8Tb-
the truth thereof, and yet he never speaks
word of him, no more nor otherwise than
in this place.
Our author proceeds and says, " Now Pampfa.
that we have heard what made the king
hate Buckingham, wee shall know the rea
son of Buckinghams extreame hatred to
the king, which is believed to be the cause
of his so speedy death."
More poyson yet ?

282 AULICUS COQUINARIAE. -
But first we proceed to the story of Yel
verton.
Pi56b' Sir H. Yelverton was Attorney Generall ;
Teiverton, and by his place of imployment, it was his
eeneraii. duty to manage the charge of impeach
ment against Somerset, or any subject
whatsoever without dispute, which he re
fused, as receiving that place by his fa
vour ; and this contempt to the kings ser
vice, (not without suspition of concealment
of some passages concerning Overburies
death.) He was for these reasons (and de
servedly) by the whole councell, committed
to the Tower, close prisoner.
Where, we are to be perswaded, the Lieu
tenant -Balfore admits the duke to treat
with him in private, and then to peece out
a peace between them.
Certainly Yelverton had law to teach
him, or any other prisoner of reason, that
this was treason in Balfore, and in the duke
to attempt. And therefore to cleer it, Bal
fore himself hath vowed to a prisoner, some
time under his guard, that there was never
6

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 283
any such act done by the duke, or by his
permission to any body else.
But afterwards, upon Yelvertons humble
submission for his former fault, and his in
nocency cleared in the other suspitions, he
was set at liberty ; and in truth, according
to the merit of the man otherwayes, he was
afterwards trusted with the judgment seat,
And what was this secret information
which we are told he should tell the duke,
forsooth, that which the king spake in par
liament, not to spate any that was dearest
or lay in his bosome, by which he pointed
to you, (meaning the duke.) ,
And must Buckingham adventure his
and the lieutenants head to learn this news,
which no doubt the duke heard before, be
ing then at the king's elbow.
After this impertinent digression, or great , Pampn,
secret, he discovers (which none ever dream
ed of) a wonderfull failing of the Spaniards
both wisdom and gravity. And why gravi
ty, forsooth ? That which had bin against
all humanity, commerce, and custome of

161. ¦

/
284 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
nations, the Spaniard mist of the advan
tage to imprison the prince, a sure pledge,
no doubt, for the Spaniard to have gotten
the heir-dome of England.
And this he tells us, for truth, out of their
own confessions ; but they were caught with
a trick, having the princes faith, and his
proxy to boot, remaining with Digby, which
might cosen them into this kindnes to let
him come home again. Where, at a con
ference of both houses of parliament, Bris-
toll is blamed, and (it being truth) the
prince owns it, and Bristoll is sent for by
authority, otherwise it had bin petty trea
son in him to return home from his com
mission.
Pamph. The king of Spain (he sayes) disswades
Bristolls return, as doubting the successe,
(as well he might, knowing him to be his
pensioner,) who for his sake is like to suf
fer. But he being come and convented be
fore the parliament, endeavors to cleer him
self, with a single copy of a paper (and a

163.

ACLICDS COQUINARIAE. 285
bawdy tale to boot) against Buckingham,
but forbore to tell it out for offending their
chast ears.
In this the author is so ingenious, as to p**>j*-
be judged by the reader what a horrible
wound Bristoll gave the prince or Buck
ingham, and yet by his confession the wis-
dome of the house committed Bristoll to
the Tower; but some days after (not the
next da}-) he was set at liberty, nor durst
any bring him to further tryall.
He was committed for his contempt, and
might have lain there longer prisoner ; but
the duke made means for his release, lest
it should move a jealousie that it was his
designe thereby to delay the tryall ; which,
to my knowledge, was earnestly pursued
by the duke, and had that parliament last
ed, might have been a dear bargain for
Bristoll. In this parliament, our author observes pamph.
the princes early hours to act by, where (he
savs) he discerned so much iuscrlinsj to

286 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
serve .his own ends, that being afterwards
come to be king, he could not affect them.
< A notable note, he calls that parliament
jugglers, and gives it a reason why the late
king must needs disaffect all other parlia
ments that succeeded.
Pai69h' Then have we a discovery of our authors
owne making, which is intended (he sayes)
as a caution to all statesmen, with a singu
lar commendation ofthe wisdome ofthe late
n Earl of Salisbury, whom before throughout
his pamphlet he loads with singular dis
graces. He tells us of a treaty heretofore with
Spain for a match wifh Prince Henry,
where the jugling was discovered that there
was no such intention, and that the duke
of Lerma, the favorite of Spain, leaves the
Spanish ambassador here in the lurch to
,answer for all ;,who, in a great snuff against
those that sent him thither, prostrates his
commission and letters of credit (under the
king his masters hand and seale) at the foot

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 287
of our councell table, and so returnes home,
and yet was not hanged for his labour, but
lived and died, bonus legatus.
And thus our author having hunted the
king hitherto, blowes his death at parting,
" which," he sayes, " began with a fever, Pampb.
but ended by a poysoned plaister, applied K'ns ,
by Buckingham ; for which, being ques- s,ckn£S?-
tioned the very next parliament, it was
hastily dissolved for his sake, only to save
his life."
In the entrance of the spring, the king
was seized with a tertian ague, which to
another constitution, might not prove pes-
tilentiall. But all men then knew his impatience
in any pain, and alwayes utter enmity to
any physick ; so that nothing was admi
nistered to give him ease in his fits.
Which atlengthgrew violent, and in those
maladies every one is apt to offer advice,
with such prescriptions as have been help-
full unto others ; and, in truth, those as va
rious as the disease1 is common.

ster.

288 AULICUS COQUINARLAE. "¦
me pioy. So it was, remembered (by a noble, vertu-
ous, and untaint lady, for honour and ho
nesty, yet living) of a present ease, by a
plaister approved upon severall persons,
which, because the ingredients were harm
less 'and ordinary, it was forthwith com
pounded, and ready for application; not
without serious resolution, to present it to
the physicians consent.
But the king, fallen into slumber, about
noone the physicians took opportunity to
retire, having watched all night till that
time. When, in the interim of their absence, the
king wakes, and falls from a change of his
fit to timelier effect than heretofore it usu
ally happened ; which to allay, this playster
was offered, and put to his stomach.
But it wrought no mitigation, and there
fore it was removed by the doctors ; who
being come, Were much offended that any
one durst assume this boldness without
their consents.
But by examination, they were assured

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 289
of the composition, and a peece thereof
eaten downe by the countesse that made
it ; * and the, playster it selfe then in being
for further tryall of any suspition of poy
son ; which, if not satisfactory, it must and
ought to lodge upon their score. Sir Ma-
thew Lister, Doctor Chambers, and others,
who were afterwards examined herein, with
very great satisfaction to clear that calum
ny, and are yet living to evince each ones
suspition. It was indeed remembred the next par
liament following, and whereof the duke
was accused, as a boldness unpardonable ;
but in the charge, (which, as I remember,
Littleton managed at a conference in the
Painted Chamber,) it was not urged as poy-
sonous, but only criminous.
But ere the king dyed, it is told us, that Faffi>
Buckingham was accused to his face by an
1 The Countess of Buckingham, mother of the fa
vourite, was the person who administered this suspicious
plaister. See Dr Eglisham's story about it in the next
tract. VOL. II. T

290 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
honest servant of the kings, (name him if
you can,) who valiantly tript up the dukes
heels, (that his pate rung noone,) for which
he called upon the gasping king (no. body
being by) for justice. And though speech-
lesse, we are told, what he would have said,
viz. not wrongfully accused.
Pamph. ^ntj nere observe, he makes Archbishop
Abbot the kings confessor at his death,
" who before," he sayes, (p. 78,) " lived in
disgrace, and excluded the counsell table;
and died in disgrace of this king on earth,
173. but in favour of the King of kings." Bi-
shop Williams^ then Lord Keeper, was the
other confessor, and in the mouths of two
witnesses consists the truth. What regret
and jealousie remaines then in our authors
heart, that some mischief should lye hid
in the secrets of the sacrament of confes
sion, which he could not learn to out- live
the honour and fame of his sacred sove
raign. How hath our author patched up a pam
phlet of state notions, picked up from the

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 291
gleanings of some smell-feast guests, at his
table diet, afforded him by the bounty of
his soveraign master ? and which this man
hath, as a rapsodie, mingled with miscon
struction, incertainties, improbabilities, im
possibilities, in as much he can to poy
son the memory of his majesty, and blanch
the government of the state and court,
wherein his fore-fathers and himselfe tooke
life and livings in the advance of his fami
ly, with some repute and fortune to be
what they are.
But he is dead, peace be upon his grave,

CONCLUSION.
And thus have we done with our pam
phleter and his book, my pen being dulled
with disdain, to deal with such a subject,
were it not to enlighten good men with the
knowledge of a truth, before that either
age or longer time had wasted with too
much oblivion, or that the negligence of

292 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
others of any (more able I confesse) had
given but too much way to confirm the ig
norant. What I haye don may seem defective
in some part to some persons, whose emi
nence in court, and years of experience,
could have limmed the originalis with a
bolder pencill.
However, I have adventured upon this
copy, not to discolour truth by any con-
cealement. .
A hard taske, I confesse, when modesty
forbidds the defacement of persons depart
ed to their graves of rest, whom living, we
should not dare to look in the face, and
whose posterities, enjoy the merits of their
parents vertues.
To them J submit, craving pardon, that
without their leave I have bin bold to Speak
in their cause, which might better become
greater abihtyes to plead. ,».

THE

CHARACTER.

It may merit dispute whether I shall quar-
rell with the character of King James, or let
it alone, a~s the pamphletter hath described
him, which (he says) is easier to doe, than
to take his picture ; and he gives the rea
son for it, his character was obvious to every
eye ; I am sure his outward observations
are so, infering that his picture was inward :
it is true indeed, his best peece was his in
side, which wise men admired. *

* Ben Jonson has, in one of his masques, introduced
a; gypsy fortune-teller, who describes James very hap
pily and somewhat freely, by his leading propensities and
peculiarities of taste. The captain of the gang of gyp-

294 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
Was ever a prince thus limn'd out to pos
terity by his quilted doublets and full stuft
breeches ; who reads his court needs none
of this character, so like they are in belying.
But I spare the author, and pitty the pub
lisher.  The deficiency of the one could
sies pitches upon the king, among the crowd of spec
tators. Captain. Bless my masters, the old and the young,
From the gall ofthe heart and the stroke ofthe tongue.
With you, lucky bird, I begin, let me see,
I aim at the best, and I trow you are he :
Here's some luck already, if I understand
The grounds of mine art; here's a gentleman's hand.
I'll kiss it for luck-sake : you shall, by this line,
Love a horse and a hound, but no part of a swine.
To hunt the brave stag, not so much for your food,
As the weal of your body, and the health o'your blood.
You're a man of good means, and have territories store,
Both by sea and by land ; and were born, sir, to more,
Which you, like a lord, and the prince of your peace
Content with your havings, despise to encrease :
You are no great wencher I see by your table,
Although your Mons Veneris says you are able :
You live chaste and single, and have buried your wife,
And mean not to marry by the line of your life.
Whence he that conjectures your quality learns
You're an honest good man, and take care of your barns.
Your Mercuries hill too, a wit doth betoken,
_ Some book-craft you have, and are pretty well spoken.
But stay, in your Jupiter's mount, what's here ?
A king ! a monarch ! what wonders appear !
High, bountiful, just ; a Jove for your parts,
A master ofmen, and that reign in their hearts.
Masque of the Gypsies metamorphosed.

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 295
not make out ihe other ; for it becomes the
wit of man in truth to apprehend king
James, whose wisdome in his sovereignty
had esteem beyond any contemporary po
tentate with his reign. Take him in his turn,
who had to do with all about him ; for at
his entrance into his inheritance he was en
gaged to go through with tlie difficulties, in
order as he found them, or to make bar
gain with all the better to conserve it.
Had he not done so he might have found
little leisure to live in peace, and to enjoy J
his realms. as he did, with as much quiet as
ever any king upon earth since the story
of Solomon, * and yet, in the like example
with us, fell to distraction in his sop that
succeeded. Compare them together, and
find me a parallell with more even conclu
sion. ., I know it were to be wished, that in evill
effects we could find out the true cause,
but like blind men, we grope and catch hold
1 Who bent all his counsels and endeavours to pro
mote that now exploded motto of Beati Pacifki.

296 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
of the neerest, not looking up to him who
ballanceth counsell with his hand, and dis-
poseth the successe in the future, not al-
wayes by the failings of the former.
In the government of his birth-place at
home, what wisdome was there not to pre
serve himselfe from jealousie of his prede
cessor, of being too hasty an inheritour
here ; what jesuiticall plots in the many
against Queen Elizabeth, as defender of
the protestant faith, which, because Provi
dence protected her to the last, was not re
vived with more cunning designs upon him
who was to act over her part, with disad
vantage against fresh plots to oppose him.
What emissaries and secret dispatches by
severall princes addressed to prepare and
gain him as an advance to eithers interest.
With what amaze to all Christendome,
how he could so easily enter his possessions,
and then to amaze them all, how to deal
with him.
How he was welcommed and caressed,
9

AULICUS COQUINARIAE. 297
by ambassadors of each potentate, upon se
verall designs of their own.
What contracts were made and to be
made amongst his neighbours, upon sun
dry overtures, in case he should doe even
any thing but what he did, with what diffi
culty to any other, he maintained himselfe
in peace against the envy of them all.
How was he by consanguinity imbroyled
in his son in law's too hasty accession to
the kingdome of Bohemia, when as a wise
king he forewarned and prophesied his de
struction and Christendoms distraction.
What ambassies publick, and messengers
private, he wisely disposed for advantage
of his and the peoples interest.
How he managed the generall affairs of
the church protestant as a wise patriarch
against the plots of the pope.
How far his reputation reacht out to for-
raign princes far off.
How from abroad and at home he en
riched- his subjects, and encreased his own
revenue.

298 AULICUS COQUINARIAE.
What did he not doe without the pike if
not with his pen.
How he preserved himself with friendship
of all:
And thus in particular to put down in
print is the work of a weighty pen.
But to take his true dimension we have
no scale:
Nor can it be done, without much disho
nor, to patch him up in a petit pamphlet:
we shall remit it to mature deliberation.
And for the present leave him so great a
king to his continued memory, by his own
excellent impressions in print, that fame
him to posterity, whbm we did not value,
because we could not comprehend.

AN
EPITAPH UPON KING JAMES HIS DEATH.
WRITTEN BY THE REVEREND DIVINE,
DR MORLEY, C C C OXON.

The following Epitaph, which contains some happy lines,
seems not ill- calculated to close the charitable character
of James I., drawn.by the Author ofthe preceding Tract.

All who have eyes awake and weep,
For he whose waking wrought our sleep
Is fallen asleep himself, and never
Shall wake again till wak'd for ever :
Deaths iron hand hath clos'd those eyes
Which were at once three kingdoms spies,
Both to foresee, and to prevent
Dangers as soon as they were meant.
That head, whose working brain alone
Wrought all mens quiet but its own,
Now lies at rest. O let him have
The peace he lent us, in his grave.
If that no Naboth all his reign
Was for his fruitful vineyard slain ;

300 EPITAPH.
, If no Uriah lost his life
Because he had too fair a wife ;
Then let no Shimei's curses wound
His honour, or profane his ground-
Let no black-mouth'd, no rank-breath'd cur,
Peaceful James his ashes stir.
<. Princes are gods ; O do not then
Rake in their graves to prove theni men.
For two and twenty years long care ;
For providing such an heir,
Who to the peace we had before
May add twice two and twenty more ;
For his days travels, and night watches,
For his craz'd sleep, stol'n by snatches,
For two fair kingdoms joyn'd in one;
For all he did or meant t'have done ;
Do this for him, write on his dust,'
James the peaceful and the just.

THE
DIVINE CATASTROPHE OF
THE KINGLY FAMILY
op
THE HOUSE OF STUARTS:
OR
A SHORT HISTORY
OF the
RISE, REIGN, AND RUINE THEREOF.
WHEREIN THE MOST SECRET AND CHAMBER-
ABOMINATIONS OF THE TWO LAST KINGS ARE DISCOVERED,
DIVINE JUSTICE IN KING CHARLES HIS OVERTHROW VINDICATED,
AND THE PARLIAMENTS PROCEEDINGS AGAINST
HIM CLEARLY JUSTIFIED.
EY
Sir EDWARD PEYTON, knight and baronet,
A DILIGENT OBSERVER OF THOSE TIMES.

INTRODUCTION.

Sir Edward Peyton, author ofthe following piece
of secret history, was representative of the an
cient and honourable family of Peyton, of Isle-
ham. His father, Sir John Peyton, of Isleham,
was Lord of Peyton-Hall, Isleham, Wiker, and
Wicksho ; was sheriff of the counties of Cam
bridge and Huntingdon 25th Elizabeth ; repre
sented Huntingdon shire in parliament; was
again High Sheriff lst James I., and received
the new honour of baronetage from that mo
narch. Sir Edward Peyton, our author, was bred
at St Edmundsbury, and finished his education
at Cambridge. He was knighted at Whitehall,
4th February, 1610, during his father's hfe, and
was then denominated of Great Bradley, in Suf
folk. He served in parliament from 1 8th James I.
to the 3d Charles L, as one of the members for
the county of Cambridge. About this time also

304 INTRODUCTION.
he was Custos Rotulorum for the county of Cam
bridge ; but notwithstanding he held the office
under the great seal, he was deprived of it in
an arbitrary manner, by the intrigues of the fa
vourite Duke of Buckingham, ;and it was grant
ed to Sir John Cuts. After this affront, Sir Ed
ward Peyton seems to have been uniform in his
opposition to Charles I. He drew his pen against
that monarch on his rash attempt to seize the
persons ofthe five members in 1641, and exert
ed all his influence in behalf of the parliament.
But,'though attached to the victorious party, he
did not escape great loss during the civil wars.
He was taken prisoner either at the battle of
Edgehill, or shortly afterwards in the castle of
Banbury. As the king had resolved, in order
to strike terror into his opponents, to impeach
the principal among them of high treason, Sir
Robert Heath, who had been made Lord Chief
Justice ofthe King's Bench for this very pur
pose, seems to have attainted Sir Edward Peyton
among others. But the king's weak circum
stances rendered this, accusation an empty and
ineffectual threatening. Meanwhile, it would
appear, that our author's property was plunder
ed by both parties; for he complains in the fol-

INRODUCTION. 305
lowing treatise, that at Broadchoak, in Wiltshire,
four hundred pounds worth of his household stuff
was seized by the royalist garrison of Langford,
which was never restored to him, although the
place was afterwards taken by Cromwell. In
short, as he could not, it would seem, serve his
party very effectually, his attachment, as usually
happens in such cases, did not save him from
neglect and injury. At the close df the civil
war, in which so many followers of the success
ful side had made their fortune, Sir Edward Pey-
ton was so much impoverished, that he was obli
ged to sell Isleham, the ancient patrimony of his
family. His eldest son, John Peyton, was in
duced to join in the sale, reserving annuities for
his father's life and his own. And thus this an
cient family was totally ruined, The account
.of the family of Peyton in the Baronetage of
England, from which, as well as from Wood's
Athense, and the author's own notices, these pari
ticulars are extracted, proceeds to inform us fur,
ther : — " This Sir Edward first married Matilda,
daughter of Robert Livesay of Tooting, in com.
Surr. Esq., by whom he had issue John and Ed-.
ward, who was a clergyman, and left two sons,
Robert and George. His second wife was ui. « %
VOL. II. u

306 INTRODUCTION.
daughter of  Timilthrop : by this venter* he
had a son Thomas, who married Elizabeth, eld
est daughter and co-heiress of Sir Wilham Yel
verton, from whom descends the family of Fey-
ton, now remaining at Rougham, in com. Norf.
He died at Wicken, in Cambridgeshire, in the
beginning pf the year 1 657."
The " Divine Catastrophe of the Kingly
House of Stuarts" was published in 1652, and
seems to have been intended as a propitiatory
offering to the rulers of the day. These were
the remains of the Long Parliament, (after its
repeated purgations,) on the one hand, and Crom
well and the army on the other. To each of
these the author brings his incense and oblation,
and augurs halcyon days free from oppression
and favouritism, just upon the very commence
ment of a military despotic government. There
are some particular passages, from which we may
infer, either that Sir Edward Peyton was himself of
the more violent and fanatical independents, who
expected a theocracy similar to that of the Jews
under the law of Moses, or at least that he con
nected himself with those who held such opinions
so far as he judged necessary to conciliate their
protection. Ctf Cromwell and Ihe army, he speaks

INTRODUCTION SO?
in terms of the highest deference, and of the
exiled royal family in such a manner as was
best calculated to support his own title-page,
averring their catastrophe to be a judgment of
God upon the crimes of their house. His ac
count of the unfortunate race of Stuart before
their accession to the crown of England, dis
plays singular confusion and perversion of his
torical events. But in the points which are de*
tailed as having occurred after the accession of
James I., his evidence is worthy of attention,
though always to be received as that of a preju
diced enemy of their dynasty. It is true that
the over-zealous loyalty of Anthony Wood has
termed his work " a most despicable and libel
lous book, full of lies, mistakes, and nonsense,"
and has stigmatised the author as guilty of great
baseness and ingratitude ; yet, under the favour
of this vehement loyalist, even such books" are use
ful, as preserving the extreme charges of faction or
of party against each other. It is of advantage for
the present age to consider the arguments by
which their ancestors deemed themselves justi
fied in emancipating themselves from a regular
government, to submit their necks to the yoke
of a military despot. Nor can it be denied that

308 INTRODUCTION.
these Memoirs, amid a quantity of false argu
ment and sophisticated history, contain many
minute particulars worthy of preservation re
specting the politics and incidents in the court
of the two first princes of the house of Stuart.
With respect to Sir Edward's principal argu
ment against the exiled race of monarchs, that
God had, by giving success to their enemies, de
clared himself against them, the publishers need
only remark, that it would justify any success-
fid usurpation in history, and that the reason
must have been peculiarly acceptable to that
prudential party of the day, who distinguished
themselves by adhering uniformly to the party
that was uppermost, and called their subservient
truckling to authority, " a waiting upon ProviT
dence."

TO

THE SUPREME AUTHORITY OF THIS
NATION,
ASSEMBLED IN THIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT.

Right Honorable Senators,
Wandering in the circumference of my
contemplations, to finde out what was most
sutable to present to the supremaey of
parliament, under such a divine revolution
as God hath brought to pass instrumentally
by your wisdom and direction, and his
heavenly providence ; in this wide field, the
omnipotent guided my thoughts to dedicate
a discourse to your honourable hands, con
cerning the fatal catastrophe of the last
house had superintendencie over us to the

310 CATASTROrUE OF
time the Almighty put the stern of this com
mon-wealth into a parliamentary power,
which I most humbly wish our celestial
Creator to continue, till a snail iDe able to
creep over the whole globe of the earth.
In the mean while, I crave your pardon
that I have not so distinctly in order laid
down many remarkable passages, worthy re
cite, my papers being remote a great dis
tance from me : yet, by Gods grace, I have
composed a little enchiridion of divers re
markable events have happened out, to
prove Gods just revenging hand on the fa
mily of the kingly Stuarts of Scotland, and
justified your proceedings, and proved that
the heavie weightof sin hath given a down
fal justly imposed by providence from
above ; my observations reaching no higher
then from the King of Scots being taken
prisoner at Muscleborough-field, ' in Ed-
Ward the Sixth his reign.
' * We shall find below that the supposed captivity of
James Vi at the battle of Musselborough, or Pinkie, is
.improved into his being slain there. The battle of Mus
selborough was fought 1547. James V. died in 1542.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 311
Now, therefore, I thrice humbly desire
your patronage, especially finding by expe
rience the composition and stile of this pre
sent narrative will incur the displeasure and
hatred of most in this state :'* yet I value
it not, being prompt by a higher power then
that of man, which points out by a divine
finger the overthrow of all men exalted
above all that is Galled God, whose ruine
will be the bridge to let into the stage of
the world the heavenly government of
Christ, which shall continue for ever* *
maugre the malice of the universe.

* This is a singular acknowledgement that an attach
ment to the House of Stuart pervaded the bulk of the
nation, which later historians have thought proper to
controvert, although here admitted v by an author who
sets forth as the determined enemy of that dynasty.
» It is uncertain if Peyton, who, according to Wood,
was bred a presbyterian, had become a fifth Monarchy
Man, or Millenarian, as they were otherwise termed.
These persons held that their duty was to be regulated
by their own interpretation of the Apocalypse, and con
sequently studied future events more than moral obli
gation, and regarded the prophecies of scripture (their
own vain imaginations being interpreter,) more than its
holy precepts, which cannot be misunderstood. Vane

312 CATASTROPHE, &c.
Wherefore I most" humbly implore the
thrice honourable parliament to accept of
this as a testimony of my fidelity to the
present government ; which I pray God to
bless and maintain, to advance his glory,
and bring the whole nation to a most hap-
pie condition, which now the present symp-
tomes thereof shew plainly a new approach
of a great tranquillity, not onely, to this,
but to the three nations in generall.
Edw. Peyton.
and Harrington were of this sect, and their mode of
arguing may be gathered from the celebrated answer of
Gol. Overton, who being, at the Restoration,- summoned
to surrender the town of Hull, of which he was gover-
nour, announced in reply his intention to keep the place
till the coming of Christ ! — a melancholy instance of
stupid fanaticism venting itself in open blasphemy.

¦''j \f

THS

RISE, REIGN, AND RUINE

the kingly family

OF

THE STUARTS.

Since Great Britain hath been elevated all
along the stems of Plantagenet, Theodor
or Tedof, ' and Stuart, to so high a tree of
tyranny as she was afore the late wars j the
princes had designes proportionable to a
way of making themselves absolute gover
nors ; which overture hath appeared more
! Commonly called Tudor.

314 * CATASTROPHE OF
or less, according to the humour of times
and inclination of the guiders of the stern :
for some indued with ability and craftiness
necessary to settle an usurped ambition*
whilst the people were willing to beare the
load of that burden, have made a progress
so politickly to bring their aime to the mark
shot at, that they have so subtilly dissem
bled the enterprise, as no notice or scandal
arrived at their doors, nor impatience to
the three countreys of England, Ireland,
and (since the access of the family of the
Stuarts) to Scotland, untill King James,
for hatred of his mothers death, plotted the
ruine of parliaments, * which ratified Queen
Maries execution ; and left it as his testa?

1 This is ascribing James's djslike to parliaments to
rather a more respectable, though a much more wrong-
headed opinion, than he was capable of adopting." He
has been usually censured for the apathy with which he
passed over his mother's death, — an apathy, however^
which probably paved his way to the crown of England.
He only hated parliaments as a check upon the prero
gative, of which he was a zealous defender in theory,
though in practice he was often forced to relax his te
nets.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 315
ment for his successor to follow ; dictating,
* not long afore his death, to Williams, Arch
bishop of York, the course he should steer
to bring his counsel to conclusion. This
devillish advice thrust on this wilful prince
with an inconsiderate fury ; and, inflamed
with that fire, to settle to himself and his
successors an unbridled power of dominion;
which harried him on with the whirlwinde
of passion, to discover the mistery which
ought to have beeh concealed till the de
signe should be accomplished. Wherefore,
of this number in our days was Charles the
First, Who, from the beginning of his govern
ment, blaming the moderation of his prede
cessors, resolved to go a way contrary to
the stream of a pious rule, and the com
mand of God ; and act, during his time,
that which God would not suffer to be done
in many ages past. And because the pre
tention is always encumbred when the ob
ject cannot be attained, by wicked advice
perceiving he had not so well marched to
accomplish his drifts, with the just power

3l6 CATASTROPHE OF
of parliaments, which might sound a trum
pet in the behalf of a commonwealth, by
advice of his antecedent and his wicked ad
herents, laboured to raze out the memory,
breaking up two parliaments ; and, not sa
tisfied therewith, to praelise tyranny, kept
the nation neer fourteen veers without such
most lawful' assemblies, where the rights of
the nation might be discovered, and true
liberty appear. This he did, that the power
of law, and property of the subjects estates,
might be inclosed in his sole arbitrary brest.
To that purpose, he made his sycophants
of the council-table judges of the right of
his people, the Star chamber the execution
ers of his unbridled will, and the high-com
mission the destroyers of piety and religion :
which three, though he revoked by acts, yet
being angry with himself for so doing, he
raised a war to make abortive all he had
done, by an armed power, although he
seemed willing to affect it afore : therefore,
pursuing the former series of his will for a
law, Charles quarrels first with the gentry

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 317
and people about coat, conduct, and ship
money, and plotted with his wicked council
that a thousand Germane horse, in the na
ture of Trayle Batloun,' should take every
one denied to give him money, or that
would not subscribe to his endless will and
easeless power, to be hurried to prison,
there, to end their days ; (some of them be
ing so barbarously used.) This unjust re
solution he took upon him, unless they
yeelded to his^insatiable desires : by which
means the eyes of many of the triple na-

> The commission of Trail Baston, (the derivation of
which name is disputed,) Was introduced in the latter
part of Edward l.'s reign, for the reformation of real
or pretended abuses in the administration of' justice.
As so broad an authority ,l- a v< pretence for many abuses,
it was much murmured agamst even in that reign when
the prerogative was less jealously watched, and when, as
the power of administeringjustice was ultimately derived
from the sovereign, his interference to correct abuse*. in
that department seemed more plausible. An attempt to
engage foreign mercenaries, though undertaken in a he
sitating manner, arid soon abandoned, did not tend to re
concile tne people of Charles I. to such a measure at a
time when the independence of justice upon the will
of the sovereign, was much better understood.

318 ' CATASTROPHE OF
tions were sealed, as pigeons are used for
traines to devouring hawkes to plume and
prey on. This struck such a pannick fear,
that they imagined all power consisted in
the diadem, to be at his mercy, because
they were ignorant of their rights, which
were usually discovered in parliaments by
some practised in the records. But behold !
God raised up' some heroes within the doors
of the representative, and without, to awa
ken the people from a deep sleep ; or, ra
ther, to cure them of a disease of lethargy :
who, routing like lions let loose outof a den,'
opposed this most wicked oppression ; by
which way they certainly fulfilled Gods de
termination upon the seventh conjunction
of Saturn and Jupiter (being sabbattical)
since the beginning of the world, to bring
down the mountain of monarchy, which
had continued more then five hundred yeers;
1 This passage seems to have been in Akenside's recol
lection in his Ode on the 30th January: —
TJien like a lion from his den
Arose the multitude of men,
The injured people rose..

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 319
to depress the extortion practised in Europe
from Charlemain's age ; a symptom e and
harbinger for France, Spaine, Germany,
Turky, and papacy, to change from an un
bridled power to an aristocratical or ple
beian way of rule, which will better ad
vance the kingdom of Jesus Christ thorow
the universe : whereby it appears, that Eng
land, (by Gods assistance) may be the elder
brother, to bring to pass so mighty an alter-?
ation on the stage of Christendom.
By divers ungodly sophisms of state,
for the space of ten years, King Charles rai
sed up innumerable projectors and ungod
ly burdens, to enthral the nations by an
arbitrary sway ; imposing monopolies and
many unlawful taxes, under which they rer
mained without remedy of relief ; the eyes
and eares of all in high authority being
blinde and deaf, not to hear nor see peti
tions of just complaints, insomuch that the
people generally cried out, Where are our
laws ? and demanded if all justice were
banished out of their quarters > and, with

320 CATASTROPHE OF
eyes lift up to heaven, desired that those
caterpillers might not swell too big, like a
spleen, to bring a consumption to the whole
body ; praving also that their empty purses
might not be filled with blood, although their
eyes with tears.
Now this miserable condition (perceived
by the wrinkles sorrow made on the brow
of our disordered affaires, all wise counsels
banished, and the reputation of a pious
state withered) was augmented by King
Charles his imposing the Common-Book of
Prayer on the Scots, (wherein God seemed
to be deaf a time, /or the sins of this nation,
multiplied against the Divine Majesty ; yet
at last heard the prayers of the saints, that
the Scotish men could not endure this im
position so diametrically opposite to the
kirk and disposition ofthe nation.)
This stratagem was by the artifice of
Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, to bring
into the country episcopal government, to
unite both kingdoms in one forme of church,
in something agreeable with Rome, as a

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 321
bridge over which he might bring both
people to popery, to ingratiate himself with
the pope for a cardinal's cap.
Lo how Charles and Scotland differed in
this wide field of behaviour ! the interest of
the king made will a law, and the other
avoided such a slavery : the issue was,
(growing by this edict obstinate,) they could
not endure it. But King Charles persisted
in his wilful determination to finde out this
subject to work the effects of his indigna
tion upon ; so that this occasion was fitly
presented to his wishes, to raise an armed
power to subdue them to his unbridled
pleasure. But when this war exenterated
his coffers, for lack of money he was con
strained, nolens volens, to call a parliament,
by the advice of the former wicked coun
sellor, who perswaded him to it ; making
the king believe that at his pleasure he
might on all occasions break the neck of
such assemblies. In the mean while, the
enterprise was hatched on the basis of a
contrariety of inclination, by which he might
VOL. II. x

322 CATASTROPHE OF
set a bone to divide and governe both ; be
cause that nation, by the immense bounty
of King James, was grown exceeding rich ;
which sowed seeds of envy in England to
oppose the Scot. But by this parliament,
God (who hath sole power in sublunaries,)
turned this cross blow to the good of both,
to enlarge the gospel of Jesus Christ, and
for the liberty of England and Scotland.
But because the errand of my discourse
is not solely to shew the abuses of state,
but rather, by reckoning up a brief cata
logue of some, to demonstrate and deli
neate the just judgment of God on the far
mily of these Stuarts, for cruelties and mur-
thers one of another, that we may raise up
our praises to God, who, out of the ashes of
intended ruine, hath made the source of so
glorious a state, as now is planted on our
English stage, wherein God findes this com
monwealth very consistent with his ade
quate glory in consummating the fulness of
the Gentiles, and calling home of the Jews,
foretold in the Scriptures, to be performed

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 323
in the latter ages of the world ; to the in
tent promises and prophecies should be ac
complished, for the dominion of Christ to
extend to the ends of the earth, that those
who sit in darkness, and in the shadow of
death, may be brought into a more perspi
cuous light, to follow the steps Christ hath
traced out for all to walk in ; which the
over-grown pride of kings and emperours
would not submit to.
Therefore, to demonstrate and observe
how the almighty hand of God hath de
termined the extirpation of the royal stock
of the Stuarts, for murthering one of ano
ther, for their prophane government, and
wanton lasciviousness of those imps ingraft
ed in that stock, I am forced to raise the
fabrick of this relation higher by the fourth
story, and last staire of the great grand-fa
ther of Charles the First, who was slain at
Muscleborough-field ' by the English army,
* The author is as inconsistent with himself as with
fact. James V. was, page 310, said to be taken pri
soner at Musselborough-field, which was fought three
years after he had died of a broken heart, for loss of

324 CATASTROPHE OF
under the command of the Earl of Arun
del and Surrey. This king, I say, left a
sole daughter, Mary Stuart, inheritrix of
that realm ; who, when she attained of vi-
ripotency, was sought for a consort to the
dolphin of France, which title of right be
longs to the first son of the king of that
crown. This prince, after the marriage,
ended his days by a shiver of a launce at
the sport of tourney in Paris. '
A match contrived by the French for the
Scots to be goads in our sides, to hinder
our invading of France, to which we had
a just title. . »
But this Mary, deprived of her mate by
this sad accident, living some few years in
the battle of Solway, fought in 1542. From the men
tion of an Earl of Surrey, it would seem Sir Edward
Peyton had confused the battle of Pinkey (or Mussel-
borough) with that of Flodden, where James IV. really
fell. 1 Another gross blunder, confounding the death of
Francis n. of France, husband of Mary Queen of Scot
land, with that of Henry II. killed at a tournament by
a splinter from the lance of the Compte de M,ontgo-
merie.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 325
the French court, where she was educated
in the school of Venus, proved an apt scho
lar in that wanton academy ; and affecting
in her inclination to be more absolute in
her passion of love, to chuse without con*
troul a paramour sutable, when, how long,
and how she pleased, grew weary of the de
lights of Paris, desiring variety, returned
into Scotland, where she had more power ;
(she being constant in nothing but incons
tancy,) a place where the amorous way was
much in esteeme, though the church-go
vernment somewhat hindered it, which was
then not of such force as since.
This princess cast her glances everywhere
about, to finde a beauty fit for her imbrace,
and at last fixt her liking on the Lord Dar-
nely, of the house and family ofthe Stuarts
of Boote in Scotland ; whose ancestors were
there famous, contesting long ago for the
king with one Wallis in their home-bred
broiles, who sided with the people. ' To say
• x This seems to allude to a dispute, real or supposed,
said to have happened between the Steward of Scot-

326 CATASTROPHE OF
truth, this lord was a goodly and amiable
person, fit for any compeership how great
soever : but after some time, this princess
(soon satiated) grew weary of the conjunc
tion, by reason of a servant she entertain
ed, called David Ritsoe, an Italian musi
cian, who excelled in the airs of Italy above
others in that faculty ; who, inchanting the
queen with his voice, made her think there
was no happiness but in his approach" into
her cabinet, (a place wherein she continual
ly resided ;) but from thence the Lord Dar-
nely was banished above nine months, di
vorced from her, in jo}r, although he sought
divers means in vaine.
At last, for a medicine to remedy his
discontent, one Douglas ' administred phy-
land and Sir William Wallace, about leading the van
of -the Scottish army at the fatal battle of Falkirk^
1298. , * The Earl of Morton would seem to be meant, were
it not that this confused historian afterwards mentions
him as privy to the amours of the queen and Rizzio,
and favouring them. We must therefore be content
ed to suppose he means George Douglas the bastard,
who struck the first blow at Rizzio, and is said thereby

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 327
sick for his cure, to amove Ritsoe from the
queen, and put the lord her husband into
her armes. So violent was the ingrediente,
that Ritsoe was taken from this princess
by twelve armed lords, and their retinue,
who put her into the lords armes, killing
Ritsoe, laid his dead body on the same
trunk that was his bed the first night he
arrived to the queens service. But there
was much adoe afore this tragedy was acted.
To understand this better, this Douglas, an
agent for the twelve banished lords out of
Scotland to return, could not effect it, un
less the Lord Darnely undertook the ac
complishment upon the former condition,
to dispatch Ritsoe from court.
But they being jealous of Darnelys pro
mise, not fixt in other puntilios, would not
believe him, till, pricking his fingers, he
wrote an assurance under. his hand with
blood, in a paper, really to effect it ; which
to have verified the prediction of a soothsayer, who had
bid him beware of the bastard, which warning he mis
interpreted as referring to James, Earl of Murray.

328 CATASTROPHE OF ; i
was acted when the queen leaned on Rit-
soes shoulder, at the game of primero with
the Earl of Morton, Chancellor of Scotland,
who cherished this unlawfull familiarity;
a verity justified on oath by Darnely,>and
one of the twelve lords, the Lord Ruthin
at his execution on the scaffold, a place
where dying men speak true. *
This lady very sorrowful, retiring to Stir-
lin castle, shortly after was brought abed
of King James, but took no delight in her
husbands company ; for the Lord Both-
wel became a new corival in her affection,
who both consented (as Germanicus wife
with Serjanus, after she had been lascivious
with him) to blow up her husbands body
1 Lord Ruthven escaped into England, and died of
a slow fever at Berwick. His confession (not made at
the gallows however) is extant in history. Had Sir
Edward taken the trouble to consult what he ventures
to quote, we should have been spared the trouble of
some of these notes. It is scarcely necessary to say that
Morton, whom he is pleased to represent as playing at
primero with Rizzio, and cherishing his familiarity with
the queen, was his most determined enemy, and actual
ly secured the court and gates of the palace with a body
of armed men while the murder was perpetrated.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 329
with gun-powder, who was cast dead on a
tree next morning ; a spectacle made Scot
land amazed at so fearful a murder. By
this most wicked designe, she grew so con
temptible to her realm, that she was fain
to flee to Queen Elizabeth for succour;
but, lo ! some yeers afore severall treasons
were here discovered, that this Mary set
the traytors awork to take away our late
queens life, who were afore condemned fdr
traytors, and suffered death ; for this Mary
was the next pretender to the crown from
Henry the Seventh : but God prevented it
by her privy council, (counted the wisest
of all Europe,) who counselled Elizabeth
to condemn her, to free England from trea
sons against her person.
But the sage princess conjectured, if the
death should be by her edict, it might raise
the hatred of forraine princes against her ;
and therefore caused the sentence onely to
be ratified by act of parliament, the vote
of the whole realm, insomuch that a mock
secretary (called Davison) was chosen to

330 CATASTROPHE OF "
go to Fotherihgham, where she was reward
ed with a hatchet, — a just judgement of
God on her. *
After this, King James (being about six
teen years old) was crowned, and had for
tutor one Bohannon, called amongst us
Buchanan ; a learned divine, and wise, to
train up young princes, whose books are
famous through this part of the world.
This prudent schoolmaster, observing the
young prince's facility to signe any grant
for his servants without reading, by which
means he had pardoned many murthers,
and passed other instruments of damn
able consequence to the commonwealth, in
which this tutor imitated Theodosius's god
ly fraud, to discerne the hearts of his cour
tiers soundness in religion ; who, having
taken great, pains with the king from his
childhood, desired a boon, which King
James was willing to grant ; therefore one
morning, the king going out early a hurit-
1 The author forgets to add, that Davison was reward
ed by banishment for this good service.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS-. 331
ing, Buchanan brought an absolute resig
nation of his kingdom, with all immunities
to it, which was signed without aspect.
At night, returning from field-sports, reti
ring usually afore supper to read some pro
fitable author, which his schoolmaster chose ;
alj shut out of the chamber, Buchanan sate
down in the king's chair, and told him that
he was king, giving him the writing to per
use, which reading, he shed tears for his
folly ; yet Buchanan after comforted him,
and charged his scholar not to signe any
grant but what was just ; and so threw the
grant of all Scotland into the fire.
About this time Queen Anne was brought
out of Denmark for a match;' a lady of
1 James himself set sail to-bring home his bride with a
spirit of enterprize and gallantry which seemed no part
of his character. Nevertheless, lest his subjects should
mistake him, he left behind him a manifesto ofthe rea
sons for his conduct, which forms perhaps the most ex
traordinary proclamation upon record. It exists in an
ancient abridgement of the records of the Scottish Privy
Council, from 1562, to 1684, in the possession of Alex?
ander Boswell, Esq. of Auchinleck, arid has been trans
ferred by him to the notesupona beautiful poem, printed,

332 ' CATASTROPHE OF
a goodly presence, beautiful eyes, and
strong to be joined with a prince, young,
but not published, entitled, " Clan-Alpine's Vow." The
king's main object in this wonderful production seems
to have been, to convince his subjects, in the first place,
that he was riot in reality the driveller and idiot whom
they might take him for, " led about by his chancellor
by the nose," as his majesty deigns to word it, "like an
ass or a bairn." Secondly, he is anxious to assure them,
that this extraordinary effort did not arise from feeling
in himself any particular deficiency in the virtue of
continence, but was merely undertaken in tender care
for the public weal. It seems somewhat hard that-this
latter circumstance should have been assumed as mat
ter of vituperation by Sir Edward Peyton. We take
the liberty of subjoining James's proclamation, as the
most singular illustration of his feelings and mode of
reasoning that has ever been given to the public.
" In respect, I know that the motion of my voyage at
this time will be diversly skansit upon, the misinter
preting whereof may tend, as well to my great disho
nour, as to the wrangous blame of irioccents ; I have
thereupon bein moved to set down the present declara
tion with my own hand, hereby to resolve all good sub
jects, first, of the causes briefly that moved me to take
this purpose in heid ; and nixt, in that fashion I resol
ved myself thereof. As to the causes, I doubt not but
it [is] manifestly known to all how far I was generally
found fault with by all men, for the delaying so long of
my marriage ; the reasons were, that I was alaney with
out fader or moder, brither or sister, king of this realme,
and heir apperand of 'England. This my nakedness

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 333
and weak in constitution ; an union un-
sutable for a virago to couple with a spiny
made me to be weak, and my enemies stark ; ane man
was as na man, and the want of hope of succession
breads disdain ; yea, my lang delay bread in the breasts
of many a great jealousie of my inhability, as gif I were
a barran stock ; thir reasons, and innumerable others
hourly objected, moved me to heasten the tieatie of
my marriage ; for as to my own nature, God is my wit
ness I could have abstained langer, nor the well of my
patrie could have permitted. I am known, God be
praised} not to be very intemperately rash nor concety
in my weichtiest affairs, nather use I to be sa carried
away with passion, as I refused to hear reason. This
treaty then being perfyted, and the queen my bed-fel
low coming on her journey, how the contrarious winds
stayed her, and where she was driven, it is mair nor no
torious to all men ; and that it was necessarlie oonclu-
dit be the estates, that it behoved necessarlie to be per
formed this year. I remit it to themselves, who con
cluded the same in the spring, at the earl marshall's
directing ; the word then, coming to me, that she was
stayed from coming through by the contrarious tem
pests of winds, and that her ships were not able to per-
fite her voyage this year, thrpw the great hurt they had
received ; remembering myself of her inhability on the
ane part to come, and of the foresaid resolution of the
estates on the other, the like whereof I had often so
lemnly avowed ; I upon the instant, yea, very moment,
resolved to make possible on my part that which was
impossible on hirs ; the place that I resolved this in was
Craigmillar, not ane of the haill council being present

334 CATASTROPHE OF
and thin creature ; a course made her fancy
work as a fat1 for to further a female con-
there ; and as I took my resolution only of self, as I am
a true prince, sa advised with myself only what way to
follow furth the same; whereupon I thought first to
have had the colour of the Earl of Bothwell's partiug,
whom first I employed to have made the voyage, as
well in respect of his office, as likewise the rest of the
council being absent all that hail day. After I came to
Edinburgh, the chancellor and the justice clerk being
yet unreturned out of Lauder, and the haill rest of the
officers of estate being all at their own houses, the clerk
of register being only excepted ; but fra I saw this voy
age impossible to be perficted by the Earl of Bothwell,
in respect of the coistes he had bestowed upon the pre
paration of my marriage, whereby he was unable to
make it with sic expedition and honour as the estate
of that affair and his person did require. I was then
forced to seek some other way, and to abide the coun
cils assembling ; who, being conveined, found sic dif
ficulties in rieking out a number of ships for her con
voy ; for sal I give it out who should be the person of
the ambassade, as I was compelled to make them the
mair earnest to avow, in great vehemence, that gif there
could be gotten na other to gang, I should gang my
self allane, gif it were but in ane ship ; but gif all men
(said I) had been as well willed as' became them, I need
ed not to be in that strait. Thir speeches moved the
chancellor upon three respects to make his offer of go
ing ; first, taking these speeches of evil will unto him,
because all men knows how he has been this lang time
* Now spelled vat.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 335
tent, and placed in her delight one Master
Stuart, of the house the Earle of Murry.
slandered for over great slawness in the matter of my
marriage; nixt his zeal to my service, seeing me sa
earnest ; and last, the fear he had that I should have
performed my speeches, gif na better could have been.
Fra the time of the making of this-offer, I have ever
kept my intention of my goeing as closs as possible I
could from ali men ; because I thought ay it was enough
for me to put my foot in the ship when all things were
ready, without speiring farder, as I kept it generally
closs from all men ; so I say, upon mine honour, I kept
it sa from the chancellor, as I was never want to doe
any secrets of my weightiest affairs ; two reasons mo
ving me thereto : first, because I know that gif I made
him on the council thereof, he had been blamed of put-
ing it in my head, which had not been his duty ; for it
becomes no subjects to give princes advice in sic mat
ters; and therfor, remembering that invious and unjust
burding he dayly bears of leading me by the nose, asit
were, to all his appetaytes, as if I were ane unreason
able creature, or a bairne that could doe nothing of
myself, I thought it pitty then to be the occasion of
the heaping of further unjust slander upon his head ;
the other reason was, that as I perceived it was for the
staying of me that he made the offer of his goeing, sa
was I assured, that, upon knowledge of my goeing, he
would ather altogether have stayed himself, or at least
lingered as long as he could, thinking it over great a
burden for him to overtake my convoy, as I know upon
the rumours of my goeing, he has said no less to sundry
of his friends. This far I speak for his part, as well for
9

336 CATASTROPHE OF
His haunting her chamber too sedulously
bred such a jealousie in King James, for
to impart his thoughts to Marquess Hunt
ly, and get dispatched this Stuart out of
the way, burning his house and himself in
it.1 After whose death, the queen found
my own honour's sake, that I be not unjustly slandered
as an irresolute asse, who can do nothing of himself;
as also, that the honesty and innocency of that man be
not unjustly and untruly reported and reproched ; and
as for my part, what moved me, ye may judge by that
whilk I haVe already said,, besides the shortnes of the
way, the suretie of the passage being clean of all sands,
foirlands, or sic like dangers ; the harbouries in these
parts sa suir, and na foreyn fleits resorting upon these
seas : it is my pleasure then, that na man grudge or
murmure at thir my proceedings ; but let every man
live a peaceable and queit life, without offending of
any ; and that all men conform themselves to the di
rections in my proclamation, while my return, which
I promise shall be, God willing, within the space of 20
days, wind and weather serveing ; that all men assure
themselves, that whasoever contraveins my directions
in my absence, I will think it a sufficient proof that he
bears na love in his heart towards me ; and be the con-
trair, these will I only have respect to at my return,
that reverences my commandment and will in my ab
sence. Farewell. James R."
* The Earl of Murray, fondly called by the common
people the " Bonnie Earl," was distinguished by his
8

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS: 337
others to satisfie her unruly appetite ; as,
namely, the Earle of Gowry, a lord of a
feats of gallantry and address ; and, according to popu
lar tradition, was really regarded by Queen Anne of,
Denmark with more than prudent distinction. The
popular ballad of " Child Waters," was supposed to re
fer to his catastrophe ; and another, which may be term
ed a Lament for him, concludes,
O the Bonny Earl of Murray,
He was the queen's love.
Yet it would be absurd to impute his catastrophe to
the king's jealousy as the direct cause. Mujray had
been summoned to Edinburgh from the north, in order
that the king might accommodate a feudal quarrel be
tween him and his powerful neighbour, the Earl of
Huntley. In the meanwhile, an attempt was made by
the seditious Earl of Bothwell, upon James's person in
his own palace. This attempt, it was pretended, was
aided or abetted by the Earl of Murray, and the king
dispatched Huntley with a charge to bring him to his
presence. The intrusting this commission to a hostile
and rival baron is the most suspicious part of the king's
conduct, and argues him to have been at least indiffer
ent as to the consequences that might have been fore
seen. Murray, when summoned, stood in his defence,
and a shot from his house of Dunnibrisell killed one
of Huntley's friends. They then fired the house; Dun
bar, the sheriff of Murray, rushed first out, with the ge
nerous intention of sacrificing himself to preserve his
friend. But as Murray himself burst through the flames,
his long hair caught fire, and by its light, he was traced
down to the rocks, at the sea-side, and slain with
VOL. II. Y

338 CATASTROPHE OF
comly visage, good stature, and of an at
tracting allurement ; who, upon King James
suspition of often society with the queen,
converted to the poyson of hatred the friend
ship and love of the earl ; causing Ramsey,
after Earl of Holderness, with others, to
murther Gowry in his own house ; giving
it out for a stale, that the earl, with others,
would have killed him ; and, to make his
falshood appear odious in shape of truth,

repeated wounds. John Gordon, of Buckie, who
struck the first blow, insisted that Huntley should stab
the earl also ; and, as he wounded him in the face,
Murray said, while expiring, "Ye hae spoiled a belter
face than your ain." The whole seems to have been
one of the bursts of feudal revenge common to the
age -and country ; though, if the king's jealousy were
really public, Huntley might consider it as an encou
ragement to the slaughter. He fled, however, when
the deed was done ; and one of his party, who was left
behind wounded, was brought to Edinburgh, and in
stantly executed. Huntley took refuge in the castle of
Ravenscrag, belonging to Lord Sinclair, who paid him
the naive compliment, that the earl was welcome to his
house, but would have been much more welcome to
have gone past it. He escorted him, however, to the
highlands. But the Earl of Huntley, confiding in his
favour with the king, returned to court shortly after
wards, and was only punished by a short imprisonment.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 339
*
appointed the fifth of August a solemn day
of thanksgiving for his supposed delivery ;
and in this mocked the <*od of heaven. '
After this the queen entertained into her
service one Mr Beely, a Dane, to whom she
bore an affection. This gentleman came
with her into England, and grew more en
tire in her thoughts, with whom I had a fa
miliarity to be a commissioner for him in a
grant his mistress procured for him of King
James, of felons goods in divers counties ;
who, in great secrecie, discovered to me, he
was natural father of King Charles ; but
waxing old, the queen took two proper gen
tlemen of the house of Bohannon to her
service : these being partners in her affec
tion, fell out in a duell, and killed one ano
ther for priority in her love. *
1 Mr Pinkerton, who adopted in part, at least, this
theory of the Gowrie conspiracy, was disposed to think
the younger brother Alexander Ruthven was the para
mour of Queen Anne.
* There is no hint of any such rivalry or duel in Bu
chanan of Auchmar's account of the branches of his
own name ; and it seems an anecdote which, if true,
could hardly have escaped his attention.

340 CATASTROPHE OF
Not long after Gownes death, Prince
Henry was born at Edinburgh ; whereupon
Queen Elizabeth sent the Earl of Sussex
ambassadour, to congratulate this birth,
and be godfather, with a gallant retinue ;
but Scotland being poor, and the king
wanting money to discharge the glory of
such a royal entertainment, the Earl of
Orkney, a bastard of the former kingV
pawned his estate in the islands of Scot
land, to raise a great sum to discharge the
christening. * Behold how King James did
not onely disengage this morgage, but suf*
fered this earl to die in prison at Blackness,
near Edinburgh-castle ; an ingratitude in
delible for after-ages to detest.
I omit the murders, inchantments, wit
cheries, committed by his predecessors, of
weight enough without more to pull down
that house.
But Henry the Fourth of France being
" An account of this christening, which was very
splendid, occurs in Sofners' Tracts, vol. ii. The fact,
that the expence was defrayed by the Eari of Orkney,
(Sir Robert Stuart of Strathdown,) rests upon Peyton's
sole averment,

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 341
informed of this congratulation, and con
ceiving it to be a ster> to unite England
and Scotland in one government, Eliza
beth waxing old, sent a letter of incourage-
ment to King James, to joyn with him in
revenge of his mother's death ; who re
plied, (as the true copy expressed,) that he
would not fall at difference with Elizabeth,
since he was now more secure in his throne
then in his mother's time ; intimating, he
was not sorry for her removall, for her life
might have procured his ruine. '
Elizabeth, after forty years reign, was
moved by her privy council to settle King
James for successor ; who said, she would
not erect a monument in her life for a fol
lower to expect her end.
She was a lady adorned with majesty,
1 This is so far accurate, that Henry IV. did send
Mons. de la Bethune on an embassy to James VI., and
that the circumstance excited Queen Elizabeth's anxi
ety. But the utmost exertions of Neville, then the
English envoy at Edinburgh, could discover no other
object than the renewal of the ancient league between
France and Scotland, and of the exemptions and pri
vileges of the Scottish nation in France.

342 * ' CATASTROPHE OF H "
learning, languages, wisdom, and piety;
yet fearful of death, for she hated any word
tended to it, as shall be manifest by Roger
Lord North, when, carving one day at din
ner, the queen asked what that covered
dish was ? he lifted up the cover, replied,
" Madam, it is a coffin ;" a word moved
the queen to anger : " and are you such a
fool," said she, " to give a pie suchaname?'"'
This gave warning to the courtiers not to
use any word which mentioned her death.
But this prudent prince died after fourty-
four yeers compleat, and King James was
proclaimed about the last of March, 16*02,
7r« This family had the fortune to draw down singular'
answers from their_ sovereigns. Lord North, in the
time of Charles II., when his brother, the celebrated
Lord Chief Justice North, was made Chancellor, thought
it his bounden duty to inform his majesty* that his bro
ther, although excellently well-intentioned, was not in
point of talents altogether qualified to hold that high
office ; a confession, he said, which nothing but the
profound duty he owed his majesty, &c. &c. &c. could
have wrung from him.. The witty monarch thanked
him with great composure, and said, " He had always
.known there was one fool among the brothers, and he
was obliged to his lordship for shewing him which it

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 343
King of England, by his privy council, as
sisted by the Lord Mayor of London, Sir
Robert Lee. In May after, he entered,
met with many nobles and gentlemen ; the
sheriffs attending him in every county from
Berwick : so that there was a generall ap
plause, and royal entertainment at his en
trance into the Charter-House in London ;
yet ominously attended with a great plague
of three thousand dying in a week in the
city. This union gave a grand expecta
tion of tranquillity to both kingdoms. To
effect this better, he called a parliament,
which lasted seven yeers, and raised many
subsidies, with great sums left by his pre
decessor; which vast treasure was all be
stowed on the needy Scots, who, like horse
leeches, sucked the exchequer dry ; so that
honour and offices were set to sale, to fill
the Scots purses, and empty the kingdoms
treasure. This caused a by-word, that the exche
quer reached from London to Edinburgh.
This was not sufficient to gorge their insa-

344 CATASTROPHE OF
tiable requests, but many monoplies like
wise were erected ; myself after reporting
thirty-two patents to the parliament, in
decimo octavo Jacobi.
The queen, deprived of the nightly com
pany of a husband, turned her delight to
the prince, whom she respected above her
other children; finding him too serious,
diverted him from so much intensiveness,
to an amorous gesture, in which the Eng
lish court took great pride. To that pur
pose, she initiated him in the court of Cu
pid ; as one night, she shut him under lock
and key in a chamber, with a beautiful
young lady now dead, which shewed her
love to the sport ; indeed, more like a bawd
than a discreet mother, who is bound to
season her children in vertue while young,
that they may hold the taste in age ; whose
example in vertue or vice might draw a
world to follow the pattern. But after,1
1 Some trivial frolic seems to have been exaggerated
into this infamons scandal. All mu3t remember the
horrible calumnies which were inserted in the charge

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. S45
Prince Henry fell mortally sick of a sup
posed fever, but not without suspition of
poyson. A prince whom all Europe ex
pected to be the promoter of some great
and famous action, because his inclination
was bent to the martial art above his yeers,
and ako excelled in matters of state, both
in discourse and choice of ablest company ;
which he much delighted in for advice and
counsel. This ripeness in judgement, and
dexterity in souldering to form models of
any sort of battels, stirred up King James to
suspect the prince might depose him ; espe
cially knowing he was not begot of his body.
This caused the Lord Saintcleare, then am
bassadour in Denmark, not to be ashamed
to challenge Prince Henry to be his own
son, to English and Scots, there arrived ;
so, that by some pill or other, the prince
came to his end. This was plainly shewed
against the unfortunate Marie Antoinette. As for
Prince Henry, he is said to have been very much mas
ter of his passions towards the female sex. See p. 2,39,
note.

346 CATASTROPHE OF
when he was cut up to be imbalmed ; his
brain was liver-hued and putrefied ; an
argument of poison, as was affirmed by a
most learned physician, Butler of Cam
bridge. ' Now King James, more addict
ed to love males then females, though for
complement he visited Queen Anne, yet
never lodged with her a night for many
yeers. Whereupon, Gundamore observing
how King James was addicted, told him
that the Lady Hatton would not suffer the
Lord Cook her husband to come into her
fore-doore, nor he himself to come into her
back-door ; Hatton and Ely houses joyn-
ing together where they dwelt, she denying
him a passage backward to take air.
Now that the fruit of mortality might
declare humane frailty, Queen Anne, who
had trod so many stately footings in masks
.of court," beauty fading, strength failing,
¦ See the Aulicus Coquinariae for a confutation of
this rumour.
' The following is a hvely description of one of these
celebrated entertainments :

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 347
and youth metamorphosed to yeers, health
to sickness, being: haunted with a lino-erino1
" At night we had the queen's maske in the banquet-
ting-house, or rather her pagent- There was a great
engine at the lower end of the room, which had motion,
and in it were the images of sea-boises, with other ter
rible fhues, which were ridden by Moors : The indeco
rum was, that there was all fish and no water. At the
farther end there was a great shell, in form of a shallop,
wherein were four seats, on the lowest sat the queen
wuh my Lady Bedford ; on the rest were placed the La
dies Suffolk, Darby.. Rich, Effingham, Ann Herbert,
Susan Herbert, Elizabeth Howard, Walsingham, and
Bevil. Their apparell was rich, bnt too light and curti-
zan-like for such great ones. Instead of vizzards, their
faces and arms up to the elbows were painted black,
which was disguise sufficient, for they were hard to be
known : bnt it became them nothing so well as their
red and white, and you cannot imagine a more ugly
siffht than a troop of lean-cceei'd Moors. The Spanish
and Venetian am&assadors were both present, and sat
bv the kin? in state ; at which Monsieur Beamnont
quarrel!* so extreamlv, that he saith the whole court ia
Spanish. But by his favour he should fell ont with
none bnt himself, for they were aU indifferently invited
to come as friends to a private sport ; which he refu
sing, the Spanish ambassador willingly accepted, and
being there, seeing no cause to the contrary, he put off
Don Taxis, and took upon him el Seaor Embaxador,
wherein he outs tript our Utile monsieur. He was pri
vately at the first mask, and sate amongst his men dis
guised ; at this be was taken out to dance, and footed

348 CATASTROPHE OF
sickness, which contracted her end. For
Doctor Upton at his death, ^nqt long afore
the queen's) declared a skeleton being in
her womb proves she was with childe, and
that physick had destroyed it, and so the
skeleton remained ; which was laboured to
be purged away, but all in vain, rotted in
her. Of this doctor there was a jealousie
of revealing it, for which his passage was
made to another world, as his tongue to me
at his death uttered ; who married my neer
kinswoman. The queen departed, the king sold his
affections to Sir George Villiers, whom he
would tumble and kiss as a mistress. *

it like a lusty old gallant with his countrywoman. He
took out the queen, and forgot not to kiss her hand,
though there was danger it would have left a mark on
his lips. The night's work was concluded with a ban
quet in the great chamber, which was so furiously as
saulted that down went table and tresses, before one bit
was touched. They say the Duke of Hoist will come
upon us with an after-reckoning, and that we shall see
him on Candlemas night in a mask, as he hath shewed
himself a lusty reveller all this Christmas. — Winwood's
Memorialls, H. 44.
*Weldon and Osborne have already borne testimony

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 349
This favourite had erected many mono
polies ; who, finding parliaments hindered
his profit, caused his master to dissolve
those patents, and break up the parlia
ment of decimo octavo ; raising a -number of
privy seals, which were borrowed and never
paid.

to the odd familiarities which James used with his fa
vourites, and which were, to say the least, most disgust*-
ing and unseemly. The following extract of a letter
from Sir Dudley Carleton to Mr Winwood contains
some curious particulars attending the marriage of Sir
Philip Herbert, afterwards Earl of Montgomery, with
his first lady. " There was no small loss that night in
chaines and Jewells, and many great ladies were made
shorter by the skirts, and were well enough served that
they could keep cut no better. The presents of plate
and other things given by the noblemen were valued at
2,500/. but that which made it a good marriage, was a
gift ofthe king's of 500/. land for the bride's jointure.
They were lodged in the councill chamber, where the
king, in his shirt and night-gown, gave them a revitlei
matin before they were up, and spent a good time in or
upon the bed, chuse which you will believe. No cere
mony was omitted of bride-cakes, points, garters, and
gloves, which have been ever since the livery of the
court ; add at night there was sewing into tlie sheet,
casting of the bride's left hose, with many other petty
sorceries."— -Winwood's Mmorialls, II. 43.

350 CATASTROPHE OP
And, to adde to the iniquity ofthe times,
divers incests were then pardoned : inso
much as two gentlemen, who married two
sisters one after another, got licence at
New-Market not to be molested in the
high-commission. But, above all, a godly
minister in Lincolnshire was barbarously
murthered by one Cartwright, whom King
James pardoned.'
The reason of this murther was, for re
buking him of swearing, drunkenness, and
whoring. At this time were many pious divines
silenced by the bishops, who inhibited
preaching in the afternoon; divers exer
cises in several towns commanded down :
an occasion bred much prophaness in Eng
land, King James allowing dancing about
May-poles, and so winked at breaking the
1 See an account of this murder in a scarce pamph
let, entitled, " The Life, Confession, and Hearty Re
pentance of Francis Cartwright, for his Bloudie Sinne
in Killing of one Master Storr, Minister of Market
Raaon." Iftil.

THE HOUSE OP STUARTS. 35l
Sabbath ; a vice God curseth every where
in Scripture. *
What shall I say more ? All impiety was
incouraged in such a sort, that lawful mar
riages were divorced or multiplied; as,name-
ly, the Countess o'f Essex from the Earl of
Essex, late general for the parliament ; al
ledging the lord had a defect, and was
not able to perform the act of generation,
(although the contrary was after proved,) to
make a gap for Somerset's adultery, by a
nullity which Bishop Bilson devised; a
nickname being given for this to his son,
1 The celebrated Baxter informs us, that in his youth
he laboured under strong temptations from the vicinity
of a May-pole to his father's house,. round which the
villagers danced every Sunday evening until it was dark.
" And though one of my fathers own tenants was the
piper, he could not restrain him nor break the sport.
So that we could not read the Scripture in our family,
without the great disturbance of the taber and pipe, and
the noise in the street. Many times mj' mind was in
clined to be among them, and sometimes I broke loose
from conscience and joined with them, and the more I
did it the more I was inclined to it. But when I heard
them call my father puritan, it did much lo cure me
and alienate me from them." — Life of Mr Richard Bax
ter, folio, 1696. ' .''.'J,--'

~\

352 CATASTROPHE OP
who was rewarded with knighthood ; and
therefore stiled by tbe people, Sir Nullity
Bilson. This bishop maintained Christs
personal descention into hell : an opinion
disavowed by all orthodox divines. * And
many other false opinions were maintained
in that age ; as, that Solomon was damned,
an amanuensis of the Scripture.
The second example is the Lord Riches
Lady, named Penelope, who was divorced
to make way for the Lo. Montjoy's lust,
Earl of Devonshire. *
What shall I say more ? Did not King
James his minions and favourites rule the
kingdom in the person of the king, who
were five in number, since his approach
upon English ground ? to wit, Sir George
1 Thomas Bilson, Bishop of Worcester, a learned di
vine of the 17th centoiy, maintained a controversy with
the celebrated Hugh Broughton, upon the just interpre
tation of the word Hades as used in the Creed. The
bishop contended that a literal descent of our Saviour
into hell was to be understood, an opinion now disown
ed by the church.— See the last edition of Somers'
Tracts, voL II. p. L for some account of this dispute.
* See Aulicus Coquinaria, page 200, and note.

THE HOUSE OP STUARTS. 353
Humes, Earl of Dunbar, Sir Philip Her
bert, after Earl of Montgomery and Pern-
brook, Sir James Hayes, Earl of Carlile,
and Sir Robert Car, Earl of Sommerset, who
defiled his hands in Overbury's death ; that
wicked divorce ushering the murther. This
Sommerset being elected of the council, fur
nished his library onely with twenty play-
books and wanton romances, and had no
other in his study.
A lord very like to give wise counsel !
This lord, with the lady, were questioned
for the murther; and the Lieutenant of
the Tower, Sir George Elloways, was hang
ed but for concealing of it ; King James
being willing with this accusation, to make
passage for another favourite, which was
Sir George Villiers, after Duke of Bucking
ham, who by his greatness vitiated many
gentile and noble virgins in birth, though
vitious for yeelding to his lust ; whose great
ness opened the door to allure them more. x
* Some of Peyton's scandals are countenanced by
graver historians :—
VOL. II. z

354 CATASTROPHE OF
To please this favourite, King James
gave way for the duke to entice others to
his will. Two examples I will recite: first,
the king entertained Sir Johh Crofts and

" For the Marquis himself, as he was a man of excel
lent symmetry, and proportion of parts, so he affected
beauty, where he found it ; but yet he looks upon the
whole race of women as inferior things, and uses them
as if the sex were one, best pleased with all. And if
his eye culled out a wanton beauty, he had his setters
that could spread their nets, and point a meeting at some
other house, where he should come (as by accident) and
find accesses, while all his train attended at the door as
if it were an honourable visit. The Earl of Rutland, of
a noble family, had but one daughter to be the mistress
of his great fortune ; and he tempts her; carries her to
his lodgings in Whitehall ; keeps ber there for some
time, and then returns her back again to her father. The
stout old earl sent him this threatening message, That
he had too much of the gentleman to suffer such an in
dignity ; and if he did not marry his daughter, to repair
her honour, no greatness should protect him from his
justice.. Buckingham, that perhaps made il his design
to get the father's good-will this way (being the great
est match in the kingdom) had no reason to dislike the
union, therefore he quickly salved up the. wound, before
it grew to a quarrel : and if this marriage stopt the cur
rent of his sins, he had the less to answer for." — Wil
son apud Kennet, ii, 723.

THE HOUSE OP STUARTS. 355
his daughter, a beautiful lass, at Newmar
ket, to sit at the table with the king.
This he did then, to procure Bucking
ham the easier to vitiate her : Secondly ;
Mrs Dorothy Gawdy, being a rare crea
ture, King James carried Buckingham to
Gulford, to have his will on that beauty :
but Sir Nicholas Bacon's sons conveyed
her out of a window into a private cham*
ber, over the leads, and so disappointed the
duke of his wicked purpose. In which
cleanly conveyance, the author had a hand,
with the knights sons. Truly, that day a
sober man was hard to be seen, in king,
prince, and nobles.
Moreover, it was an art King James used
for these favourites, to be skreens to decline
the hatred pf his people ; when complained
of in parliament, and when questioned,
they were spunges to be squeezed to fill his
coffers. One story I will relate more remarkable
then the rest ; the king, very timerous of
death from the contrivings of pope and

356 CATASTROPHE OF
Spaine, wrote a letter to the pope, that he
would tolerate popery when he brought
affaires to his bent in Great Britaine. The
letter, discovered by a lucky chance to the
seven yeers parliament, and complained of
in the remonstrance to the king, he made
the Scotish secretary own this act, and
affirm it was his, and not the kings ; pro
mising him to take him off at last with
advancement : but contrary, it occasioned
the secretaries ruine. '

1 James had acknowledged, by public proclamation,
22d February, 1604, the obligations he lay under to
Clement VIIL, and it would seem that his secretary.
Lord Balmerino, thought himself authorised to use
yet stronger language in a letter addressed to him. In
the traditional history, called " The Staggering State
of Scots Statesmen," the following account is given of
the secretary's disgrace:
" Mr James Elphingston, brother to the Lord Elph-
ingston, was ohe of the octavians, and secretary after
the-death of the said Mr Jon Lindsay, a man of a no
table spirit and great gifts, as he gave proof at his be
ing in England, as one of the commissioners for the
treaty of union, in anno 1605.
" He was in sucli favour with King James, that he
craved the reversion of Secretary Cecil's place, at the
king's coming to the crown of England, which was the

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 357
Here, by the way, I must play the cook,
to lard three several occurences, not im-

beginning of his overthrow ; for the said Secretary
Cecil wrought so, that having procured a letter which
had come from King James, wherein he promised all
kindness to the Roman see and pope, if his holiness
would assist him to attain the crown df England ; this
letter the said Secretary Cecil shewed in the king's pre
sence in the council of England ; whereupon, King
James fearing to displease the English nation, behoved
to disclaim the penning of this letter, and lay the blame
thereof on his secretary, who, a little before that, he
had made Lord Balmerino, to whom he wrote to come
to court ; where, being come, for exoneration of the
king, he behoved to take on him the guilt of writing
that letter : and therefore was he sent back to Scot
land with the Earl of Dunbar as prisoner, first to Edin
burgh, with the people of which place he was little fa
voured, because he had acquired many lands about the
town, as Restalrig, Barnetoun, and mills of Leith ; so
that John Henderson, the baillie, forced him to light
off his horse at the foot of Leith-wynd, albeit he had
the rose in his leg, and was very uuable to walk, till he
came to the prison-house. Some days thereafter he
was accused of treason, and then sent prisoner to Falk
land, and at Tast carried to St Andrews, and there sen
tenced to want the head, but no time prefixed when.
" Thereafter he got liberty,, to go to his own house
of Balmerino, where, being a widower, he got an ama-
torious portion of cantharidesfrom a maid in his house,
called Young, (thereafter wife to Doctor Honeyman,)

358 CATASTROPHE Ot
pertinent to the matter in band. The first
was, that Secretary Winnode took a bribe
of 20,000/. to redeliver the four cautionary
townes in Holland to the Dutch ; which
we now may see might have curbed the
states from prejudicing England. Another
was, King James his weakness to give way
to Gundamore to take away Sir Walter
Rawliegh's life, who might have vexed
Philip the Second of Spaine. A third was,
to sell iron ordnance, and discover the art
of their carriages, which all the world was
ignorant of.
This last favourite, George, Duke of
Buckingham, advanced to such power with
his mother, rewarded the king with pyson,
by a poysoning water, and a plaister made
of the oyle of toads.
This duke, from a private gentleman,
with an annuity of thirty pound a year

of which he died." — Staggering State of Scots Statesmen,
by John Scot qf Scotstarvet. From an original MS.
Edin. 1754, 8. p. 59. [

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 359
for life, was raised to such a mount of
glory and power, to be Master of Horse,
Master of the Wards and Liveries, Admi
ral of England, and Lord Warden of the
Cinqports. A lord tall of stature, amiable of
countenance ; who, like a ravenous kyte,
ingrossed all into his hands, to inrich and
advance his kindred, and to place and dis
place whom he listed ; so that this lord was
grown so potent, his master stood in awe
of him, in such sort, that when the king
was sick of the gout, he would rem,ove him
from place to place at pleasure against the
kings will ; who, to work his ends, wrought
into favour with the rising Phoebus, King
Charles. The king prying into this way
of his successor, set a bold courtier, Doc
tor Turner, afloat, to bring the Earl of Bris
tol (then out) to launch into favour ; but the
dukecomplyingwithTurner, and perceiving
the plot against him, wrought by a coun
termine by Charles* the chief engineer ; but
the dukes drift was, after King James his
death, to make himself King of Ireland,

360 CATASTROPHE OP
and therefore he was styled Prince of Ty- '
peraria, an appendix to that throne. 'This
made the duke swell like a toad to such a
monstrous proportion of greatness in vast
thoughts, as multiplying to an ocean from
the rivers of pride, power, and ambition,
he sate as a gyant on the shoulders of King
James, and drowned his power, limiting no
bounds to his overflowing will ; whose ver
tue and good nature being corrupted by
so wicked a life, turned love into hatred,,
obedience into rule : for, after he had dis*
patched the Duke of Richmond, Marquess
Hamilton, the Earl of Southampton and
his son, by poyson, (as by Doctor Egle-
stons relation * plainly appeared to the par-
1 This seems absolute extravagance.
* Bishop Kennet gives the following account of Eg
lisham's evidence, which the reader, if he incline, may
consult at length in the Harleian Miscellany, or in So
mers' Tracts ;
" Dr Eglisham, one of the king's physitians, was
obliged to flee beyond seas for some expressions he
had muttered about the manner of his majesty's death,
and lived at Brussels many years after. It was there
he published a book to prove King James was poyson-

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 36l
liament, whom he caused to be killed in
forraine parts for discovering the villany.)

ed ; giving a particular account of all the circumstances
of his sickness, and laying his death upon the Duke of
Buckingham and his mother. I have read'the book
some fifteen years ago, in the hands of Don Pedro Ron-
killor, the Spanish ambassador, who told me it had
been translated into High-Dutch, about the time Gus
tavus Adolphus was entering into Germany for reco
vering of the Palatinate ; and that by a secret order of
the court of Brussels, to throw dust upon the royal fa
mily of England. Among other' remarkable passages
I remember in the book, there is one about the plais
ter that was applied to the king's stomach. He says, it
was given out to have been mithridate, and. that one7
Dr Remington had sent it to the duke as a medicine^
with which he had cured a great many agues in Essex.
Now Eglisham denies it was mithridate, and says, ' Nei
ther he nor any other physitians could tell what it was.'
He adds, ' that Sir Matthew Lister and he, being the
week after the king's death at the Earl of Warwick's
house, in Essex, they sent for Dr Remington;* Who li
ved hard by, and asked him, What kind of plaister it
was he had sent to Buckingham for the cure of an ague,
and whether he knew it was the king the duke design
ed it for?' Remington answered, ' that one Baker, a
servant of the duke's, came to him in his master's name,
and desired him if he had any certain specifick remedy
against an ague to send it him;' and accordingly he
sent him mithridate, spread upon leather, but knew not
till then that it was designed for the king. ' But/ con-

362 ' CATASTROPHE OF
Thus filled with venome of greatness, he
made no bones to send his master pack
ing to another world, as appeared plainly
in parliament, by the witness of divers phy
sitians : especially Doctor Ramsey, in full
hearing at a committee. Wherefore, for
this and other crimes he was impeached
in the beginning of King Charles his go
vernment ; and though King Charles was
bound to prosecute King James and the
other lords death, committed contrary to
all the laws of God and nations ; yet King
Charles, to save the duke, dissolved the
parliament, and never after had the truth
tryed to clear himself from confederacy, or
the duke from so hainous a scandal. Now
tinues Eglisham, ' Sir Matthew Lister and I shewing
him a piece of the plaister we bad kept after it was ta
ken off, he seem'd greatly surprized, and offered to take
his corporal oath, that it was none of what he had gi
ven Baker ; nor did he know what kind of mixture it
Was. " But the truth is, this book' of Eglisham's is wrote
with such an air of rancour and prejudice, that the
manner of his narrative takes off much from the credit
of whaL heyvrites." — Wilson, ut sapra, p. 790, note by
Kennet, •

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. S6S
let all the world judge of Charles his car
riage, whether he were not guilty of con
niving at so foul a sin, though not of the
death : so that covering his lyon-like dis
position, with appearance of a lamb, he
proved like Nero the tyrant, that in the
parliament of the petition of right, shew
ing himself in his lively colours : for dis
playing the banner of tyranny, he put an
end to the meeting, and imprisoned divers
members, so that Sir John Elliott dyed,
and the rest remained in durance, because
they had been faithful to their countrey ;
and, to add to cruelty, he sent Sergeant
Glanvile, Sir Peter Hayman, and Colonel
Purify* into forraine parts, to consume
their fortunes and hazard their lives, call
ing not a parliament long after.
By this time, sycophants so inlarged the
monarchy without bounds, that there were
exactions too many to be repeated in so
-1 Commonly spelled Purefoy ; but probably Sir Ed
ward preferred the fanatical to the Norman orthogra
phy-

364 CATASTROPHE OP
little a volume as this ; and piety being in-
tombed so many yeers, and so many pious
men silenced, caused nobility, gentry, and
all inferiours more licentious ; who, by in
sensible steps, grew atheistical. This was
connived at by many debauched in autho
rity : so great a current of prophaness was
generally for want of ordinances, which
caused the people to perish in godliness.
The fault proceeded in both kings, but
especially from the first governing by young
counsellors, who had not vertue, but vani
ty ; this caused Gundamore (that cunning
Machiavil) to scoff at the counsellors of
state, telling King James he was the wisest
and happiest prince of Christendome, to
make privy counsellors sage at the age of
twenty-one, which his master (the King of
Spaine) could not till sixty. A jest pocket
ed up by him, who loved commendation
and flattery more then truth ; by, which he
was blinded, and saw not the hidden flour.
This prince (otherwise very much knowing)
mued in his English reign favourites to the

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 365
fifth coat : these nobles being addicted more
to pleasure and delights then the school of
prudence and wisdome ; looking more at
their own interest then the common good
or piety of life, gave so vast a liberty to
their lives, as made an abordment of loose
ness in many ; insomuch that strictness of
life (which our Saviour requires) was im
puted a disgrace ; and the vainest counted
the wisest ; the profanesf, no hypocrite ; and
a puritan was stiled a devil:1 so that by
this time it was difficult to hear profitable
sermons ; the pulpits being stuffed more
with eloquence then zeal to move the con
science ; and the preachers were fitter for a
stage then a pulpit. Thus begun goodness
to dwindle, and vice to spread far and neer;
vitious being counted the gallantest men.
But God opened Pembrook's heart to see
the errours of youth. a j
1 King James used to term them, from their excess
of rigour, Christians out of their wits. ,
1 We have already had occasion to commemorate
the wisdom, spirit, and gratitude of Philip, Earl of Pem
broke and Montgomery. See vol. i. p. 220. But his

366 CATASTROPHE OF
But, behold ! the last was Sir George
Villiers in humber, but first in vice and vil
lany, as by the former relation he appear
ed unmasked in his open colours ; who
mounted the highest steps of honour, and
profited most in the academy of Nicholaus
the Florentine, accompanied with ajunctC
of Achitopel-advisers, who spun the web of
all his- inhumane devices, and had none to
intercept the contriving, but Felton, with a
knife, to take away their general ; which hin
dered further rallying his diabolical plots.
This man imbargued us in an unnecessary
war at the island of Rees, where many
brave commanders ended their dayes by
his unexperienced discipline in war ; who,
though advised by Burrows, guarded not a
fort, which made the French masters ofthat
island after he had taken it ; and in his re
treat from thence, placed his ensignes in
t;he muskets, not the pikes.
Afore this, King Charles sought to marry
being converted to fanaticism, was probably, in Sir Ed
ward Peyton's estimation, a cover for all sins.

. THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 367
with Mary of the house of Bourboune, and
sent the F.arl of Holland ordinary ambas
sador to France ; who, with' the assistance
of the extraordinary Buckingham there,
dispatched that overture by the aid of the
queen-mother, with their alluring beha
viour, which drew on the conclusion more
then a team of horses or oxen could : a by
word King James used to obtaine ends by
female creatures.
To Dover Mary was brought, and so to
Canterbury, where King Charles bedded
her, without the ordinary religious forme
of uniting.
This queen, some yeers after, shewed
great modesty, although there lay a pad in
the straw : for the Count of Soysons justi
fied boldly and openly at the Louvre in
Paris, that he was contracted before to her
with divers witnesses ; and so challenged
her for his lawful wife before God.
Holland ' of this advertised, sent Soysons
1 Rich, Earl of Holland, beheaded in 1(548, was, with
Hay, Earl of Carlisle, ambassador at Paris for settling
12

368 CATASTROPHE OF
a challenge to combat him ; but Soysons
was deaf of that eare, and never met: a
reason was, the court-factWn for the mar-
riage was too strong for him to maintaine
the truth with his sword : an occasion de
monstrated more his fear of ruine then va
lour, and that his enemies power abated
the edge of his courage.
Whilst this match was a brewing, the
duke assayed to defile Lewis the Thirteenth's
bed by some accomplices, . which then was
found out by the parliament in Paris : ar
discovery instigated him to procure his
master to the French war, inhibiting the
Spanish marriage, because Count Olivares
had foys ted into his bed a pocky courte
san at Madrid, in stead of his lady, often
sollicited by Buckingham ; most of his wis
dom consisting in such constuprations. So
that these bawdy transactions, in a prosr
pective-glass, may bring nearer to our me
mories the fashion of Charles his reigne,
the marriage between Charles I. and Henrietta Ma
ria.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 369
how sin was hatched from an egg to' a dra
gon, to devour holiness of life ; insomuch,
that the masks arid playes at Whitehal were
used onely for incentives of lust : therefore
the courtiers invited the citizens wives to
those shews, on purpose to defile them in
such sort. There is not a lobby nor cham
ber (if it could speak) but would verify
this.'
* The comedies of the age have many allusions to
what -is here more than intimated. Ben Jonson, in
the character of Robin Goodfellow, gives an account
ofthe various persons admitted to those court festivi
ties : — " I watched what kind of persons the door most
opened to, and one of their shapes I would belie to get
in with. First, I came with authority, and said 1 was
an engineer, and belonged to the motions. They ask
ed me if I were the fighting bear of last year, and laugh
ed me out of that, and said the motions were ceased.
Then I took another figure of an old tire-woman; but
tired under that too, for none of the masquers would
take note of me, the mark was out of my mouth. Then
I pretended to be a musician ; marry, I could not shew
mine instrument, and that bred a discord. Now there
was nothing left me that I could presently think on,
but a feather-maker of Black-friars ; and in that shape,
I told 'em, surely, 1 must come in, let it be open'd un
to me ; but they all made as light of me as of my fea
ther, and wondered how I would be a puritan, being of
VOL. II. 2 A

370 ' CATASTROPHE OF
King James dead, King Charles ascend
ed the throne, with a dismal plague of
so vain a vocation. I answered, We are all masquers
sometimes ; with which they knocked hypocrisy o' the
pate, and made room for a bombard-man, that brought
bouge for a country lady or two, that fainted, he said,
with fasting for the fine sight, since seven o'clock in
the, morning. O, how it grieved me that I was prevent
ed o' that shape, and had not touched on it in time, it
liked me so well. But I thought I would offer at it yet.
Marry, before I could procure my properties, alarum
came that some of the whimlens had too much ; and
one shewed how fruitfully they had wateied his head,
as he stood under the grices ; and another came out
complaining of a cataract, shot into his eyes by a planet
as he was star-gazing. There was that device defeated.
By this time I saw a fine citizen's wife or two let in ;
and that figure provoked me exceedingly to take it;
which I had no sooner done, but one o' the blackguard
had iiis hand in my vestry, and was groping of me as
nimbly as the Christmas cutpurse. He thought he
might be bold with me, because 1 had not a husband
to squeak to. I was glad to forgo my form, to be rid of
his hot steaming affection, it so smeU of the boyling
house. Eorty other devices J had of waremen, and tbe
chandrie, and I know not what else ; but all succeeded
alike. 1 offered money too, but that could not be done
so privately as it durst be taken for the danger of an
example. At last a troop of strangers came to the door,
with whom I made myself sure to enter ; but before I
could mix they were all let in, and I left alone without,
for want of an interpreter. Which, when I was fain to
/

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 3^1
50,000 dying every week : God pointing
to us, as with a fescu, as a schoolmaster, to
warn us to repent of our abominable sins ;
if no admonition would reform us, he would
scourge us with an iron rod. Yet, in shew,
King Charles gave good hopes to his peo
ple of a vert'uous reigne ; but finding the
sweetness of his invasselling the people,
King Charles paved his path by the steps
of his forerunner, who reigned twenty- three
yeers save one day : but Charles, instead
of pacing it, ran violently to destroy his
subjects, following too hastily his prece
dents direction ; which brought him afore
his time to the block, the desert of tyrants.

be to myself a colossus, the company told me I had
English enough to carry me to bed ; wilh which all
the other statues of flesh laughed. Never till then did
I know the want of an hook and a piece of beef, to
have baited three or four of those goodly wide mouths
with. In this despair, when all invention, and transla
tion too, failed me, le'en went back, and stuck to this
shape you see me in of mine own, with my broom and
my candles, and came ou confidently, giving out I was
part o' the device." — Love Restored, in a Masque tit
Court, by Ben Jonson. 12

372 CATASTROPHE OF
Certainly those times differed much from
these : for where it is falsely objected, that
these days are more heretical ? I answer,
by a general sale of heretical books ; then
they sought to vitiate truth with greediness,
the soleindeavour in the universities : now
in these days, too curiously finding out
truth, they mistake it unwillingly, and run
upon some points of error, which this wise
parliament labours to suppress, by placing
pious and learned divines, (as speedily as
they can,) men indued with the spirit of
God, through their dominions : there be-?
ing a wide difference 'twixt those da wih,
fully maintaine against knowledge, fals-r
hood, and the others that mistake the truth.
But in those times they study ed erroni-
ous opinions, being incouraged by the bi
shops ; so that the students were ambitious
to rake out of the ashes many heresies of
Rpme to maintain their lordships; as, name
ly, kneeling at the sacrament : they used
arguments df the real presence of Christ,
and to reverence Christ corporally present

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 373
with the papists; when our Saviour used
sitting, another gesture*
From this root sprang the Socinian damn
able opinion, to make Christs death an imi
tation for all to follow, to bury in oblivion
the great high-priesthood of Christ, and to
advance their sacerdotal tyranny, and in
sult over the people by the power of spi
ritual courts, which exalted them above
others ; when Christ abased himself to be
a saviour jn his actions on earth ; a carri
age they ought to have used according to
his example : by which meanes, the clergy
were the eyes, eares, hands, legs, and, above
all, the braine, to support the kings insup
portable tyranny. To this head, I will re
duce their idolatrous cringing to the altar,
bowing at the name of Jesus, and making
churches idolatrous ; usually kneeling and
praying in them, when no service of God
was used : aud their *=  — reverence at
the Eucharist was to no other purpose ; but
to support antichristian episcopacy ; what
honour was done in the church was placed

374- CATASTROPHE OF
on them ; transferring the honour dohe
from the place to the persons administring
service : a cause made King Charles take
them into his intimacy, to support his ab
solute monarchy to do what he pleased with
subjects property, real, personal, and vital ;
as also finding the papacy conduced more
to regality, he favoured them more then
protestants: for when the justices in all
parts persecuted the papists upon the sta<-
tutes, they were disgraced and removed,
and the protestants persecuted and punish^
ed, and the priests delivered out of prison.
In which rout, amongst others, was Se»
cretary Windebank, a principal agent to
get in favour with Queen Mary ; insomuch,
that I knew divers papists brought out of
Newgate, and their pursuers punished.
This last-recited secretary was a creature
to Laud, both brothers in iniquity to ac
complish such matters.
Did not King Charles his letter written
in Spaine to the pope shew his inclination
to set up popery, if the pope would grants

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 375
/,
him a dispensation to marry the infanta?
Yea, certainly it cannot be denied by any
rational man ; if he considers fully the bent
of those times, he must be convinced by a
truth I shall utter. When the king came
from Greenwich with the queen on a Tues
day morning, a little afore the last parlia
ment, she landed atSommerset-house, where
she lodged ; the king arrived at Whitehall,
a day he used to hear a sermon ; the queen
drew him from the sermon to Sommerset-
house, insomuch, as a lord, to whom I gave
a visit, told me, (when he came not to the
preaching at twelve of the clock, long ex
pected,) in anger, that the king was then
at mass, and reconciled to the pope ; and
so this lord in haste went after mass-time to
Sommerset-house, and there dined '.
' Lilly, who was, like our author, a sufficiently pre
judiced investigator of the actions of Charles I., clears
him from this scandal, and at the same time assigns an
admirable reason why the astrologer himself did not
honour the queen's devotions with his presence.
> " He [King Charles] was ill thought of by many, es
pecially the puritans, then so called, for suffering the
chapel at Somerset-house to be built for the queen,

376 , CATASTROPHE OF
It is therefore no marvel why the Almigh
ty sent so much misery upon these three
kingdomes, and wrought such a fatal ca
tastrophe to turn the spoakes of the wheel
'upside down, raising the humble out of the
dust, and abasing the proud and high-
minded. By this, as by a prospective glass,, we
may behold how King Charles erected the
fabrick of his potency, or rather the struc
ture of his ill government. For it will ap
pear plainly, that King Charles negotiated
with the pope to reduce England to po
pery privately ; therefore it is known to
all, that King Charles entertained three
nuncios from the pope, Gregorio Pansia-
no, Signeur Con, and another, under pre
tence to regulate the popish clergy, under
where mass was publickly said. Yet he was no papist,
or favoured any of their tenets ; nor do I remember any
such thing was ever objected against him. Myself was
once there to gaze whilst the priest was at high mass;
the sexton and others thrust me out very uncivilly, for
¦which I protested never to come there again." — Lilly's
Life qf Charles I., apud the Lives of Ashmole and Lilly.
London, 1774, 8. p. 190.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 377
the Bishop of Calcedon, * appointed by
Barbareno, the popes nephew, protector of
the English catholicks, when the purpose
was to reduce to an union the protestant
clergy with the Roman. Ahd was not Ar
thur Bret appointed to go embassador to
Rome from King Charles, who dyed by
the way : and after, there was sent Sir James
Hambleton, ofthe house of Abercorn.
To make a step further, I will inform the
reader : After Buckingham's death, the Earl
of Holland was highest in favour with King
1 A schism between the catholic -regular and secular
clergy in England broke 'forth with great violence, in
a controversy concerning the spiritual authority of Dr
Smith, titular Bishop of Chalcedon. To compose their
difference, the pope sent Gregorio Panzani, and others
as his envoys, They met with more attention and en
couragement from the English clergy than was perhaps
prudent, and even returned to open a negotiation with
Laud for reconciling England with the church of Rome,
which he seems to have broken off multum gemens. See
in Spmers' Tracts, vol. iv. a piece entitled, " The Pope's
Nuncios, or the Negotiation of Seignior Panzani, Seig
nior Con,8cc. resident here in England with the Queen,
and treating about the Alteration of Religion with the
Archbishop of Canterbury and his Adherents, in the
Years" of our Lord 1634, 16S5, 1636," &c.

378 CATASTROPHE OF
Charles, who bestowed on him neer one
hundred and fifty thousand pound in few
yeers ; and he was no less esteemed of the
queen, being her agent to receive moneys
forfeited, and compositions given her by
her consort ; as, namely, to free Sir Giles
Alington's punishment for marrying hb
neece, twelve thousand pound was paid to
Holland for the use of the queen ; they
sharing money and delights together.
This made the kings love of Holland not
al wayes firm ; for a suspition arose, as a
devil, to be the bane of friendship, which
thus happened ; such was the intirety twixt
the queen and this lord, she having sent
letters into France to one Monsieur de
Jerre, then in prison, she inclosed a letter
unsealed in Hollands letter sealed, which
was intercepted by the ambassador, the
Lord Jerome Weston, resident in France,
and sent to his father the Lord Treasurer,
by whom it was shewn to the king ; a mat
ter made him so passionately jealous of
Holland, as he was confined to Kensing-

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 379
ton.' Whereupon, the queen was so dis
contented as she bedded not with the king
some nights ; and was so inraged for Hol
lands confinement, as, till the king released
him, she would not entertain him to her
bed : But, as nature is frail, so she flying
imbraces, made the husband more earnest
to peruse her fruition ; so that at last, Hol
lands enemies are chid, and he brought in
to favour. These are the devices of cun
ning dames, when silly men, being horn-
beaten, often times are cured without a
plaister : he had better have put them in
to his pocket. After this, the queen, was
advertised qf Charles his lubricity with di
vers ladies his mistresses ; which appeared,
because he was jealous of a lord handing a
countess he dearly loved through the court
of Whitehall, at which he shewed much in
dignation for a great time. In the mean
time, there were not people wanting, who
* This may be accounted a piece of paltry scandal,
being utterly inconsistent with the character of Hen
rietta Maria.

380 CATASTROPHE OF
nourished each in suspition ; so that both
seeing themselves peccant, one had free-
dome of mistresses, and the other of ser
vants. Now I must crave your pardon, if I have
not observed so punctually the times, this
being rather a rhapsody then a continued
history, and therefore I am constrained to
patch up the post with fhe prior faults ;
being all of one batch7of tyranny ; as Ben.
Volington, Will. Stroud, and Eliot, Mr
Hambden, Sir John Corbet, Sir John He-
vingham, were confined, for being faithfull
in parliament. Moreover, for discovering
the designe of a'thousand German horse, the
Earl of Sommerset, the Earl of Clare, dead ;
Sir Robert Cotton, dead ; my Lord Saint
John, Mr Seldon, and Mr James, were sent
to the Tower. The occasion was this, as I re
member : Pickerni, Master- Falconer, found
the written project in the kings cabinet, it
being open, who took it out, and brought
it to Sommerset, and so it came to the
hands of Sir Robert and the other four usu-

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 381
ally meeting; but Sir Robert had a man
would take his cups freely, and at a taverne
told it to a false brother, who betrayed them
all : for which cause, the five were brought
aurium tenus'mto the Star-chamber, because
it was discovered afore it was acted.
But it is more memorable how King
Charles was angry with the parliament of
the petitions of right, as he was so far from
punishing Sir Richard Plumly for pulling a
knight Hubard out of a coach, and beat
ing him so that he dyed ; and to shew his
hatred to Hubard, who was one of them
held the then speaker of the parliament,
Sir John Finch, in the chair, that he ad
vanced this Plumly to be Admiral of the
Irish Seas, and made him a knight for his
service for killing Hubard, when justly he
should have questioned him for bis life.
And to sound King Charles his heart, it
is probable King Charles was in his heart a
papist, by the queens perswasion, and her
mother ; for, after going from the parlia
ment, he sent pardons for divers priests con*

382 - CATASTROPHE OF
demned; whoingeniously finding this would
make a rupture 'twixt king and parliament,
the prisoners petitioned the houses, send
ing the pardons to the house ; and desired,
rather then there should be a breach be
tween them, to suffer ' death : for which
prudence the parliament would not let them
die. In both these kings times swearing was
in such esteem* principally from King James
his example, cursing the people with all the
plagues of Egypt ; though King Charles
granted twelve pence an oath through the
kingdome to Robin Lashly, which was ob
served more to get money, then suppress
swearing : for such a negligence was in the
magistrates, seeing the great courtiers gar
nished their mouthes with God-dammees,
as if they desired damnation rather then sal
vation. '
1 The habit of swearing was inveterate among the Ca-,
valiers, who affected to distinguish themselves by this
odious practice from their fanatical opponents. A con
temporary poet, describing the military men of the civil
wars, addresses them thus : —

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 383
Bribery, the nurse of injustice, was so rife
^n those days, that right was not distribu
ted to the owner: a vice augmented by
knights of the post, very frequent in city
and country.
And lawyers would take fees, and never
plead for their clients ; and sometimes on
both sides ; insomuch as in a suit depend
ing 'twixt myself and my son, we gave fees
to one and the same person. Wherefore
Now, you wild blades that make loose inns your stage,
To vapour forth the acts of this sad age,
Your Edgehill fight, the Newberries^and the west,
And northern clashes where you still fought best,
Your strange escapes, .your dangers void of fear,
When bullets flew between the head and ear,
Your pia-iuaters rent perished your guts ;
Yet live as then ye had been but earthen buts,-
Whether you fought by Damn-me or the Spirit ;
To you I speak  The Legend qf Captain Jones, 1671.
Cromwell argued that the body of Scottish horse, by
whom his quarters were beaten up near Musselburgh,
about 80th July, 1650, were assisted by English cava
liers, because one who was dying said with his last gasp,
" Damn-me, I'll go to my King." — See Relation of the
Campaign in Scotland, in Original Memoirs during the
Great Civil War. Edinburgh, 1806.

384 CATASTROPHE OF
on these times God hath brought on us a
lamentable w&r.
Now let all the world behold how King
Charles violated the rights of parliament,
coming into the house with great power to
carry away the five members. To prove
how great a breach, of priviledge of parlia
ment this was, the author hereof, wrote a
discourse against it, affixing his hand ; it
being taken in his waggon at Banbury by
the kings party ; ' for which he was con
demned to die by Sir Robert Heath, * and
his estate given away.
I will not repeat how much he hath suf
fered for being faithful to parliaments, both
afore and since the access of this ; onely I
1 The castle of Banbury surrendered to Charles I.
immediately after the battle of Edgehill.
' Sir Robert Heath, Attorney General, in the reign
of James I., and Lord Chief Justice qf the Common
Pleas during the peaceful part of Charles l.'s reign,
was, about the time that Charles took tip arms, made
Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, for the purpose
of attainting of high treason the Earl of Essex ^and the
principal followers of the parliament. It would seem
he hud exercised his functions upon our author.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 385
will rehearse, that being taken prisoner by
the cavaliers, he lost four hundred pounds
in mony, apparel, waggon, and fourty horses :
and likewise in Wiltshire at Broad Choak,
in houshold stuff, four hundred pounds ;
which was carried into Langford, after a
garrison taken by Colonel Ludlow, * for the
parliament ; which he had never restored,
although he often petitioned.
Another wrong long since he had : When
Sir Robert Heath had inclosed two thou
sand acres of common, as Lord of Joham,
one named Anne Dobbs was kept with
bread and water in Cambridge castle, by a
justice of peace, a creature of Sir Roberts,
to confess the author of this discourse coun
selled her with others to pull down the en
closure taken from the common ; by that
means to take away his life as a rebel;
when it was well known he had no hand in

1 Langford House, near Salisbury, a garrison of the
royalists, surrendered to Cromwell, shortly after the
battle of Naseby. .Colonel Ludlow was placed there as
governor for the parUament.
VOL. II. 2 B ,

386 CATASTROPHE OF „
it, but then was sitting in parliament as a
member. By this it appears, the king chose good
judges and justices, which were so corrupt.
The reason was, that the. author being con
demned,, he might forfeit a manrior next
adjacent., This j ustice of peace was a mor
tal enemy of his, Sir Robert Heath having
bought four hundred pound a yeer of the
justice, where the accused was lord, that
Sir Robert might beg it of the king.
And if we examine the King of Den
mark, brother of Queen Anne ; the first
time he was entertained into England, what
debauchedness was exercised in his welcome
to King James, to add punishment to the
family ! who both were so drunk at Theo
balds, as our king was carried in the armes
of the courtiers, when one cheated another
of the bed-chamber, for getting a* grant from
King James, for that he would give him
the best jewel in England for a jewel of a
hundred pound, he promised him ; and* so
put King James in his armes, and carried

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 387
him to his lodging, and defrauded the bed
chamber-man, who had much ado to get
the king into his bed. And Denmark was
so disguised, as he would have lain with the
Countess of Nottingham, making horns in
derision at her husband the high Admiral
of England ; which caused a deep discon
tent between them. ' And generally the
* The most picturesque and witty account of the
scandalous rebels, during the reign of James I., occurs
in the following contemporary letter : —
Sir John Harington to Mr Secretary Barlow, [from
London,'] 1606.
" My good Friend, '
" In compliance with your asking, now, shall you ac
cept my poor accounte of rich doings. I came here a
day or two before the Danish king came, and from the
day he did come, till this hour,'! have been well nigh
overwhelmed with carousal and sports of all kinds.. The
sports began each day in such manner and such sorte,
as well nigh persuaded me of Mahomets paradise. We
had women, and indeed wine too, of such plenty, as
would have astonished eaclr beholder. Our feasts were
magnificent, and the two royal guests did most lovingly
embrace each other at table. I think the Dane hath
strangely wrought on our good English nobles ; for those,
whom I could never get to taste good liquor, now follow

388 CATASTROPHE OF
courtiers were then so debauched in that
beastly sin, as at that time, in the way-

the fashion, and wallow in beastly delights. The ladies
abandon their sobriety, and are seen to roll about in in
toxication. In good sooth, the parliament did kindly
to provide" his majestie so seasonably with money, for
there have been no lack of good livinge ; shews, sights,,
and bfcnquetings from morn to eve.
" One day, a great feast was held, and after dinner the
representation of Solomon his temple, and" the coming
of the Queen of Sheba was made, or (as I may better
say,) was meant to have been made before their ma
jesties by device of the Earl of Salisbury and others.
But, alas ! as all earthly things do fail to poor mortals in
enjoyment, so did prove our presentment thereof. The
lady who did play the queen's part did carry most pre
cious gifts to both their majesties ; but forgetting the
steppes arising to the canopy, overset her caskets into
his Danish majesties lap, and fell at his feet, though I
rather think it was in his face. Much was the hurry
and confusion ; cloths and napkins were at hand, to
make all clean. His majesty then got up, and-would
dance with the Queen of Sheba ; but he fell down, and
humbled himself before her, and was carried to an in
ner chamber, and laid on a bed of state, which was not
a little defiled with the presents of the queen, which
had been bestowed on his garments; such as wine,
cream, jelly, beverage, cakes, spices, and other good
matters. The entertainment and show went forward,
and most ofthe presenters went backward, or fell down ;
wine did so occupy their upper chambers. Now did
appear in rich dress, Hope, Faith, and Charity. Hope

TIIE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 389
ters chamber at supper, a courtier was
found dead on the table, the wine foam-
did assay to speak, but wine rendered her endeavours
so feeble that she withdrew, and hoped the king would
excuse her brevity : Faith was then all alone, for I ain
certain she was not joyned to good works, and left the
court in a staggering condition : Charity came lo the
king's feet, and seemed to cover the multitude, of sins
her sisters had committed ; in some sorte she made obey-
sance, and brought giftes, but said she would return
home again, as there was no gift which heaven had not
already given his majesty. She then returned to Hope
and Faith, who were both sick and spewing in the lower
hall. Next came Victory, in bright armour, and present
ed a rich sword to the king, who did not accept it, but
put it by with his hand; and, by a strange medley of
versification, did endeavour to make suit to the king.
But Victory did not triumph long ; for, after much la
mentable utterance, she was led away like a silly captive,
and laid to sleep in the outer steps of the antichamber.
Now did Peace make entry, and strive to getforemoste
to the king ; but I greive to tell how great wrath she did
discover unto those of her attendants ; and, much con
trary to her semblance, made rudely war with her olive
branch, and laid on the pales of those who did oppose
her coming.
" I have much marvelled at those strange pageantries,
and they do bring to my remembrance what passed of
this sort in our queens days ; of which I was some time
an humble presenter and assistant: but I neer did see
such lack of good order, discretion, and sobriety as I
have now done. I have passed much time in seeing the

390 CATASTROPHE OF
ing out of his mouth : a horrid sight to be
hold. '
royal sports of hunting and hawking, where the man
ners were such as made me devise the beasts were pur
suing the sober creation, and not man in quest of exer
cise and food. I will now, in good sooth, declare to
you, Who will not blab, that the gunpowder fright is
got out of all our heads, apd we are going on hereabouts,
as if the devil was contriving every man to blowup
himself, by wild riot, excess, and devastation of time
and temperance. The great ladies do go well masked,
and indeed it be the only show of their modesty, to
conceal their countenance ; but, alack ! they meet
with such countenance to uphold their strange do
ings, that I marvel not at ought what happens. The
iord of the mansion is overwhelmed in preparations at
Theobald's, and doth marvelously please both kings,
with good meet, good drink, and good speeches. I do
often say (but not aloud,) that the Danes have again
conquered the Britons, for I see no man, or woman
either, that can command herself. I wish I was at
home : — O rus, quando te aspiciam ? — And I will, before
the Prince Vaudemont cometh."— Nuga Antiqua. Ed.
1804, 1. 348, etseq.
* The author, in common candour, ought to have ex
cepted Charles from a charge, which might perhaps
have been justly preferred against his father. The fol
lowing account of his temperance is confirmed by all
contemporary authors : — " As he excelled in all other
vktue^, so in temperance he was so strict, that he ab
horred all debauchery to that degree, that, at a great
festival solemnity, where he once was, when very many"
ol the nobili ly ot the English and Scots were entertain-

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 391
And it is worthy of observation to con
sider the carriage of the King of Denmark
and his son usually in his own country :
for at my being there, I saw the old king
(as his custome was,) to call for the master
of his household ; when he made a voyage
or progress, wrote on a pastboard what he
should doe, and so took the waggon to go
to his boares houses, ' and eat Martlemas
ed, being told by one who withdrew from thence, what
vast draughts of wine they drank, and that there was
one earl who had drank most ofthe rest down, and was
not himself moved or altered, the king said, thathe de
served to be hanged ; and that earl coming shortly after
into the room where his majesty was, in some gaiety,
to shew how unhurt he was from that battle, the king
sent one to bid him withdraw from his majesties pre
sence ; nor did he in some days after appear before
him. — Clarendon, iii. IQ8.
1 The King of Denmark had large demesnes, which
he cultivated by means of serfs, boors, or bondsmen,
as was anciently the mode of husbandry in most coun
tries of Europe. Colonel Munro, among other memo
rabilia of his majesty, informs us that he was " praise
worthy for his ceconomy in keeping of storehouses to
feed oxen, and stalls for keeping of milch cows, whereof
is received yearly great income of monies for butter
and cheese, made in great quantity." — Monro his Ex
pedition, 1636. p. 87.

392 CATASTROPHE OF
beef, powdred pork, bacon, or such like as
they had ready ; and after repast, took for
a collation the handsomest daughter, kins-~
Woman, or servant in the house (all her kin
dred adorning her with all sorts of wearing
ornaments) whom the king carried to one
of his' guest-houses, where he had not above
three or four lodgings and a kitchen, and
solaced himself with this jewel so long as
he pleased ; and after brought her home.
A fruition made her in much esteem with
her friends, after so adulterous a fact.
Likewise it was the custome of his son to
ride on a sled drawn with horses, bells fast-
ned to them, which tingled as he passed
through the townes ; the noise caused the
women to run out of doors : the prince be
holding one more amiable then the rest,
beckoning to her with his finger, presently
she came to the sled, and accompanied him
to some hostery, till he had satisfied fully
his lust. *
* We may hope this brutal exertion of despotic
authority is exaggerated ; but that the King of Den-

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 393
Also their usual course is to prophane
the Sabbath in such sort, as all the Carpen
ters in the kingdom that day work gratis,
to make the kings ships ; and the people
mark possessed-the power of abusing his authority, even
to the extent mentioned in the text, is but too certain.
Munro, who saw the matter in a more favourable light
than one would have expected, gives the following ac
count of the arbitrary authority of that monarch : —
" Having had the honour to have dined with his ma
jesty at his table, then in thei gorgeous and pleasant
palace of Freddesborg, taking leave of his majesty, ha
ving kissed his hand, I retired to Alzenheur, where I
began to think that this king could have said of his
kingdom, as Scipio said, " You see not a man amongst
all those but if 1 command him he will from a turret
throw himselfe into the sea :" even so this magnanimous
king, to my knowledge, was of absolute authority in his
kingdome, as all christian kings ought to be in theirs,
ever obeyed in the Lord, without asking the head a rea
son why do you command us thus ? For we read that
the favour of the Lord was in Juda, in giving them one
heart in doing and obeying the commandments of the
king, and of their magistrates and principalis, as I did
cleerely observe in this kingdome of Denmarke, the
goodnesse of government for the flourishing of the
kingdome, where Totis orbis componebatur ad exemplum
regis. He commanding, they obeyed ; both lived in
prosperity, the ruler or king heroick, wise, noble, magr
nanimous, and worthy. - ------

394 CATASTROPHE OF
go to church in their worst cloaths,jnaking
no difference 'twixt the Lords day and other
daies ; who, instead of godly exercises, use
much prophaneness.
Give me leave to repeat, that this king
ordinarily would be drunk, ' and, namely,
one time (Sir John Pooly being his servant,
" Moreover this kingdome is worthy commendation
for the order of justice and lawes, having their law
books deciding all controversies amongst them; and if
it come to any great difference, the kings majestie, as
being above the law, sits in judgement as the interpre
ter of justice, and according to his princely dignity,
mitigates as pleaseth his majestie the law, and decides
the controversie." — Monro's Expedition, ut supra, p. 86,
87. 1 Howel gives us a good picture ofthe intemperance of
the court of Denmark, at an entertainment given to the
Earl of Leicester, then ambassador from England to
Christiern. " The king feasted my lord once, and it
lasted from eleven of the clock till towards the even
ing ; during which time the king began thirty-five
healths ; the first to- the emperor, the second to his
nephew of England; and so went over all the kings
and queens of Christendom, but he never remem
bred the Prince Palsgrave's health, or his niece's, all
the while. The king was taken away at last in his
chair, but my lord of Leicester bore up stoutly all
the while ; so that when there came two of the king's

THE HOUSE OF STEUARTS. 395
after an inhabiter at Wroungay in Norfolk,)
he commanded Pooly to ask any gift to
the value of half his kindome, and he should
have it. But he finding his master so beast
ly out of tune, demanded a great pair of
stags homes ; for which, after so moderate
a request, the king bestowed on him three
thousand dollars. *

guard to take him by the arms, as he was going down
the stairs, my lord shook them off, and went alone.
" The next morning I went to court fqr some dis
patches, but the king was gone a hunting at break of
day ; but going to some other of his officers, their ser
vants told me, without any appearance of shame, that
their masters were drunk over night, and so it would
be late before they would rise." — Howell's Letters.
London, 1726. 8. p. 236.
* There can be very Uttle doubt that Shakespeare's
account of the carousals of the usurper of Denmark
was derived from what was the current practice of that
northern court, during the reign of Christiern.
This heavy-headed revel, east and west,
Makes us traduced and taxed of other nations ;
They clepe us drunkards, and with swinish phrase
Soil our addition ; and indeed it takes
From our achievements, though performed at height,
The pith and marrow of our attribute.
Hamlet. -

396 CATASTROPHE OF
It is not knewn to all Germany, that his
drinking out of reason with his comman
ders lost many battels to the Emperours
General Wallestme, which proved a disas
ter to the united protestant princes, so that
he was faine to submit to the emperour^
with much loss and disgrace, to the preju
dice of the cause of God. ' In which war

* Colonel Monro, whom we have already quoted, and
who served under Christiern, during his unsuccessful
attempts to support the cause of the protestant princes
in Germany, gives a much more favourable account of
his .exertions : —
" This magnanimous king, to my knowledge, deserved
to have been worthily thought of, and well spoken for his
noble enterprizing ofthe warre. And though the success
was not answerable, 1 dare be bold to affirm, it was none
of his majesties fault, for his majestie not onely bestow
ed much in advancing of it, but did also hazard him
selfe and his crowne in maintaining of it. Neverthe-
lesse there are always some cynicks that doe barke at
his majesties proceedings without reason ; where we
may see that no man, no, nor kings themselves, can
escape _the lash of censure, and none can eschew
to be traduced by the ignominious aspersions of the
malevolent tongue. Therefore it is good to do well,
and then we need not care what is said ; except the
sayer put his name to his assertion, and then he may
be made to foote his bottle in maintaining of it, or un-

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 397
his brother King James proved a coward
to back a religious cause ; for he would not
raise men nor money ; yet the parliament
incited and urged him thereto : to whom
worthily to refuse it." — Monro his Expedition with the
worthy Scots Regiment, called Mackeye's Regiment. Lon
don, 1637, fol. p. 30.
But from the same authority we learn, that the vice
of drinking beyond measure prevailed not only in the
army qf the King of Denmark, but even in the better dis-j
^cipljned forces of Gustavus Adolphus, Nay, if we can
judge of the worthy colonel's taste, by the unction with"
which he speaks of German beer, it would seem he had
no objections to that generous liquor: — ¦
" This regiment, in nine yeeres time under his majes
ty of Denmarke, and in Dutcbland, had ever good lucke
to get good quarters, where they did get much good
wine and great quantity of good beere, beginning first
with Hamburgh beere Jn Holsten, and after that in
Denmarke, they had plenty of Rustocke beere, and now
at Barnoe, and thereafter they tasted the good Calvinists
beere atSerbest, and our march continuing out of Low
Germany towards the upper circles of the empire, as
in Franconia, Swabland, Elas, and the Paltz, they were
oft merry with the fruits and juices of the.best berries
that grew in those circles ; for to my knowledge they
never suffered either penury or want, I being their lead
er, but oft times I did complaine and grieve at their
plenty, seeing they were better to be commanded when
they dranke water, then when they got too much beere
or wine. But my choice of all beeres is Serbester beere,

398 CATASTROPHE OF
he made this answer, he would not give so
bad an example to support his son-in-law
against the emperour. Whereas the laws
of the empire were, if the emperour did un
justly, the seven electors might depose him :
for certainly the joyning of Bohemia with
the Count Palatine of Rhine, might have

being the wholsomest for the body, and cleerest from
all filth or barme, as their religion is best for the soule,
and cleerest from the dregs of superstition.
" Being once at dinner with the Rex Chancellor of
Sweden, having dranke good Serbester beere, he asked
me what I thought of that beere ? I answered, it pleased
me well. He replied merrily, no wonder it taste well
to your palet, being it is the good beere of your ill reli
gion. I asked his excellence how the good wine on the
Rhine would taste at Mentz, being-the good wine of a
worse religion F He answered, he liked the wine and the
beere better than both the religions. But I said to be
his excellences neighbour neare Mentz in the Paltz, at
Crewtse"nach, I would be content to keepe mine own
religion, and to drinke good Rhinish wine for my life
time."— Ut supra, p. 47.
Gustavus used, Monro informs us, to suffer his offi
cers occasionally to make merry ; but his own custom
was never to drink much but upon very rare considera
tions, when he had some plot- to effectuate that con
cerned his advancement and the weal of his state. — Ibid.
p. 40.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 399
been a chief prop to support the protestant
party ; which, by Denmarks fault, and King
James his wilfulness, the emperour got the
mastery of: though after God raised Gus
tavus Adolphus King of Sweden, to turn
the scales to the united princes side, yet in
conclusion the Swedes have sought more
their owne interest then God's.
Behold, if we examine Queen Mary, she
cannot cleare her reputation with Harry
Jermine ; ' for if King Charles had not been
so blinded, it had been discovered long ago,
and she punished or divorced ; but the king
being guilty of the same crime, winked at
it ; which made him purblind, and count it
a venial sin, as the papists terms them, but
swallowed the mortal ; yet urged by an earl

1 Henry 'Jermyn, afterwards successively Lord Jer
myn and Earl of St Albans, adhered to Charles I.
during all his distresses. The only foundation forthe
calumny thrown out in the text, w%s the favour he en
joyed with Heririetta Maria after her husband's death.
This, however^was so great that it seems to have been
generally surmized at Paris, that they were privately
married.

400 ^CATASTROPHE OF
much with him, if he would not believe the
unsutable behaviour between the queen and
Jermine, if he would go into her chamber,
he might be satisfied, and behold Jermine
sitting upon the bed with the queen ; so
the king and the lord went in, ahd found
her and Jermine in that posture. Thckipg
presently, more ashamed of the act then
blaming her, departed, without speaking a
3vord ; yet for all this, the queen was very
jeakous of the king ; insomuch as he loving
a very great lady now alwe, whom he had
fpr a mistress, to the intent he might have
more freedome with her, sent her lord into
the Low Countries ; in the mean while, daily
courts her at Oxford in her husbands and
the queens absence ; but the lord returning,
the king diverted his affectionate thoughts
to another marry ed lady, of whom the
queen was jealous at her return from France ;
so that on a time this lady being in "Queen
Maries presence, and dressed a la mode, the
queen viewing her round, told the lady she
would be a better mistris for a king then a.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 401
wife for a knight. The lady Teplyed, Ma
dam, I had rather be mistris to a king, then
any mans wife in the world. For which
answer, she was constrained to absent her
self from court a long time.
Now, as all men and their affaires are
subject to mulation by a heavenly provi
dence punishing sinners for sin, the wheel
turns greatness from top to bottome, of
which I have given you a notable lantskip
in the fraile condition of the imperiall fa
mily of the Stuarts, who, raised to a glitter
ing glory by the succession of many kings,
are now tumbled from the mount of ambi
tion and highest authority over three king-
domes, and at last reduced not to be lord
of a visible molehill ; whose heat of fiery
pride hath consumed into ashes of ruine
their felicity. Let us mark the shipwrack
of those who will not vaile the sailed of ty
ranny and oppression ; they shall not avoid
a tempest of Gods anger for precipitation.
In this revolution, God had a special
VOL. ii. 2 c

402 CATASTROPHE OF
hand, who, when he determined to bring
this family to destruction, accomplished it
not only by poor and weak means, but by
his mightiest thunderbolts of vengeance.
This truth manifested itself perspicuously
in this tragical history, who have made the
flourishing condition of these three king
doms stumble, by advancing and giving ear
to corrupt instruments of state placed at the
helm ; who wept not for our common cala
mity, but in the tears of inferiours ; and
therefore I demonstrate, that never shall
justice be so well done, as by parliamen
tary proceedings, to settle this common
wealth upon a pious basis, where they pro
ceed in justice to banish oppression, that
property may fall into the right channel,
and holy men advanced and rewarded, and
wicked punished, to the end that the peo
ple may be lulled asleep in the cradle of
ease and tranquillity ; so shall love of go
vernors be in such estimation, as body and
purse may be at command ; for fear poy-

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 403
sons a nation with distrust and hatred ; the
first makes firme and stable the foundation
of any state ; the last brings it by insensi
ble steps to fal and moulder away like a
crazie building. Provided alwayes, until
the state have a perfect cure, there may be
armed chirurgeons to cut off the gangren'd
part, which might putrifie the head, resem
bled to wise counsellors, who will preserve
the whole body ; so they endeavour that
taxes be moderated, as the temper of the
pulse and health shall appear.
And therefore I beseech you give me
leave to turn my pen out of the road, with
a counsel from my heart not impertinent to
my dear countrymen, to profit by the storm
past, reduced by Gods providence to a
calme ; to make a pious use of his great
miraculous deliverance. I being a man can
speak by experience, who hath been most
justly worryed by the hand of the Almighty
for sins ; therefore let them consider that
the chidings of a friend are better than the

404 CATASTROPHE OF
kiss of an enemy, a proverb of Solomon ;
which, fif we shall confide in, we may be
stiled children converted to good ; if not,
may be accounted despisers of the road :
which maxime I illustrate the truth of, by
the Grecian Alcibiades; by how much his
banishment was more cruel by the Athenian
Ostracisme, by so much more his qualities
and worth were esteemed. The skill of the
mariner is not at all observed in a calme,
but in a tempest; the wise Ulysses had
perished, if he had not been in danger of
ruine : pleasures blunt and strangle piety ;
when adversity moulds the will and hu
mours to a byas of fearing God, inclines us
to know ourselves, and understand the end
of creation and birth to the glory of God,
and good of our country : we are not born
for ourselves : Our eyes are closed with de
lights; open in chastisements ; in the one,
sin draws more punishment; in the other,
we see clearly our aberations, as spots in a
glass. We are here on a theatre for every

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 40$
one to play his part ; the tragical seems
more difficult, by hatred, envy, and jea
lousie, the slaves of reason ; yet in truth?
are banished in troubles, when God loves
the afflicted better, who, as a soveraigne,
resembleth the ocean, which receives that
it gives, to the end the revenging justice of
heaven turn not wrath against them ; but
the divel, enemy of repose, inchants us in
luxury, when affliction imitates nature by
degrees from a little to more, and from more
proceeds to a humane perfection in piety.
I heartily desire you take this advice
above a humane, the command of God :
Be subject to the higher powers, for they
are of God. Wherefore, I beseech you,
respect those set at the helme, whom God
hath made instruments of our happiness ;
for naturally we are hooded, and cannot
see that God hath done miraculous works :
Look not upon them as men, but as Gods
instruments, to execute his will ; brought
out ofthe shop of his Almighty work-house,

406 CATASTROPHE OF
to accomplish his determination ; and are
not to be laid aside, till by Gods appoint
ment they turn into the tyring-house : for
certainly we have great cause to give thanks
to God for the parliaments valourous suc-
, cess of army and navy ; both for general,
lieutenant-general, serjeant-major generals,
colonels, officers, and souldiers ; as for tfye
" admirals and captaines at sea, whom God
hath miraculously preserved, to prevaile
over the enemies of the state ; and so let
God have the glory, and we tranquillity all
our dayes.
But when I revolve in my thoughts the
opinion most are possessed with, as with a
divel, that parliament and army are a pu
nishment for their sins, and attribute so
great victories to chance, I may justly sus
pect their atheisme, whose lives I never
see more amended, by Gods immediate
hand on us, to make the omnipotent Father
of spirits to have no hand in it; or if ac
knowledged in words, return not from ini*

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 407
quity, and are not thankful for arriving to
so safe a harbour as they are in, nor see
that God is about to mould the world in
another fashion, as he hath declared by his
prophets of old ; and so, like swine, look
down on the earth, and not to heaven, to
see a divine cause of a mighty alteration.
Now to shew that the parliament pro
ceeded justly in this war, I will prove it by
arguments divine and humane, reason and
law. First, if we regard the scripture, we shall
finde Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, 'just
ly lost the ten tribes, because he laid such
1 1n comparing Charles I. to Rehoboam, Sir Edward
Peyton seems not to have forgotten his father's tide of
the British Solomon. When this epithet was once ap
plied to bim in the presence of Henry IV. of France,
he said he hoped it was not given to his brother mo
narch because he was David the Fiddler's son. Tlie un
fortunate Lord Sanquhar, afterwards hanged for assassi
nating one Turner, a fencing-master, was said to have
been present at this unseemly allusion to the history of
David Rizzio, and James, it is further stated, afterwards
alleged his silence on the occasion as a reason for re
fusing bim his pardon.

408 CATASTROPHE OF
heavy burdens on the Jews, who declared
they had no share in David, wishing Israel
to depart to their tents ; although God had
made a covenant with David, that hisi pos
terity should sit on the throne for ever, on
condition they continued to serve the lord
as they ought ; which covenant Rehoboam
broke by sins, in such sort as God punish
ed sin with sin, suffering him to oppress
and impose more heavy taxes on the peo
ple then his father; a reason God disswa-
ded : The children of Israel refused God, and
would have kings to rule over them, to en
thral them to his will ; but they persisted
not to follow the counsel of the Almighty,
therefore it was just the kingdome should
be divided for their disobedience: or if king
Rehoboam did wickedly, he could not be
stiled Gods vicegerent over the twelve tribes;
/or God, whom governors represent, never
oppresseth his people but for sin. When
kings cease to imitate God, they cease to
govern or be governors, and represent not

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 409
God ; when they are not Gods deputies,
they insult over the people without autho
rity : for this is an infallible rule (not to be
gainesaid) in scripture, that if the people
sin against God, and the king do not op
pose it, but yeeld to it, they are punished ;
and if the king sin, and they concur with
him, they are punished : so that if the par
liament had not opposed King Charles,
God would have been revenged on them.
Now when a father wrongfully injureth
his children, his love to theni is at an end,
and so is his paternal power ; for children
are bound to be obedient to parents, not
to be ruined by them : so that subjects are
bound to obey the sovereign, so long as he
keeps himself in bounds of justice and do
ing right; but if the king would destroy
his people, they are no more his subjects,
nor are they bound to obey ; but he is a
tyrant. God never punished a pious king that
used his people well, otherwise God should
be unjust.

410 CATASTROPHE OF
If God were author of the conquest over
King Charles in so many battels ; who is
tbe God of Sabbaths, that is, of battels ;
if he were not the cause of our victories, he
were not God of battels ; in which behef
they should give a deity to the parliament
forces, which is blasphemy ; for they con
quered over the Cavaliers : by which it ap
pears, God sent this as a punishment on
the king, and the victory was not a punish
ment on the parliament, who defended the
people in their rights.
Kings are ordained for tbe good of their
subjects, not for their hurt ; nor were peo
ple brought into the world to have kings
over them, but to honour and glorifie God :
God is not glorified, when inferiours are op
pressed by their superiours ; a sin God high
ly punished in the Jewes ; God were the
the author of oppression, if kings had such
a deputation from him.
This prince committed a great fault, in
adhering too much to his unbridled will ;
preferring his passion above the good of his

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 411
people : there may be excuses in youth,
for want of experience ; in stealing, for the
occasion ; in killing, for injuries offered ;
in adultery, for perswasions of love, and
heat of youth ; in rebellion, for defence : but
for offences against the commonwealth,
there is not satisfaction but a block or a
gibbet. For a shepherd to sheare the flee
ces off his flock, may be tolerable ; but to
flea theta, and cut their throates, is abomi
nable before God and man.
For kings should have the care of a mas
ter, love of a father, tenderness of a protec
tor, diligence of a shepherd, to preserve
their subjects from wrong : for without a
parliament, kings have no ears nor eyes to
see the injuries of the publicke, but by their
favorites ; who, for to encrease wealth (rais
ed from nothing,) are like bloodsuckers,
to drain the people, and make themselves
rich. If every member of the commonwealth
ought to preserve the state above his own
life, much more a king is chosen Gods vice-

412 CATASTROPHE OF
gerent on earth, to preserve his people com
mitted to his charge in safety.
Therefore God took from Rehoboam and
Belshazzar their kingdoms, by his instru
ment the people ; and Nebuchadnezzar and
Sennacherib, both for pride, and wronging
Jews ; the one was reduced to grass with
the beasts, and the other was overthrown
in battel with hundred thousands.
The example of Attilius Regulus is com
mendable ; who, rather then the honour of
the Roman senate should suffer prejudice,
performed his promise, and returned to
Carthage, to undergo exquisite torments.
If subjects, much more a king God hath in
trusted with his people, should have care
of his parliament and people, then much
more should he take care of the lives ofthe
people. Wherefore the parliament seeing King
Charles did. raise an army to defend ill coun
sellors, and ruine his people ; the parliament,
rather then the king should ruine the peo
ple, first they employed the army ta take

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 413
away from him bad counsellors, and bring
them to condigne punishment ; but King
Charles justified their destructive advice by
a war, to ruine the authority of parliaments;
and by this made himself an enemy of the
commonwealth. Therefore it was just the
parliament should defend themselves by a
war, yea subdue the kings power, which
would destroy the representative, which
maintained the liberty of the subject and
property of their personall and reall estates.
And though it may be objected, he had
most of the gentry and nobility ; yet I an
swer, they had the major part of the electors
sided with the parliament in their purses.
Also some object, that the king had many
members of parliament; but for certaine,
if they would depart from the lawfully-call
ed parliament, to ruine the people, the re
mainder in the house were the representa
tive, to adjourn the parliament from day
to day ; for otherwise it had been sine die,
and ipso facto, dissolved the parliament ;
then had the whole nation remained slaves

414 CATASTROPHE OF
and vassals for ever, at the kings mercy.
And therefore it was most just to subdue
and put King Charles to death, as a mor
tal enemy, who laboured to destroy the
commonwealth with all his power ; for if
a member, who hath an inclusive right,
ought to have sentence of death, much
more a king, who hath an impositive care
from God, ought to have sentence of death :
for kings now are not the anointed of God,
as David was ; but, by the Scripture, every
saint is anointed ; which, by the popish
clergy, was usurped to them, and after by
their policy attributed falsely to kings to
maintaine their hierarchy.
Wherefore, we may justly argue, that the
author of spirits had a long time continued
patient, in suffering three several families
to be superintendents over three kingdoms
five hundred years ; when he raised the se
veral houses to the throne to make an es
say to their behaviour, to bring up the
people in the fear of God ; whose time was
long spent in idolatry, and after reduced to

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 415
a prophanness, and then to a peece, and
little part of a reformed way, and not to a
total ; partly serving Baal, and partly God,
which caused Gods errours at last to flie
abroad, and shot the last prince with a mor
tal blow : for it is manifest, a king could
not make a war with his parliament till it
were ended ; and the king passed an act
not to end it till all the three estates were
agreed : and when it ended, all he could
do, should be to indict them by a jury, to
finde them guilty ; but by making a war,
he leaves them at liberty to defend them
selves ; so that what he did amiss, should
be complained of in the next parliament
after. In the war, the kings purpose could not
be to make them obedient, which is too
harsh a way : -for in so doing he becomes
their enemy, and then they are out of his
protection. Or if the subjects war with
the king, and he oppose, they are not sub
jects. A king is not a king when he makes
a war against his subjects, but he is a ty-
6

416 CATASTROPHE OF
rant ; and they are not rebels, no more then
when a king treateth with his subjects, are
they not subjects : by such a war, he rati—
fieth them to have a right and power to
contest with him ; as the fifteen pr6vinces
were made by the King of Spaine, in a ne
gotiation, a free state : much more the rea
son holds in a war.
How many times did the parliament
court the king, yea humbly petition him,
and treated with him by commissioners, to
do divers things most necessary for the good
of the then kingdom, and he remained ob
durate. If he were so obstinate when he
was under the power of the parliament, (as
in the Isle of Wight,) how averse would he
be, or rather domineer over and ruine them
when they were in his clutches, as if a par
tridge (being neer to a faulcon) iritangled
with his varvels, * might peck and tach her,
yet would not she yeeld to so smal a bird ;
what could the faulcon do when he had
1 The straps which fasten a hawk's bells to her feet.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 417
her trussed ? surely plume on her, and at
last wring off her head.
How many times have the people in this
nation assumed the power to themselves,
for kings over-flowing the rules of modera
tion ! as in the times of Henry the Third,
Edward the Second, Richard the Second,
Henry the Sixth, and after, upon good be
haviour, they resigned the keys of sove-
raignty to the intrusted keepers ; as, name
ly, in choosing the supreatti officers, which
of right belonged to the parliament ; and
a long time since, by intrusion, kept in the
hands ofthe diadem, but in a parliamentary
orbe ; wherein, when the great officers were
fixed, they kept their course from retrogra-
dation by their aromatical influence upon
the good ofthe people ; but after they were
at the devotion of the chief, by that deri
vation they wronged the people, and aug
mented the power of invassalage ; as who,
in name of the upper, insulted over the in
feriour, that all the English world was con^
vol. ii. 2 D

418 CATASTROPHE OF
formed to an incomparable subjection and
submission, too unjustly imposed.
Therefore it was impossible that Charles,
which had his hands in the blood of hun
dred thousands, by his instruments, should
after that carriage be free from cruelty, in*
dignation, and injustice ; no more then a
leper can be made pure, or a blackamore
white, or a leopard clear frorn spots, There
fore I will justly conclude, the cup of Gods
vengeance was filled to the brim, for Kipg
Charles his family to drink the dregs..
Now if the war of France and Germany
were just, especially the last, when the em
perour transgressed the laws of the empire,
to make the united princes to raise an host
to defend themselves, and rectifie what was
amissjby ingrafting another scion in the em
pire, which continued too long in one house
pf Austria ; much more just is that of the
parliament, which hath legislative power,
and authority to acts for the good of the
subject* to which the king is alwayes in-

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 419
joyned not to end the'assembly, till he had
signed such acts, and reformed all abuses
complained of. If the king should retire
from the great counsel, and not signe bills of
right, twelve of the lords, and twenty-four
of the others were to repaire to him, to
know the cause of his absence, and urge
the king to signe such bills, and remove
grievances. If he did not sign nor come
in the space of forty days, they ought to
chuse a protector ; and if he did persist in
his absence, they might justly depose hira,
as appears in the book of the manner and
fashion of holding parliaments. And this
was the reason of the former kings remo
val. If a master of a family, who hath wife,
children, servants, stock, and cattle, in a
madness, should go away from his house,
and bring a force to destroy his family, kill
his children, take away his cattle off his own
ground, and burn his house, he were a mad
man, and fitter for bridewell, then to be a
master of a family : As likewise a protector,

420 CATASTROPHE OF > i
who ought to protect his people, if he would
destroy them, because they would have a,
pious and vertuous government, he is to be
Recounted a destroyer, no protector.
But some will say, the king had a num-
* ber of his subjects, and the better part.
But they were such as supported a power
would take away the property of their real,,
personal, and vital estates, which the king
might do if he conquered : if there was not
parliaments, a check on the soveraigne, to
protect inferiours, such kingly power would
grow to such a height, as no moderation
might be 'twixt mercy and tyranny.
I have often heard the cavaliers say, they
meant not to take away parliaments, knowr
ing they were for their good and benefit.
But if the king had prevailed by their
means, they should never have had parlia
ments after : then they would have been
like deer put in a toyle, and would have
proved in the second degree after us slaves ;
of which slavery they were principal an?
thors.

\ \

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 421
Open your eyes, ye cavaliers, and see
what noose you had prepared for your own
necks ; when it had been too late to get
your heads out after the conquest, and par
liament ruined. Look into France, when
the parliament-estates were destroyed, they
were no better then slaves. How many of
the nobility suffered ! as Montmorancy,
Count of Soysons, Bouillon, and others;
and the people generally so miserable, as
they can hardly live.
For bills of grace, I see no authority for
it ; a prerogative intended only by the
power of kings ; for people (when they
chuse one to rule over them) would justly
be dealt with, and not harshly, when Obe
dient ; for then the soveraigne ought to be
loving to them, and a father to them.
But when the king takes his sword to
fight with his subjects, they ought to de
fend themselves ; especially the parliament,
which is the highest appeal for any wrong
offered by the king.
Therefore it was that our common law

422 CATASTROPHE OF
allowed every One a plea upon a writ, jus
tifying any against the crowne, for taking
away of real and personal estate. Also if
Magna Charta forbids any free man to be
imprisoned, and allows him an habeas cor
pus, much more life may be preserved and
defended by the sword ; -for upon an in
dictment of man-slaughter in se defendendo,
it is a good plea to save his life in his de
fence, although he kill the other*
If any one defend his estate against the
king, much more life may be defended, by
a parliamentary power, which is of a higher
nature 3* if every subject, then the parlia
ment, which represents the whole body,
may raise an army (if the people be willing
to undergo it,) on purpose to defend their
lives. '
All warrants of peace and good beha
viour were made in the kings name; so
then if the king raise an army to murther
his subjects, he hath lost to be a defender
of them, and hath suspended, or rather lost
his prerogative of soveraignty ; for every

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 423
subject may kill one another, when there
is no power to restraine them ; and the king
cannot defend when he raiseth a power to
kill them. The king had two capacities,
one as a king, another as proprietor of
lands, honors, and seigniories : when he
lost his first capacity, the parliament, which.
is^the representative in right of the people,
might justly assume the supream authority
to themselves, to defend those the king
would murther ; for the people first grant
ed or suffered kings to have authority over
them for their good; but when the king
abuseth it, he ceases to be any longer their
king, but becomes a cruel tyrant ; and then
he may be justly tryed in his second capa
city as a subject, and lose his life, forfeit
lands and goods, by the parliament, the su
preme judges.
And therefore it was, that Richard the
Third, before Henry the Seventh conquer
ed him, was held a lawful king, and Henry
the Setenth attaint as a rebell by parlia
ment ; but after the conquest, Henry the

424 CATASTROPHE OF
Seventh his attainder was reversed, and
Richard the Third affirmed to be a tyrant.
This declares positively, that parliaments
have onely power to ratifie and annul kings,
and no other. For else, by power, any one
may be a soveraigne without the parlia
ments approbation : but never any ascend
ed the throne that was not confirmed by
parliament ; not only in way of ceremony,
but essentially and really performed by
an act to allow and ratifie the present king,
or else he, could not lawfully govern.
Besides, the king takes an oath at his
coronation,! to maintaine all the priviledges
of the people : but when he brings them
to oppression and tyranny, he is perjured,
and loseth the title of a father and protec
tor of his people, and is in the capacity of
an enemy to the commonwealth. ,
Many examples are in the world, that
kings, when they become tyrants, have
been deposed. ahd killed ; as in Muscovy,
among the Turkes, Babylonians, Persians,
Greeks, and Bomans; and he who is an

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 425
enemy to the commonwealth deserveth to
die by all laws, humane and divine.
Kings have augmented their prerogatives,
and so by intrusion have tyrannized over
the subject : for they have in the interim
of pailiaments had prerogatives to pardon
man-slaughter, and such as are expressed
in the acts of parliament ; and by their
greatness they incroached their power : for
kings could not take away the life of any
subject, but by indictment and arraign
ment, and that by a jury of twelve men,
who must finde the delinquent guilty or not
guilty ; not in parliaments, but in the in-'
terim of them : wherefore King Charles his
coming with an armed power to take out
the five members was a high breach of pri
viledge ; and for declaring he would break'
the neck of parliaments, he deserved to be
dethroned : this was to destroy the right of
his subjects, so that they should have no
property in estate, real or personal, nor life :
for while the parliament sate, he ought not
to question any ; and afterwards he could

426 CATASTROPHE OF «7
not take away the life and estate of any
without a jury, but it would be questioned
the next parliament, as many presidents in
the rolls of parliament sheweth^
A parliament is a free place, where every
one ought to speak their mind freely for
the good of their country. Now it was the
fashion of King James and King Charles,
when any spoke for the good of the people,
to corrupt them with preferment, and make
them royalists who were afore for the com
monwealth ; preferment drawing them op
posite to the commonwealth ; as Sir Henry -
Yelverton, Sir John Savill, Sergeant Glan-
vile, Sir Robert Heath, my Lord of Straf
ford, and Master Noye; but Master Noye
shewed afore his death a great remorse for
it to some of his intimate friends. It was
greatness so bewitched them, and increased
the kings power, to wit, by preferment and
honors; insomuch, as Sir Edward Hoby* a
factious gentleman, at' a coriimittee in the
parliament, chosen to punish some boyes
that abused old Master Jordans gloves,

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 427
certaine boyes being proved to be the au
thors of that roguery, the committee de
bated what school-masters should correct
them, whether Westminster or Pauls;
Sir Edward Hoby (I say) told the commit
tee he had found out one would lash on
both sides, meaning Master Yelverton ; Sir
Henry being newly chosen Solicitor-General
for the king, to signe bils of grace, which was
only in parliament to be done, when lords
and commons had signed them afore, but
out of parliaments the kings had no such
right. It's true, kings might in interim of
parliament, upon an invasion, raise an army,
and impose monys upon many of the sub
jects ; but this was authorised by parlia
ment, and if he did amiss, it was question
ed the next parliament. This shews plain
ly, that the parliament had the power, not
the royalty.
It is true, kings had a power to call par
liaments ; so nave the beadles in the uni
versities power of calling assemblies ; stew
ards of courts to send out warrants to keep

428 CATASTROPHE OF
courts, and yet both are subject, one to the
chancellors of the universities, the other a
servant upon the matter to the lords of
mannors. We need not fear darlings of the multi
tude in this state ; every one will labour to
be a darling of the people, and none will
make himself great, unless he meanes to be
ruined, and be an ostracisme.
Certainly to prevent this, it were good
to extinguish all the print and stamp of
monarchy, not to give a provocation to
raise power.
The pretorian cohorts advanced empe
rours at their pleasure ; the Janizaries the
great Turkes ; but our army is so pious,
there is no fear, especially being not in
body, but some in Ireland, some" in Scot
land, and dispersed in several countries :
those who pay the souldiers shall have obe
dience ; but, as the proverb is, no money
no Swiss : no money no obedience.
While the Romane senate was rich, none
durst assaile the monarchy ; but, as Taci-
12

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 429
tus reports, when the greatness of the se
nate and riches decayed, then Caesar inva
ded after he had conquered Pompey.
It is to be observed, that what overthrows
monarchy, the same overthrows a senatical
government. The maiors of the palace at
Paris had power to raise and depose kings
at pleasure, till it was justly taken away :
if there be any such power in the city of
London, it is to be taken away ; for they
may, by wealth, potency, and multitude,
do the like to the parliament. Yet they
deserve much to be respected ; for they
have done as much for the good of the
state as any city ever did in the whole
world ; and therefore are to be incouraged
to have immunities and priviledges bestow
ed on them by the parliament.
I deny not that there were priviledges
belonging to the kings of England, but
those are due to him so long as he is a de
fender of the people and a good king : but
if he proves not Gods vice-gerent, but be
comes an enemy to the commonwealth, his

430 CATASTROPHE OF
regency is suspended, arid he is but a com
mon person : otherwise, kings might destroy
the people, and become an enemy. So that
his title is annihilated, and made void ; as a
shepherd, who ought to preserve his sheep,
when he goes about to kill and slay them,
he cannot be called a shepherd, but a de*
stroyer of his sheep.
The,example of King Henry the Eighth,
who, when the House of Commons would *
not consent to pull down the abbeys, sent
for them, and kept them in a room all nightj
and in the morning came to them, and per
swaded them to pass the bil, who, in fear,
next day did it ; this is no argument to
shew the power of kings : it was their ob
stinacy to oppose against the will of God,
who determined to -destroy those wicked
houses, which were erected in a blind zeal,
thinking by their erection to make their
souls saved.
A king is compared to a father ; if he
would kill his own children, he ceaseth to
have care of them, and is to be justly stiled

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 431
a inurtherer and no parent to preserve the
issue of his body.
Parhaments were to be called every two
or three yeers, to reforme abuses in the na
tion : but King James said they were as
sembled to supply his wants, and raise mo
ney; and therefore he denied them any
other discourse ; whereas, indeed, parlia
ments were called for all the members to
com plaine of their grievances, which were
always redressed there. And there were
tryers of petitions within the house, to ex
amine whether their complaints were just:
and certainly, if there were some now ap
pointed without the door of the parbament
to take petitions, and examine whether they
were fitly to be delivered to the house or
no, it would give great content to the peo
ple : for I am confident there have been
many petitions dehvered, which ought not
to be presented to interrupt the weightier
affaires there transacted. And upon this,
the parliament have unjustly been charged
that they would not hear them, when in

432 CATASTROPHE OF
reason they ought not to be preferred ; for
many of them might have been redressed
by law or some other way.
Now, to shew how the prerogative was
advanced : and that was done by making
lord-lieutenants in every county, and so de
puty-lieutenants ; a device invented by the
Earl of Leicester, when he returned from
being deputy-protector of the Low Coun-
treys, under Elizabeth protectress, who
wished the queen (from a form he had ob
served in those parts, from whence he came
for a way that furthered the opposing of
Spaine) to make such ; for if there should
be an invasion Or rebellion in England, it
would be too long to send up to the coun-
cel ; but it might easily be suppressedby
them ; two of the deputy-lieutenants ha
ving power to suppress them, by raising
forces to oppose and subdue them.
Whereupon, I remember, there was a
rising against the inclosures of commons,
(so much irksome to the people,) for in
some places the people rose to pull them

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 433
down, and were suppressed by the power
of the deputy-lieutenants, and divers hang
ed up ; but the deputy-lieutenants were
after faine to get pardons, it being contrary
to law. Likewise a cut-purse being taken
in Whitehall in the then presence, King
James commanded the Lord Garret, the
Knight-marshal, presently to hang the cut*
purse, which was done instantly ; but the
Knight-marshal was fain to get a pardon
under seal. This shews plainly that no king
can take away the life of any without a law
ful tryal by jury ; ergo, he cannot murther
his subjects, nor raise a war during the sit
ting of the parliament, for there he is to be
in person ; then the king is less, and the par
liament supreme.
Now when the king takes his swprd into
his hand, and departs from the parliament,
he loseth his priviledge of king in parlia
ment, and becomes an enemy to the state ;
and then justly his name as king ought to,
beput out in any commission, andthe para
liaments. authority is to be used only,
vol. n. 2 e

434 CATASTROPHE OF
I am therefore perswaded that the ado
ring of kings hath wrought this misprision
and mistake of the power of kings, which
by law of God and man they have not ; so
that idolizing them hath ruined the right
of the people much ; the lawyers also for
preferment and advancement have given a
greater prerogative to the sovereignty then
was due.
If we examine our municipall laws, and
all civil laws, they are no way justifiable,
but as they are correspondent to the judi
cial laws of the Jews, which were set down
by God, to be a patern for all to be patern-
ed by. I finde no such power given by
God. And where it may be objected, that God
forewarned the Jews not to have a king over
them, and expressed what inconveniences
would follow of having kings^ according to
the custome of nations, what slavery they
should be in ; this was not tq shew that it
was just so to do, but that their power and
tyranny would force them to it. '-\

THE HOUSE OP STUARTS. 435
Another thing that increased the prero
gative and diminished the right of the peo
ple was, that the printed statutes were not
according to the records of parliament ;
sometime there was added to, and some
time diminished from, what was in the roll
of* parliament ; and somewhat put in that
might be advantageous to the kings, and
put out what was for the benefit of the sub
ject ; as I have observed, by my compa
ring the printed book with the record. And
truly if there were a committee to examine
the records, it should be necessary to see
the right of the subject.
And in decimo octavo Jacobi, King James
sent and took what was done by that par
liament, from Master Wright, clerk of the
parliament. So likewise the king by his power, and
the great lords of court, made courtiers,
burgesses, and some time knight of the
shire hy letters ; who hindred much the
proceedings- in parliament by their vote, it
being the policy of the dukes of Cornwall

436 CATASTROPHE OF '
in the stannaries to, have multitude of bur
gesses, to make themselves potent in par
liament ; which now the parliament will
prevent, by providing that the representa
tive may be equally chosen from all parts.
Likewise it was usual for King James
and King Charles, if any did speak in the
behalf of the commonalty in parliament,
against the prerogative, to make them she-!
riffs, or impose other burthensome offices
on them ; as myself and Sir Guy Palmes
were served, after that parliament of 18 Jifl-
cobi; or to be revenged on them some other
way, for doing their duty in parliament, as
then was invented by projectors, as I could
recite divers examples in my time.
The courtiers also laboured to make good
patriots courtiers, as Sir Dudley Digs was
made a Courtier, and master of the rolls,
who was faithful to the parliament, and
dyed before a parliament came ; this was
to draw their affection from the multitude
to the sovereignty ; so that by those means
tyranny was increased, and the right of the

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 437
people waved ; which now will be redress
ed and reformed by Gods blessing and pru
dence of the state.
Now I will draw a short lantskip, by way
of epitome, to examine what good King
James and King Charles have done since
anno Domini 1603.
The seven yeers parliament was a sage
and wise parliament, and laboured to do
much good for the then kingdome : and, as
a new broom sweepeth clean at first, King
James granted some good laws ; but the
Court of Wards they endeavoured to pull
down, which nad ruined infinite families, up
on offer to give the king two hundred thou
sand pound in depositor and annually two'
hundred thousand pound ; but it was op
posed by Robert, Earl of Salisbury, (other
wise a very good commonwealth man,) as
too great a thing for the king to part with.
And truly that parliament took great pains
to reform abuses in church and state ; but
not much was done for the good of the sub
ject, but great sums granted, and a good

438 CATASTROPHE OF
government hoped for, rather then in frui
tion. For King James spent much time in
his pleasures, much money in embassies, to
make himself great ; so that there was some
good for the merchants ; but tonnage and
poundage given by , parliament was for
guarding the seas, which was imployed to
the royal purse onely ; sa that, although
complained of, the merchants were at a
double charge in wafting their goods.
After, King James wronged the fisher
men and us much, by granting to his bro
ther Henry the Fourth, King of France, for
his moneth to fish on our coast ; who, un
der that colour, took away the very earth
and spawn of the fish of rotchet, gurnet,
cunger, and hadduck, to Diep ; where they
have abundance, and we want.
King James granted the Hollanders to
fish on our coasts, and for a small petty
rate ; the island of Lewis in Scotland, and
other isles of Ireland, to dry their fish ; by
which they have inriched themselves above
fourty millions sterling. ,

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 439
In that parliament of seven yeers they
laboured to reform abuses in church and
commonwealth, and that the pious minis-
.ters might not be tyed to subscribe to the
unlawful ceremonies of the bishops, which
was not granted ; but in s nono Jacobi, at
Hampton-court, were divers pious men, as
Reynolds, Kniwstubs, Clerk, and other re
verend divines, to dispute about ceremo
nies; but that the divines had not free-
dome* of speech, for all went on the bishops
sides ; a cause England in all parts after
were deprived of pious men, which were
silenced, imprisoned, and put out of their
lectures and livings ; so that want of teach
ing caused profaneness to get the prehemi-
nence. The parliament of duodecimo Jacobi was
only for undertakers to raise money for
King James : some bishops were question
ed, as Bilson, and others ; but the parlia
ment dissolved without doing any thing.
Then was the parliament of 18 Jacobi,
where Heath was for the commons; Sir

440 CATASTROPHE OF
Thomas Wentworth, and Christopher Wans-
ford, and others, were for the king's side ;
where also Sir John Bennet, Sir Giles Mum-
pheson, and Sir John Mitchel, were con
demned, and the parliament so dissolved ;
in which parliament, Serjeant Grimston
called me out of the house, to the Earl of
Bedford, the Earl of Westmorland, and Sir
Francis Vane, dead, to the little room in the
lobby, where they offered me ten thousand
pound, or five hundred a-yeer, which I
would choose, not to oppose the bill of the
fens in the house. I answered, no money
nor estate would make me betray the coun
try. This parliament was made voide, and 32
patents called in by King James, and so
he pleased the people with a toy.
Many and divers were convented by the
council-table to pay certain sums, or to
be imprisoned ; whereof I was one, being
brought before the councel, when Sir Al
bert Morton waited.
Then came the parliament of 21 Jacobi',

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 441
a little afore King James his end, where
were some good laws enacted ; the Lord
Keeper Bacon and the Earl of Middlesex
condemned for bribery.
A little afore this, I being Custos Rotu-
lorum ofthe county of Cambridge, by Buck
ingham, was put out, and Sir John Cuts
put in, when I had that office under the
broad seal ; which could not legally be ta
ken away from me, unless I had committed
some fault, thereby to have forfeited the
same. Now there remaineth no more for the
parliament to do, but faithfully to keep
what they have justly gotten by Gods di
vine providence, and his will, in a valour-
ous conquest ; to the end, that when they
have settled the building of the state upon
a right and firme basis, they may further
inlarge the kingdome of the Lord Jesus,
by their indeavours through Europe ; which
I am fully assured God hath appointed,
and will certainly bring to pass, that all

12

442 CATASTROPHE OF
the world may see Gods determination in
every climate of this part of the world.
After this new state is put into the cradle
of ease and tranquillity, to make it have a
full growth, there will be nothing to hinder
the establishment thereof; no titles upon
marriage, as in monarchy, because the power
is in the people, and they chuse a repre
sentative that shall govern, every two or
three yeers making an election of members
of parliament, that every one may govern
by vicissitude ; and therefore there would
be no need of a William the Conquerour to
interrupt the proceedings of the state, and
dissettle it by establishing of new laws;
there would be no William Rufus in a hunt
ing voyage to be slaine ; no King John to be
poysoned at Swinsted abbey by a monke ;
nor there will be no beautiful Rosamonds
to hinder a pious government ; no Morti
mers to entice to his bed and lust the wives
of princes : there will be no unnatural mo
thers, like that French lady, who killed her

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 443
own son Edward the Second in Pomfret
castle by the power of a French pride;
there will be no Pearce Gaviston nor Spen
cers, to draw a mighty state into their own
hands, by ruine of the people ; there will
be no Alice Pearce, who sat at the pillow
of King Edward the Third, and kept a
privy councel out, that should advise a
king for the good of his people ; there will
be no wanton courtezan to pass by the
court-chambers, and loose her garter, to be
a means to settle an order ; there will be
no John of Gant to deny the inheritance
of his first children, and settle it upon his
second wives ; there will be no Richard the
Second to send a number of the nobility to
be murdered at Caliee, to satisfie the unsa
lable desires of princes ; nor striving to
ruine parliaments, though it be to his own
deposing ; nor no judges to counsel the so
veraigne to ruine his people ; there will be
no factions betwixt the houses of Yorke
and Lancaster, to imbroyle the people in
war; nor no barons wars, to make a dis-

444 CATASTROPHE OF
traction in the nations ; there will be no
working to have burgesses in stannaries by
dukes of Cornwall ; nor no imprisonment
of a speaker Thorpe out of parliament, nor
factions for their private interests to ruine
the publike ; there will be no killing of
Henry the Sixth in a chamber, as Richard
the" Third did ; no alluring of Jane Shores
to princes lustful beds ; no murthering of
princes, and smothering them, as was in the
Tower ; no Empsons and Dudleys tp raise
an estate for kings, by the mine ofthe peo
ple ; no pretences to make a war to gather
wealth, to peal and pole the subject, and
after to compose the war, and keep the
money in his own purse, as Henry the Se
venth did ; nor pride to put down the right
title of a wife, and set up their own first,
that was after it ; no Perkin Warbeck to
be an impostor, to put by a fight title ; no
Henry the Eighth to make void a Kathe-'
rines bed, to make way for another wife;
no chopping off the heads of wives, to make
Way for other beauties for lust ; nor terrify-

THE HOUgE OF STUARTS. 445
ing of parliament, if they do not give way
to pass an act to enrich his coffers, as Henry
the Eighth did in the case of abbeyes ; no
Cardinal Woolseys to set up their armes
afore their masters, to make way for a pope
dom, and too late repentance, that he had
not served God so faithfully as his master,
by which he came to a tragical end to poy?
son himself; no poysoning of Edward the
Sixth by great Northumberlands, to make
way for the diadem ; no Leicesters to grow
sp potent, as to set up a school to vitiate
ladies ; nor no drawing of parliament-men
from their fidelity to their country, as hath
been used in King James and King Charles
his time ; nor none so ambitious as to make
themselves darlings of the multitude, to
make way for their own interests above
the publick ; nor for kings to take favou
rites to overthrow their principals.: none
unworthy without merit shall be imploy
ed ; none shall grow lawless by vertue of
princes humors.
Surely all kingdomes have a period, as

446 , CATASTROPHE OF
the Babylonian, Medes, and Persians, Gre
cian, and Roman : look in the history of
all these, and you shall understand, that
ambition, oppression, tyranny, and injus
tice, have been the changers of government
to some other way or persons.
It is probable that the determination of
God is to destroy all monarchy in Christen-
dome: for if we begin with France, we
shall find they have alwayes adhered to the
Romish government, except a little hand
ful of those they call reformed protestants.
How much have they wronged us in our
title, which belongs truly to us ! and though
they seem to be governed by a salique law,
yet notwithstanding they have not kept the
order thereof, which they ought to have
done, but have foisted in some males, which
ought to have been last, afore others that
ought to have been first; and the majors of
the palace at Paris have set up kings at
their pleasure, and not respected the right
of those that ought to have had it.
The persecuting of the holy men of Tow-

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 447
ers and the Albigenses, the true apostolick
descendants who ever hated the Roman he
resies ; that horrible and unheard-of mas
sacre at Paris, in Henry the Thirds time
of France, by the device of the house of
Guise, and Queen Katherine, who was a
witch, and made julips of young children
snatched up in the night to maintain her
lust, as Comines doth testify ; and Henry
the Fourth turning his religion from the
protestant side, after God Almighty had
blessed him with one-and-twenty victories
over the popish league ; Lewis the Thir
teenth making a war against the protest
ants, to murder a number of them, though
it was with the loss of five thousand of the
nobility of France. The Duke of Bouillon,
the Duke of Fremelly, and divers others,
changing their religion ; and Cardinal Ri-
cheliu giving authority and command in
armes, on purpose to destroy the Hugo-
nots, though God blessed them to be the
best commanders in France. All these, I
say, and many more I could repeat, will be

448 , CATASTROPHE OF
a means to showre down Gods vengeance
to destroy that monarchy.
Let us therefore cease from wondering at
Gods works ; for if a sparrpw fals not to
the ground without his special providence,
then much less is it wanting in turning
topsy-turvy principalities and kingdomes :
Certainly if this vicissitude were not, sin
would have more abounded ; piety, or at
least morality, would be banished, and men
would forget the end of their creation, and
think there were no God to punish sin nor
reward the righteous ; but do as the-great
fishes, devour one another.
This makes me affirm, that it is not/ pro
bable that God can bless Charles, the now
supposed King of Scots from his predeces
sors, if we examine the mothers side. The
grandmother was proved by the parliament
of Paris to have made abortive her sons bed
eleven times, by help of a Spanish empe-r
rick; as by Will. Murreys am bassie ap
peared, who returned this answer to King
Charles ; and therefore it was not conve-

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 449
nient to yield that she should return into
France : and also his grandfather turning
his religion, and was killed like a calf by
Ravilliac ; his mother for too much fami
liarity with Buckingham ,' Holland, and
* Less prejudiced historians than Sir Edward have al
lowed the prejudice that England sustained from the
amorous frolics of the Duke of Buckingham ; but
they make it plain that Henrietta Maria was so far from
being the object of his attachment, that she suffered
from his enmity ; and so they partly confute and part
ly confirm the passage in the tejjt.
"Thev other particular, by which he involved him
self in so many fatal intricacies, from which he could
never extricate himself, was, his running violently into
the war in France, without any kind of provocation,
and upon a particular passion very unwarrantable. In
his embassy in France, where his person and presence
was wonderfully admired and esteemed, (and in truth
it was a wonder in the eyes of all men,) and in which
he appeared with all the lustre the wealth of England
could adorn him with, and outshined all the bravery
that court could dress itself in, and overacted the whole
nation in. their own most peculiar vanities : He had the
ambition to fix his eyes upon, and to dedicate his most
violent affection to a lady of a very sublime qualily, [the
Queen of France] and to pursue it with the most impor
tunate addresses ; insomuch, as when the king had brought
the queen his sister as far as he meant to do, aud deli
vered herin to the hands of the duke, to be by him am
VOL. II. 2 F

450 CATASTROPHE OF
Jermine ; for the duke, for fear the French
ladies should tell tales of George, often
ducted into England, the duke, in his journey, after the
departure from that court, took a resolution once more to
make a visit to that great lady, which he believed he
might do with much privacy. But il was so easily disco
vered, that provision was made for his reception ; and if
he had pursued his attempt, he had been without doubt
assassinated ; of which he had only so much notice as
served him to decline the danger. Buthe swore in that
instant, that he would see and speak with the lady' in
spight of all the strength and power of France. And
from the time that the queen arrived in England, he
took all the ways he could to undervalue and exaspe
rate that court and nation, by causing all those who
fled into England from the justice and displeasure of
the king, to he received and entertained here, not on
ly with ceremony and security, but with bounty and
magnificence ; and the more extraordinary the persons
were, and the more notorious their king's displeasure
was towards them, (as in that time there were many
lords and ladys in those circumstances,) the more re
spectfully they were received and esteemed. He omit
ted no opportunity to incense the king against France,
and to dispose him to assist the Hugbnots, whom he,
likewise encouraged to give their king some trouble.
" And which was worse than all this, he took great
pains to lessen the king's affection towardshis young
queen, being exceedingly jealous lest her interest might
be of force enough to cross his other designs. And in
this stratagem he so far swerved from the instinct of
his nature, and his proper inclinations, that he who was

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 451
mounted on his steed, sent them into France
contrary to the articles of marriage ; so that
the queen was shut up in the chamber alone,
not to behold their departure, and cut her
fingers with the glass windows, as Duplex
the French historiographer writes. '
compounded of all the elements of affability and cour*.
tesy towards all kind of people, had brought himself
uito a habit of neglect, and even of rudeness towards
the queen.
" One day, when he unjustly apprehended that she
had shewed some disrespect to his mother, in not going
to her lodging at an hour she had intended to go, and
was hindered by a meer accident, he came into her
chamber in much passion, and after some expostula
tions rude enough, he told her^ she should repent it;
her majesty answering with some quickness, he replied
insolently to her, that there had been queens in Eng
land who had lost their heads. And it was universally
known, that, during his life, the queen never had any
credit with the king, with reference to any publick af
faires, and so could not divert the resolution of making
a war "with France." — Clarendon, ut supray p. 39.
* Howel confirms the circumstances of the queen's
extreme resentment, and of her cutting her fingers with
the glass, the king having locked her up in a room with
him. The French attendants had behaved with cha
racteristic petulance, and the confessor, it is said, had
enjoihed the queen the very unseemly penance of walk
ing barefoot to Tyburn, to atone for the death of the
12

452 CATASTROPHE OE
\
And Charles the First, afore his marriage,
had for a mistress a great married lady, (it
recusant priests who had been sufferers there. That
Charles was peremptorily determined upon their remo
val, appears from the following letters to the Duke of
Buckingham. Steenie, it must be remembered, the
Scotch diminutive of Stephen, was a nickname which
James had given the duke, on account of his resem
blance to the picture of St Stephen, the proto-martyr.
"Steenie,
'/ I , writ to you by Ned Clarke, that I thought I would
here cause anufe in short tyme, to put away monsers,
either by attempting to steale away my wife, or by ma
king plots amongst my owen subjects. I cannot say
certainlie whether it was intended, but I am sure it is
hindered. For the other, though I have got good
grounds to believe it, and am still hunting after it, yet
seing daylie the malitiousness of the monsers, by ma
king and fomenting discontents in my wyfe, I could
tarrie no longer from adverticing of you, that I meane
toseeke for no other grounds to easier my monsers, ha
ving for this purpose sent you my other letter, that you
may, if you think good, advertise the queen's mother
with my intention.
So I rest Your faithful, constant, loving frende,
, Ghahles R."
'" Steenie,
" I have received your letter by Die Greme; this is
my answer— I command you to send all the French

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 453
is probable the prince would follow the
same course after marriage,) by whom she
had a boy ; and when he was Prince of
Wales, bestowed on the christening eight
thousand pound ; it is supposed he being
so good an husband, and wise, would not
lay out so much cost for nothing ; when
he kept a book; like Henry the Seventh,
what bribes that he shared, he set down
punctually ; so much received for such an
office, place, or honour ; and would be dis
pleased if he had not his part agreed for
with his servants. And likewise the French
queen, grandmother of Charles, the suppo
sed second King of Scots, was so familiar
away to-morrow out of the towne;, if you can by fayer
means, (but sticke not in disputing,) otherways force
them away like so many wild beasts, untill ye have
shipped them, and so the devil goe with them. Let
me heare no answer, but of the performance of my
command. So I rest Your faithful!, constant, loving frende,
Charles R."
, Oaking, the 7 of August, 1627.
(Superscribed) "The Duke of Buckingham,"

454 CATASTROPHE OF
with Marques d'Ancre, whom she advanced
to so high a command, that by his actions,
and the government after in her regency,
France was almost overthrown, and the
prime nobility ; and by her counsel to her
daughter here, there was procured matters
of dangerous consequence to England since
her arriving ; who perswaded her daughter
to draw King Charles to the Romish part,
(as by many affaires appeared,) and got a
patent to transport leather into France,
most prejudicial, which was condemned
by this parliament.
Wherefore, on all sides, Charles the Se
cond from them may justly expect not to
prosper, especially by his rebellious inva
ding of England ; for if he had any right,
yet his invasion, and the conquest, hath
justly extinguished his title, especially King
Charles and his mother playing fast and
loose so often, that no issue from thence can
either be legitimate or pious, from so un
godly a derivative.

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 455
So that if the quantity of battels fought,
so great a revolution of the state, the seve
ral qualities and persons interested, or the
long continuance of broyles, could render
a war memorable, this the parliament hath
undergone, and the new general finished, is
in the highest degree of Gods miraculous
deliverances ; after more then twenty bat
tels in three nations, and above 300,000
slaine, and the state changed of face and
masters ; multitudes of forts taken and sur
rendered; so that the victorious are but
losers, till the state be brought to be (as the
French proverb is) en bon point, in perfect.
health, after a war that hath continued al
most nine yeers.
The subject came from King Charles
leaving his parliament in the suds, and vio
lently raising a destructive war to ruine
three nations. It had rather been wisdome
in the king to apply to the people lenatives
not corrosives : great wounds are to be sew
ed, not rent, which is the part of a good
chirurgeon ; restoratives are to be given,

456 CATASTROPHE OF
not purges, to the patient : so kings ought
to amend what was amiss, and not oppose
them with violence ; appease their fury, not
exasperate them by a war : for this thunder
bolt, by wicked councel was contrived, to
break forth in fiery flashes at an instant- in
the three nations, about the 23d of October,
1642. Wherefore the parliament now assembled
aimes at this end, that as in grammar there
can be no good construction nor coherence
to make true orthography, without the sub
stantive and adjective conjoyned, which is
resembled to the parliament, the supreme
authority, now settled by Gods assistance,
appointing the counsel of state, who will
bring mighty things to pass, and cause the
annual officers to nourish all the members
in their several callings, that there may be
a semblable endeavour, of the well-being of
every good citizen and inhabitant, as well
as those in authority; that piety may be
exalted and increased by the lamps of the
sanctuary, indued with the spirit of God ;

TIIE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 457
that the whole body may be governed apos-
tolically, whereof Christ is the head, with
out whom nothing can be effected : for if
Christ be not chiefest in our thoughts, no
state can be durable, but like a sandy foun
dation will moulder away : That the elec
tors may love the elected, and esteeme and
obey them, who spend their spirits to ad
vance the common good, keep and defend
the weale public in health and prosperity,
that it be not hecticall meager, nor leane ,
nor too saturnicall, nor too jovial, but in a
golden temper. These are wise physitians,
who cure the maladies, fevers, and distem
pers, that blood may run in every viene of
the state to nourish the whole body, in jus
tice, equity, and right, through the cava
vena, cava porta, and smaller veines ; the
great cities and townes as well as the small;
that the officers and magistrates have not a
dogs appetite, to twine judicature to a bad
chylos, but to an equall distribution of right,
that the heart, the courage of the people,
may be fostred in good actions, without re-

458 CATASTROPHE OF
spect of persons^ but with regard to the
right pf the cause : that vice and sin may
be punished, with a parenthesis of mercy ;
that the republic may have foraine and na
tive commodities ; that the land lie not
freshforth, as the lord termes it, but that
there may be importation and exportation ;
that manufacture may be maintained, to
keep from the bane of idleness and debauch-
edness ; that trade may dish out all things
necessary for use, seemly ornament, and
lawful pleasure ; that the merchant, the
purveyors of the nation, export and import
all commodities for the good of the state ;
that just impositions, impost, subsidie, and
excise may be paid, without corruption and
defrauding the state ; that artificers may be
able to maintaine their families ; that laws
may be kept within the chanel of Gods rule
and direction ; that potency surrounded not
the peoples property, nor wink at the spoile
of inferiours; that those in authority re
gard more the publick then their private
interest ; that the orphant, widdows, and

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 459
fatherless, be relieved, the innocent freed,
and the nocent escape not punishment, and
that the navy, the walls and bulworks, may
be maintained in good equippage, for the
honour and defence of the nation.
By this meanes, the wise and sage coun
sel of state will undermine the enemies plots,
so that their malice hurt us not, by intelli
gencers in forraine parts, employed to pre
vent mischief to the commonwealth; where
in the Earl of Salisbury (dead) was vigilant,
at the annual expence of 2000 pounds.
And therefore I am confident the parlia
ment frames the state to this fashion, if
time and repose, the midwives of all affairs,
would give them leave to bring forth to ae-
tion their contrived principles, in which hi
therto they have been impeded by the plots
of malecontents, and by procuring provi
sions for subjugating Ireland and Scotland,
the enemies of God and of this state.
Consider, therefore, O England ! that they
do as wise physitians are accustomed, afore.
the perfect remedy of patients consump-

460 CATASTROPIIE'OF
tion, advise not to action, im ploy ment, and
troubles in affaires, till restored to strength
and vigor.
Wherefore now I come to observe how
miraculous it is that my Lord General, de
scended by his mother by the male-stock
of the Stuarts, should be a revenger, under
God and the parliament, of so many horri
ble murthers and adulteries, oppressions,
fearfull and abominable wickedness, as I
have raveled out the peeces, to winde up
this bottome, in some special points ; but
have omitted many this enchiridion is npt
able to containe ; which, when God shall
enable me, and the state injoyne, I shall
willingly undergo.
I observe likewise, by his father, that this
conquerour is a male of the great Crum
well, the sole contriver of the dissolution of
the abbies ' (under Cardinal Woolsey) those

* It has been repeatedly asserted, that Thomas Crom
well, Esq. Sheriff of Huntingdonshire, the undoubted
ancestor of the" protector, was sister's son to Thomas
Cromwell, Earl of Essex, and the idea is countenanced

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 461
adulterous seminaries of lust, gluttony, and
idleness, that I saw with mine own eyes
when I went to school at Bury, fifty four
yeeres since, from a well, brought up thou
sands of cliildrens bones, which were mur
thered and cast in it, that the inchastity of
the nuns and fryers might not be found
put. And. although Crumwell, Earl of Essex,
bythe malice of the popish clergy, was con
trived to die, yet he Avas a lord of transcen
dent parts, and a scourge to ruine those
pestilent abbies ; as if God would requite
and revenge his death, by giving such an
honour to his name and family in after-ages,
to raise up a Crumwel to be Gods instru
ment to destroy such a wicked stock, which
nourished such irreligious houses, whose
hands were imbrued so often in blood ; and
that amongst the three generals God raised
up this last, with a mind and body sutable
by his enjoying very large grants of abbey lands. Bijt
the author of his life in the Biographia Brilannica com
bats this with arguments of considerable weight.

462 CATASTROPHE OF
to finish an absolute conquest over the royal
ty : a work in which the heavens (Gods
creatures) appointed him to be a principall
coadjutor, under this present parliamentary
power; God dispensing so much sufficiency
of wisdome, piety, and prowess, out of the
treasury of nature, for an accomplishment ;
pointing with the finger to every one, Oliver
Crumwell as a prodigy, to perform what
the great Creator resolved to bring to pass
in this Stuarticall catastrophe ; for which
he is equal with Alexander the Great ; lea
ving him to shine as a star placed by God
amongst all the military forces of Europe,
under the parliament and the supreme au
thority ofthe commonwealth, to be a glori
ous sun and a Prometheus for to bring in a
heavenly light for all Europe to behold
more clearly Gods will and determination,
which will be more sensibly and visibly
known after the next years great eclipse, to
inlighten not only the cavaliers, but also
Europe, what Gods purpose is to act in fu
ture ages ; in which course is behoovefull

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 463
for every christian to observe, that he may
manage his affaires accordingly, to the glory
of God and his own safety. For so infalli
ble is the will of God to take revenge of in
juries done, riot observing the presence of
times when they were committed, but trans
ferring occasions from one season to another,
he calleth the sinners into reckoning, when
they have least memory of them : therefore
God hath appointed this thrice honorable
parliament the instruments to punish all
•those delinquents, who have raised this
storme against the commonwealth, to bring
them on their knees to petition for a com
position for their estates personall and reail,
and others to forfeit their estates for their
insupportable malignancy ; who now begin
to behold that peace is better then war,
quietness then rebellion, and subjection
then opposition :"^for it is not sufficient that
the supreme authority ofthe nation do their
duty ; but as in the nourishing of the body,
"though the head be well disposed, yet it is
also necessary all the members do their

464 '- CATASTROPHE OF
office in obeying the supream authorities
just command with all possible diligence :
so shall they be by the states indulgence
united, who were divided, and injoy the
same priviledges with us ; and we all may
sit under our vines, and glorifie the God of
heaven, who will bless and prosper us.
To conclude, I humbly beseech the su-
preame authority of England assembled in
parliament, to pardon my age, if I have not
so punctually set them down in order as I
desired, being shortned by time, and want
ing a faithful!, able transcriber, to write out
this Remonstrance as I could wish : my
intentions are onely to manifest Gods de
termination in abasing greatness, which will
not stoop to the government of our Saviour
Jesus Christ, the second person in the Tri
nity, to whom God hath given all power in
this sublunary world, for the good of his
elect; to whieh I add a gentle admonition
to all princes of Europe to give over tyran
ny and submit to the power of the Re
deemer and Saviour, who hath sacrificed

THE HOUSE OF STUARTS. 465
his life to save wicked sinners ; and so pre
vent a showre of Gods vengeance impend
ing, which is ready to dissolve and pour
downe upon their heads.
O ye princes of Europe, that persecute
inferiours by tyranny and oppression, look
on the works of God since the creation, and
you shall see plainely the great Creator will
dismount your glory and pride usurped
over others, yea a power to hinder the go
vernment of Christ, that the kingdome pf
the Gentiles is stopped in the election- of the
saints, by adhering to the great whore of
Babylon and her superstition ; who takes
upon her the authority of the son of God,
and hinders the conversion of souls : turne
your eyes back, and see, as in a glass, what
great alteration God hath brought to pass
since he made the world.
The first great change was in Enoch's
time : when men were licentious, God turn
ed the stream, and they began to fear him.
The second was in the floud : when Noah
had preached to the old world above an
VOL. il. 2 G

466 CATASTROPHE OF, &c.
hundred yeares, and they would not be warn
ed, Godsent a generall deluge* and destroy
ed alf but eight persons.
The third was an odd number, in the mi
raculous deliverance of his church the Is
raelites out of Egypt.
The fourth was in Salmanassers time,
when the Jewes cryed to God in their ba
nishment, and were restored to Jerusalem
from captivity.
The fifth was more worthy admiration,
in sending a Saviour to save sinners.
The sixth was in Charlemain's time, when
monarchy began to spread and surround
the earth to a potency, by priding it over
the people.
But loe this last is sabbattical, and gives
a rest and quietness to all your pride and
ambition. FINIS.

APPENDIX.

INTRODUCTION.

While the preceding Tracts were at press, the
publishers have been favoured with the perusal
of a very rare pamphlet, written by some tri
umphant loyalist, shortly after the Restoration,
in requital of Sir Anthony Welldon's " Court
and Character of King James." It is entitled,
" The Court and Kitchin of Elizabeth, com
monly called Joan Cromwel, the wife of the late
usurper ;" and^ is graced with a frontispiece of
that lady, a jolly dame, in a hood and tippet, ha
ving, as heralds say, an ape passant upon her left
shoulder. The work is in two parts. The first,
which we shall here extract at length, contains
some curious anecdotes of Oliver's domestic life
and housekeeping. The economy of the pro-.
tector's lady is the object of the author's ridi-

470 INTRODUCTION.
cule, which, considering she was then displa
ced, and out of power, is, to say the least,, un
necessarily scurrilous. Yet, in that point of
view, the anecdotes it contains may form at
once a companion and a contrast to those re
tailed of the Court of the House of Stuart;
and it may be useful to notice how much the
common people are shocked at the economy,
and delighted with the profusion of their rulers.
That Cromwell attained supreme power by
fraud and hypocrisy cannot be denied ; but
if, while possessed of the unlimited command
of the public revenue, his own household set
an example of sobriety and moderation, it was
most unjust to impute to him, or his wife, a real
virtue as matter of scandalous ridicule.
The second part of the work has very little
concern with the first, being merely a collec
tion of receipts for cookery, pretended to have
been used in the kitchen, of the Protector, and
compounded under the eye of his careful house
wife. Some particulars of curious information
may even here be gleaned by the minute anti
quary. He may learn, p. 49, that Scotch col-
lops of veal was the standing dish of the Lady
Protectress ; and, p. 56, that she usually had

INTRODUCTION. 4?1
marrow puddings to,her breakfast; while her
daughter, Madam Frances, preferred a sausage
made of hog's liver, agreeably to a savoury re
ceipt, recorded p. 116. He may also sympathise
with the author's lamentation over that " truly
royal and constant dish, the haunch of venison,"
which, it seems, was first prostituted to the vul
gar upon the disparking so many forests after
the civil wars. And, lastly, he may learn the
most approved method of baking a pig, as prac
tised by Mrs Cromwell at Huntingdon brewery.
It consisted, it seems, in casing the carcase in
clay, like one of Cromwell's iron-sided curas-
siers, and then stewing it in the stoke-hole, af
ter the manner of the civilized natives of Ota
heite. But when these scantlings of informa
tion have been collected, nothing more will re
main than can be gleaned from any old cook
ery-book of the same period.
It appears indeed, from the whole strain
of this very rare and curious tract, which is
half household-book, half satire, that it has
been the labour of some ex-cook, or clerk of
the kitchen of the royal household, who had
viewed with natural indignation the decay of
good housekeeping in the sober days of the

472 INTRODUCTION.
Protectorate, and was willing, not only to in
sult over the memory of that economical go
vernment, but to contribute a few savoury re
ceipts towards the revival of a more liberal
system.

THE
COURT AND KITCHIN
OF
ELIZABETH,
COMMONLY CALLED
JOAN CROMWEL,
THE WIFE OF THE LATE USURPER,
TRULY DESCRIBED AND REPRESENTED, AND NOW MADE
PUBLICK FOR GENERAL SATISFACTION.

lONDON, PRINTED BY THO. MILBOURN,
FOR RANDAL TAYLOR, IN ST MARTINS LE GRAND, 1664.

TO
THE READER.

1 hat there may no prejudice lye against this publica
tion, as an insultory unman-like invective, and triumph
over the supposed miserable and forlorn estate of this
family, and this person in particular, it will be requisite
to obviate -and prepare against that seeming humane
(but indeed disloyal, or at least idle) sentiment, and re
verence to the frail fluctuating condition of mankind,
which, as a general argument, is ready at hand to op
pose the design of the ensuing treatise.
Not to refer the reader to the practise of all times,
which have not failed to wreak the fury of the pen up
on tyrants and usurpers, (if surviving to punishment,
otherwise their relations and posterity,) whose execrable
tragedies have wearied the world, and blunted the in
struments of death and slaughter : nor to instance the
particular examples thereof, as sufficient authority for
this imitation; the peculiar justice due to the monstrous
enormities and unparalleled insolence of these upstarts,
(besides the disproportion and incompetence of any
revenge to their provoking, impudent, personation of

476 TO THE READER. ,
princes,) will interestedly vindicate and defend the au
thor from the breach of charity, much more from the
rigid imputation and charge, as of a person divested
and void of nature, compassion, and civility.
For while they yet wanton in the abundance of their
spoyl and rapine, afflicted with nothing else but the tor
ments of ambitious designs ; taking this cloud upon
them- but as an eclipse of their former greatness, and
as but a turn of sporting Fortune, whose wheel may,
with an imaginary volutation, roll their petty high
nesses upwards again ; how can the desperate depressed
estate of many thousand loyal subjects, who are irreco
verably lost and past all means but a miracle, to their
just, or any competent restitution, or to buoy up them
selves or families from vulgar or a phanatick contempt?
How is it possible for them to comport with the serenity
(instead of disaster) of this family, by whose single ac
cursed plots and designs all their present, and many
more grievous past miseries, are derived upon them and
their posterity ?
And that this may not seem the froth and spleen of
a satyr, what meaneth that bleating in their present
stately mansions ? The same ceremonious and respect
ful observances, as if they were still the Hogen Mo-
gens. None of the family must presume to speak less than
my lord and my lady, to the Squire Henry and his
spouse, and the same still is used when ever any men
tion is made of them in the household ; to which pin
the "neighbours and necessary retainers addresses are
tunably raised. What is this but to strengthen their
weake, yet vain-glorjous, fancy, and to preserye some
reliques of their former veneration, lest rude and inoffi
cious time should plead a disuser in bar to their con-

TO THE READER. 477
ceited (but airy) reversion ? And no question but the
old gentlewoman, who took so much upon her, and was
so well pleased with her last grandeur, as displeased
and afflicted with the fall of it betwixt Fleetwood, Ri
chard, and Desborough, is also served in the same man
ner, and with the same grandezza's ; so that such is the
inveterate itch and tetter of honour in her, that nothing
but the lees of gall and the most biting sharpest ink
will ere be able to cure or stop this protectorian evil.
And herein we do but retaliate, (if they be not un
worthy of such a term, as that any attribute of justice
should be profaned by their demerit, which exacts .rather
popular fury,) and repay them in some sort, those many
libels, blasphemous pamphlets, and pasquils, broached
and set on foot, chiefly by the late usurper, against the
blessed memory and honour of our two late soveraigns :
more especially those vile and impious pieces, called
The Court and Character of King James, and The
None-such Charles ; a great number of which were
bought up in the juncture of the late restitution, (as
particularly informed, which in the worst of times their
bold and impudent falshood made most abominable,)
were none of the least incentives to a work of this na
ture, in requital of that traiterous and most petulant im
posture. Whereas the guilt of this grand-dame hath this sort
of felicity, that it cannot be made worse or more odious
by any additions of devised untruths; and he must be a
very immodest and immoderate fabulist that can repre
sent her to greater disadvantage in this way, then her
actions have famed her to the world.
Her highness must be pleased to dispense with this
frank and libertine manner of treating her, for 'tis all
we are like to have for many millions ; besides an old
4

478 TO THE READER.
saw or proverb to the bargain, Olim heecmeminisse juva-
bit; a little transitory mirth for twenty years duration
of sorrow ; and if she thinks she comes not very well
off so, she is as unreasonable in her reduction and al
lowed recess, (to be envied for its plenty and amplitude,
far exceeding her former privacy ; so that she is even
yet a darling of fortune,) as in her usurped estate and
greatness. It is well for her, if his butchery (then which the sun
never saw a more flagitious execrable fact, and so com
prehensive, that it reached Caligulas wish) can be slight
ed into her cookery, and that there were no other mo
nument of it then in paste, Ut tantum schombrosmetuentia
crimina, vel Thus. That the records of his crimes were
only damned to an oven. Little satisfaction serves the
English nation, (the relations of those loyal persons mar
tyred by him excepted,) and she ought therefore to be
highly thankful that the scene of his tyranny was laid
here; for had it light upon the southern parts of the
world, their nimble and vindictive, rage upon the tum
would have limbed and minced her family to atomes,
and have been their own cooks and carvers.
Lambert Simnel very contentedly turned a broach in
the king's kitchin, after the gaudies of his kingly im
posture, in the beginning of the reign of Henry VII. ;
and therefore, for variety sake, let this once mighty lady
do drudgery to the publique. VALE.

THE

[AUTHOR'S] INTRODUCTION.

Among all the monstrous effects of Cromwell's tyran- >
ny, and the fruition of his usurped greatnesse ; in the
affluence of all imaginary delights to gratify his sense,
and candy over the troubles of his mind, (to the ren
dering them lesse severe and dulling their poignant
acutenesse,) it was by all men much wondred at, that
he was_so little guilty of any luxurious and Epicurean i
. excesses, either in his meat or drink, except sometimes 1
in his cups, which he purposely and liberally took off
to avoid the gravel in his kidneys, with which he was
continually molested, and for which large draughts were
his ordinary cure.
In this he differed from the rest of his sanguineus
tribe and sort of men, who making use of humane blood
for their drink, do saginate and fatteq themselves with
the superfluous variety of meats, to whose natural satis
faction such artificial devices are added, (even retortu-
ring the creature,) that the genuine gusto is quite chan
ged by this adulteration, and lost in the mixt multipli
city of other relishes and palatable ingredients. Here-

480 THE INTRODUCTION. *
in like themselves, when not content with their natural
private condition of life, and the pure results and simple
innocent delights thereof, they do corrode their minds
with the sharp sawces of ambition, and so alter and in
vert their nature, that they degenerate to other things,
and become such a quelque-chose of villany and de
bauchery, that we can hardly sever and distinguish a
crime which is not intervitiated with many other. And
what prodigious infamy upon his gulose and intempe
rate account, and by this very apt similitude, doth this
day stick upon many, if not most of the Roman empe
rors ! as I could instance in Tiberius, Caligula, Nero,
Otho, Domitian, Commodus, Caracalla, Heliogabalus,
men not to be mentioned without honour at their wick-
ednesse; of such savage and feral manners, as if their
food had been the flesh of panthers, tygers, and bears,
and had assimilated its nutriment in their bestial qua-
lities : but, as was said before, Cromwell, as in some
" other cases, was in this wholly discriminated from them.
Yet do I not think this abstemiousnesse and tempe
rance was due only to his disposition either of body or
mind ; for his appetite, in all other things, was very ir
regular and inordinate : but either to the multitude of
those mordaces et educes cura, biting and eating cares
and ambitious thoughts, which made him either the
vulturs or Tantalus his feast, and were his continual sur-
fets of an evil conscience : —
Districtus ensis cui super impia
Ccrvice pendet, non skuhc dopes
Dulcem eluborarint saporem. IiORAT. OD.
though I may indulge his military labours and discipline,
and example that severer abstinence ; or eke, which is

THE INTRODUCTION. 481
principally intended here as the subject matter of this
discourse, it may be cheaplyer referred to the sordid
frugality and thrifty basenesse of his wife, Elizabeth Bow-
cher, the daughter of Sir James Bowcher, common
ly Called Protectresse Joan, and vulgarly known of lat
ter years by no other Christian name, even in the great
est heighth of her husband's power, and that chiefly out
of derision and contemptuous indignation, that such a
person durst presume to take upon herself such a sove
raign estate, when she was an hundred 4imes fitter for
a barn then a palace; so sporting, mocking. fate, to
make good that of the satyrist,
Fcelix & Tergo quem nulla Ciconia pinxit.
Followed her great luck with that sarcastick and dic-
terious nickname, that she with her copemate might per
ceive their fortune was not so entire and of so fair an
aspect and firm structure, but that the flaws and ble
mishes and impotence thereof, were most obvious and
ridiculous; their fine feathers had swans feet; and their
beautiful mermaid, the fiction of dominion, had the ugly
tail and fins of a fish ; the train of her greatnesse and
prosperity was the most vile and' scornful reproaches. '
And this shall suffice to be spoken of her person by way
of preface ; the next elenchus or discourse is of her
mesnagery, huswifery, or housekeeping.

VOL. II. 2 H

THE
COURT AND KITCHIN
OF
MRS ELIZABETH, ALIAS
JOAN CROMWELL.

1 o confine and limit this treatise to its purpose and
designment prefixed in the title, we must (though with
some petty injury to the reader) pass over her economy
at her private home, before Oliver's bold achievement
ahd attainment of the supreme power, (because part of
it is already publique,) when she had brought (as we say)
a noble to ninepence, by her pious negligence and ill
management of the domestic affairs, and was as giddy
to see her bare walls as Oliver Was mad with enthusi*
asmes and deviations of regal furniture and all prince
ly pOmp and greatness. Those memorials may be re
duced to this present use in this short corollary.
That the former extremities of her necessitous and
indigent condition, upon the bettering thereof, (by the
general ruine,) raised in her such a quick sense of the

484 THE COURT AND KITCHIN
misery of want, that she became most industriously pro
vident, and resolvedly sparing and cautious for the fu
ture, and to prefer the certainty of her own care and di
ligence to the extempore fond and easie delusions of
Detis protidebit, with which she had been fooled before
into an almost voluntary and devoted poverty.
This her aspect and consideration of the future ex
tended itself (with more prudence and sagacity than her
husband would descend to) in some humble thoughts of
her present rise levelled to her past depiession : She took
a prophetical prospect of the times, and having seen two,
three, or four variations in the calmnesse and tranquillity
of her husband's fortunes, did wisely presage to herself,
that after those hurly burlies of war and the tempest of
rebellion, wherein he had whirled, and with so much
impatient precipitancy engaged himself, there would
another .turn happen, against which she concluded to be
more discreetly armed.
The first eddy of that boysterous and unruly current
of his prosperity, which at last overran aft banks and
boundaries, flowed into the receptacle of her committee
ship in the associated counties, particularly Cambridge
and Huntingdon ; where, to recover and piece up her
ruines, she, with the same spirit of zeal and piety of her
husbands, consecrated her house to be the temple of ra
pine, "one of the prime goddesses next the cause ; whi
ther, for sacrifices, all manner of cattel, clean and un
clean, were brought from all the adjacent parts ; as other
costly utensils of the best moveables to adorn and en
rich this sacred place, from whence to hope for any re
delivery, was mental sacriledge, and to endevour it was
punished with irreparable ruin ; and I am sure (like
the guilt of that crime) there are some who now feel it

OF MRS JOAN CROMWELL. 485
to the third generation, and may, without miracle, to
perpetuity. For not only was her corban to be satisfied with the
product of such oblations, but lands were to be set apart
and sequestred, the revenue of which past first through
her fingers, and were made impropriations of her own.
Having thus recruited her estate, and adjusted her
present seizures to her past losses, and exalted above the
dignity of Mrs Sheriff, or countesse of those shires, no
person her equal in greatnesse ; upon the successe of her
husband after Marston Moore, she abandoned the dull
country, partly not enduring ^he ordinary demeanor of
her acquaintance towards h6r, nor sufferable nor endu
rable by her betters, for her imperious and unsociable
carriage towards all persons of quality, and partly to par
take in the supreme fruition of the city's more elaborate
and exquisite pleasures, and to huswife early admiration :
for the ladies of the cause began to appear at thanksgi
ving dinners, and to reckon as many dishes to a messe as
their husbands numbred atchievemn ts.
At her arrivaUn town she was little lesse than saluted
by the whole juncto, though not in a body, yet several
ly by them all, and afterwards by the pastours, elders,
and brethren of the sects, who came not a house-warm
ing with the breath of their mouths, in zealous gratu
lations, but brought all silver implements for her ac
commodation of household stuff,' and offered them acv
cording to the late pattern of reformation in Guildhall.
Nor did this humor cease here, the-middle sort of the
eligiously phanatique, sent her in Westphalia hams,
neat's tongues, puncheons and tierces of French wine,
runlets, and bottles of sack ; all manner of preserves and
comfits, to save her the trouble of the town ; the most
of which gifts, they being multiplied upon-her, she re-

486 THE COURT AND KITCHIN
tailed by private hands, at as goad a rate as the market
would afford.
But much more of these was given afterwards when
Oliver'was returned from the ending the war, and wag
lookt upon as the great motion of the parliaments pro
ceedings : not to reckon those immoderate bribes that
obtruded themselves upon her, more welcome by far
then those saint-like benevolences and civil offices of
love, under which their corrupting practices were vailed
to no purpose, for she very well understood the very first
addresses though never so innocently remote from the
main design, and would rate them (as they do post miles,
for she kept her constant distant stages in all her pub
lique brocage and transactions) duely and. exactly.
And indeed her house was in this respect a political
or state exchange, by which the affairs of the king-
, dom were governed, and the prices of all things set,
whether offices, preferments, indempni ty ; as all other
manner of collosion and deceipts were practised, and
money stirring no where else. And in the other respect
of provisions, it might have passed for the temple of
Bell and the Dragon, (fo pursue the former sanctity of
her rural mansion,) where all those offerings of diet were
consumed, or as good, altered and assimulated to her
nature, (the use of the nutritive faculty,) by serving her
covetousnesse in their reduction to money.
Now she needed no such austere diligence in the pre
servation of an estate, for it was more then she and her
ministers could do to receive it. It was impossible to
keep any decorum or order in that house where master-
lesse money, like a haunting spirit, possessed and dis
quieted every room. It was a kind of Midas his palace,
where there was nothing hut gold to eat, only instead
of being confined to that indigestible food, she and her

OF MRS JOAN CROMWELL. 487
eervants were most frequently invited out of dores to
most sumptuous and magnificent treatments, whence,
because of thg,t more sacred employment at home, (like
Sabbatarians that provide themselves baked and cold
meats for the superstitious observation of the day,) they
and their progging lady brought home such reliques, as
they might mumble down in the dispatch of their busi-
nesse, and save the trouble or magic of their long graces,
which had brought a curse instead of a blessing upon
their masters and mistresses first endevours, though she
her self (so hard it is to foregoe and shake off an habi
tual customary hypocrisie and falasy) would look as re
ligiously upon a March pane, preserve,, or comfit, as a
despairing lover upon his mistresses lips.
But the war expired, and those thanksgiving and tri
umphal festivals over and ended, this pious family be
gan to enter upon the years of famine after those of
plenty. Her husband was now engaged in deep de
signes and practices upon the king and kingdome, and,
(in order to ruin them both,) upon the army ; every one
of those mischievous and Matchiavilian consultations
and projects were ushered continually by a fast; which
being appointed for, and observed by the host, were al
ways intimated to the friends and relations of the offi
cers, and kept by them with no lesse strieknesse in their
private households ; which, by the frequent shifts, and
various turns of policy, which Cromwell's fate, and the
uncertainty of the times guided him to, came so often
and thick upon the neck of one another, that her domes-
ticks had almost forgot dinner time; upstart piety,
like the modern frugality bating a meal, and as that had
limited the diet to noon, this changed it, and inverted
it to night.
So that, as in other authoritative continued fasts, there

488 THE COURT AND KITCHIN
is a political and humane reason, viz. the sparing the
creature, even to the same end, this good huswife di
rected her domestick abstinence ; and when on such
occasions she had cause to supect a general discontent
of her people and houshold, she would up with this
scripture expression, and lay it in their teeth for better
fare :— " The kingdome of God is not meat and drink,
but righteousnesse and peace," and some such scriptu
ral dehortations from gluttony and the like; luxurious
intemperance, and other zealous sentences of modera
tion in diet, as that the pleasure of a full diet consists
more in desire then in satiety ; that to have the stomach
twice repleated in the day, is to empty the brain, and
to render the mind unserviceable to the actions of life :
no abysse, no whirlpool, is so pernicious as gluttony,
which the more a man eats, makes him more a hungry,
and the better he dines, to sup the worse; with such
other morals, taken out of Gusman and Lazarillo de
Tonnes, and only altered a little by being made serious
in practice.
Yet I cannot passe this necessary lesson of temper
ance, however it proceeds from this sophistical corrupt
teacher thereof, without some reflection on some more
ancient and authentique instructions ; but because it is
a little beside my design, I will conclude them in some
fit sentences, as of the satyrist Persius : —
Poscis openi nertiis, corpusquefidele senectx ;
Esto, age : sed grandes patina, iucetaque Crassa
Annuere his superos vetuerc Jovemque morantur.
English'd thus by Dr Barten Holyday :
Thou wishest for firm nerves, arid for a sure
Sound body that would healthfully endure

OF MRS JOAN CROMWELL. 489
Until old age ; why, be it, that thy wish
Is granted by the gods ? yet thy large dish
And full fat sausage make the gods delay
To bless thee, and do force good Jove to stay.
And that other of Epictetus, worthy to be inscribed
in all our parlours and banquetting houses : —
Kot* avuiv •^v^viv ervcti iotpolxTviv.
In another place, inter epulandum duos excipere debemus
convivas, corpus et animam ; tum quod in corpus collatum
sit repente tffluxurum, quod autem in animam, perpetuo ser
vandum, i. e. in fearing and banquetting, we must ex
cept two guests, the body and the mind; because that
which is bestowed on. the body will suddenly pass away,
and that which comes into the mind will be there laid
up for ever,- adding that commendation of Plato to
a friend philosopher, vestra quidem carta non solum in
presentia, sed etiam poster •oi die. sunt jucunda, intimating
that there is no such lasting pleasure as in a sober diet,
which, when excesses bring surfeits, renews the feast the
next day, and gives a continual relish to the appetite.
But I must beg pardon for this (otherwise seasonable)
digression, and reduce the discourse in pursuit of her
ladyships errantry from one abode to another, in the
suburbs of London, more or lesse like a sojourner, (how
ever she inhabited whole houses,) and a great person
incognito, then as a woman of that state and degree, to
which her husbands condition and command, and great
probabilities of succeeding titles did forespeak her. If
any thing could be observable by her tor state and
charge, it was the keeping of a coach, the driver of

490 THE COURT AND KITCHIN
which served her for caterer, as much occasion as she had
for him, foir buller, for serving man, for gentleman usher,
when she was to appear in any publique place. And this
coach was bought at the second-hand, out of a great
number, which then lay by the walls, while their ho
nourable owners went on foot, and ambled in the dirt
to Goldsmiths and Haberdashers-halls,1 if so fairly come
by. She might, and she did ('twas thought) save that
very inconsiderable charge ; but the sense she had, how
obvious and odious her carriage in a sequestred caroach
would be to every body, made her jealous of such scorn
and derision ; as for horses, she had them out of the
army, and their stabling and livery in her husbands al
lotment out of the mews, at the charge of the state ; so
that it was the most thrifty and unexpensive pleasure
and divertisement (besides the finery and honour of it)
that could be imagined ; for it saved many a meal at
home, when, upon pretence of businesse, her ladyship
went abroad, and carrying some dainty provant for her
own and her daughters own repast, she spent whole days
in short visits and long walks in the ayre ; so that she
seemed to affect the Scythian fashion, who dwell in
carts and wagons, and have no other habitations.
Her publique retinue was also very slender, 'and as
slenderly accoutred, no more commonly then one of her
husbands houseboys running by her, sometimes one,
and sometimes another, with or without livery, all was
one ; on purpose (it may be well supposed, beside the
saving the cost) to prevent her being discryed and dis
covered, so much suspicion and hatred had her husbaud
* The places where the committees of sequestration, with whom the
cavaliers were forced to compound for their estates, held their meet
ings.

OF MRS JOAN CBOMTTEIL. 491
dravu upon himself, even from the vulgar, * inch she
feared, might, by some such badge of notice, light op
on herself in the streets as she passed.
She' was the same recluse likewise in her habit, rather
harnessing herself in the defence of ber eloalbs, then
allowing herself the loose and open bravery thereof, as
not having been used to such light armour ; and her
hood, till her face was seen in her highnesses glasse, was
clapi on hke a head-piece, without the art of ensconcing
and entrenching it double and single in redoubts and
horn- works. In fine, she was cape-a-pe like a baggage
lady, and was out of ner element in her vicinity to the
court and city.
Bnt her daughters were otherwise vested and robed,
and a constant expense allowed in tire-women, perfu
mers, and the Uke arts of gallantry, with each their maid
and servant to attend them ; and by their array and de
portment, their quality might hare been guessed at;
they were all (those that were unmarried) very yon do :
but Mrs Elizabeth, who about this time was married to
one Mr Cleypole's son, of Northamptonshire, (the old
man having had a hand m tbe same disloyal service
with Oliver m that county,) but with a very private wed
ding, no way suitable to that port and grandeur which
Oliver kept in the army, where he was looked upon with
the same reverence and respect as the general himself;
all tbat was Hymen-like in the celebration of it, was
some freaks and pranks without the aid and company
of a fidler, (which, in those days, was thought bv their
precise parents, to be altogether unlawful and savouring
of carnality, as the ring and form of marriage were
thought superstitious and antichristian,) in Nob's mUi
tary and rude way of spoyling of custhetard, and like
Jack Pudding throwing it upon one another, which

49? THE COURT AND KITCHIN
v
was ended in the more manly game of buffetting with
cushions, and flinging them up and down the room.
Neither appeared there the splendor and ornament
of Jewells and pearls, and the like lusture of gems, whose
invidious refractions like poysonous effluxes, might in-
venome the world with spleen and malice, at their plun
dered and stollen radiancy; for by the manifold surren
ders and stormings of houses and castles, Cromwell had
amassed good store of rarities, besides meddajs, and gold
and silver vessels, (the spoyls of our-captivity) which it
was not as yet safe to produce in such an unsettlement
of his conquest, till all propriety should be hudled up in
the general ruine, out of whose mixl and confused rub
bish, in-his new polished government, they might exert
their brightnesse underivable and clear from all former
title and claim, as the masse of things shall be meland
calcined together, at the last universal dissolution.
And I have heard it reported for a truth, that most of
the precious moveables, and other things of value, at the
storming. of Basing-house by Cromwell, fell into' his
hands either immediately or directly, the soldiers either
by command, or for someismal price, returning several
precious pieces of the- spoyle, whose worth they under
stood not, to his agents, who gave an exact account
thereof to the lady receiver at home, who was about that
time seen to be very pleasant and prajeant at the enjoy
ment of those pretty things (as she expressed herself) be
ing the best for substance and ornament that belonged
to the noble marquis of Winchester and his family, which
this she-usurper now listed and catalogued for her own.
And if the whole inventory of her rapinous hoard
were now produceable, what a voracious monster would
she appear to be ! Not a corner in the kingdome which
is not sensible of her ravage, and which had not a share

OF MRS JOAN CROMWELL. 493
in the lombard of her uncountable and numberless chat
tels. How many rare pieces of antique gold and silver are
again damned to the earth from whence they were
brought, and are, by her mischievous covetousnesse, ir
recoverably lost, which have been tbe glories and monu
mental pride of many families, and the only remains
and evidences of their noble hospitality, now buried by
this wretch in hugger mugger.
Those advantages, together with the vails of the army
which she had upon every commission, and other inci
dent occasions, for her husbands interests and authority,
together with his extraordinary pay, and the appurte
nances to it, and lands and hereditaments bestowed on
him, besides rewards and gratuities in ready money,
amounted to an incredible sum, which almost glutted
her eyes to satiety, but so, thatthey were yet lesser then
her belly, which could stow as much more with conve
nience enough, and conserve and secure it by a very
parcimonious use, .and narrow strict disbursement; for,
having now quitted all fears of returning to a private
condition by the insolence of her husbands fortunes,
which drove at the soveraignty, the abhominable design
being communicated to her ; this great bank was still
kept supplied by her, for the support and maintenance
of that dignity and supremacy to which Oliver aspired ;
and to. facilitate his way to it, having rightly perceived,
that nothing but mony had carried on the war, and
brought things to that passe, whatever was pretended of
zeal, and tothe cause; and therefore there was no differ
ence in her manner of housekeeping : only Cromwell
being now in town for the most part, conspiring that
execrable parricide against the king, she dispensed with
her niggerly regulation, and having taken a house neer

494 THE COURT AND KITCHIN
Charing-Crosse, kept it in a manner open for all comers,
which were none but the sectary party and officers, who
resorted thither as to their head-quarters, with all their
will projections, and were entertained with small beer
and bread and butter, which, to the animation of the ap
proaching villany, was as bad as aqua fortis and horse
flesh : for, as was said of Csesar, Nemo tam sobrim ad
rempublicam ecertendam accetsix, no man came more so
ber to the destruction of the commonwealth, so I may
aptly and more justly say, that no men of more abstemi-
ousnesse ever effected so vHe and flagitious an enterprise
upon so just a government.
That being in perpetration, Mrs CromweU ran ont of
purse some score of pounds, (for it is to be remembred
that she ste warded it all along, Oliver's head being busy
with greater and worser matters) very much to her re
gret and vexation ; bat that villany over, and some two
or three private treatments given his most sure and ad
dicted complices, in exaltation of their monstrous suc
cesse, the dores of the house were again barred, and all
persons hindered, and of difficult admittance, upon what
score or businesse 9oever ; and now she was returned to
her former privacy and ordinary diet as before.
During the rest ef the time while CromweU staid in
England, she kept the same tenour, having received (be
sides a confirmation of the Marquiss of Worcester's
estate, to the value of five thousand pounds a year) upon
the account ofthe defeat given the levellers by her hus
bands treachery at a thanksgiving dinner (whereto be
was invited by the city,) a piece- of gold plate of very
good value, which discharged the former expence.
I must omit many other passages during his absence
in Ireland and in Scotland, and, after this liminary, but
prolix account, sum up all in her menage of her domes-

OF HRS JOAN CROMWELL 495
tique affairs at Whitehall, for which she had so long
prepared and furnisht herself with rules of government
and ceconomy fitted for her usurpation and the times'.
For her husband brought not so great and haughty,
as she base and low-spirited thoughts and resolutions to
the grandeur of that place, the habitation and residence
of the greatest and most famous monarchs of the world,
and famed throughout it for truly royal and princely
pomp and immense munificence and entertainment.
She had flesh enough indeed to becomeany room in
that spacious mansion, but so little of a brave spirit, that
the least hole of it would have made her a banquetting
house ; but like a spirit she came only to haunt, not to
enjoy any part of it ; the penates and genii of the place
abhominating this prophane and sacrilegious intrusion,
neither giving him one hours quiet or rest in it, from his
troubled, mistrustful, and ill-boding thoughts, nor her
any content and satisfaction, but what she found in re-|
pining and vexing herself at the cost and charge, thet
maintenance of that beggerly court did every day put '
her to.
It was in the year 1653, that Cromwell first possessed
and seated himself there, as in his own right and in chief,
and brought his worshipful family thither to their seve
ral appartiments, she having appointed one Mr Maid-S
stone to be steward of his house, and one Mr Starkey to '
be his master cook, who afterwards was betrayed and
taken drunk in his cellar, designing the Uke upon my
lord maiors sword-bearer, while my lord was in confe
rence with the protector, so that he could not conceal it
from the houshold, who (out of spight to him, as being
a spie over their actions and behaviours) first acquainted
their lady, and sbe Oliver with tbe fault, aggravated by
the scandal and wastful excesse, insomuch that Starkey

496 THE COURT AND KITCHIN
was commanded to come before him, where, instead of
a complement and excuse, he delivered himself by vo
mit in the very face of his master, and was thereupon
dismissed the house.
It will not be too distant a review to observe and re-
marque her introduction to and seizin of this royal man
sion, (which we have only mentioned) before any other
procedure in the ceconomy thereof.
The first preparatory as to publique notice, was, an or
der from the, new council of state, after the dissolution
of the parliament, commanding all persons to depart out
of White-hall, which was then the den of a hundred
several families and persons of power and office in the
anarchy; which being difficultly and grumblingly exe
cuted, she herself employed a surveyor to make her some
convenient accommodations, and little labyrinths, and
trap stairs, by which she might at all times unseen passe
to and fro and come unawares upon her servants, and
keep them vigilant in their places and honest in the dis
charge thereof.
Several repaires were likewise made in her own appar
timents, and many small partitions up and down, asweU
above stairs as in the cellars and kitchins, so that it look
ed like the picture of Bartholomew faire; her high-
nesseship not being yet accustomed to that roomy and
august dwelling, and perhaps afraid of the vastnesse and
silentnesse thereof, which presented to her thoughts the
desolation her husband had caused, and the dreadful ap-
parations of those princes, whose incensed ghosts wan-
dred up and down, and did attend some avenging oppor
tunity ; * and this was the more believable, because she
1 This reminds us strongly of a splendid passage in Burke's Speech
on (Economical Reform : * Palacesr" said this orator " are vast inhos
pitable halls. There the bleak winds, there Boreas and Eurus and
9

OP MRS JOAN CROMWELL. 497
(not to name her husbands mis-giving suspicions and
frights,) could never endure any whispering or to be
alone by her self in any of the chambers.
And it is further here fit to be instanced, that upon
her first coming, when her harbingers had appointed her
lodgings the same with the queens, which yet retained
their royal names and distinctions, she would by no means
hear of them, but changed them into other appellations,
that there might remain no manner of disgust and dis
content to her ambitious and usurping greatnesse: aiid
therefore they were adapted now into the like significa
tions, by the name of the protectors and protectresses
lodgings, as more proper and fitter terms to their pro
priety and indisputed possession.
Much adoe she had at first to raise her mind and de
portment to this soveraign grandeur ;' and very difficult
it was for her to lay aside those impertinent meannesses
of her private fortune ; like the bride-cat by Venus's fa
vour metamorphosed into a comly virgin, that could not
forbear catching at mice, she could not comport with
her present condition, nor forget the common converse
and affaires of life; but like some kitchin maid prefer
red by the lust of some rich and noble dotard, was
ashamed of her sudden and gawdy bravery, and for a !
while skulkt up and down the house, till the fawning ob
servances and reverences of her slaves had raised her to i
a confidence, not long after sublimed into an impu- '
dence.
Caurus and Argestes loud, howling through the vacant lobbies, and
clattering the doors of deserted guard-rooms, appal the imagination, and
conjure up the grim spirits of departed tyrants,  the Saxon, the Nor
man, and the Dane, the stern Edwards and fierce Henries — who stalk
from desolation to desolation through the dreary vacuity and melan
choly succession of chill and comfortless chambers."
vol. ir. 2 i

498 THE COURT AND KITCHIN
And this was helped on by Madam Pride, and my La
dies Hewson, and Berkstead, Goff, Whalley, &c. who all
came to complement her highnesse upon the felicity of
Cromwell's assumption to the government, and to con
gratulate her fortune, and so accompany her to her pa
lace of Whitehall, where, like the devil cast cut, she en
tred by fasting and prayer, after the usual manner, and
like devout Jezabel, took possession of Naboth's vine
yard. And thus we have waited on her to this Basilicon, now
swept and cleansed for her fiendly entertainment ; and
the chymneys smoked and heated again, which had suf
fered so long a damp ; and after so long a vacation, espe
cially her highnesse took care and gave strict charge to
have all the rooms aired, for fear of those ill sents the
Rump had left behind them, and was willing to be at the
charge of perfumes to expel the noysomnesse thereof,
the account of which hath been seen by divers, allowed
by her own hand ; but foul odour was so equally natural
to all the grandees, that Oliver when he died left it in a
worse condition then when he' found it, as is publique in
several treatises.
Cromwell was now his own steward and carver, not
limited to any expences of housekeeping, no more then
to the charges of the government; but was absolute
both at dinner and at council board, neither of which
were yet well setled ; and therefore, besides the nearness
of his wife, it was necessary he should appear extraor
dinary frugal of the peoples purse, (who Wished every
bit he eat might choke him, for all his temperance) in
his private and publique disbursements. Only that he
might not appear so much a military governour, but have
something of the prince in him, about noon time, a man
might hear a huge clattering of dishes, and noise of ser
vitors, in rank and file marching to his table, (though
21

OF MRS JOAN CROMWELL. 499
neither sumptuously nor extraordinarily furnished) in
some imitation of Paulus iEmilius in his answer to the
Grecians, after his triumph and conquest of Perseus, the
last'Macedon king; Ejusdem esse animi et aciem et con-
vivium instruere, illam quidem ut formidolosus hostibus, hoc
ut amicis gratus appareat ; in English thus, 'Tis of the
same spirit to order a battle, as to furnish a feast, by the
one a man appears terrible to his enemies, and by the
other pleasing to his friends.
But at his private table, very rarely, or never, were
our French quelque-choses suffered by him, or any such
modern Gusto's, whether with the fright he was preju
diced of poyson, by such devices, (at an invitation made
him and his general the Lord Fairfax, with the other of
the supreme commanders of the army, by a small officer
therein, who was formerly a cook, at a ladies in Ham
mersmith, where with one leg of mutton, drest all sorts
of ways, he entertained them all, but upon their disco
very of the fellowes audaciousnesse in bidding them,
which prompted them to believe it was a design against
their lives, and put most of them to the vomit, was like
to have been dfest himself bythe hangman) or by some
stronger or more masculine appetite, which partaked with
his other robust faculties is uncertain; sure it is, that
when in treatments given his familiars such things were
set upon the table, 'twas more for- shew and sport then
for belly timber, and about which the good huswife
never troubled her head.
She, to return lo her government, very providentially 1
kept two or three cowes in St James's park, and erected
a new office of a dairy in Whitehall, with dairy maids
to intend that businesse solely, (as most of the employ
ment for servants was managed by females, for there
were no sergeants but such as waited with halbeirds on
the guard) and fel to the old trade of churning butter,

500 THE COURT AND KITCHIN
and making buttermilk, nor were Oxford Kates ' fine
things half so famous among the cavalier ladies, as my
lady protectors butter among the mushrome zealous la
dies of the court, most whereof, being apple, or oyster-
i women, or stocking-heelers, and the like, did much won-
, der al and magnifie the invention and rarity.
Next to this covy of milk maids she had another of
spinsters and sowers, to the number of six, who sat the
| most part of the day after she was ready, in her privy
i chamber, sowing and stitching ; they were all of them
ministers daughters, such as were inveterate- noncon
formists to the church, for which cause and the pretence
of piety (the main ingredient to things of the least mo
ment,) they were added to the family ; nor did the Turk
ish ministers take more care to furnish the seraglio, and
gratifie their master with choice virginities, then some
of these pious pimps did lay out for indigent godly
maidens to pleasure this prostitute charity of hers, that
the world might take notice of her exemplary humility
and compassion. But indeed all persons of breeding
and quality abhorred the indignity of her service, and
so, rather then be served with common drudges, she erect
ed this new order, and continued it to the term of her
usurpation; herein following the steps of her husband,
wbo made a new daring militia of zealous persons, since
he could not be served with generous spirits.
She Was once resolved, by the assistance and advice of
her mother, to have made a small brewing place, with
vessels, and other accommodation for her own, and Oli
ver's drink, as not liking the city brewing, nor trusting
* She appears to have been a confectioner in Covent-Garden. In a
lampoon, entitled " The Ladies Parliament," mention is made of Kate's
as a resort ofthe malignant ladies. The republican dames frequented
Spring-Garden.

01 MRS JOAN CROMWELL. 501
to tlie artifices of the town ; but about the same time,
a drink was then grown famous in London, being a very
small ale of 7s. 6d. a barrel, well boyled, and well tasted
and conditioned, called and known by the name of
Morning Dew (from the brewers name, as I have heard)
which was thence brought into request at court, and
was the diet drink of this temperate couple, and the cool
refreshing entertainment of those bouncing ladies that
came weltring and wallowing in their coaches instead".
of drayes to visit her.
And for the kitchin and pantry a great reformation
was intended, but the multitude of comers and goers
upon her first selling there, and number of "mouths which
came gaping for preferment, being to be stopt with vicr
tuals, put her besides her proposed regulation ; yet wask
there not a jpynt of meat fpr-which the cook was not tof
give an account, which she overlooked, as it came from|
them tp the steward, whose accounts likewise were punc-l
tually cast up by her, and firmed by her hand, as well asl
afterwards by the protectors.
Nay, so severe and strict she was in this thrifty way j
of house-keeping, that she descended to the smallest and I
meanest matters, the very chaffer and price of the mar- ?
ket ; and, that the reader may not think he is imposed on
and deceived by a general imputation of her niggardly-
nesse, I wiU give him two notable and apposite in
stances. The first was the very next summer after his coming
to the protectorate in 1654, in June, at the very first
season of green pease, where a poor country woman living
somewhere about London, having a very early but small
quantity in her garden, was advised to gather them, and
carry them to the Lady Prolectresse, her^counsellors
conceiving she would be very liberal in hei- reward, they
being the first of that year ; accordingly the poor wo-

502 THE COURT AND KITCHIN
man came to the Strand, and having her pease, amount
ing to a peck and a half, in a basket, a cook, by the Sa
voy as she'passed, either seeing or guessing at them, de
manded the price, and upon her silence, offered her an
angel for them, but the woman expecting some greater
matter, went on in her way to Whitehall, where, after
much adoe, she was directed to her chamber, and one
of her maids came out, and understanding it was a pre
sent and rarity, carried it in to the protectresse, who, out
of her princely munificence, sent her a crown, which the
maid told into her hand ; the woman seeing this base-
nesse, and the frustration of her hopes, and remembring
withal what the cook had proffered her, threw back the
money into the maids hands, and desired her to fetch
her back her pease, for that she was offered five shillings
more for them before she brought them thither, and
could go fetch it presently ; and so, half slightingly
and half ashamedly, this great lady returned her present,
putting it off with a censure upon the unsatisfactory dain-
tinesse of luxurious and prodigal epicurisme : the very
same pease were afterwards sold by the woman to the
said cook, who is yet alive to justifie the truth of this
relation. The other is of a later date. Upon Oliver's rupture
with the Spanyard, the commodities of that country
grew very scarce, and the prizes of them raised by such
as could procure them underhand : among the rest of
those goods, the fruits ofthe growth ofthat place were
very rare and dear, especially oranges and lemmons.
One day, as the protector was private at dinner, he
called for an orange to a loyne of veal, to which he used
no other sauce, and urging the same command, was an
swered by his wife, that oranges were oranges now, that
crab oranges would cost a groat, and for her part, she
never intended to give it; and it was presently whisper-

OF MRS JOAN CROMWELL. 503
ed, that sure her highness was never the adviser ot the
Spanish war, and that his highness should have done
well to have consulted his digestion, before his hasty and
inordinate appetite of dominion and riches in the West
Indies. I might confirm this by other retrenchments of ex-
pence, whensoever she could confine his table to her
own privacy ; particularly it was a great mode, and taken
up by his court party, to roast half capons, pretending a
more exquisite taste and nutriment in it, then when dress
ed whole and entire ; where 1 cannot but smile to think
how it puzzled her ladyships carver, to hold him to the
knife, and to apportion half and quarter limbs according
to art.
Much more do I wonder what those fellows at Rome
did, or what they would have done here, who kept car
ving schools ludi structorii, and had all manner of fowl
and fish, and such other grand festival meat carved in
wood, which they marked out with wooden knives with
very great curiosity, and instructed their scholars, who
learned it as a worshipful employment and way to pre
ferment, as the satyrist very elegantly.
Sumine cum magno, lepus atque aper et Pygargus,
Et Scythica volucres, et Phanicopterus ingens,
Et Getulus Oryx hebeti hutissima ferro
Caditur, et tota sonat ulmea cana suburra.
Englished thus :
The sow's large teat, the hare and bore and deer,
Scythian, and Africks fowl and bearded beast,
The gawdies of the town, in wood appear,
So with dull Iron caiVd sounds elmy feast.
And if it were not made almost incredible by the su
perfluity and excesse of her fortune, which cannot be
supposed to have no way* advanced her thoughts from

504 THE COURT AND KITCHIN
her former industry, and frugal care and intendency,
I might insert a story of her enquiry into tbe profit of
the kitchin-stuff, and the exchanging of it for candles,
which those that knew her humour had purposely put
into her head; till she was told to whom it belonged,
and the customes of the court, to most of which she an
swered, they should not think to have them take place
as in the other womans dayes^ for she would look better
to it: like Vespasian, she had learnt, that Dulcis odor
lucri ex re qualibet, gain was sweet from whatever thing.
And the reason she used to give for this her frugal in
spection and parcimony, was the small allowance and
mean pittance she had to defray the household expences,
, which, at her first coming to court-keeping, was barely
I sixty four thousand pounds per annum, until Collonel
Philip Jones came to be comptroller of the houshold,
When the weekly charge was nineteen hundred twenty
three pounds odd money, the defalcation of the rest,-
jfrom the just sum of two thousand pounds, at the rate
of a 100,0001. yearly, making up the four thousand pound
for the two weeks above the 50, so exactly was this
charge computed, and method punctually observed, that
there might be no place for excesse, and by means there
of, for deceit or any colluding practises.
Her order of eating and meal times was not lesse re
gulated, and though inverted, yet designed well to the
decency as well as conveniency of her service ; for, first
j of all, at the ringing of a bell, dined the halberdiers, or
I men of the guard, with the inferiour officers ; then the
j bell runtr again, and the stewards table was set (in the
same hall neer the water stairs,) for the better sort of
' those that waited on their highnesses ; ten of whom were
apportioned to a table or messe, one of which was cho
sen by themselves every week for steward, and he gave
, the clerk of the kitchin the bill of fare, as was agreed

OF MRS JOAN CROMWELL, 505
upon generally every morning : to these ten men, and
what friends should casually come to visit them, the va
lue of ten shillings in what flesh or fish soever they would
have, with a bottle of sack, and two of claret, was ap
pointed ; but, to prevent after comers from expecting
any thing in the kitchin, there was a general rule, that
if any man thought his businesse would detain him be
yond dinner time, he was to give notice to the steward
of his messe, who would set aside for him as much as
his share came to, and leave it in the buttery.
Suppers likewise they had none, eggs or some slaps]
contenting Cromwell and her ladyship ; and to his ex-'
emplar all was conformed ; in lieu thereof, for the family
there was constantly boyled eight stone of beef early in
the morning, to keep her retainers in heart and in earn
est of a dinner, the broth whereof, and all the scraps and
reliques of dinner, (to give her her due) were alternately
given to the poor of Saint Margarets, Westminster, and
Saint Martins in the Fields, according to the churchwar
dens roll of each parish, and that very orderly, without
any brabble or noise ; so that, amidst so many curses
and imprecations, which were uttered against him, he
had some prayers and blessings from those hungry jack-
dawes, that frequented and attended this dole. But those
lame, decrepit, and starved precepts never reached half
way, and, like impotent suspehded meteors, hoysed half
region high, fell distinctly at last upon himself and fa
mily. His feasts was none of the liberallest, and far fromj
magnificence, even those two he gave the French em
bassador aud the parliament in 1656, upon their gra
tulation of his Syndercombe deliverance, which last!
amounted not to above 10001. and she saved 2001. of it
in the banquet : for a big-bellied woman, a spectator,
VOL.JI. 2 K

506 THE COURT AND KITCHIN," &C.
neer CromweU's table, upon the serving thereof with
sweatmeats, desiring a few dry candies of apricocks ; Co
lonel Pride sitting at the same, instantly threw into -her
apron a conserve of wet with both his hands, and stain
ed it all over; when, as if that had been the sign, Oliver
catches up his napkin, and throwes it at Pnde, he at him
again, while all of that table were engaged in the scuffle ;
the noise whereof made the members rise before the
sweat-meats were sel down, and believing dinner was
done, goe to this pastime of gambols, and be specta
tors of his highnesses frolicks. Were it worth a descrip
tion, I could give the reader a just and particular account
ofthat Ahab festival,as it was solemnized in the ban
quetting house of Whitehall.
But I must passe it, and those other nuptial entertain
ments at the marriage of his daughters, and the treats
he gave to Duke De Crequi and Monsieur Mancin, the
cardinal's great counsellors, and familiar nephew, as
things beyond ber sphere, and out of her charge and my
purpose, and instance the common ordinary diet of this
family, whereby the reader will better perceive, and be
perhaps advantaged also by the intention and nature of
this discourse.
{Here the Author proceeds to his second part, or catalogue
of receipts, which we omit for the reasons given in the Intro-
iuction.~\

END OF VOLUME SECOND.

Edinburgh :
Printed by James Ballantyne & Co.

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