77) e jDa&n y¥snry (? X&dd'cr D P" ""/ give < hi f? Books \-fcr. the founding ef a Celltgt in this Cotony" 0 'YMJE-'VMVEKSinnr- DIVINITY SCHOOL TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY fi.tMttttH.H3k Christian, WiMm^ Cut either to tell or to hear some new thing. ' ' Paul did not lack for listeners, therefore, even though they mocked as they heard ; and at their invitation, apparently, he undertook to expound his doctrine from the steps of the Areopagus. "He stood, ' ' says Bishop Wordsworth, "on Mars' Hill, in the center of the Athenian city, with a full view of it. The temple of the Eumenides was immediately below him ; and if he looked to the east, he beheld the Propylaea of the Acropolis front ing him, and the Parthenon rising above him ; and on his s HO THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY left the bronze Colossus of Minerva, the champion of Athens; and the temple of Victory fo the right ; behind him was the temple of Theseus ; and a countless multitude of smaller temples and altars in the Agora andCeramicus below him." A nobler pulpit, a more intelligent audience, no preacher could wish ; and the sermon was worthy of the occasion. It has been pronounced a model of the apologetic style of dis course. It is marked by clearness, brevity, and simplicity of style. Paul began by congratulating his hearers that they were very religious, — not " superstitious," which would have been anything but a propitiatory beginning, — so religious that, not content with erecting altars to every deity they knew by name, they had even built one "to an unknown god." This Being whom you recognize as existing, but of whose nature and perfections you have no adequate con ception, I reveal unto you. It is he who made the world, a Spirit that dwells not in temples, who has made of one all men, and given them faculties by which they may know him. This is the teaching of your own poets. Therefore we ought not to degrade the worship of this God into idolatry, and although God has borne with men's ignorance, he re quires them now to repent, before they come to the appointed judgment, which has been made certain by the resurrection of Christ. Paul' s words had been heard quietly if not patiently, until he came to this phrase, "raised from the dead." To his audience of Greek philosophers that appeared mere non sense, madness almost. Neither Stoics nor Epicureans be lieved in the immortality of the soul, hence a resurrection was to them unthinkable. A part of his hearers broke out THE SECOND MISSIONARY TOUR III into sarcastic and ironical comments ; some expressed a purpose to hear more from him at a later day ; a few be lieved. Whether a church was founded in Athens we are not told, and there is no subsequent reference in apostolic history to such a church. It seems reasonably certain, from the detailed accounts of his movements given us, that Paul never visited the city again, though he often passed through Greece. His preaching in Athens has been unfavorably contrasted, by F. W. Robertson and others, with that in Corinth, where he determined to know "only Christ and him crucified." But this is unfair; we have only the in troduction to Paul's sermon at Athens, and how many preachers would be willing to have their sermons judged by the introduction ? He was going on to preach Christ and him crucified, but the moment he came to Christ raised from the dead, the body of his discourse, his audience refused to listen and the sermon was never finished. Paul in Corinth. — More time was spent in Corinth by the apostle than in any other cities save Antioch and Ephe sus, so far as we are informed or can judge, yet less space is given to his sojourn here than to his labors in places where he spent a very brief time. Here he became ac quainted with Aquila and Priscilla, and living at their house, supported himself by laboring at his trade of tent-maker, while he preached the gospel. Silas and Timothy, joined him here, and assisted him in his labors. Rejected by the Jews, among whom he first preached, he turned to the Gen tiles and found willing hearers and made many converts. Here we have another case of household baptism, but Crispus and all his house believed ; it was, therefore, the 112 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY baptism of believers only, as in all other cases recorded in the New Testament. Here at Corinth the believers were not chiefly proselytes, as at other places, but native Cor inthians, and in this fact we may find the key to the under standing of the Epistles that Paul afterward wrote to this church. There was one sensational episode in the work of Paul at Corinth — his arraignment before the proconsul Gallio. This officer was a brother of Seneca, the Roman philosopher, and was known as the "pleasant Gallio" — he had that easy temper and complaisance that make a man a social favorite. The prosecution- of Paul was illegal, and Gallio so pronounced it ; and when the Greeks beat the defeated Jews before his very bema, Gallio ' ' cared for none of these things." He saw that the prosecution was a case of relig ious spite, and his verdict probably was ' ' served them right." That he rendered a just judgment in this case was due to his lack of moral earnestness rather than to love of justice, or he would have protected the Jews. The ©pistle to the Thessalonians. — It was during his stay in Corinth, as is plain from internal evidence, that the two letters to the church at Thessalonica were written. Timothy, after joining Paul at Athens, had been sent to them and brought back cheering news. At once Paul composed the first letter, probably toward the close of A. d. 52, and the second a few months later, early in 53. They are of special interest, as the earliest of all the New Testament writings. Their dominant tone is ethical ; they are letters whose first intent was to warn, encourage, establish the faith, and develop the character of the church. The one THE SECOND MISSIONARY TOUR 113 doctrine discussed at any length is that of the second com ing of Christ, and this is treated mainly in its practical and ethical relations, as a source of comfort to the saints amid trouble and persecution, and as an incitement to spiritual vigilance and sobriety. The keynote of these Epistles, it has been well said, is hope. They call the church at Thes salonica, and Christ's churches everywhere, to fix their eyes upon their true hope. " For what is that hope ? Is it not the hope of the revelation of her Lord in the glory that belongs to him ? No hope springs so eternal in the Chris tian breast. It was that of the early church, as she be lieved that he whom she had loved while he was on earth would return to perfect the happiness of his redeemed. It ought not less to be our hope now. ' Watching for it, wait ing for it, being patient unto it, groaning without it, looking for it, hasting unto it' — these are the phrases which the Scripture uses concerning the day of God. And surely it may well use them, for what, in comparison with the pros pect of such a day, is every other anticipation of the future?" (Dr. Milligan.) LITERATURE. On the general subject, see Conybeare and Howson, chap. 10, 11 ; Taylor, chap. 14; Stalker, chap. 6. On Aquila and Priscilla see Howson's "Companions of St. Paul,", p. 1 78. See also, Farrar, " Life of Paul, chap. 27-29; Lewin, vol. I., chap. 11. HINTS FOR ORIGINAL INVESTIGATION. 1 . Make an analysis of the EpisUes to the Thessalonians. 2. What passages in these Epistles give the clue to the time and place of their composition? 3. Does Paul teach an immediate coming of Christ? H XVII. PAUL AT EPHESUS. The time covered by this lesson is about three years, but for convenience the chronological order of events will not be exactly followed in this and the succeeding lesson. Paul's stay at Ephesus was broken in half by a third missionary tour (Acts 1 8 : 23), and it will be more convenient to consider his Ephesian work as a whole, taking the tour in connection with a later visit to Greece, narrated in chap. 20. The First Visit to Ephesus. — The first visit was a brief one — an incident of the return to Antioch. Priscilla and Aquila (the order of the names is significant) accom panied Paul on his return, and remained in Ephesus, where he received so exceptional a hearing from the Jews that he promised to return to them ; but he was anxious to keep a coming feast (probably the Passover, possibly Pentecost) at Jerusalem. We are not explicitly told that he did this ; in fact, many critics omit entirely this reference to the feast at Jerusalem, in which the Revised version follows them. We are only informed that he went to Antioch by way of Caesarea, and that after a time spent there he departed on his third tour among the churches of Galatia and Phrygia. It was during this stay at Antioch, as appears probable from a comparison of all the texts, that the Judaizers made a last stand. The disturbance must have been a formidable one, since it led the bold Peter, who had first preached the 114 PAUL AT EPHESUS 1 15 gospel to a Gentile, and had been the champion of the Gentile Christians twice at Jerusalem, to dissemble (Gal. 2 ; 1 1). Barnabas also, though he had been an apostle to the Gentiles, was infected by the same cowardice, and like Peter, refused to eat with the Gentiles, " fearing them that were of the circumcision." This was a lamentable instance of defection in two men usually brave and noble-minded. The future of Christianity depended on God and one man, and they proved to be a majority. Paul withstood his fellow-apostle to the face because Peter stood condemned, in that he walked not uprightly according to the truth of the gospel. The great truth that man is justified by faith in Christ, not by the works of the law, was steadfastly and tri umphantly maintained ; and never again in the history of the apostolic church was there a similar crisis. The Juda izers continued their opposition, — later we find them making trouble among the Galatian churches, — but it was shorn of its power and they fought for a dying cause. Apollos. — While Paul was absent from Ephesus there occurred an episode that had great consequences in the growth of the early church. Apollos, a Jew by race and an Alexandrian by birth, was learned in the Jewish Script ures, and eloquent. He needed only fuller light to become a Christian, but as yet knew only the baptism of John, which pre-supposed repentance and faith in a Messiah yet to come. Aquila and Priscilla " expounded unto him the way of God more perfectly," and he became a believer in the Messiah who had come. Apollos was a great acquisition to the ranks of Christian teachers, for by his eloquence and knowledge of their Scriptures he mightily convinced the Jews. When Il6 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY he was minded to pass over to Greece, the brethren at Eph esus wrote commending him to the love and fellowship of the disciples there'. In this we find precedent, if one were needed, for a custom so obviously fit for the dismissal by letter of a member of one church to another sister church. That this was a general custom in the apostolic age, and not a single instance, maybe inferred from 2 Cor. 3:1. Paul's Second Visit. — The first incident in Paul's labors at Ephesus, on his second visit, was the rebaptism of certain disciples who had received only John' s baptism. This is a matter that has greatly puzzled many students of the word, and that some difficulties are connected with the subject must be admitted; nevertheless the general principle appears plain. Christian baptism differs from the baptism of John in at least one essential thing : it pre-supposes a regenerate man, become such by faith in Jesus Christ. Unless this new birth does actually precede baptism, the ordinance becomes meaningless and void. John taught only repentance and belief that a Messiah would come ; not all his converts can be reasonably supposed to be regener ate, though in the way to become so when more fully in structed in the way of the Lord. These disciples were, therefore, not so much rebaptized as now first really bap tized. We are not explicitly told that Apollos received Christian baptism after his conversion ; but if he did not, we may conclude that it was because the Ephesian disciples were not yet instructed by Paul in this matter. This rebap tism, and the principle on which it rests, show why Baptist churches cannot consistently receive without baptism those baptized by other denominations, unless it appears on ex- PAUL AT EPHESUS 117 amination that the candidate had fully accepted Christ and believed himself to be regenerate before the baptism. This second visit of the apostle was protracted over two years and three months (compare verses 8 and 10), and is the longest stay in any one place of which we have record. His preaching, as we should infer from Luke' s account, and as we learn from other sources, resulted in the establishment of a church second in numbers and influence to none of the churches of the apostolic age. To this period also we must assign the writing of two Epistles, among the most important of the New Testament writings, Galatians and 1 Corinthians. (An earlier Epistle to the church at Corinth, written by the apostle, has not survived.) These labors and successes stirred up the inevitable opposition, of which two instances are given, that of the Jewish exorcists and the riot incited by the silversmith, Demetrius. Luke's narrative of this latter incident is extremely lifelike, evidently the work of an eye witness, and its complete accuracy has been amply con firmed by the discoveries of modern archaeologists. For the results of these discoveries and the light they throw on the narrative, the student must refer to the unabriged illustrated editions of Conybeare and Howson's biography of Paul, and to that of Lewin, which, in the profusion of this illustrative matter, surpass all other books. Before this bootless uproar, which only signified the last despairing gasp of a dying heathenism, the apostle had planned to depart from Ephesus, and the riot does not appear to have either has tened or postponed his departure. Epistle to the Galatians. — The circumstances under which this letter was written clearly appear in the text. Il8 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY There was a commotion in the Galatian churches like that at Antioch, and the Judaizers had been only too successful! The apostle was astonished that the Galatians had ' ' so soon," in spite of his previous warnings, been turned from the true gospel of faith to the false gospel of works. He writes, therefore, to re-inculcate the principles of the gospel, as he had himself received it, not from men, but directly from Christ. This assertion of his apostolic authority leads him to a brief review of bis own history and work. To ward the close of Chapter II. he propounds the main theme of the letter, justification by faith and not by the works of the law. By the works of the law shall no flesh be justified ; even Abraham was saved by his faith, which God reckoned unto him for righteousness. By the law all are condemned, but Christ has redeemed us from the curse of the law. What was the office of the law then ? It was preparatory ; under it men were in a state of tutelage — the law was our "schoolmaster" (paidagogos, "tutor" in R. V.) to bring us to Christ, only through faith in whom are there justification and acceptance with God. The two concluding chapters are hortatory and practical ; the Galatians are encouraged to hold fast to their liberty in Christ, but not to abuse it, re membering that the real fulfillment of the law is love. " If we live by the Spirit, by the Spirit let us also walk. ' ' First Epistle to the Corinthians. — The occasion, as well as the object of this letter, appears in the document it self. There was a fourfold division in the church at Corinth, parties that called themselves by the names of Paul, Apollos, Peter, and another that in an equally sectarian spirit affirmed " and I of Christ." For these divisions, Apollos and Peter PAUL AT EPHESUS 119 appear to have been no more responsible than Paul, who emphatically repudiates the party that affirmed him to be its leader. There was, besides, gross immorality in the church, and difficulties in regard to discipline had arisen. Apparently Paul had written to the church before (5 ; 9), but the letter has not been preserved. In reply the church sent messen gers (16 : 17) to the apostle, bearing a letter (7 : 1) in which they asked his advice regarding meats offered to idols and other things. The object of the letter was, therefore, to re buke contentions and heal divisions ; to assert his apostolic authority ; to correct the immoralities in the church due to the corrupt influence of the surrounding society ; to answer the questions submitted to him ; to check the disorders in public worship that were bringing scandal on the faith ; to strengthen the faith of the weaker believers, especially in the realities of the unseen world and the future life ; and to secure their aid for the poor saints at Jerusalem. It is one of the most practical of the apostolic writings, and its in junctions are as applicable to the Christian life of the nine teenth century as they were to that of the first. It is also remarkable for containing two of the most inspiring passages in the New Testament, the noble panegyric of love in chapter 13, and the equally eloquent discussion of the doctrine of the resurrection, with its impassioned climax, chapter 15. But even here the practical element is uppermost ; for when the writer has reached the loftiest utterances of triumphant Christian faith in the New Testament, and has asserted his full assurance of final victory over sin and death, it is but to add in the next sentence : "Wherefore, my beloved brethren, be ye steadfast, unmovable, always abounding in the work 120 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY of the Lord, forasmuch as ye know that your labor is not in vain in the Lord. ' ' LITERATURE. On the general subject, see Taylor, chap. 16; Stalker, chap. 9; Conybeare and Howson, chap. 14, 15. On the epistle to the Galatians see Bishop Lightfoot's Commentary ; also Meyer and Godet. On the baptism of John, in contrast with the baptism of the Holy Ghost, see Stifler's " Introduction," sec. 15. F°r the stay at Ephesus, see Far- rar's " Life of Paul," chap. 21 ; for the first letter to the Corinthians, chap. 32; for the Epistle to the Galatians, chap. 35, 36. Comp. Lewin, vol. I., chap. 13. HINTS FOR ORIGINAL INVESTIGATION. I. Make an analysis of the Epistle to the Galatians. 2. Of I Cor inthians. 3. How do we know there was a former epistle to the church at Corinth, and what were its contents ? XVIII. THE THIRD MISSIONARY TOUR. Under this title are greuped events separated by some interval of time, but having a common relation to the apos tle's work. Incidents of the Tour. — The first part of this work consisted in the visiting of the churches in Galatia and Phrygia, where the apostle preached the gospel on his second missionary tour. We learn from the fact that there were in these regions churches to visit and strengthen, how much labor is hidden beneath the bare chronicle of Acts 1 6 : 6 ; but beyond this we have no information regarding these two visits than what we may easily infer from the Epistle to the Galatians. In what may be called the second part of this tour (nar rated in chap. 20), which was interrupted by the long stay at Ephesus, we learn that Paul abode three months in Greece (Achaia, as distinguished from Macedonia), probably at Corinth. (See Rom. 16 : 1.) Of his return journey we read little but a catalogue of names, except in the case of the stay at Troas. This is remarkable for several things, of which the most striking, the restoring of Eutychus to life, is the least important. The real importance of this narra tive consists in the fact that the disciples at Troas met on the first day of the week, and that the service was followed 121 122 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY by the breaking of bread, that is, the celebration of the Lord's Supper. The I/ord'S Day. — This is the first case in which the worship of a Christian church is described in the Acts, and we find it meeting, not as we might have expected, on the Sabbath, or the seventh day of the week, but on the first day of the week, which not long after came to be known as the Lord's Day. It cannot be argued that this was an exceptional gathering, merely to meet and hear the apostle, for the phrase "when we were gathered to break bread," states a different purpose in coming together, and fairly implies a regular custom. We are not inferring too much, therefore, when we assume that the custom of Lord's Day worship was already becoming fixed in the churches, where the converts from Judaism were not numerically strong enough to control their practice, (i Cor. 16 : 2 shows that the same thing was evidently true at Corinth.) In churches of Jewish Christians, there can be no doubt that the Sab bath was still observed, and continued to be observed for many years. Not until the second century do we find proof of the universal observance of the Lord's Day in the churches of Christ. We have indisputable evidence in such passages as Rom. 14 : 5, 6 and Col. 2:16 that the obliga tion of keeping the Sabbath was a matter of contention between the Judaizers and the Gentile Christians, and that in this, as in other like cases, Paul threw his influence on the side of liberty. Baptists profess to take their stand in all things on the law of God. But there are two kinds of law in the New Testa ment, as in modern society, the statute law and common THE THIRD MISSIONARY TOUR 123 law. There are things that we are definitely and emphati cally conflhanded to do or not to do ; but we find also a multitude of precedents and a general usage. Much of our Baptist polity rests on the common law of the New Testa ment, not on explicit commands. The principle is this : the example of the apostles, where it is clear and explicit, is authoritative, because precedent is tantamount to command. If this principle is denied, then there is no authority for the observance of the Lord's Day in place of the Sabbath ; but there is also no authority for any form of church polity. And if the observance of the Sabbath is still binding on the Christian's conscience, so is the whole Mosaic law. The Sabbatarians of to-day are the legitimate spiritual descend ants of the Judaizers of Paul's day. The Sabbath, as the observance of the seventh day of the week only, was a Jewish institution ; the Sabbath, as a day of rest, worship, and spiritual culture, was made for all mankind, not for the Jew alone, and finds its truest observance in the Christian institution of the Lord's Day. The I/ord's Supper. — We find at Troas the Lord's Supper intimately associated with the worship of the first day of the week. The association is apparently habitual, and the supper seems to have been observed every Lord's Day. In the church at Jerusalem, the observance seems for a time to have been even daily (Acts 2 : 42, 46). The fact that precedent is thus far from clear and decisive, leaves to every church some liberty in this matter; but do not churches transcend their liberty when they allow months to pass with out a celebration of the supper ? In some Baptist churches the table of the Lord is spread every Lord's Day ; in the 124 THE> DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY majority, probably, the ordinance is celebrated once a month. At Troas, as elsewhere, baptized disciples partook of the Lord' s Supper. The fact of their baptism is not stated in so many words, it is true, but it is clearly implied. The first act of discipleship was baptism, and that there should have been unbaptized disciples at Troas or anywhere else in the apostolic age is so contrary to all that is recorded as to be incredible. There is no hint, no intimation anywhere in the New Testament that other than baptized disciples par took of this supper. In some cases (as in Acts 2 : 41, 42) it is definitely stated that the baptism preceded any act of fellowship. Paul at Miletus. — While here, Paul sent for the "elders" of the church at Ephesus, who are called "bishops" in verse 28, thus witnessing, as Dean Alford says, to "the fact of elders and bishops having been origi nally and apostolically synonymous." The apostle's parting words to these elders are not surpassed in tenderness and pathos by anything in the New Testament. He recalls the abundance of his labors in their city, the faithfulness of his preaching, reminds them of its disinterestedness, and ends by exhorting them to be constant, watchful, and self-sacrific ing. This discourse is doubly memorable, as preserving to us a saying of our Lord' s not recorded in the Gospels, * ' It is more blessed to give than to receive." Two Pauline Epistles. — During the period covered by this lesson were written two of the most important of the New Testament books, 2 Corinthians and Romans. That the second letter to the church at Corinth was written in THE THIRD MISSIONARY TOUR 125 Macedonia appears from 2 Cor. 2:1357:5; 8:1; 9:2, 4 ; its date was therefore probably A. D. 58, only a few months later than the first letter. The letter to the church at Rome was written from Corinth, where it is probable* that Paul spent the three months of Acts 20 : 3. Not many weeks could have separated the composition of the two letters. The first letter to the Corinthians had not produced all the effect that the apostle had hoped. Licentiousness and strife had not wholly ceased. The Judaizers were in open revolt against his authority, and taunted Paul's friends with the apostle's failure to come, as he had promised, and set the church in order, intimating that he was very brave at a dis tance and in his letters. The apostle's object was to rebuke these troubles, to reassert his authority, and to renew his promise to visit them speedily. A space that would under other circumstances have been unjustifiable is, for these reasons, occupied with a vindication of his apostolic rank and authority. Though he concedes his own weakness and inadequacy, he does not fail to magnify his office as an ambassador of Christ. A large part of the letter is per sonal, testifying to the warmth of the writer' s affections and his tender regard for this church. And he does not forget to urge once more upon the attention of the Corinthian saints the collection for their poor brethren of Jerusalem. The letter to the Romans was not written because of any special exigency in the church of that city. The apostle had a strong desire to preach the gospel in Rome, but not yet having had the opportunity, he writes them a letter in which he sums up his teaching. This causes the letter to 126 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY partake more of the nature of a treatise on Christian doc trine than any other book in the New Testament. The writer begins with the fact and doctrine of sin ; all mankind is in a state of sin, and therefore in need of the salvation offered in the gospel of Christ. The Jew has no advantage over the Gentile, for all have sinned. Salvation cannot be by the works of the law, for by the deeds of the law no flesh shall be justified. Justification is through faith alone, its ground being the propitiatory sacrifice of Christ, its object the reconciliation of justice and mercy, its results the glory of God and the confirmation of his law. Even Abra ham was not justified by the law, but by faith. As the sequel of justification the believer has peace with God, and a certain hope of future glory. The apostle then proceeds to clear his doctrine from the imputation of leading men to sin. The believer cannot continue in a life of sin because he has become a new creature. On the other hand, so long as he continues under the law, he is under the power of sin ; the law cannot convert a sinner nor sanctify a saint. But the dispensation of grace accomplishes what the law could not do, in that it not only declares a man righteous but makes him righteous. Because the believer has been justi fied and has peace with God, his present sufferings seem small, while his salvation is assured. The rejection of the gospel by the Jews forms the subject of a separate section of the letter, which closes with a practical section, in which are many general and special precepts for the conduct of the Christian life. Questions of casuistry, growing put of Jew ish ideas and customs, are discussed with especial care and in a way to be helpful to Christians of all ages. THE THIRD MISSIONARY TOUR 127 LITERATURE. See, on the general subject, Conybeare and Howson, chap. 17; Taylor, chap. 18; Thatcher, chap. 7 (first half). On the incidents of the tour, consult Clark's " Harmonic Arrangement of the Acts," pp. 219-235 ; Lewin, vol. II., chap. I, 2. On the Epistle to the Romans, see the introductions in the commentaries of Godet, Meyer, and Philippi, and chap. 37-39 of Farrar's " Life of Paul." On the Epistles to the Corinthians, see introductions in Meyer, Godet, and Beet ; and on 2 Cor. especially, see Farrar, chap. 33. HINTS FOR ORIGINAL INVESTIGATION. I. Was the recovery of Eutychus to life a miracle? How can 2 Cor. 12 : 14 be reconciled with Luke's account of Paul's move ments ? 3. Is there any room to question the traditional account of the writing of 2 Corinthians, appended to the text in the King James version ? XIX. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. The Journey to Jerusalem. — Luke' s itinerary is in this case more than usually minute and precise. The chief in terest of the journey, however, centers in the repeated warn ings addressed to Paul that he was going to Jerusalem at great peril. At Tyre there were disciples who said to him ' ' through the Spirit, that he should not set foot in Jerusalem' ' ; that, is, having been informed by the Spirit that dangers awaited him there, they urged that he should not go. The words cannot mean that it had been revealed to them as the will of God that Paul should not go to Jerusalem, for he would not have disobeyed a direct command of God. At Caesarea again, the same Agabus who had prophesied the famine in Judea (Acts 1 1 : 28), came to Paul and foretold that bonds and imprisonment awaited him at Jerusalem. The apostle did not question the truth of these warnings ; he rather accepted them as testimonies of the Spirit, but they did not shake his purpose. Why Paul should have thought it so necessary to go to Jerusalem ' ' to testify fully the gos pel of the grace of God, ' ' we are not told. We may assume that he had a clear and unalterable conviction that it was his duty to go, and he was not a man to let danger hinder him when his duty was clear. Attacked by the Mob. — On the arrival at Jerusalem of Paul and his companions, the brethren received him 128 PAUL AT JERUSALEM 129 gladly. The distrust that had kept them aloof on a former visit had vanished in the light of the apostle' s years of labor in Christ's service. But there was still suspicion. Though the church rejoiced at Paul's account of his labors, there ware those still who reported that he taught the Jews who believed that they ought no longer to keep the law of Moses. There was this foundation for the charge : Paul did oppose the law when the observance of it was set forth as the ground of justification rather th'an faith in Christ ; and he undoubtedly taught that in Christ the law had been fulfilled, and the Christian was no longer under the law, but under grace. It would naturally follow, and it did follow, that the effect of this teaching would be gradually to do away with the observance of Mosaic rites ; but Paul was willing to let this come about slowly, and he did not oppose the keeping of the law by those who felt their consciences still bound by it. He therefore willingly adopted the suggestion of James that he accompany to the temple four men who had a Nazarite vow, take part with them in the ceremonies of purification, and bear the charges for them. This would be an object lesson to the Judaizers that would deprive their charges of all weight. This compliance on the part of Paul nearly cost him his life, and did cost him years of imprisonment and hardship — though it is possible, probable even, that even worse things might have befallen him had not this particular misfortune taken place. He had bitter enemies among his former co religionists, who would not have suffered him to leave the city alive if they could kill him. While he was in the temple, some of these enemies, raising a mob on the false I 130 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY cry that Paul had brought Gentiles into the inner court, fell upon him with the design of ending his life on the spot. Only their scrupulosity — which did not hinder them from committing murder, merely from defiling the sacred precincts — saved him. In the outer court the mob made such an up roar that the commander of the Roman cohort, stationed in the castle of Antonia, at the northwest angle of the temple area, brought a squad of soldiers and rescued Paul. During festivals, riots were of so frequent occurrence that the garrison was always ready to respond to an alarm, and this accounts for their promptitude and the saving of Paul's life. The methods of the Roman captain were as sharp and decisive as the justice of a border town, where they are said to hang a man first and try him afterward : he commanded Paul to be chained to two soldiers, and then he inquired who he was and what he had done. Paul at the Castle. — The violence of the mob making it impossible to learn anything, the chiliarch commanded his prisoner to be taken to the castle. When they reached the staircase, Paul asked permission to address the mob. The Roman was surprised at being addressed in Greek, for he suspected the prisoner of being a pretended prophet, an Egyptian by birth, who had led the people astray not long before ; but the Egyptian could not speak Greek, it would seem. Paul replied that he was a Jew of Tarsus, and having obtained permission to speak, beckoned for silence. The greater part of the mob, having no idea why they were there or what they were shouting about, became silent out of mere curiosity. The speech was delivered in "Hebrew," that is, Aramaic. It was simply the apostle's account of himself, PAUL AT JERUSALEM 131 his former life and zeal as a Jew, his conversion and his appointment as an apostle of Christ. The crowd listened in quiet, but with growing impatience, until he spoke of being sent to the Gentiles— and at the utterance of that word all their hatred broke forth anew in shouts and imprecations. The chiliarch had been unable to follow this speech and could judge of its character only by the effect it produced. That convinced him that he had in his hands some desperate criminal, and he determined to employ the usual method in such cases, the torture, to extract a confession. For the first time Paul asserted his Roman citizenship, and the cen- turian who had been appointed to superintend the torture, reported to the chiliarch, who thereupon did what he should have done in the first instance — he made in quiries of the prisoner. He had already committed a seri ous offense in having Paul bound with thongs, like a slave, preparatory to the scourging. For a moment only the chiliarch hesitated ; he had himself bought his Roman citi zenship for a great sum, and this poor Jew could hardly have obtained his privilege thus. But when Paul replied that he was born a Roman, he doubted no longer. In that case his citizenship must be a matter of record and easily estab lished ; moreover, to make a false claim of citizenship was a capital offense, as we learn from Suetonius. There was much degeneracy in the empire at this time ; but it would not have been easy to find a Roman officer foolhardy enough to scourge a man from whose lips came the words, Civis Romanus sum. Paul was treated thereafter with all the respect due to a Roman under suspicion of crime. Paul before the Sanhedrin. — Still in doubt as to the 132 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY nature of his prisoner' s offense, the chiliarch on the follow ing day brought him before the Sanhedrin, that he might be formally accused. That body knew as little as the Roman, apparently, what crime to charge against him — as, in fact, he had committed none but the crime of being a Christian. Without being charged with an offense, even against Jewish laws, Paul spoke to the council. Hardly had he begun when the high priest smote him upon the mouth, in flagrant contravention of the Jewish law, which forbade the using of violence to the uncondemned. The apostle's just indigna tion flamed forth in a scathing rebuke — for which he after ward apologized, though with biting sarcasm: "I did not know, brethren, that he was the high priest," that is, his actions so far belied his office that I forgot the respect due him. Perceiving that the Sanhedrin was in no mood to judge his cause fairly or even to give him a hearing, Paul had re course to a stratagem by which he divided his adversaries. The central feature of his preaching was, Christ crucified and raised from the dead. Therefore, he could truthfully say, as he did : ' ' Brethren, I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees ; touching the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question." This set the Pharisees and Sadducees by the ears at once ; and so bitter was the contention between them and so cordially did they hate one another, that perse cution of the prisoner at the bar was forgotten in the old strife. Nay, some Pharisees even took the part of the accused and said : ' ' We find no evil in this man, and what if a spirit hath spoken to him, or an angel ? ' ' (The words, "let us not fight against God," are not found in the best PAUL AT JERUSALEM 133 Greek texts.) So great was the uproar that the chiliarch, fearing for the safety of his prisoner and as much in the dark as ever about his offense, had Paul rescued by the soldiers and conveyed back to the castle. LITERATURE. On the general subject, see Conybeare and Howson, chap. 22; Taylor, chap. 20 ; Thatcher, chap. 7 ; second half, see also Stifler's " Introduction," section 16; Farrar's " Life of Paul," chap. 40. HINTS FOR ORIGINAL INVESTIGATION. I. How did Paul's father gain Roman citizenship? 2. Read what Josephus says (Antiq. 20, 76, and " Bell. Jud.." 2, 13, 5) about the Egyptian and his revolt. On the reconciliation between Josephus and Luke, see Hackett, p. 254. 3. What force are we to assign to " wash away thy sins " in 22 : 16 ? (See Hackett, p. 258.) 4. The history and character of this high priest, Ananias. 5. What light, if any, does 23:3 throw on Paul's affliction, the " thorn in the flesh ' ' ? XX. PAUL AT CjESAREA. Paul before Felix. — Defeated twice, the more bitter and unscrupulous of the apostle' s enemies determined next time to succeed. About forty of them bound themselves by a horrible oath neither to eat nor drink till they had killed Paul. But he had already been assured in a vision that he would be safely guarded against such dangers, that he might testify to the gospel in Rome as well as in Jerusalem. Now a providential way of escape opened. His sister's son heard of the plot and disclosed it to the chiliarch, Lysias, who sent Paul away by night under a guard of soldiers to the procurator at Caesarea. With the prisoner a letter was sent, making no definite charge against him, and stating explicitly that he was not worthy of death or bonds. On his own showing Lysias had treated Paul unjustly and should have discharged him from custody ; but the Jews were a turbulent people, continually giving their Roman rulers trouble, and Lysias preferred to let his superior officer take the risk of offending them. Paul was kindly received by the procurator, Felix, but was detained in custody till the Jews could have opportunity to prefer formal charges against him. Five days later a hear ing was given. The Jews appeared, and their case was pleaded by an orator, one Tertullus. He charged Paul with being a mover of insurrections among the Jews throughout 134 PAUL AT CAESAREA 1 35 the world, a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes, and a profaner of the temple. If the first of these charges meant that Paul incited rebellion against the Roman power, no proof was offered then or afterward. The other charges formed no offense against Roman law. In his reply, Paul denied the first charge, affirming that he had caused no dis order at Jerusalem ; he admitted that he was a Christian, but that was not yet regarded as a crime under the Roman law ; and he challenged his accusers to prove that he had in any way profaned the temple. Felix had been procurator of Judea more than six years, and his wife Drusilla was a Jewess. He knew too much about the matters in contention to condemn the accused, and was in fact convinced of his innocence ; but willing to humor the Jews, and hoping that a bribe would be offered him by Paul or in his behalf, he detained the apostle with a promise of a further hearing. Meanwhile he summoned the prisoner to private conferences ; and in one of these the apostle's preaching of righteousness, temperance, and the judgment to come found their way to this libertine's conscience, and he was terrified. But he did not repent and renounce his evil ways, he only said: "Go thy way for this time. ' ' Paul Before Festus. — Thus two years passed and Por- cius Festus was sent from Rome as successor to Felix. It was common in such cases for the retiring procurator to "clear the docket," by discharging all uncondemned prisoners ; but Felix, to ingratiate himself with the Jews and prevent complaints at Rome against his administration, left Paul in prison. It is gratifying to learn that he was unsuc- 136 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY cessful ; he was accused before the emperor by a deputation of Jews, and only escaped condemnation by the influence of his brother Pallas, a favorite of Nero. Of the two pro curators, Lewin speaks thus in his biography of Paul : "The new procurator had a straightforward honesty about him which forms a strong contrast to the mean rascality of his predecessor. He certainly did not do all the justice that he might have done ; but, allowing somewhat for the natural desire to ingratiate himself with the people of his govern ment, his conduct, on the whole, was exemplary, and his firmness in resisting the unjust demands of the Jews cannot fail to elicit our admiration." He had insight enough to detect, and firmness enough to frustrate the new plot of the Jews against the life of Paul, and gave the accused apostle a speedy hearing. At this the Jews renewed their former accusations, but without proof, and Paul reiterated his asser tion that he had offended against neither Roman nor Jewish law. Here Festus showed his weakness : lacking courage to offend the Jews at the very beginning of his administra tion by discharging Paul, he asked the latter to go to Jeru salem and there be judged — whether by Festus himself or by the Sanhedrin is not absolutely clear, though the reply would favor the latter supposition. Paul knew that return ing to Jerusalem meant needless peril of his life ; and to submit himself to the judgment of the Sanhedrin was to invite death. He stood on his rights as a Roman ; it was his privilege to be tried by a Roman court, and he refused to let his accusers become his judges. As Festus had declined to acquit him, he appealed to Caesar, and his appeal was at once allowed. PAUL AT OESAREA 137 Paul Before Agrippa. — King Agrippa (son of him whose death is related in Acts 12 : 20-24) came to visit Fes tus soon after this, and being informed about Paul expressed a curiosity to hear him. Festus was very willing to accede to this request, for, as he confessed, he had no valid charge to forward to the emperor with the prisoner, and he hoped that if the apostle were examined by Agrippa, who was more familiar with Jewish law, he might have somewhat to write. Paul' s speech before Agrippa was substantially the same as the one he made from the staircase of the castle of Antonia. It is the third account of .his conversion given in the Acts, and varies somewhat in details from the others, but agrees with them in every essential particular. This story, and the preaching of a Messiah crucified and raised from the dead, seemed to Festus to be nothing less than madness. He had . doubtless heard of this man's standing among the Jewish doctors of the law prior to his conversion, and the theory seemed to him plausible that the apostle' s prolonged studies had affected his mind. But Paul, with courtesy and self-command, asserted his sanity and appealed to Agrippa for confirmation, assuming that the king must have heard of the death and resurrection of Christ, and knew them to be well-attested facts. The king' s reply has been variously understood. It seems certainly to have been sarcastic. "In a little time (or with a little trouble) you will persuade me to be a Christian. ' ' The apostle' s retort was both dignified and severe. ' ' I would to God that, whether soon or late (in a little or in much time), not only you, but also all who hear me this day might become such as I am, except these chains. ' ' 138 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY When Festus and Agrippa conferred, after this speech, they agreed in pronouncing Paul innocent of any offense against Roman law. He seemed to them, no doubt, an en thusiast, a little daft on the subject of religion, but perfectly harmless and certainly guiltless of any crime. He might have been set at liberty, as Agrippa said, if he had not ap pealed to Caesar ; and these words are recorded to the ever lasting shame of Festus, who had lacked the firmness to do what he knew justice required, even at the cost of making enemies. From the treatment afterward accorded Paul at Rome (Acts 28 : 16) we may perhaps infer that in his report forwarded, Festus expressed the opinion that the prisoner's guilt was doubtful, and recommended him to the clemency of Caesar. The apostle's behavior at Jerusalem and Caesarea, as at other times in his career, has an important bearing on the duty of Christians toward the civil power. It has been denied by some Baptists in the past that a Christian man owes any allegiance to the civil power, that he should re cognize a civil court, or give testimony in one under oath. Paul did not refuse to plead his case before any judicial body before which he was brought. He claimed his rights as a citizen of Rome. He warns all Christians to be subject to the higher (civil) powers, on the express ground that "the powers that be are ordained of God." That is, civil gov ernment — not any one form of it, but every form lawfully established and justly administered — is an ordinance of God. Therefore the Christian may properly avail himself of what ever rights and immunities the civil law grants him, and should cheerfully perform whatever duties the civil law im- PAUL AT CAESAREA 1 39 poses on him — always provided that they are not contrary to the higher law of God. LITERATURE. See, for general treatment of the subject, Conybeare and Howson, chap. 22 ; Taylor, chap. 22, 23. Comp. Stifler's " Introduction," sec. 17, 18; Farrar's '-'Life of Paul," chap. 41, 42; Lewin, vol. II., chap. 4. HINTS FOR ORIGINAL INVESTIGATION. I. The downfall of Felix (see Hackett's "Introduction," sec. 6 4). 2. What was the "council" of 25 : 12, and how was it consti tuted? 3. The character and history of Agrippa and Bernice. 4. Compare the three accounts of Paul's conversion in the Acts, arrang ing them in parallel columns and noting both correspondences and divergencies. 5. How may the latter be explained, and what is theii relative importance ? XXI. THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK. Paul had now been in captivity at Caesarea about two years. In the autumn of A. D. 60 or 61, Festus sent him and certain other prisoners to Rome to be tried by Caesar. We know from Josephus that it was not uncommon thus to forward prisoners for trial at Rome, even when they were not Roman citizens and had not appealed to Caesar. The journey was to be made by sea, notwithstanding the late ness of the season, which made the Mediterranean unsafe. Aristarchus (Acts 19 : 20 ; 20 : 4 ; Philem. 24 ; Col. 4 : 10) accompanied Paul, as did Luke, if we may again believe the style of the narrative to warrant such an inference. Aristar chus probably was a voluntary companion of the apostle, notwithstanding he is spoken of as a "fellow-prisoner" in Col. 4 : 10, which may mean no more than that he after ward voluntarily shared the apostle's imprisonment. From Caesarea to Crete. — The centurion to whose custody Paul was assigned appears to have been an officer of the imperial guard. He treated his prisoner, whom he doubtless discerned to be no ordinary man and no common criminal, with every courtesy. One case is especially men tioned. When the ship touched at Sidon, Paul was per mitted to go a'shore and refresh himself among his friends — accompanied, of course, by the Roman soldier to whom he was chained. Sailing to the north of Cyprus, because of 140 THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK 141 contrary winds, they came to Myra, in Lycia, and there took passage for Italy in an Alexandrian ship about to sail. Egypt was at this time one of the principal sources of Rome's corn supply, and we might have expected, even without reading it in Acts 27 : 38, that this ship would be loaded with wheat. Some of these vessels were of large size, comparable to the merchant ships of our own day. The ship in which Josephus voyaged to Rome — like Paul he was shipwrecked on the way — contained six hundred souls. The winds still continued contrary, and they were "many days ' ' in making the distance from Myra to Cnidus, about one hundred and thirty miles — a distance that such a vessel, with a fair wind, should have made in a single day. Sailing to leeward of Crete, in a southerly direction, they coasted the south side of the island until they came to Fair Havens, two open roadsteads contiguous to each other, which fact probably explains the plural form of the name. This would afford a safe temporary anchorage and shelter from the northwest wind that had hindered them so much thus far, but it was not a fitting place to lay up the ship for the winter. The autumnal equinox was now past, as we learn from Paul's reference to * ' the fast ' ' in ver. 9, and the period of safe navigation was now closed. A winter voyage was dangerous to the mariners of that day, less on account of the violence of wind and wave than because the clouds obscured the sun and stars, on which, in the lack of the compass, they de pended for guidance. Paul warned the captain and cen turion that the continuance of the voyage portended danger to ship, cargo, and life. It does not appear that he had any special revelation ; he spoke merely in the exercise of ordi- 142 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY nary human foresight. The centurion, however, disregarded a landsman's warning and listened to the advice of the sea faring men, which was to proceed at least to Phenice, a harbor on the island affording suitable shelter for the winter. The Storm and Shipwreck. — Taking advantage of a favorable south wind they weighed anchor and sailed along Crete, hugging the shore. Before they had proceeded far, "a typhonic wind" struck the vessel, called Euraquillo (i. e., a nor'easter) — a common shift of the wind in those seas. Their only recourse was to run before it, which they did. When they came under the lee of the island called Clauda (now Gozzo), in comparatively still water, they were able, with much difficulty, to hoist in the boat, which in the mild breeze had been carelessly towed astern. They also undergirded the ship with ropes or chains, a common pre caution in those days to help a vessel resist the force of the waves. Then fearing lest they be driven upon the sand bank known as Syrtis Major, on the coast of Africa, south west from Crete, they lowered the sail, and (as some think) ' ' scudded under bare poles, " as a modern sailor would say. Or, more likely, only the mainsail is meant, and the ship "lay to " under one of her smaller sails. Ships of this size had two or three masts, and the proper handling of the ship under these conditions was to " lie to." This would better accord with the subsequent account than the supposition that the ship was put before the wind ; she must have foun dered or struck on the African coast in a day or two if that had been done. She appears to have made leeway slowly, as a ship would when lying to under a reefed foresail. The THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK 143 next day they lightened the ship of the freight, and on the third day cast' out all spare tackling. If we read "we cast out," in verse 19, it indicates that passengers as well as crew joined in the labor. The storm continued for ' • many days, ' ' the heavens were obscured, and the navigators had no means of knowing where the ship was. All knew they were in extreme danger and were much dispirited, as well as worn out by labor and lack of food. Paul now stood forth and comforted them. He had received assurance from God that only the ship should be lost by being cast upon some island, and exhorted all on board to be of good cheer. On the fourteenth nightafter their departure from Fair Havens land was discovered, and the ship was anchored with four anchors cast out of the stern — not out of the bow, as is the modern practice. In the morning the sailors would have seized the boat and tried to escape, but Paul spoke to the centurion and the plot was frustrated by cutting the boats loose. The sailors were needed for the handling of the ship, as the subsequent account shows, and hence for the saving of all. By the apostle's advice all now partook of food, he again assuring them of their safety and setting the example of eating, after giving thanks to God. Again they lightened the ship, weighed anchor, and hoisting the mainsail, beached the vessel in what is now St. Paul's Bay, Malta. The soldiers would have killed the prisoners, to prevent their escape, but the centurion was more humane, and finally all reached the shore in safety. The Rest of the Journey.— The shipwrecked people were received with great kindness by the people of Malta, 144 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY who treated Paul and his companions in particular with great honors, being much impressed by two miracles wrought, in the one case in his behalf, in the other by him in behalf of the governor's father. Here in Malta the party spent the winter, and when in the spring they departed, the people laded them with all things necessary for their com fort. The second voyage, in a second Alexandrian ship, was uneventful. Touching at Syracuse, they landed finally at Puteoli, near Naples, and made the rest of the journey by land. At Appii Forum some of the brethren at Rome came out to meet Paul ; and touched by this manifestation of brotherly love and sympathy, he thanked God and took courage. LITERATURE. On the general features of the voyage, see Conybeare and Howson, chap. 23, 24; Taylor, chap. 24, 25. For special incidents, especially its nautical features, Smith's "Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul" (4th edition, London, 1880) is very helpful. Many of his conclusions are given in Hackett's notes. Consult also Clark's notes, " Harmonic Arrangement of the Acts," pp. 247-263 ; Stifler's " Introduction," sec. 19 ; Farrar's " Life of Paul," chap. 43 ; Lewin, vol. II., chap. 5. HINTS FOR ORIGINAL INVESTIGATION. I. Ancient ships and methods of navigation. 2. What various ex planations have been given of the standing of Julius ? 3. The itiner ary of the voyage and the places named — trace all on a modern map. 4. How was the undergirding of ancient ships done ? (See Hackett, p. 301). XXII. THE FIRST ROMAN IMPRISONMENT. A Fruitless Disputation. — On his arrival at Rome, Paul continued to receive tokens of favor from his custod ians. He was not cast into prison, but was suffered to live by himself in his own hired dwelling, yet still chained to a Roman soldier. On the third day after his arrival he called together the chief men among the Jews, to whom he narrated the circumstances of his captivity, and the cause of his being at Roma They replied, what was doubtless true, that they had received neither written nor oral information from Jeru salem, and expressed a wish to hear further from him re garding this sect (i. e. , Christians) everywhere spoken against. They were careful not to commit themselves, either by ad mitting any knowledge of the Christians in Rome, or by saying anything againt "this sect" on their own authority. Being, as they professed, in a state of complete ignorance concerning Paul' s case, and seeing him treated with special consideration, and their own state in Rome being precarious and uncertain, they temporized. A day being appointed, the Jews came to Paul's lodging, and he expounded to them his Messianic doctrine from the Scriptures "from morning till evening." As in previous instances, some believed but more disbelieved, and they departed, but not until Paul had reminded them of Isaiah's words concerning their hardness of heart. "Be it known K .145 146 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY therefore unto you, ' ' were his concluding words, ' ' that this salvation of God is sent unto the Gentiles ; they will also hear. ' ' And these are the last words from the lips of Paul recorded by Luke's pen— appropriate parting words from him whose most highly prized title was that of apostle to the Gentiles. The Imprisonment, Trial, and Release. — We only learn from Luke that Paul dwelt two whole years in this way, quite free to receive visits from all, and "preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ with all boldness. ' ' This abrupt ending of the book of Acts can hardly have been designed by the writer ; he doubtless purposed a continuance of his narrative at some time, but was overruled by the providence of God. Nor is this closing sentence consistent with the theory that at the end of this two years Paul was condemned and put to death. For the remainder of his history, however, we have only a few hints here and there in his later writings, and some ancient traditions, of slight value in themselves, but significant when confirmed, as they are, by the written word. We learn first that when he wrote his letter to the Philip pians, Paul confidently expected soon to be released. " But I am in a strait betwixt the two, having the desire to depart and be with Christ ; for it is very far better : yet to abide in the flesh is more needful for your sake. And having this confidence, I know that I shall abide, yea, and abide with you all, for your progress and joy in the faith " (Phil. 1 : 23- 25 ; compare 2 : 23, 24). This is quite unmistakable in its significance, entirely different from the tone of the second THE FIRST ROMAN IMPRISONMENT 147 letter to Timothy, for example, where he looks forward to a speedy death. The same tone is maintained in the first letter to Timothy — if that was written at this time, as some think — who was at Ephesus, where Paul had some years earlier besought him to remain when he went into Mace donia : "These things write I unto thee, hoping to come unto thee shortly ; but I tarry long, that thou mayest know how men ought to behave themselves in the house of God ' ' (1 Tim. 3 : 14, .15). And again, " Till I come, give attend ance to reading, to exhortation, to doctrine " (1 Tim. 4 : 13). The same hope breathes in these words to Philemon, ' ' Pre pare me also a lodging, for I hope that through your prayers I shall be granted unto you." There is evidence, positive though slight, that this confi dent expectation was realized. All the critics are agreed that the letter to Titus cannot have been written before the Roman imprisonment. But there is not only no mark in the epistle that the writer was in bondage, but clear proof that he was at liberty. To Titus he says, "For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that were wanting, and appoint elders in every city as I gave thee charge" (Titus 1 : 5). And later on, "When I shall send Artemas unto thee, or Tychicus, give diligence to come unto me to Nicopolis : for there I have determined to winter ' ' (Titus 3:12). The first of these passages is not consistent with anything that we know of Paul's labors from the Acts, and clearly points to a subsequent visit to Crete, while the last quoted words are not appropriate in the mouth of a prisoner, who might hope or expect, but could hardly "de termine ' ' his future acts. We may conclude, therefore, that 148 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY Paul's expectation of release was realized ; that he executed his cherished project of joining Timothy at Ephesus, and probably wrote his letter to Titus thence. What we know of the state of things in Rome at this time is entirely consistent with this theory. Before the fire in July, 64, there was no serious persecution of the Christians in Nero's reign ; and as Paul had come to Rome virtually ac quitted by Festus, there is every reason to believe that at his formal hearing before Caesar he was promptly declared innocent, and set free. This conclusion is made a moral certainty by Paul's words in his second letter to Timothy : "At my first defense no one took my part, but all forsook me : may it not be laid to their account. But the Lord stood by me, and strengthened me ; that through me the message might be fully proclaimed, and that all the Gentiles might hear : and I was delivered out of the mouth of the lion" (2 Tim. 4 : 16, 17). This says, in almost so many words, that the apostle was released and spent yet other years in the preaching of the gospel to the Gentiles. To this first Roman imprisonment is assigned, by the general consent of scholars, the writing of the Epistles to Philemon, to the Colossians, the Ephesians, the Philippians, and possibly, also, the first letter to Timothy, though this last was more probably written after his release. The order in which these letters were composed is conjectural, but the one given above is confirmed by many things in the docu ments themselves. Philemon. — The one to whom this letter was addressed was a man of substance in Colosse, converted under Paul's THE FIRST ROMAN IMPRISONMENT 149 labors (ver. 19) ; and the occasion of its writing was to com mend to him, as a brother in Christ, one Onesimus, a slave of Philemon, who had wronged his master and fled to Rome to escape the consequences. Having been converted, he decided to return to his master and make atonement for his sins, but was naturally doubtful as to his reception. Paul does not interfere with the institution of slavery directly, but the doctrine of Christian brotherhood that he lays down in this Epistle was incompatible with the ownership of one man by another ; and accordingly, where Christianity has pre vailed slavery has vanished. Christianity means the Father hood of God and the brotherhood of man, and when this is conceded the civil law cannot long deny equal rights to all men. May we not, from this apostolic method, learn something regarding the duty of Christian teachers and preachers to day ? The silences of Scripture are significant — what is not said often means quite as much as what is said. The society of the Roman Empire was organized on a basis essentially immoral, and the State was organized on a basis essentially unjust. The imperial power denied to the people political rights that we now consider inalienable ; and the Roman law denied to more than half the population the right to personal liberty. But neither Christ nor his apostles preached a po litical and social revolution. That is to say, they did not preach revolution in terms ; they did preach revolution in fact. The doctrines of the New Testament are revolutionary in any society or in any State not organized on the basis of eternal righteousness. They are a leaven that must inevitably work out social and political regeneration by gradual and 150 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY peaceful means. Such was their effect on the Roman Em pire and on Roman society. The social and political regen eration that many Christian men desire in our own day is to be sought by a similar method — not by violent proclamation of the duty of revolution, but by the faithful inculcation of the principles of the pure gospel of Christ. If there is wrong in State or society to-day, this is the divinely appointed way of righting it ; but they that take the sword shall perish by the sword. Colossians. — The church at Colosse was not founded by Paul, nor even visited by him, as we may safely infer from his letter, though he knew some of its members. He may well have learned of its state from Onesimus, since the house of Philemon was one of the church's meeting places. Tak ing advantage of the return of Onesimus, he sends a letter warning the saints at Colosse against the dangers of certain false doctrines. These, -as the allusions plainly show, were a combination of Judaic and Gnostic teachings. The Gnostic doctrine of creation is distinctly opposed in 1 : 16, 17, and the favorite doctrine of emanations is as clearly condemned in 2 : 18, 19. Against these useless speculations the writer urges the duty of heavenly mindedness in Christ, and ex horts the saints to let the proof of their spirituality be mani fest in godly lives. Ephesians. — It has been said that the only certain thing about this letter is that it was not addressed to the church at Ephesus, at least not specifically. No church is mentioned in it, and the tradition which attaches the Ephesian church's name to it is late and untrustworthy. It may well have been that letter to the church at Laodicea mentioned in Col. 4:16, THE FIRST ROMAN IMPRISONMENT 151 and it may have been given this impersonal form to adapt it to be read in other churches — in short, it has all the appear ance of a circular or ' ' catholic ' ' epistle, designed for no one church in particular. There is a marked resemblance be tween this letter and that to the Colossians, but the thought is loftier and the style finer. It is a strongly doctrinal letter, and lays special stress on God's purpose in redemption and the fact that Christ is the central figure in this redemption. The debt of both Jew and Gentile, but especially of the latter, to the grace of God is emphasized, and this naturally sug gests the communion of saints, the true unity of believers in Christ. The closing chapters are occupied with practical exhortations, especially with a plea for faithfulness, stead fastness. One word is especially characteristic of this epistle : it is " stand." Philippians. — " Rejoice " may be regarded as character istic of this letter, since it occurs so frequently that the most casual reader cannot fail to be struck by it. There is less of method, of orderly sequence of thought, of definite divisions, in this than in Paul's other letters. It is more purely epis tolary in style, and for this reason has a special attractive ness to the reader. It contains only one doctrinal passage, but that is one of the noblest in the New Testament, and goes deeper into the person and work of Christ than any other (2 : 5—1 1). "Surely," says Professor Wm. Arnold Stevens, "the great apostle to the Gentiles could have closed this marvelous series of inspired letters to the churches he had founded with nothing more beautiful and appropriate than this loving and tender epistle, which expresses so ar dently his perfect joy and gratitude over the remarkable 152 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY fellowship of this beloved church, exhibits so gloriously his calm and heroic spirit of resignation and triumph in view of a possible martyrdom, and accepts so delicately and graciously the material gifts of his brethren, even as a noble king might receive the offerings of devoted subjects." LITERATURE. On the imprisonment, see Conybeare and Howson, chap. 25, 26; Taylor, chap. 26, 27. Comp. Stifler's " Introduction," sec. 20; Far- rar's " Life of Paul," chap. 44, 45 ; Lewin, vol. II., chap. 6. On the epistles named, see the introduction to each in the " American Commentary on the New Testament,' ' in Meyer's Commentaries, and the like ; and especially consult Bishop Lightfoot's Monograph ; and compare Farrar's " Life of Paul," chap. 46-52. HINTS FOR ORIGINAL INVESTIGATION. I. Why was Paul's trial so long delayed? 2. Study the epistles written during this imprisonment, and let each test for himself the statements and conclusions of the foregoing text. PART IV ESTABLISHING THE CHURCHES A. D. 63-IOO XXIII. paul's closing years. The common tradition in the post-apostolic church is thus stated by Eusebius : "After defending himself successfully, it is currently reported that the apostle again went forth to proclaim the gospel, and afterward came to Rome a second time, and was martyred under Nero." How long was the interval between the two imprisonments, and where the apostle labored, we can only conjecture with a good degree of plausibility, though in some of the details we may be morally certain that we are correct. The Journey to Spain. — We know from Paul's own words, that, had he not been sent to Rome as a captive, it was a cherished purpose of his to visit the church of that place in the course of a missionary tour as far westward as Spain (Rom. 15 : 22-24). Tradition asserts that such a tour was actually made. Indeed, the testimony of Clemens, the disciple and companion of Paul, can hardly be called tradition, but should be accepted as fact ; and he tells us that Paul, before his martyrdom, traveled ' ' to the boundary of the West." Other ancient writers speak of a journey to Spain, and even to Britain, as well-known facts in the his tory of the apostle. The Church of England has long pro fessed to owe its origin to the labors of Paul, and has some slight historical justification of the boast. No incidents of iS5 156 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY this journey are preserved, even by tradition, nor is its chro nological connection with the other labors of the apostle in his late years at all clear. His I/abors in the East. — Before or after this journey, as one chooses to place it, come a series of tours and apos tolic labors nearer the scenes of Paul's three great missionary circuits recorded by Luke. The work in Crete referred to in the letter to Titus, and that journey in Macedonia men tioned in the first letter to Timothy, find their natural place here. It is difficult, not to say impossible, to fit them into the history of Paul as given in the Acts and his earlier epis tles. The style of the so-called ' ' pastoral epistles ' ' differs considerably from Paul's other writings, and points toward a considerably later composition ; and though the argument from style may be pushed to absurd lengths, it is by no means without weight. There are also visits to Troas and Miletus (2 Tim. 4:13, 20) that can hardly be placed any where in the apostle' s life but here. We may confidently assign a period of not less than three years to these jour neys and labors. The Second Imprisonment and Death. — If the Epistle to Titus is evidently the composition of a free and hopeful man, the second letter to Timothy is as evidently the writing of a captive who sees himself about to be released by death. We have no means of knowing how Paul was brought before Nero the second time, but in a. d. 67, to be a Christian was a capital offense in itself, and the cruel Nero was bitterly persecuting the Christians in the hope of diverting attention from his own crimes. During this last captivity, which was evidently more rigorous than the first, Onesiphorus sought PAUL'S CLOSING /fEARS 157 out Paul very diligently and refreshed him (2 Tim. 1 : 16, 17), and toward the last he writes " only Luke is with me," and exhorts Timothy, ' ' Do thy diligence to come before winter" (2 Tim. 4 : 11, 21). Paul is ready to be offered, and knows that the time of his departure is at hand. Ancient tradition is more than usually explicit regarding , the apostle' s death, and seems very likely to be more than usually correct — placing it in the year 68, the last of Nero's hateful reign. His Roman citizenship exempted him from an ignominious death, and entitled him to be beheaded by the axe of the lictor. Many writers concur in saying that the place of execution was a little outside of the city walls, on the Ostian road, very near the spot where Constantine erected the great basilica of St. Paul. "The blow of the axe, ' ' Stalker says, ' ' only smote off the lock of the prison and let the spirit go forth to its home and to its crown. The city, falsely called eternal, dismissed him with execration from her gates ; but ten thousand times ten thousand welcomed him in the same hour at the gates of the city which is really eternal. ' ' The Pastoral Epistles. — The external testimony to these epistles is cathnlete. and they bear within themselves convincing marks of genuineness. They contain the com- pletest instructions in tn£ New Testament regarding the nature and proper administration of the pastor's office. The first letter to Timothy was plainly addressed to him while he was at Ephesus filling the office of bishop according to Paul's previous directions. The tradition that Timothy was the first bishop of Ephesus is, therefore, not so much tradition as history. The letter opens with a warning 158 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY against heresies — some of which are described in detail — and an exhortation to be faithful to the gospel. The second chapter is devoted to practical directions regarding the con duct of the church, especially the behaviour of men and women in the meetings. Chapter three is given to the qualifications of bishops and deacons, which are minutely set forth. The writer then returns to the heretics and their doctrines, some of which he confutes. The rest of the letter is filled with personal advice and exhortation to Timothy, his relations to other elders being one of the chief matters treated. The writer's personal affection for Timothy, as well as his official concern that the younger man may con tinue to be zealous and faithful, may be read in every line. The letter to Titus was written during Paul's last mission ary travels, perhaps from Ephesus. These travels had in cluded a visit to Crete, and Titus had been left here to ordain elders in the churches. These facts, gathered from the let ter itself, explain its contents. The letter is personal, direct, familiar, full of practical hints and earnest exhortation. It gives substantially the same advice regarding the qualifica tions of elders that was previously given to Timothy. Prac tical advice regarding the conduct of Christians is also given, the duty of being orderly and obedient toward their rulers being especially enforced. The second letter to Timothy evidently proceeds from a Roman dungeon, whence the apostle expected to be taken only to be condemned and executed. It begins and ends with an earnest assurance of the apostle's desire to see speedily his son in the faith. Timothy is exhorted to the fearless exercise of his ministerial gift ; to hold fast to PAUL'S CLOSING YEARS 1 59 the doctrine he had received ; to endure hardness for the gospel. Directions follow regarding his spirit and conduct as a Christian teacher, especially in dealing with teachers of heresy. Apostesy and unfaithfulness are to be expected, but Timothy is exhorted to remain faithful and carry on the work that the apostle was about to lay down. The writer concludes with special commissions and greetings and a benediction. This letter has a peculiar and pathetic in terest as the last words of the Apostle Paul. LITERATURE. On these closing years, see Conybeare and Howson, chap. 27 ; Taylor, chap. 28; Stalker, chap. 10; Lewin, Vol. II., chap. 7-10; Neander, " Planting and Training of the Christian Church," book III., chap. 10; Farrar's " Life of Paul," chap. 55. On the Pastoral Epistles see Fairbairn's treatise and the commentaries of Ellicott and Meyer; also Farrar's " Paul," chaps. 53, 54> 56. Farrar's Excursus VIII. on the " Evidences of the Liberation of Paul," is valuable. On Paul's later writings consult, in addition to authorities already named, Findlay's " Epistles of Paul the Apostle." HINTS FOR ORIGINAL INVESTIGATION. 1. When was the "first defense" referred to in 2 Tim. 4 : 16? 2. Read carefully the pastoral epistles in the Revised version and note their difference from, as well as resemblance to, Paul's other writings. 3. Make a note of all other New Testament passages like 2 Tim. 3 : 16, and deduce from them the biblical doctrine of the in spiration of Scripture. XXIV. paul's companions. More than half of our lessons thus far have been given to the work of the Apostle Paul. In this we have only followed the example of the author of the Acts of the Apostles. No doubt Luke was most familiar with Paul's labors, but no doubt also he was directed by the Holy Spirit to give them this prominence because they had the decisive influence in the development of the Christian church and of Christian doctrine. We are not to think, however, that the labors of others were of slight importance, because fewer details about them are recorded in the New Testament, and par ticularly in the Acts. It will be the aim of the remaining lessons to outline the work of others than Paul, and this can be best done by grouping the facts about certain repre sentative men, beginning with those closely associated with Paul. Barnabas. — The name of Barnabas first suggests itself. Of his early life we know almost nothing. He was a native of Cyprus, a Levite (Acts 4 : 37), and his name was origi nally Joseph. How and when he came to believe in Jesus as the Messiah we have no hint — tradition makes him one of the Seventy. We first learn of his discipleship after Pentecost, when he showed the genuineness of his love for Christ and the brethren by selling a field that he possessed and laying the price at the apostles' feet. This sacrifice would naturally gain 160 PAUL'S COMPANIONS l6l for him tlie confidence and love of the Jerusalem church, and he soon showed himself fitted for leadership. That he was eloquent we may gather from the surname soon given him, for Barnabas signifies ' ' son of consolation, " or " ex hortation." He "was a good man, and full of the Holy Ghost and of faith." Barnabas was a man of noble heart, generous, loyal to friends and kindred. He showed this character in his reception of Paul, when all other Christians stood aloof from him. He showed it in his insistence upon the companionship of Mark. We do not know the circum stances sufficiently to apportion the blame for that " sharp contention," but if the fault were wholly his, it was evi dently a fault that leaned to virtue' s side. The services of Barnabas up to that time had been as great to the cause of Christ as those of Paul, and though we hear of him but once more we cannot doubt that he continued to be a preacher of Christ to the end of his life. The last mention of Barnabas indicates a weakness in his character. He gave way to the Judaizers and dissembled his real views for the sake of peace (Gal. 2:11). Warm-hearted and generous, he lacked decision of character in this crisis. As we have seen, for some time he was a more influential man than Paul among the churches, and of all those associated with Paul in evangelistic work his name must be ranked first. The epistle bearing his name is spurious, having been composed in the second century, according -to the pres ent consensus of scholarship. Mark. — We know of Mark only that he was the son of a certain Mary of Jerusalem (Acts 12 : 12), and the cousin or nephew of Barnabas (Col. 4 : 10). His name was John, 162 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY to which the Roman surname of Marcus was later added, superseding the former. It has been plausibly conjec tured that he was the "young man" of Mark 14 : 51 — at that time probably already a convert. His connection with Barnabas caused him to be selected as companion and assist ant on the first missionary tour. His desertion of the apos tles and the results of that hasty and ill-considered act have already been fully discussed. By subsequent faithfulness he fully atoned for his error, as we may infer from Paul's references to him (Col. 4 : 70 ; Philem. 24). Later we know that he was with Peter at Babylon (1 Peter 5 : 13), and it was perhaps on his way to join Peter that he made the visit to Asia Minor referred in Col. 4 : 10. Either before "or after this, he was with Timothy at Ephesus when Paul wrote the second letter to Timothy, and the apostle was anxious for his speedy return to Rome (2 Tim. 4 : 11). According to tradition Mark received from Peter the greater part of the facts he recorded in his Gospel, which is of special interest as being probably the earliest of our four Gospels, and as having furnished both Luke and Matthew with a considerable part of their materials. The direct, fresh, often picturesque style of Mark confirms the tradition that he received assist ance from Peter in composing it. The date of this Gospel may be approximately fixed at A. D. 62. Timothy. — Timothy was the son of a Greek and a Jewess. The father' s name we do not know, and he probably died while the child was still young. The mother Eunice, and the grandmother Lois, were devout, and taught him from a child to know the Scriptures. We have already seen that the conversion of Timothy and his mother, who received PAUL'S COMPANIONS 1 63 the word with "unfeigned faith" (2 Tim. 1 : 5), compen sated Paul for his sufferings at Lystra. The churches of Derbe and Lystra bore witness to Timothy's character a few years later, and Paul chose him as a special helper in his missionary work. It was very likely at this time that the hands of the presbytery were laid on him, and he was ordained an elder or bishop (1 Tim. 4 : 14). On account of his semi-Israelitish birth, he also received the seal of a child of the covenant, that there might be no cause for scandal in his future labors. His work with Paul during the second missionary tour seems to have been constant and very efficient. He was frequently employed to bear mes sages to churches that Paul could not visit. During Paul's two years' imprisonment at Caesarea he was probably at Eph esus, and he does not appear to have journeyed with Paul to Rome, though he joined the apostle there and comforted him during the imprisonment. After the apostle' s release Timo thy went again to Ephesus, and our knowledge of him then ceases, except for the reference to him in Heb. 13 : 23, from which we learn that he was at one time — probably after the death of Paul, for we cannot fit any imprisonment into the facts known about Timothy up to that time — a prisoner for the gospel's sake, but was acquitted. Of all his compan ions Paul seems to have cherished the greatest personal affection toward Timothy. This testifies to his amiable qualities as strongly as the frequent mentions of him testify to his piety and faithful service of his Master. Apollos. — We have already learned all that is to be certainly known of Apollos. A Jew, born at Alexandria, eloquent, thoroughly versed in the Old Testament, he came 164 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY to Ephesus about a. d. 54, and there learned the truth more fully from Aquila and Priscilla. Then followed his labors in Achaia, especially at Corinth. We know from 1 Cor. 16:12 that he returned to Ephesus, and that he was highly esteemed by Paul ; so we cannot regard him as responsible for the folly of those in Corinth who called themselves his followers. The last mention of Apollos (Titus 3:13) indi cates that he never lost the esteem of" Paul, but of his subse quent labors we know nothing certainly. Special interest, however, attaches to the little we hear of Apollos, because he is believed by many to be the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews. That epistle is anonymous, while all of Paul' s Epistles definitely state their authorship. Moreover, 2 : 3 utterly excludes Paul from the list of possi ble authors, since the writer classes himself among those who received the gospel at second hand, while Paul always asserted a direct revelation of the truth to him by Christ (Gal. 1 : 1, 11, 12, 15, 16 ; 2 : 6 ; 1 Cor. 11 : 23). The style is so different from that of the other Pauline Epistles, that only positive evidence could convince one that Paul wrote the epistle. On the other hand, the doctrine is distinctly Pauline, but with such differences as we should expect from a disciple of strong personality. And, as we saw in treating of Timothy, the passage mentioning the latter' s imprison ment, points to a time of composition after Paul's death. We may learn from the epistle itself that its author was tertainly a Jew, probably an Alexandrine Jew, for the teaching shows traces of Philo's philosophy. He was a trained rhetorician, not residing in Italy at the time, and at liberty. He was an intimate friend of Timothy. He PAUL'S COMPANIONS 165 addresses his letter to Judaeo-Christians, among whom Paul did not labor during his later years, but with whom Apollos had wonderful success. All of these indications poinfc to Apollos. On the other hand, many of them are equally consistent with the tradition that Barnabas wrote the epistle, which is found first in Tertullian' s writings. If, however, those critics are right who find in 9 : 1-5 errors of detail regarding the arrangement of the temple — the writer describ ing rather the tabernacle and supposing the temple to be exactly similar — Barnabas would be excluded from possible authorship, for as a Levite he must have been practi cally familiar with these things. The deviations from ab solute accuracy in no way affect the argument, if they are admitted to exist ; they are of no more importance than verbal deviations in a quotation, the sense of which is pre served ; but they are such as Barnabas could not be sup posed to make, while they are precisely such as Apollos, who had never beheld the holy place, might reasonably be expected to make. For the details see any good commen tary on this passage. The judgment of critics more and more inclines to the belief that Luther's happy guess regard ing the authorship of this epistle was correct. LITERATURE. Comparatively little is available. See Howson's " Companions of St. Paul,' ' especially those named in the lesson ; also articles on these names in Smith's "Dictionary of the Bible," the " Schaff- Herzog Encyclopaedia," and similar books of reference. XXV JOHN, THE BELOVED. John was, in all probability, a native of Galilee ; for his home, when we first read of him, was on the shore of Gen nesaret, apparently of Bethsaida (comp. Luke 5 : 9 and John 1 : 44). Of his parents we know little more than the names ; the father was Zebedee, and the mother Salome. By some the mother is identified with the sister of Mary, the mother of Jesus (John 19 : 25 ; comp. Matt. 27 : 56, and Mark 15 : 40), which would make John the cousin of our Lord. This might account in part, though only in part, for the special affection that existed between them. Zebedee was engaged in fishery, and was a man of some wealth, employing ser vants (Mark 1 : 19, 20). Later, the father perhaps being dead, Salome is mentioned as a woman of "substance" (Luke 8:3; Matt. 27 : 55), and John had a house of his own (John 19 : 27). The apostle's acquaintance with the high priest — if John was the "other disciple," as is generally ad mitted — also points to a degree of social importance and even of culture, not usually associated with the ' ' poor, ig norant fishermen of Galilee," as it is common to describe the apostles of Jesus. The life of John, as known to us, ¦naturally falls into two periods, with the death of Jesus as the dividing line. First Period. — We may infer in the case of John a care ful education, such as the sons of the best Jewish families 166 JOHN, THE BELOVED 167 then received. This would develop in a naturally ardent soul a zealous attachment to the Jewish faith, and a belief in the coming Messiah. The proclamation of the Baptist's message found a ready acceptance in such hearts, and John, together with his brother James — conjectured to be the elder of the two, from his name being so generally given first — became disciples of the wilderness teacher. On the day following the baptism of Jesus, hearing the Baptist's testi mony that this was the Lamb of God, John and Andrew followed him, and abode with him that day — I assume here, and everywhere, that the unnamed disciple is always John. John must have been among the disciples who attended their master to the marriage feast at Cana, and witnessed his first miracle. It is not difficult to understand how this manifesta tion of Divine power, joined to their previous impressions gained from association with Jesus, confirmed their faith in him and his mission. After a journey with their master to Jerusalem, to attend the Passover, and the return through Samaria, the disciples seem for a short time to have returned to their homes and former vocations. The circumstances of the final call to the discipleship are narrated in Matt. 4 : 18 and the parallel passages. Still later came the formal selection of the twelve from the larger body of the disciples (Luke 6 : 12 ; Mark 3:13). By a process of spiritual se lection, four of these twelve were gradually promoted to a special intimacy with their Lord : John and his brother James, Simon and his brother Andrew. But even among these, John enjoyed the special distinction of being "the disciple whom Jesus loved." These four are always named before the others in lists of the apostles. Peter, James, and John were l68 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY chosen by Jesus to accompany him to the chamber of the dead daughter of Jairus (Mark 5 : 37), to witness his trans figuration (Mark 17 : 1), and to share with him the agony of Gethsemane (Matt. 26 : 37). If Peter is in a certain sense the leader, John is not far behind. He alone of the twelve, so far as appears, was with his master in his dying hour, and to his care Jesus committed his mother (John 19 ; 26, 27) — a trust that was doubtless faithfully executed. Second Period. — Peter and John were the first of the disciples to visit the tomb of Jesus. John, the younger and more vigorous, outran Peter when they heard from Mary Magdalene that the body was gone, but it was Peter who first entered the tomb — two very characteristic incidents (John 20 : 4-6). The same difference is seen on the ap pearance of Jesus to them on the sea of Galilee (John 21 : 1) ; John first sees and recognizes him, but it is Peter who plunges into the water to go to him. After the ascension of our Lord, we find Peter and John leading the work of the church. It was through them that the first apostolic miracle was wrought, and though Peter was the spokesman, it was John's faith equally with his own that made possible the healing of the lame man (Acts 3 : 3, 4). With" Peter he is sent to the brethren in Samaria, and welcomes them as believers in the Lord Jesus, thus taking his part in the first great ex pansion of the church. In the persecution under Herod Agrippa his brother James was put to death, and doubtless he was forced to seek safety in flight, but he returned and was one of the leading figures in the council of Jerusalem, being then and always regarded as one of the ' ' pillars ' ' of the church (Gal. 2 : 9). From this time on, the only trace JOHN, THE BELOVED 169 we have of the apostle, except in his writings, is in vague traditions. That he spent some time on the isle of Patmos he tells us himself (Rev. 1:9); that he dwelt a long time in Ephesus is probable ; and that he outlived all the other apostles, accords well with internal evidence from his writ ings. Tradition fixes his death nearly at the close of the first century. His Character. — None of the apostles have been more misunderstood than John. He is popularly known as "the apostle of love ' ' — an appropriate enough name, considering the prominence of this idea of love in his later writings, but unfortunate in the conclusions it has suggested. If we knew John only from his Gospel and E*pistles, composed in his old age, when experience had mellowed and ripened him, we might infer that his character in its softness was more womanly than masculine. Painters commonly picture him as slight and beautiful to the verge of effeminacy. Nothing could be farther from the truth. In fiery impetuosity John was inferior only to Peter among the twelve, during their early discipleship at least. It was because of vehemence and intensity of character that James and John were sur- named Boanerges, Sons of Thunder. It was they who re buked one who cast out devils in their Lord's name because he walked not with them ; who wished to call down fire from heaven on the inhospitable Samaritans ; who boasted them selves able to drink of their Master's cup, and aspired to sit one on his right hand and the other on his left in his king dom. Pride, ambition, revenge— the sins of strong and ardent natures — are the traits that we find disclosed by these incidents. They mark masculine strength, not feminine 170 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY delicacy. It is true that the grace of God gave John the ultimate mastery of these tendencies toward evil, but he became the apostle of love, not because he was feebly amiable by nature, but because through long years of con flict he gained the victory over self. Love is not weakness, but strength. In the kingdom of grace, as well as in the kingdom of this world, it is true that The bravest are the tenderest, The loving are the daring. His Writings. — The view taken of John's character above is confirmed by his writings, and, in turn, explains their peculiarities. The Revelation was written while he was still comparatively a young man, before the fires of his youthful character had been completely subdued. It is more impetuous in movement, bolder in imagery, more rugged in style, than his later writings. We may place the date at not later than 70 A. D. On the other hand, the Epistles and Gospel are markedly similar in tone, and belong to his later years, as we might conjecture if we had nothing but internal evidence to guide us. We may assign the Epistles to a date not earlier than 90 A. d., and the Gospel to one not later than 100 A. D. LITERATURE. Excellent articles may be found on John's life and writings pre fixed to Hovey's, Meyer's, and Godet's Commentaries on John; in Smith's " Dictionary of the Bible," and the " Schaff-Herzog Ency clopaedia " ; and there is a good monograph, modeled on Conybeare and Howson's biography of Paul : Dr. Macdonald's " Life and Writ ings of St. John. See also Neander, "Planting and Training," book V. XXVI. PETER THE ROCK. His Early Life. — Simon or Symeon (Acts 15 : 14) was a native of Bethsaida, the son of one Jonas (Matt. 16 : .17) or John (John 1 ; 42). His father was a fisherman, proba bly a man of some means, as his family and that of Zebedee were partners in the fisheries, owned boats and hired assist ants. The statement in Acts 4:13 that Peter and John "were unlearned and ignorant men " is true only from the standpoint of members of the Sanhedrin. These words mean simply that they were not trained in the schools of the rabbis, not that they were illiterate. To a Gamaliel, a Plato or. a Cicero would have been "unlearned and ig norant." We may be sure that Simon had been taught to read, that he had some knowledge of Greek, and that he was familiar with the Old Testament Scriptures. At the open ing of the gospel history he was married, and the house in which he then lived at Capernaum was large enough for him to entertain Jesus and a number of his disciples, after his mother-in-law had been healed of a fever. Simon and his brother Andrew had been among the disciples of John the Baptist, and they were preceded only by the sons of Zebedee in attaching themselves to Jesus. Their first call was one of discipleship simply, and after spending some weeks in his company and attending the Passover with him, they returned for a time to their business. The final call of 171 172 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY Andrew and Peter is told in Matt. 4:18 seq., and then they left all and followed their Master. Until the Resurrection. — The record of Simon's life from this time on is inseparable from that of Jesus. So far as appears from the • Gospels, he was not parted from his Master for a day, after his final call to service. He had been named by our Lord, Cephas — a stone or rock, Petros being the corresponding Greek word — and he well deserved the title, in spite of his amazing conduct at times. Very early he attained a recognized primacy among the twelve — not a primacy of office, for he never claimed any official superi ority nor was any such superiority conceded to him ; but a primacy of character, of leadership. Peter had the qualities that everywhere bring men to the front. He was bold to the verge — and often beyond the verge — of rashness, self-con fident, impulsive, not afraid of responsibility, ready of speech. There was more of rugged strength than of polish and tact in his character, but he was also a man in whom the affections were as warm as the spirit was ardent, and the will unbending. He showed none of the obstinacy that weak men imagine to be strength. He was at times open to the charge of fickleness and cowardice. Strong men are sometimes susceptible to sudden fits of irresolution ; brave men will sometimes yield to momentary panic. It is no in explicable thing that Peter boasts his readiness to die for his Lord, vows that though all become faithless he will remain faithful, and so far makes good his words as to draw his sword and attack the nearest man in the crowd who had come to arrest Jesus, and then suddenly takes to his heels and ingloriously runs away ; follows his Master afar off, and PETER THE ROCK I 73 finally denies him thrice in quick succession. This episode, shameful as it is, cannot wipe out the record of his former faithfulness and his later devotion. It was Peter who first confessed Jesus as the Christ of God ; upon Peter, not in any exclusive sense but as the leader and representative of the apostles, Jesus said that he would build his church ; to Peter, in the same representative capacity, he gave the keys of the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 16 : 17-19 ; comp. 18 : 18). And yet it was this same Peter whom Jesus called Satan (the adversary) when he would hinder the accomplishment of God's purposes. It was the impulsive, brave Peter who walked upon the water to meet his Lord, and it was a sudden onset of faint heartedness that caused him to sink. (Matt. 14 : 28-31.) But it was Peter whom Jesus chose for his most intimate companionship, and together with James and John, as witness of his miracles, his transfiguration, and his passion. In the Apostolic Church. — The primacy of Peter stands out very clearly in the first chapters of the Acts of the Apostles. It was at his suggestion that another was chosen to fill the vacancy in the twelve. It was he who preached the sermon on the day of Pentecost which resulted in the addition of three thousand to the church. He was the spokesman in the healing of the lame man before the Sanhedrin, and in executing judgment on Ananias and Sap- phira. He was the leader in the work among the Samari tans ; he made a tour through the cities, working miracles at Lydda and Joppa ; he first preached the gospel to a heathen, and baptized the first Gentile convert ; he turned the scale in favor of Paul at the Council of Jerusalem. 174 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY From this time on we are left largely to conjecture and to tradition for Peter' s history, yet we may draw the main out lines of his subsequent career with considerable confidence in their accuracy. His name is especially associated in tradition with the churches of Asia Minor, especially with that of Antioch, and with the church at Rome. Of his work at Antioch we have testimony in the Acts, and later still in Gal. 2:12, where we learn of another instance in which the usually bold and resolute Peter became a vacillating and time-serving man. This lapse was particularly unfortunate, because, but for the superior courage and firmness of Paul, the Judaizers would have conquered, at least for the time. We learn from 1 Cor. 10 : 5 that Peter's missionary labors were continuous, and that his wife was still living and shar ing his labors as late as A. d. 57. From 1 Pet. 5 : 13 we learn that he was for a time in Babylon, unless we take this name to be used symbolically for Rome, as in the Revela tion, which seems quite improbable. This reference, and the opening verses of the epistle, strongly confirm the tradi tion that the upbuilding of the Asiatic churches was due largely to the labors of Peter. The tradition of Peter's martyrdom at Rome is so early and unanimous that there is no good reason for doubting its truth. It probably occurred some time after the death of Paul, for had Peter been in Rome during Paul's lifetime it is inconceivable that no mention of the fact should have been found in the Pauline Epistles. The later tradition, of which the Roman Catholic church makes so much, that Peter was bishop of Rome for twenty-five years, is manifestly absurd, being quite irreconcilable with the New Testament. PETER THE ROCK I 75 His Writings. — Two letters in the New Testament pro fess to be composed by Peter. An ancient tradition says that Peter did not write them personally, having an imper fect knowledge of Greek, but employed an interpreter. If he employed different persons for the two letters, this might be allowed to explain the differences of the style that are quite obvious, from which some critics have drawn conclu sions adverse to the genuineness of the second letter. The genuineness of the first has never been seriously questioned ; both the external and the internal evidence are strongly in its favor. It is exactly the practical, hortatory letter that we might expect from Peter, without much of the doctrinal ele ment and lacking in logical sequence, but marked by direct ness, simplicity, and fervor. The second letter is more rhetorical ; its correspondences with the Epistle of Jude are such as to suggest imitation of that letter ; and serious doubts of its genuineness existed in the early church. It was one of the last books to be admitted to the New Testa ment canon. On the other hand, both its style and its contents are far above the later apocryphal writings, and the claim of Petrine authorship is clearly made. The church has been justified in holding that no mere negative testi mony could offset these facts, especially when it is consid ered that believers of all succeeding ages have found this epistle "profitable for instruction which is in righteous ness." Note. — The interpretation of Matt. 16 : 17-19 adopted above, is not that to which many Baptists are accustomed. The following from the volume on Matthew, by Dr. John A. Broadus, in " The American Commentary on the New Testament," may be found help- 176 THE DAWN OF CHRISTIANITY ful : " As Peter means rock, the natural interpretation is that ' upon -this rock ' means upon thee. No other explanation would probably at the present day be attempted, but for the fact that the obvious meaning has been abused by Papists to the support of their theory. But we must not allow the abuse of a truth to turn us away from its use ; nor must the convenience of religious controversy determine our interpretation of Scripture teaching. . . The Protestant reluctance- to admit that the rock means Peter really plays into the hands of the Romish controversialists. It forms the impression that conceding that point would be conceding all that the Romanist claims. . . Now to take Peter as the rock is certainly the most natural and obvious mean ing. And to make this the life or death issue is to give the Romanist a serious polemical advantage." And again : " However the rock may be understood, all must agree that our Lord gives the keys to Peter, i. e., the power of admitting (e. g., Acts II : 17), or denying admission (