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HISTORICAL ADDRESS,

DELIVERED AT HAMPTON, NEW -HAMPSHIRE,

ON THB astll OF DECKMBEB,

1838,

IN COMMEMORATION OF THE SETTLEMENT OF THAT TOWN

@^:s) ^mw^Jirtrlf M^^u^^

HAVING ELAPSED SINCE THAT EVENT.

BY
JOSEPH DOW, A. M.

PUBLISHED BY REQ,UEST.

PRINTED BY ASA McFARLAND,
( Opposite the State Souge. }
FEBRUARY, MDCCC XXXIX.

ADDRESS.

As in the life of every individual, so likewise in the history of
every community, there are seasons of more than ordinary in
terest. There are occasions, where not only individuals, but
whole communities, are forcibly reminded of the rapid flight of
time, and of the changes effected in a series of years. These
changes are not confined to any one class of objects. They
may be predicted of almost every thing around us. Many of
them are so gradual, that, when viewed in relation to two suc
cessive days, they are wholly imperceptible ; but they are, on
this account, no less real. The countenance of a friend, whom
we see every day, appears to undergo but little alteration while
he is in health ; but let us meet him after an absence of several
years, and the change, though no greater than before, is very
apparent. On one of those interesting occasions, when our thoughts are
busy with the past, and when they also run forward to scan the
events of futurity, we have this day assembled. Two hundred
years have passed away since the settlement of our town was
commenced, and the church that worships in this house, organ
ized. Our thoughts revert to that period, and, in our imagina
tions, we hear the forests of Winnicumet, echoing, for the first
time, with the sounds of civilized life. In the character and
the fortunes of the little band that then came hither, we feel a
deep interest, for they were our ancestors.
My object in the follwing rerharks, will be, to give a brief ac
count of the settlement of the town ; to notice some of the
more important transactions of the people, in the infancy of the
settlement ; to exhibit, however imperfectly, their trials, dangers.

and sufierings ; and then to trace, in a cursory manner, the his
tory of the first church, through a period of two centuries.
The first permanent settlement in New-England was made
near the close of the year 1620.
On the 10th day of August, 1622, a grant was made, by the
Council of Plymouth, to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Captain
John Mason, jointly, of all the land lying between the rivers
Merrimack an Sagadehock, now the Androscoggin, — extending
back to the great lakes and the river of Canada. This tract
was called Laconia, and it was the first grant in which the ter
ritory of Hampton was included.
The next year a settlement was commenced near the mouth
of the Piscataqua, and another further up the river, at the place
which subsequently received the name of Dover.
The principal object in the formation of these settlements,
both of which were commenced under the patronage of Gorges,
Mason, and several English merchants, styled the " Company
of Laconia," was to carry on the fishing business, which, it was
thought, would prove very lucrative.
May 17, 1629, a Deed is said to have been given by certain
Indian chiefs, assembled at Swamscot falls, now Exeter, to Rev.
John Whelewright and others, conveying to them, for what was
deemed an equivalent, all the land along the coast, between the
Merrimack and the Piscataqua rivers, and extending back to a
considerable distance into the country. In this tract our own
territory was evidently embraced.
Recently, however, the authenticity of this Deed has been
denied, though it is admitted that Whelewright, several years
afterwards, purchased of the Indians all the land lying within
a considerable distance of Swamscot falls. A similar course
was probably pursued by those who formed the first settlement
in this place.
On the 7th day of November, 1629, the Council of Ply
mouth made a new grant to Captain Mason, of a tract of land
" from the middle of Piscataqua river, and up the same to the
' farthest head thereof, and from thence north-westward, until
' sixty miles from the mouth of the harbor were finished ; also

' through Merrimack river, to the farthest head thereof, and so
' forward up into the land westward, until sixty miles were fin-
' ished; and from thence to cross over land to the end of the
' sixty miles as counted from Piscataqua river ; together with all
'islands within five leagues of the coast." This tract was call
ed New-Hampshire, and it included the whole of Whelewright's
purchase, if such a purchase was ever made, and a part of the
land previously granted to Massachusetts, as by the charter of
that colony its territory extended three miles north of the Mer
rimack. By other arrangements, made in 1630 and 1631, the settle
ments on the Piscataqua were divided into two parts, called the
upper and the lower plantations. Captain Thomas Wiggen was
appointed agent for the former, and Captain Walter Neal for the
latter, which extended as far south as the stream called Little
river, in the eastern part of North-Hampton.
In 1633 these two agents united in surveying their respective
patents, and in laying out the towns of Portsmouth, Northam,
afterwards called Dover — and Hampton ; though no settlement
had at that time been made at the place last mentioned.
Dr. Belknap says, that this survey was made by order of the
company of Laconia, and that these towns, together with Exeter,
were named by that company. Hampton was, however, incor
porated by its present name at the request of the first pastor of
the church established here. Whether he chose the name in
conformity to the wishes of the company of Laconia, I cannot
tell. I have been thus particular in noticing the different grants
that were made of the same territory, as they gave rise to much
subsequent litigation and expense, by which this town, as well
as others, was exceedingly harassed.
In 1636 the General Court of Massachusetts authorized two
persons, Mr. Dummer and Mr. Spencer, to erect a house at Hamp
ton, which was then called by its Indian name, Winnicumet. A
house was accordingly built by Nicholas Easton, under the di
rection of the two persons just mentioned, and at the expense
of the Colony of Massachusetts. This house was called the

Bound House, although, as Dr. Belknap observes, it was intend
ed as a mark of possession rather than of limit.
There is no evidence that a settlement was actually made
here, till two years afterwards. For what purpose, then, was
the Bound House erected ?
The General Court had learned, that there were in this
vicinity extensive salt-marshes. These must, at that time, have
been very valuable, as the upland had not been brought to such
a state of cultivation as to aflrord a sufficient quantity of hay to
winter the stock which might be kept through the summer.
The court wished to secure these marshes, and, by causing a
house to be erected near them, at the expense of the Colony,
they virtually claimed jurisdiction over them. It was, perhaps,
for the purpose of asserting such a jurisdiction, that they adopt
ed this measure.
On what grounds could the General Court claim jurisdiction
here ? The chartered limits of Massachusetts extended only
three miles north of the Merrimack ; but the Bound House was
probably much farther from that river.
That they did set up such a claim, is evident from the fact that
they soon after made a formal grant of the territory to the com
pany that actually formed a settlement here.
By a plain, natural construction of the meaning of their char
ter, this place was, undoubtedly, beyond their limits, while it
was evidently included in the grant made to Captain Mason.
The charters, however, that were given by the Council of Ply
mouth, and also those granted by the Crown, were often worded
with too little care. Sometimes, unquestionably, this arose from
a want of sufficient geographical information concerning the
portions of country granted, and, at other times, from sheer
carelessness. In this case, the grant to Massachusetts was of land reach
ing to " three miles north of the Merrimack river, and of every
part of it." Now, though that river is more than three miles
south of this place, yet, if we trace it up to its source, we shall
find, that it rises much farther to the north than we are, and
Massachusetts claimed the land to our east and west line, pass-

ing through a point three miles north of the most northerly part
of the river.
Such a construction of their charter would give the people
of that Colony all the land granted to Mason, and a large part
of Maine, which had been granted to Gorges ; thus rendering
the claims of these two gentlemen null and void, as the grants
to them were made after that to Massachusetts.
The agent of Mason's estate made some objections to the
claims and the proceedings of Massachusetts, yet no legal
method was taken to controvert this extension of their claim ;
and, as the historian of New-Hampshire very justly observes,
" the way was prepared for one still greater, which many cir
cumstances concurred to establish."
In 1638 a petition was presented to the General Court of
Massachusetts, by a number of people, chiefly from Norfolk in
England, praying for permission to settle at Winnicumet. On
the 7th of October their request was granted. Few privi
leges, however, were allowed besides that of forming a settle
ment. In the language of the early records of our town, " the
power of managing the affairs thereof was not then yielded to
them, but committed by the court to" three gentlemen, not be
longing to the settlement, " so as nothing might be done with
out the allowance of them, or two of them." *
It was not till the 7th of June, 1639, that the plantation was
allowed to be a town, and to choose a constable and other
officers, and, as our records state, " to make orders for the well
ordering of the town, and to send a deputy to the court." Even
then the power of laying out land was not granted to the town,
but was left to the three gentlemen to whom I have already al
luded. At that time three men belonging to the town, viz. Christo
pher Hussey, William Palmer, and Richard Swaine,were appoint
ed by the General Court, as commissioners, or justices, to have
jurisdiction over all causes of twenty shillings, or under.
"John Winthrop, Jr., and Mr. Rawson — probably Edward Rawaon —
were two of this committee. The name of the other is gone from the
records of the town.

On the 4th day of September, in the same year, at the re
quest of Rev. Stephen Bachelor, the name of the town was
changed from Winnicumet to Hampton, and about the same
time, through the influence of their deputy, the right of dis
posing of the land, and laying it out, was vested in the town.
The number of the original settlers was fifty-six. Rev. Dr.
Appleton, in his dedication sermon, preached in 1797, says, " of
the names of the first settlers of Hampton, only sixteen are
transmitted to us ; and but four of these names continue in the
place."* The same four names are still found among us, though
one of them will probably soon become extinct, as it is now
borne by only two individuals, both of them aged females.
The names of the sixteen persons referred to by Dr. Apple-
ton are given in the first volume of Belknap's History of New-
Hampshire. In that list the name of only one female is found,
and it is probable that most of the other settlers were members
of the families of these sixteen.
Though the number of settlers was at first only fifty-six, yet
large additions were soon made. At the time when the settle
ment became a town, the number of inhabitants had very much
increased. Indeed, a writer who lived and wrote about that
time, says that in 1639 there were about sixty families
here.t It has been supposed that this writer stated the num
ber larger than it really was. There are, however, reasons for
believing that his statement is not far from the truth. In the
record of the proceedings at a town meeting, early in the fol
lowing year, more than sixty individuals are mentioned ; and it
is probable, from the great diversity of their names, that they
belonged to nearly as many different families.
The historian of New-Hampshire says, that the people here
began the settlement by laying out the township into one hun
dred and forty-seven shares. Others, relying upon him as author
ity, have repeated the statement. Our records, however, fur
nish an abundance of evidence that it is incorrect ; and had Dr.
Belknap, in this instance, exercised his usual caution, he would
not have been led into such an error. The transaction which
"See Appendix, A. t See Appendix, B.

probably gave rise to this remark, did not occur till more than
seven years after the settlement was commenced, and, even at
that time, there was a division of only a small portion of the
land within the limits of the township.
The course the people really pursued was far different from
that which has so often been imputed to them. Soon after they
were allowed the privileges of freemen, they began to exercise
them. The first town meeting, of which any record remains,
was held October 31, 1639. William Wakefield was chosen
town clerk. The freemen, instead of proceeding to lay out
the township into any definite number of shares, appointed a
committee, whose duty it should be, for the space of one year,
" to measure, lay forth, and bound all such lots as should be
granted by the freemen there." The compensation allowed this
committee, was twelve shillings for laying out a house lot, and,
in ordinary cases, one penny an acre for all other land they
might survey.
Only one other article was acted upon at this meeting. The
object of that was to secure the seasonable attendance of the
freemen at town meetings. A vote was passed, imposing a fine
of one shilling on each freeman, who, having had due notice of
the meeting, should not be at the place designated, within half
an hour of the time appointed.
On other occasions, similar votes were passed, and rules were
adopted to secure order and regularity, when the people were
assembled in town meeting. I will mention the substance of
several regulations made in 1641.
At the close of each meeting, a moderator was to be chosen,
to preside at the next meeting.
Every meeting was to be opened and closed with prayer by
the moderator, unless one of the ministers were present, upon
whom he might call to lead in that exercise.
After the prayer at the opening of the meeting, the names of
the freemen were to be called, and the absentees noted, by the
town clerk.
The moderator was then " to make way for propositions" to
2

10
be considered at the meeting. In doing this, he might propose
any business himself, or he might call upon others to mention
subjects to be acted upon.
When any person wished to speak in the meeting, he was to
do it standing, and having his head uncovered.
When an individual was speaking in an orderly manner, no
other one was to be allowed to speak without permission ; and
no person was to be permitted to speak, at any meeting, more
than twice, or three times at most, on the same subject.
When any article of business had been proposed, it was to be
disposed of before any other business could be introduced.
Penalties were to be exacted for every violation of any of
these rules.
December 24, 1639, grants of land, to the amount of 2,160
acres, were made to 13 persons, in parcels, varying from eighty
acres to three hundred. These were merely grants of a cer
tain number of acres, without determining where the different
lots should be located. The locations were fixed at subsequent
meetings. It is worthy of notice, that the persons who were regarded
as the principal men in the town, received grants of the largest
tracts of land, and so uniformly was this the case in regard to
those individuals whose rank is known, that we may probably
judge, with a considerable degree of accuracy, concerning the
standing of others, by the grants made to them. In making
the grants just mentioned, the records inform us, that " respect
was had, partly to estates, partly to charges, and partly to other
things." Town meetings were frequently holden, at which, in addition
to the election of the necessary town officers, the making of
regulations for the government of the people, the laying out of
highways, and the transaction of such business as ordinarily
comes before town meetings, at the present day, the people by
vote, admitted persons to enjoy the privileges of freemen, and,
from time to time, made such grants of land as "they thought
proper. We come now to the transaction, alleged to have been a divis-

11
ion of the town into 147 shares. It took place on the 23d of
the 12th month, 1645 ; that is, according to the method of
reckoning time, afterwards adopted, in February, 1646. At
that time the town having previously disposed of a large portion
of the land that had been surveyed, agreed to reserve 300 acres
to be disposed of afterwards, and to divide the remaining part
of the commons into 147 shares, and to distribute it among
persons, most or all of whom had received previous grants.
There is some uncertainty as to the extent that was intended
to be given to this order. It is certain that it was not designed
to include all the land within the township, which had not already
been disposed of, as large tracts were afterwards ordered to be
laid out, and others were granted to individuals at different
times. The probability is, that it was intended to embrace only
such parts of the town as had been actually surveyed, but had
not been granted to individuals.*
Six years after this transaction, it was determined, at a public
town meeting, that the great Ox-Common, lying near the Great
Boar's Head, " should be shared to each man according as it
would hold out." It appears from the records, that in conform
ity to this order the common was divided into about seventy-
five shares, and distributed among a portion of the people ; most
of those to whom any part was granted, received one share
each, though a few individuals received two, or even three shares
apiece. Four years afterward, Sargent's Island was appropriated to
the use of fishermen, for the purpose of building stages and
other things necessary in curing fish. There was in the grant,
however, a promise, that, if the island should be deserted by
fishermen, it should still remain at the town's disposal. On the
9th of June, 1663, it was voted in town meeting, that the
land in the west part of the town should be laid out to the amount
of four thousand acres, extending through the whole breadth of
the town along its western boundary. Subsequently it was
* From a vote of the town passed several years afterwards, it appears,
that the land divided at this time was only the Low Common, so called,
lying in the northeast part of the town.

12
determined that this land should be laid out, partly in shares of
80 acres each, and partly in shares of 100 acres each.
About a year afterwards, it was agreed, that each one of the
inhabitants of the town, who would assure the selectmen that
he would settle on these lands within twelve months, should be
entitled to twenty acres for a house lot.
This land was called the New Plantation, and it extended from
Salisbury to Exeter, and of course was a part of land now em
braced in three or four towns.
I have mentioned these instances of grants and of laying out
land, merely as a specimen of the course which our forefathers
pursued.* When the settlement was in its infancy, it would have been
very much exposed to injury if no precautions had been taken
in regard to receiving inhabitants. Mischievous and disorderly
persons might have come in and harassed the settlers. This
was foreseen, and measures were taken to prevent it. The power
of admitting inhabitants and of granting them the privileges of
freemen, was strictly guarded. After the town was once organ
ized, none were admitted from abroad without the permission
of the freemen. It was voted, " that no manner of person should
come into the town as an inhabitant, without the consent of the
town, under the penalty of twenty shillings per week, unless he
give satisfactory security to the town."
On different occasions, votes were passed to prohibit the
selectmen from admitting inhabitants. I will cite several ol
these, nearly in the words of the Town Records, as they will
serve to show the course that was taken in regard to the subject.
The first vote of this kind, on record, is dated on the 6th ol
the 10th month, 1639, and is as follows : —
" Liberty is given to William Fuller of Ipswich, upon request,
to come and sit down here as a planter and smith, in case he
bring a certificate of approbation from the elders."
" On the 25th of the 9th month, 1654. — By an act of the
town, Thomas Downes, shoemaker, is admitted an inhabitant
* See Appendix, C.

13
who is to make and mend shoes for the town, upon fair and
reasonable terms."
" May 22, 1663. Thomas Parker, shoemaker, desiring lib
erty to come into the town and follow his trade of shoemaking,
liberty accordingly is granted him by the town." Ten men,
however, dissented from this vote.
On the 8th of the 10th month, 1662, an order of the town
was passed determining who should be regarded as inhabitants.
It runs thus : — " It is acted and ordered, that henceforth no
' man shall be judged an inhabitant in this town, nor have power
' or liberty to act in town affairs, or have privilege of common-
' age, either sweepage or feedage, but he that hath one share of
' commonage, at least, according to the first division, and land to
' build upon."
The sources of some of the troubles and perplexities of the
early settlers, will next claim our attention. They were ha
rassed by wild beasts, and by lawless men. No wonder, indeed,
that they were troubled by the former. Until the English set
tlements were formed, the wild beasts had been free to range
the country, their right undisputed, and themselves unmolested,
except occasionally by the Indian hunter. It could hardly be
expected that they would tamely yield to the new settlers, and
acknowledge their right of jurisdiction over them. Though
they did not often attack the people, yet they showed less re
spect for their herds and flocks. It then early became an object
with the people to destroy such beasts as were found to be
troublesome. Perhaps none annoyed them more than the
wolves ; and bounties were offered by the town, as an induce
ment for killing them. i
In January, 1645, a bounty of ten shillings was offered for
each wolf that might be killed in the town.* Nine years after
wards the bounty was increased to forty shillings. In 1658 it
was raised to five pounds.
In 1663 a bounty of twenty shillings was likewise offered for
each bear killed within the limits of the town.
The settlers were also troubled by disorderly persons. Dep-
* See Appendix, D.

14
redations were often made upon the common lands owned by
the town. The making of staves appears to have been a pro
fitable employment, and some persons, who were engaged in this
business, were not very scrupulous in regard to the means era-
ployed to procure timber. Wherever they could find any, that
was suitable for staves, they took it, without inquiring to whom
it belonged. The very best of the timber was thus, in many
instances, taken from the commons. The town adopted various
expedients to prevent such acts, but still depredations continued
to be committed.
In some instances, persons, whom the town had never admit
ted as inhabitants, settled on the public lands. In other cases,
difficulties occurred, and disputes arose, in consequence of the
boundaries of the town not being well defined. There were
disputes of this kind with Salisbury, and with Portsmouth.
The township extended so far north as to include a portion of
the present town of Rye, and near the northern limit several
persons settled without permission from the town. One of the
most resolute and stubborn of them was John Locke, who set
tled at Jocelyn's, — now Locke's, — Neck. He was ordered to
leave the town, but seems not to have regarded the order ; and
at length, a committee was chosen at a public town meeting,
to go and pull up Locke's fence, and give him notice not to
meddle further with the town's property. The difficulty with
him was not settled till he, having expressed a willingness to
demean himself peaceably as a citizen, was received as an in
habitant, by a vote of the town.
In speaking of the trials of our forefathers, it would be inex
cusable to pass over in silence the dangers and the sufferings
which resulted from the hostility of the Indians. It is uncer
tain how soon after the first settlement of the to wn they began
to manifest their hostility. It is, however, evident that it was
at a very early period.
In the latter part of the year 1640, the town passed a vote in
relation to a watch-house, appropriating the meeting-house porch
to this purpose, temporarily, till another could be procured.
The object of providing a watch-house is not, indeed, stated.

15
but we can hardly conceive of any object, unless fears were
entertained from Indian hostility. That such was really the
case will appear probable, if we compare this vote of the town
with another passed several years afterward, at a time when it
is well known that most of the settlements in this vicinity were
exceedingly harassed by the Indians. The .selectmen were
then ordered " to build a convenient watch-house, according to
law, and to set it where the old watch-house stood, and to pro
vide powder, balls, watches, flints, and what else the law
requires, for a town stock for the soldiers."
Trainings were also ordered at an early period. Our rec
ords mention one that was appointed by the officers to be held
on the 18th of May, 1641. Whether military duty was required
by the town, or enjoined by the government of Massachusetts,
is not of consequence. In either case, it shows that danger
was apprehended from some source or other ; but whence, except
from the Indians, could the early settlers in this section of our
country anticipate danger, which might be repelled by force of
arms ?
Oji the 8th of July, 1689, a vote was passed, very explicit, in
regard to the town's apprehension of danger from the Indians.
The vote is as follows : — "That all those who are willing to
' make a fortification about the meeting-house, to secure them-
' selves and their families from the violence of the heathen, shall
' have free liberty to do it."
A fortification was accordingly built around the meetino'-
house, distinct traces of which remained till the academy was
removed, a few years ago, to the spot it now occupies, and the
land around it ploughed. I believe that, even now, a small por
tion of the mound may be seen, just without the east side of the
academy yard.
May 17, 1692, it was voted to extend the line of this fortifi
cation, so as to enclose more space, and liberty was given "to
build houses in it according to custom in other forts."
At the same time it was voted to build within the fort, at the
town's expense, a house 14 by 16 feet, for the use of the minis
ter, and that, when he made no use of it, it should be improved
as a school-house.

16
About a year previous to the transaction just named, " it was
' voted that a committee should be chosen to agree with, and to
' send out two men as scouts, to see what they could discover of
' the enemy, so long as they could go upon the snow, or so long
' as the neighboring towns sent out."
A distinguished historian says of a period a little subsequent
to this, that " the state of the country at this time was truly
'distressed: a large quota of their best men were abroad, the
' rest harassed by the enemy at home, obliged to do continual
' duty in garrisons, and in scouts, and subject to severe discipline
' for neglects. They earned their bread at the continual hazard
' of their lives, never daring to stir abroad unarmed ; they could
' till no lands but what were within call of the garrisoned houses,
' into which their families were crowded ; their husbandry, lum-
' ber trade and fishery, were declining, and their taxes increas-
' ing, yet these people resolutely kept their ground."*
But we need not confine our attention to a recital of their
fears and apprehensions, and to their preparations for self-de
fence. We may look at the actual loss of lives among them.
How many of the early inhabitants of Hampton were slain by
the Indians, we cannot confidently tell. The following facts
rest on good authority.
On the 13th of June, 1677, four persons were killed in that
part of the town which is now North-Hampton. These men
were Edward Colcord, Jr., Abraham Perkins, Jr., Benjamin
Hilliard, and Caleb Towle.
August 4, 1691, Capt. Samuel Sherburne and James Dolloff",
both of Hampton, were killed by the Indians, near Casco Bay,
in Maine.
August 26, 1696, John Locke was killed, while at work in
his field, in the northeast part of the town, at Locke's neck,
now in the town of Rye.t
August 17, 1703, five persons were killed between this town and
Salisbury. One of them was a little boy, named Huckley. The
* Belknap.
t In Farmer and Moore's Gazetteer, it is stated that Locke was killed in
1694. The date given here rests on the authority of Hampton Records.

17
others were Jonathan Green, Nicholas Bond, Thomas Lancas
ter and the widow Mussey. The last two were quakers. One
of them, Mrs. Mussey, was distinguished as a speaker among
the quakers, by whom her death was much lamented.
Dr. Belknap states that these persons were killed at Hampton
village by a party of Indians under Capt. Tom, and further,
that at the same time, the Indians plundered two houses, but
having alarmed the people, and being pursued by them, they ffed.
August 1, 1706, Benjamin Fifield was killed in the pasture
near his house, and at the same time a boy was either killed or
taken. Having mentioned these instances of murder, nearly all of
which were committed within the limits of Hampton, I will
merely subjoin a brief account of an expedition, which proved
fatal to Capt. Swett, one of the inhabitants of this town. He
was sent by the government to assist the eastern settlements
against the Indians. He was accompanied by forty English
soldiers, and 200 friendly Indians. With these forces he march
ed to Ticonic falls, on the Kennebeck, where it is said the In
dians had six forts, well furnished with ammunition. Having
met the enemy, Swett and his men were repulsed, and he him
self with about sixty others slain. Probably a part of this num
ber, as well as their leader, belonged to this town.
We shall next glance at the civil and political history of the
town during the early period of its existence. In doing this, it
may be proper, not only to consider the connection of the town
with the colonial governments of Massachusetts and of New-
Hampshire, but also the policy pursued by the people, consider
ed simply as a town.
Very soon after the inhabitants acquired corporate powers,
we find them, as has already been remarked, assembled in town
meeting. The transactions at the first meeting of which any re
cord remains, have already been noticed. A town clerk, and
three lot layers were chosen, the latter for the term of one year.
It appears from the records that some of the town officers were
from the first elected annually. Others seem to have been chosen
3

18
for an indefinite period, or till their places should be suppli
ed by a new election. The first town clerk held his office more
than four years, probably without being annually reelected.
His successor continued in office nearly three years before any
new election was made. There is no evidence from the records
that this became an annual office for more than sixty years after
the settlement was commenced.
It may be well here to notice the fact, that the people of this
place have not, during any period of their history, been disposed
to change their town clerks frequently, there having been less
than twenty during the two hundred years that the town has
existed. The duties and the compensation of the lot-layers have been
already mentioned.
Another set of officers, chosen at a very early period, was
that of woodwards, an office which long ago became extinct
among this people. It would be very natural to suppose that
when almost the whole township was a wilderness, no objection
would have been made to cutting trees in any part of it ; but
such was not the case.
As early as 1639, three woodwards were elected, and no man
was to fell any trees except on his own lot, without permission
from these men, or at least two of them ; and at another meet
ing during the same year, the town voted a similar prohibition,
and also a fine for its violation. The fine was ten shillings for
every tree felled without license from the woodwards.
It was further voted, that if any man had any trees assigned
to him, he should fell them within one month, and make use of
them within three months after felling, or the trees should be at
the disposal of any two of the woodwards.
In taking a brief notice of the town ofiicers, during the early
part of our history, it will probably be expected that the board
of selectmen should hold a prominent place. It does not appear,
however, that such ofiicers were elected till the settlement had
been begun several years. The practice of choosing selectmen
seems to have been of New-England origin, and to have grown
up from the circumstances in which the early inhabitants were

19
placed. After they had established themselves in the wilderness,
far from their native land, and from the seat of that government
to which they acknowledged allegiance, they found themselves
under the necessity of managing their own affairs. At first these
seem to have been conducted in a purely democratic way, so
far at least as those who were regarded as freemen were con
cerned. They held frequent town meetings, and delegated power
to committees from time to time, only for a specific purpose.
This method of proceeding being at length found inconvenient,
several persons were chosen to act for the town, as it is express
ed in the records, " in managing the prudential affairs thereof."
This board of officers, to which at length the name of select
men was given, at first, consisted in Hampton, of seven persons.
The first notice of such a board is in 1644. On the 4th of May
in that year, the following vote was passed — " These several
' brethren, namely — William Fuller, Thomas Moulton, Robert
' Page, Philemon Dalton, Thomas Ward, Walter Ropper, and
' William Howard, are chosen to order the prudential affairs of
' the town for a whole year, next following ; reserving only to the
' freemen the giving out of commons and receiving of inhabit-
' ants." In about ten or twelve instances the number of selectmen has
been seven. Generally five were chosen, till the year 1823, and
from that time to the present only three have been elected an-
nucdly, except in the year 1829, when the board consisted of five
persons. It is unnecessary to speak particularly of other town officers,
as they were generally the same, and possessed of similar pow
ers, with those of more modern times.
To show that the town took cognizance of some matters
which at the present day are left to adjust themselves, I will
mention a regulation, made in 1641, in regard to wages. From
September to March, workmen were to be allowed only I5.
4tZ. per day, and from March to September, Is. 8d. except for
mowing, for which 2s. should be allowed. For a day's work for
a man with four oxen and a cart, five or six shillings were to be
allowed, according to the season of the year. Soon after it was

20
voted that the best workmen should not receive more than 2s. a
day, and others not more than Is. 8d.
It has already been noticed, that Hampton was settled by
the authority of Massachusetts, and it was for many years con
sidered under the jurisdiction of that colony. In 1639 the
town was authorized to send a deputy, or representative, to the
General Court at Boston.
This privilege was not long negected, for about five months
afterwards the town assessed a tax to pay their deputy, John
Moulton, who had at that time been twice to the court, having
spent twenty-seven days in the service of the town. The com
pensation allowed him was 2s. 6d. per day, besides his expenses.
In September, 1640, John Cross was elected a deputy to the
court to be holden on the 7th day of the next month. He was the
second representative chosen by the town.
Hampton was probably for a short time under the immediate
jurisdiction of the courts at Boston. On the 25th of July, 1640,
a " grand juryman" was chosen for the court to be holden at Bos
ton in the following month.
The town was soon annexed to the jurisdiction of the county
of Essex, whose courts were held at Ipswich.
In 1643 a new county was formed, embracing all the towns
between the Merrimack and Piscataqua rivers. This was called
the county of Norfolk. The number of towns within its limits
was six. Salisbury was the shire town ; Portsmouth and Dover,
however, had courts of their own, and in each of the towns there
was an inferior court, whose jurisdiction extended to causes of
twenty shillings and under.
The claim of Massachusetts to jurisdiction over the whole terri
tory embraced within the county of Norfolk, was not undisputed.
Mason, to whom a large part of it had been granted by charter, was
dead. His heirs made some opposition, but there were at that time
almost insurmountable difficulties in the way of obtaining redress
by a civil process. In England, Charles and his Parliament were
at variance, and civil war was raging among the people. When,
after the execution of the king, Cromwell was at the head of
the Commonweath, Mason's heirs could not hope for success in

21
bringing an action against Massachusetts, for his family had al
ways been adherents to the royal cause.
At the restoration in 1660, an attempt was made to influence
the king to grant relief to the heirs, or rather to the heir, of
Mason. A petition for this purpose was presented to Charles
II., who referred it to his Attorney General, and he reported that
the petitioner had a good and legal title to the Province of New-
Hampshire. In 1664 commissioners were appointed by the crown to set
tle disputes in the New-England Colonies. These commission
ers were not very favorably received, as their appointment, with
such powers as were conferred upon them, was considered by the
colonists an infringement of their chartered rights.
On their arrival in New-England, they made inquiries in re
gard to the bounds of Mason's patent, and decided that the ju
risdiction of Massachusetts should extend no farther north than
the Bound House.
The proeeedings of the commissioners gave umbrage to a
large portion of the people. A party, however, had been pre
viously disaffected towards the government of Massachusetts.
A person by the name of Corbett, who belonged to this party,
instigated, probably, by the commissioners, prepared a petition
to the king in the name of the towns of Portsmouth, Dover,
Exeter, and Hampton, complaining of the usurpation of Massa
chusetts, and praying for a release from that government. A large
majority of the people, however, did not countenance these pro
ceedings, and at their request the General Court of Massachu
setts appointed a committee, before whom the people of the four
towns had an opportunity to show their disapprobation of Cor.
bett's proceedings. Corbett himself was apprehended by war
rant from the secretary of Massachusetts, in the name of the
General Court, and tried and found guilty of sedition, and pun
ished with severity.
Soon after this period the New-England colonies were involv
ed in a general war with the Indians. Previous to that time,
the wars with them had been of limited extent. For many years
their minds had been full of suspicions and of jealousies. These

22
were fanned and blown into aflame by Philip, a powerful sachem,
who resided at Mount Hope, in Rhode Island. He was resolv
ed upon a war of extermination. He sent runners to most of
the tribes in New-England, and succeeded in engaging nearly
all of them in an enterprize so adriotly planned.
Open hostilities commenced in June, 1675. The eastern
Indians, who resided in Maine, extended their incursions into
New-Hampshire. Houses were burned, and people slain, in
various places. One man was killed and another captured, by a
small party that lay in ambush near the road, between this town
and Exeter. The one who was taken afterwards made his es
cape. I shall not proceed to narrate in detail the events of this war.
The dangers and the sufferings of the people of Hampton, at that
time, have been already noticed. It must suffice to add, that
the war terminated in the southern part of New-England, with
the death of Philip, in August, 1676. In New-Hampshire, it
raged two years longer, and for a time seemed to threaten the
extinction of the whole colony.
During this war, the heir of Mason made another attempt in
England to recover possession of New-Hampshire. Massachu
setts was called upon by the crown to show cause why she exer
cised jurisdiction over this province. The royal order was
brought to Boston by Edward Randolph, a kinsman of Mason.
He soon came to New-Hampshire, and published a letter from
Mason, in which he claimed the soil of the province as his own
property. The people here were alarmed, and called public
meetings, in which they protested against the claim, and
agreed to petition the king for protection.
They stated that they had purchased the land of the natives ;
that they had labored hard to bring it under cultivation, and they
thouo-ht it very unjust that their hard earned property should
now be wrested from them.
Agents were sent over to England, after Randolph's return,
and a hearing was granted them before the highest judicial au
thorities. After the hearing, the judges reported that Mason's
heir had no right of government in New-Hampshire ; and further.

23
that the four towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter, and
Hampton, were beyond the limits of Massachusetts. In regard
to Mason's right to the soil of New-Hampshire, they expressed
no opinion.
This report was accepted and confirmed by the king in council.
New-Hampshire was then separated from Massachusetts, with
which it had been for so long time so happily united. The com
mission for the government of New-Hampshire passed the great
seal on the 18th of September, 1679.
Under the new order of things, a President and six Counsel
lors were appointed by the crown, and these were authorized to
choose three other persons, to be added to their number. An
Assembly was also to be called. The powers of the respective
branches of the government were tolerably well defined.
Among the counsellors named in the commission, was Chris
topher Hussey, of this town, and one of the three afterwards
chosen also belonged to Hampton, viz — Samuel Dalton.
This change of government was very far from being satis
factory to the people generally, and even those appointed to of
fice entered upon their duties with great reluctance.
In the writs issued for calling a General Assembly, the per
sons in each town, who were considered as qualified to vote,
were expressly named. The whole number in the four towns
was 209, fifty-seven of whon;i belonged to Hampton, The oath
of allegiance was administered to each voter. A public fast was
observed, to ask the divine blessing on the assembly that was
soon to convene, and to pray for " the continuance of their pre
cious and pleasant things."
The assembly consisted of eleven members, three from each
of the four towns, except Exeter, which sent only two, that
town having but twenty voters. The members from Hampton
were Anthony Stanyan, Thomas Marston, and Edward Gove.
The assembly met at Portsmouth, on the 16th of March, 1680.
Rev. Joshua Moody, of that town, preached the election sermon.
Under the new government, the President and Council, with
the Assembly, were a Supreme court of Judicature, a jury be
ing allowed when desired by the parties. Inferior Courts were
established at Dover, Portsmouth, and Hampton.

24
In 1682, another change was introduced into the government.
Edward Cranfield was appointed Lieutenant Governor and Com
mander-in-chief of New-Hampshire. This change was effect
ed through the influence of Mason's grandson and heir. Cran-
field's commission was dated May 9, 1682.
Within a few days after publishing his commission, he began
to exhibit his arbitrary disposition, by suspending two of the
counsellors. The next year he dismissed the Assembly, be
cause they would not comply with all his requests.
This act of Cranfield's very much increased the discontent of
the people. In this town particularly, and in Exeter, it created
a great excitement. Edward Gove, of this town, a member of
the Assembly that had been dismissed, was urgent for a revolu
tion. He went from town to town, crying out for " liberty and
reform," and endeavoring to induce the leading men in the
Province to join him in a confederacy to overturn the govern-
ernment. But they were less rash than he was. However they
might feel towards the government, they disapproved of Gove's
measures, and informed against him ; upon which he collected
his followers and appeared in arms ; but was at length induced
to surrender. He was soon after tried for high treason, was
convicted, and received sentence of death. His property was
confiscated. He was sent to England, and after remaining
imprisoned in the Tower three years, was pardoned, and re
turned home, and his estate was restored to him.
Several other persons were also tried for treason, two of whom
belonged to Hampton. These were convicted of being accom
plices with Gove, but were reprieved, and at length pardoned
without being sent to England.
Not long after, when the courts had all been organized in a
way highly favorable to Mason, he commenced suits against sev
eral persons for holding lands and felling timber which he claim
ed. These suits were decided in his favor ; the persons prose
cuted, generally, indeed, making no defences. Some of the
people of this town gave in writing their reasons for not offer
ing a defence. The jury, however, gave their verdicts without
hesitation. A large number of cases were despatched in a sin
gle day, and the costs were made very great.

g0
Still, those who were prosecuted, and against whom execu
tions were obtained, had one consolation. When their estates
were exposed to sale, no purchaser could be found, so that they
still retained possession of them.
At length the grievances of the people were past endurance,
and they resolved to complain directly to the king, Nathaniel
Weare, of this town, was accordingly chosen their agent, and
despatched to England,
In 1684, Cranfield wishing to raise money to relieve himself
from embarrassment, under false pretences induced the Assem
bly to pass an act for raising the money by taxation. The con
stables either negected or refused to collect the tax, and a spe
cial officer was appointed for the purpose. When this officer
came to Hampton, he was beaten, deprived of his sword, seated
on a horse and conveyed out of the Province, to Salisbury, with
a rope about his neck, and his feet tied together beneath the
horse's body.
At the time of this transaction, Weare, the agent of the peo
ple, was in England, In consequence of his representations,
censures were passed on some of Cranfield's proceedings, and
he soon after left New-England and sailed to the West-Indies,
When the revolution occurred, which placed William, Prince
of Orange, on the throne of England, the people of New-Hamp
shire were left in an unsettled state, A convention of deputies
was holden, to resolve upon some method of government. Dr.
Belknap says that " it does not appear from Hampton records
whether they joined in this Convention," This statement is in
correct. The town determined to unite with the other towns in
the Convention, and for this purpose they chose and instructed
six delegates. The persons chosen were Henry Green, Henry
Dow, Nathaniel Weare, Samuel Sherburne, Morriss Hobbs, and
Edward Gove.*
At the first meeting, the Convention came to no conclusion.
Afterward they thought it best to become united with Massachu-
* See Appendix, E.
4

26
setts again, Massachusetts very readily agreed to receive them
till the king's pleasure should be known. In 1692, the king
having refused to allow this union, sent over John Usher as
lieutenant governor of New-Hampshire,
The people in general were so well satisfied with the govern
ment of Massachusetts, that they were very reluctant to be again
separated from it. They, however, submitted to the king's order,
as a case of necessity.
We have now arrived at a period upon which we cannot look
back without astonishment and regret, at the infatuation which
prevailed in regard to witchcraft, I cannot relate, in detail, the
proceedings of courts, and of churches, too, in relation to
this subject. The chief seat of the infatuation was in and near
Salem, Many persons were accused of being witches, were tried
and condemned. Several were executed, while others were
pardoned. The delusion was not confined to the vicinity of
Salem. It extended to this town, and persons here fell under
suspicion, and were tried for the crime of witchcraft. " In
fine," to use the language of an old writer, " the country was in
a dreadful ferment, and wise men foresaw a long train of bloody
and dismal consequences.''
We may wonder that the people of that period could be so
deluded; but in New-England a belief in witchcraft was then
almost universal. The same belief also prevailed in Eng
land, and even took strong hold of some powerful minds. It is
said that several persons were tried and condemned by Sir Mat
thew Hale, a gentleman of noble intellectual endowments, and
great moral worth, and one of the most distinguished judo-es
that ever sat upon the English bench.
The author of the " Magnalia,'' after relating several wonder
ful feats, said to have been performed by those who were reported
to be witches, gravely adds : " Flashy people may burlesque
' these things, but when hundreds of people, in a country where
' they have as much mother wit certainly as the rest of mankind,
' know them to be true, nothing but the absurd and froward
' spirit of Sadducism can question them."
But this feeling has passed away, and few people now fear

27
that they shall be .called Sadducees, or infidels, for maintaining
the opinion that witchcraft is all a delusion.
It would be interesting to go back to our earliest history, and
trace the progress of education in the town ; to inquire what
methods were adopted by our fathers, to instruct the young, and
to notice the self-denials and the expenses to which the people
subjected themselves, to afford the means of instruction to their
children. A subject so important and so interesting, must, how
ever, be passed over with a very few remarks.
It is probable that the ministers of the gospel, who were, from
the first settlement of the town, stationed here as religious teach
ers, improved the opportunities which were afforded them, to
inform the minds of those to whom they ministered, particularly
the minds of the young. To judge otherwise would be derog
atory to the good sense, the intelligence, and the discretion of
the ministers themselves.
But straitened as were the circumstances of the people, they
as a town were not unmindful of their duties to the young.
Provision was early made for furnishing them with the means of
acquiring knowledge. It is, indeed, uncertain at how early a
period schools were established among them ; probably soon
after the formation of the settlement.
There is on record an agreement of the selectmen with a
school-master, made in 1649, employing him, for a stipulated
sum, to instruct the children of the town daily, for a whole year,
when the weather would permit them to come together.* It is
hardly probable that a contract would have been made with an
instructer for so long a term, unless schools, or a school, had
been previously established. It is not unreasonable to suppose
that the origin of schools here is nearly coeval with the settle
ment of the town. While the town was under the jurisdiction
of Massachusetts, the people were required by law to maintain
a free school during a considerable portion of the time. Still,
it is not certain that this law went into operation here till after
the date of the agreement already mentioned. Since that time,
* See Appendix, F.

28
there can be but little doubt that free schools'have been main
tained during a part at least of every year, where opportunities
have been furnished for acquiring the rudiments of an education.
The next thing I shall notice, is the Ecclesiastical History of
the town.
The object of the first settlers near the Piscataqua, as already
mentioned, was to prosecute the fishing business. That business
has undoubtedly been carried on here from a very early period ;
but this seems not to have been the prime object in forming the
settlement. Our fathers came hither for the enjoyment of religious
freedom. One of their first movements was to secure a minis
ter, who should be to them a spiritual guide. They came hither
united in church covenant, and at the very commencement of
the settlement they were supplied with a pastor. It has been
handed down to us by tradition, that the church was formed,
and a pastor procured, before the settlement of the town was
actually commenced ; and the language of our early records
seems to give countenance to this tradition. The records state
that, "It was granted unto Mr. Stephen Bachelor and hiscom-
' pany, who were some of them united together by church gov-
' vernment, that they should have a plantation at Winnicumet,
' and accordingly they were shortly after to enter upon and begin
' the same." This purports to have been taken from the Massa
chusetts court records.
A fair inference from this language is that the formation of
the plantation was subsequent to that of the church.
It has sometimes been said that this was the second church
formed in New-Hampshire, — a church having been previously
gathered at Exeter. Both churches were formed in the year
1638 ; but I have been unable satisfactorily to determine which
may justly claim priority of date ; nor is it of much consequence.
This church is acknowledged to be the oldest now existing in
New-Hampshire, as the first church formed in Exeter became
extinct a few years after its formation, when that town came
under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The pastor of the
church was under sentence of banishment from that Province,

29
and he retired to Wells, in the Province of Maine, whither he
was followed by a considerable portion of his church.
In an old book, entitled " Wonder-Working Providence of
Zion's Saviour," the church at Hampton is said to have been
the seventeenth formed in the colony of Massachusetts.
The first pastor of the church was Rev, Stephen Bachelor,
He was, at the time he came hither, advanced in life, being 77
years of age. He had been a minister in England for many
years. In 1632, he removed to this country, and became the
first pastor of the church at Lynn. In 1638 he came to Hamp
ton with the little band that settled here. He was pastor of this
church about three, years, and was removed in 1641, at the age
of 80.* He lived to a very advanced age, and is said to have
died in England, in 1661, having completed a whole century.
Mr. Bachelor's descendants are very numerous in Hampton,
and in several other towns in New-Hampshire.
When the settlement was in its infancy, a log-house afforded
the people a temporary place of worship. That house was lo
cated nigh the spot where three of the subsequent meeting
houses stood ; very near the present site of the academy.
At the early period of which we are speaking, the people
were called together for worship by the ringing of a bell, as ap
pears from a vote of the town, Nov, 22, 1639, when one of the
inhabitants was appointed " to ring the bell before the meetings
on the Lord's days and on other days," for which he was to have
a specified sum. How interesting, to the settlers must have been
the sound of that bell, as its peals echoed through the forest
and broke the stillness of the Sabbath morning, inviting them
to assemble for the worship of Jehovah ; and how strange to the
untutored sons of the forest, to see the settlers laying aside
their implements of husbandry, and all the tools which they
were accustomed to use, resting from their labors, and wending
their way, along different paths, to the , log-house whence the
sound of the bell proceeded,
** The Massachusetts Colony Records say that he was removed from the
pastoral office for " contempt of authority."

30
In 1639, the year after the formation of the church, Rev.
Timothy Dalton was associated with the former minister, in the
pastoral office.* Mr. Bachelor was indeed generally' designated
as the Pastor, and his associate as the Teacher of the church.
Mr. Dalton came to Hampton very soon after the formation of
the settlement, and it is said a considerable company of settlers
came with him.
After the removal of Mr. Bachelor, in 1641, Mr. Dalton was
sole pastor of the church about six years, when Rev. John
Whelewright, who had previously been settled at Exeter, was
associated with him, How long they were thus connected does
not appear from any records which I have consulted. Mr.
Whelewright was at length dismissed, when Mr. Dalton was again
left sole pastor of the church. He continued in the ijiinistry
till his death.
Our records do not show what compensation was made to Mr,
Bachelor, nor to Mr, Dalton, in the early part of his ministry.
Large tracts of land were granted to them both. At one town
meeting in 1639, 300 acres were granted to each, Mr. Bachelor
having a house lot before. Grants of land were also made to them,
or to one of them, at other times. It is pretty evident that at first
they received no stated salary. This appears from an agreement
with Mr. Dalton, in 1651, when, on certain conditions, he
released the town from all " debts and dues" to him, from his first
coming until he had " a set pay" given him by the town. After
he had been here several years, he seems to have had about ,£40
per annum. Mr. Dalton is called by an old writer, " the rever
end, grave and gracious Mr. Dalton." He died on the 28th of
December, 1661, at an advanced age, probably about 84 years,
having been here 22 years in the ministry. Our records
state that he was " a faithful and painful laborer in God's vine
yard." Mr. Dalton, it is well known, was the minister who gave by
deed to the church and town of Hampton the property from
which the ministerial funds of this town, Hampton Falls, and
North Hampton, have been derived.
* See Appendix, G.

31
Soon after his ministry commenced, the town adopted meas
ures for building a new meeting-house, of framed work, to take
the place of the log-house which had served temporarily as a
place of worship. By vote of the town, the new house was to
be forty feet in length, twentj-two in width, and thirteen in
height, between joints, with a place for the bell, which was
given by the pastor.
The agreement with the contractor for building this house
was mutually subscribed by the parties on the 14th of Septem
ber, 1640. Soon afterwards it was determined to defray the
expense by voluntary contribution. The house was not wholly
finished for several years. In July, 1644, persons were appointed
to ask and receive the sums which were to be given towards
building it, and, in case any should refuse to pay voluntarily,
this committee was required to use all laiwful means to compel
them. The committee was farther instructed to lay out upon the
meeting-house, to the best advantage, the money they might
raise. When this house was first occupied as a place of wor
ship, is not known.
In 1649, liberty was given to certain persons to build a gal
lery at the west end of the meeting-house, and these persons,
on their part, agreed to build the gallery, provided that the
" foremost seat " should be appropriated to them, for their own
use, and as their own property.
The meeting-houses first built in this town were without pews.
They were constructed simply with seats ; and for the purpose
of preventing any disorder that might otherwise be occasioned,
committees were from time to time appointed, to direct the peo
ple what seat each one might occupy.
Early in the year 1647, the church and town gave a call to
Rev. John Whelewright to settle as colleague with Mr. Dalton.
They stated that Mr. Dalton had labored faithfully among them
in the ministry, "even beyond his ability and strength of nature."
Mr. Whelewright accepted the invitation extended to him.
The agreement made with him is dated the 12th of the 2nd
month, 1647. By this' agreement, he was to have a house lot,
and the farm which had once belonged to Mr. Bachelor, but

32
which had been purchased by the town. This was to be given
to him, his heirs and assigns, unless he should remove himself
fi:om them without liberty from the church. The church and
town were also to pay some charges and give Mr. Whelewright
as a salary ,£40 per annum. The farm was afterward conveyed
to him by deed.
How long Mr, Whelewright retained his connection with this
church, is uncertain. He was here in 1656, and probably left
about the year 1658,
He was a person of considerable notoriety, Hutchinson, in
his History of Massachusetts, calls him "^a zealous minister, of
character both for learning and piety," When residing in Mas
sachusetts, he was accused of Antinomianism, and one of his
sermons was said to savor of heresy and sedition ; and refusing
to make any acknowledgment, when called to an account, he
was banished from the province. He then came into this vicin
ity, and laid the foundation of the town and church at Exeter.
When Exeter came under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, as
has already been stated, he retired into Maine and resided at
Wells. He remained at that place till he received a call to come
to Hampton, and settle as colleague with Mr. Dalton. This took
place in the year 1647. Previous to this, his sentence of ban.
ishment seems to have been removed. After his dismission
from this church, he went to England, where he was in favor
with Cromwell, with whom he had in early life been associated
at the University of Cambridge, in England. After Charles II.
came to the throne, Mr. Whelewright returned to New-England,
and took up his residence at Salisbury, Massachusetts, where
he died November 15, 1679, aged, probably, about 85 years.
It is worthy of notice that the first three pastors of this
church all lived to an advanced age — one of them dying at the
age of 100, and each of the others at the age of 84 or 85 years,
so that the average age of the three was not far from 90 years.
Soon after Mr. Whelewright was removed from the church,
and before the death of Mr. Dalton, Rev. Seaborn Cotton was
settled as colleague with the latter. His settlement took place
in 1660, and Mr, Dalton died the year after.

33
The father of Mr, Cotton was Rev, John Cotton, one of the
most distinguished of the early New England divines. He was
many years settled as pastor of a church at Boston, in England,
Being driven thence by persecution, he sought an asylum in this
country, and soon became pastor of a church at Boston, Massa
chusetts, Seaborn was his eldest son, and was born in 1633,
during the passage of his parents across the Atlantic, from which
circumstance he received his name.
He graduated at Harvard college, Aug, 12, 1651, Dr, Cot
ton Mather says of him, that he was "Esteemed a thorough
scholar and an able preacher."
Of Mr. Cotton's records, only a few fragments remain, so
that we know but little of the state of the church while he was
pastor of it. He continued in the ministry 16 years, and died
April 19, 1686, at the age of 53 years.
During Mr. Cotton's ministry, a new meeting-house was
erected, it being the third built in the town for the use of this
church. It was built in the summer of 1675, and was placed
near the old hoi^se then standing. By an order of the town,
all the inhabitants of more than twenty years of age were
required to attend and assist in the raising of this house, under a
specified penalty for neglecting to do it. The house erected at
that time was the one around which a fortification was made as
a defence against the Indians. It is uncertain when the house
was finished and began to be occupied. The old meeting
house was taken down in 1680, having stood about 40 years.
After the death of Mr. Cotton, the church was destitute of a
pastor more than ten years ; a period far longer than all the other
periods during which it has been without a settled minister.
It must not, however, be inferred that the people had no preach
ing during this long destitution of a pastor, The fact proba
bly is that they were favored with preaching nearly every sabbath
during that time, and, for a considerable portion of it, by the
son of the deceased pastor, the gentleman who at length suc
ceeded his father in the pastoral office,
Nov. 28, 1687, a committee was chosen to treat with Mr.
John Cotton, to ascertain whether he would be willing to be
5

34
settled in the work of the ministry and to be ordained, agree
ably to the desire of the town.
Mr. Cotton probably complied with this request, so far as to
preach, but not to be ordained as pastor of the church. During
the ten years immediately succeeding the death of his father,
he received several urgent requests from the town to be ordained.
For some reason or other, he declined ordination, though he
continued his preaching. For some months, however, in the
years 1690 and 1691, Mr. Cotton was absent from Hampton,
residing in the vicinity of Boston. He also preached three
months at Portsmouth, where he was invited to settle. During
a portion of the time that he was absent. Rev. John Pike, min
ister of Dover, supplied the pulpit here, and received an invita
tion to become pastor of the church. He gave some encour
agement that he would accept the invitation ; but probably he
was unable to procure a dismission from the church at Dover,
as he retained his pastoral connection with that church till his
death, which occurred in 1710.
The invitation to Mr. Cotton was renewed, and after much
solicitation he consented to be ordained. His ordination took
place Nov. 19, 1696. He continued in the ministry till his
death, March 27, 1710. At the time of his decease he was
fifty-two years of age. When he was ordained there were only
ten male and fifteen female members, in full communion with
the church. Mr, Cotton appears to have been a very worthy
man, and an acceptable and a successful preacher. During the
fourteen years of his ministry, two hundred and twenty persons
were admitted into full communion with the church.
After his death, the people were not long destitute of a stated
minister. Rev. Nathaniel Gookin was ordained pastor, on the
I5th of November, in the same year.
About one year after his ordination, a new church was formed
in the south part of the town, and forty-nine persons, nineteen
males and thirty females, were dismissed from the first church
for the purpose of being organized into the new one.
The vote, dismissing these members, passed Dec. 9, 1711
and the church was organized soon after, and Rev. Theophilus ¦

35
Cotton settled over it as pastor. Several years afterward, that
part of the town was formed into a new town, and called Hamp
ton-Falls, During Mr, Gookin's ministry, the last meeting-house was
erected, which stood at the meeting-house green, near where
the academy now stands. The house was sixty feet in length,
forty in breadth, and twenty-eight in height, between joints. It
was finished with two galleries, one above the other, as many
now present will recollect ; for this was the same house that was
taken down in 1808, having been built eighty-nine years. The
frame was erected on the 13th apd 14th of May, 1719, and the
house was completed, so that it was occupied for the first time
as a place of worship, sabbath day, October 18th, of the same
year. This house at first was finished with only one pew, and
that was for the use of the minister's family. Other pews were
added at a subsequent period.
In 1725 nine persons were dismissed from this church, in
order to be, probably with others, formed into a church at Kings
ton. It may be proper to remark, in this connection, that the char
ter of Kingston was granted Aug. 16, 1694, to James Prescott,
Ebenezer Webster, and several other persons, belonging to
Hampton. The grant embraced not only the territory of Kings
ton, as it now is, but also that of East-Kingston, Sandown and
Danville. The first settlers there had many difficulties to en
counter and hardships to endure, on account of Indian hostili
ties. No church was formed at Kingston till 1725.
The church at Hampton also furnished twenty of the original
members of the church at Rye. They were dismissed from
this church, July 10, 1726, and the church at Rye was formed
ten days after. Most of these persons, however, resided within
the limits of that town, which was made up of portions of Ports
mouth, New-Castle, Greenland and Hampton, and was incorpo
rated in 1719.
An event occurred during the ministry of Rev. Mr. Gookin,
worthy to be noticed on this occasion, not only on its own
account, but more particularly on account of circumstances con-

36
nected with it. I refer to the great earthquake, October 29,
1727. This phenomenon is here associated with the name of
Mr. Gookin, from his being led, in the providence of God, to
preach to his people on the very day preceding the night on
which the earthquake happened, a solemn discourse, from Eze-
kiel vii : 7. " The day of trouble is near."
In the course of his sermon he remarked thus : — " I do not
' pretend to a gift of foretelling future things, but the impression
' that these words have made upon my mind in the week past,
' so that I could not bend my thoughts to prepare a discourse on
' any other subject, saving that on which I discoursed in the
' forenoon, which was something of the same nature. I say, it
' being thus, I know not but there may be a particular warning
' designed by God of some day of trouble near, perhaps to me,
' perhaps to you, perhaps to all of us."
How forcibly must these solemn words have been impressed
on the minds of those who heard them, when, after only a few
hours had elapsed, and while the words still seemed ringing in
their ears, a low, rumbling sound was heard, which soon in
creased to the loudness of thunder, while the houses shook from
their very foundations, and the tops of some of the chimnies
were broken off and fell to the ground, the sea in the mean time
roaring in a very unusual manner.
Mr. Gookin labored to improve this event of Providence for
the spiritual benefit of his people, and his labors were richly
blessed. Within a few months after it occurred, large addi
tions were made to the church.
On the 19th of June, 1734, Rev. Ward Cotton was associated
with Rev. Mr. Gookin, as a colleague in the pastoral office.
Mr. Gookin was then in feeble health, and he lived only about
two months afterwards. He died of a slow fever, August 25,
1734, aged 48 years, having been in the ministry here about
twenty-four years. During this time three hundred and twenty
persons were admitted to the full communion of the church.
Mr. Gookin was much esteemed by his people, who, after his
death, often spoke in high terms of his worth. He was reo-arded
as a man of good learning, great prudence, and ardent piety.

37
He ranked high as a preacher, and his opinions in ecclesiastical
affairs were very much respected by contemporary divines.
Here I shall do injustice to this people, if I neglect to men
tion their generous provision for the maintenance of Mr. Gook
in's widow. Soon after his death the town agreed to give her
£80 a year ; to furnish her with the keeping of three cows and
a horse, summer and winter, and to give her fifteen cords of
wood per annum. They also built, for her use, a house and a
barn. All this they performed as a memento of their love to
Mr. Gookin, and their high regard to the worth of his widow.
Mrs, Gookin was a daughter of Rev. John Cotton, her hus
band's immediate predecessor in the pastoral office.
The notice I shall take of the succeediiig pastbrs of the church
will be extremely brief
The ordination of Rev. Ward Cotton has been already allud
ed to. He was pastor of the church more than 31 years. He
was dismissed November 12, 1765, in accordance with the ad
vice of a mutual council. He died at Plymouth, Mass., No
vember 27, 1768, aged 57 years.
Seven persons were dismissed from this church, September
25, 1737, in order to be formed into a church in the third parish,
now the town of Kensington. The same number was dismiss
ed, one week afterwards, to be united with them. Among these
was Mr, Jeremiah Fogg, who was ordained pastor of that church
November 23d, of the same year.
The fourth society was formed soon after, in that part of the
town then called North Hill, but which was incorporated as a
town November 26, 1742, and received the name of North-
Hampton. The first meeting-house was erected there in 1738,
and about the same time those members of the church residing
in that part of the town requested a dismission, for the purpose
of being organized into anew church. Their request was not
granted. The town also refused to liberate the people there
from aiding in the support of Rev. Mr, Cotton. The reason is
not known. It is, however, probable that the church and town
considered the formation of a new church at that time unne
cessary. A council was called, that, after due deliberation, pro-

38
ceeded to organize the church, over which Rev. Nathaniel
Gookin, son of the late pastor of the first church, was ordain
ed, October 31, 1739.
Rev. Ebenezer Thayer became pastor of the old church,
September 17, 1766, and continued in that office till his death.
He died November 6, 1792, aged 58 years,
A few months after Mr, Thayer's death, the church and town
invited his son, Nathaniel, to become their minister. He did
not accept the invitation. About a year afterwards they gave
a call to Rev, Daniel Dana. He also declined.
After this a division arose in the town and church, which re
sulted in leading a majority of the town and a part of the church
to declare themselves Presbyterians. They invited Rev. William
Pidgin to become their pastor ; and he, having accepted the in
vitation, was ordained January 27, 1796. Mr. Pidgin was pas
tor of that church a little more than eleven years. He was dis
missed in July, 1807.
A minority of the town formed themselves into a society, and
united with the congregational church for the maintenance of
public worship, and Rev. Jesse Appleton became their pastor,
March 22, 1797. As the old meeting-house was occupied by
the Presbyterians, the Congregationalists made arrangements
for building a new house. Accordingly, the one where we are
now assembled was erected, on the 24th of May, 1797, and ded
icated on the 14th of November following.
In the year 1807, Mr. Appleton was elected President ofBow-
doin College ; and, having accepted the appointment, was dis
missed from this church on the 16th of November, in the same
year. He died at Brunswick, Me., Nov, 12, 1819, aged 47 years.
After Mr. Appleton's dismission both churches were without
pastors, and it was proposed that they should be united. Arti
cles of union having been agreed upon, the Presbyterian church
was merged in the Congregational, from which it had sprung
about thirteen years before, and Rev, Josiah Webster was in
stalled pastor, June 8th, 1808, and sustained that office till his
death, March 27, 1837 — almost twenty-nine years. At the time
of his death Mr. Webster was about 65 years old.

39
The present pastor of the church. Rev. Erasmus D. Eldredge,
was ordained April 4, 1838.
From these remarks it appears that this church has been or
ganized two hundred years. During that time it has had eleven
pastors. Of the. first ten, six died in office, and four were dis
missed. The average length of the ministry of these ten was
about twenty years ; for although the church, since its formation,
has been destitute of a pastor about fourteen years, yet it has
enjoyed the labors of two associate pastors for about the same
length of time.
What important and wonderful changes have taken place dur
ing the period which we have been contemplating. If we com
pare our condition with that of our ancestors at the commence
ment of this period, in almost every circumstance we shall per
ceive a great alteration. The same sky is indeed spread out
over us, which covered them. The same sun enlightens us by
day, and the same moon by night. The same stars still beautify
the heavens, and the same ocean, too, extends along the east
ern border of the town ; but even that is viewed with very dif
ferent emotions from those felt by our ancestors, when they
looked upon its broad bosom. Now, many of the little eminences
within our borders afford picturesque and delightful views of
the ocean and the scenery near it. Pleasant roads lead to its
shore ; and as we stand upon this shore, and observe the waves
rolling forward and dashing upon the sand, and then look abroad
upon the ocean itself, our minds are filled with agreeable sen
sations. We see vessels moving in various directions, and oc
casionally a steam-boat passing rapidly along, almost in defiance
of winds and currents, having its source of motion within it
self But let us go back, in our imaginations, two hundred years,
and how unlike the present ! Seldom was a vessel seen off our
coast ; but rarely was the shore itself visited by the early set
tlers, as between that and their settlement were fens, creeks
and marshes, rendering the way almost impassable. When they
did stand by the ocean and look abroad upon its mighty mass of
waters, their emotions must have been very different from ours.

40
They were undoutedly reminded of a place beyond the ocean ; of
the land of their nativity. They would naturally call to mind the
scenes of their infancy and childhood — the loved sce^,c;s, the
kind and aflfectionate friends, they had left behind, and that were
separated from them by the world of waters upon which they
were gazing. With their other feelings, then, must have been
blended those of sadness.
But suppose we go and stand upon the sea-shore during the
raging of a storm, when the, water is lashed into tremendous
commotion by the violence of the tempest ; our feelings are
indeed indescribable, but those of sublimity or grandeur are
predominant. With our ancestors, other feelings must have
been most powerful. When they, from their log cabins, heard
the noise of the tempest; when they saw the violent agitation
of the forest, as the wind moaned among its branches ; and
when, in addition, they heard the roar of the ocean, they must
have been reminded, even more forcibly than on other occasions,
of the separation to which they had been called. They then felt
that an almost impassable barrier was between them and their
native land.
Besides these great natural objects, how few things there are
in which there has not been an almost entire change. Two
centuries ago nearly the whole township, except the land bor
dering upon the ocean, and the marshes which skirted the river,
was a thick forest, the growth of ages. From the original set
tlement, formed around yonder common, which was early called
the meeting-house green, there might indeed have been an open
ing in one direction, where the marshes stretch away to the
south, as far as the eye can reach. With this exception, the
infant settlement was hemmed in with thick woods. No path
lay through them, except such as the wild beasts had formed, or
the lone foot-path, made by the Indian hunter in pursuit of
game, or as he bent his course to the river in search of shell
fish from its banks. Where are the forests now ? Almost all
have been prostrated by the woodman's axe, and in their place
we find meadows, orchards, and cultivated fields. Instead of the
winding footpath, and the Indian trail, we have good and con-

41
venient roads, in almost every part of the town. How differ
ent, too, is the mode of conveyance. Our fathers seldom rode ;
never,except on horseback. When the second minister of the
town was called to Dover ,to advise with other gentlemen in regard
to ecclesiastical affairs, history informs us that he went on foot.
How is it now ? Station yourselves ' near one of our principal
roads in a fair summer day, and let the scenes you witness, an
swer. Another change we may notice. When our fathers came
hither, the only dwellings they found were Indian wigwams,
the smoke of which was seen here and there curling up in the
very midst of the forests ; their own dwellings, at first, were log-
houses, rudely constructed, and few in number. Now, as we
pass along our roads, we observe on either side, and, in some
places, compactly situated, dwelling-houses of various forms
and sizes, some new, and others exhibiting signs of age ; scarce
ly any of them, indeed, elegant ; but nearly all betokening com
fort. In regard to neatness of appearance and taste in their
construction and position, there is room for much improvement.
Still most of our dwellings are abodes of comfort. In many of
them are individuals who are by no means strangers to rural
felicity. They do not, indeed, dwell in splendid domes, nor
are they vexed with the cares and anxieties of those who usual
ly inhabit such structures. Of many an individual here, may
we says in the words of the poet :
" Sure peace is his ; a solid life, estrang'd
To disappointment and fallacious hope ;
Rich in content; in nature's bounty rich.
In herbs and fruits,"
Within two centuries, a great change has also taken place in
the inhabitants themselves. When our fathers came hither, they
found no inhabitants but Indians, These have all passed away.
Not one of them remains. The smoke long since ceased to as
cend from their wigwams, and their wigwams themselves have
entirely disappeared. Their hunting grounds have been brok
en up and transformed into cultivated fields, and even their graves
are now unknown.
But "our fathers, where are they?" They, too, are gone.
6

42
Death has been busy among them, and has swept them away.
About six generations have gone down to the grave since the set
tlement of the town was commenced. We pass by yonder grave
yards, and the stones which affection has erected in memory of
departed friends, remind us of the ravages of mortality. But
upon the stones themselves the hand of time has not been inac
tive. Many of them are fallen ; some have crumbled with the
dust they were intended to commemorate ; from others the in
scriptions are worn away, so that only the position of the stones
indicates that a grave is beneath them. The graves of those
who died during the first half century from the settlement of the
town, are now unknown. Their inmates have mouldered to
dust, and will continue mingled with other dust, and undistin
guished from it, until the morning of the resurrection, when
their dust, though for ages scattered abroad, shall be collected
again, and the bodies, which mouldered so long ago, will be re
animated, never more to decay.
If time permitted, it would be interesting to notice the changes
in regard to the means of mental and of moral improvement ; to
point out our superior advantages, arising from the multiplica
tion of books ; from the improved character of our common
schools; from the academy in our midst; and from the estab
lishment of Sabbath schools, furnished with libraries, adapted to
expand the intellect and improve the heart.
The period we have been considering forms an important
portion of the history of the world. I cannot, however, even
glance at the mighty political and moral revolutions which have
occurred since its commencement, in different parts of the
earth. To illustrate its importance, I will merely observe, that,
if we go back through a little more than nine such periods since
our town was settled, we shall find our Saviour on earth, " going
about doing good." And we need not go back through quite
thirty such periods, to arrive at the time when " the earth was
without form and void ;'' when God said, " Let there be light and
there was light;" when " the morning stars sang together, and
all the sons of God shouted for joy."
But on this interesting occasion, it is not necessary to con
fine our attention to the past. Our thoughts naturally and una-

43
voidably run forward into futurity. Let us allow them to range
fi-eely. Let us pass onward, in our imaginations, through another
century. At its close, we may suppose the people here will
assemble, as we have this day done, to review the occurrences
of the past. And it is probable that the third century of our
history will exhibit as great and as interesting changes as either
of those already past? Lotus, in imagination, take our stand
in the assembly that will then be convened. All will be stran
gers to us ; — not one countenance with which we are familiar.
Where then will be the people with whom we are now associa
ted t Death will have swept them all away. Yes, every indi
vidual of this assembly will then be sleeping in the dust, as our
ancestors now are. Not one of us will participate in the exer
cises of that occasion. What other changes will take place
within one hundred years, we know not. We cannot doubt that
they will be great and important. Their character will, un
questionably, depend in some measure on the course pursued by
the present generation. Let us, then, consider well what duties
we have to perform, and pursue such a course, that " future
generations shall rise up and call us blessed,"

iiiPiPi^^iDii^,

NOTE A, SEE PAGE 8,
The names of some of the first settlers of Hampton are found in the Massachusetts
Colony Records. Dr. Belknap has given them in his history. The following is his
list: Stephen Bachelor, Thomas Molton,
Christopher Hussey, William Estow,
Widow Mary Hussey, William Palmer,
Thomas Cromwell, William Sergeant,
Samuel Skullard, Richard Swayne,
John Osgood, William Sanders,
Samuel Greenfield, Robert Tucke,
John Molton, John Cross.
The four names still found in the town, are Bachelor, Molton, Palmer, and Tucke.
Three of these names are now spelled in a different manner.
NOTE B. SEE PAGE 8,
The writer referred to, is Edward Johnson, author of a work entitled " Wonder-
Working Providence of Zion's Saviour." The following is an extract from this work :
" Much about this time [1639,] began the Town of Hampton, in the County of North-
' folk, to have her foundation stone laid, scituate near the Sea-coast, not farre from the

44
* famous River of Merimeck, the great store of salt marsh did intice this people to set
* downe their habitations there, for as yet Cowes and Cattell of that kinde were not
* come to the great downfall in their price, of which they have 450 head ; and for the
' form of this Towne, it is like a Flower-de-luce, two streets of houses wheeling off
' from the maine body thereof, the land is fertile, but filled with swamps, and^ao'me
* store of rocks, the people are about 60 Families ; being gathered together into Church
' covenant, they called to office the reverend, grave, and gracious Mr. Doulton, having
* also for some little space of time the more ancient Mr. Bachelor to preach unto them
' also."
NOTE C. SEE PAGE 12.
I have made no attempts to give a full history of the town. It is desirable, however,
that some persons, qualified for the undertaking, should prepare and publish such a
work. Abundant materials, at present, exist j but they are every year diminishing.
Hampton being one of the first settled towns in New-Hampshire, it for many years
formed an important part of the Province. Its history must, therefore, be interesting
and useful. Well writlien histories of the several towns settled at an early period,
would be invaluable documents to any person preparing a history of the State. '
NOTE D. SEE PAGE 13,
The record of the first vote mentioned, offering a bounty for killing a wolf, is in the
following words :
" The 27 : 11 mo ; 44. It is hereby declered that every townsman which shall kill
* a wolfe & bring the head thereof & nayle the same to a little red oake at the north
-east end of the meeting-house — They shall have 10s. a woolfe for ther paynea out of
* the towne-fines ; or otherwise, if noe fines be in hand."
NOTE E. SEE PAGE 25.
The meeting, at which these delegates, or commissioners, were chosen, was held
January 90, 1689 — 90. After a preamble, mentioning that commissioners had been
chosen by the people of Portsmouth and of Dover, and that the people of Hampton
had been invited to pursue a similar course, the determination of the town is express
ed, as follows :
" We therefore ye Inhabitants of the Towne of Hampton in answer to their request
* have agreed to send thes sixe persons as oar comishoners to joyne with ye comishon-
* ers of ye otherTowns in ye province to confer about and resolve upon amethod of
* Government within this province— And what ye sayd comishoners of the whole prov-
' ince or the majerpart of them shall conclude and agree upon as to ye setelmentof
' Government amongst us — If thes own sayd comishoners (viz) Henry Green Esqre
' Ensign Henry Dow, Mr. Nathaniel Wire, Capt. Samuel Sherrborne, Morris Hobs
* Senior, and Mr. Edward Gove, in discorsing and agreeing about ye same, if they or
' ye majer part of them shall se just cause to comply and agree with the other comish-
' oners as to ye way and method of Government that shall be settled amongst us And
' shall subscribe thereto — We the Inhabitants of ye Towne of Hampton reposing es-
' peaciall Trust and confidence in our sayd comishoners, what they shall agree to, or
* the majer part of them. We shall hould as good and valued to all intents and pur-
* poses; Hereby obleidging our Selves to yield all ready obeadience thereto, untill
* Their Majesties Order shall arive for ye Setelment of Government over us."
NOTE F. SEE PAGE 27.
'* On the 9 of the 2 mo ; 1649 :"
" The selectmen of this Towne of Hampton have agreed with John Legat for this
* present yeare insueini"; — To teach and instruct all the children of or belonging to our
' Towne, both mayle and femaile (wch are capiable of learning) to write and read and
' cast accountes, (if it be desired^ as dilegently and as carefully as he is able to teach
* and instruct them ; And so dilegently to follow the said imployment att all such time
' and times this yeare insuejng, as the wether shall be fitting for the youth to com to-
' gether to one place to be instructed : And allso to teach and instruct them once in a
' week, or more, in some Arthodox chatechise provided for them by their parents or
* masters. " And in consideration hereof we have agreed to pay, or cause to be payd unto the
' said John Legat the som of Twenty pounds, in corne and cattle and butter, att price
' currant, as payments are made of such goods in this Towne, and this to be payd by us
' quarterly, paying 5Z. every quarter of the yeare after he has begun to keep school.
" John Legat entered upon scholeing, the 91 day of the 3 month, 1649." Town Records.
NOTE G. SEE PAGE 30.
Rev. Timothy Dalton was once a minister in the church of England. Being a non
conformist, he was obliged to relinquish his office, and leaving his native land he came
to New-England. About the year 1637, or 1638, he was admitted as a freeman at
Dedham, Mass. Soon after he came to this town, where he was settled in the minis
try in 1639.

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