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A
HISTORY , OF THE
POLITICAL LIFE
OF THE
RIGHT HONOURABLE
WILLIAM PITT.
VOL. III.

O. SIDNEY, Printer,
Northumberland Street, Straod, Loadon,

A
HISTORY OF TUB
POLITICAL LIFE
OF THE
RIGHT HONOURABLE
WILLIAM PITT;
INCLUDING SOME ACCOUNT OP
THE TIMES IN WHICH HE LIVED.
By JOHN GIFFORD, Esq.
IN SIX VOLUMES.

NBC SIBI, SID TOTI GENITUM SB CREDEKE MU8D9. LUCAN.

VOL. III.

Hon&on :
PRINTED FOR T. CADELL AND W. DAVIES,
STRAND.

1809.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XVI.
Effects of Mr. Fox's declared approbation of the French
Revolution — Approaching Schism in the Opposition —
Fruitless endeavours to avert it — Declaration of abstract
Principles contended to be no ground of dissension —
Mr. Burke entertains a different opinion — His apprehen
sions of danger from French Principles shewn to be well-
founded — Character of his " Reflections on the Revolution
in France." — Resolves to defend that book against the
attacks of Mr. Fox in the House of Commons — Com
municates his resolution to Ministers, and to Mr. Fox
himself— Mr. Sheridan moves the re-commitment of the
Canada Bill after the Easter Recess — Some Members of
the Opposition deprecate all reflections foreign from the
immediate subject of discussion — Unparliamentary con
duct of Mr. Taylor in anticipating a disorderly debate —
Mr. Fox denies any statement of Reputj&iean Principles
as applied to t his Country — Adheres to nift former decla
rations on the subject of France — Mr. Burke asserts the
necessity of referring to other Constitutions in discussing
the merits of a new Constitution — Avows his intention of
discussing* certain Principles of Government in the future
Debates on the Bill, — and declares his readiness to sacrifice
his friendship for Mr. Fox to the Love of his Country —
Royal Message on the Russian Armament — State of the

VI CONTENTS.
contest between Russia and the Porte — Negotiations for
a Peace opened between those powers — The Empress
Catharine rejects the proffered mediation of Great Britain
and Prussia — Her hostile spirit towards Great Britain —
Her ambitious views oil Poland, and on Turkey — Mr. Pitt
resolves to counteract those views — Mr. Fawkener is sent
as Envoy Extraordinary to attend the Negotiations for
Peace — Mr. Pitt moves the Address to the Throne on the
message — Explains the motives and (he policy of the
proposed Measure— The Motion opposed by Mr. Fox,
who takes a very contracted and unfair view of the Ques
tion — He is answered by Mr. Pitt— Motion carried—
The Subject revived by Mr. Grey, who calls upon the
House to adopt resolutions disapproving the very Address
which they had recently voted — Contends that the con-
xjuest of Turkey, by Russia, would be beneficial to man
kind— -Displays the spirit of the ancient Crusaders-
Mr. Pitt observes a profound silence on the Question—
Their supporters insist on the pernicious and ruinous
Effects of the Russian System of Policy — Mr. Sheridan
again panegyrises the French Revolution, and bespeaks
perpetual Peace with regenerated. France — Mr. Grey's
Resolutions rejected by a majority of eighty — Fresh dis
cussion on the same Topic introduced by Mr. Baker —
Mr. Pitt claims, for Ministers, the confidence of the
Country 'fending a negotiation — Mr. Fox pronounees
another,, Eulogy on the new Constitution of France-
Motion jfit Mr. Baker rejected by a majority of ninety-
two— &' fourth debate on the Subject, on the motion
of Mr. Thomas Grenville, which is rejected by a majority
of ninety-four — Disadvantages under which the Minister
laboured, during these discussions, from his inability to
communicate all the motives of his Conduct — Reflections
on the Confidence to be reposed in Ministers — Mr. Fox
tends Mr. Adair to St. Petersburgh, as his Representative,

CONTENTS. VU
to thwart the designs of his Majesty's Ministers, and to
frustrate the Endeavours iof his Majesty's Envoy— Mr.
Burke's account of that Transaction, aptly characterized
as a High Treasonable MisDEMEANOURr—Favourable
reception of Mr. Adair at the Russian Court— Effects
of this unconstitutional Embassy — The Empress makes
Peace with the Porte on her own Terms — Renewed dis
cussions on the Canada Bill — Mr. Burke's Speech— His
Analysis of the new " Rights of Man." — Contrasts-the
French Constitution with the British — Depicts the misery
of the French Colonies from the Importation of the New
Principles— Is called to order — Is supported by Mr Pitt-
Lord Sheffield moves that dissertations on the French
Constitution are disorderly — Mr. Fox seconds the Motion
—Mr. Pitt declares Mr. Burke to have spoken strictly in
•order— Mr. Fox attacks Mr. Burke; taxes him with
Inconsistency, and reminds him that they had both
•deplored the death of American Rebels— Remarks on this
and other parts of Mr. Fox's Speech — He is answered
by Mr. Burke, who disclaims the motives imputed to him,
— Exposes the fallacy of Mr. Fox's arguments, and the
-duplicity of his Conduct — Describes the future Effects
of the Freneh Revolution — His Patriotism praised — His
impressive exhortations to the two great Political Rivals —
Mr. Fox replies — Mr. Burke rejoins— Adverts to the Pro
ceedings of the seditious Societies in England — Mr. Pitt
closes the discussion, by recommending Lord Sheffield's
Motion to be withdrawn, and expresses his gratitude to
Mr. Burke for his eloquent defence of the Constitution-—
Farther discussion of the Canada-Bill — Mr. Fox modifies
•some of his former opinions respecting an Aristocracy —
Remarks of Mr. Pitt — Answer of Mr. Burke — Reflections
.on their . respective Serai iments — Radical difference of
Principle-, independent of the French Revolution, between
Mr. Burke and Mr. Fox — Generous Conduct of Mr. Pitt —
Prorogation of Parliament.

tHi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XVII.
The progress of Revolutionary Principles in England— Paine's
Rights of Man — Means taken to promote its extensive
•circulation among the lower classes of People— Its Effect —
The Revolution Society — Justice of Mr. Burke's charges
against it, [proved from the contents of its own publica-
tion_Its abuse of Princes— Its wishes for the example of
France to be imitated in all countries— Dr. Priestley —
His admiration, of the French Revolution— His wish for
the extirpation of the Established Church, whose clergy
he reviles as " Vermin who 'deserve no mercy"— Antici
pates the destruction of Kings, Archbishops, and Bishops —
Resolves to commemorate the seizure of the Bastille at
Birmingham  Seditious hand-bill circulated on that
occasion— The mob insulfthe commemorating Patriots —
Demolish the house of Dr. Priestley— Commit other
•outrages— Are dispersed on the arrival of the troops— These
riots .produced by a seditious hand-bill — Reward , offered.
for the discovery of its author— The Author absconds,
;but his name is known— Dr. Priestley's losses on this
occasion— Made good by the Hundred— Destruction of his
manuscripts no loss to Society— Unphilosophical lamenta
tions of the Doctor— Echoed by the Students at Hackney
College, and by the Unitarian Preachers— Pernicious
'tendency of his writings— He abjures bis country,
and 'becomes an American citizen, after sending his
son to hecome a citizen of France— Injustice of his com -
{plaints-— His rejection of the fundamental tenets of the
Christian faith— French affairs— Tyranny of the National
•Assembly— All freedom of debate destroyed— Indecent
conduct of the galleries— Persecution of the non-juring
priests — Conscientious scruples of Louis XVI.— Bishop of

CONTENTS. IX
Clermont's letter to his Majesty on the subject of
receiving the Sacrament at Easter_The King is insulted,
by a grenadier, while at chapel— Attempts to go to St. Cloud
with his family^-Is stopped by the mob— Appeals for pro
tection to La Fayette — La Fayette's fruitless endeavours
to disperse the populace— The King is obliged to return— ,
Repairs to the National Assembly— Dastardly Conduct of
its Members— The King resolves to escape from Paris 
Mirabeau is gained over to the cou^t— His project for re
storing the regal authority— La Fayette suspects him—
Curious conference between them— Death of Mirabeau—
Sketch of his character— Emperor of Germany's advice
to Louis XVI. — Indecision of the King— His extreme
imprudence — He leaves Paris for Montmedy — Is arrested
at Varennes, and compelled to return to Paris—The pre
valence of republican principles— The King a prisoner in
his .Palace, with La Fayette for his gaoler— All regal
power usurped by the Assembly — Firm conduct of the
Royalists— The Sovereign attacked in the Assembly by
Petion— -Who proposes a measure subversive of a
fundamental principle of the new constitution — Furious
speech of Brissot in the Jacobin Club— The King accepts
the constitution and swears to observe it — The Assembly is
dissolved— Conference at Pilmitz— ^Object of it— Declara
tion of Austria, Prussia, and the French Princes— Never
carried into effect — Objectionable passage in the declaration
— Remarks upon it— The British Government take no
part in those preceedings— Motives of Mr. Pitt's conduct —
His high ideas of National Independence—Is not_yet
alive to the danger of revolutionary principles— Is sincerely
anxious for the preservation of Peace — Mr. Burke's expo
sition of French Principles— State of the public mind in
England and France at the close of 17 9l-

CONTENTS

CHAPTER XVIII.
Opening of the Session of Parliament — Speech from the
Throne — Motion for the Address opposed by Mr. Fox —
Applies to himself a passage in the Speech — Condemris the
interference of Government in the negotiation between
Russia and the Porte — Is supported by Mr. Grey — An
swered by Mr. Pitt, who imputes the failure of that inter
ference to (he arts of Opposition — Mr. .Pitt opens the
budget for the year 1 792 — Prosperous State of the Finances
— Proposes the repeal of the taxes on female servants, on
carts and waggons ; on small houses, and on candles — His
philosophical investigation of the causes of National
Prosperity — Debate on the Lottery — Motion for the gra
dual abolition of the Slave Trade can'ied — New System of
Police introduced — Discussion on the Subject; its benefi
cial effects demonstrated by experience, in the diminution
of the number of capital punishments — Society of
Friends of the People— Names «f some of its Members-
Established for the avowed purpose of procuring a reform
in Parliament — Mr. Grey, a member of this Society,
gives notice, in the House, of a motion proposed to be
made in the next Session for a Parliamentary Reform —
Mr. Pitt's speech on the occasion — Deprecates the discus
sion at such a time, and points out its evil effects — Declares
his own sentiments 011 the question— Avows a change in
his opinions — Explains its cause and nature— Expresses his
resolution to oppose all wild attempts at innovation — Is
answered by Mr. Fox, who vindicates the New Society—
The Society censured by Mr. Burke and Mr. Windham —
Approved by Mr. Sheridan — Danger of such attempts at
this period—Democratic publications — The people asserted
to be the sole source of power, and the only legitimate

CONTENTS, XI
founders of Government— Consequences of this doctrine,
as applied to the British Monarchy— System of representa
tion reviled, and the House of Commons libelled— Similar
opinions advanced by another writer on the French Revolu
tion—Appearance of the second part of Paine's Rights of
Man— -The I>ondon Corresponding Society — Dissemina
tion of dangerous principles—Mr. Pitt's repugnance to
coercive measures— -Cause of th3t repugnance— Is subdued
by the very principle which gave birth to it— He resolves
to issue a Proclamation against the seditious Societies---
Copy of it previously shewn to the leaders of the Wig
Party. — Mf. Fox's motion in favour of the Unitarians —
Supported on abstract principles — Opposed by Mr. Burke,
who reprobates such a mode of argument — Points out the
dangerous principles and conduct of the Unitarians -Com
ments on their proceedings at a late meeting— Remarks on
(the speech of Doctor Towers at the Unitarian meeting —
Mr. William Smith avows himself at( Unitarian, defends
*he Society, declares them to be unconnected with all other
Societies, and pronounces them to be the firm friends of
Government — The motion opposed by Mr. Pitt — Rejected
by the House — Mr. Whitbread's motion on the Birmingham
riots— His panegyric on the Dissenters — His censure of
the Magistrates — Mr. Dunclas answers him, and exculpates
the Magistrates— Motion rejected—Object of the motion
» — Mr. William Smith's assertions, respecting the Uni
tarians disproved by authentic documents — Chauvelin's
irregular correspondence with. Lord Grenville on the King's
Proclamation— Falsehood of Mr. Chauvelin's statement
'demo>istrated— Is properly reproved by Lord Grenville—
Debates on the Proclamation in the House of Commons—
• Address— Opposed by Mr Grey, who proposes an Amend
ment: — Proclamation condemned by the Oppositiou— Mr.
Grey's virulent invective against Mr. Pitt— Treated with
contempt by the Minister  Address supported by Lord
North, and other members of the Whig Party— Carried—

Xll CONTENTS.
Debates on the same Subject, in the House of Lords —
Speech of the Prince of Wales in support of the Address
— The Duke of Portland, Lord Spencer, and other Peers
of the same Party, vote with the Ministers — The Lords
concur in the Address — Mr. Pitt wishes for an Union of
Parties— Strange conduct of Lord Thurlow in the House
" of Lords— Opposes Mr. Pitt's Revenue-Bill, and abuses
the authors of it — Opposes the New Forest Timber-Bill —
Charges the Ministers with- having betrayed their Sove
reign—Is answered by Lord Grenville— Mr. Pitt's repre
sentation to the King — Parliament prorogued — The Great
Seal taken from Lord Thurlow — Mr. Pitt makes overtures
to the leaders of the Whig Party — They fail through the
arrogant pretensions of Mr. Fox — Remarks on Mr. Fox's
conduct on this occasion — State of the Ministry — Political
oharacter of Lord Thurlow.
CHAPTER XIX.
Unsettled state of the Continent — Affairs of Poland — Salutary
changes in her Constitution — Patriotic conduct of the
King, and of the first Orders of the state — Approved by
Prussia and Austria — Condemned by Russia — Arrival of a
French Envoy at Warsaw— Consequent confusion —
Change in the sentiments of Austria and Prussia— Cause
of if— Unprincipled conduct of the Empress Catharine —
Difference between the Polish and the French Revolutions
— Falsehood of the Russian Declaration exposed — Confuted
by the Poles — A Russian Army enters Poland — The new
Constitution is destroyed — Murder of the King of Sweden
Affairs of France — Meeting of the new assembly —
Increased Influence of the Jacobins— Impolicy of the
first Assembly —Its Consequence— Composition of the
.Legislative Assembly— Power, of the Constitutionalists
annihilated— The Members of the Assembly swear fidelity
to the King and the Constitution— Insult the King "and

CONTENTS.

xiii

resolve to shew him no marks of Respect — The King's
resolution scrupulously to observe and maintain the Con
stitution — His remarks respecting it — The Queen's senti-
mentscongenial with thoseof the King — TheKingrefuseshis
sanction to two Decrees, for declaring all Emigrants Traitors,
and for robbing die Non-juring Priests of their Salaries-
Seditious addresses presented to the Assembly, by which
they are encouraged — Massacres at St. Domingo — The
Massacres of the Whites defended by the friends of the
Blacks — Massacres at Avignon defended by Bazire and by
a Calvinistic minister— Warlike disposition of the
Assembly — Their hostile language and aggressive conduct
— Violent speech of Isnard — Address to the King —
Anacharsis Clootz recommends a general revolution of the
neighbouring States (including England) to the Assembly
. — -Memorable Answer of the President — Brissot insists on
the policy of War — Insulting Manifesto issued— Addresses
of some seditious Dutchmen, and of certain obscure
Englishmen, favourably received by the Assembly —
Similar address from Liege and the Austrian Netherlands
— The Assembly encourages Rebellions in those States —
Prudent and pacific conduct of the German Princes—
Brissot again insists on the necessity of War — Death of
the Emperor Leopold — The assembly compel the King to
propose a Declaration of War against Austria, which they
vote by acclamation — Object of the Brissotin Faction in
prompting War — Difference between them and the imme
diate followers of Robespierre — They concur in their
object, but differ as to the means of obtaining it — Annexa
tion of Avignon and the Comtat to France — Commence
ment of Hostilities in Flanders — Cowardly flight of the
French Troops from Tournay — TheymurdertheirGeneral,
Theobald Dillon — Acts of atrocious barbarity — Fiight of
the French troops in the neighbourhood of Mons — Change
of Ministers — Manifestoes of Austria and Prussia — Brissot

XIV CONTEJSTS.
writes a Libel on the King— The Ministers refuse f#
prosecute hirri — M. Bertrand resigns— Narbonhe is dis
missed—A Brissotin Minisiry formed— Progress of Anarchy
Persecution of Non-juring Priests— Horrible acts of
BarbarityMnfluence of the Press in the destruction of the
Monarchy— Treasonable Speech of Isnard in the Assembly
¦^-Remarks on it — Decree for suppressing the King's Guard
— Impeachment of the Duke de Brissac— Treacherous
conduct of the Ministers — Decrees for forming a Camp of
20,000 Jacobins — and for banishing the Non-juring Priests
—The King refuses to sanction them— Inconsistent con
duct of Duraouriez on this occasion— Addresses threaten-*
ing the Life of the King— Well received by the Assembly
—Insurrection of the 20th of June— The King's opinion
of that Event— Expects to be murdered — Refuses to quit
the Capital— Attempt to assass;nate the Queen— The
Assassin rescued — Atrocious conduct of the Federates —
Fresh Plots— Addresses from the' Section demanding tho
Deposition of the King— Conspiracy of the 10th of
August— The King and Queen made Prisoners— Com
mitted to the Temple — Judicial murders — Atrocious
opinion of Helen Maria Williams— Inhuman massacre of
the Priests, on the first days of September— A wretch
murders his own Parents, and carries their heads in triumph
to the Jacobin Club— Sketch of Military affairs— The
allied Armies enter France — Their dilatory movements-
Crooked policy of the King of Prussia— Suspension of
Hostilities Treacherous conduct of the Prussian Monarch
to the French Emigrants— Different accounts of the
respective riumbers ©.f the hostile Armies— False assertions
of General Arthur Dillon- Retreat oi, the Allies from
the territory of Francs.

CONTENTS. XY

CHAPTER XXIII.
Selections on the effects which recent occurrences in France
ought to have produced an the early admirers of thev
French Revolution in England — Effects which they really
produced — Addresses from English clubs to the French
convention — Factious Address frpm a Society at Newing-
ton — Address from the Revolution Society, signed by Dr.
Towers, congratulating the French on the deposition of
their Monarch, and on the successful exercise of " The
Right of Insurrection" — United address from societies at
Manchester, Norwich, and London, imprecating the
destruction of Monarchy through the world — Address of
the Constitutional Society, anticipating a national con
vention in England, accompanied by a present of shoes
to the military rebels of France— The President's answer
to the address, announcing the near approach of a republic in
England— -Great confidence of the disaffected in the autumn
of 1792 — Critical state of the country — Mr. Reeves — His
arrival in England — Origin of the Loyal Associations-*-.
Their rapid extension, and salutary effects — Their end and
object explained— -Wholly unconnected with government— -
Mr. Pitt doubts their policy, and intimates a wish for their
suppression — The founders of the associations refuse to
comply with his wish — Mr. Pitt changes his opinion, and
expresses his approbation of the first committee appointed
—Expenses of the associations, wholly defrayed by the
Voluntary contributions of the Members— List of the
Committee— Mr. Thomas Law — He is expelled from the
Committee — Motives of that expulsion— Striking change
in the internal appearance of the country — General
burst of loyalty— Mr* Pitt appointed warden of the
Cinque Ports-r-Parliament meet — The King's speech—

XVI CONTENTS.
Debates on the address — Loyal association abused by
the Opposition, who condemn a doctrine which they do not
understand — Their censure of a printed paper, by the
Reverend William Jones, of Nayland — That paper defended
—Mr. Fox again vows his admiration of the French
revolution — Motion for the amendment lost by a majority
of two hundred and forty — New motion, by Mr. Fox,
for opening a negotiation with the French republic —
His praise of the French troops, and his abuse of the
allied powers— Seconded by Mr. Sheridan — Opposed by
Mr. Burke — Motion negatived without a division —
Unanimity of Parliament, in condemning the trial and
approaching murder of the French King — Alien bill
introduced by Mr. Pitt — Reflections upon it — Opposed by
Mr; Fox — Mr. Fox's inconsistency exposed by Mr.
Burke — Atheism, the first fruits of French liberty —
Daggers manufactered at Birmingham- — One of these
produced, by Mr. Burke,v in the House of Commons —
Kersaint's testimony to the neutrality of the English —
Murder of Louis XVI.— -Dismissal of Chauvelin — Royal
message — Debate on it — Mr. Pitt's speech — His horror at
the recent murder of the virtuous Louis— Advantages to
be derived from that event, considered gs a lesson,
illustrative of French principles — Eulogy on the British
constitution — Memorable decrees of the French Con-
• vention, for encouraging insurrection in foreign States
Strict neutrality of England, and the aggressive conduct
of France demonstrated— Address of thanks to his
Majesty, moved by Mr. Pitt — Observations on Mr. Pitt's
conduct al this time — Speech of Mr. Fox — He asserts
the Sovereignty of the People, as paramount to all
laws, and their right to cashier Kings for misconduct
—The tendency of such declarations — Constant and
earnest endeavours of Mr. Pitt to prevent a war, proved by
the French agents themselves— Conference proposed by

CONTENTS. XVU
Dumouriez, with Lord Auckland and M. Von Spieghel —
Communications on that subject — Lord Auckland receives
instructions to hold the conference — Place appointed for
the purpose — The French Convention send orders to
Dumouriez not to hold it.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Royal Message communicating to Parliament the French decla
ration of war — Debates thereon — Mr. Pitt's Speech —
His proofs of British neutrality and of French aggres
sion — Established by authentic documents — Animadver
sions on the French Manifesto—Its falsehood demon
strated — Its various charges examined and confuted—
The French Government guilty of the very acts with the
commission of which they reproached the English Govern
ment — Mr. Pitt's arguments supported and confirmed by
the authority of French writers — Efforts of the French
Government to produce an artificial scarcity in England,
and to create Rebellion in this Country — Gold and silver
purchased with assignats in England, and exported to
France — Mr. Pitt moves an address to the King, promising
support — Mr, Fox objects to some parts of it — Insists that
no specific demand of reparation had been urged by Mi
nisters — Accuses Ministers of an eagerness for war-
Moves an Amendment — Mr. Fox's charges against Minis
ters shewn to be groundless— Chauvelin's dismissal jus
tified from his boasted intimacy with the leaders of the
British opposition— Resolution of the French Regicides to
exterminate all Monarchs, and to annihilate Monarchy —
Mr. Dundas answers Mr. Fox, and proves that specific
means for preventing a war had been suggested by the
British Cabinet— Mr, Burke ridicules the notions of Mr.
Fox— Amendment rejected, and Address carried, without
a division— Debate on the same subject in the House of
• Lords— Lord Lauderdale's boasted friendship for Brissot
Vol.. III. *

XV111 -CONTENTS.
truly characterized by Lord Loughborough — The Oppo
sition seem to derive confidence from the diminution of
their numbers — They resolve to harass the government
by repeated motions for Peace — Mr. Fox moves a string
of resolutions — His Speech in support of them — Censures
Ministers and justifies France— Memorial presented by
Lord Auckland to the States General of Holland — Repro
bated by Mr. Fox— Misrepresentations cf Mr. Fox cor
rected — Object and tendency of his resolutions, inferred
from his past conduct, and from his known intimacy with
M. Chauvelin — Mr, Burke affirms that all [he sentiments
in Mr. Fox's Speech had already appeared in the French
papers as sentiments that would be offered to the House
of Commons — His comments on Mf. Fox's constant de
fence of the French government — Marks the base ingra
titude of Chauvelin — Mr. Fox's resolutions rejected by a
majority of two hundred and seventy-four — Mr. Grey
moves resolutions similar to those of Mr. Fox— They are
rejected without a division, and without a debate — Discus
sion on the proposal for the erection of Barracks— The
.system censured by Mr. Taylor and Mr. Fox — Defended
by Mr. Pitt — Proofs of attempts to seduce the Army from
their duty — Mr. Dundas's statement of Indian affairs —
Prosperity of that Country — Mr. Sheridan's motion for an
Inquiry into the existence of seditious practices— Opposed
by Mr. Windham -Mr. Fox avows his disbelief of plots
and conspiracies— Is answered by Mr. Burke- Motion
negatived without a division— Mr. Pitt opens the Budget-
Ways and Means— The House concurs in his proposed
resolutions— Bill for preventing traitorous correspondence
brought in by the Attorney-General— Objects of the Bill-
Attacked by Mr. Fox- Supported by Mr. Martin, Mr.
Frederick North, and Mr. Burke -Bill carried by a great
majority^Discussed in the House of Lords- Opposed by
the Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis of Lansdowne and the
Earls of Guildford, Lauderdale, and Stanhope-Passes
jnto a Law.

CONTENTS. Xix

CHAPTER XXVII.
Means adopted for supporting the Allies of Great Britain— P
Negotiations for new alliances on the Continent — Designs
of the French upon Holland — Dumouriez the supposed
author of the plan for the invasion of the United Provinces
— Precautions suggested by Lord Auckland, and taken by
the Dutch Government, for defeating his plan — Dumou- »
riez's proclamation to the People of Holland — Contradic
tory to his own avowed principles — Reprinted, with
comments, by the States-General — The French enter
Holland — Breda surrenders, through the treachery of the
Governor — Gertruydenberg follows the example — Brave,
but ineffectual, resistance of the garrison of Klundert —
Gallant conduct of Boetzelaar, the Governor of William-
stadt — Fruitless attempts of the French to reduce that
Fortress — Memorial, presented by L6rd Auckland and the
Imperial Minister, to the States-General — Observations
upon it — It is attacked by Mr. Sheridan, in the House of
Commons — Animadversions upon his speech — The memo
rial is defended by Mr. Pitt— Stigmatized by Mr. Fox 
His misrepresentations of the views of the Combined
Powers exposed and corrected — Mr. Sheridan's motion for
an Adaress to the King negatived by two hundred and
eleven votes against thirty-six— Similar address moved in
the Upper House by Lord Lauderdale — Opposed by Lord
Grenville— ^Rejected by the House--- The House adopt, by
a vote of approbation, the sentiments expressed in the
Memorial — Inquiry into the source of the interest taken
by the Opposition in the fate of the Commissioners de
tained as ho ;t.iges, by Dumouriez — Character and con
duct of the Commissioners — All of them shewn to be
Traitors and Regicides — Reflections on the crime of mw-

XX CONTENTS.
der, and the expediency of an universal compact of
nations, for the punishment of murderers, suggested—
Temporary distress in the commercial world — Effective
measures adopted by Mr. Pitt for their relief— Mr. Grey's
plan of Parliamentary Reform — Supported by Mr. Whit-
bread — His notions upon certain great events in English
History examined — Mr. Pitt opposes the motion — Shews
the radical difference between the plan of Reform which
he had formerly suggested himself and that now proposed
by Mr. Grey — He takes a view of the effects produced by
the conduct of the French Reformers-— Shews, from a
similarity of sentiment and language, that all the petitions,
presented to the House, bad been the work of the same
hands — Contends that the House cannot entertain petitions
for a pretended right of Universal Suffrage— Ridicules the
idea of abstract rights in a Social State — Accuses the pre
sent plan of being founded on French principles j and
traces its consequences to the introduction of French
Anarchy — Proves all the modern theories of Reform to
be calculated only to deceive and delude the people — Mr.
Fox and Mr. Sheridan support Mr. Grey's plan, and tax
Mr. Pitt with inconsistency — Motion rejected by 282
against 41 — New motion by Mr. Fox for promoting a
peace with France — Opposed by Mr. Windham and Mr.
Burke — Mr. Pitt's speech on the subject — Asserts the
impolicy of any advance to the French Government, and the.
impracticability of making peace at the present juncture-
Motion negatived by 187 against 47 — Parliament pro
rogued.
CHAPTER XXVII.
Affairs of France — State of that country after the murder of
the King— Character of Louis XVI. by M. de Males-
herbes — Schism among the Jacobins — Brissot heads the
Girondists, and Robespierre takes the command of the
Jacobins — Advantage of the latter over the former—

CONTENTS. xxi
Extraordinary means adopted for reinforcing the Armies-
Siege of Maestricht raised — French driven out of Liege-
Discontent in the Austrian Netherlands— Dumouriez re
sumes the command of the French Army — Endeavours to
restore Discipline and to check Ex-tortion — Attacks the
Austrians at Nerwinde — Is defeated with great loss —
Again defeated at Louvain — Retreats towards the Fjench
frontier — Comparative force of the two armies — Dumou
riez opens a negotiation with the Austrians — His interview
with Colonel Mack — His scheme for dissolving the Con
vention, and for restoring the Constitutional Monarchy —
Mack insists on the evacuation of the Austrian Nether
lands by the French — Dumouriez accedes to the proposal
and withdraws his Army — Commissioners from the Con
vention order Dumouriez to repair to Paris — He refuses,
seizes the Commissioners, and delivers them up to the
Austrians — Publishes a Proclamation inviting all loyal
Frenchmen to join him — Is fired at by a body of National
Guards — Flies to the Austrian Quarters — The Prince de
Cobourg, at his request, addresses a Proclamation to the
French — Dumouriez returns to his Camp — Defection of
his Troops — He quits the Campand joins the Austrians —
Is joined by 1500 of his men — The Austrian Commander
recalls his Proclamation, and declares the Armistice at
an end — His conduct justified— Causes of the inactivity of
the Austrians at this period — Dampierre takes the com
mand of the French Array and attacks the Allies — He is
defeated and killed — Is succeeded by Custine— An
English Army joins the Austrians — The Allies drive th*
French from the fortified aCamp of Famars — Lay siege to
Valenciennes — Vigorous measures of the Convention for
arming and training the whole population of France —
The Allies force the strong position of Caesar's Camp —
Division of the allied army— Duke of York forms the
siege of Dunkirk — The covering army defeated — Siege

XXU CONTENTS.
raised — Quesnoi taken by the Austrians — The Austrians
forced to raise the siege of Maubeuge — State of things at
the close of the Campaign in Flanders — Operations on the
Rhine — Mentz reduced by the Prussians — The lines of
Weiss.^mberg forced by the Prussians — Surrender of
Toulon to Lord Hood — Military operations — Superiority
of the French — Evacuation of Toulon — Massacre of the
Loyalists — Account of Ships captured and destroyed —
Name of Toulon changed to Port-Mountain — Reduction
of the French Settlements in the East Indies by the
British— Capture of Tobago— Internal affairs of France —
Struggles between the Jacobins and Girondists — Brissot's
Address to his Constituents— -A true picture of France —
Arts of the Girondists turned against themselves — Ca-
mille Desmoulin's answer to Brissot — His Birth, Charac
ter, and Conduct — His concern with the Massacres of
September — Means taken for the destruction of the
Girondists — They are put under arrest — The system of
terror established — Persecution of foreigners — Mr. Pitt
declared, by the Convention, to be an enemy of the
human race — The right of assassinating him referred to
the consideration of a Committee— Erection of a Revolu
tionary Tribunal — Trial and murder of the Queen of
France — The Dauphin consigned to the care and instruction
of Simon, a cobler — Vindication of the Queen's Character
by the absence of all proof against her — Trial of Brissot
and his associates — Interference of the Jacobin Club to
abridge the proceedings — Decree of the Convention for
that purpose — The Brissotins condemned and executed —
Trial of Camille Desmoulins — His blasphemous answer
to the judges — His Execution — Execution of Le Brun —
Madame Roland— -Barnave-— and Bailli.

THE
POLITICAL
LIFE OF MR. PITT.
CHAPTER XVI.
Effects of Mr. Fox's declared approbation of the French
Revolution —-Approaching . Schism in the Opposition —
Fruitless endeavours to avert it — Declaration of abstract
Principles contended to be no ground of dissension —
Mr. Burke entertains a different opinion — His apprehen
sions of danger from French Principles shewn to be well-
founded— Character of his " Reflections on the Revolution
in France." — Resolves to defend that book against the
attacks of Mr. Fox in the House of Commons — Com
municates his resolution to Ministers, and to Mr. Fox
/himself — Mr. Sheridan moves the re-commitment of the
Canada-Bill after the Easter Recess — Some Members of
the Opposition deprecate all reflections foreign from the
immediate subject of discussion — Unparliamentary con
duct of Mr. Taylor in anticipating a disorderly debate-
Mr. Fox denies any statement of Republican Principles
as applied to this Country — Adheres to his former decla
rations on the subject of France — Mr. Burke asserts the
necessity of referring to other Constitution^ in discussing
the merits of a new Constitution — Avows his intention of
discussing certain Principles of Government in the future
Debates on the Bill,— and declares his readiness to sacrifice
Vol. III. b

his friendship for Mr. Fox to the Love of his Country-
Royal Message on the Russian Armament — State of the
contest between Russia and the Porte — Negotiations for
a Peace opened between • those powers — The Empress
Catherine rejects the proffered mediation of Great Britain
and Prussia — Her hostile spirit towards Great Britain —
Her ambitious views on Poland, and on Turkey — Mr. Pitt
resolves to counteract those views — Mr. Fawkener is sent
as Envoy Extraordinary to attend the Negotiations for
Peace — Mr. Pitt moves the Address to the Throne on tho
message — Explains the motives and the policy of the
proposed Measure — The Motion opposed by Mr. Fox,
who takes a very contracted and unfair view of the Ques
tion — He is answered by Mr. Pitt— Motion carried —
The Subject revived by Mr. Grey, who calls upon the
House to adopt resolutions disapproving the very Address.
which they had recently voted — Contends that the con
quest of Turkey, by Russia, would be beneficial to man
kind — Displays the spirit of the ancient Crusaders-
Mr. Pitt observes a profound silence on the Question —
Their supporters insist on the pernicious and ruinous
Effects of the Russian System of Policy — Mr. Sheridan
again panegyrises the French Revolution, and bespeaks
perpetual Peace- with regenerated France — Mr. Grey's
Resolutions rejected by a majority of eighty — Fresh dis
cussion on the same Topic introduced by Mr. Baker-
Mr. Pitt claims, for Ministers, the confidence of the
Country pending a negotiation — Mr. Fox pronounces
another Eulogy oil the new Constitution of France —
Motion of Mr. Baker rejee ed by a majority of ninety-
two — A fourth debate, on the Subject, on the motioa
of Mr. Thomas Grenville, which is rejected by a majority
of ninety-four — Disadvantages under which the Minister
laboured, during these discussions, from his inability to>

communicate all the motives of his Conduct — Reflections
on the Confidence to be reposed in Ministers — Mr. Fox
sends Mr. Adair to St. Petersburgh, as his Representative,
to thwart the designs of his Majesty's Ministers, and to
frustrate the Endeavours of his Majesty's Envoy — Mr.
Burke's account of that Transaction, aptly characterized!
as a High Treasonable Misdemeanour — Favourable
reception of Mr. Adair at the Russian Court — Effects
of this unconstitutional Embassy — The Empress makes
Peace with the Porte on her own Terms — Renewed dis
cussions on the Canada-Bill — Mr. Burke's Speech — His
Analysis of the new " Rights of Man." — Contrasts the
French Constitution with the British — Depicts the misery
of the. French Colonies from the importation of the New
Principles — Is called to order — Is supported by Mr. Pitt-
Lord Sheffield moves that dissertations on the French
Constitution are disorderly — Mr. Fox seconds the Motion
— Mr. Pitt declares Mr. Burke to have spoken strictly in
order — Mr. Fox attacks Mr. Burke; taxes him with
Inconsistency, and reminds him that they had both
deplored the death of American Rebels — Remarks on this
arid other parts of Mr. Fox's Speech — He is answered
by Mr. "Burke, who disclaims the motives imputed to him,
—exposes the fallacy of Mr. Fox's Arguments, and the
duplicity of his Conduct— Describes the future Effects
of the French Revolution — His Patriotism praised — His
impressive exhortations to the two great Political Rivals— r
Mr-Fox replies — Mr. Burke rejoins — Adverts to the Pro--
oeedings of the seditious Societies in England — Mr. Pitt
closes the discussion, by recommending Lord Sheffield's
Motion to be withdrawn, and expresses his gratitude to
Mr. Burke for his eloquent defence of the Constitution-
Farther discussion of the Canada-Bill— Mr. Fox modifies
some of his former opinions respecting an Aristoeracy~
B 2

Remarks of Mr. Pitt— Answer of Mr. Burke— Reflections
on their respective Sentiments — Radical difference of
Principle, independent of the French Revolution, between
Mr. Burke and Mr. Fox— Generous Conduct of Mr. Pitt-
Prorogation of Parliament.

[1791. J The debates on the Canada-Bill
having produced an explicit declaration of
opinion on the subject of the French Revo
lution, and not merely of opinion confined to
that one object, but of principles applicable to
all systems of government, and, consequently,
to the British constitution itself, from the
leaders of opposition in the House of Commons,
the party exhibited stong apprehensions of a
schism, and considerable efforts were made to
prevent it. The friends of Mr. Fox accused
him of imprudenpe in entering upon a sub
ject which the question, under discussion, did
not of necessity require ; but this was an
imprudence of which Mr. Fox was often
guilty, for lie was woefully deficient in judg
ment, and constantly committed himself, by ad
vancing general principles when only called upon
to give his opinion upon particular topics. —
They made advances, to those who were known
to be more particularly attached to Mr. Burke,
and who, indeed, were not less anxious than

themselves, to avert a division which would,
in fact, dissolve the party. They all were dis
posed to think, even those who thought with
Mr. Fox, as those who differed from him, on
the French Revolution, that a declaration of
abstract principles was not a sufficient ground
for separation, and that it would be time enough
to separate when any national question should
occur, to call for a practical application of
those principles.
Mr. Burke, however, thought differently,
and thought more justly. No one was more
strongly attached than himself to his friends,
"both personal and political ; but his sense of
public duty now rose superior to all feelings
of attachment, and reigned paramount over
every private consideration. He had viewed
the recent transactions in France, not only
through a statesman's glass, but with a pro
phetic eye. — His comprehensive mind had,
as it were, with intuitive wisdom, grasped all
their bearings and tendencies ; he perceived
that the principles and the actions- of the
Gallic reformers were neither meant to be, nor
in their nature could be, limited to the country
which gave them birth ; but that . they were
calculated for all nations, and for all ages, to
eradicate every thing that was settled, every
thing that was good, every thing that was

6
worthy of preservation, and to substitute in
their place every thing that was infamous,
impure, and unholy. He was aware that the
pretexts for promulgating those principles, and
for committing those actions, were of a descrip
tion to apply equally to every country, and to
every Constitution ; that no form of govern
ment could resist, that no results of experience
could withstand, them. The approbation which
they had already received from different societies
in England, now daily increasing in numbers,
and in violence, had filled him with well-
founded alarm, that his native country would
not escape their pestilential touch, and that
the mania of rebellion would infect her inha
bitants. Every object around him, at this
period, served to strengthen his apprehensions,
and to confirm his suspicions. Clubs were
rising in every part, and congratulatory ad
dresses were sent to the National Assembly,
who were complimented, not merely for what
they had done in "their own country, but for
the wonderful revolution which thtf) had prepared
for the rest of the world* Mr. Burke's sen-
* See the answer of the Revolution Society to the friends
of the constitution, and of equality, in the City of Mont-
pellierj dated London, March 27, 1791; in the Correspon
dence of the Revolution Society, £$c. 8vo. p. 44.

7
timents on these subjects had been delivered
to the public in a work sufficient of itself to
immortalize his memory ; exhibiting the finest
effusions of a rich and lively imagination, but
distinguished still more for soundness of judg
ment, and solidity of wisdom. It was impos
sible for him, therefore, not to believe that
the admiration which Mr. Fox had so recently,
and repeatedly, expressed of the French Revo
lution, was intended, as indeed it was calcu
lated, to counteract the salutary effects of his
own publications, and to hold up its author as
the advocate for despotism, while Mr. Fox
proclaimed himself to be the Champion of
Liberty. It must not be forgotten too, that,
at this time, Paine's Rights of Man, and other
tracts of a similar nature and tendency,
had appeared, and were most industriously
circulated through the kingdom. Under
these circumstances, Mr. Burke's feelings and
apprehensions were perfectly natural, both in
respect of Mr. Fox, and with regard to -the
country. He considered that Mr. Fox's name
and authority would be a tower of strength to
the factious, and would give them an adven
titious weight, that would be of essential ser
vice to their cause. All attempts, therefore,
to compromise the difference between them,
or to continue to act as public friends, after

8
the grand basis of political friendship — idem
^entire de republicd — was removed, of necessity
proved fruitless : they both stood committed to
their country, and it remained to be seen in
favour of which the country would decide.
Mr. Burke having thus resolved to defend
his own principles against those of Mr. Fox,
in the same place in which they had been
attacked, determined to avail himself of the
.opportunity which the re-commitment of the
Canada-bill would afford him, for the renewal
of the subject. He then apprized some of the
ministers of his intention, claiming their assist
ance in the House, to secure him against those
clamorous interruptions which he had before
experienced; — and he afterwards communicated
his plan to Mr. Fox himself. When the ques
tion came before the House, Mr. Sheridan
moved that the bill should be re-committed till
after the Easter recess ; at the same time, de
claring that his own objections went to the
fundamental principle of the bill, and, of
course, could not be removed by any alterations
which it might undergo in the committee. —
Some of the members of the opposition, alarmed
at the prospect of the approaching schism,
deprecated all allusion to subjects foreign to
that under discussion ; and Mr. Taylor observed,
that the business had been improperly treated,

as involving the consideration of general princi
ples of government, and the constitutions of
other countries ; and he gave notice, that if the
minister, or any other right honourable gentle
man, should wander from the proper subject of
discussion, he should call him to order, and
take the sense of the House upon the occasion.
Thfs unparliamentary conduct, (for nothing
could be more unparliamentary than to antici
pate a disorderly debate) tending to limit the
freedom of debate, and to confine enlarged and
liberal minds within the narrow sphere of dis
cussion whicb minds of a different texture
prescribe to themselves, or rather which nature
prescribes to them, was adopted solely for the
unparliamentary purpose of preventing the dis
sensions of a party. Mr. Burke, however,
though so pointedly alluded to, suffered Mr.
Fox to rise first, who entered into some expla
nation of his former speech, and contended
that, in forming a .government for a colony,
some attention must be paid to the general
principles of all governments. In the course
of that session, he said, he had taken oppor
tunities of alluding, perhaps too often, to the
French revolution, and to shew, whether right
or wrong, that his opinion, on the whole, was
much in its favour ; but on this bill he had
introduced only one levity, silly enough, per-

10
haps, and not worth recollection, which had
any relation to the French revolution ; he meant
an allusion to the extinction of nobility in
France, and its revival in Canada. Certainly
he had spoken much on the government of
the American States, because they were in the
vicinity of Canada, and were connected with
that province. — The prudence of concealing his
opinions, was a quality which his dearest friends
had not very often imputed to him ; — he
thought the public had a righi to the opinions
of public men on public measures ; and he
declared, that he never stated any republican
principles, with regard to this country, in or
out of Parliament. — He added, that, in the
future discussion of the Canada-bill, though he
should be extremely sorry to differ from some of
his friends, for whom he entertained a great
respect, he should not be backward in delivering
his opinion, and he had no wish to recede from
any thing which he had formerly advanced.
This irregular conversation was closed by
Mr. Burke, who, with great feeling, assured
the House, that nothing had ever given him
greater affliction than the thought of meeting
his friend as an adversary and antagonist. —
After noticing the anticipation which had been
suggested, and the observations which had been
made, but for which he trusted he had given

11
no just cause, he declared his sentiments, that,
in framing a new Constitution, it was necessary
to refer to principles of government, and ex
amples of other constitutions, because it was a
material part of every political question, to
examine how far such and such principles have
been adopted, and how they have succeeded in
other places. — This, indeed, is so obvious a
truth, that it affords matter of astonishment
that any one could be found to dispute it. Mr.
Burke proceeded to state, that his opinions on
government were not unknown, and the more
he considered the French constitution, the more
sorry he was to see it. In the preceding ses
sion he had thought himself under the necessity
of speaking very fully upon the subject; but
since that time he had never mentioned it,
either directly or indirectly; no man, therefore,
could charge him with having provoked the
conversation which had passed. — He declared,
however, his intention of giving his judgment
on certain principles of government in the
future progress of the Canada-bill. — He touched
on the difference between Mr. Fox and himself,
and desired it to be recollected, that, however
dear he considered the friendship of that gentle
man, there was something still dearer in his
mind-r^the love of his country; — nor was he
stimulated by ministers to take the part which

V2,
he should take ; for, whatever they knew of his
political principles, they had learned from him',
not he from them.
Having brought down the debates on the
Canada-bill, much more important in them
selves, and in the consequences which they
produced, than , the subject which gave rise to
them, to the Easter recess, it becomes necessary
to revert to another topic of discussion, recom
mended to the attention of Parliament in a
message from the King. — In this message,
which was delivered on the 28th of March,
his Majesty informed the House, that the
endeavours which he had used, in conjunction
with his allies, to effect a pacification between
Russia and the Porte, having hitherto been
unsuccessful, and the consequences which might
arise from the further progress of the war being
highly important to the interests of his Majesty
and his allies, and to those of Europe in gene
ral, his Majesty judged it requisite, in order to
add weight to his representations, to make some
further augmentation of his naval force ; and
he expressed his reliance on the zeal and affec
tion of Parliament to make good such additional
expense as might be incurred by such prepara
tions, for the purpose of supporting the inte
rests of his kingdom, and of contributing to

13
the restoration Of .general tranquillity on a
secure and lasting foundation.
The grand object of this interference,
between the belligerent powers, was to preserve
that balance which the wisest statesmen had
thought necessary for the protection and security
of the weaker states against the ambition and
violence of the stronger; and to prevent the
aggrandizement of a potentate who had dis
played, on all Occasions, the most marked
spirit of hostility against this country. — That
this was a wise and salutary policy cannot be
denied ; it was by a similar principle that the
conduct of the whigs, under King William,
and of every wise, administration, from that
reign to the present, was regulated; — and the
only fair subject for consideration, in the pre
sent instance, was, whether the balance of
power would be so deranged by the aggrandize
ment of Russia, and the humiliation of the
Porte, as to justify the active interference of
Great Britain. The war between these two
states had been carried on with a degree of in
veteracy of which the history of modern times
supplies but few examples ; and Europe and
Asia had been deluged with the blood of their
respective troops. — The good fortune, and
the superior discipline and prowess, of the
Russians at length prevailed, and the period had

14
now arrived, when the Turks, harassed, de
feated, and exhausted, reluctantly acceded to
proposals for negotiating a treaty of peace,
which had, indeed, become equally necessary
to their victorious enemy, — as well to afford her
time for recruiting her armies, and for reple
nishing her treasures, as for maturing those plans
which she had already formed for extending her
dominions by the partition of Poland.
Mr. Pitt, apprized of the ambitious pro
jects of the Russian Empress, and sensible of
their tendency to destroy the balance of power,
and to give her, in the scale of Europe, a pre
ponderance which would be highly detrimental
to the interests of Great Britain, had, in con
cert with the court of Berlin, offered the
mediation of this country, with a view to
prevent, as far as possible, the imperial Catherine'
from extorting, from the humbled Ottomans,
such terms as would greatly facilitate the accom
plishment of her secret schemes. This media
tion had, indeed, been offered at an early period
of the war, when it was rejected, with pride
and disdain, by the Empress, whose lofty
spirit could ill brook control. — Nay, such was
the indignation which she felt at any attempt
to interfere with her plans of ambition, that
she suffered no opportunity to escape for mani
festing her resentment.— ^She had refused te

15
renew the treaty of commerce with this coun
try, which had recently expired ; while, to '
render her conduct more pointed, she signed a
commercial treaty with our natural rival,
France, upon terms highly favourable to that
nation. In these instances, however, she did
no more than •every independent power has a
right to do ; and, whatever umbrage her con
duct might give to the Court of St. James's,
it certainly afforded no reasonable ground of
hostility. But the plans which she was known
to have formed for her further aggrandizement, '
and (to say nothing of their flagrant injustice)
their manifest tendency to augment her own
power by the ruin of independent States, were
to be considered in a very different point of
view, and fully justified the active and deter
mined interposition of those States which had
combined for the laudable purpose of supporting
the balance of power in the North of Europe.
Catherine had openly avowed her resolution to
interfere in the internal concerns of Poland, in
order to prevent those projected improvements
in1 the state of that divided country which
would prove hostile to her own unprincipled
plans. — That avowal alone was sufficient to
alarm alt the neighbouring States, and more
than sufficient to. justify any combination which
had for its object the defeat of such schemes.

16
But the ambition of Catherine, . disdaining alike
the suggestions of honour, and the dictates of
justice, was not to be restrained within ordinary
bounds : Poland alone was a sphere too con
tracted for the operations of her capacious and
aspiring mind ; — her views were extended to
Turkey ; and she had made nt» secret of her
intentions to place the imperial Crown on the
head of her grandson, Constantine, in the
metropolis of the Ottoman Empire. — It was
impossible that, to such views as these, a British
minister could be indifferent ; — Mr. Pitt, who
was early apprized of them, had framed the
whole system of his foreign policy for the pur
pose of counteracting them. His proffered
mediation had been twice rejected ; but Mr.
Fawkeher ( was, nevertheless, sent as envoy
extraordinary to attend the negotiations for
peace, between the contracting powers, and to
afford all possible assistance to the Turks. — The
great impediment to the conclusion of the
•treaty was the perseverance of Russia in insist
ing on retaining possession of the important
fortress of Oczakow with its dependencies,
which she had taken from the Turks in 1788.
By this means she would secure an easy
entrance into the Turkish Provinces, and mate
rially facilitate her march to Constantinople,

17
whenever a fit opportunity should occur for the
accomplishment of her favourite scheme.
Such was the ground of that conduct
which the King announced to the House of
Commons in his message. On the 29th of
March, the day after the message was delivered,
Mr. Pitt moved an address to his Majesty,
thanking him for his communication, and pro
mising him support. — He supported his motion
on the ground of general policy, and on the
particular interest which, he contended, we had
in the dispute between the belligerent powers.
That interest he described as direct and impor
tant ; and, as all our efforts for the restoration
of tranquillity, had proved unavailing, we were
induced to the necessity of . arming, in order to
jrive greater weight to our representations.
Having entered into defensive alliances, which
were admitted to be wise and politic, it was
our duty to adhere to them, and to prevent, as
far as possible, any changes in the general state
of affairs, which might render them nugatory.
Any event which might affect the power of
Prussia, who was our ally, and diminish her
influence on the continent, would be injurious
to ourselves, as far as our mutual interests were
united. The successful progress of the Russian
arms afforded sufficient grounds of alarm; for,
should Russia pursue her career of vic-
Vol. HI. c

18
tory, and the power of the Porte be farther
humbled by its aspiring rival, Prussia would
instantly feel the effect* and not Prussia alone,
but all Europe itself, might prove in danger
of being shaken to its very foundation.
Mr. Fox expressed his conviction that no
danger could arise to Prussia, from any progress
which the Russians might make in the dominions
of the Porte; — and he reduced the point at
issue to a very narrow compass, by putting the
whole of our system of foreign policy, and the
balance of power, entirely out of the question ;
and by stating the dispute between Great Britain
and Russia, to be nothing more than whether
the latter should restore the whole of her foreign
conquests, or only a part of them. Having thus
stripped the conduct of ministers of every thing
in which it had originated, by which it was
directed, and by which it either was attempted
to be, or possibly could be, justified, he pro
ceeded to infer, that the only ground of quarrel
was her unwillingness to resign a tract of coun
try,, between the Niester and the Don, a bar
ren and unprofitable tract, but particularly
desirable to the Empress, as it contained the
fortress of Oczakow, which, in her estimation,
was a place of much value. — He condemned
ministers for not having formed an alliance
with Russia, which appeared to him to be the

19
most natural, and the most advantageous,
which we could possibly form.
These reasons were combated by Mr. Pitt,
who again insisted that the aggrandizement
of Russia, and the depression of Turkey,
would materially affect both our political and
commercial interests. But as he necessarily
spoke under considerable restraint, as he was
unable, during the existence of a negotiation, to
disclose any thing more than the general prin
ciples by which the conduct of ministers was
directed, and his adversaries, availing them
selves of this circumstance, had no difficulty,
and made no scruple, to give a popular turn to
their own arguments, he carried the question
for the address by a majority of only ninety-three.
And the opposition, encouraged by the unusual
greatness of the number which divided with
them, resolved again to Lring the subject before
the House. — Mr. Grey, accordingly, on the
12th of April, moved a set of resolutions, the
object of which was to express disapprobation
of the very measures which the House had, by
its address, directly approved. Mr. Grey, in
supporting these resolutions, advanced certain
abstract principles, from which he drew prac
tical inferences, applicable, or rather applied by
him, to the immediate subject of discussion.^-
Self-defence, he insisted, was the only justifi-
c 2

20
able ground of war, and neither we, nor our
allies, were in danger of attack from Russia ;
therefore, war with Russia was unjust : and he
contended, that it behoved ministers to shew
how the balance of power could be endan
gered by the possession of Oczakow, by the
Russians, before the nation should be called
upon to support the war. — This art of
simplification seems to have been princi
pally relied on by the opposition, and,
strange to say, it produced a much greater effect
than any experienced politician, or rational indi
vidual, could possibly have expected. Mr.
Grey, however, and his supporters, neither
proved their experience as politicians, nor their
reason as men, in maintaining that, were the
Empress of Russia to realize all her imputed
views of ambition, were she to obtain possession
of Constantinople itself, and to expel theTurke
from all their European Provinces, mankind,
so far from being injured, would be considera
bly benefited by it. The spirit of the ancient
crusaders seems indeed to have been revived, at
this period, by the opposition, who appeared as
anxious to expel the infidels from Europe, as
their ancestors, in former ages, had been to
drive the Turks from Palestine, and to erect the
cross on the ruins of the crescent. The confi
dence which ministers claimed was reprobated

21
in language more strong than just, and with a
degree of warmth, in which the decorum of
legislators, and personal respect, were alike
disregarded. Mr. Pitt, and all the Members of the
Cabinet, observed a profound silence, rather
choosing to subject themselves to the effects of
misrepresentation, than to bejtray the duty
which they owed to their Sovereign, and to the
country. It was, however, observed, by those
who were satisfied with their conduct, that the\
possession of Oczakow, by Catherine, would
facilitate not only the acquisition of Constan
tinople, but of all Lower Egypt and Alex
andria, which would secure to Russia the .com
mand .of the Mediterranean, and render her a
formidable rival, both as a maritime and com
mercial power. It was truly remarked, that
the question was not of what intrinsic impor
tance the Turkish empire might be, in itself,
individually considered; but rather how the
acquisition of a considerable and important
part of it, by Russia, would affect the general
safety of Europe, and the particular interests
of Great Britain. But the Empress was not
only charged with designs upon the Porte; her
ambitious views were known to extend to the
destruction of all the powers of the North,.

22
Mr. Grey's motion was lost by a majority of
only eighty.
During this debate, Mr. Sheridan spoke
with considerable warmth and animation, on the
side of opposition, and concluded his speech
with a renewal of his former panegyrics on the
French revolution, and with an expression of his
immutable adherence to the opinions which he
had lately promulgated on that event : and he
.declared his earnest wish that peace might he
inviolably preserved with the new government
of France. As not the smallest disposition had
been evinced by the British ministry to inter
rupt the tranquillity which subsisted between
the two countries, it might have been inferred,
from the unnecessary expression of this wish,
that Mr. Sheridan was aware, that the conduct
of regenerated France would be such as to
provoke a war with Great Britain.
This progressive diminution of the ma
jority raised the spirits of the opposition,
and encouraged them to persevere in their
efforts, without the smallest regard to the con
sequences which they might have, either on their
own country, or on the general state of the
northern powers. Mr. Baker, on the loth of
April, moved, that it was at all times the right
and duty of the House, before they consented
to lay any burdens on their constituents, to

23
inquire into the justice and necessity of the
object, in the prosecution of which such bur
dens were to be incurred; and, that no
information had been given to the House which
could satisfy them, that the expenses to be
incurred by the present armament were necessary
to support the interest of the nation, or would
contribute to the great . and important object of
restoring the tranquillity of Europe on a secure
and lasting foundation. No new arguments
were employed on this occasion, — -but Mr. Pitt
thought it necessary to make some few. obser
vations on the> subject. — He said that, not
withstanding the many calls which had been
made upon him, and the many harsh epithets
which had been applied to his silence, his sense
of duty to his Sovereign and his Country should
still remain the rule of his conduct; he mfeant,
therefore, to enter into no detail of the pending
negotiation ; — to offer no explanation inconsis
tent with his official duties. He contended
that sufficient information had been given for
the simple act of voting the armament, his
Majesty having expressly stated, in his message,
that such a measure was necessary to give
effect to the negotiations, in which he was en
gaged, for laying the foundation of a solid and
durable peace. He admitted, however, that the
House- was not pledged to support a war with-

;24
out further explanation ; the House . might
repose confidence in the servants of the Crown
pending a negotiation, but that was substan
tively different from a pledge to support a war,
should the negotiations prove unsuccessful. —
That which was a sufficient cause for an arma
ment might not be a sufficient cause for a Avar.
Mr. Fox, however, refused to admit the
justice of this distinction, and contended that
the contrary was the fact.— In imitation of Mr.
Sheridan, in a preceding debate, be closed his
speech with a pompous panegyric of the newcon-
stitution of France. — This called up Mr. Burke,
but, as the hour was late, the general cry for the
question induced that gentleman to forego
his right of delivering his sentiments, in oppo
sition to those of Mr. Fox, and the division
took place, when the majority for the minister
was found to have increased from eighty to
ninety-tzvo. But such a majority was still
deemed sufficiently encouraging to induce the
opposition to hazard another division on the
subject; — and it was brought forward, in a
different form, on the 25th of Ma}-, by Mr.
Thomas Grenville, who chiefly insisted on the
right of the House to advise the King in the
exercise of his prerogative, and on the necessity
for exercising that right in the present instance*
in order to prevent the consequences of an

25
improper interference between Russia and the
Porte. Mr. Pitt acceded to the principle, but
denied the justice of its application to the point
in question. The majority for ministers, on
this question, was ninety-four. In the House of
Lords the same question was discussed at length,
and the same arguments were used on both
sides, and with a similar result. It is certain,
that Mr, Pitt's administration experienced a
more formidable opposition on this point than
it had hitherto experienced on any other. — But
the ministers laboured under peculiar disadvan
tages from their inability to explain all the
circumstances which first induced them to
adopt, and afterwards to persevere in, the line of
conduct which they, so consistently, and so re
solutely, pursued. Had Mr. Pitt been at liberty
to explain all that he knew respecting the
designs of Russia on Poland, there can be no
doubt but that he would have received the cor
dial support of a much greater majority of the
House : and the result of this discussion proved
the necessity of reposing a certain degree of
confidence in the servants of the Crown, pend
ing a negotiation with foreign powers. Such
confidence could lead, in such a case as that in
question, to no dangerous consequences ; and if it
ghould have afterwards appeared to have been
misplaced or abused, the Parliament would have

26
had it in their power to inflict a proper punish
ment upon ministers, whose responsibility would
have increased in exact proportion to the con
fidence reposed in them. On the other hand,
from withholding that confidence, the most
mischievous consequences might arise ; so that,
upon a fair calculation of advantages and disad
vantages, it is evident that the confidence ought
to have been granted, since the former greatly
overbalanced the latter.
But the constitutional mode of opposing
the ministers, in Parliament, was not the only
means adopted by Mr. Fox for defeating the
projects of Mr. Pitt. — He had recourse to a
measure unprecedented in the annals of party,
and wholly unjustifiable on any pretext whatever.
He did not hesitate to send Mr. Adair, a gen
tleman known only as a distant relation of his
Own, to the court of St. Petersburgh, as his
representative, and for the express purpose of
counteracting the endeavours of his Majesty's
accredited minister to induce the Empress to
accede to the proposals of the British cabinet.
This transaction, which it is difficult to charac
terize in appropriate terms, cannot be so well
described as in the language of Mr. Burke, who
could not be suspected of entertaining any undue
prejudice against one with whom he had long

27
lived in habits of the closest intimacy, and
of the most endearing friendship.
" The laws and constitution of the kins-
dom," says that eloquent writer, and sound rea-
soner, " entrust the sole and exclusive right of
treating with foreign potentates to the king.—
This is an undisputed part of the legal prero
gative of the Crown.— ^However, notwithstand
ing this, Mr. Fox, without the knowledge or
participation of any one person in the House of
Commons, with whom he was bound by every
party principle, in matters, of delicacy and im
portance, confidentially to communicate, thought
proper to send Mr. Adair, as his representative,
and with his cypher, to St. Petersburgh, there
to frustrate the objects for which the minister
from the crown was authorized to treat. — He
succeeded in this his design, and did actually
frustrate the King's minister in some of the
objects of his negotiation.
" This proceeding of Mr. Fox does not, as
I conceive, amount to absolute high treason,
Russia, though on bad terms, nOt having been
then declaredly at war with this kingdom ; but
such a proceeding is, in law, not very remote from
that offence, and is, undoubtedly, a most
UNCONSTITUTIONAL ACT, and AN HIGH TREA
SONABLE MISDEMEANOR.
" The legitimate and sure mode of com-

H8
munication between this nation and foreign
powers is rendered uncertain, precarious, and
treacherous, by being divided into two channels ;
one with the government, one with the head
of a party in opposition to that government ;
by which means the foreign powers can never be
assured of the real authority or validity of any
public transaction whatsoever.
" On the other hand, the advantage taken
of the discontent, which at that time prevailed
in Parliament, and in the nation, to give to an
individual an influence directly against the
government of his country, in a foreign court,
has made a highway into England for the in
trigues of foreign courts in our affairs. This is
a sore evil ; an evil from which, before this time,
England was more free than any other nation.
Nothing can preserve us from that evil which
connects cabinet-factions abroad with popular
factions here, but the keeping sacred the
Crown, as the only channel of communication
with every other nation.
" This proceeding of Mr. Fox has given
a strong countenance, and an encouraging ex
ample, to the doctrines and practices of the
revolution and constitutional societies, and of
other mischievous societies of that description ;
who, without any legal authority, and even
without any corporate capacity, are in the

29
habit of proposing, and, to the best of their
power, of forming, leagues and alliances with
France." The reception which this representative
of Mr. Fox experienced at the Court of St.
Petersburgh, was, of itself, sufficient to prove
that the nature of his instructions was highly
agreeable to the Empress, and, of course,, that
the instructions" were such as any subject of
Great Britain should have been equally ashamed
to dictate, to deliver, or to bear. Mr. Adair
had always the post of honpur assigned him,
at the right hand of Catharine, whenever the
British Ambassador was present. The encou
ragement which this extraordinary mission
afforded ' the Empress, made her persist in her
claims on the Porte, and reject every proposal
which the representative of the British Monarch
made her, in behalf of that power. The treaty
of Peace was concluded at Gralutz, on the 1 1 th
of August, by which Russia acquired the im
portant fortress of Oczakow, and all the country
between the Bog and the Niester, with the free
navigation of the latter river. The presents
made to Mr. Adair, on this occasion, were more
costly than those which were made to the
King's representative. Had a subject of Catha
rine thus attempted to thwart her views at the
Court of St. James's, the mildest fate that

30
would have awaited him, on his return to
Russia, would have been perpetual banishment
in the Deserts of Siberia. — But the power
which this Imperial Autocrate enjoyed, and
the despotism with which she exercised it,.
removed from her bosom every apprehension
of disobedience to her orders, or of opposition
to her will. She had no dread, therefore, of
the influence of example, in encouraging that
conduct in a foreigner, which she would have
punished with signal severity in a Russian.
The impression produced on the public mind,
in England, by the debates in Parliament,
prevented the Minister from having recourse to
hostile measures for giving effect to the medi
ation of his Sovereign; and Mr. Fox had the
satisfaction of so far succeeding in his plan,
though it failed to accomplish his main object, —
the removal of Ministers. a
After the Easter recess, the discussions on
the Canada Bill were renewed, and the greatest
expectations were excited in the public mind,
from the known intention of Mr. Burke to
enter more at large, than he had hitherto done,
on those great parts on which Mr. Fox and
he had publicly differed. On the 6th of May,
the House proceeded to the re-commitment of
the bill, when Mr. Burke opened the debate :
he remarked that, as they were about to ap-

3J
point a legislature for a distant people, it was
their first huginess to be previously convinced,
that they were competent to the assumption
of such a power. A body of rights, commonly
called the " Rights of Man," had been lately
imported from a neighbouring country, and
held up, by certain persons in this kingdom,
as paramount to all other rights, A principal
article in this new code was, " That all men
are born free, equal in respect of rights, and
continue so in society." If such a doptrine
were to be admitted, the power of the House
would extend no further than to call together
the inhabitants of Canada, and recommend to
them the free choice of a government for them
selves. But he rather chose to argue from
another code, on which mankind, in all ages,
had hitherto acted, — from the law of nations. —
On this alone Mr. Burke conceived the com
petence of the House to rest; from this we
learnt, that we possessed a right of legislating
for Canada, founded on a claim of sovereignty
over that country, which was at first obtained
by conquest, but afterwards confirmed, and
acknowledged, by the cession of its former
government, and established by a long uninter
rupted possession.
After these preliminary remarks, Mr. Burke
proceeded to consider on what model the pro*

32
pOsed constitution was to be formed. The
inhabitants of Canada were known to be com
posed of ancient French settlers, and of new
American emigrants; it might, therefore, be
proper to inquire whether the constitutions of
France and America possessed any advantages
which the British constitution could not im
part ; and which, if not given by the present
bill, might make those people contemplate,
with regret, the happier situation of their
former countrymen. Having made several
ingenious remarks on the nature and principles
of the American constitution, which he con
sidered as best adapted to the genius and man
ners of the inhabitants of the United States ;
he observed, that the Americans acted too
wisely to set up so absurd an idea as that the
nation should govern the nation; but formed a
constitution as aristocratical, and monarchical,
as their situation would permit ; they formed
one upon the admirable model of the British
constitution, reduced to its primary principles.
Yet he was averse from giving this constitution
to the Canadians, because they might have one
more nearly allied to the model which the
Americans themselves had followed.
Mr. Burke then asked, whether the House
should give to the French inhabitants of
Canada the new constitution of France, —

33
a constitution founded on principles diametri
cally opposite to our own; as different from it
as Folly from Wisdom, as Vice from Virtue; —
a constitution founded oh what was called the
Rights of Man ? The authors of it had told
us, and their partizans, the societies here, had
told us, that it was a great monument erected
for the instruction of mankind. This was cer
tainly not done without a view to imitation. —
But, before 'we proceeded to give it to our
colonies, it would be wise to examine what
effects its practical application to the colonies
.of France had produced, (where the new prin
ciples of Parisian politics had been introduced,
and propagated with ardour,) that they might
be enabled to. appreciate the blessings which
they were about to confer. The mode of rea
soning from effects to causes was the old-
fashioned way. It had been adopted in expe<-
rimental philosophy,, and might, with equal
propriety, be applied to the philosophy of the
human mind.— -He should therefore use it now..
The French West India Islands were in the
most flourishitig state, until the fatal moment
when the Rights of Man were imported. —
Scarcely, said Mr. Burke, was this precious
doctrine received amon£ them, when P* ndora's
box, replete with all mortal evils, seemed to
fly open, hell itself to yawn, and every demon
Vol. III. n

34
of mischief ,ta overspread the fac# of the earth.
Blacks rose against Whites,— ^Whites against
Blacks,— and each against the other in-mur-
derous hostility ; subordination was destroyed;
the cords of society torn asunder ; and every
man appeased to thirst for the blood of his
neighbour. The mother country, not receiving
any great degree of pleasure in contemplating
this image of herself reflected in her child,
sent out a body of troops, well instructed,
likewise, in the new principles, to restpre order
and tranquillity. These troops, immediately
upon their arrival, felt themselves bound to
become parties in the general rebellion, and,
like most of their brethren at home, began the
assertion of their free-born rights, by murder
ing their general. — Should such an example
induce us to ship off, for Canada, a cargo of
the Rights of Man ? -
In order to shew that these evils arose
from the new principles themselves^ and not
from any cause peculiar to the West Indies,
Mr. Burke described the 'effects which they,
had produced in the mother country. The
National Assembly of France had boasted, that
they would establish a fabric of government,
which time could not destroy, and the latest
posterity would admire. The boast had been
echoed by the Clubs of this country,— - the

35
Unitarians, the Revolution Society, (i the Con
stitutional Society, and the Club of the 14th
of July. The Assembly had now continued
nearly two years in possession of the absolute
authority which they usurped; yet they did
not appear to have advanced a single step in
settling any thing like a government; but to
have .contented themselves with enjoying the
democratic satisfaction of heaping every dis
grace oil fallen royalty. The constitution must
be expected now, if ever, to be nearly com
pleted; — to try whether it was good in its
effects, he should have recourse to the last
j i
accounts of the assembly itself. They had a
King, such as they wished ; a King who was
no King ; over whom the Marquis de la Fayette,
chief gaoler of Paris, mounted guard. Mr.
Burke was proceeding to describe the circum
stance of the Parisian mob having surrounded
the royal carriage, on the road to Saint Cloud,
with a view to prevent the King from proceed
ing to that palace, when he was called to order
by the members of the opposition, and a sin*
gular altercation ensued^ which lasted for some
time. This interruption was evidently designed
to prevent him from continuing his speech;-"-
and, for some time, all the efforts of Mr.
Burke to be heard, on the point of order, were
fruitless, though supported by Mr. Pitt, and

36
two or three others of the ministerial side of the
* ¦ i
:House. — • The extraordinary scene was, at
.length, terminated by a motion from Lord
Sheffield, " That dissertations on the French
constitution are not regular, or orderly, on the
question ' That the clauses of the Quebec bill
be read a second time, paragraph by paragraph. "*
•r— Strange to say, Mr. Fox, who had, in former
-stages of this very bill* introduced similar dis-
. sertations, seconded the motion.
Mr. Pitt, who had before been called upon
for his opinion, by Mr. Grey and Mr. Sheridan,
drew a distinction between a question of order
and a question of discretion. — In point of dis
cretion, he expressed a wish that the French
.revolution should not be discussed. — But he -did
justice to Mr, Burke's motives, .which he.eould
-trace to no other source than a pure regard for
,the constitution of his country ; and he thought
him fully in order, as the bill went to give a
constitution to a people, at once French, Ame-
-riean; and English.
Mr. Fox taxed Mr. Burke with an evident
eagerness to seek a difference of opinion, and
.an anxiety to discover a cause of dispute. — On
-the subject of the French revolution he kne\y-
. that their;. opinions were wide as the Poles
".asunder. — Still, however, he adhered to his
iarigiaal sentiments, nor would he ever retract

B7
•ne syllable which he had said upon it.— -He
thought it, upon the whole, one of the most
glorious events in the history of mankind.- —
But he desired to be understood, as thus
speaking of the revolution, and not of the
constitution, of France, which remained to be
improved by experience, and accommodated to
circumstances. The old despotism was annihi
lated ; the new system had the good Of the*
people for its object;* and that was the point
on which he rested. With respect to the effect
which the example of France might have on
Great Britain, when any man could prove that
this country was in the precise situation of
France, at the time of her revolution, then,
and not til! then, would he declare, disregarding
all the obloquy which might be heaped upon
such a declaration, that the French revolution
was an object of imitation for Great Britain.---'
* If Mr. Fox had said that the g«od of the people was the
pretext for the revolution, he would have been correct in his
assertion ; but he must wilfully have shut his eyes against the
numerous facts which had occurred, and against the debates of
the National Assembly, if he did not know that neither the
object of the revolutionary leaders, nor the tendency of their
measures, was the good of the people. The King, indeed,
had that object nearest his heart ; and he would have accom
plished it, had his efforts not been counteracted by the lmchi-
natioas of the factious demagogues in the National Assem
bly.

38
He declared that he never wished, to conceal his
political opinions ; but he did not approve of
haying a day fixed for catechising him. — He
acknowledged that he had learned more from
Mr. Burke than from all books and all men. —
AH -his political 'knowledge was drawn from
Mr. Burke's - writings, speeches, and familiar
conversation. During the American war, they
had rejoiced together . at the successes of h, Wash*
ington, and syjnpathized, almost in tears, for the
fall ¦ of a Montgomery* To deny that the
British constitution was founded upon the rights
of man, he considered as nothing more nor
less than an attempt to libel that constitution ;
and no book which Mr. Burke could cite, no
words which be~ might use in debate, however
* The reader will recollect, that Washington was the
Commander in Chief of a rebel army j and that Montgomery
fell in the cause of rebellion, fighting against the troops of his,
and Mr. Fox's, lawful Sovereign. — It is not sufprisipg that,
w"hen the Amdrfcan rebels met with such supporters in the
legislative council of the mother country, their cause should
succeed ; but it is very surprising that a member of the British
House of 'Commons -should so far forget the allegiance which
heowe'cTto his King, should so far lose sight of that decency
and respect which were due to the House, to his constituents,
anil Whis country, as to' make his encouragement of rebels the
subject of his boast ; — and it is still'more surprising, that there
"should not have been a single member of the House of Com
mons to call him to order 1

®
ifege&fous, eloquent, and able, - as all his
writings and speeches undoubtedly were, should
ever induce him to change, or abandon this opi
nion. If iberiB be wisdom in fortifying the ihind
agaihst feonvictibn, this declaration of Mi'. Fosj
was eminently wise: but it behoved him, at
lea§t, to Shew on What he founded his opinion,
before he expressed his resolution never to aban
don it; The nonsensical rhapsody to which the
skges of regenerated France had ridiculously
applied the potripous title of "The Rightsof
Man," had been the just object of Mr. Burke's
derision. If Mh Fox meant to say, that the
British Constitution was founded on mth rights,
it was he wh<J libelled that constitution, and not
Mr, Burke ; and" if he did not mean to say so-,
his observation was irreleyant, and could not
apply to afty part of Mr. Burke's speech. — It
was calculated, however, to mislead the multi*
tnde, and it certainly tended to embolden the
factious members of the different revolutionary
societies, now established iji the country.
Mf. Burke, in reply, truly remarked, that
Mr. Fox'* speech Was one of the most disorderly
ever delivered in that House. — His pubhc con
duct, words, &,hd writings, had not only been
misrepresented and arraiqx.etl in the se'sest
tefftiSi but confidential conversations had beeri

46
unfairly brought .forward for the, purpose of
attempting to prove his political inconsistency.
— Such were the instances of kindness, which
he had received from one whom he had always,
considered as his warmest friend. He could not
conceive that the manner in which Mr. Fox,
had accused him of having spoken without
information, and unsupported by facts, ap
peared to manifest any great degree of tender
ness towards him. On the subject, however, of,
the French revolution, .uninformed as he might
be supposed to be, he had not the least objec-,
tion to meet Mr. Fox hand to hand, and foot to
foot, in a fair and temperate discussion.
Mr. Burke disclaimed, in the most pointed
manner, the having introduced this subject of
discussion for the purpose of stigmatizing
certain principles advanced by Mr. Fox on a
former occasion. He had made no reference
whatever to any of Mr. Fox's speeches ; and he
informed the House, that he had Communicated
to Mr. Fox . the line of argument which he
meant to adopt, and had actually shewn him all
the books, pamphlets, and reports, which Mr*
Fox now chose to suppose that he had never
read.— He then stated his reasons for wishing to
introduce the subject of the French constitution;
antf most sound and valid reasons they were.—
In the first plajce, he felt desirous of pointing

41
©at the danger of perpetually extolling that
preposterous edifice upon all occasions, and in
the highest strain of panegyric. Mr. Fox had
himself termed it " the most stupendous and
glorious edifice of liberty which had been
erected on the foundation of human integrity,
in any time or country." — A second motive,
which had some little influence over him, was
of a more personal nature. — He had been
accused both of writing and speaking of the
late proceedings in France, rashly, unadvisedly,
and wantonly. — This charge he was certainly
anxious to refute ; but, at the very time when
he was about to produce facts in corroboration
of his assertions, blended with private informa
tion and respectable authorities, he was stopped
in the most unfair and disorderly manner. — Had
he been permitted to continue his speech, he
would have shewn, that the issue of all that
had been done, and of all that was then doing,
in France, could never serve the cause of
liberty, but would inevitably tend to promote
that of tyranny, oppression, injustice, and
anarchy. Seventeen years have elapsed since Mr.
Burke thus anticipated the effects of those
revolutionary proceedings, which Mr. Fox held
up to the admiration, if not to the imitation,
ef surrounding nations. It was not the hasty

. 42
anticipation of a lively fancy, and an ardent
mind, apt to found its deductions On its wishes,
but the calm result of a minute investigation
of facts, instituted by a truly philosophic mind,
eager in its search after truth, and accus
tomed to trace effects to their causes, and to
follow Causes to their effects. Now* that those
consequences, which Mr. Bufke foresaw, are
no longer matters of opinion, but objects of
contemplation, it is impossible-to withhold Our
tribute of respect and admiration, from .that
sublime genius which, from its deep knowledge
of the present, was enabled to descry future,-
events ; and from that rigid integrity, which,
bursting asunder the fetters of political and
personal friendship, led the venerable patriot* ait
a period of life when early impressions become
rivetted to the heart, and identified with thje
affections^ to sacrifice all private considerations^
and deep-rooted prepossessions, on the altar .of
his country.— This was genuine, unsophisti
cated, unadulterated, patriotisms having for
its motive the love, for its end, the good> of its
country 1
What principally weighed With Mr. Burke,
oh the present occasion, and determined him in
h;s conduct, was the danger which threatened
our own government, from practices Which Were
notorious to all the world. — Were there not-

43
Clubs in every quarter, which met and voted
resolutions of an alarming tendency? Did
they not correspond, not only with each
other, in every part of the kingdom, but
with foreign countries? Did they not preach in
their pulpits doctrines which were dangerous,
and celebrate, at their anniversary meetings,
proceedings incompatible with the spirit of the
British constitution? Did they not every where
circulate, at a great expense, the most infamous
libels on that constitution ? At present he
apprehended no immediate danger. — The King-
was ¦ in full power, possessed of all his funo
tion's ; his ministers were responsible for their
conduct; the country was blest with an opposi
tion of strong force; and the common people
themselves seemed to be united with the gentle
men in a column of prudence. Nevertheless,
Tie. maintained there was sufficient cause for
jealousy aed circumspection. In France, there
were three hundred thousand men in arms, who,
at a favourable moment, might be happy to
yield assistance ; besides, a time of scarcity and
tumult might come, when the greatest danger
was to be dreaded from a class of people, who
might how be called low intriguers, and con
temptible clubbists.
Towards the close of his speech, Mr. Burke,
addressing himself to the two great political
leaders of the House, expressed a hope that,

44
$Hethe'r they moved hereafter m the political
hemisphere as two flaming meteors, or waiked
together, like brethren, hand in hand, they would
preserve and cherish the British constitution ; that
they would guard it against innovation, and pro
tect it from the pestilential breath of French phi'-
losophy. He then broke into an impassioned
apostrophe to the immeasurable and unspeakable
power of the Deity, to whom alone, as a being
of infinite perfection, belongs the omniscience,
which sees all things hi their first causes, — while
to us, .poor, weak, incapable mortals, there is no
rule of conduct so safe as experience.
He was answered by Mr. Fox, whose feel
ings, for a short time, subdued his powers of
utterance. — He again justified liis conduct, and
considered Mr. Burke's strictures as unfair and
unjust : he adverted to certain expressions oc
Mr. Burke, in the course of debates which
occurred several years before, for the purpose of
fixing upon him the charge of inconsistency. He
thought the French revolution such an acqui
sition to the cause of freedom; from the domi
nion of France over the manners of other
nations, as to justify his former panegyric; and
he apologized for the excesses of the French
people, in its progress, by remarking that it was
natural for them to be guilty of many extrava
gant and absurd actions, from the apprehension

45
•f a sudden return of that despotism which
they had destroyed ; experiencing the sensations
ludicrously described by our great dramatic
poet, when he makes Falstaff exclaim, .
" I fear this gunpowder Percy although he be dead."
If a shade were wanted to contrast our own con
stitution, it was to be found, not in the new
system, but in the ancient despotism of France.
Mr. Fox said, that he and his friends loved our
own constitution on grounds independent of all
external circumstances ; yet they thought the
French revolution would do good to England ;
it might teach ministers not to endanger thejust
influence of the Crown; by overstra ning it ;
and the people, of England, if they should be
disposed rashly to give way to innovations,
might receive a warning from the confusions
which had occasioned so much lamentation, and
which were sufficiently great to deter others
from lightly incurring similar calamities, though
they were trifling in comparison of the benefits
to which they had led.
Where censure was so weak, and commen-
dation so strong, it was manifest that the ten
dency of Mr. Fox's speeches was to recommend
the example of the French revolution to other
nations. Mr. Bui ke complained of the ailusioti
to the careless expressions, and playful triflings,
of his unguarded hours, which he did not

4§
imagine would be recorded, and mustered up in
the form of accusations, and not only have a
serious meaning imposed upon them, which
they were never intended- to bear, but one totally-
inconsistent with any fair and candid interpre
tation. His arguments had been misrepresented;
he had never affirmed, that the English, like
every other constitution, might not, in some
points, be amended. — He had never maintained>
that, to praise our own constitution, the best way
was to abuse all others. The tendency of all
that had been said was to represent him as a
wild, inconsistent man, only for attaching bad
epithets to a bad subject. Having explained
these former sentiments of his, which had been
now attacked, he observed, that the inconsis
tency of his book, on the French revolution,
with his former writings and speeches, had been
insinuated and assumed ; but he challenged the
proof by specific instances., — -And he also asserted,
that there was- not one step of his conduct, nor
one syllable of his book, contrary to the prin
ciples of those men Avith whom our glorious
revolution originated, and to whose principles, as
a whig, he declared an inviolable attachment.-—
He was an old man, and, seeing what- was
attempted to be introduced, instead of the ancient
temple of our constitution, could weep over the
foundation of the new.

47
Mr. Burke then again ad vetted to the
endeavours sedulously employed, in this coun
try, to supplant our own, by the introduc
tion of the new French, constitution but he
did not believe Mr. Fox, at present, had that
wish ; and he did believe him to have delivered
his opinions abstractedly from any reference to
this country ; yet their effect might be different
on those who heard them, and still more ou
Others, through misapprehension or misrepresen
tation. He commented on the grounds on
w/hich Mr. Fox ha4 explained his panegyric:
the lesson to kings, he was afraid, would be of
another kind. He had heard Mr. Fox own the
King" of. France to be the best-in tentioned sove
reign in Europe ; his good nature > and love of
his people had ruined him ; — his concessions
had brpught him to a gaol. — The example of
the confusions, on the other hand, would have
very little operation, when it was mentioned with
tardy and qualified censure; while the praises of
the revolution were trumpeted, with the loudest
blasts, through the nation. Mr. Fox had called
the new French system a most stupendous
and glorious fabric of human integrity ; Mr.
Burke conceived, that he possessed a better
taste in architecture than to bestow so magnifi
cent an epithet upon a building composed of
untempered mortar. — He considered it as th«

43
work of Goths and Vandals* where every thing
was disjointed and inverted. As to the church,
in particular, it had been said, by Mr. Fox,
that the French had abolished all tests, and
given a complete, unequivocal toleration". — So
far from it, Mr. Burke insisted that they had
established the most diabolical intolerance that
ever existed on the face of the earth ; and created
a new test, not for the sake of security, but a*
the means of cruelty, oppression, and injustice ;
in order -to afford an opportunity of depriving
many thousand individuals of their bread. The
clergy were forced to take this test or starve;
and yet France was the country in which there
was said to be no test at all! He drew a striking
picture of the persecutions to which the monks
and nuns, and the pious few of the laity, were
exposed, throughout France; and he particu
larly instanced the unmanly and brutal severity
inflicted on the sisterhood of the charity of St.
Lazarus ; an order of nuns who devoted them
selves to the irksome duty of attending the pa-.
tients in an hospital : these women were seized,
dragged out, stripped, publicly whipped in the
streets of Paris, and turned adrift on the world ;
and all this for no other offence than that of
receiving the sacrament from a priest who had
not taken the new civic oath, or test ! The
National Assembly were apprized of this abo*

49
minable tyranny, " outraging at once, piety,
charity, and decency;" yet had not the justice to
punish^ nor even the honesty to censure it;
But Mr. Fox had represented the new consti
tution of France as an experiment.— Mr. Burke
thought, and justly thought, we had seen enough
of it to judge of its practical effects ; the new sove
reigns of that country, he greatly apprehended,
would proceed from tyranny to tyranny, from
oppression to oppression, till the whole system
terminated in the complete ruin of that misera
ble and deluded people. He closed his interest
ing observations, with the expression of a
sincere hope, that no member of that House
would ever barter the constitution of -his country,
that eternal jewel of his soul, for a wild and
visionary system, which could only lead to
confusion and disorder*
Mr. Pitt having declared his own opinion^
that Mr. Burke had not been, even in the first
instance, at all out of order, suggested the pro
priety of withdrawing the motion which had
been made by Lord Sheffield. — He conceived
that the constitution could be in no immediate
danger, but declared, that if thereafter there
should appear to be a more serious ground of ap
prehension, ar.d that ground should be distinctly
stated by Mr. Burke, he should be eager to give
that gentleman his warmest and most effectual
Vol. III. e

50
support. He thought Mr. Burke entitled to
the gratitude of his country, for having, on that
day, in so able and eloquent a manner, expressed
his sense of the degree of danger which already
existed; and assured him, that he would himself
most cordially co-operate with him in taking
every possible means to preserve, what he es
teemed, the most perfect constitution in the
world, and to deliver it down to posterity as the
best security for the prosperity, freedom, and
happiness, of the British people.
The Canada-bill was further discussed on
the 11th of May, when Mr. Fox took occasion to
explain his political opinions, evidently 'with a
view to remove certain unfavourable impressions
which he knew to have been made by
his late speeches in Parliament. — He now de
clared, that there could be no good and com
plete system of government, without a due
mixture of monarchy, aristocracy, and demo
cracy ; and, however unfavourably one gentle
man might, construe his sentiments, yet he con
sidered our own aristocracy as the proper poise
of the constitution, the bale. ice that equalized
and meliorated the powers of the two other
extremes, and gave firmness and stability to the
whole. He, nevertheless, did not think it wise,
in an infant government, where no previous
materials for such an aristocracy existed, to

51
make that branch of the legislature hereditary.
Property was, and had ever been, esteemed to be
the true foundation of aristocracy, and upon
that he proposed to build the aristocracy of
Canada, since ah act of Parliament could not
give nobility like an English peerage. He
thought it best to make the councils elective,
with a higher qualification both for the electors
and the elected, after the model of the American
constitutions, where the three powers of mo
narchy, aristocracy, and democracy, were judi
ciously blended, although under different
names. It was truly observed by Mr. Pitt, that a
different impression, from that which Mr. Fox's
present speech was calculated to raise, had
been made, both in that House and abroad, by
the debate of the former night.' Believing him
now to be truly sincere, Mr. Pitt congratulated
himself, that he might be sure of having the
aid of such eloquence and talents, to resist any
attempt, at any time, to impair or destroy any
part of that edifice, which, for its beauty and
perfection, was the admiration of the whole
world, and the inestimable blessing of this
country. He dwelt- much, at large, upon the
benefits resulting from the principle of aristo
cracy in a mixed government.
Some of Mr. Fox's notions were combated
x 1

52
by Mr. Burke, who observed, that, in a monar
chy, the aristocracy must ever be nearer to the
Crown, whence, as from the fountain of honour,
it originated, than to the democracy ; but in
those governments, which had nothing monar-
chial in them, the aristocracy necessarily rose
out/>f the democracy. He denied property to
be- the sole foundation of aristocracy; pointedly
condemning a close, and praising an open;
aristocracy. A close aristocracy, confined to
birth, would, of course, preclude the possibility
of raising virtue, however distinguished ; talents,
however eminent, and however applied ; and
public services, however important to the dig
nity of the peerage ; and would, consequently,
strip the Crown of one of its best and most
beneficial prerogatives. He objected to the
council proposed by Mr. Fox, which he thought,
in fact, to be of a democratical constitution ;
and he adduced the example of the general
rebellion of the American colonies, in proof
that assemblies, so constituted, had the test 'of
experience against them. — Then, leaving the
subject immediately before the House, he
remarked, that, at a time when open and avowed
attempts were made to circulate pamphlets, and
to disseniinate doctrines subversive of the pre
rogative, and, consequently, dangerous to the
constitution, it was unwarrantable for any good,

53
subject to be, day after day, holding out a
parade of democracy, in order to set the un
thinking many raging against the Crown. He
conceived, that there then existed a run against
monarchy, but this had been rashly represented
as the mere idle coinage of his own brain ; — he
trusted, however, that the House would' not
rest too securely upon such a representation,
but take care, in time, to guard against the
impending danger. In saying what he had clone
upon the subject, he was conscious that he had
done his duty ; and hoped that he had, in some
measure, averted what might otherwise have
effected the downfal of our justly-boasted con
stitution ; — supported by such reflections, he
was not deprived of consolation, although
excluded from his party; — a gloomy solitude
might reign around him, but all was unclouded
sunshine within.
It was, on the other hand, asserted by Mr.
Fox, that the constitution was more liable to
be ruined by an increase of the power of the
Crown, than by an increase of the power of
the people. — On this point these two great poli
ticians were at issue. — In examining into the
accuracy of their respective opinions, it would
be necessary to consider them not in the abstract,
but in relation to the times in which they were
delivered. It is perfectly clear, that the great

54
majority of the people were, at this period,
favourable to the French revolution, notwith
standing all the crimes by which it was perpe
trated, and all the enormities to which it gave
birth. Publications, in which the most violent,
objectionable, and dangerous, principles of the
.French Jacobins were adopted and commended,
were circulated by societies instituted for the
purpose ; — and the conduct of France was
.holden out, in plain language, to the imitation
of England.— The necessary tendency of all
the.se proceedings was to weaken, if not to
annihilate, the attachment to royalty, which
was, indeed, treated with little ceremony, and
not unfrequently rendered the subject of deri
sion.— The ties which had long bound the people
t6 the throne were, by such insidious artifices,
materially loosened, and a very slight concussion
would have been sufficient , to dissolve them.
It was evident, therefore, that the constitution
could be in no danger from the undue influence
of the Crown; — and it was equally clear to
every unprejudiced person, who paid attention to
passing events, that serious danger was to be
apprehended from the growing disaffection of
the people. — At such a period, then, it was as
jmich the bounden duty of the patriot, to throw
all his weight and influence into the scale of
royalty, as it would be, at a different crisis,
(if, in this kingdom, such' a crisis could occur)

55
when the prerogative of the Crown had been
strained beyond its due bounds, and a disposi
tion evinced, by the Monarch on the throne, to
transgress the limits assigned by the constitution
to the regal power, and a conduct displayed
hostile to the established religion and laws of
the State, — to give the preponderance to the
popular scale. — This duty Mr. Burke most faith
fully and conscientiously discharged, at the
period in question; while Mr. Fox adopted
an opposite line of conduct, strengthening,
by his sneeches, the rising spirit of demo
cracy, and so qualifying all his praises of the
British constitution, as to make little impres
sion on the minds of those who harboured a
secret wish to subvert it.
It has been correctly observed, by a con
temporary waiter, that this disposition between
the two great leaders of the Whig party, did
not arise immediately out of the events of the
French revolution, and the discussions which
grew out of them ; there, manifestly, must have
existed between them a marked and essential
difference of principle, which no political event
had hitherto occurred of a nature to call forth
to public notice. It was the practical applica
tion of the principle of each to tliose great
questions which it now became necessary to dis
cuss, that first rendered the difference evident,
and attracted the public attention towards it.

56
Mr. Burke was a Whig of the Old School j
formed on the principles which'fixed the House
of Brunswick on the throne; and Mr. Fox was
a Whig only in name, a disciple of a new sect,
which, seeming to have adopted for its motto
the old adage, with a contracted signification-
Vox populi, suprema lex est, — professed to make
popular opinion the criterion of their principles,
and the rule of their conduct; though their
practice did not always correspond with their
professions, During these altercations, Mr.»Pitt con
ducted himself with the greatest impartiality
and honour. Far from seeking to foment the
divisions between his political opponents, he
endeavoured, as far as he consistently could,
to allay them, by exhorting the common friends
of both parties to interfere, for the purpose of
conciliation. He even went no farther, in his
arguments, than his duty imperatively required
him to go; rendering, indeed, justice to the patri
otic sentiments, and dignified conduct, of Mr.
Burke, but abstaining from all observations
that could irritate Mr. Fox against him.
On the 18th of May, Mr. Pitt opened his
budget for the year ; when it appeared, that the
sum total of expense was ^5,728,000 ; and the
total of ways and -means, for defraying it,
^5,734,47 1 3 — the receipts exceeding the ' ex-

5?
penditure by only a few thousand pounds. No
new imposts were, of course, necessary. — Mr.
Sheridan, on a subsequent day, proposed a long-
string of resolutions to the House, the object of
which was to show, that all Mr. Pitt's calcula
tions, respecting the public income, and the
reduction of the national debt, were fallacious.
These resolutions were debated on successive
days, and negatived by the House ; and a num
ber of different resolutions, proposed by the
minister and his friends, were adopted in their
stead. — The Indian budget was opened by Mr.
Dundas, on the 24th of May, who, in a very
clear and full account of the state of our Indian
government, made it appear, that there existed,
in that country, a surplus revenue of ,s£ 1,409,079-
The accuracy of this statement was, indeed,
questioned by Mr. Paul Benfield, and some
other members ; but the House gave their sanc
tion to sixteen resolutions, in support of it—
On the 10th of June the Parliament was pro
rogued.

58

CHAPTER XVII.

The progress of Revolutionary Principles in England — Paine'*
Rights of Man — Means taken to promote its extensive
circulation among the lower classes of People — Its Effect* —
The Revolution Society — Justice of Mr. Burke's charges
against it, proved from the contents of its own publica
tion — Its abuse of Princes — Its wishes for the example of
Fiance to be imitated in all countries — Dr. Priestley —
His admiration of the French Revolution — His wish for
the extirpation of the Established Church, whose clergy
he reviles as " Vermin who deserve no mercy" — Antici
pates the destruction of Kings, Archbishops, and Bishops —
Resolves to commemorate the seizure of the Bastille at
Birmingham — Seditious hand-bill circulated on that
occasion — The mob insult the commemorating Patriots —
Demolish the house of Dr. Priestley— Commit other
outrages — Are dispersed on the arrival of the" troops — These
riots produced by a seditious hand-bill — Reward offered
for the discovery of its author — The Author absconds,
but his name is known — Dr. Priestley's losses on this
occasion — Made good by the Hundred — Destruction of his
manuscripts no loss to Society — Unphilosophical lamenta
tions of the Doctor— Echoed by the Students at Hackney
College, and by the Unitarian Preachers — Pernicious
tendency of his writings — He abjures his country,
and becomes an American citizen, after sending his
ion to become a citizen of France — Injustice of his com-

59
plaints— His rejection of the fundamental tenets of the
Christian faith — French affairs — Tyranny of the National
Assembly — All freedom of debate destroyed — Indecent
conduct of the galleries — Persecution of the non-juring
priests — Conscientious scruples of Louis XVI.— Bishop of
Clermont's letter to his Majesty on the subject of
receiving the Sacrament at Easter — The King is insulted
by a grenadisr, while at chapel — Attempts to go to St. Cloud _
with his family — Is stopped by the mob — Appeals for pro
tection to La Fayette — La Fayette's fruitless endeavours
to disperse the populace — The King is obliged to return— t
Repairs to the National Assembly — Dastardly conduct of
its Members — The King resolves to escape from Faris —
Mirabeau is gained, over to the court — His project for re
storing the regal authority—La Fayette suspects him —
Curious conference between them — Death of Mirabeau—
Sketch of his character — Emperor of Germany's advice
to Louis XVI.- —Indecision of the King---His extitme
imprudence^ — He leaves Paris for Montmedy— Js arrested
at Varennes, and compelled to return to Paris — The pre
valence of republican principles— The King a prisoner in
his Palace, with La Fayette for his gaoler — All regal
power usurped by the Assembly — Firm conduct of the
Royalists—The Sovereign attacked in the Assembly by"
Pethion — Who proposes a measure subversive of a
fundamental principle of the new constitution — Furious
speech of Brissot in the Jacobin Club— The King accepts
the constitution and swears to observe it — The Assembly is
dissolved — Conference at Pilmitz — Object of it— Declara
tion of Austria, Prussia, and the French Princes— Never
carried into effect — Objectionable passage in the declaration
— Remarks upon it — The British Government take no
part in those proceedings — Motives of Mr. Pitt's conduct—
His high ideas of National Independence — Is not yet
fdlve to the danger of revolutionary principles — Is sincerely

60

anxious for the preservation of Peace — Mr. Burke's expo
sition of French Principles— State of the public mind in
England and France at the close of 1 79 1.

[1791. J It has already been observed,
that revolutionary principles had made a con
siderable 'progress in this country. Allusion
has been made to the publications industriously
circulated by the friends and admirers of the
French revolution. — Among these, Paine's
Rights of Man took the lead. It was written
in a style well calculated to catch the ear of
the multitude, for whose use it had been prin^
cipally composed; — the substance of the book
was equally alluring; it taught the mob that
they were the real sovereigns of the state; and
that, although they could not all rule, yet that
each of them was equally qualified, and equally
entitled, to wear the Crown, with the indivi
dual then seated on the throne. It required.
much stronger minds than are possessed by
any of the common people of Europe to resist
the temptations here thrown in their way.
In England, where every man is a politician,
and where every ale-house exhibits a kind of
senate in miniature, thanks to the indefinite num
ber of vehicles for the conveyance, not only
of public intelligence, but of political instruc
tion; such doctrines could scarcely fail tq

61
make many converts, and to produce a strong
effect. Paine's book was circulated by a great
majority of the Dissenters, particularly by the
Unitarians, and even by the Methodists, who
not only introduced it into their families, for
the use of their children, but distributed it,
widely among all their connections. One
edition of ten thousand copies was printed, by
a dissenting printer, for a dissenting bookseller,*
who had .been the publisher of all the principal
Unitarian works which had appeared for seve
ral years. It was forwarded to all the market-
towns, in the kingdom, whence it was dispersed
among the neighbouring villages ;. and even
trusty agents were employed to attend, the

* I have not a wish to be personal, or I should here
name the printer, the bookseller, and one, at least, of the
agents, to whom I refer. The large edition in question was
printed after the book had become the subject of prosecution.—
And I have seen a copy in octavo, handsomely printed, (in the
house of a Methodist,) which was never offered to public sale.
In writing the history of the times in which we live, it is
extremely difficult to do justice to the subject, without either
deviating from rigid truth, or descending to invidious person
ality. — Amicus Socrates, amicus Plato, sed magis arnica
Veritas, — should be the historian's rule. If personality cannot
be avoided without injury to the cause of truth, recourse ought
to be had to it, without scruple, and without fear; but, unless
the plea of necessity can be fairly urged in its behalf, it ought
to be studiously rejected by the historian.

62
market ordinaries in the country, for the pur
pose of inculcating its principles on the minds
of those illiterate, unthinking, and credulous,
' rustics, who frequent them, and for forcing
the book upon their notice.
Societies had been formed, in different
parts of the kingdom, upon the plan of the
Revolution Society ; and, although they had
not yet proceeded to those extremities to
which they soon after had recourse, their avowed
principles, and promulgated sentiments, were
sufficient to rouze the government to vigilance,
if not to fill them with alarm. A regular corres^
pondence was carried on with the Revolutionary
Societies in France, from which even delegates
were sent to compliment the associated sons
of French liberty in this country, and, no
doubt, to instruct them in the application of
the principles of the modern philosophy to
practical purposes. The very correspondence
published, by the Revolution Society, for the
avowed purpose of proving the injustice, and
malevolence, of Mr. Burke's charges against
them, demonstrates, beyond the possibility of
doubt, the justice of those charges, by shew
ing their hopes, and their wishes, to have been,
that the example of France would be followed
in England. — " We hope," said they, in a letter
to a club at Rochelle; " to profit ourselves from

63
your successful exertions in favour of freedom ;
and that an imitation of your splendid actions
may soon enable us to pur'fy our own govern
ment."* — Again, to a club at Langon, they
say by their secretary, Mr. Benjamin -Cooper,
— " We think general freedom must precede
universal peace, and that the example you
have recently given must be imitated
throughout the world, before wars completely
cease."-]- — Adverting to the same subject, in a
subsequent letter, they observe : — " Important
political changes must first take place in our
ozvn country." — And, that no doubt might be
left on the mind of the reader as to the nature
of the changes to which they refer, they allude,
at the close of their letter, to certain democratic
publications which had recently appeared in
England, " Which," say they, " have con
tributed very considerably to spread among the
inhabitants of this island, a more accurate
knowledge of the principles of your revolution,
which only want knowing to be imitated."*
In a letter to the Clubbists of Nantz, who
had sent two delegates to England, they
vented their spleen against crowned heads, by
* Correspondence of the Revolution Society, &c. p. 10Q,
f Idem. p. 114. % Idem. p. 126.

64
observing, that, as the objects, as well as the
effects, of true religion " are hardly ever pur
sued by Princes, it is evident, that class of
mortals are but poorly instructed in the genuine
principles either of "policy or religion."* —
In the same precious effusion of Republican
venom, they hail the profligate Mirabeau as
the apostle of liberty, — -u Mirabeau, the uni
versal friend of freedom and humanity, is no
more!" — " His is a name registered in the
Archives of Freedom, and canonized for the
veneration of ages to come."f To the reform
ing patriots of Brest, these enlightened sages
exclaim : — " . How glorious an example iiave
you exhibited, how sublime a lesson have you
taught to all mankind! — The heroism which
has animated your unparalleled exertions may
well strike terror into the hearts of despots,
and make every tyrant tremble on his throne. —
The period is approaching, when the people in
all countries will no longer submit to wear that
cruel and ignominious yoke of bondage under
which they have so long groaned."
If these sentiments do not indicate, in the
most unequivocal- manner, the existence of a
wish to follow, and to exhort others to follow,
the example of France,, by producing a similar
* Ibid. p. 152. f Ibid. p. 154. J Ibid. p. 157.

65
revolution in this country, it is difficult to
assign to them any signification whatever.—
Among the most indefatigable apologists, and
the most ardent admirers, of the French
patriots, was Dr. Joseph Priestley, a man
better known as a polemic than as a philo
sopher. — In his letters to Mr. Burke, in answer
to that statesman's book, he predicts the hap;<
piest consequences as sure to flow from the
French revolution. He contemplates, with
delight, the blessed period, when the esta
blished Church will be extirpated, and the
clergy, (for " such vermin deserve no mercy,"*)
will be destroyed. — And* dwelling with enthu
siastic pleasure on " the prospect of the gene
ral enlargement of liberty, civil and religious,
opened by the revolution in France," he rap
turously anticipates the annihilation of Sove
reigns, of Lords Bishops, and Archbishops ; t
and hails the approaching crisis as- — .
" A consummation devoutly to be wished ! " %
Consistent in his principles, his professions,
and his practice, the Doctor resolved, in com-
* Letters to Mf. Burke, p. 84.
f Ibid. p. 151.* + Ibid. p. 154.
Vol. III. f

66
pany with a party of congenial spirits, to the'
number of ninety, to commemorate' the seizure
of the Bastille, as the dawn of the French
revolution, on the 14th of July. The Hotel,
at. Birmingham, was the destined scene of
these patriotic orgies. — But, previous .to- the
meeting, the following seditious hand-bill was
circulated by some friend of the parties, whose
zeal . was evidently, more abundant than his.
judgment. " My Countrymen,
" The second year of Gallic liberty is
"-nearly, expired. — At the commencement of
" the third, on the 14th of this month, it is
" ,. devoutly to be wished, that every enemy to
"civil and religious despotism would give
"' their sanction to the common cause, by a
" public celebration. of the anniversary.
" Remember — that, on the 14th of July,
" the Bastille, that high altar and castle of
" despotism, fell ! — Remember the enthusiasm,
" peculiar to the cause of liberty, with which
" it was attacked !- -Remember that generous
" humanity that taught the oppressed, groan-
" ing under the weight of insulted rights, to
" spare the lives of oppressors: — Extinguish
" the mean prejudices of nations, and let your
" members be collected, and sent as a free-will

67
" offering to the National Assembly !— But is
" it possible to forget that your own Parliament
" is venal, your ministers hypocritical, your
" clergy legal, oppressors ; the reigning family
" extravagant, the crown of a certain great
" personage becoming, every day, too weighty
" for the head that wears it, — too weighty for
" the people that gave it; your taxes partial
" and oppressive ; your representation a cruel
" insult upon the sacred rights of property,
" religion, and freedom? — But, on the 14th
" of this month, prove to the sycophants of
" the day, that you reverence the Olive-branch,
" that you will sacrifice to public tranquillity
" till the majority shall exclaim: — ' The Peace
" of Slavery is worse than the War of Freedom !'•
" — Of that day let tyrants beware !"
As party-spirit ran very high at Birming
ham, as the Dissenters were numerous, and,
as may be supposed, with Dr. Priestley at their
head, not a little clamorous, and as the majority
of the inhabitants were firmly attached to the
Church and to the King, such a hand-bill could
scarcely fail to produce a great fermentation in
the town. It was, not very unnaturally, im
puted to some of the patriots who were to
commemorate the commencement of the Srench
rebellion; and, accordingly, a considerable
F 2

number of persons assembled round the Hoase
at which they were to meet, and hissed them
as they entered. These symptons of discontent
induced the company to depart at a very early
hour. — And, after they were gone, the mob-
became riotous,, as mobs generally do, and
demolished all the windows in front of the
House, notwithstanding the personal interpo
sition of the magistrates. — On the next dayr
Friday, July the 15th, the mob assembled in
still greater numbers, and,, there being no ade
quate force at hand to oppose them, became
ungovernable. They destroyed Dr. Priestley's
meeting - house, and dwelling - house, — another
meeting-house, and several other house* belong
ing to Dissenters, in the town and neighbour
hood. These disgraceful riots continued, from
the evening of Thursday to the evening of
Sunday,, when a party of light-horse, who had
marched with incredible rapidity, arrived at
Birmingham, to the great joy of the inhabi
tants of every description. The mob then
dispersed, all mischief ceased, tranquillity was
restored, and some of the ringleaders were
secured. In an early part of the business, the ma
gistrates had offered a reward of a hundred
guineas for the discovery of the author of that
inflammatory hand - bill, which was the true

*aase of all those riotous proceedings. — A
.greater reward was afterwards offered by go
vernment, for the same purpose, but without
effect. The author was never discovered, so as
to subject him to the punishment which he so
richly deserved. — Something like retributive
Justice, however, awaited him ; — for his house
was one of those which the mob reduced to
ashes.* The rioters, who were apprehended,
were put on their trial at the ensuing assizes,
and two of them were executed. At Dr.
Priestley's house, his philosophical apparatus,

* It is not one of the least inconveniences attending
'the irksome tadk of writing the history of present times, that
the author is restrained from giving his authorities for some of
the important facts which it becomes his duty "to state. He
.must be a very vain, and a very weak man, who does not expe
rience unpleasant sensations.on this accouut. For it is the duty
^)f an historian, generally speaking, to adduce proofs of the
accuracy of his statements, and not to call upon his readers to
give him credit for his assertions. In the present case, how
ever, such prdof cannot be expected. The reader must, there
fore, be left to give what degree of credit he pleases to the
assurance, that the name of the author of the inflammatory
hand-bill has (been known to me for many years ; — rhe lived in
>the neighbourhood of Birmingham, and absconded immedi
ately after the .reward was offered; — as he may .possibly have
returned to the country, and be still resident in the same
neighbourhood, J. shall not be more particular in my descrip
tion. '

70
liis library, and his manuscripts, were destroy
ed.^ — The loss, of course, was considerable, and,
in sgme respects, irreparable.— As to his manu
scripts/ if they merely related to those contro
versies, in which he had been engaged for the
greater part of his life, and which, indeed,
appeared to constitute his chief delight, how
ever acute his own feelings might be on the
subject, the destruction of them by the flames
left nothing for society to regret. — Still, the act
>was atrocious, as all acts of violence are; and
its perpetrators richly merited the punishment
which they experienced. — The losses sustained
by Dr. Priestley, as well as by the other suf
ferers, from those licentious outrages, were
made good by the hundred, in the way which
the law directs, and in which all similar losses
are made good. — But the jury having made
considerable deductions from the Doctor's esti
mate, the disappointment was borne with" less
temper than might have been expected from
a philosopher, who could coolly contemplate
the plunder, and the murder, of hundreds of inno
cent and virtuous individuals, in a neio-hbourinff
country, while the patriots, who thus wreaked
their vengeance upon their unoffending victims,
were engaged in accomplishing his own favour
ite project of national reform, and in eradi-

n
eating " the evils of hereditary monarchy."*—*
He "vented his complaints in a letter which he
addressed to the people of Birmingham, and
* See his answer to the address of " the Republican
natives of Great Britain and Ireland, resident at New York:''
quoted by Mr. Cobbett, in his admirable observations on Dr.
Priestley's Emigration. — Porcupine's IVorks. Vol. I. p. 171.
The same writer gives the following true accopnt of the
issue of Dr. Priestley's action for damages against the hundred.
— " The Doctor laid his damages at 4122/. lis. gd. of which
sum, 420/. 15s. was for works in manuscript, which," he said,
" had been consumed in the flames. The trial of this cause
took up nine hours j the jury gave a verdict in his favour,
but curtailed the damages to 2502/. 18s. — It was rightly con
sidered that the imaginary value of the manuscript works ,
ought not to have been included in the damages, because, the
Doctor being the author of them, he, in fact, possessed them
still, and the loss could be little more than a few sheets of dirty
paper,. — Besides, if they were to be estimated by those he had
published for some years before, their destruction was a benefit,
^instead of a loss, both to himself and his country. — The sum
then* of 420/. 15s. being deducted, the {alleged) damages
stood 3701/. 16s. gd. and it should not be forgotten, that even
a great part of this sum was charged for an apparatus of philo
sophical instruments, which, in spite of the most unpardonable
gasconade of the philosopher, can be looked upon as a thing
of imaginary value only, and ought not to be estimated at its
cost, any more than a collection of shells, or insects, or any
other of the frivola of a virtuoso." — P. 157- It must be
remembered, that the jury were upon their oaths, and that
there existed not the smallest reason for suspecting them oi
entertaining any undue prejudices to interfere with the rigid
discharge of their duty,

72
they were echoed by the students of the Uni
tarian college, at Hackney, and by various
ministers of the same sect, in their pulpits.
There was a double object in all these unprinci
pled efforts ; — first, to favour the cause of demo
cracy, by decrying the existing institutions of
the country; — and, secondly, to hold up the
Doctor to the admiration of surrounding na
tions, as a martyr to the cause of liberty.
The fact is, that Doctor Priestley was a most
dangerous subject ; all his writings, for years,
had a tendency to create dissatisfaction, in the
minds of the people, with the existing institu
tions of the country, and to render them at
once infidels and rebels. — -What the feelings of
his heart might be, it is not for a human tribu
nal to decide ; but as he was a man of too much
sense, ability, and judgment, not to perceive
the tendency of his publications, it is impossible
3aot to suspect the honesty of his motives.*— His
object was certainly to overthrow the esta
blished church, and he had the authority of
historical facts for believing that the Throne
would not long survive it. — Indeed, that object
he did not attempt to conceal; and it is therefore
no breach of charity, and no violation of jus
tice, to infer that his anxiety to produce the
tause indicated no aversion from the effect. The
houses of individuals, of public characters, and

73
even of Romanists, had, before, on various occa
sions, bfen demolished by the ungovernable
fury of a licentious rabble, but not one of their
inhabitants had ever deemed this a sufficient
cause for abjuring his country, and for trans
ferring his allegiance to a foreign s'tate. Doc
tor Priestley's vanity, however, led him to
think, or at least to say, that his case differed
from all others ; that he was an object of pecu
liar persecution; that he was put, as it were,
out of the protection of the laws, and that,
therefore, Great Britain was no longer worthy
to be honoured with his presence. He first sent
his son to become a French citizen, and then,
after having sounded the alarm-bell as long as
he could, and until he found that nobody paid
attention to the sound, he emigrated himself,
and enrolled his name among the enlightened
citizens of the United States of America. — This
last act of his life, as an Englishman, was no
bad illustration of his former principles and
conduct; — he now divided his family between
the natural enemies of his country, and those
who had successfully rebelled against her. — That
country, happily, had neither any subject for
regret, in the loss of such a citizen ; nor any
ground of self-reproach, in the events which
immediately occasioned his emigration. — The
law&and government, notwithstanding his false

74
assertion to the contrary, afforded him the same
protection from violence which they either
could or would have afforded, under similar
cirumstances, to any other subject of the realm ;
and they were enforced against the rioters with
the same impartial severity with- which they
would have been enforced against them, had the
palace of their King been the object of their
attack, instead of the houses of the dissenters
of Birmingham. The magistracy, too, and
many of the clergy, exerted themselves, to the
utmost, to suppress the tumult, and to secure
the offenders. But the conduct of some of
those who suffered from the violence of the
mob could not, it is apprehended, be equally
free from compunction and self-reproach. The
meeting to commemorate an act of insurrection,
rebellion, and murder, — for such was the
boasted attack on the Bastille, on the 14th of
July, 1789, — was, of itself, a virtual insult to
every loyal and well-disposed person, in the
town and neighbourhood. — Had that never taken
place, the riots had never occurred, and the lives
of some of his Majesty's subjects would have been
spared. — And, again, had not the loyal part of
the community been further insulted, by the
publication of the seditious hand-bill, which it
was impossible not to connect with the persons
attending the meeting, the public peace, in all

75
probability, had never been disturbed. — Tis
true, those persons afterwards disavowed the
hand-bill, and offered a reward for the apprehen
sion of its author ; but this step was not taken
till after the riots, nor till after the author had
absconded; and, as he was connected with
many of them, it is scarcely credible that they
should not have been apprized of his conduct,
and of his movements. — At all events, they
ought to have disavowed the hand-bill, and to
have, expressed their abhorrence of.it, before
the meeting, in which case their sincerity would
have been exposed to less suspicion. — When
these circumstances are duly considered, and
when it is further remembered, that Doctor
Priestley, and his followers, had been long in
the habit of reviling that government, which
the great majority of the people respected ; of in
sulting that religion which they revered ; and of
loosening, as far as they could, all the ties of
subordination, and all the bonds of duty, it
will probably be inferred, that the Doctor*
should have been the last man in the world to

* Doctor Priestley rejected some of the fundamental tenets of the
christian faith. He had the audacity to assert, in his answer
to Paine's. Age of Reason, that " The doctrines of atonement,
incarnation, and the triniti/, have no more foundation in the
scriptures, than the doctrine of transmigration." If he were
sincere in this declaration, he might be a deist, but he could,
not be a christian.

76
Complain; and that the populace, so irritated,
and so inflamed, were the objects more of pity
than of indignation.
It has been before observed, that, at the
beginning of the French revolution, many per
sons had been led to admire it from a sincere
belief of its tendency to favour the cause of
national liberty. — But, whatever reason there
might be for entertaining such a belief, at the
first meeting of the States-General, the events
whicb had since occurred must have effectually
destroyed it. — For a more odious despotism, a
more disgusting tyranny, than had been syste
matically displayed, as well by the National
Assembly, as by the different municipal bodies,
and by the populace themselves, had not been
exhibited even in the worst periods of the mo
narchy. Whenever any sentiments were
broached 'in the assembly hostile to the princi
ples, or opinions, of the majority, consisting
of the constitutionalists, or adherents of the
new constitution, and the jacobins, they were
immediately silenced by their clamours; and,
in many instances, where the line of argument
which the speaker meant to pursue was antici
pated, the same clamours, or some pitiful
chicane of the lawyers in the assembly, (a most
numerous bodyl) were employed to deprive him
ef the privilege of delivering his sentiments. —

7T
In short, these champions of liberty, as they
so loudly proclaimed themselves to be, totally
destroyed all freedom of debate ; and no mem
ber, who differed from them in opinion, could
publicly deliver his sentiments, without ex
posing his person to imminent danger. The
galleries of the assembly were constantly
filled with the emissaries of the jacobins,
who hissed or applauded the speakers as
they pleased or displeased them, with the.
same liberty which spectators, except in France,
generally exercise in a theatre. If the British
senators, who openly avowed their admiration
of the new-fashioned freedom, now prevalent
in France, had experienced similar interruption
from the visitors in the gallery of the House of
Commons, they would probably have pajd
little respect to the alleged sovei-eignty of the
people, but have moved for the commitment of
the offender to prison. — Indeed, the jealousy
which these senators have always evinced of
their own privileges, and the severity which they
have displayed against public writers, who have
presumed to impeach the sentiments expressed
in their speeches, sufficiently prove, that their
admiration of theoretical principles does not
extend to the practical application of them to
themselves. The unhappy King of France soon found

that his resolution to conform to the new order of
things was of no advantage whatever to himself,
his family, or friends, as not the smallest respect
were paid to the persons or the feelings of any of
them. In short, the King was daily the object
of insulr to the patriots of the Assembly, who
seemed to think that they increased their own
consequence in exact proportion as they lowered
that of* their Sovereign. All the ecclesiastics
who refused to take the new oaths, (and to the
honour of the French clergy be it recorded,
that there were very few of them indeed who
did not refuse) oaths repugnant to their con
sciences, were not only stripped of their bene
fices, but were reviled, by the populace, and
exposed to every species of persecution. Among
the few wlio had taken the oath was the
minister of the church of St. Eustace, who had
been the King's confessor ; but Louis, who was
certainly one of the most religious and con
scientious men that ever existed, having changed
him for another, still had scruples about receiv
ing the sacrament at Easter, at which time all
catholics make a point of receiving it, on
account of the forced assent to what was
called the civil constitution of the clergy, which
he had suffered to be extorted from him. — Not
satisfied with the opinion of the priest who
usually attended him, he consulted the Bishop

79
of Clermont on the subject^— and that prelate,
hi a letter preserved by M. Bertrand de Mole*
ville, advised his Majesty not to receive the
sacrament at Easter. This circumstance could
have excited neither interest nor attention in
ordinary times, but, at the present period, when
the factious inhabitants of Paris watched the
King's actions with the vigilance of a spy, and
with the malice of a fiend, in the hope of dis
covering something which they might render
instrumental to their own treasonable designs,
it was made a pretext for fresh attacks upon his
liberty, and for fresh assaults upon his person.
The patriots looked forward with impa
tience to the festival of Easter, when they insisted
upon the necessity of the King's affording aiv
unequivocal test of the sincerity of his attach
ment to the new order of things, by repairing to
the parish church, and there receiving the sacra
ment from the hands of a constitutional priest.
Should he refuse, according to their,, mode of
reasoning, he would be perjured, by violating the
constitution which he had sworn to maintain, —
by betraying the nation, and by placing him
self at the head of those priests whom they
chose to stigmatize as refractory because they
were conscientious ; and, if he submitted,
they then determined to brand him as a
hypocrite and * coward. The King, in order

80
to avoid the mischief which he foresaw would
happen, wisely resolved to pass the Easter-holi
days at St. Cloud : as he had recently been very
ill, the benefit which his health would receive;
from the change of air, was the plausible reason
alleged for his intended absence from the metro
polis ; — for, in the regenerated state of thi*
free country, the Sovereign was not at liberty to
go from his palace in town to his palace in the
country, without, the consent and approbation of
the mob. — But as his proposed excursion would
afford him pleasure, and deprive the jacobins of
an opportunity to insult him, it was resolved to
prevent it. — A clamour was soon excited, and
even the temple of religion itself was profaned
by the malevolent invectives of faction. On
Palm Sunday, a grenadier of the National
Guard, who was stationed at the palace, loudly
and violently abused and threatened the King,
as the celebration of mass was about to begin,
for suffering the service to be performed in the:
royal chapel by priests who had not taken the
new oath. This seditious citizen, who deserved
to be shot, and who would, in any other
country, have received an exemplary punishment
for so flagitious an offence, was loudly applauded
by his rebellious comrades, who repeated their
imprecations at the door of the chapel, where
they created such a disturbance as prevented

81
the commencement of the service till hajf an
hour after the" usual time.
The King, naturally considering these
insults only as the precursors of more decisive acts
of violence, determined to hasten his departure
from Paris, and, accordingly, about noon, on the
Monday in Passion Week, he left the Thuille-
ries, with the Queen and Royal Family; but
they had proceeded a very little way, when their
carriage was surrounded by the mob, consisting
chiefly of the National Guard," who exclaimed,
" Dont let him pass ; — he shall not go /" These
clamours increased at every attempt to proceed ;
and, to leave no doubt of their murderous
intentions, several muskets were seen levelled at
the carriage.* The King, who had been too
long accustomed to these disgraceful outrages,
to be either surprised or shocked when they
occurred, calmly sent for La Fayette, and
enquired whether it was meant to dispute his
right of going to St. Cloud; and desired him to
disperse the mob. This civic chief answered,
that his Majesty was certainly at full liberty to
go, and that, in a few moments, the road should
be cleared for his carriage. But he soon found
that he had lost all his power and influence over
these patriotic bands, who, forming a portion of
*Bertrand's Annals of the French Revolution. Vol, IV. p. 28.
Vol. III. «

82
the sovereign people, peremptorily, and consis
tently, refused to obey any will but their own.
He had the mortification of being obliged to
acknowledge to the King his inability to make
the soldiers obey him ; but he gallantly offered
to place himself before the King's carriage, with
some brave officers, and, at the peril of his life,
enforce the execution of the law ; but his
Majesty, perceiving the impossibility of pro
ceeding, after having been detained on the same
spot for an hour and a half, took the prudent
resolution of returning to Paris, instead of
submitting to the greater disgrace of being
carried back to it.
The day after this outrage, the King, by
the particular desire of his ministers, went to
the National Assembly, and told them that he
had been unwilling to have recourse to force, in
defence of his right of going to St. Cloud, but
that, as it was of importance to the nation to
prove that he was free, he persisted in his
project of going thither: he reminded them that
his intentions and his wishes had no other
object than the happiness of his people, which
could only result from the execution of the
laws, and obedience to all the legitimate and con
stitutional authorities. The president, in his
answer, referred to the refractory priests, as the
cause of all the troubles, — but did not dare to

83
say one word on the only subject of the King's
address — his journey to St. Cloud. Nay, so
base and so dastardly were these guardians of their
own laws, that, when a member reminded them
of this, all the opposition rose in a body to •
prevent him from continuing his speech, and N
even threatened to commit him to prison for the
attempt!* M. de Cazales, and some others,
endeavoured to remonstrate, but they were
silenced by the clamours of the majority, who
precipitately broke up the session. They were
evidently apprehensive of giving offence to the
mob, and sacrificed their duty to their fears. — »
Not, indeed, but that many of them most
heartily approved of every attack upon the
King, by whomever made, and most cordially
wished to see him stripped of every vestige of
regal authority.
Thus reduced to a state of absolute cap
tivity, with none but nominal rights, which he
was not allowed to exercise ; a prisoner in his
capital, surrounded by a horde of rebels, and by
¦ numbers of regicides, without the smallest pros
pect of improving his Condition, and with the
best-founded apprehensions for the future, it is
not to be wondered at that the King should
listen to the suggestions of his real friends, who
strenuously urged him to effect his escape
* Idem. Ibid. p. 36.
6 2

84
from Paris, and to repair to some distant town,
where he might assemble all his nobility, and the
few troops which still remained faithful to him ;
under whose protection he might assert his own
freedom ; dissolve the National Assembly ;
and convene anew the States-General of the
realm. Various places were pointed out, by
different ' persons, 'as the best for the King's
residence ; it was at one time intended that he
should retire into Normandy; — at another
Metz was the place fixed upon ;• — Besancon was
thought the most proper by the Marquis de
Bouille, in whom the King, very wisely, reposed
the greatest confidence, but his Majesty him
self preferred Montmedi, and M. de Bouille
received instructions to adopt the necessary
means foi\securing his escape. - This was settled
at the close of the year 1790; but the King hav
ing, in the mean time, succeeded in buying the
great hero of the revolution, Mirabeau, whose
avarice and ambition prevailed over every other
passion, sentiment, and feeling, the plan was
altered. The price of Mirabeau's conversion and
support, which he had actually received, was a sum
of twenty-five thousand pounds, and a monthly
allowance of something more than two thou
sand.* The plan which he proposed, was to
* Memoirs relating to the French Revolution, by the Marquis
de Bouille. p. 277.

85
procure the dissolution of the National Assem
bly, and the liberty of the King, by the power
and the will of the nation itself; establishing
as a principle, that the representatives of the
people,, in this Assembly, were not possessed of
the powers necessary to make a change in the
existing constitution; such a measure being
contrary to the instructions given by all the
provinces to their deputies whom they sent to
the States-General, which instructions had nei
ther been altered nor revoked ; and that the
King, being deprived of his personal liberty,
could not give the sanction of his authority to the
new laws which they had passed. — The validity
of this objection being once admitted, he next
intended to procure addresses from the different
departments, praying that the present Assembly
might be, dissolved, a new Assembly convoked,
with the powers requisite for making such
alterations in the constitution as should appear
necessary ; and that the King should be restored
to his liberty, and to the enjoyment of a reason
able authority. These addresses, were to be
supported by the people of Paris, whom Mira
beau thought he could command, after he should
have succeeded in removing some of the leaders
of the jacobin faction whom he had already
denounced to the Assembly.*
* Idem. Ibid. p. 278-9.

86
Mirabeau relied principally, for the success
of his scheme, 6n his ability to direct the con
duct of six and thirty departments ; and M. de
Bouille was certain of six more ;— besides, at
this period, most -of the departments Avere
favourably disposed to the monarchy. It was
Mirabeau's intention to deliver the King, and
Royal Family, to M. de Bouille, either at
Compiegne or at Fontainbleau, where that
officer would have surrounded them with the
best troops which he had under his command.
When this plan was communicated to M. de
Bouille, he expressed his entire approbation of
it, and recommended the King to give it the
preference over all others.
La Fayette having a suspicion that Mira
beau was engaged in something which might
frustrate his own plans, (if a man so weak, so
unsteady, so frivolous, and so versatile, could
be said to have any thing like a plan) sought an
interview with him. They had a conversation,
which lasted three hours, in which each endea
voured to sift the other, and to discover his
views ; — but, as might be supposed, perfectly
without success. At another interview, which
had previously taken place between them, for
the purpose of promoting a reconciliation,
Mirabeau having proposed the adoption of some
very strong measure, which, to him, appeared

87
necessary, La Fayette started and exclaimed,
" Nay, Mr. de Mirabeau, it is impossible that
a man of honour can have recourse to such
means." — " A man of honour !" replied Mira
beau, "Ah! M. de la Fayette, I perceive that
you would be a Grandison Cromwell; — you'll see
where such a mixture will lead you.5' — On a
similar occasion, La Favette havinsr complained
bitterly of the atrocious designs upon him,
which were formed by his enemies, and even by
Mirabeau himself, Mirabeau called upon him
to explain what he meant. " Well, then," said
La Fayette, "I will tell you, since you force
me to it, that I was thoroughly acquainted
with your intention of having me assassi
nated." — " I, Sir?" — " Yes, Sir, in such a
place, on such a day, at such an hour; I was
sure of it." — " You were sure of it? — You were
sure of it, M. de la Fayette, and I am still alive !
— What a good creature you are ! — And you
think of taking the leading part in a revolu
tion !"* — This short conversation displays the
real and opposite characters of the two men, in
a strong point of view.
Such a man as Mirabeau was well calcu
lated for ensuring success to any plan which he
undertook to execute; — and, notwithstanding
* Bertrand's Annals, &c. Vol III. p. 3g3.— Note.

88
the many and serious obstacles which he would
have had to encounter in his project, for releasing
the King from the disgraceful bondage in which
he was now kept, it is not improbable that he
would have succeeded. But Providence had
otherwise ordained; for, at this critical period,
Mirabeau died.* A few minutes before his
dissolution, when his friends were lamenting
his fate, he said to them—" My friends, it is
not for me you have to weep, but for the
monarchy, which descends with me to the
grave." These were the truest words which he
ever uttered. He had too much sagacity not to
perceive the danger to which the monarchy
was exposed, and was too well acquainted with
the public characters of the times, not to know
that, under existing circumstances, he was the
only man who could rescue it from destruction.
The remains of this extraordinary man were..
accompanied to the grave by the National
Assembly, the King's Ministers, the Municipal
Body, the National Guard, the regular troops,
the members of the Jacobin Club, and by nearly
the whole population of Paris, and its neigh
bourhood. The procession began at five o'clock
* On the 6th of March, 1791. — His death was immedi
ately occasioned by violent internal spasms, but these were said
to be produced by excessive drinking, to which he was much
addicted, and in which he had very lately indulged.

89
in the afternoon, and it was near midnight
before the ceremony was finished. The sorrow
at his death was as sincere as it was universal ; —
though proceeding from totally different motives
aiid causes. To the King it was a serious cala
mity, as it deprived him of almost the only
means which now remained for the recovery of
some reasonable portion of his lost authority.
Had Mirabeau's integrity been equal to his
talents, the monarchy had never been reduced
to that state of degradation from which it was,
at last, his intention to extricate it. With his
commanding force of eloquence, and with the
strength of his intellectual powers, he might
have arrested the revolutionary torrent in its
course ; he might have kept the States-General
Within the strict line of their duty ; and, while
he had clipped the wings of despotism, he
might have fixed the regal authority .upon a
firm and permanent basis. But Mirabeau was
profligate, vicious, and unprincipled; — avarice
and ambition were the predominant features in
his character; the former, however, was not
with him the medium of accumulation, but,
like the latter, the instrument and the means
of enjoyment. He was a sensualist, and a
Voluptuary ; corrupt in principle, and licentious
from habit. Still, even his vices might have
been rendered instrumental, in the hands of

90
an able Statesman, to the , preservation of the
monarchy. And had the Marquis de Bouille
been minister, instead of Mr. Neckar, at the
commencement of the revolution, or at the
first meeting of the States-General, Mirabeau
might have become the advocate of Louis the
Sixteenth, and the French monarchy might
have been saved.
The King of France now reverted to his
former plan of retiring to Montmedi; and the
Marquis de Bouille again received orders to
prepare for his reception. Meantime, it was
deemed expedient to ascertain, as far as possible,
the precise views of the neighbouring powers,
and particularly of the Emperor of Germany,
who, as well from affection to the Queen of
France, his sister, as from the contiguity of
his dominions to the French territory, might
naturally be supposed to take the deepest
interest in the fate of the illustrious caDtives.
Count Alphonse de Durfort was the person
appointed to confer with the Emperor on the
subject. That nobleman, accordingly, left
Paris at the end of April, and, on the 20th of
May, had an interview with the Emperor at
Mantua, accompanied by M. de Calonne, and
M. Descars. The Count returned to Paris, in
safety, on the 28th of May; and laid before
the King the result of his conference at Man-

91
tua. The Emperor engaged to send 35,000
men to the frontiers of Flanders and Hainaulf;
15,000 troops, of the German circles, were to
proceed to Alsace ; the same number of Swiss
were to make their appearance on the frontiers
of the Lyonnois and Franche Comte; the
King of Sardinia was to send 15,000 men to
the borders of Dauphine; and the King of
Spain had promised to threaten the Southern
provinces of France with an arm)* of 20,000
men. To these troops, amounting to 100,000,
were to be added all the French regiments
which still preserved their fidelity to their King;
all the armed volunteers, who were well dis
posed, and all those who were discontented
with the new order of things. — The Emperor
professed to be assured of the favourable, dispo
sition of the King of Prussia, and of the
Elector of Hanover. All these preparations
were to be ready by the end of July, when a
declaration from all the Princes, and members,
of the House of Bourbon, not in Fiance, was
to be published; and. immediately after the
manifesto of the coalesced powers was to appear.
The Emperor strenuously advised the King not
to thi'nk of leaving Paris, but, on the approach
of the hostile armies, to be prepared, on the
intreaties of his people, to offer his media
tion.* * Bertrand's Annals, Vol. IV. p. 73, 74.

92
Such was the substance of the Emperor's
project, for restoring the King of France to
liberty and power. Louis the Sixteenth ex
pressed his conviction, that the meliorated con
stitution which he had himself proposed to the
States-General, on the memorable 23d of June,
should, at all events, be established; and the
Queen expressed her, decided repugnance to
a longer residence at Paris, though she main
tained the impropriety of quitting the dominions
of France. The means proposed by the Em
peror were neither wisely selected, nor fully
adequate, to the object which he proposed to
accomplish. He had not sufficiently studied
the state of the public mind in France, nor the
nature and tendency of the popular passions and
prejudices. As to the projected escape, the King had
fixed different periods for carrying it into
execution ; but his wavering and unsettled mind,
and his natural repugnance to the adoption of
any decisive measure, led him still to protract
and postpone his departure until a period the
least favourable for the success of such a step.
At the latter end of the year 1790, or in the
first months of the present year, it might, and
probably would, have succeeded to the utmost
of his wishes ; for many of the troops were
yet unseduced by the principles of Jacobinism,

93
and uncorrupted by the bribes of the Duke of
Orleans ; but, in the course of the spring, a
material change, for the worse, had taken place
in the minds and conduct of the soldiery, whom
the assembly had authorized, by a special
decree, to attend the debates at the Jacobin
Clubs, and whom the agents of the Duke of
Orleans had succeeded in debauching, by the
profuse distribution of money and of liquor. — ¦.
The King, however, appeared to pay no atten
tion to these circumstances, all obvious and
most material as they were ; and even to the
last moment his indecision remained, and, indeed,
contributed not a little to the ultimate failure of
his plan. The road, pointed out to him by M.
de Bouille, he refused to take, and persisted in
following another, which he was desired to
avoid, for. the very strong reason that it would
not supply post-horses at every stage, and that,
consequently, it would be necessary to supply
the deficiency, by sending horses, which could
not fail to create suspicion, and to excite vigi
lance. The King also persisted in his resolution
to travel, with his family, in a travelling coach
which had been constructed for the purpose,
notwithstanding the earnest remonstrances of
M. de Bouille, who represented to him, that a
carriage of peculiar construction was especially
calculated to attract general observation. The

94:
Marquis, at length, received his final instruc
tions from the King, who fixed his departure
for the night of the 19th of June ; and desired,
that detachments of troops might be posted ou
different parts of the road, to be ready to assist
him in case of need. His instructions were,
of course, obeyed; but, on the 15th of June,
after all the orders had been given, and all the
precautions adopted, M. de Bouille was in
formed, that his Majesty would not leave Paris
till the night of the 20th. In short, incredible
as it is, it appears as if the King thought
that, in an escape of this nature, which required
many complicated machines to be put in motion, ,
in order to ensure even a probability of its suc
cess, no more precaution was necessary, than
in an excursion of pleasure from Paris to Saint
Cloud ! — M. de Bouille had sent the Marquis
D'Agoulr, major of the French guards, a man
of talents, integrity, and courage, who was
perfectly acquainted with the road, to ride with
the King, in his carriage, and, at once, to
serve him as a guide, and a protector. But,
posterity will scarcely credit the fact, that a
personage so truly important as this nobleman
was, on such an occasion, was prevented from.
taking his destined place, by the obstinate
vanity of a foolish woman ; a Madame de

95
Tourzel, who claimed her right of accompanying
the royal children, to whom she was governess !
The event of this attempt is well-known.
On the night of the King's departure, M. de
la Fayette was seen crossing the Carousel, where
the carriage destined for the King was waiting;
at the moment when the Queen, and the
Dauphin, who followed the King, arrived, he
was seen td pass a second time ; and there seems
to be good reason for believing that he had
strong suspicions of the King's intention, if
he were not absolutely apprized of the fact.
The harness of his Majesty's coach broke upoii
the road; an accident, the possibility of which
common prudence would have foreseen and
provided against ; and he was detained two
hours, at one place, while it was repaired.
Some of the officers, whom M. de Bouille had
sent with the detachments of troops, because
the King did not arrive at their posts at the
expected hour, chose to infer that he would
not come, ' and, most inexcusably, withdrew
their men. In short, one act of imprudence
succeeded another ; blunder on blunder was
committed ; his Majesty was stopped on his
arrival at Varennes, about half-past eleven at
night; the few troops stationed there, refused
to obey their officers ; and, about seven in the
morning, an aide-de-camp to La Fayette,

96
arrived, and compelled the King to return im
mediately to the capital. An unaccountable
delay took place in apprizing M. de Bouille of
these facts; and when he was informed of
them, it was too late to repair the evil.
As the consternation of the ( National
Assembly was great, at the news of the
King's escape, so was their exultation on
receiving the intelligence of his return, which
reached them in the evening of the 22cl of
June. — A republican spirit now began to dis
play itself in the most unequivocal manner.
The trial, and deposition of the King, were
subjects of conversation and debate in the
metropolis ; and the Assembly passed decrees,
by which they virtually stripped him of the
little portion of authority which their mongrel-
constitution had assigned to him ; and arrogated
all the essentials of the executive power to
themselves. The palace of the Thuilleries was
now, literally, a prison, and La Fayette the
gaoler ; who, with all the meanness of a little
mind, added insult to injury, and directed
that no persons, but such as had his orders,
should be admitted to the royal presence, ex
tending his prohibition even to the members of
the Assembly !
A faithful delineation of the state of the
kingdom, at this critical period, was contained in

97
one of the declarations of the loyal members of
the National Assembly, who, since the- King's
return to Paris, had taken scarcely any part in
their discussions, and had generally observed a
mournful silence. " In the midst, said" they, " of
the insults offered to the Monarch, and to his
august family, what has the monarchy be
come? The National Assembly have con
centrated in themselves the whole regal autho
rity ;— the great seal has been laid upon their
table; — their decrees are to be put in execution
without the sanction of the Crown ; — they give
direct orders to all the agents of the executive
power; — they cause oaths to be administered in
their name, in which Frenchmen no longer find
even the name of their King;; — commissioners,
appointed by them alone, are going through ;the
provinces to administer the oaths which they
exact, and to give orders to the army. — Thus, at
the very moment when the inviolability of the
sacred person of the Monarch was annihilated,
the monarchy was destroyed ; even the appear*
ance of royalty no longer exists : a republican
inter-regnum is substituted in its stead.
" Far be it," continued these consistent
defenders of the constitutional rights of the
Crown, " from those who know the rules of our
conduct, and we dare hope that there are few
Frenchmen who are not satisfied with them,
VOX. III. H

98
to imagine that we could have consented to those
decrees.— They are not only repugnant to our
principles, but grievous to our hearts ; never did
we more painfully feel the rigours of our duty,
Or more lament the fatal consequences drawn
from the trust delegated to us, than when we
were compelled to witness acts which we con
sidered as criminal outrages ; — than when our
principal speakers, become timid for the first
time, were compelled to observe a profound
silence, that they might not involve a cause so
sacred in the contumely which our adversaries
have but too well succeeded in casting upon us.
Until the present disastrous period we could
embrace, atleast, the phantom of themonarchy ; —
we fought to preserve its relics;— -and the hope
of preserving it justified our endeavours. Now,
the last blow has been given to the monarchy ;
but, deprived of these motives, duties of ano
ther kind present themselves. — The Monarch
exists ; — he is a captive 1 It is for the interest of
the King we must rally ; it is for him, for his
family, for the loved blood of the Bourbons, that
we should remain at our post, and watch aver so
precious a deposit. — We will, therefore, still per
form this sacred duty, which alone must be our
excuse; and we will thus prove that, in our hearts,
the Monarch and the Monarchy are inseparable.
" But," pursued these worthy gentlemen,

99
"while we perform this urgent duty, our con
stituents must not expect us to interfere with
any subject of a different nature. When one
interest can alone force us to sit with those who
have erected an irregular republic on the ruins
of the monarchy, to that interest we shall exclu
sively devote ourselves. From this moment a
profound silence, on whatever does hot relate to
it will mark our sorrow, and be, at the same
time, the only mark of our constant opposition
to all the decrees of the Assembly. — Conse-
quentty, we shall continue, from the sole motive
of not abandoning the interests of the King, and
of the Royal Family, to attend the deliberations
of the National Assembly ; but, as we cannot
approve their principles, nor acknowledge the
lawfulness of their decrees, we shall henceforth
take no part in discussions which do not
relate solely to those interests which it is our
determination to defend."
This declaration, which was signed by
two hundred and ninety members, the majority
of the National Assembly Would not suffer to
be read ! In the month of July, Pethion uttered
a violent philippic, in the Assembly, against the
inviolability of the Sovereign, and moved that1
he should be arraigned and tried. Although
this motion was in direct opposition to the fun
damental principles of the new constitution, it
h 2

100 ,
was nevertheless favourably received by the'
jacobins in the Assembly, and was discussed on
two successive days. — It was, however, ultimately
rejected; but its rejection became the pretext
for exciting the mob to fresh acts of outrage ;
and Mr. Brissot, who now began to make him
self conspicuous, read a speech at the jacobin
club, inculcating the same principles there
which Pethion had already laboured to enforce
in the National Assembly ; which speech was
printed and circulated throughout the country,
which was deluged with republican pamphlets.
The Assembly, which, in innumerable instances,
had greatly exceeded its powers, and which,
indeed, would suffer no bounds to be prescribed
to its authority, even suffered a petition of the
rabble to be read at their bar, in which their
Sovereign was openly branded as a perjured
traitor! Indeed, they had been so much accus-,
tomed to talk treason themselves, that it would
have ill-become them to punish others for exer
cising the same freedom.
In the month of September, the constitu
tional labours of the Assembly were completed,
and the precious code of anarchy, which they
had formed, was submitted to the unconditional
acceptance of their imprisoned Monarch. On
the. 13th' of that month the unhappy Louis
^declared his acquiescence, in a letter, which he

101
afterwards confirmed in person, when he took
the joath prescribed by the Assembly ; and, on
the 30th of September, 1791, the Assembly
itself was dissolved ; having, in less than three
years, abolished institutions, and destroyed a
monarchy, which had subsisted for ages.
By this unconditional acceptance of the
new constitution, the King of France afforded a
pretext to the Emperor of Germany, and the
other confederated powers, who had undertaken
to interfere for the purpose of restoring him to
liberty, but who, in fact, were extremely averse
from the adoption of hostile and decisive mea
sures, to depart from the conditional obligations
which they had imposed on themselves in the
memorable declaration of Pilnitz. No public.
transaction has been the subject of more calumny,^
or of greater misrepresentation, than the decla
ration in question, — though nothing could be
more justifiable in its object, nor more simple in
its nature. The Emperor and the King of Prussia,
having some state-matters of importance to
settle, resolved to do it in person ; — and, for
this purpose, they met at the castle of Pilnitz,
on the 25 th of August. Here, the Count d'Artois
and M. de Calonne had an interview with their
Majesties, when it was determined, that a decla
ration should be drawn up, expressive of their
.sense of the situation in which the King of

France was placed,' and of the means necessary for
restoring to him the power of thinking and of
acting for himself, freely and without danger. This
declaration w7as finally settled on the evening of_
the 27th of August, in the presence of the Em
peror of Germany, the King of Prussia, the Count
d'Artois, marshal de LacyyM.de Calonne, M.Spiel-
mann, and M. Bischofswerder. The declaration
;stated, that the Emperor, and the King of Prussia,
having heard the desires and the representations
©f Monsieur, and his royal highness, the Count
d'Artois, declared conjointly, that they consi
dered the situation in which the King of France
was then placed, as a matter which concerned
the interest of every Sovereign in Europe ; they
expressed a hope that that interest would not
fail tP be acknowledged by the powers whose
assistance was required; and that, consequently,
they would not refuse to employ, in conjunc
tion with their Majesties, the most efficacious
means, according to their abilities, for putting
the King of France in a situation to establish,
in perfect liberty, the foundations of a monar
chical government, equally agreeable to the
rights of Sovereigns and the welfare of the
French ; then, and in that case, their Majesties
were determined to act promptly, and by mutual
consent, with the forces necessary to obtain the
end proposed by all of them ; and, in the mean- '

103
time, they would give orders for their troops to
be ready for actual service.
As the condition of carrying this plan into
effect was the co-operation of all the leading
powers of the Continent, and* as that co-opera
tion was not obtained, it followed, of course,
that the declaration itself remained a mere
nullity. It is evident, from the whole tenour of
it, that the monarchs who signed it entertained
no hostile disposition, and cherished no hostile
designs, against France. Had such been the
case, they would, it is conceived, have prepared
a declaration, couched in different terms, and
have forborne to make it public, until their
armies had entered the French territories. It is
not, indeed, either customary or natural, • for
Sovereigns to apprize the object of their attack
of their intention to assail them ; and hence it
is manifest, that the declaration of Pilnitz was
published ratlier with the hope of inducing the
National Assembly to change the situation of
the King themselves, than with any serious
thought or expectation of producing that
change by force. The declaration itself, though
professed to be worded with great caution, is
highly objectionable ; it avows a resolution to
put the King of France in a situation to
establish the foundation of a monarchical govern
ment, in a kingdom where a monarchy had

104
been established for fourteen centuries !— Here
was a tacit admission of the right of the
National Assembly, in express contradiction
both to the nature of their delegated trust, and
to the positive instructions of their constituents,
to subvert and abolish the ancient monarchy
of France. — It would, indeed, have been un
wise, and perhaps dangerous to the personal
safety of Louis the Sixteenth, to avow a wish
to restore the King to all his former plenitude of
power ; — but it would have been both politic
and proper to avoid all expressions which could
fairly be construed into an acknowledgement of
an imaginary right, the existence of which
would render every throne in Euiope insecure.
The occasion did not call for any such expres
sion as that used in the declaration ; and it
might have been otherwise worded, without any
such admission on the one hand, and without
any detriment to the object in view, on the
other. — The objectionable passage might have
been thus changed : "To employ the most
efficacious means to put the King of France in
a situation to establish, in perfect liberty, the
monarchical constitution of the realm, with
such modifications, restrictions, and provisions,
as shall fix, on a permanent basis, the lawful
rights of the Sovereign, and the constitutional

105
freedom of the subject." Such a declaration
would Jiave embraced every Object which the
associated monarchs professed to have in view,
without affording the smallest sanction, either
expressed or implied, 'to the revolutionary doc
trines, or the smallest ground of apprehension,
that any intention existed to establish a despotic
government in France.
The declaration, however, was not known
to Louis the Sixteenth sufficiently soon to alter
his intentions respecting the new constitution ;
nor is it, indeed, probable that it would have
produced such an effect, had it been communi
cated to him at an earlier period. The letter of
his two brothers, which is much more energetic
than the declaration itself, and to which the
declaration was annexed, was not written till
the 10th of September. — The King's acceptance
of the new constitution destroyed the Object of
.the declaration, and put a stop to all the pre
parations for carrying it into effect-
It is to be observed, that, neither in the
conference holden at Mantua, nor in that
which preceded the declaration of Pilnitz, was
the smallest intimation given, that the British
, government would take a part in any of the
measures which the continental powers might

106
think proper to adopt for the personal safety of
the French King, or for the security of their
own dominions, against the- principles and ex
ample of the revolutionists in France. At
Mantua, the Emperor of Germany expressly
declared, in the written document, which was
to be laid before Louis the Sixteenth, " The
fieutrality of England may be relied on.v* —
Whence it is apparent, that he had rather appre
hended the hostility of England, than enter
tained hopes of her co-operation and support. —
At Pilnitz, not the smallest allusion appears to
have been made to this country; and; indeed,
it is perfectly clear, from a passage in the
letter, which Monsieur and the Count
jyArtois addressed to their Royal Brother, that
the British minister had not the smallest inten
tion of interfering, directly or indirectly, with
'the internal concerns of France,. — " There is no
reason to fear," said the Princes, " that the
Bii ish nation, too generous to frustrate what.
it knows to be just, too enlightened not to
desire what is material to her own tranquillity,
will oppose the views of this noble and irresis
tible confederacy. "-J" Mr. Pitt, indeed, was not
yet sufficiently alive to the dangers resulting
from the dissemination of revolutionary princi-
* Bertrand's Annals, Vol. IV. p. 72.
t Idem. Ibid. Vol. IV. Appendix, p. 162.

107
pies, and from the contemplation of revolu
tionary practices. A firm friend to the liberty'
of the subject, in every state, he still hoped
that the violent changes which had taken place
in France might give way to a more sober and
rational system of conduct; that the popular
commotions which prevailed in that country
might subside into a national calm ; and that,
at all events, the French government would be
sufficiently occupied, with the means of con
firming and consolidating the new order of
things, not to have leisure, however disposed,
for the invasion of the neighbouring states, and
for the interruption of the general tranquillity. —
His high notions of national independence
rendered him averse from all interference with
the internal concerns of foreign nations, and
resolute not to interfere with the affairs of
France, without the existence of a clear and
paramount necessity. — He could not fail, too,
to perceive, that there was a strong and vio
lent party formed in this country in favour of
the French revolution, and not only enthusias
tically attached to the abstract principles uj on
which it was founded, but evidently solicitous
for their practical application to all other
governments, not excepting their own. When
to those powerful motives was superadded an
anxious desire to improve the internal resources

108

of the country, to extend her commerce, to
reduce her taxes, and to diminish her debts,
the sincerity of Mr. Pitt's wishes for the pre
servation of peace, and, consequently, .of his
forbearance to enter into any confederacy of the
continental powers, for a forcible interference
in behalf of the French Monarch, can neither
excite wonder, nor justify disbelief.
Mr. Burke, who appreciated, better than
any man, the nature of the new French princi
ples, their tendency, and their effect, thus
represented them to his countrymen, at this
period. — " The political dogma, which, upon
the new French system, is to unite the factions
of different nations, turns on this ;' ' That the
majority, told by the head, of taxable people
in every country, is the perpetual, natural,
unceasing, indefeasible, sovereign ; that this
majority is perfectly master of the form, as
well as the administration, of the state ; and
that the magistrates, under whatever names
they are called, are only functionaries to obey
the orders, (general as laws, or particular as
decrees) which that majority may make; that
this is the only natural government ; that all
others are tyranny and usurpation.'
" In order to reduce this dogma into prac
tice, the republicans in France, and their asso
ciates in other countries, make it always their

109
business, and often their public profession, to
destroy all traces of ancient establishments, and
to form a new commonwealth in each country,
upon the basis of the French Rights of Men. —
On the principle of these rights, they mean to
institute, in every country, and, as it were,
the germe of the whole, parochial governments,
for the purpose of what they call equal represen
tation. From them is to grow, by some
media, a general council and representative of
all the parochial governments. — In that repre
sentative is to be -vested the whole national
power, totally abolishing the hereditary name
and office; levelling all conditions of men, (ex
cept where money must make a difference)
breaking all connection between territory and
dignity, and abolishing every species of nobility,
gentry, and church establishments; all their
priests, and all their magistrates, being only
creatures of election,- and pensioners; at will.
" Knowing how opposite a permanent
landed interest is to that scheme, they have
resolved, and it is the great drift of all their
regulations, to reduce that description of men
to a mere peasantry, for the sustenance of the
towns; and to place the true effective govern
ment in cities, among the tradesmen, bankers,
and voluntary clubs of bold, presuming young
persons; advocates, attornies, notaries, mana-

110
gers of newspapers, and those cabals sof lite
rary men, called academics. Their republic is
to have a first functionary, (as they call him)
under the name of king, or not, as they
think fit. This officer, when such an officer is
permitted, is, however, neither in fact nor
name, to be considered as sovereign, nor the
people as his subjects. — The very use of these
appel-lations is offensive to their ears.
" This system, as it has first been realized,
dogmatically as well as practically, in France,
makes France the natural head of all factions,
formed on a similar principle, wherever they
may prevail, as much as Athens was the head
and settled ally of all democratic factions,
wherever they existed. The other system has
no head.
"This system has very many partizans in
every country in Europe, particularly in England,
where they are already formed into a body, com
prehending 'most of the dissenters of the three
leading denominations; to these are readily
aggregated all who are dissenters in character,
temper, and disposition, though not belonging
to any of their congregations ; — that is, all the
restless people who resemble them, of all ranks
and all parties — Whigs, and even Tories ; — the
whole race of half-bred speculators; — all the
Atheists, Deists, and Socinians ; — all those who

Ill
hate the clergy, and even the nobility ; — a good
many among the married people; — the East
Indians, almost to a man, who cannot bear to
find that their present importance does not bear
a proportion to their wealth. — These latter have
united themselves into one great, and, in my
opinion, formidable club,f which, though now
quiet, may be brought into action with con
siderable unanimity and force."-]"
This is a pretty accurate account of the
state of the public mind, both in England and
France, at, the close of the year 1791, as far as
it was affected by the influence of revolutionary
principles. * " Originally called the Bengal Club, but since opened
to persons from the-other Presidencies, for the purpose of con
solidating the whole Indian interest."
f Thoughts on French Affairs, inserted in the third
volume of Mr. Burke's Works, the quarto edition, p. 16. 18.

112

CHAPTER XVIII.

Opening of the Session of Parliament — Speech from the
Throne — Motion for the Address opposed by Mr. Fox— ^
Applies to himself a passage in the Speech — Condemns the
interference of Government in the negotiation between
Russia and the Porte — Is supported by Mr, Grey — An
swered by Mr. Pitt, who imputes the failure of that inter
ference to the arts of Opposition — Mr. Pitt opens the
budgetfor the year 1792 — Prosperous State of the Finances
1 — Proposes the repeal of the taxes on female servants, on
carts and waggons ; on small houses, and on candles — His
philosophical investigation of the causes of National
Prosperity — Debate on the Lottery — Motion for the gra
dual abolition of the Slave Trade carried — New System of
Police introduced — Discussion on the Subject; its benefi
cial effects demonstrated by experience, in the diminution
of the number of capital punishments. — Society of
Friends of the People — Names of some of its Members —
Established for the avowed purpose of procuring a reform
in Parliament — Mr. Grey, a member of this Society,
gives notice, in the House, of a motion proposed to be
made in the next Session for a Parliamentary Reform —
Mr. Pitt's speech on the occasion — Deprecates the discus
sion at such a time, and points out its evil effects — Declares
his own sentiments on the question — Avows a change in
his opinions — Explains its cause and nature— Expresses his

113
resolution to oppose all wild attempts at innovation— Is
answered by Mr. Fox, who vindicates the New Society—
The Society censured by Mf . Burke and Mr. Windham — ¦
Approved by Mr. Sheridan — Danger of , such attempts at
this period — Democratic publications — The people asserted
to be the sole source of power, and the only legitimate
founders of Government — Consequences of this doctrine,
as applied to the British Monarchy — System of representa
tion reviled, and the House of Commons libelled — Similar
opinions advanced by another writer on the French Revolu
tion — Appearance of the second part of Paine's Rights of
Man — The London Corresponding Society — Dissemina
tion of dangerous principles — Mr. Pitt's repugnance to
coercive measures — Cause of that repugnance — Is subdued
by the very principle which gave birth to it — He resolves
to issue a Proclamation against the seditious Societies-
Copy of it previously shewn to the leaders of the Whig
Party.- — Mr. Fox's motion in favour of the Unitarians-
Supported on abstract principles — Opposed by Mr. Burke,
who reprobates such a mode of argument — Points out the
dangerous principles and conduct of the Unitarians — Com
ments on their proceedings at a late meeting — Remarks on
the speech of Doctor Towers at the Unitarian meeting-
Mr. William Smith avows himself an Unitarian, defends
the Society, declares them to be unconnected with all other
Societies, and pronounces them to be the firm friends of
Government — The motion opposed by Mr. Pitt — Rejected
by the House — Mr. Whitbread's motion on the Birmingham
riots — His panegyric on the Dissenters — His censure of
the Magistrates— Mr. Dundas answers him, and exculpates
the Magistrates — Motion rejected — Object of the motion
— Mr. William Smith's assertions, respecting the Uni
tarians disproved by authentic documents — Chauvelin's
irregular correspondence with Lord Grenville on the King's
Proclamation — ¦ Falsehood of Mr. Chauvelin's statement
Vol. III. i

114
demonstrated — Is properly reproved by Lord Grenville—
Debates on the Proclamation in the House of Commons—
Address — Opposed by Mr. Grey, who proposes an Amend
ment — Proclamation condemned by the Opposition — Mr.
Grey's virulent invective against Mr. Pitt — Treated with
contempt by the Minister— Address supported by Lord
North, and other members, of the Whig Party — Carried —
Debates on the same Sufeject in the House of Lords-
Speech of the Prince of Wales in support of the Address-
— The Duke of Portland,. Lord Spencer, and other Peer*
of the same Party, vote with the Ministers — The Lords
concur in the Address — Mr. Pitt wishes for an Union of
Parties — Strange conduct of Lord Thurlow in the House
of Lords — Opposes Ms. Pitt's Revenue-Bill, and abuses
the authors of it — Opposes the New Forest Timber-Bill —
Charges the Ministers with having betrayed their Sove
reign — Is answered by Lord Grenville — Mr. Pitt's repre
sentation to the King — Parliament prorogued — The Great
Seal taken from Lord Thurlow — Mr. Pitt makes overtures
to the leaders of the Whig Party — They fail through the
arrogant pretensions of Mr. Fox — Remarks on Mr. Fox's
conduct an this occasion — State of the Ministry — Political
«haracter of Lord Thurlow.
[ 1792-] The Parliament was opened by
fhe King on the last day of January. In the
speech from the Throne, not the smallest allu
sion was made to the situation of France. The
treaties of peace between the Emperor of Ger
many and the Turks, and between the Empress,
of Russia and the Turks, were mentioned, and
a hope expressed, that tranquillity would soon
:be restored to the British possessions in the

115
East. His Majesty observed, that the friendly
assurances which he received from foreign
powers, and the general state of affairs in
Europe, appeared to promise, to his subjects,
the continuance of their present tranquillity.
And this consideration led him to think that
some immediate reduction might safely be
made in our naval and military establishments.*
The speech concluded with an appropriate and
seasonable .eulogy on the British constitution.
It war truly observed, that the continued and
progressive prosperity of the country must
operate as the strongest encouragement to a
spirit of useful industry, among all classes of
the community; and, above all, must confirm
and increase their steady and zealous attach
ment to that constitution, which had been
found, by long experience, to unite the in
estimable blessings of liberty and order, and
to which, under the favour of Providence, all
our other advantages were principally to be
ascribed. The motion for the usual address to the
King was strongly combated by the opposition,.
* The speech also announced the marriage of the Duke
of York with the eldest daughter of the King of Prussia,'
which had been celebrated at the close of the preceding,
year. I 2

115
whose censures of the conduct of Ministers
were principally directed to their interference
in the negotiation between Russia and Turkey.
Mr. Fox, in particular, accused them of having
acted, on that occasion, neither with honour
nor with delicacy; and complimented the
minority on the resistance of that measure
against which the voice of the nation spoke so
loudly; a measure, however, most wise and
politic, and. the failure of which was solely
imputable to his own unconstitutional and most
unjustifiable conduct. He considered the praise
of the British constitution, contained in the
speech from the Throne, as conveying an in
direct censure upon himself and his friends, as
not sufficiently convinced of its freedom from
all defects and imperfections, and as imputing
disloyalty to every one' who wished for a refor
mation of abuses. But he disclaimed all desire
of imitating those who had overturned a con
stitution so radically bad as that of France,
and who had justly run all hazards to destroy
it, The constitution of Great Britain was, on
% be contrary, fundamentally good, and merited,
therefore, the efforts of all honest and loyal
subjects- to preserve it. It was unjust, then,
he contended, to insinuate that those who ap
proved of the destruction of despotism in France,

117
would rejoice in the downfall of the British
constitution. i
Why the imputation of our national pros
perity to the blessings of our free constitution
should be considered by Mr. Fox, and his
friends, as an implied censure upon their princi
ples, it is not very easy to conceive. And the
extraordinary sensibility displayed on this occa
sion, the eagerness to enter on a defence where
no attack was made, was well - calculated to
excite suspicions where they had not before
existed. Mr. Fox next adverted to the riots at Bir
mingham, censured the magistrates, condemned
the populace, panegyrised Dr. Priestley, and
represented the whole body of Dissenters as
¦staunch friends to the constitution, and zealous
in its defence ! The censures of other members
of the opposition, particularly those of Mr.
Grey, extended to the hopes held out in the
speech of the speedy termination of hostilities
in the East, which he stigmatized as delusive
and unfounded. Mr. Dundas, however, shewed
that they were fully justified by the actual state
of affairs in that country, which he represented
as most prosperous.
Mr. Pitt defended the speech against every
attack; and justified the conduct of ministers,
in respect to the differences between Russia and

118
the Porte. Their object had been the preser
vation of that balance between the different
powers which was essential to the security of
the whole. And, had no unexpected and im
proper obstruction been thrown in his way,s Mr.
Pitt maintained that the negotiation which he
, had undertaken would have been brought to a
successful issue ; but the popular clamour
which had been industriously excited against
it, and the unseasonable opposition which he
}r:A experienced, encouraged Russia to resist
the demands of the British government, and
caused the negotiation to fail. What that op
position was has already been shewn, but it
required more than ordinary confidence to
renew the subject, at this period, and to make
such unconstitutional conduct the theme of
discussion, and a matter of boast. A majority
of one hundred and fifteen gave their sanction
to the address. Still the opposition were not
discouraged by this rebuff. It was a thing so
new to' them to have the voice of the nation with
them upon any one topic, that they seemed
resolved to make the most of it. They accord
ingly renewed the debates on the Russian
armament, its object, and destination, several
times in the course of the two following months,
and even censured Mr. Pitt for that failure
which they knew to be solely imputable to the

119
-Intrigues of Mr. Fox, and his Ambassador, Mr.
Adair. Mr. Pitt repelled the charges preferred
against him, and defended his conduct on the
same grounds ^vhiclf he had before advanced,
in similar discussions ; and all the motions of
his opponents were lost by decisive majorities.
On the 17th of February, Mr. Pitt laid
his annual statement of the finances of the~
country before the House of Commons, in
one of the longest and most able speeches which
he had ever delivered on a similar occasion.—
The first point to which he called the attention
of the committee, was the probable amount of
the future income of the country. The pro
duce of , the permanent taxes in the year ending
on the 5 th of January, 1792, he stated to be
^"14,132,000; which, with the addition of
,§^2,558,000, (the average amount of the land
and malt taxes) made the total revenue of the
year ,^16,690,000; to which an addition of
^40,000, from the produce of certain tem
porary taxes, was to be made, increasing th#
total to ^16,730,000. This sum was shewn,
by statements produced to the House, to exceed
the average produce of the four preceding
years by half a million ; of the two preceding
years by ,5/5 100,000; —and of the three pre
ceding years, as well as the produce of the year
immediately preceding, by ^300,000. Mr.

120
Pitt proposed to rest his computation on the
average sum of four, years, being ^16,212,000,
which might, in his opinion, be safely assumed,
as not being likely to exceed the permanent
annual revenue of the country.
He then proceeded to state the amount
of the annual expenditure, with some additions,
on the one hand, since the last calculation, for
a provision for some of the younger branches
of the Royal Family, for the government of
Upper Canada; and with some reductions on
the other, which he hoped to be' able to make
in the army and navy, which left a total of
^15,811,000. Thus it appeared, that there
would remain a disposable annual surplus of
about. ^400,000, after defraying the expense of
all the establishments, and apptying the annual
million to the reduction of the National Debt.
This surplus, Mr. Pitt proposed, in the present
. year, to appropriate to the farther reduction of
the National Debt; and, at the same time, to repeal
the temporary duty on malt, and certain perma
nent taxes, to the amount of about ^200,000.
The taxes to which he adverted were, that upon,
"female servants, which produced ^31,000;
the tax upon carts and waggons, which yielded
e£30,000 ; the tax upon houses having less than
seven windows, which amounted to ,§£56,000 ;
and the tax of a halfpenny per pound on candles,
which brought in ^g 106,000; making the

121
aggregate amount of the taxes, to be repealed,
.§£223,000. ' He then shewed the progressive increase
of the revenue, by the augmented produce of
the duties upon all the principal objects of
taxation, and the growing prosperity of the
country, by the increase of the exports and
imports. — In 1782, the imports, according to
the valuation at the Custom-house, amounted
to ^9,714,000; and they had gradually
increased, in each succeeding year, till, in the
year 1790, they rose to ,=£19,130,000. The
export of British manufactures, which forms
a more important ground of exultation, and a
more decisive criterion of national prosperity,
amounted, in 1782, to 569,919,000, and in
1790 to ,=£16,420,000; — and, including the
foreign articles re-exported, the aggregate
amount of the exports, from the British ports,
in 1790, was =£20,120,000.— And there was
every reason to believe, that the internal trade
of the country had kept equal pace with its
foreign trade.
Mr. Pitt, leaving the dry calculations of
finance, now entered into a philosophical inves
tigation of the causes which had produced such
beneficial effects. The first, and most obvious,
notion which every man's mind would suggest
to him was, that they arose from the natural

122
industry and energy of the country ; — but what
was it which had enabled that industry and
energy to act with such . peculiar vigour, and
so far beyond the example of former periods ? —
The improvement which had been made in
the mode of carrying, on almost every branch
of manufacture, and the degree to which labour
had been abridged, by the invention and appli
cation of machinery, had, undoubtedly, had a
considerable share in producing such important
effects. There had also been seen, during these
periods, more than at any .former time, th6
effect of one circumstance, which had princi
pally tended to raise this country to its mer
cantile pre-eminence — that peculiar degree of*
credit which, by a two-fold operation, at once
gave additional facility and extent to the trans
actions of our merchants at home, and enabled
them to obtain a proportionable superiority in
the markets abroad. This advantage had been
most conspicuous during the latter parts of the
periods referred to, and was constantly increas
ing, in proportion to the prosperity which it
contributed to create.
In addition to these causes, the exploring and
enterprising spirit of our merchants, had been dis
played in the extension of our navigation and our
fisheries, and the acquisition .of new markets
indifferent parts of the world; and these efforts

123
had received material assistance from the addi
tional intercourse with France, in consequence
of the commercial treaty ; an intercourse which,
though checked and abated by the existing
distractions in that kingdom, had furnished a
great additional incitement to industry and
exertion. But there was still another cause, even
more satisfactory than these, because it was of
a still more extensive and permanent nature ;
that constant accumulation, of capital — that
continual tendency to increase, the operation of
which was universally seen, in a greater or less
proportion, whenever it was not obstructed by
some public calamity, or by some mistaken and
mischievous policy ; but which must be conspi
cuous and rapid indeed, in any country which
had once arrived at an advanced state of com
mercial prosperity. Simple, and obvious, as
this principle was, and felt and observed as it
must have been, in a greater or less degree, even
from the earliest periods, Mr. Pitt doubted,
whether it had ever been fully developed and
sufficiently explained, but in the writings of
an author of our own times, (Dr. Adam Smith,
in his Treatise on the Wealth of Nations)
whose extensive knowledge of detail, and depth
of philosophical research, would, he" thought,
furnish the best solution to every question con-

124
wected with the history of commerce, or with
the systems of political economy. This accu
mulation of capital arose from the continued
application, of a part at least, of the profit
obtained in each year, to increase the capital to
be employed in a similar manner, and with
continued profit, in the year following. The
great mass of the property of the nation was
thus constantly increasing at compound interest;
the progress of which, in any considerable
period, was what, at first view, would appear
incredible. Great as had been the effects of
that cause already, they must be greater in
future ; for its powers were augmented in pro
portion as they were exerted.
Molilitate viget, viresque acqnirit eundo.
It might, indeed, as we had ourselves
experienced, be checked or retarded by par
ticular circumstances ; — it might, for a time,
be interrupted, or even overpowered; but,
where there was a fund of productive labour
and active industry, it could never be totally
extinguislied. In the season of the severest
calamity and distress, its operations would
still counteract and diminish their effects; — in
the first returning interval of prosperity, it
would be. active to repair them. If a period of

125
continued tranquillity were looked ' to, the
difficulty would be to imagine limits to its
operation. None could be found, while there
existed at home any one object of skill or
industry short of its utmost possible perfec
tion; — one spot of ground in the country, capa
ble of higher cultivation and improvement ;-—
or while there remained abroad any new market
that could be explored, or any existing market
that could be extended. From the intercourse
of commerce, it would,, in some measure, par
ticipate in the growth of other nations, in all
the possible varieties of their situations. The
rude wants of countries emerging; from barba
te o
rism, and the artificial and increasing demands
of luxury and refinement, would equally open
new sources of treasure, and new fields of
exertion, in every state of society, and in the
remotest quarters of the globe. It was this
principle which, according to the uniform result
of history and experience, maintained, on the
whole, in spite of the vicissitudes of fortune,
and the disasters of empires, a continued source
of progressive improvement in the, general order
of the world.
These circumstances, which appeared to
.Mr. Pitt to have contributed most immediately
to our national prosperity, were again con
nected with others yet more important. — They

126
were obviously and necessarily connected with
the duration of peace, the continuance of which,
on a secure and permanent footing, must ever be,
the first object of the foreign policy of this
country. They were connected still more with
its internal tranquillity, and with the natural-
effects of a free, but well-regulated, government.'
What was it, he asked, i which had produced,
in the last hundred years, so rapid an advance,
beyond what could be traced in any other period
of our history ? What but that, during that
time, under the mild and just government of
the illustrious princes of the family now on the
throne, a general calm had prevailed through
the country, beyond what was ever before expe
rienced ; and we had also enjoyed, in greater
purity and perfection, the benefit of those ori
ginal principles of our constitution, which were
ascertained and established by the memorable
events which closed the preceding century?
This was the great and governing cause, the
operation of which had given scope to all the
other circumstances which had been enume
rated. It was this union of liberty with law,
which, by raising a barrier, equally firm, against
the encroachments of power, and the violence
of popular commotion, afforded to property its
just security, produced the exertion of genius

127
and labour, the extent and solidity of credit,
the circulation and increase of capital, which
formed and upheld the national character, and
set in motion all the springs which actuated
the great mass of the community, through all
its various descriptions.
The laborious industry of those useful and
extensive classes, — the peasantry and yeomanry
of the country ; the skill and ingenuity of the
artificer; the experiments and improvements of
the wealthy proprietor of land ; the bold specula
tions, and successful adventures, of the opulent
merchant and enterprising manufacturer; these
were all to be traced to the same source, and
all derived from hence both their , encourage
ment and their reward. On this point, there
fore, said Mr. Pitt, let us principally fix our
attention, let us preserve this first and most
essential object, and every other is in our
power ! Let us remenlber, that the love of
the constitution, though it acts as a sort of
natural instinct in the hearts of Englishmen,
is strengthened by reason and reflection; that
it is a constitution which we not merely admire
from traditional reverence, which we do not
flatter from prejudice or habit, but which we
cherish and value, because 'we know that it
practically secures the tranquillity and welfare
both of individuals and of the- public, and

128
provides, beyond any other frame of govern
ment which has ever existed, for the real and
useful ends which form, at once, the only true
foundation, and the only rational object, of all
political societies.
Having drawn his calculations to a close,
and fully developed the'principles out of which
the national prosperity had grown to its present
gigantic size, Mr. Pitt drew the forcible and
just inference, that the scene which was then
exhibited to the contemplation of the House,
was not the transient effect of accident, not
the short-lived prosperity of a day, but the
general and natural result of regular and per
manent causes. The season of our severe trial
was at an end, and we were at length relieved,
not only from the dejection and gloom which-
had, a few years before, hung over the country,
but from the doubt and uncertainty which,
even for a considerable time after our prospect
had begun to brighten, still mingled with the
hopes and expectations of the public. We
might yet, indeed, be subject to tliose fluc
tuations which often happen in the affairs of
great nations, and which it was impossible to
calculate or foresee ; but, as far as there could
be any reliance ou human speculations, we had
the best ground, from the experience of the
past, to look with satisfaction to the present,

129
and with confidence to the future. — " Nunc
demum redit animus, cum ?ion spem modd ae votum
securitas publica, sed ipsius voti fiduciam et robur
assumpseritr This was a state' hot of L.^e
only, but. of attainment; not barely the encou
raging prospect of future advantage, but the
solid and immediate benefit of present and actual
possession. '
This was a fit subject for congratulation to
the country, and, after he had dwelt on it
;for a short time, Mr. Pitt concluded a most
eloquent, animated, and argumentative speech,
with an. anxious and fervent prayer, that at
that period of success, for the sake of the pre
sent age, and of posterity, there might be no
intermission in that vigilant attention of Par
liament, to every object connected with the
revenue, the resources, and the credit of the
state, which had carried us through all our
difficulties, and led to this rapid and wonderful
improvement ; that, still keeping pace with the
exertions of the legislature, the genius and
spirit, the loyalty and public virtue, of a great
and free people, might long deserve, and
(under the favour of Providence) might ensure,
the continuance of this unexampled prosperity ;
and that Great Britain might thus lemain, for
ages, in the possession of those distinguished
advantages, under the protection and safeguard
Vol. III. x

130
of that constitution, to which (aS had beea
truly asserted from the Throne) they were prin
cipally to be ascribed, and which was indeed
the great source, and the best security, of all
that could be dear and valuable to a nation.
After some sarcastic remarks from Mr.
Sheridan, in his usual style, and a few obser
vations from Mr. Fox, several resolutions, pro
posed by Mr. Pitt, for the repeal of the different
taxes to which he had referred in his speech,
were carried without a division, and a bill
ordered to be prepared for giving effect to the
same. A Lottery being the means suggested by
Mr. Pitt for raising a distinct sum, a debate
took place on the subject, in the committee of
supply, early in the month of March. Many
strong arguments were pressed by the opposition
against this mode of raising money, on the
ground of its tendency to produce a spirit of
gambling among the lower orders of society,
highly injurious to their comforts, pernicious to
their morals, and destructive of their habits
of industry. It was, on the other hand, con
tended, that those evils arose from the abuse
of the practice, and not from its use; that
the regulations which had been adopted for
their suppression had already been attended
with beneficial effects ; that if other means of

131
correction should be found necessary, it would
be easy to adopt them ; and that, as this was
the most easy method of raising money, because
it occasioned the imposition of no new burthen
upon the people, but was rendered productive
by the spontaneous contributions of the public,
it ought not to be lightly given up. It admits
not of dispute, however, that if the abuses of
lotteries cannot be wholly eradicated by legis
lative provisions, the lotteries themselves ought
to be totally abandoned ; for no consideration of
emolument can be put in competition with the
morals of a nation ; and no minister can be
justified, either on civil or religious grounds,
in rendering the latter subservient to the
former. At the beginning of April, Mr. Wilberforce
again brought the question of the Slave Trade
before the House, when Mr. Pitt took a
decided part in favour of its immediate aboli
tion. Though he did not rise till a very late
period of the debate, he spoke at great length,
and with great energy, exhausting all the stores
of his mind, and all the powers of his eloquence,
to induce the House to concur with him in his
opinion of the question. Mr. Dundas's motion,
however, for abolishing the trade gradually,
instead of immediately, was carried by a majority
of sixty-eight. The- subject was revived on
k2

132
the last day of the same month, when the,
period of abolition "became the only ground of
difference; and, after some debate, Lord Mor-
nington's motion, which Mr. Pitt supported,
for fixing that period at the first of January,
1795, was rejected, and Sir Edward Knatch-
bull's motion, for substituting the same day in
the subsequent year, was adopted.
This was the time chosen for introducing
a new system of police into the metropolis,
or rather for taking the administration of jus
tice, in the capital and its vicinity, out of the
venal hands into which it had fallen of late,
and entrusting it to magistrates, to be appointed
by the King, and to receive a stipulated salary
for their attendance, to be regulated by Par
liament. The motive of this change arose out
of the scandalous venality which many of the
magistrates had displayed, and the consequent
mal- practices of various kinds to which it
necessarily gave birth, in contempt of law,
and to the disgrace of justice. — Nor could this
profligacy excite wonder, when it was known
that men of the lowest class, destitute of edu
cation, ignorant of law, and possessing not a
single qualification for the office, were, by some
strange and unaccountable neglecf, put in the
commission of the peace. When the measure

133
was submitted to Parliament, it was opposed,
in the first place, as a matter'of course, because it
originated with ministers; and, secondly, because
it was maintained to have a direct tendency
to increase the influence of the Crown, by
creating an additional number of places, at the
disposal of the government; and a body of magis
trates subservient to the will of the Minister.
Some of the powers, too, which the Bill Was
intended to delegate over vagabonds who could
give no satisfactory account of themselves,
and of their mode of life, and over known
thieves whom the Police constables were autho
rized to apprehend at any place of public resort,
whither they might be reasonably believed to
have repaired for the purpose of committing
their depredations, were strongly objected to,
as unwarrantable infringements on the liberty
of the subject.
Suggestions, like these, seldom fail to
become popular, for the people generally look at
the superficies of things without submitting to
the trouble of investigating causes, or of
examining the nature of probable effects. In
the present instance, however, the good sense
of the public prevailed over the prejudiced
representations of individuals, and the Parlia
ment consented to make the experiment ; for,

134
as an experiment, the bill was intended ; and,
on that account, its duration was limited to
five years. The measure has been found, by
experience, most fully to answer the purpose for
which it was framed. Every temptation to
peculation is removed by the obligation to
account, on oath, to the government, for all
fees taken at the respective public offices, esta
blished by the act ; — which fees are devoted to
the public use ; while, from the first establish
ment of this system to the present time, a
period of sixteen years, not a single action or
complaint has been 'preferred against any one of
the magistrates, for misconduct, or for any
breach of duty ; while the apprehensions pro
fessed, respecting their subserviency to the
minister of the day, have been proved to be
destitute of foundation. Great public benefits,
too, have been derived from the measure, in
the diiuinution of capital offences, and in the
progressive decrease of capital punishments ;*
an object of great importance to every state.
Still, it cannot be denied that, regulations of
police are, in a greater or less degree, of
necessity, encroachments on the liberty of the
-subject;- and, therefore, it is that, in all free
countries, the police is much more lax, and
* See Appendix (A.)

135
crimes much more frequent, than in arbi
trary States. The only principle, indeed,
on which a severe police can be defended, is
that on which all criminal laws are founded,
the necessity of rendering the interests of indi
viduals subvervient to the general good. And,
in the overgrown and crowded metropolis of a
commercial country, it would be impossible to
afford that protection to persons, and to property,
which is one of the main objects of all civil
government, without a strong restrictive and
corrective police.
The reform thus introduced into the admi
nistration ofjustice, in the capital, was attempted
by Mr. Grey, to be extended to the Parliamen
tary representation of the country. This latter
design originated with a society newly esta
blished, arrogating to themselves, as it were
exclusively, the appellation of Friends of the
People ; and consisting of several members of
the House of Commons, some men of undoubted
respectablity, and others of various descrip
tions, — Men of Letters, Presbyterians, Catho
lics, and Unitarians.^ — At the head of them
was placed Mr. Grey himself :— the Earl of
Lauderdale, the present Duke of Bedford, Sir
John- Throckmorton, Mr. Baker, Mr. Lambton,
Mr. Whitbread, and Mr. Erskine ; Mr. Mack
intosh, (the present recorder of Bombay) Mr.

13$ i
Malcolm Laing, the Scottish Historian, Mr.
William Smith, Mr. Dennis O'Brien, Mr;
Sheridan, Mr. William Fullarton, General
Macleod, Mr. Carpenter Smith, Dr. Kippis,
Dr. Towers, . Mr. J. H. Stone, (afterwards the
memorable correspondent of Dr. Priestley, and
the gallant, or husband, of Miss Helen Maria
Williams) and Lord Edward Fitzgerald, were
among the leading members of this society.
The professed object of their association, as set
forth in a well- written address, published about
this time, was to obtain Parliamentary Reform,
by extending the right of suffrage, and by
shortening the duration of Parliaments. It was
in conformity with one of their resolutions,
that Mr: Grey, on the 30 th of April, gave
notice of his intention to submit to the con
sideration of the House of Commons, in the
course of the next session, a motion respecting
,a' reform in the representation of the people, —
Upon this intimation, Mr. Pitt immediately
j'ose, admitting that he was not strictly regular
in entering into any observations on the mere
notice of a motion, and appealing to the chair,
whether or no he should articulate a syllable.
A call, however, from various parts of the
House, expressive of a desire to hear him, induced
him to proceed. If ever there was an occasion,
he said, in which the mind of every man, who

137
had any feeling for the present, or hope for the
future, .happiness of this country, should be
interested, the ^present was the time for its
exertion. — The present1 was the time in which
the whole House should lose sight of form in
the regulation of debate, and apply, at once,
to the substance of the subject. Nothing
could be said, nothing could be whispered, on
such a subject, at such a time, which did not
involve questions of the most extensive, the
most serious, the most lasting, importance to
the people of this country, to the very being of
the State. He had other motives, he confessed,
besides the general importance of the subject,
^to say a few words now upon it. It was a
question on which he had thought attentively.
He was unwilling to weary the House with
many observations on his own conduct, or on
what seemed not exactly to correspond with
what he had professed in the earliest part of his
public life, because he was convinced that the
question to be brought forward on this subject
would involve something more than the cha
racter, the fortune, the connection, the liberty,
or the life, of any individual. It might affect
the peace and tranquillity which, under the
favour of Providence, this country had for a
long time enjoyed, in a superior degree, per
haps, to any part of the habitable globe. It

138
might affect us, who'; from the time of general
darkness and bondage to the present hour, had
sat quietly, perceiving other nations struggling
with tyranny and oppression, while we enjoyed
our freedom ; it might even bring us into anar
chy and confusion, worse, if possible, than
if we had to contend with despotism itself.
He thought the country should know what
the opinions, of public men were upon the sub
ject now before them, and how they felt at this
moment. He confessed they had a peculiar
right to know, from him, his opinion on the
question of Parliamentary Reform. .He could
have wished, that a subject of this immense
importance had been brought forward at a time
when he was personally more able to take an
active part in a debate than at present; but,
above all, on a day on which the House had no
other matter to attend to. He also wished tha^
Mr. Grey had brought it forward on some dis
tinct proposition, stated to the House, that they
might, early in the next session of Parliament,
take the whole question into consideration; in
which case he should, perhaps, have reserved
himself till the day appointed for the dis
cussion of the question ; but, as this was a
general notice, without any specific proposition,
he felt no difficulty in asserting, in the most
decisive terms, that he objected both to the

139
time and the mode in which the business was
brought forward. He felt this subject so deeply,
that he must speak on it without any reserve;
He would, therefore, confess that, in one
respect, he had changed his opinion on the sub
ject, and he was not afraid to own it. He
retained his opinion of the propriety of a reform
in Parliament, if it could be obtained without
danger or mischief, by a general, concurrence,
pointing, harmlessly, at its object. But he
confessed he was afraid, at this moment, that,
if agreed on by that House, the security of all
the blessings we enjoyed would be shaken to
the foundation. He acknowledged he was not
sanguine enough to hope that a reform, at this
time, could safely be attempted. His object
always had been, but now was most particularly
so, to give permanence to that which we actually
enjoy,' rather than seek to remove any sub
sisting grievances. He conceived, that the
beautiful system of our constitution, and the
only security for the continuance of it, was in
the House of Commons ; but he was sorry to
say, that security was~lrH^erfect, while there
were persons who thought that the people were
not adequately represented in Parliament. It
was essential to the ^happiness of the people,
that they should be convinced, that they, and
the members of that House, felt an identity of

uo
interest; that the nation at large, and the
representatives of the people, held a conformity
of sentiment : — this was the essence of a proper
representative assembly; under this legitimate
authority, a people could be said to" be really
free ; and this was a state in which the true spirit
of proper democracy could be said to subsist.
This was the only mode by which freedom and
good order Gould be well united. If attempts
were made to go beyond this, they ended in a
wild state of nature, which mocked the name of
liberty, and by which the human character
was degraded, instead of being free. He
once thought, and he still thought, upon the
point of the representation of the Commons,
that if some mode could be adopted, by which
the people could have any additional security
for a continuance of the blessings which they
now enjoyed, it would be an improvement in the
constitution of the country. This was the
extent of his object ; further than' this he never
wished to go ; and if this could be obtained,
without the risk of losjng what we possessed,
he should think it wise to make the experiment.
When he said this, it was not because he
believed there was any existing grievance felt
at this hour in the country. On the contrary,
he believed that, at this moment, we actually
did enjoy as much happiness as we could,

141
or that a rational man ought to, hope for)
and if he said otherwise, he should be deal
ing unfairly with the House, with the pub--
lie, and with himself; for these were his
genuine feelings. He thought that we were
in a state of prosperity and progressive im
provement, seldom equalled, never excelled,
by any nation, at any period in the history
of the world.
Mr. Pitt then adverted to the time and
mode selected for-the discussion of the question.
Upon these points every rational man had two
things to consider; first, the probability of
success ; and, secondly, the risk to be run by the
attempt : upon the latter consideration, he
owned his apprehensions were very great ; he
feared the commotions which might follow the
attempt; and, looking at it in both points of view,
he saw nothing but discouragement. He perceived
no chance of succeeding in the attempt in the
first place, but saw great danger of anarchy and
confusion in the second. It was true he had
made some attempts upon this subject himself,
but at what time ? What were the circum
stances in which he made them? There was
then a general apprehension, which was now, he
thanked God, referred to rather as a matter of
history than as any thing else, all fear of danger
being entirely removed ; but there was then a

142
general feeling, that we were upon the verge of a-
public national bankruptcy, and a strong sense
was entertained of practical . grievances. This
was at the conclusion of the American war,
succeeding a period when the influence of the
Crown was declared to have increased, to be
increasing, and that it ought to be diminished.
Many thought, and he was of the number, that,
unless there was a better connectibn between
the Parliament and the people, and an unifor
mity of sentiment between them, the safety of
the country would be endangered. Many
moderate men, however, there were at that time,
who admitted the existence of abuses which
required collection, but who, having maturely
weighed the state of the case, even as it stood
then, were of opinion, that although some
evil was to be found, yet that, on the whole, the
good preponderated, and, therefore, from a fear
of possible consequences, they voted against his
plan of reform. If, in such a time, and under
such circumstances, moderate men thought in
this way, what would they( think under the pre
sent circumstances ? He put it not Only to that
House, but also to the country at large, and he
would ask all moderate men in it what were
their feelings on the subject at that moment ?
He believed that he could an ricipate the answer—^
" This is not a time to make hazardous experi-

143
ments.'* Could the lessons which had beea
given to the world within a few years be
forgotten ? Could it be supposed that men felt
this country, as now happily contrasted with
others, to be in a deplorable condition ? Could
it be expected that these moderate men would
become converts to the new system attempted
in another country ? — A system which all men
would reject. He hoped that such doctrine
would not find many proselytes among the
moderate and the peaceable ; if not, there could
be no hope of success, and, consequently, no
wisdom in the attempt.
But it seemed that there was a great num
ber of persons in this country who wished for a
reform in Parliament, and that they were in
creasing daily ; that their nurriber was great
he was happy enough to doubt ; — what their
' interest or their vigour would be, if called upon
to exert themselves against the good sense and
courage of the sober part of the community, he
could not say, nor did it occasion him much
apprehension. He did not mean to allude to
the sentiments of any particular member of
that House for the purpose of being severe; but
when they came in the shape of advertisements
in newspapers, inviting the public, as it
were, to repair to their standard, and to join
them, they should be reprobated, and the ten-

144
dency of their meetings exposed to the people
in their true colours. He was willing, as long
as he could, to allow gentlemen the best con
struction that could be put upon their actions,
and to give them credit their sentiments ; but
the advertisements he alluded to were sanctioned
with the very name of the honourable gentle
man who had given this notice. He would say
that there should be a great deal of activity on
the part of the friends of our constitution, who
ought to take pains properly to address the
public mind, and to keep it in that state which
was necessary to preserve our present tran
quillity. He had seen, with concern, that those
gentlemen of whom he spoke, who were mem
bers of that House, were connected with others,
who professed not reform only, but direct hos
tility to the very form of our government.
This afforded grounds for suspicion, that the
motion for reform was nothing more than the
preliminary to the overthrow of the whole
system of our present government. If they
succeeded, they would overthrow, what he
thought, the best constitution that was ever
formed on the habitable globe. These consi
derations led him to wish the House to take
great care that no encouragement should be
given to any step that might ultimately sap the
very basis of our constitution. When he saw

145
these Opinions publishedj and knew them to be
Connected with others that were libels on the
form of our government— the hereditary sue
cession to the throne — the hereditary titles of
our nobility — and which aimed at the destruc
tion of all subordination in the state, he con
fessed he felt no inclination to promise his sup
port to the proposed motion for a Parliamentary
Reform. It was to follow a madness which had
been called liberty in another country ; a condi
tion at war with true freedom and good order; a
state to which despotism itself was preferable ; — •
a state in which liberty could not exist for a
day ;- — if it appeared in the morning it must
perish before sun-set.
He begged leaVe to assure the House that
he thought it his duty, to the last hour of his
life, to oppose, to the utmost of his power, at
tempts of this nature ; so much did he disapprove
of the present attempt, that if he were called on
to choose, either to hazard this, or for ever abandon
all hopes or desire to have any reform at all,
he should say he would have no reform what
ever; and he believed that, as a member of
Parliament, as an Englishman, as an honest man,
it was his duty to make that declaration at
once. He wished Mr. Grey to reflect seriously
on his character, and on the stake which he pos
sessed in the country; and to consider how much
Vol. III. j.

146
might be lost by an indiscreet attempt upon the
subject. He had thus, he said, made a sort of
compendium of all the objections which he
should submit to the House and to the public, if
the motion should ever be made, and he con
cluded with an encomium on the British consti
tution, which he truly described as a monument
of human wisdom, which had been hitherto
:the exclusive blessing of the English nation.
This manly and decisive declaration of
^sentiment Mr. Pitt thought, and justly thought,
the ferment which began to manifest itself in the
various clubs now established in the different
parts of the country, the intercourse which
many of them maintained with the factious
societies in France, and the approbation which
they loudly expressed even of the most violent
principles which had been promulgated, and of
the most atrocious proceedings which had taken
place ' in that country, imperatively required.
He thus seized the first fair opportunity which
occurred for avowing his opinions in the most
unequivocal manner, in order to clear the prin
ciples, on which he had formerly acted,
from all doubt and misapprehension, and to
prevent any thoughtless people from being led
away by the erroneous notion that, because, at
a very different period, and under very different
circumstances, he had stood forth the advocate

147
©f Parliamentary Reform, he would now appear
the champion of any measure that might be
proposed for that purpose, however different
in its nature, and opposite in its tendency, to
that plan which he had himself suggested.
It required no effort, in such amincl as Mr. Pitt
possessed, to make an avowal which could not
fail to expose him to obloquy and reproach, on
the ground of steadiness and consistency ; for
tified as it was by conscious integrity, and
upheld by a strong sense of pulic duty.
He was briefly answered by Mr. Fox, who
declared that he had been long convinced that
the interest of the nation demanded a reform in
Parliament. The frequent opposition of senti
ments between the people and their representa
tives proved to him that the nation was not
fairly represented; otherwise there would seldom,
if ever, exist such extreme variances between
them. He vindicated the society, of the Friends.
of the People, and maintained that it consisted
of as respectable individuals as any who sup
ported the ministry. He admitted that some of
its members were violent republipans ;— rbut
there were some ' ministerialists much worse,
decided adherents to arbitrary power. Thes'e
last were the true authors of innovations, as they
were termed, — as if the constitution of this,
country was not erected upon perpetual change%
1.2

148
of bad for good, and of good for better. But
improvements were not to be confounded with
innovations ; the meaning of which word was
always odious, as it conveyed an idea of altera
tions for the worse.
It has been seen that some of its members
were not only " violent republicans;" though,
as such, they must, of necessity, be hostile to
the constitution of Great Britain, which is
certainly not a republic, — but determined jaco
bins, intent on the establishment of a wild
democracy, on the ruins of all the existing
institutions of the country ;< — such, at least,
were Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and Mr. John
Harford Stone. Mr. Burke, who was aware of
the inability of respectable and well-meaning
men to check such furious spirits in their demo
cratic career, could not suffer the unfounded
panegyrics of Mr. Fox to pass without appro
priate censure. — He severely reprobated the
project entertained by these associated cham
pions of reform, whom he, not inaptly, com
pared to quacks, who offered preventive reme
dies when no disease was apprehended. He
warned the friends of the people to beware of
reforms, of which, when Once begun, no human
being could tell the termination. The kingdom
was full of factious people, who, deluded by
^visionary speculations, longed to realize them

149
at any cost; and would readily plunge the
nation into blood and confusion, for the sake of
establishing the systems of government with
which they were enamoured. Mr. Windham,
too, observed, that when reforms were pro
posed, grievances ought also to be duly weighed ;
and if the remedy appeared to be worse than
the disease, it ought, in common prudence, to
be rejected. This was the language of common
sense, alike applicable to the concerns of
domestic life, and to the complicated affairs of
state. Its plain dictates, however, were not
sufficient to satisfy the ardent patriotism of Mr.
Sheridan, who saw, in the creation of Peers, a
sufficient reason for a reform in Parliament, and
seemed to wonder that Mr. Pitt, having once
been friendly to a plan of reform, under circum
stances particularly favourable to its adoption,
should be inimical to any plan of reform, and
under circumstances however unfavourable.
In fact, however desirable a rational and
practicable reform of those irregularities,- and
of those evils which time had engendered in the
system of representation, might be, he would
have been an unwise man, and a very bad
minister, who could have thought of promoting
it, at a period like the present, when the press
groaned beneath the weight of publications,
calculated and designed to alienate the affec»

150
tions of the people, from the constitution and
system of government under which the nation
had increased in prosperity and happiness for
centuries; and to rouse them to similar acts of
factious violence, and rebellious outrage, with
those which had rendered France the scorn and
the dread of surrounding states. In some of these
publications the wildest notions of the demo-
cratical fanatics of France were not only
seriously and gravely praised, as the emanations
of superior wisdom, but most earnestly recom
mended to the adoption of Englishmen, though
the necessary consequence of their adoption
must be a rooted enmity to their own form of
government. One of these writers, after quo
ting an article of the new French constitution,
on the sovereignty of the people, observes, with
equal ignorance and presumption, " The origin
of power is here traced to its primary source ; all
power is declared to be derived from the-people.
— They have the only legitimate right to deter
mine on the nature of that form" of government,
or constitution, which they themselves are to
live under. They are the sole judges of the
general good."^ Now, if this were true, it
followed, of course, that the King of Great
* The French Constitution, with Remarks &c.by Boa*
jamin Flower. P. 110

151
Britain was an usurper, — that he and his Parlia
ment had no right to make laws,' — and that the
laws themselves were all invalid. In making
the practical application of his principles to his
own country, the author, having contrasted the
French system of representation with the
English, having bestowed unqualified praises
on the first, and lavished indiscriminate censure
on the last, deduces the following natural infe
rence. — " If what I have related is true, and
let any one deny it if he can, our representa
tion, as it is called, is little else than a sem
blance, a form, a theory, a mockery, a shadow,
if not a nuisance." — " It is a matter of doubt
whether the House of Commons, all circum^
stances considered, is a blessing or a curse to
the nation." — " The House of Commons, as at
present constituted, is little more than an
engine of corruption, in the hands of the
Crown, or the ministers of the Crown, to
accomplish measures which are often directly
opposite to the interests of the people, and
calculated to promote the purposes of ambition
or despotism," — It is easy to imagine what
kind of reform such patriots would desire; — and
it is much to be doubted whether even their own
favourite panacea for all state evils, universal
suffrage, and annual Parliaments, would have
satisfied them much longer than a crippled

152
Monarchy, and a degraded Monarch, satisfied
the zealous reformers of France, whom they
constantly held up to admiration, and to imita
tion. It could, however, admit of no doubt at
all, that they aimed at no reform that was com
patible with the existence of the British con
stitution.* Indeed, to such a height was the
revolutionary ardour carried, that it sometimes
degenerated into downright impiety. — In the
introductory observations to the work before
quoted, the author indirectly compares the
authors of the French revolution with the
Saviour of the world; and the opposers and
enemies of that event, to the Jews who con
signed him to the cross ; which Jews he dis
tinguishes as " the high church mob of that
day."t Another writer, quitting the peaceful paths
of commerce for the rugged field of political
controversy, boldly declared the French
* The abolition of epjscopacy, (which the King, it is
gravely maintained, has a right to consent to, notwithstanding
his coronation oath) of all tests, and subscriptions, and of all
laws for the punishment of blasphemous attacks on the Trinity,
appear to have been among the favourite subjects of reform
for which this writer so strenuously contended. And it is tolerably
certain, that had his Parliamentary reform taken place, thosg
abuses would speedily have been cured.
t Introductory Observations. P. 3

153
revolution " to be the greatest and most glorious
event that ever took place in the history of the
world :" as ft the only revolution that had com
pletely respected the rights of mankind :" as " the
only revolution that was likely to change the
object of ambition among men, and to convert
it into an emulation of superior wisdom and vir
tue, instead of a lust of power and conquest."
— And he declared it to be his opinion, that
" to arraign such a revolution was to' plead
against mankind — to involve one's self in the
crimen Icesct majestatis generis humani."*
Opinions of this nature, however erro
neous, however absurd, and however pernicious^
so long as they continued merely speculative,
were not proper subjects for the cognizance of
government, who should never, without the
existence of that necessity which rises superior
to all common measures of prudence, and to all
common maxims of policy, being founded on
the paramount principle of self-preservation, in
terfere with the freedom of the press. — But
speculative opinions were of little value in the
minds of these sanguine admirers of France,
who valued them only for their general applica
bility to all countries, and who ardently wished
.* Letters on the Revolution of France, &c. by Thomas
Christie. P. 5Q,

154
to promote, their application' to our own.—
Thomas Paine, who had stood the foremost
among these champions of reform, had lately
published the second part of his system of demo
lition, for the avowed purpose of applying the
French principles to practice in Great Britain ;
and so to tear up the monarchy, aristocracy,
and clergy, root and branch. The seditious
societies which had, by this time, increased in
every part of the kingdom, and more especially
the London Corresponding Society, whose agents
were both numerous and active, circulated this
pestiferous publication with incredible industry ;
so that there was scarcely a town or village in
the kingdom, into which it did not penetrate,
and in which it was not spread. Its effects
soon became visible ; — the voice of disaffection
grew .louder and louder; — and there was good
reason for apprehending a most pernicious
change in the sentiments and disposition of the
lower classes of society, whose credulity is
great in proportion to the weakness of their
judgment, whose passions are easily flattered,
and whose understandings are easily misled.
Mr. Pitt's education, the direction of his
studies, and the political principles which he
had early imbibed, rendered him extremely
averse from the adoption of measures, which
went to restrain either ;the freedom of opinion,

155
or the liberty of the press. But this aversion
grew out of his veneration for, and attachment
to, the constitution of his country; and where he
saw that endangered by the very toleration which
it granted, and the liberty which it conferred,
directed to 'its subversion, his principles and
his duty combined to lead him to the pursuit
of such means as should appear necessary to
secure it against the danger which threatened
it. It was, therefore, determined to issue a
proclamation, in order to put the nation on
their guard, and, if possible, to' stop the cir
culation of this literary poison. A proclama
tion was accordingly published, on the 21st of
May, " for preventing seditious meetings and
writings."* It adverted to the attempts, by
wicked and seditious writings, to excite ground
less jealousies and discontents respecting the
laws and constitution of the realm ; and to the
correspondence entered into, with sundry per
sons in foreign parts, with a view to forward
the same criminal purposes ; it gave a so*
lemn warning to all subjects, as they tendered
their own happiness, and that of their posterity,
to guard against all such attempts, which aimed
-at the subversion , of all regular government
within this kingdom, and which were incom*
* See Appendix (B.)

156
sistent with the peace and order of society ; —
and it commanded all magistrates to make dili
gent inquiry, in order to discover the authors
and printers of such wicked and seditious writ
ings, and all others who should disperse the
same ; and to take effectual care to suppress and
prevent all riots, tumults, and disorders which
might be attempted to be raised or made by any
person or persons.
A copy of this proclamation Mr. Pitt very
prudently communicated to such members of
the opposition as were known, or believed, to
coincide with Mr. Burke, in the apprehensions
which he entertained from the present posture
of affairs. And while it was under their con
sideration, and before it was issued, Mr. Fox
and Mr. Whitbread brought forward two mo
tions in the House of Commons, which gave
rise to a discussion of some of those facts,
a knowledge of which had principally induced
the Minister to have recourse to the measure.
On the 1 1 th of May, the former of these gen
tlemen, who suffered no opportunity to escape
for the acquisition of popularity among dis
senters of every denomination, stood for,th the
champion of the Unitarians, who had petitioned
the House for a repeal of the penal statutes
which it had been found necessary to enact
against them about a century before ; and

157
which, though seldom enforced, still operated
as some restraint upon them, and prevented
them from attacking the fundamental doctrines of
the Christian religion, with the same hardihood,
and the same licentiousness, which their own
tenets were so well calculated to inspire. Mr.
Fox, in support of his motion for the repeal,
as if enamoured of the theoretical reasoning of
the French reformers, argued from the abstract
principle of toleration, which he called upon
the House to recognize, and to establish, as
founded on the unalienable rights of man,
without suffering any notions of political ex
pediency, or of practical effects, to interfere
with their decision. — He maintained that the
resignation of any religious right (he should
have said, the dereliction of any religious duty)
was impossible; and he censured the established
Church as inculcating the execrable doctrine of
passive obedience and non-resistance; thence
arguing, that as the church could not be obeyed
without a breach of moral obligation, and even
of positive law, (an assumption which no man,
it is believed, ever thought of advancing but
Mr. Fox, and which is as gross a libel upon the
purest church in Christendom as was ever uttered,
even by its most inveterate enemies,) it would
be the height of injustice to persecute any per
son for non-conformity to the establishment.

158
The question was considered , by Mr. Burke
as presenting itself to the House rather in a
political, than a theological, point of view. —
He, very wisely, disclaimed the idea of arguing
on any but social rights, recognizing man only
m a state of society. Disclaiming, therefore,
all abstract reasoning, and metaphysical subtle
ties, he confined himself solely to those con
siderations which Mr. Fox had deemed unwor
thy even of notice, — the prudence and policy
of the measure. He judged it proper to examine
who the persons were whom the House were
called upon to relieve, — what their principles, —
what their opinions, — what their connexions,—
and what was their conduct. He declared his
repugnance to penalties for religious sentiments;
but when those sentiments were blended with
certain political tenets, which might lead to
the destruction of the church and state, he
thought it the indispensable duty of the House
to pause. It appeared evident to him, from
the writings of Dr. Priestley, that the Unita
rians, avowed enemies to all ecclesiastical esta
blishments, aimed at the total subversion of
the church. They had formed a society for the
propagation of their opinions, and had raised a
considerable fund for that purpose. Their prin
cipal object in the petition, then before the
House, seemed to be, to obtain the countenance

159
of Parliament by the recognition of their sect
as a distinct and respectable body.
Mr. Burke then adverted to certain pro
ceedings of a meeting of Unitarians, in Febru
ary, 1791> at a tavern in the city,* when Dr.
* The following account of this meeting appeared in one
of the papers of the day, and was evidently drawn up by some
members of the society. " Unitarian Society. — Yesterday,
this society dined together at the King's Head Tavern, in the
Poultry ; Dr. Priestley was in the qhair ; and a number of th«S
most distinguished gentlemen in the metropolis, of Unitarian
principles, assisted in the temperate festivity of the day.
" This society is established for the purpose of promoting
Christian knowledge, and the practice of virtue'; and if we
may judge from the enlightened and benevolent spirit which they
manifested in this convivial meeting, the views of the institu
tion will be promoted by exanaple as well as precept, as a proof
of which we shall enumerate some of the toasts that were given
from different parts of the room.
" Prosperity to the Unitarian Society.
" The cause of civil and religious liberty throughout the
ff world.
" Mr. Fox, and a speedy repeal of all the penal laws respect-
" ing religion.
" May the example of America teach all nations to reject
" religious distinctions, and to judge of the citizen by
" his conduct.
" The National Assembly of France, and may every tyran-
" nical government undergo a similar revolution.
" May no man destroy another man's happiness in this world
" for the sake of securing it in the next.
" The ladies and gentlemen who have asserted and supported

160
Priestley was in the chair, in order to prove
their eagerness to intermeddle with politics..
Among the toasts which they gave, was " Tho
mas Paine, Esq. and the Rights of Man." —
" civil and religious liberty, by their writings and
" speeches.
" Thomas Paine, and the Rights of Man.
" Thanks to Mr. Burke for the important discussions he has
" provoked.
" May no societies, civil or religious, claim rights for them-
" selves, that they are not ready to concede to others.
" Success to Mr. Fox's intended motion to ascertain the
" Liberty of the Press.
"- May the Sun of Liberty rise on Oxford as it has on Cam-
" bridge, and as it has long shone on the Dissenters.
" May the governments of the world learn, that the civil
" magistrate has no right to dictate to any man what
" he shall believe, or in what manner he shall worship
" the Deity.
" May the example of one revolution- make another un-
" necessary.
" After spending the afternoon in the harmony and
exhilaration which the union of benevolent sentiments is calcu
lated to inspire, Dr. Kippis, with a short encomium on that
wonderful event in a neighbouring kingdom, which had rescued
so many millions of their fellow creatures from bondage, said,
that some persons, who thought the revolution of France cal
culated to meliorate the condition of man over all the earth,
intended to commemorate the anniversary on the 14th of July
next j and he took the sense of the company, whether they
thought fit to co-operate in this design.
" Dr. Towers congratulated humanity on this glorious

161
He distrusted the principles of the Unitarians,
as he conceived them to be connected with the
Revolution Society, which had leagued with
clubs in foreign countries for the purpose of

event, which, he was sorry to say, had not been received in
England with the warm welcome to which it was entitled;
for, to Englishmen in particular, that revolution ought to be
truly dear, since it gave an example of the sacred regard that
was due to the religious, as well as the civil, liberty of man.—
jSe, who had zealously entered into the last festival for the
commemoration of the event, cheerfully adopted the proposal
of his reverend brother ; and he was sure, now that the prin
ciples of the revolution were properly understood, it would be
adopted by the public with the same alacrity. It was generally
declared, by the company, that they would assist in the celebra
tion, The evening concluded with the appointment of stewards
for-the next anniversary festival of the Unitarian Society. The
following gentlemen were nominated':~-Michael Dodson, Esq.
T. B. Hollis, Esq. Rev. Dr. Kippis, Rev. Mr. Lindsey, James
Martin, Esq. M. P. J. H. Stone, Esq. William Smith, Esq.
M. P. John Towgood, Esq."
That a society composed of men who deiiied that Christ
was the Son of God, and, in short, refused to believe the account
which the Divine Founder of the Christian Religion gave of
himself, and of his destination, while he was upon earth,
should seek to impose upon the wprld, by asserting that, they
were established for the purpose of promoting Christian know
ledge, must excite astonishment and indignation in the mind
of every honest Christian. — So far, indeed, were they from
wishing to promote the interests of Christianity, that it is a fact,
here advanced upon the best authority, that one of their six
members, whose names are given above as stewards elect, has
Vol. III. m

working; the downfall of the constitution ; and,
in order to prove that he asserted nothing but
the truth, he read several extracts from the
correspondence of that society, recently pub
lished. Mr. Burke avowed his detestation of the
Birmingham riots, but, at the same time, ex
pressed his conviction that the dissenters had,
in some measure, brought the evil upon them
selves, by the general Hue of politics which they
had lately pursued, as. well as by their conduct
at the meeting alluded to, when the people of
England were invited to celebrate the anniver-
several childrenr— not one of whom has been christened; and
not one of whom, of course, is a Christian. This same Unitarian,
too, like most of the sect, treats the word of God in the most ,
irreverent manner, rejects such parts of scripture as he. cannot
reduce to a level with his own very confuted powers of
comprehension, as fabulous; and, very conveniently, adapting
his Creed to his wishes, discards the doctrine of future punish
ment, as laid down in the sacred, writings,, as utterly incompati
ble with the benevolent character of the Deity !— Here, too,
we find Mi.. J. H. Stone, a member of Mr. Grey's Society of
Friends of the People again making himself conspicuous. Dr.
Towers' s congratulation of humanity on an event which gave
rise to more acts of inhumanity than any other recorded ia
history, not excepting even the horrid massacre of St. Bartho* •
lpmew ; and on proposing to commemorate a day (the 14th of
July, when the rabble of Paris took possession of the Bastille)
on which the most inhuman ferocity was displayed, and the
most horrible acts of barbarity were perpetrated, was equally
appropriate, and equally consistent with the rest of the scene.

163
sary of the French Revolution, on the subse
quent 14th of July. The riots did not proceed
from religious bigotry, but were, manifestly, of
a political nature. Dr. Priestley had long taught
his Unitarian principles in Birmingham without
molestation, and, indeed, as he acknowledged
himself, with pleasure and with success. How
happened it that he had never been persecuted
before? How came the madness of the popu
lace to be reserved for that unlucky moment,
when he chose to sink the character of the
divine in that of the politician, not only to
lavish the most extravagant praises on the
French revolution, but to recommend to the
people of England, the celebration of that event
from the chair, at the King's Head meeting.
The Unitarians having quoted the example
of Fiance, in proof of the sacred regard which
in one country, at least, was paid to religious -
liberty, Mr. Burke compared the persecutions, on
account of religion, which had there taken place,
to what had been so named in England. There, a
great part of the nation had been driven to
poverty, wretchedness, famine, and , death, for
avowed scruples of conscience ; here, the houses
of the leaders of a certain party in the town of
Birmingham, had been destroyed by an infa- ,
tuated mob, on the supposition, that the princi
ples of the party were inimical to the existing
m 2

164
government. In this land of bigotry, ptmisrf-
ment had been inflicted on the rioters, and resti
tution made to th<? sufferers. In France, a coun
try adored by the Unitarians, for the transcen-
, dency of its government, for its complete
possession of liberty, and its much-envied con
stitution, although outrages ten thousand times
greater had been committed, no inquiry had
taken place, no punishment had been inflicted,
no restitution made. If it were alleged, in
excuse for such conduct, that it was rendered
unavoidable, by the inveterate evils of the former
system of religion, he should reply, that the
enlightened philosophers of the present day
seemed to have discovered new meanings in old
words ; that they had formed a new vocabulary,.
in which the destruction of ancient establish
ments was termed reform, and resistance to
dangerous innovations persecution. Mr. Burke
closed these just remarks with observing, that
those people could' be little entitled to the favour
of Parliament who held up the proceedings of
the French as examples for imitation in this
country. Mr.. William Smith, one of the stewards
elect, took upon himself to defend not only the
principles, but the conduct, of the Unitarians,
of whom he declared himself to be one.
Surely no person professing the Unitarian faith*
if faith that may be called which consists in a

165
disbelief of the fundamental doctrines of
Christianity, ought to be allowed to assist in the
formation of laws, under a constitution of which
the established church forms an essential part;
when a man cannot hold even the most tnrhng
office without giving a test of his attachment
to that church. Mr. Smith asserted; that they
were a sect completely unconnected with other
dissenters-, and with clubs and associations of every
description. Never was a more unguarded asser
tion made by any man in any assembly. —
So far were the Unitarians from being disconnected
with clubs and associations of every description,
that of the eight Unitarian stewards, men
tioned in a preceding note, six were, at this
very time, members of the society of the
" Friends of the People;" namely, T. B, Hoi] is,
Esq. Rev. Dr. Kippis ; James Martin, Esq- M. Pf
J. H, Stone, Esq. John Towgood, Esq. and,
mirabile dictuJ — William Smith, Esq. M. P.
himself. * A seventh, Michael Dodson, Esq. was
member of the Revolution Society ; as were also
fourof the others, namely, Mr. Hollis, Dr. Kippis,
Mr. Stone, and Mr. Towgood !j- These plain
* See the list of this society in the Appendix to the Chro-
jiiple of the Annual Register for 1792 ; printed for Otridge and
Son, p. 70.
f See the list of the Revolution Society, in the Appendix
to the Chronicle of the Original Annual .Register fgr 1792,
printed for Rivington, p. 134,

facts are better than a thousand arguments, in
answer to the statement' of Mr. Smith, who
further remarked, tint, though the Unitarians
were friendly to the French revolution, it did not
follow that they approved of every abuse, and of
all the confusion which had since occurred, nor
that they wished to see the example of France
imitated in England. So far were they from
attempting to subvert the government of their
country, that he believed, and knew them to be
firm and steady friends to the constitution. It
must not be forgotten that Dr. Priestley himself
was at the head of the Unitarians ; — some spe
cimens of the firmness and steadiness of his
friendship to the constitution have already been
exhibited ; and more will soon be produced.
Mr. Pitt opposed the motion, as it seemed
to be acknowledged, on all hands, no practical
evils had ever resulted, or were likely 'to result,
from the laws in question, and as danger might
possibly accrue from the repeal of them. He
thought it probable too, that the public might
imbibe false ideas of the motives which had
intluenced'the repeal of them; concluding, from
appearances, that the House of Commons had
become indifferent to the esta blished religion, and
careless of what infringements zvere made upon -it.
If, indeed, the laws in question had been
repealed, there would have been something more

167
than appearances to justify a conclusion so
•obvious and so just. Mr. Fox, in reply, repeated
.his admiration of the French revolution, and
declared that he had considered Paine's book a
, libel on the British constitution, but that he
thought Mr. Burke's book was a libel on every
free constitution in the world. He observed, in
conclusion, that after having read and reflected
much on ecclesiastical establishments, he was,
from the completest conviction, a firm and
steady friend to them. This being the case, it
was much to be deplored that Mr. Fox so
frequently espoused the cause of those who
were their avowed and inveterate enemies ! The
motion for a repeal was negatived by a majority
of seventy-nine. The Birmingham riots, which had been
frequently mentioned incidentally in the course
of debate, during the present session, were made
the subject of a formal motion, by Mr. Whit-
bread, on the 21st of May, who proposed to
the House to address the King, for such infor
mation as had been laid before ministers, con
cerning the conduct of the Warwickshire
magistrates, during the riots, and likewise for an
.account of such measures as government had
pursued against any particular magistrates for
neglect of duty. His object was to censure the
conduct of those magistrates, whom he charged, .

168
on the authority of numerous ex-parte affidavits,
with encouraging the riots which it was their duty
to suppress. He laboured to exculpate the dis
senters from the charge of having been the
authors of the seditious hand-bill which had
given birth to the riots ; and he asserted, that the
dissenters were the best and most ardent fiends
of the constitution.
It fell, to the lot of Mr. Dundas, who, as
Secretary of State for the home department,
was specially entrusted with the superinten
dence of the internal police of the country, to
answer Mr. Whitbread, which he did in the
most complete ,and satisfactory manner. He
shewed, that government had taken every pos
sible step to suppress the riots, not only with
out loss of time, but with an expedition that
challenged applause, insteid of censure. When
tranquillity was fully restored, the Solicitor of
the Treasury, accompanied by an able counsel,
and one active magistrate, were sent down to
discover, and to prosecute the offenders ; and,
in the whole of the investigation, and sub
sequent prosecution, the most rigid impartiality
had been observed. The magistrates, pointed
out in the motion, had not, indeed, been pro
secuted on the credit of the affidavits read by
Mr. Whitbread, because the. Attorney- General
had not thought that they supplied sufficient

169
grounds for a prosecution. But it was perfectly
in the power of any one of the dissenters, who
• might be dissatisfied with their conduct, and
think differently from the Attorney-General on
the subject, to proceed against them, either by
information or indictment. It was, however,
extraordinary, that when the Solicitor to the
Treasury proposed to get any facts tending to
criminate the magistrates, taken in the form of
an information, the dissenters objected to it,
and preferred the less satisfactory mode of pro
ceeding by obtaining affidavits, so bringing
forward Only one side of the question. Mr.
Dundas remarked, that the magistrates could
not be expected to be strictly accurate, either
in their expressions or their conduct, during the
existence of tumult or danger.
In allusion to Mr. Whitbread's attempt to
exculpate the dissenters from the charge of
having been the authors of the seditious hand
bill, the Secretary of State observed, that each.
side had imputed the act to the other, but it
was remarkable that, immediately after an
enquiry had been instituted, ^ and a prosecution
talked of, a dissenting Minister of the town,
who had long resided there, and on whom^jS-
picions had fallen, suddenly disappeared, went
abroad, and not hing more had ever been heard
of him. — This vindication of the conduct of

170
government was allowed by Mr. Whitbread
himself, to be complete, except as to the mis
conduct of the county magistrates, against
whom his motion was directed. But it was
maintained, by the Attorney-General, that the
affidavits, on which it was wished to ground a
criminal prosecution, were highly unsatisfactory,
as they had been taken in the absence of the
persons accused, and without any cross-exami
nation of witnesses. Mr. Russell, a dissenting
magistrate, before whom they were sworn,
refused, when pressed so' to do, to let regular
and full informations be taken ; but afterwards
sent up the affidavits, which gave, birth to the
present motion. He also expressed bis opinion,
-that the affidavits themselves Avere, in part,
contradictory, as, while some of' them tended
to show that the magistrates encouraged the
burning of houses, others proved, that the same
magistrates, being only two against thousands,
had, instead of intimidating, endeavoured to
conciliate, the mob, and to lessen the mischief
which they could not entirely prevent. He
justly conceived, that it was extremely dan
gerous to trust to contradictory evidence, uttered
in a moment of alarm, ill-understood, and im
perfectly recollected. Forty-six members only
voted for Mr. Whitbread's motion, and one
hundred and eighty-nine against it.

171
It is perfectly obvious, on considering
the facts which came out in the course of this
discussion, that the object of the Birmingham
dissenters was to excite an odium, and to raise
a clamour against the magistrates, and not
to submit their conduct to a fair, impartial,
and legal investigation in a Court of Justice.
Mr. Russell would not otherwise have acted as
he did, in adopting the extraordinary process
of taking oaths, which were not meant as the
foundation of a criminal process, and were,
therefore, extra-judicial, and such as he had no
right to administer; and in refusing to enter
into the only legal examination inro which, as
a magistrate, it was his duty to enter.
It has been seen, that Mi. William1 Smith
asserted, in the House of Commons, that the
Unitarians, at the head of whom was Dr.
Priestley, were, to his knowledge, firm and
steady friends to the government. Their leader,
too, was not unfrequently panegyrized by Mr.
Fox and Mr. Grey. The latter gentleman, in
a debate, at the close of the present year, called
him a " great , man," — " a respectable person,
whose character does honour to human nature,
and whose'work.s do not contain a single
principle hostile to government."* It has already
* Debrett's Parliamentary Debates, for 17<)2. P. 157, J^S.

172
been shewn, that Mr. J. H. Stone was a member
of the Unitarian Society. This gentleman
went to Paris in the course of the year 1792,
and presided at a civic feast, at White's Hotel,
id Paris, on the 18th of November, at^which
Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Santerfe, the brewer,
and some other revolutionary worthies, were
present; and at which, among other patriotic
toasts, was given, "The abolition of heredi
tary titles in England."* A notable instance of
the firmness' and steadiness of his friendship to
government ! — As to Dr. Priestley, indepen
dently of his wish, constantly expressed, for the .
downfal of the, Hierarchy, and the destruction
of the Established Church, in his letters to Mr.
E. Burke, already quoted, he praised the American
revolution, as having set a glorious example to
the whole world, of course including England,
and particularly because " they had formed
a completely new government on the principles
of equal liberty, and the rights of man — with
out nobles — without bishops— -and without a
King." — He declared this country to be - ap
proaching towards a crisis, similar to that
which had occasioned the French Revolution,
and if other nations "should be benefited as

* Rivington's Annual Register for 1?Q2; Appendix to
the Chronicle. P. 154.

173
much by the result as France had been, he did
not scruple to pronounce, " that great crisis,
dreadful as it might be in prospect, a consum-
" mation devoutly to be wished."* If principles
like these be not hostile to government, it will
be difficult to ascertain in what such hostility
consists. As soon as the King's proclamation was
laid on the table of both Houses of Parliament,
Mr. Chauvelin, the French Ambassador at the
Court of Saint James's, in pursuance of the
new system of diplomacy, which the French
Revolutionists had introduced, wrote to Lord
Grenville, complaining of the tendency of the
proclamation, and desiring that his letter might
be communicated to Parliament. In this letter,
Mr. Chauvelin observed, thr.t the proclamation
contained some expressions which might, con
trary to the intentions of the British Ministry,
give weight to the false opinions which the
enemies of France endeavoured to circulate
with respect to her intentions towards Great
.Britain. If certain individuals of this country
had established a correspondence abroad, tend
ing to excite troubles therein, and if, as the
proclamation seemed to insinuate, Frenchmen
had come into their, vjjews,' Mr. Chauvelin
* Priestley's tetters to Burke, P. p. 40—153, (54.

174
asserted, that it was a proceeding wholly foreign
to the French nation, to the legislative body, to
the King, and to his Ministers;' it was a pro
ceeding of which they were entirely ignorant,
which militated against every principle of jus
tice, and which, when it became known, would
be universally condemned in France. — Now,
Mr. Chauvelin could not but know, that a cor
respondence had been carried on between various
bodies of men in France, and the disaffected
societies in this country, the particulars of
which had been published in the newspapers
bath of France and of England ; and that,
although the King, whom alone he represented
at the British court, neither gave, nor wished
others to give, the smallest sanction, or coun
tenance, to such factious proceedings, or to any
interference in the internal concerns of other
countries ; yet; that the legislative body was nei
ther ignorant of such proceedings, nor had the
smallest disposition to discourage them. Andt
so far from being universally condemned in France,
they were, with the exception of the King and
his trusty band of royalists, universally approved
and applauded, particularly by the Parisians,
who assumed to themselves the appellation of
the nation, and whom Mr. Chauvelin seemed
most anxious to conciliate and to represent.

175
This officious Frenchman was, very prr>.
perly, reproved by Lord Grenville, for his irre
gular attempt to interfere in any matters of
internal regulation about to be discussed in the
British "Parliament. — After expressing his ardent
and sincere desire, in all the" affairs which they
might have to discuss together, to maintain
that harmony and cordiality which corresponded
with- the King's intentions, his lordship observed,
that he was persuaded that it was not the
intention of Mr. Chauvelin to deviate from the
rules and forms established in this kingdom,
for the correspondence of the Ministers of
foreign courts, with the King's Secretary of
State for the foreign department. But his lord
ship added, that it was impossible for him not
to remark, that, in the last note, of Mr. Chau
velin, the only question related to a communi
cation which he desired Lord Grenville to make
to the two Houses of Parliament, before they
deliberated on asubjcct whic)i Mr. C. appeared to
believe they were about to discuss. His lordship
reminded Mr. C. that, as Secretary of State
to his Majesty, he could not receive any com
munication from a foreign Minister -, but, in
order to lay it before the King, and to receive
his Majesty's commands thereupon, and that
the deliberations of the two Houses of Parlia
ment, as well as the communications which his

176
Majesty might be pleased to make to them,
relative to the affairs of his kingdom, were
objects absolutely foreign to all diplomatic cor
respondence, and upon which it was impossible
for him to enter into any discussion whatever
with the ministers of other courts.
This timely reproof, in all probability, pre
vented many similar attempts at interference in
the internal concerns of this country, by Mr.
Chauvelin, who seems to have been admirably
formed for a revolutionary diplomatist. In his,
reply to Lord Grenville, he disclaimed all in
tention of departing from the established rules
and forms of this kingdom; and declared his
only wish to be, to render the intentions of the
French nation as public as possible ;— In other
words, to appeal from the King to the people.
No further notice, however, was taken, at pre
sent, of this extraordinary mode of proceed
ing. Ou the 25th of May, the proclamation was
taken into consideration by the House of Com
mons, when an address was proposed by the
Master of the Rolls, expressive of the indig
nation of the House at the attempts which had
been made to weaken, in the minds of his
Majesty's subjects, the sentiments of obedience
to the laws, and of attachment to the form
of government, civil and religious, so happily

177
Established Within this realm. It further
stated, and with great truth, that the advan
tages which, under the government of his
Majesty, and his illustrious ancestors, had been
derived from legal and well-regulated freedom*
and the unexampled blessings actually enjoyed,
afforded to his Majesty's subjects peculiar mo- '
tives to reflect, with gratitude, on their present
situation, and to beware of those delusive the-
: ories which were inconsistent with the relative
duties of all civil society; and that it was
the peculiar duty of every good citizen to dis
courage and counteract every attempt, direct
and indirect, against public order and tranquil
lity. These sentiments, the Commons were
confident, were the general sentiments of the
nation, who must feel with them, that real
liberty could only exist under the protection
of law, and the authority of efficient and
regular government: they had seen, by happy
experience, that the mixed form of our legis
lature, comprehended and provided for the
various interests of the community through all
its several descriptions, and maintained and
preserved those ' gradations of property and
condition which furnished the great incentives
to useful industry, and were equally essential
to the vigour and exertion of every part, and
to the stability and welfare of the whole ; that
Vol, III. k

17$
they, therefore, knew that the collective strength
and prosperity of, the empire, its wealth, its
credit, and its commerce, as well as the only
security for the persons, the property, and the
liberties, of each individual, were essentially
connected With the preservation of the esta
blished constitution.
These truths, so simply, yet so- strongly,
expressed, and forming an admirable contrast to
the metaphysical jargon of the legislative sages-
of revolutionary France, were followed by a
solemn pledge of support to his Majesty, in all
his efforts for maintaining the laws and con
stitution of the country, against every attempt
to violate or to subvert them. To this address
a long amendment was proposed by Mr. Grey,
declaring, in substance, that while the Com
mons expressed a dutiful attachment to his
Majesty's person and government, and held in
abhorrence all wicked and seditious publications,
they conceived the King's, ministers to have
been guilty of gross and criminal neglect, .if
they had suffered any writings, which were
proper objects of, prosecution, to circulate, far
a length of time, without being noticed; and
that, ever anxious to suppress riots and tumults,
they regretted deeply the disturbances at Bir
mingham, in -the preceding Summer, and sug
gested the expediency ,. of bringing to. punish-

179
ment die- aiders and abettors of those scenes of
violence and outrage.
It is worthy of observation, that the sin
cerity of that abhorrence of all seditious pub
lications, which was expressed in this singular
amendment, might be open to some suspicions,
when it was followed by a reference to the riots
at Birmingham without the smallest accompa
nying notice of the hand -bill which gaye rise
to them, and which was certainly one of the
most wicked and seditious publications which
the brain of treason had hitherto engendered.
In the course of the debate, which fol
lowed these motions, the opposition condemned
the proclamation, in terms of pointed reproba
tion, as intended to create a schism in the Whig
Party, upon the union of which, it was gravely
contended, the maintenance of the constitution,
in purity and perfection, essentially depended;
as having a further object in view ; to prevent
all attempts to procure a reform in Parliament;
to vilify the associations instituted for that
purpose ; to provoke, rather than to suppress,
riots and tumults from which no danger was
to be apprehended, unless, from such as occur
red at Birmingham ; and to convert magistrates
into spies and informers. The very idea of such
a proclamation issuing from the King of a free
people, and count' nancing such a- system, was
N £

180
declared to be alike singular and detestable.
Mr. Grey indulged himself freely, in his usual
strain of personal invective against Mr. Pitt,
whose supreme delight, he affirmed, it was to
see discord supersede harmony among those
who opposed his measures, whose whole politi
cal life was a tissue of constant inconsistency,
of assertion and retractation ; who never pro
posed a measure without intending to delude
his hearers, promising every thing, but per
forming nothing, and perpetually breaking his
word with the public; who studied all the arts
of captivating popularity without ever intend
ing to deserve it, and who was a complete
apostate from the very commencement of his
political life ; whose malignity sought its grati
fication in the separation of the dearest friends,
and whose whole conduct was one uninter
rupted,, serious, and contemptuous disdain to
wards the rights of the people, and the privi
leges of the House of Commons.
This splenetic effusion of testy malevolence
was treated with becoming contempt by Mr.
Pitt, who coolly observed, that no invective
should ever deter him from pursuing,that line
of conduct which he deemed most conducive
to the public tranquillity, and to the preser
vation of constitutional freedom. In answer
t© the charges brought against the proclama-

181
tion, and its authors, the intention of creating
divisions among their political adversaries was
strongly disclaimed by the ministers ; and the
existing schism in the opposition was justly
imputed to a real difference of opinion on
points of primary importance. As Lord North,
the Marquis of Titchfield, Mr. Windham, and
Mr. Anstrutber, had spoken in support of the
address, the peevishness and petulance of Mr.
Grey, and his colleagues, were naturally ac
counted for. But a conviction of the rectitude
and utility of the proclamation, of its absolute
necessity to the maintenance of order, and to
the tranquillity of the state, was truly con
sidered as the only motive which had induced
the gentlemen in question to abandon those
friends, on the present occasion, with whom
they had acted so long aad so consistently ;
a fair and honourable line of conduct, which
afforded sufficient proof, that whatever might
be the state of parties, the great and respec
table body of the House of Commons would
always give up private predilections for public
security. The Ministers declared, that they had not
particularly in their view, when they framed
the prosecution, the Society of Friends of the
People, but the different seditious societies
established in various parts of the realm ;—

18fc
though that society would indeed be implicated-,
if they chose to connect themselves with other
societies of such a description. The reason
assigned for not prosecuting the first part of
Paine's Rights of Man, was the idea, that a
publication so bold, so profligate, and so ab
surd, could do but "little mischief; but when
clubs were formed for disseminating the flagi
tious principles which it .contained, among the
lower classes of people, considerable alarm was
excited; and the appearance of the second part,
more abandoned if possible than the first, had
induced the government to resohe on its irn-.
mediate prosecution. In reply to the absurd
charge of converting magistrates' into spies,
the opposition were told, that the proclamation
did no more than remind the magistrates of a
duty which- the laws compelled them to perr
form. Mr. Pitt, observing that Mr. Fox had
rather ridiculed the idea of danger from the
circulation of seditious doctrines, considered
him, if not the declared advocate of such doc
trines, in some degree, at feast, a friend to them.
But Mr. Fox answered, that he had no fears on
the subject, because he knew that the good
sense and constitutional spirit of the people
would prove a sure protection against all rash
and absurd theories ; and he appealed, for the
rectitude and purity of his political principles,

W3
to the whole tenor of his past life.— The amend
ment was rejected, and the address carried
without a division.
As it , was intended by ministers to make
this a joint proceeding of the two Houses, the
same address was, on the 31st of May, proposed
in the House of Lords, by the Marquis of
Abercorn, who charged the Society of Friends
of the People with having erected a standard to
which the disaffected, of every denomination,
m^ght resort. Mr. Grey's amendment was
moved by Lord Lauderdale, and supported
by the Marquis of Lansdown. On this
occasion, the Prince of Wales, appeared
in his place, as a Peer of the realm, arid,
feeling the importance of the subject, delivered
his sentiments in favour of the address.— On
such a subject, his Royal Highness said', he
should be deficient in his duty, as a Member of
Parliament, unmindful of the respect which he
owed the constitution, and inattentive to the
welfare, the peace, and the. happiness of the
people, if he did not state to the world his
. opinion on the present subject of deliberation.
He was educated in the principles of the British
Constitution, and should ever preserve its
maxims ; he should ever cherish a reverence for
the constitutional liberties of the people; as,
on those constitutional principles, uniformly

184
carried into practice, the happiness of these
realms depended, he was determined* as far as
his interest could have any force, to give them
his firm and constant support. The question at
issue was, in fact, whether the constitution was
or was not to be maintained ; whether the wild
ideas of untried theory were to conquer the
wholesome maxims of established practice;
whether those laws, under which we had flou
rished for such a series of years, were to be
subverted by a reform unsanctioned by the
people. As a person nearly and dearly inte
rested in the welfare, and, he should emphati
cally add, the happiness of the people, it would
be treason to the principles of his own mind, if
he did not come forward and declare his dis
approbation of the seditious writings which had
occasioned the motion before their Lordships.
His interest was connected with the interests
of the people ; they were so inseparable, that
unless both parties concurred, the happiness of
neither could exist. On this great and solid
basis he grounded his vote for joining in the
address which approved the proclamation. His
Royal Highness, in conclusion, observed, that
he existed by the love, the friendship, and the
benevolence, of the people, and he never would
forsake their cause, so long as he lived. These
sentiments did honour to the Prince, and the

185
seasonable declaration of them exhibited a
favourable specimen of his judgment. The
address was also supported by several noblemen,
who had hitherto acted with the opposition.—
Among these were the Duke of Portland,
Earl Spencer, and the Lords Hay, Porchester,
Rawdon, and Stormont. Lord Grenville de
clared, that the seditious societies, which had
induced the proclamation, had not only dis
seminated the most mischievous doctrines
against government, but had avowedly entered
into a correspondence with foreign societies,
for the worst of purposes ; and had even com
menced their treacherous designs, by dispersing
inflammatory hand-bills in the army and navy,
in the hope of exciting mutiny and disorder.-**
The amendment of Lord Lauderdale was
negatived, and the address carried, without a
division. It was made the'joint address of both
HouseSs, and, as such, was presented to his
Majesty, by whom it was most graciously re
ceived. The conduct of the Duke of Portland,
and of the other noblemen, who had so long
acted with Mr. Fox and his friends, in sacri
ficing private feelings to a sense of public duty,
was most honourable, and, in the true sense of
the word, patriotic. It was so considered by
Mr. Pitt, who began to feel considerable alarm,

1S6
at the rapid progress which the revolutionary
doctrines were now making in England, at the
increasing number of societies, established for
the avowed purpose of disseminating them, and'
at the active. industry displayed, and bold lanr
guage assumed, by the partisans, and the emis
saries, of faction. Impressed with these senti
ments, he ardently desired to unite all the
talents and integrity of the empire, in support
of the laws, and in defence of the constitution;
and he resolved to take an early opportunity for
the adoption of such measures as were best cal
culated for the accomplishment of this desira-,
ble end. Meanwhile the business of Parlia
ment was approaching to an end. — The India
-budget, which was opened by Mr. Dundas,
with his usual clearness and ability, on the 5th
of June, and which occasioned but little dis
cussion, was the last business which occupied
the attention of the Lower House. There
were some bills, however, still in their progress
through the Upper- House, and among those,
two which afforded Lord Thurlow, the Chan
cellor, an opportunity for vilifying his' col
leagues in office, in a manner unprecedented in
the history of Parliament,
Mr. Pitt's bill, for continuing the sinking
fund, and for providing a new one with every
future loan, was the first object of his Lordship's

187
attack. — He represented it as exhibiting a
degree of presumption and arrogance, in dicta
ting to future Parliaments, which he trusted
the House would never countenance. It was
nugatory and impracticable in his opinion ; the
inaptness of the project was equal to the vanity
of the attempt ; none but a novice, a sycophant,
a mere reptile, as a Minister, would allow this
act to prevent him from doing what the exi
gency of circumstances might require, accord
ing to his own judgment. — In the committee,
so strenuous, determined, and violent, was the
Chancellor's opposition, that the clauses passed
only by the small majority of six.
Lord Thurlow next attacked a bill which
had passed the Lower House, for encouraging the
growth of timber in the New Forest. — As it
was introduced late in the session, the period of
its introduction was represented by his Lordship
as highly indecent ; and he objected to what, he
called the supposed principle df the bili, for he
would not admit that it was founded on any
real principle, as tending, under false pretences,
to deprive the Crown of that landed property
to which it was entitled by the constitutional
law of the country. He maintained, tlmt it
was of consequence that the King should have
an interest in the land of the kingdom. He
allowed the imperfection of the forest laws.

188
but he insisted that the defects of this bill were
infinitely more pernicious. — Not content with
giving this decided opinion against the bill,
which, as a Member of Parliament, he had an
unquestionable right to give, but which, as a
cabinet minister, it might have been expected
that he would first give in the cabinet, he
attacked the framers of it, his colleagues in
office, in the most pointed and most unjustifiable
manner. He openly charged them with having
imposed upon their Sovereign, and did not
scruple to assert, that, if the members of that
House, who were the hereditary counsellors of the
Crown, did not interfere, in opposition to those
who had advised this measure, all zvas over !
Now, it is perfectly clear, that 'if the
Lord Chancellor, who is the supposed keeper of
the King's conscience, really entertained such
an opinion of any of his Majesty's official
advisers, and actually believed that they had
been guilty of so gross a breach of their duty as
to impose upon his Majesty, with a view of
betraying him into a measure hostile to the
rights and interests of his Crown, it was his
bounden duty to denounce such delinquents to
his Sovereign, and to call upon him to dismiss
them from his councils. If the King had not
chosen to follow his advice, and had, at the
same tinie, not been able to convince his Lord-

189
ship of the fallacy of his own notions, it would
then have become the Chancellor to resign
the seals, and to oppose the ministers and
their measures in Parliament. — But if, after a
measure has been discussed in the cabinet, and
a .majority of the members have decided in its
favour, it is to be afterwards opposed in Par
liament by the minority, and its framers and
supporters to be attacked and reviled, all that
harmony and cordial co-operation which are
essential to the good government of a kingdom,
would be destroyed ; all vigour in action would
be checked, all energy in council palsied', and
the' public good materially injured.
The acrimony with which Lord Thurlow
had attacked the ministers, rendered it neces
sary for Lord Grenville to rise in vindication of
himself and his colleagues, in whose, names,
and on whose behalf, he utterly disclaimed all
intention of deluding his Sovereign, on that or
on any other occasion ; and expressed the greatest
reverence, affection, and gratitude, to his per
son, as well as constitutional solicitude for the
maintenance of his just prerogatives. A ma
jority of eighteen decided in favour of the bill;
but it was afterwards given up, by the ministers,
for that session. — On the 15th of June, the
King in person prorogued his Parliament.
,It Was impossible, after the extraordinary

190
conduct of the Chancellor, that Mr. Pitt could
continue to act with him.— He accordingly
represented, with becoming respect, to his
Majesty, the fatal consequences of such a
schism in the cabinet, and the necessity under
which he felt himself to request permission to
retire from office, unless the seals were taken
from Lord Thurlow. — The King admitted the
justice of the representation, and the great
seal was demanded of ths Chancellor on the
very day on which the prorogation of Parlia
ment took place, when it was put into the
custody of three commissioners, at the head of
whom was Cnief Baron Eyre.
r- Mr.^Pitt was now, more than ever, anxious
for a junction of parties, in order that the
whole strength of the national councils might
be directed to one object,— the security of the
state against danger from abroad, and sedition
at home. His anxiety was communicated to
those noblemen and gentlemen of the opposition
who had concurred in the measure of the
proclamation ; and they were given to un
derstand, that if an union could be formed, on
honourable principles, there would be no objection
to include even Mr. Fox in the new arrangements.
Mr. Burke was the medium through which these
overtures were made; but they were rendered
abortive by Mr. Fox, whose personal pique

191
against Mr. Pitt appears" to have prevailed .over
every -sentiment of patriotism, and over all
considerations of public duty. — He refused to ac
cede to the proposed union, unless Mr. Pitt would
first relinquish the situation which he held, to
be placed more on a level with himself in office,
and the Duke of Portland, or some other '
neutral person, to be appointed to the treasury.
It was not to be supposed that Mr. Pitt, enjoy
ing, as he did, the confidence of his .Sovereign,
of the Parliament, and of the Country, would
submit, merely to gratify the pride of Mr. Fox,
to relinquish -that situation which had enabledhim
to digest, to mature, to propose, and to cany into
¦effect, those favourite and important operations
of finance, and measures of revenue, from which
he expected the most beneficial results to the
state ; and on the success of which he hoped to
.found an honourable fame. It was true that
Mr. Fox had, in the beginning of 1784, when
the country gentlemen, at the St. Albau's Tavern,
had: kindly undertaken to relieve the King from
.the trouble of appointing his own ministers,
^proposed the same condition to Mr. Pitt, as an
amende honorable, .for presuming to think him
self the Minister of the Crown, and not the
, Minister of the House of Commons. But as,
on that occasion, an appeal had been made in
the constitutional way, from the. House to'. their

192
constituents, and as the result had been decisive
in favour of Mr. Pitt, it was natural to Conclude,
that that question, thus decided by a competent
tribunal, was now at rest for. ever, At all events,
it must have been perfectly clear to Mr. Fox,
that his political rival, so doubly fortified by
the royal favour and by the popular Voice; would
never consent to abandon the vantage ground
which he had gained, and to descend from the
high eminence on which he stood, merely to
acknowledge hihiself in the wrong, and his
opponent in the right ; and so to convert the
signal defeat, which Mr. Fox had sustained,
into a triumph. It is scarcely possible, there
fore, to believe that Mr. Fox had any sincere
wish for an union of parties ; and it is highly.
probable that he proposed a condition which he
knew would be rejected, in order to evade a pro
posal for the rejection of whichhe could assign no
satisfactory reason to his honourable associates.
It was not, then, without justice, that his claim
of perfect equality was represented as a mere
artifice, adopted to procure the gratification of a
personal jealousy by the humiliation of the
Minister, which jealousy, if it existed at all,
could not fail to counteract all the advantages
which it was hoped to derive from the pro
jected -coalition ; — while Mr. Pitt's willingness
to share with his opponents^ on honourable

193
terms, that power of which he was in full and
entire possession, exhibited an unequivocal
proof of his sincerity, in preferring the interests
of the country to any private ends of his own.
Though the negotiation was, by this means,
broken off; and though it was evident, from
what had passed during its existence, that no
rational hope could be entertained of a cordial
union of parties; a vacant blue ribband was
offered to the Duke, of Portland, in the most
delicate manner; so as to lay his Grace under no
obligation to the Minister, by his acceptance of
the proffered honour. The Duke, however,
thoughtproper to decline it, though with the most
respectful and dutiful acknowledgements, until
he could with satisfaction to himself take a
responsible part in the King's councils.
The dismission of Lord Thurlow was by
no means .calculated to weaken the administra
tion ; for though his lordship was, undoubtedly,
possessed of strong talents, he was of a temper
so untractable, that it was scarcely possible to
preserve harmony in a cabinet, of which he was
a member. He had a brain particularly fertile
in objections, and barren of expedients ; he per
petually started obstacles to measures proposed,
but never suggested, either new measures less
objectionable, or any means for the removal of
the difficulties which he pointed out. He was
Vol, III. o

194
imperious, dictatorial, and arbitrary ; but his
character had more of mulish obstinacy than of
manly firmness in it; and the pertinacious adh'e-
. rence to his own opinions, which he so frequently
, displayed, was less the result of any fixed prin
ciples, than the operation of a certain dogmatical
vanity, acting upon a churlish temper, wholly
Unaccustomed to the salutary influence of a con
trolling judgment. Though his professions
bespoke resolution, his conduct was neither deci
sive nor consistent. Of the contrast which they
sometimes exhibited, indeed, his negotiations
at Carlton' House, and his speeches in the
Senate, on the subject of the regency, afforded
a signal and a memorable instance. — Oil the
present occasion too, there was reason to believe,
that his difference with the cabinet was far from
being limited to the two bills which he chose
to make the public ground of it in the House.
For if the sentiments which he did not scruple,
at a subsequent period, to avow, respecting the
seditious societies in England, weTe the real sen
timents of his mini!, he must have thought the
proclamation an unnecessary, and, consequently,
an unwise and. impolitic measure.* It was his
* I have myself heard his lordship, in private company^
ridicule the idea of danger to be apprehended from the esta
blishment of -such societies, whose means of mischief he
considered as too contemptible for notice. And when the

195
duty, therefore, openly to declare his sentiments>
since he thought it necessary to declare any
difference of opinion between himself and his
colleagues, and to make that strong, promi~
nent, and important measure, the ostensible
ground of his opposition to those with whom
he had continued to sit in the cabinet, as it
ought to have been an efficient reason for his
resignation. On considering all the occurrences in the
political world, during the present session, the
schism in the opposition, arising from a radical
difference on a poirft of primary importance,
both as affecting our foreign relations, and our
domestic arrangements, and every other transac
tion connected with that topic, it appears that
the power and influence of Mr. Pitt had been
rather confirmed than shaken, strengthened than
diminished, by the mixed moderation and firm
ness of his conduct ; and that he stood equally
high in the confidence of the Sovereign and the
esteem of the nation.
successful efforts ,of the revolutionary party in France, appa
rently still more inadequate to the accomplishment of the
proposed end, were suggested to him, he refused to admit the
validity of the reason, or to depart, in any degree, from his
pre-conceived opinion.

0 3

196

CHAPTER XIX.

Unsettled state of the Continent — Affairs of Poland — Salutary
changes in her Constitution — Patriotic conduct of the
King, and of the first Orders of the State — Approved by-
Prussia and Austria — Condemned by Russia — Arrival of a
French Envoy at Warsaw — Consequent Confusion — -
Change in the sentiments of Austria and Prussia — Cause
of it — Unprincipled conduct of the Empress Catharine —
Difference between the Polish and the French Revolutions
— Falsehood of the Russian Declaration exposed— Confuted
by the Poles— A Russian Army enters Poland-r-rThe new
Constitution is destroyed — Murder of the Ring of Sweden
•—Affairs of France — Meeting of the new Assembly —
increased Influence of the Jacobins — Impolicy of the
first Assembly — Its Consequence — Composition of the
Legislative Assembly — Power of the Constitutionalists
annihilated — The Members of the Assembly swear fidelity
to the King and the Constitution — Insult the King and
resolve to shew him no marks of Respect — The King'*
resolution scrupulously to observe and maintain the Con
stitution—His remarks .respecting it — The (iueen's senti-
mentscongenial with those of the King — TheKingrefuseshis
sanction to two Decrees, for declaring all Emigrants Traitors^
and for robbing the Non-juring Priests of their Salaries —
Seditious Addresses presented to Jthe Assembly^ by which
they are encouraged — Massacres at St. Domingo — The
Massacres of the Whites , defended by the Friends °f the
Blacks — Massacres at Avignon defended by Bazire and bf

m
a Calvinistic Minister — Warlike disposition of the
Assembly — Their hostile language and aggressive conduct
— Violent speech of Isnard — Address to the King —
Anacharsis Clootz recommends a general revolution of the
neighbouring States (including England) to the Assembly
—Memorable Answer of the President— Brissot insists on
the policy of War — Insulting Manifesto issued — Addresses
©f some seditigus Dutchmen, and of certain obscure
Englishmen, favourably received by the Assembly-
Similar Address from Liege and the Austrian Netherlands
— The Assembly encourages Rebellion in those States —
Prudent and pacific conduct of the German Princes —
Brissot again insists on the necessity of War— Death of
the Emperor Leopold — The Assembly compel the King to-
propose a Declaration of War against Austria, which they
vote by acclamation — Object of the Brissotin Faction in
promoting War — Difference between them and the imme
diate followers of Robespierre — They concur in their
object, but differ as to the means of obtaining it — Annexa
tion of Avignon and the Comtat to France — Commence
ment of Hostilities in Flanders — Cowardly flight 'of the
French Troops from Tournay — They murder their General,
Theobald Dillon — Acts of atrocious Barbarity — Flight of
the French troops in the neighbourhood of Mons — Change
ef Ministers — Manifestoes of Austria and Prussia — Brissot
writes a Libel on the King- — The Ministers refuse to
prosecute him — M. Bertrand resigns — Narbonne is dis
missed — A Brissotin Ministry formed — Progressof Anarchy
—Persecution of Non-juring Priests — Horrible acts of
Barbarity — Influence of the Press in the destruction of the
Monarchy — Treasonable Speech of Isnard in 'he Assembly
—Remarks on it — Decree for suppressing the King's Guard
—Impeachment of the Duke de Brissac — Treacherous
conduct of the Ministers-- Decrees for forming a Camp of
20,000 Jacobins— and for banishing the Non-juring Priests

198
'< — The King refuses to sanction them — Inconsistent con
duct of Dumourier on this occasion— Addresses threaten
ing the Life of the King — Well received by the Assembly
— Insurrection of the 20th of June — The King's opinion
of that Event — Expects to be murdered — Refuses to \ quit
the Capital— Attempt to assassinate the Queen — The
Assassin rescued — Atrocious conduct of the Federates —
Fresh Plots — Addresses from the Sections demanding the
Deposition of the King — Conspiracy of the 10th of
August — The King and Queen- made Prisoners— Com
mitted to the Temple — Judicial Murders — Atrocious
opinion of Helen Maria Williams — Inhuman massacre of
the Priests, on the first days of September — A wretch
murders his own Parents, and carries their heads in triumph
to the Jacobin Club — Sketch of Military Affairs — The
allied Armies enter France-*-Their dilatory movements-
Crooked policy of the King of Prussia — Suspension of
Hostilities — Treacherous conduct of the Prussian Monarch
to the French Emigrants—Different accounts of the
respective numbers of the hostile Armies — False assertions
of General Arthur Dillon — Retreat of the Allies from
the territory of France,
[1792.] A great part of the continent of
Europe, during this period, exhibited a scene
which could not fail to attract the attention, to
interest the feelings, and to excite the apprehen
sions, of those nations which did not take an
immediate part in it, but which must have per
ceived, that, in its proximate or remote conse
quences, it was calculated to affect them all.
In Poland, a country always bordering on a
state of anarchy, and subject to the undue influ-

199
ence of the neighbouring powers, the efforts of
a patriot King, and of a nobility and clergy,
prepared to make every sacrifice for the pro
motion of the public welfare, were rendered
abortive, when exerted for the laudable end of
meliorating the condition of every class of the
people, by the unjust and unwarrantable inters
ference of Prussia and Russia. The latter
power, in particular, whose ambition carried her>
to the most unjustifiable lengths, assumed a tone-
of command, and a conduct correspondent
therewith, utterly incompatible with the inde
pendence of the state to which it was" addressed.
The alterations which. the Poles made, in the
internal government of their country, affected
only themselves, and were adopted with the free.
consent of all the parties who had authority to
adopt them. — They were the result of no arbi
trary assumption of power,' either by the King
or by any class of his subjects; but were the
fruits of the combined and deliberative wisdom
of the constitutional representatives of the na
tion; and were not, in any degree, calculated,
either by their influence or example, to excite
commotions in the neighbouring states, or to
afford any reasonable ground of offence or unea
siness to their rulers.* There existed, therefore,
* This observation is, perhaps, liable to one exception ; —
for, ij^a part of the constitution* there was an indirect invitation

200
no pretext for interference, except what arose
out of views toomnjust to acknowledge, and out
of designs too oishonourable to reveal.
The principal change thus effected in the
constitution of Poland, was the substitution of
an hereditary for an elective monarchy ; — a change
highly favourable to national independence,
constitutional stability, and social order. The
destined successor of Stanislaus was the Elector
of Saxony, a prince to whom no rational
objection could be raised by any one. The
King communicated the result of this bloodless!
revolution to the Emperor Leopold, and to the
King of Prussia, both of whom expressed their
general approbation of the event, and their par
ticular congratulations on the wise choice which
had been made of a successor. The Empress of
Russia, however, indignant at every attempt to
remove the shackles which she had imposed on
this devoted country, openly expressed her high
to the peasantry of surrounding states, to seek, in Poland,, for
that freedom which they were not suffered to enjoy in their own
xountry. — It proclaimed "A perfect and entire liberty to all
people, who'may either be newly coming from whatever part of
the world to settle, or who, having emigrated, shall return to
their native country." But it is worthy of remark, that the
Empress of Russia had. issued ft similar edict, in 1766; shej,.
therefore, had no right to object to a measure of which she had
furnished the example herself. Still the article was objection'
able and ought to have been rescinded.

201
displeasure at the presumption of its King and
its representatives, in their resolution to assert
their own independence, to consult their own
happiness, and to act for themselves. — The
rebellious nobles of Poland, who would not
submit to a curtailment of their own power for
the general good, she assembled around her in
the capital of her Empire.
Nothing could exceed the wisdom, tempe
rance, and judgment, displayed by Stanislaus'
throughout the whole of these events.~He en
couraged the timid, he restrained the violent, he
was the first to make sacrifices, and the last to
claim privileges or power. But the arrival of
a minister plenipotentiary from France, a M.
Bescorehes,. who, was lately the Marquis de
Sainte-Croix, but who seemed to have lost .his
honour with his titles, and who had become a furi
ous jacobin, gave courage to the few violent and
factious men at Warsaw, who wished to avail
themselves of the present disposition to change,
in order totally to subvert the constitution, and
to introduce a new order of things after the
French model. Against these Stanislaus had set
his face; but, having formed themselves into a
club, and assumed the appellation of "The
Friends of the Constitution of the third of May,"
1791, Descorches paid his court to them, in
creased their rage for innovation, and stimulated
them to proceed to extremities, that they might

202
rival France, in infamy, degradation, and
wretchedness. The prudence of the King,
however, defeated their efforts, in a great de
gree, though, through their influence, one mea
sure was carried, which gave great disgust to
the nobility ; this was the sale of the starosties,
or fiefs, of the Crown, by which the power,
both of the Crown and of the aristocacy, was
considerably abridged. The new constitution
was confirmed by the Dictines, which assem
bled in the Spring of 1792, and the popular
voice was decidedly in its favour.
Nothing, therefore, was wanting to insure
its stability, but the support, or even acqui
escence, of the neighbouring states. But, be
fore the commencement of the year 1792, a
material change had taken place in the situ
ation of Europe, and in the sentiments of
Austria and Prussia. The rapid progress of
French principles had excited a well-founded
alarm in the minds of all the continental
powers. The Emperor of Germany, and the
King of Prussia, were the first to express their
apprehensions of the rising danger, and the
Empress of Russia had lately warned her sub
jects, emphatically and successfully, against
the fatal contagion. These apprehensions had
led the two first of these powers to dread
any, and every, change, in the constitutions

203
of adjoining states, to regard the cry of liberty
as the Avatchword of insurrection ; and, con
sequently, to extend their fears to the late
revolution in Poland, which, till now, they had
viewed with a favourable eye. The Imperial
Catharine, who, in her late proclamation against
French principles, had artfully asserted, that
they " would soon ruin Poland," would have
been equally hostile to the new Polish constitu
tion, if the French revolution had never occur
red. Every thing which tended to give sta
bility and permanence to the government of
that unhappy country, and, consequently,
every thing which went to establish its perfect
independence on foreign Potentates, was certain
to incur the most marked opposition on the part
of the Empress, because they were calculated
to disappoint her ambitious hopes, ,and to frus
trate her unprincipled plans of conquest and
aggrandizement.— Her hatred of French prin
ciples was natural, but she afforded not the.
smallest proofs of its sincerity; for, while she
anxiously stimulated other powers to take up.
arms- against France, she never contributed,
herself, a single man, ,or a single ruble to the
support of that cause which she affected to
have so much at heart.-^-But Catharine had too
much sagacity not to perceive, that the iicav
constitution of Poland differed, most essentially

204
and radically, from the revolution in France,
in every one of its features, — in its object, its
end, its means, and its principle.- -Her dread,
therefore, of the effects of French principles, in
Poland, was assumed, for the purpose of giving
a colour to the most unjust and tyrannical in
terference in the internal concerns of an inde
pendent state, which unprincipled despotism
ever enforced or attempted. Not one of the
reasons urged, and successfully urged, in jus
tification of the interference of foreign powers,
with the transactions of the French govern
ment, an interference justified by all the sound
writers on the law of nations, and on the para
mount principle of self-preservation, could, by
the most forced construction, or the most inge
nious sophistry, be made to apply to the tem
perate, quiet, wise, and just alteration which
had taken place in the constitution of Poland.
But Catharine's plans were suggested by her am
bition, regulated by her interest, and executed
by her power. — Her will was absolute. 
Sic volo, sicjubeo, stat pro ralione vdluntas, was
not her motto, but the rule of her conduct, and
the principle of her government.
She had long resolved that Poland should
not be free, should not be independent ; and she
now determined to destroy, by force, what, in
vain, she assailed by argument. On the 18th

205
of May, her Envoy, at the Court of Poland,
Mr. Von Bulgakow, delivered a declaration to
the Diet, by order of his Sovereign, couched
in the most insolent and most insulting terms.
Catharine did not scruple to make the partial
change in their own constitution, without con
sulting her pleasure, the subject of complaint
and reproach to the Poles. The advocate for
monarchy in France, she did not blush to
avow herself the champion of republicanism in
Poland;— an absolute sovereign herself; she
did not hesitate to reprobate " the union of
power in one single hand as utterly incompa
tible with republican principles." In possession
of an hereditary throne, she dared to tax, as an
audacious violation of the laws, the conversion
of the elective throne of Poland, into an here
ditary throne; — and, lastly, while she punished,
with the most rigorous severity, every reflection'
of her subjects upon her own government, she
openly encouraged the seditious and rebellious
Poles, and appealed from the lawful rulers of the
state to the people ! — In short, a more flagrant,
outrageous, and unprincipled interference with
the internal polity of a foreign state, history
does not exhibit.
In this declaration, too, which it is im
possible to characterize in terms of adequate
strength, she accused all these Poles who had

206
sworn obedience to the new constitution, and
who formed, at least, nine-tenths of the whole
population of the country, with perjury; and
she expressed her resolution to send an army into
Poland, for the purpose of restoring, by force,
the ancient order of things. The King of Prussia,
at the same time, determined to remain neuter,
though in direct violation of an existing treaty
with Poland, concluded in 1790; and the Em
peror of Germany adopted the same line of
conduct; — so that Catharine had, now nothing
to fear but from the unequal efforts of a people,
whom she exerted every art to divide. Indeed,
she had prudently forborne to publish this hos
tile paper, until she was apprized of the decla
ration of war, by the National Assembly of
France, against Austria, which was made, on
the 20th of April, and reached Vienna on the
30th. The Polish government shad no difficulty
in confuting the fallacies and the falsehoods
which the Russian Empress had stooped to
adopt in the declaration of her minister. —
Their answer was firm, temperate, and dig
nified ; and an animated address, from the King
to his subjects, was published about the same
time, which produced the desired effect. — But
the ability to ' make the necessary preparations
for opposing so powerful an enemy, was by no
means equal to the public spirit which pre-

207
vailed. The Empress poured one formidable
body of troops into the Ukraine, and another into
Lithuania; — in neither place was there any force
adequate to a successful resistance. The Poles,
however, notwithstanding their inferiority,
fought bravely and skilfully ; but numbers soon
prevailed over courage, and, in less than two
months, the Russians, having advanced to
within three days march of the Capital, com
pelled the King to save his Throne, by con
senting to the abolition of the new constitu
tion. This, compulsory act took place on the
23d of July, when an armistice was immedi
ately concluded, and the command of the Polish
troops consigned to a Russian General.
L\uring the exhibition of this disgraceful
scene in Poland, Sweden had been the theatre
of another exhibition, not less disgraceful, and
still -more atrocious. Gustavus, the heroic
monarch of that country, who had taken a
deep interest in the fate of -the unhappy 'King
of France, and who had it in contemplation to
lead a body of six and thirty thousand Swedes
and Russians into hjs territories, iu order to
co-operafe with the allies, for icstoring him to
liberty, was assassinated, on the 1 6th of March,
1792, at a masquerade at the Opera-House,
in Stockholm, by a person named Ankerstrom,
who had formerly been an officer of the guards>
and who was one of a band of conspirators

208
who had taken offence at some part of the
public conduct of the King, and had long had
this deed in contemplation. The King met his
death with the firmness, resignation, and
temper of a Christian. — With his dying breath,
he pardoned the traitors who had deprived him
of life, except the immediate perpetrator of the
deed, who, on the representation of the des
tined regent, the Duke of Sudermania, was
reserved as a victim to offended justice. This
Prince, who possessed many great and heroic
qualities, had rendered his country infinite
service, by curtailing the power of a corrupt
and turbulent nobility, by -increasing the com
forts of his people, and by shaking off the
degrading yoke of dependence, in which the
Russian Autocrate had long kept the Court and
Cabinet of Stockholm. The tears of the vir
tuous and the good consecrated the memory
of Gustavus, while it was further honoured by
the loud exultations which the leaders of the
French revolution manifested at his premature
death. After the dissolution of the National, or
Constituent, Assenibly of France, already no
ticed in a preceding Chapter, the first fruits
of the new constitution, which was represented
as pregnant with liberty and happiness to every
class and distinction of people, were increased

. 20D
persecution of the non-juring clergy, (or rather
of . the clergy who remained faithful to then-
oaths, true to their conscience, and firm to
their duty ;) and the complete triumph of the
Jacobin faction. This triumph was evinced in
their successful efforts to secure a decisive
majority in the new assembly. At Paris, their
success was complete. Brissot,.. one of their
leaders,' and Garari de Coulon, a lawyer, and
his friend, were among the members returned.
And although, by one of the last acts of the
first assembly, all clubs were severely prohibited,,
it now became evident that France would, very
soon, be subjected to the absolute dominion of
the Jacobin Societies.
Among many, other absurdities which the
National Assembly had committed, was a reso
lution which they adopted, in order, no doubt,
,to afford the public a proof of the humility of
men, who had for two years usurped the legis
lative and executive power, that none of their
own body should be qualified to sit in the next
assembly. This was a direct attack on that
Sovereignty of the People which they had pro
fessed to make the corner-stone of their new
constitutional fabric, since it depriyed- the peo
ple of their right to chuse such representatives
as. they most approved., Had this, • however,
been, the only objection to it, the nation would
Vol. III. p

-210
nave had little cause for lamentation j- but it
had the fatal effect of excluding from the new
legislative body,). all those men who had most
experience in the science of legislation, and
many who were best qualified, and most willing,
to preserve their country from the ruin which
threatened it. #
The composition" of the new assembly was
admirably calculated to forward the views of
those, who, like Brissot, made no scruple to
avow their wish for the total abolition of the
Jvingly power. It exhibited a motley mixture
of briefless barristers, renegade priests, needy
journalists, and seditious pamphleteers. It was
any thing, in short, but a representation of pro
perty ; for it has been asserted, with equal con
fidence and truth, that not, forty of the members
were in the possession of a clear annual income
of one hundred pounds. The constitutionalists,
who were a middle-party, between the Roy
alists and the Jacobins, a set of men who
endeavoured to establish a regular government-
on the principles of anarchy, and who wished
for a King and no King, or for a King in name
but not in power,- had sunk into general con
tempt, and in vain endeavoured to preserve the
last relics of their influence, iu the Club of the
Feuillans. It was clear that the popular talents of B.ris-

211
sot, combining with his popular principles,would
give him a decided superiority in the assembly.
And as he had taken no pains to conceal his
republican principles, his hatred of- monarchy,
and his warlike notions, it was not difficult to
anticipate the line of policy, as well internal
as external, which would be enforced and
adopted. Havfng verified their powers, the
members declared themselves a legislative Nati
onal Assembly ; they took the oath to live free
or die, and solemnly swore " to maintain, to
the utmost of their power, the constitution of
the kingdom, decreed by the constituent Nati;
onal Assembly, during the' years 1789, 1790,
and 1791, to propose and assent to nothing in
the course of that legislature, which might at
all tend to infringe it, and to be, in every
respect, faithful to the nation, the law, and
the Kine'." That it was never the intention
of a great number of those who took this oath
to observe it, and that they thus voluntarily
perjured themselves, their subsequent conduct
too plainly demonstrates. Their very first act
displayed their determination to insult and de
grade the King, who formed an essential part
of the constitution, and to whom, also, they
had sworn fidelity. Having deputed sixty of
their members, with M, Ducastel at their head,
to inform "the King that the assembly was
p 2

212
opened, the next day was fixed by the keeper,
of the seals for receiving the deputation. — But,
contrary to all established rules,' Ducastel insisted
on immediate admission, when he thus drily
addressed his Sovereign : — " Sire, the National
Legislative Assembly is definitively constituted;"
— it has deputed us to inform your Majesty
of it." This laconic address was sufficiently
republican, it would seem; yet did it not satisfy
the assembly, who censured Ducastel for using
the offensive terms, — Sire and Majesty. They
.next resolved to change the mode in which the
King had been hitherto received by the assem
bly, when he had occasion to repair to it. —
A chair of state placed above that on which
their President was seated, appeared too great
a mark of distinction, to those Republicans,
to' be conferred on their Sovereign. Messrs.
Couthon,*Guadet, and Goupillau, a triumvirate
of Jacobin lawyers, the two first of whom
afterwards met the fate which they had long-
, deserved, and, by an instance of retributive
justice, not unfrequent in the course of this
surprising revolution, perished on the very
scaffold to which they had consigned the
Monarch to whom they had sworn allegiance,
were the leading orators on this occasion. —
The first of these started the objection to the
use of the words,— Sire and Majesty; and the

'213
last thought, that it was beneath the dignity
of the President to bow to the King. A decree
was, in consequence, passed, the object of which
was to render his Majesty's reception more con
formable to the Republican notions of these
legislative sages. — This decree, however, was
reserved for further consideration,, in conse-
quence of the alarm which it excited, and the
efforts of the least violent party in the assembly
to oppose it. It is still worthy of notice, as
a direct proof of the sentiments and principles,
not only entertained, but avowed without
scruple, at this early period of the legislative
Assembly. But the King had completely made up his
mind as , to the line of conduct which he
would, steadily and uniformly, pursue. He
was resolved, that no insults, however pointed,
no treatment, however unworthy, should pro
voke him to the commission of any act which
could, by malice itself, be construed into a
breach of the constitution, which he had sworn
to maintain. At the first interview which M.
Bertrand de Moleville, who was now appointed
Minister of the Marine, had with his Majesty,
on the 1st of October, he pressed the King
for an explanation of his sentjments on the
new constitution, and the conduct which he-
expected his Ministers to observe in regard to it

The King's answer was clear and positive, and
such as left no doubt as to his real intentions. — .
" I am, far," said the unhappy Monarch, "from
regarding this constitution as a chef-d'oeuvre. —
I believe that .there are great faults in it; and
that if. I had been allowed to state my obser
vations upon it, some advantageous alterations
might have been adopted. But of this there
is no question at present; I -have sworn ;to
maintain it, such as it is, and. I am determined,
as I ought, to be. strictly faithful to my oath ;
for it is my opinion, that an exact execution
of the. constitution, is the best. means of making
it thoroughly known to the nation, who will
then perceive the changes proper to be made. —
I have not, and I cannot have, any other plan
than this., — I certainly shall not recede from it ;
anc|. I wish my ministers to conform to it."
To the . inquiry whether , the Queen's sen
timents were .the, same, as, his. .Majesty's, the ,
King answered, " Yes, perfectly. — She will tell
you . so herself." M., JBertrand then went to the
Queen, who said, " The King has , informed
you of his .intentions relative to the constitu
tion. Don't you think that the only plan he(
has to follow is, to adhere , to. the oath?" M.
Bertrand haying answered in the,. affirmative,
her Majesty added, " .Well, be; assured ;that.
¦orbing , jshy.li make us '.alter our. resolution.--*.-

215
Awns, be of good' courage, M. Bertrand, with
a little patience, firmness, and consistency of
conduct, I hope you will find that all is not yet
lost." *
But whatever respect the Royal Family
might be disposed to pay to the new constitution,
the members of the Assembly were determined to
render it perfectly subservient to their own ulti
mate views; Measure after measure was adopted,
decree after decree was passed, the end and
object of which were to insult the King, in the
tenderest part, and to wound not only his feelings
but his conscience. It was not his own ministers,
however, who pointed the dart which inflicted this
wound ; but the determined enemies of the Altar
and the Throne. The Assembly did not blush
to call upon him to give his sanction to one
decree for declaring his most loyal subjects,
and even his own brothers, nephews, and cou
sins, traitors ; — and to another which went to
deprive the non-juring priests of. the scanty
pittance which the plunderers of the Church
had assigned them, as stipendiaries of the state.
But neither threats nor persuasions could induce
Louis the Sixteenth to become a partner in acts
of cruelty and injustice, from which his soul
revolted. He availed himself of the right which
* Bertrand's Private Memoirs. Vol. II. p. 215—217.

216
"the constitution bad yested in him, and refused
his sanction,. This firmness, on the part of the King,
enraged the. factious members of the assembly,
and the ruffian leaders of the Parisian mob.
Addresses were poured in from the turbulent
inhabitants of the suburbs, couched in language
the most seditious and treasonable, which were
received by the assembly, jiot merely with
silence, but with approbation. — " King,
ministers, generals," said one of the orators,
'.' be warned ; — you are placed between
the altar and the scaffold ; — make , your
choice." The President of these legislators had
the profligacy to praise ¦?' the sublime patriotism"
of this preachgr of assassination, and to exhort
him to persevere in his sentiments ! Another
orator observed, that " the sanction of a people
is far- superior to that of a King." — And the
members themselves promulgated similar prin
ciples, though not precisely in the. same lan
guage ; and, perfectly regardless of their oath '
to preserve the constitution inviolate, they did
not scruple to assert, that the King ought, in
particular cases, to be deprived of his veto !
It required very little sagacity or foresight
to perceive the obvious intention, as well as the
direct tendency, of a.11 these speeches and
addresses. — The ruin of the monarchy was
resolved on by the jacobin party, which was

217
now predominant, and which included, at this
period, both Robespierre and Brissot, who,
though hateful to each other, still had the same
object in view, and co-operated for the produc
tion of the same end. The new principles of
liberty which had been imported into Saint
Domingo1, and of which Brissot, the leader of
-the Amis des Noirs, was the grand patron, had
already produced their natural effects. — Towards
the close of the year 1791, the assembly re
ceived accounts Of the massacres of the Whites
by the Blacks, which had begun by the
assassination of those masters who had displayed
the greatest kindness and humanity in the treat
ment of their slaves ; and of the total desola
tion of a great part of that fruitful and valuable
colony. Brissot undertook the defence of these
patriots^, who had acted on the pure principles
of philosophy and liberty, which M. Bazire
(another jacobin lawyer, and a tool of Robes
pierre, who, when he had no further occasion
for his services, consigned him to the scaffold)
asserted, were affronted, by the representations
of a deputy from Saint Domingo, who described
the enormities which had been committed in
the island. Although "excess of philanthropy
had always been imputed to these Friends of the
Blacks, Brissot, on the present, occasion, dis
played the most stoical insensibility to the suffer-

218
mgs of the murdered and plundered Whites.'--'
" Millions of Indians," exclaimed this philan
thropist, " have perished on that land of blood !
— At every step you crush under your feet the
bones of those inhabitants whom nature gave to
these countries, and yet you shudder while you
hear the deeds of their avengers." He asserted
that, in this contention of guilt, the crimes of
the white men zvere the most horrible !
Another opportunity occurred, about the
same time, for setting the philanthropy of M.
Bazire in a strong point of view. — The horrible
massacres at Avignon, under the. direction of
Jourdan, tke cut-throat, had been forced on the
attention of the assembly. A. M. Deleutre,
who came from Avignon, to relate all the par
ticulars of those horrible transactions to the
Assembly, could scarcely obtain a hearing.
Bazire, the advocate of philosophy and liberty,
the strenuous Ami des Noirs, insulted and
rev led him; and he was supported, in this
loadable atcempt, by M. de Lasource, a Calvinist,
minister, and a Brissotine, who, in the pre
ceding discussion, had reprobated M. Blanc he-
lande, the Governor of Saint Domingo, and
the regular troops acting under him, in sup
pressing the rebellion of the Blacks, as assassins
and enemies of the constitution ; and who now
insisted that Jourdan (who had been imprisoned

219
on a charge of murder* and was actually en his
trial) shoufd be liberated; and that a general
amnesty should be extended to him, and to his
accomplices. — And, to the eternal disgrace of
the Assembly, a motion to that effect was
carried. Next to the ardent desire of insulting the
King, and of annihilating royalty, the most
prominent feature visible in the proceedings of
the Assembly, was a marked hostility to foreign
powers, and a declared wish for war. Towards
the end of November,. 1 79 l,"they took into con
sideration the collection of emigrants, in the
neighbouring states of Germany, and called
upon the king to insist on their immediate dis
persion. But, although the King had even anti
cipated their wishes upon the subject, and had
succeeded in his endeavours to obtain the object
of their desires, yet, when he communicated
his success to the Assembly, during their debates,
the members, far from living him credit for
what he had done, still continued to censure
" the apathy and torpor of the executive
power." The fact was, that they did not
want any step to be taken that was likely, in
its consequences, to prevent a war; and, in a
debate, on the 27th of November, M. Ruhl (a
jacobin, who, in 1795, committed suicide, in
order to escape execution) did not hesitate to

220
represent war as highly desirable to the French ;
and another jacobin, Isnard, expressed his con
viction, that war " zoould change the face' of the
world, and subvert the surrounding thrones" —
This was precisely the object which Brissot,
and all_the jacobins, had in view; and all their
efforts were now directed to its attainment.
A short extract from the speech of this Isnard
(who Was a, perfumer, at Draguignon, and who,
after voting for the deposition and death of the
King, and betraying, on all occasions, a most
sanguinary disposition, joined the Girondists
in their quarrel with the jacobins, and, unfor
tunately, escaped, by flight, the just reward
of his crimes) will fully display the spirit which
now prevailed in the Legislative Assembly.
" Let us elevate ourselves to the height of
our mission ; let us speak to the ministers, to
the King, and to Europe, With that firmness
which becomes us ; — let us say to ministers, that
they must take their choice between public
gratitude and the vengeance of the laws, and
that by the word responsibility, we mean death.
—Let us say to the King, that it is his inte
rest to defend the constitution ; that he only
reigns by the people, and for the people ; that
the nationls his sovereign, and that he is subject
to the law. To Europe let us say, that the
French people, if they draw the sword, will

221
throw away the scabbard ; that they will only
seek to crown it with the laurels of victory ;
and that if, in spite of their power and courage,
they should fail in defending their liberty, their
enemies shall only reign over dead bodies. — Let
us likewise say to Europe, that if the cabinets
engage Kings in a war against the people, we
will engage the people in a war against Kings. —
Let us say to her, that, from the moment when
the armies of our eneniies contend with our
own, the light of philosophy will strike their eyes,
the people will embrace each other in the face of
dethroned tyrants, earth will be consoled, and
Heaven appeased."
An address to the King, conformable to
these sentiments, was unanimously voted, and
his Majesty was pressed to insist, in more
peremptory terms than had yet been employed,
on the immediate dispcis'on of the emigrants,
in Germany. He was likewise ordered (for the
instructions were imperative) to collect troops,
on the frontiers, to support his demands, and
even to degrade himself by the use of a revolu
tionary threat, to carry liberty, that is to say.
rebellion, into the heart of Germany, and to
call upon Princes to calculate the consequence
to be- feared from the alarm of nations.
Soon after, the orator, of the human race,-
Anacharsis Clootz, was again brought forward

222
on the revolutionary stage. — In a furious rhap
sody, equally worthy of -himself and of his
audience, he called on the Assembly to abandon
the petty warfare in, which they were about to
engage, and enter into a general contest with
existing thrones, — " let us strike every where,
or no where," was the philanthropic advice of
this consistent monitor, who recommended the
diffusion of revolutionary principles, as the
most destructive instruments which the French
could wield. Germany, Holland, and England,
were specifically included in his vast plan of
emancipation, and he consoled himself with the
reflection, that, if the French should fail to
accomplish their laudable object, they would at
least enjoy the supreme satisfaction of contem
plating a general bankruptcy.
Far from disapproving either the spirit or
the letter of this harangue, the president of
the Assembly assured M. Ciootz, " That the
Assembly received, with due acknowledgments,
the homage of his opinions, convinced, whatever
determination circumstances might induce it to
adopt, that France held the political key of all
Eiiropc." And so much in unison with the
feelings of the members, and so flattering to the
vanity of the people, were these monstrous prin
ciples, and outrageous opinions, that both the
orator's address, and the president's answer, were

, 223
ordered to be printed. Farther to evince the
insincerity of their „ renunciation of all con
quests, and the little inclination which they had
to abide by the decree which proclaimed it, the
Assembly did not scruple, in their King's pre
sence, to declare, that the whole extent of
country, including, of course, a considerable
portion of territory belonging to foreign princes,
from the Rhine to the Pyrenees, from the Alps
to the ocean, should be protected by the super-
intendance of a good King, and by the rampart
of a faithful people ! It is of consequence to
observe the exact conformity of this declaration,
made so early as the 14th of December, 1791,
with the pretensions so openly avowed, and so
resolutely asserted, at a subsequent period, re
specting the natural bcu:idarics of France, the
Rhine, the Pyrenees, the Alps, and the ocean !
The subject was renewed on the 29th of De
cember, when Brissot and Condorcetboth spoke
in favour of war. " There must," said the former,
" be war ; — it is necessary for France, — for her
honour, for her safety, for the re-establishment of
Iter finances, and her public credit" It is perfectly
clear that . the object of such a war must be
conquest and plunder, because, by no other means
could »war possibly conduce to the restoration of
national prosperity and credit, which, in general,
it has a natural tendency to impair. A mani-

224
festo was accordingly issued, in which a marked :
distinction was drawn between the governors and
the governed, and in which also King3 were
grossly insulted, by the sarcastic remark, and
indirect threat, that " The men who presume
to call themselves the masters of other men, will
have nothing to dread from France, bift the
influence of her examplel"*
The object of such debates, and of such ,
manifestoes, cannot be mistaken when it is
known that, previous to this period, the King's
interference had been effectual, and the emi
grants had been actually dismissed from the
states of the German princes, bordering on
France. But while the revolutionary legislators
were thus loud in their complaints, and violent
in their invectives, against foreign powers, for a
pretended interference in the internal concerns of
France, they did not scruple to countenance, and
to encourage, the rebels and traitors of the
neighbouring states. A small body of Dutch
men, having appeared at the bar of the Assembly,
on the 19th of January, 1792; inveighed against
the, Stadtholder, and proposed measures for sub
verting the lawful government of their country;
* See the manifesto of the French nation, decreed by the
National Assembly, Dec. 29, 1791, and ordered to be delivered,
by the Ministers, to all the courts of Europe, among the State
Papers, in Riyington's Annual Register for 1792, p. 2C-6, 207..

225
they were favourably received by the president^
Who hailed them as allies of the French people,
and even inserted their address in the minutes of
the day. An obscure society of Englishmen, who
held their meetings at an alehouse in Frith Street^
and who assumed to themselves the appellation
of the London Constitutional Whigs, were received
by the Assembly with equal distinction, when
they generously devoted themselves, their lives^
and their fortunes, to the defence of the French,
in case they shouldfbe threatened by the arms of
despotism j Not only was this address inserted
in the minutes of the day, and formally eommu-
cated to the King; but the president was spe
cially ordered to return a written answer, in
which he informed the patriots of Frith Street^
in the name,, and with the approbation, of the
Assembly, which obligingly styled them, " The.
soundest part of the English nation, — the oppo
sition of England,— and even England itself;- —
that the inviolable treaty which virtue alone had
negotiated, was simple as truth, eternal as rea
son." A similar reception was afforded to a larger
body of rebels from Liege and the Austrian
Netherlands, who were allowed to hold public*
meetings at Paris, and to pass the most violent
resolutions against their own legitimate Sove-
Vol. IIL a

226
reigns. These men published a declaration in
the month of January, in which they bound
themselves to shake off the intolerable yoke
under which their countrymen groaned, and to
expel the tyrants who oppressed them. And
the patriots of Liege afterwards denounced their"
Prince-Bishop as a traitor to his country, and as
a perjured assassin, whom they swore to prosecute
until they should bring him to justice for his
crimes. More marked indications of a hostile and
aggressive spirit ; of that determination, in short,.
" to brave Europe," which Brissot and his
followers had early adopted, could not possibly
be exhibited. But the conduct of the German
princes was not at all calculated to afford the
desired pretext for hostilities. The emigrants
being dispersed, it became necessary to find
another subject of complaint ; — and the concert
of princes against the liberties of France was
fixed upon as the most likely to operate forcibly
on the passions of the multitude. In vain,
however, did M. de Noailles, the French ambas
sador at Vienna, goad Prince Kaunitz, in order
to extort from him some confession or remark
which might be seized upon as the ground of
war. — That able, wary, and cautious statesman,
was superior both in talents and integrity to the
Gallic cabinet ; and while he peremptorily dis-

22?
fclairried ail hostile views, on the part of the
Emperor, he depicted in strong, but true colours,
the nefarious conduct of the French jacobins, in
the Assembly, who had virtually declared war
against all the powers of Europe. M. Delessart,
the Minister for Foreign Affairs, read to the
Assembly a note from the Emperoi' to the Elector
of Treves^ in proof of his Imperial Majesty's
pacific intentions.— In this note, the Elector, \
who had claiihed the protection of the chief of
the empire against -the threatened attack of his
territory by France, was informed, that the pro
mised protection was only conditional, and
would not be granted, unless the Elector should
have dispersed all the emigrants in his dominions,
and have conformed himself, in every respect, to
the laws of amity and good neighbourhood.
But ne'tthef this" unequivocal proof of a friendly
disposition, nor a subsequent communication
from Delessart, who read dispatches from the
French Minister at Treves, stating the total
dispersion of the emigrants in the Electorate,
could deter Brissot, and his satellites, from urging
the immediate adoption of hostile measures
against the Emperor. In a speech of Brissot's
at the latter end of January, 1792, he insisted
on the necessity of a declaration of war : the
reasons which he assigned, for imputing to the
Emperor an enmity which he positively dis
ci 2

228
avowed, are curious, and truly worthy the phi
lanthropic friend of the Blacks, who could
coolly recommend, as a salutary expedient, to
w set fire to the four corners of Europe."
" The nature of your enemy's hate," said
Brissot, u must not be concealed if you wish to
measure its extent. Your Constitution is an-
eternal anathema against all . absolute Thrones.
All Kings must hate your constitution :. it brings
them to trial; it pronounces their sentence* It
seems to say to each of them, ' to-morrow thou
shalt be no more ;' or, ' thou shalt be a King of
the people's creation.' This truth has sunk deep
into the heart of Leopold ; he*- strives to ward
off the fatal moment ; and such is the secret of
his hatred for the French nation, and the protec
tion whichhe has granted to the Emigrants and
to the Electors ; and of the league of Kings
whom he endeavours to excite against us. .No;
* It is not incurious to observe, that, in one sentence,*
Brissot confines the constitutional anathema to absolute Monarchs,
while,, in the very next sentence, he extends it to all Kings.
The fact is,, the first qualification was only introduced for the
purpose of obviating the charge of making his remark sc gene
ral as to include the French Throne, and the French King ; and,.
consequently, of representing the constitution as essentially
hostile to monarchy, which in truth it was. In endeavouring tar
accuse the fimperor, Brissot completely justifies him, by
acknowledging that his fears, lest French principles, and French-
intrigues, should endanger his throne, were perfectly just.

229
it is not the French nobility that he would re
establish ; it is not the prerogative of a political
phantom which he wishes to defend; — Leopold
fears for his throne. It is his throne that he endea
vours to maintain, by a vain league against the
torrent of the spirit of liberty. "
Brissot deprecated all further explanation
with the Emperor as perfectly unnecessary;
and represented the revolution of the Nether
lands as the consequence of the war; while
Upper Austria presented an easy conquest to the
French troops ; while Spain was too much dis
tressed to oppose their efforts, and while the
people of England would offer up prayers for
the success of France, which they knew zoould be
one day their own. It was very easy to perceive,
that while this spirit prevailed in the Assembly,
in which, in. fact, both the legislative and the
executive power were vested, there was little
prospect of any favourable issue to the efforts
which the King might make for the preservation
of peace. In a note from Prince Kaunitz,
read by M. Delessart to the Assembly, in the
month of February, were some very just remarks
on the1 French jacobins, who were truly described
as a perfidious sect, the enemies of the French
King, and of the fundamental principles of the
existing constitution, as well as the disturbers of
peace and general repose. It was not to be sup»

230
posed that men, conscious of deserving these
reproaches, would bear them with patience,
Accordingly, the Members of the Assembly
frequently interrupted the Minister with the
strongest expressions of indignation and rage.
One of them, Taillifer, a physician, exclaimed,-— »
" This Emperor is a pleasant fellow,"— others
proclaimed his Imperial Majesty to be a Feuil-
lant; while others loudly vociferated—" What
insolence ! — War ! War !
On the 28th of February, the French
Ministers were apprized, by the Prussian Am
bassador, that the invasion of the territory of
the Emperor would be considered, by his master,
as an attack on the German empire, which he
should feel himself bound to oppose with all his
forces.— --So enraged was Brissot, at the tempe
rate language, and circumspect conduct of
Delessart, during this negotiation, that he had
the profligacy to denounce him to the Assembly,
and to make the very letter which that Assembly
had loudly applauded the ground of his accusa
tion. — The Minister was accordingly appre
hended, and conveyed to Orleans, whence he
was afterwards removed to Versailles, and
murdered by the mob".*- — Such was the justice,
* If any other proof than what the open declarations, and
public conduct, of the jacobin faction in France, at tfiis period,

23l<
such the humanity, of this boasted friend and
advocate of the Blacks !
During these transactions the Emperor, Leo
pold, died almost suddenly, — but his death made
not the smallest change in the sentiments or
conduct of the Cabinet of Vienna. The French
Ambassador, however, at the Austrian Court,
assured the Ministers, that the successor of
Leopold had adopted no measures but such as
were purely defensive, while the King of Prussia
had pressed the adoption of more hostile pro
ceedings. Yet, without the smallest regard to
these representations, the Assembly resolved on
immediate war ; and Dumouriez, the new
supply, of their own determination to begin the war, and of
the perfectly pacific disposition of the neighbouring powers,
were wanting, it would be found in the letter which the unfor
tunate victim of Jacobinical rage, M. Delessart, wrote to his
friend, Mr. Neckar, while he was in prison at Orleans. In
that letter, he says, " I lament, as long as I live," (alluding
to the defence of himself, which he was then employed in pre
paring) " that it could not appear at the present moment ;
for it would prove curious, not on account of what particularly
relates to me, but in consequence of the manifestation of what
" has passed in foreign courts, in consequence of the demonstra
tion that they were unwilling to make war against us; in con
sequence Of THE UNANSWERABLE PROOF, that it Was WE who
provoked them to hostilities, who began them, and mho
have set Europe against us."
Reflections submitted to the French nation, on the
intended process against Louis XVI. by Mr. Neckar

232. J
Minister for foreign affairs, delivered in such $
report to the King, as compelled his Majesty to
go to tlie Assembly, on the 20th of April, and
to propose a declaration of war. These legisr
lators, who had publicly renounced all views of
conquest, and who had proclaimed themselves
the Heralds of Peace, and the Lovers of Humar
nity, displayed the most indecent joy on the
Occasion. When M. Mailhe, a lawyer, observed,
that, by the declaration of war, they were pos
sibly about to decree the liberty of the whole
'World; they burst forth into the loudest expres
sions of applause. War was immediately declared
against the King of Hungary and Bohemia,
but not a word was said of the King of Prussia,
although they knew that his disposition and
his views were more hostile than those of his
ally; and although he had so recently informed
the French Cabinet that any attack on the ter-r
ritories of Austria would be considered as an
attack upon his own dominions, and, as such,
resisted. ,
Dumouriez has . assured the world, that
nothing could exceed the, joy with which,
this declaration of war was received by the
people throughout France ; and differ nt motive^
have been assigned for the display of a spirit at
pace so aggressive and so unnatural. Brissot,
and his associates, have, indeed, avowed their

233
motives for wishing for war.— On the 20th of
October, 1 791, Brissot himself told the Legis
lative Assembly,- " You must not only defend
yourselves, you must begin the attack ;" and, on
the 29tth of December, he did not hesitate,
unblushingly, to declare some, at least, of his
motives,—-" In short, we must have gold to pay
the troops,*— France must have zvar to re-establish
her finances and her jzredit ;" — motives for war,
which, most certainly, no, public character, in a
civilized country, ever before dared to avow. —
It was not, however, convenient, as yet, to
State the grand object which he had in view, in
forcing a declaration of war.~—He reserved this
last avowal for the period when his plan, for
the destruction of the Monarchy, should have
succeeded. When this period arrived, in Sep
tember, 1792, he boldly declared, " but for
THE WAR THE REVOLUTION OF THE TEN'I II OF
.AUGUST WOULD NEVER HAVE TAKEN PLACE;
BUT FOR THE WAR FRANCE WOULD NFVER
have been a bepublic."* Hence it is proved,
to demonstration, that the prevailing party in
the Assembly, at the tin.e when they solemnly
swore to be faithful to the King-, and to the
new Constitution, were resolved to dethrone
* See Brissot's paper, Le Patriote Francoiss, of Samedi,
£2d September, 1792.

234
the one and to destroy the other ; and were, con
sequently, guilty of wilful and deliberate per
jury- It is to be observed, however, that another
portion of Jacobins, with Robespierre at their ,
head, (who was now public accuser to the tri
bunal of the metropolis) were not favourable
to an immediate declaration of war, because they
thought that it would retard, if not ultimately
prevent, the destruction of the Monarchy.
This notion of theirs was founded on the sup
posed inability of the French, in their present
State, to cope with the whole force of the com
bined powers. But Brissot's sagacity was
greater, though his prudence and decision were
less, than those of his rival chief of the Jaco
bins. — The two men were intent on producing
the same end, though they differed as to the
means of promoting it. Brissot best appre
ciated the views and resources of foreign powers ;
Robespierre best knew how to govern the
degraded people of France. They were both
candidates for supreme power ; and they hated
each other, with most unchristian inveteracy.
Independently of the declaration of war,
the French Cabinet had sufficiently shown
the little regard which they paid to their formal
renunciation of conquests, by their invasion of
the rights and property of the German Princes

235
in Alsace and -Lorraine, which had been gua
ranteed and secured by solemn treaties ; and by
first exciting a rebellion in the papal territory of
Avignon and the adjacent country ; and then
annexing them to the dominions of France.
It was determined, likewise, even thus early, to
seize upon the King of Sardinia's territories,
although the most scrupulous neutrality was
observed by that Monarch, and although the
French Envoy, at Turin, vouched for his pacific
intentions to Dumouriez, now Minister for
Foreign Affairs.-
The first hostilities commenced in Flanders,
where a body of three thousand men, under the
command of Mr. Theobald Dillon, of the Irish
brigades, were destined to make an attack upon
Tournay, at the end of April. The troops,
however, fled, * in the most pusillanimous man
ner, when they came in sight of the enemy,
who were greatly inferior in numbers, and,
returning to Lisle with that rapidity for which
Frenchmen are celebrated, sought to shield their
own cowardice, under the pretext of treachery
in their officers, and to display their courage, .
by the assassination of their general, Avhose
body they committed to the flames, and then
danced round it with the apish gestures, and
malignant ferocity, of savages. These demons,
jn human shape) disgraced {dike their profession

236
«nd their nature, by tearing the heart out of
the mangled body, and carrying it to a female
relative of the murdered general, who, although
she had been only delivered of a child the morn
ing before, had been confined, for six and thirty
hours, in a dark dungeon, where the dreadful
alternative was offered her, of being starved to
death, or of satisfying her hunger by this horrid
repast.* The troops, vmder M. Biron, destined to
make an attempt upon the important fortress
of Mons, were equally cowardly, and equally
unsuccessful. Attacked by an inferior force,
commanded by the Austrian General, Beaulieu,
they fled in all directions, disobeyed the orders
of their commander, accused, like their brethren
at Lisle, their officers of treachery, and dis
gracefully left their camp, baggage, and military
chest, a prey to the victorious enemy.
* I have extracted this account from Rivington's Annual
Register, for 1792, p. 404, where it is related, " on the autho
rity of a gentleman, allied by blood to the General, who
went to Lisle on purpose to investigate the particulars of the
transaction." — The general accuracy of 'the historical account
of French affairs, in that work, the great diligence and
industry which have been evidently displayed by the writer,
in the collection of facts and documents, and the spirit of
truth, which pervad.es the whole, Jeave no doubt on my mind,
as to the authenticity of this detail, although * have not met
with it in' any of the French publications, of this period, -to
which I have had occasion to refer.

237 <
Mr. de La Fayette, who was entrusted
with an expedition against Naihur, harassed by
contradictory orders, and unprovided with
necessaries, gave up the project, and remained
in a state of inactivity on t^e German frontier.
Thus vanished the sanguine hopes of the Jaco^
bins, to overrun the Austrian low countries with
out difficulty, and without opposition; and to
promote insurrections of their inhabitants, with
a view to produce a Jacobinical revolution. —
The people, every where, either remained per^
fectly passive, or displayed hostility to the
invading armies ; with the exception of a few-
fugitive patriots from Liege and Brabant, who
took refuge with the patron of insurrection,
La Fayette, and, under his auspices, formed
themselves into a Belgic congress, dispersed
the most indecent and libellous attacks on
their Sovereigns, and, on the death of the
Prince Bishop of Liege, insulted his n^emory
with the most unfeeling brutality.
These defeats,- of course, excited '¦ great
clamour at Paris, where they were ascribed to
every cause but the right— the cowardice, and
. insubordination, of the troops. A change of
Ministers was the consequence ; a new plan of
operations 1 -was settled % and a new com
mander appointed. Mareschal Luckner suc^
seeded M. de Rochambeau ; and speedily si.;b-

238
dued the open and defenceless country between
Lisle and Brussels. But he was soon driven
back by the Austrians, and retreated hastily
beyond the French frontier, after burning the
suburbs of Courtray, and reducing the habi
tations of three hundred poor females to ashes,
thus exemplifying, in ail extraordinary mari
ner, the revolutionary maxim of— Mvar upon
palaces, and protection to cottages !
Had Austria and Prussia been duly prepared
for war ; had they settled a plan of combined
operations ; had their armies been ready to enter
the French territory at this period, there could
be very little doubt of their success. But the
new Emperor, Francis, and Frederick William,
the Prussian Monarch, had been extremely
averse from engaging in War, and, of course,
extremely tardy in their preparations ; so that
they could not follow up the first advantages
which* the Austrian arms had obtained in the
low countries. A great deal of time, -now
highly precious, was1 wasted in drawing up and'
publishing declarations, by both powers. In
these, both the Emperor and the King of
Prussia entered into a clear and forcible expo
sition of their motives, fully justified themselves
from the charge- of aggression, and proved,
most satisfactorily, by arguments and facts;
shat the war had entirely been provoked by the

239
i
unjustifiable and hostile proceedings of the
French Jacobins.
During these preparatory measures, the
Anarchists of Paris were hastening, with rapi
dity, to the final accompli sbment of their
work. — The Press, that powerful instrument,
infinitely more destructive than the sword, was
employed, systematically and incessantly, for
rendering both the Monarch and the Monarchy
odious. And, in order to blunt its edge at
least, if not to turn it against the enemies of
-the throne, it was deemed expedient, by the
Ministers, to bribe some of its principal con
ductors. M. de Narbonne, one of the Cabinet,
who was half a Constitutionalist, and half a
Jacobin, or rather a man without any principle,
but insufferably vain and egotistical, undertook
to negotiate for the silence of Brissot and Con-
dorcet. But while this matter was under consi
deration, the former of these incendiaries pub
lished, in his paper, a most atrocious libel Upon
the King. M. Bertrand de Moleville, then
Minister of the Marine, pressed, in the council,
the necessity of prosecuting the author. But
his motion was overruled by the imbecility of
M. de Narbonne, and his associates, who, even
at this period, were either weak or wicked
enough to think, or at least to say, that suck
libels were worthy only of being treated with

240
$ilent contempt! If 'men were really so weak a&
to entertain this belief, after the fatal effects7
which they' had seen produced by, the licen
tiousness of the Press, and the impunity which
it was allowed to enjoy, within the two pre
ceding years, they were wholly unfit to be
trusted with the reins of government. If, on
the other hand, they did not believe their own
assertions, their wickedness was equal to that
of the Jacobins, whose cause, whether inten
tionally or not, they effectually served. Soon
after this, M. Bertrand resigned; M. de Nar
bonne was dismissed ; a new ministry of Bris-
sotins was appointed, who were speedily suc^5
ceeded by others.
"Anarchy, meanwhile,, the natural offspring
of Jacobinism, began to extend her gloomy
reign over the fertile provinces of this devoted
country. The non-juring priests were not only
the objects of persecution themselves,- but the
cause of the persecution of others. Emigra--
tions, for conscience sake, became frequent ;¦
children were forcibly taken from their parents
to be baptized by a constitutional priest. Even
the tomb afforded no refuge from the persecuting
spirit of these Jacobinical fanatics, who dug up
the cold remains of the dead to inter them
afresh in unconsecrated ground, because, when
living, they had heard mass from a non-juring

24l
priesfi— The Abbe Barruel, however, has recorded
some instances of brutal" outrage, and savage
ferocity, exercised on the living, still more
atrocious. In the diocese of Agen, the sister
of the parish priest of St. Cecile, was beaten
and ravished by a set of ruffians, who, in vain,
attempted to make her violate her conscience,'
by repairing to a church at which a constitu
tional priest officiated, and she actually expired
Under, the treatment which she experienced !*
At Villeneuve, near Cordes, in Albigeois, a
young couple having refused to be married 'by a
priest of the same description, their door was
forced open on the evening of the wedding j
the husband made his escape; but the bride
was subjected to the brutal lust c-f the ruffians,
who, after they had satisfied their appetite,*
tore off the breasts of their wretched victim
#ith their nails, and left her to expire in tor
ments. — These are taken from among numerous?
instances of similar enormity ; accompanied,
however, by instances as striking of constancy
and fidelity, on the part of those who adhered
to the faith of their fathers, . and who refused' to5
obey the decrees of the Jacobins' in violation of
their own conscience.
* History of the clerjgy, during the French Revolution's
by the Abbe Barruel. Vol. II. p. 43.
Vol. III. R

242
About this time, Dumouriez obtained from
the Assembly ^250,000 sterling, for secret
services. Petion, the virtuous mayor of Paris,
and the sage Roland, desired to have twelve hun
dred and fifty pounds a month allowed them,
which they said should be employed to secure
the public tranquillity. Dumouriez mentioned
their request to the King, who told him, that
he knew Petidn to be his enemy, and that, if
the money were given him, it would be appro
priated to tbe purpose of distributing libels on
the throne ; but that if he (Dumouriez)
thought it advisable to give it, he was at liberty
to do so. The money was given, and the
effect, predicted by the King, was immediately
produced, by the establishment of a new paper,
the Sentinel, conducted by Louvet, and by a
Avoman who lived with him in a state of adul
tery, and whom, he' termed Lodoiska ; in which
the King was incessantly, and most grossly,
libelled. All this was intended to pave the way for the
scenes which had been long projected, and for the
performance of which the Jacobins now evinced,
extreme impatience. ' On the 15th of May,
the perfumer, Isnard, who has^ been before
noticed, proposed a most seditious remonstrance
to the King, whom, he had the audacity
directly to accuse of having signed an order

243
for massacring the inhabitants of Paris in 1789 j
asserting; that the people' had replaced him on
the throne, when any other people would have
deposed him, and when the English would have
tried and condemned him for perjury; and
impudently insinuating, that the Austrian gene
rals had been informed Of the plans of the*
French by his Majesty;
It is to be presumed that all the knowledge;
which this perfumer possessed of England, her
hlstbfy, and the disposition of her inhabitants,
had been collected from* the jacobin prints, Or
from the seditious addresses, .which the factious
clubs _ in this country had transmitted to the
National and Legislative Assemblies. — It is'
certain,1 however, that, in no other public body,
in the civilized world, would such a series of
atrocious falsehoods, as this man had the presump
tion to 'utter in the speech in question, and in
Other speeches, delivered before the same assem
bly, have been suffered to pass Without Contra
diction, or the speaker himself to Escape with
out punishment. — He, though one of the many
'who had sworn obedience to the constitution,
launched into a strain of yiolent invective
against it. He condemned the first assembly
for having established an order of things, which
had left the will of one man exalted to a level
with the will of all; which had trusted1 tfoie
Rg

244
protection of liberty to the very hand? which!
had kept the uation enslaved; and had put into
them tbe two weapons most fatal to freedom,-*--
the sword that assasin&tes, md the gold that potions*
^— Here Mr. Isnard's zeal outstripped his judg^
ment; and, like many of his worthy prede
cessors, he accused the King of the very
crimes which had been committed by the jaco
bins themselves, and which, if the King had
had recourse to them for^self-presetvation, would
have completely marred all the efforts of the
fevolutioniats, and have deprived Mr. Isnard
himself of the opportunity of displaying his
oratorical talents, beypnd the precincts of his
pwn shop. It was, indeed, the sword of the
assassin that wrested the King frpm the palace
of his ancestors,— that levelled with the dust
the residences of the nobles, and multitudes of
the nubility themselves, t— that left the venerable
ministers, of religion, and their faithful fol
lowers, weltering in thtir blood, the expiring
victims of conscience,, or else drove them from
their paternal bQmes, to linger out a miserable
existence in a foreign land ! — It was the SM/opd
of the assassin, in short, that, drenched in the
blood of virtue, of integrity, of innocence, of
royalty, and religion, converted France into
a vast aceldama; destroyed eyery vestige of
freedom ; made her the undivided seat of trea-

245
soil and of vice ; and rendered her, at Ofice, the
dread, the abhorrence, and the scourge of sur
rounding nations. Had the unhappy, the feeble,
the irresolute, Louis, oniy Wielded, not the
Mord 6f the assassin, but the stvdrd of justice,
the loud Voice of rebellion had been soofi
silenced, and the turbulent traitors of Paris had
long since met the due reward of their name
less and numberless crimes. It was, indeed,
the gold which poisons the mind, and corrupts
the heart, of man, that had set that sword in
motion by which freedom WaS destroyed ; and
that, at the very time When Isiiafd spoke, was
employed by the traitors, PetiOtt, Roland, . and
their sanguinary associates, in preparing further
scenes of blood, and in securing the further
triumph of treason' and murder. — But it was
blood for which Isnard thirsted, and his thirst
of which he did not blush to acknowledge to
the assembly !
After indulging hinlself in the most viru
lent abuse of the King, the priests, the nobles, and
the rich, his hatred of whom might be, very
naturally, accounted for, he proceeded to con
trast the objects of his attack with those of his
admiration and praise ; with those whose cold
reason, and inexorable policy, he said, were
deaf to the promises of prostrate tyrants, and
insensible to the call of self-interest, because

246
$hey knew that the freedom of a day always
cost too much, but that durable freedom could
not be too dearly purchased ; and that slight,
bleedings zvere not perceived in the body politic ;
that they zvere nothing when the public safety was;
at stake ! s This strain of horrible declamation
the cold-blooded assaSsin was allowed to pursue,
for a considerable length of time, without im-
terruption. He concluded with moving his,
remonstrance, " as a serious, and definitive expla-r
nation with the King; the ultimatwin of the
sovereign will of the people, whjch should
thoroughly impress the latter with a sense of
their own dignity, and the former with a con-r
yiction of his nullity." But the Assembly were
not yet ripe for the open avowal of such designs,
and? notwithstanding the indecent, plaudits
and acclamations of the mob in the gallery,
they passed to the order of the day. .
The public mind having been, prepared by
this discussion, and by various 'Others, for the
destruction of Pj-oyalty, the Brissotins deemed
it necessary, as a preliminary measure, to re
move the King's guard, who were supposed to
be attached to him, and who were commapded
by the Duke de Riissae, from about his person*
The resolution being, adopted, a pretext was
easily found for submitting the plan to the
Assembly. These guards were described as

247
being infected with counter-revolutionary princi
ples, and as having concealed a white flag, in a
cellar, for the purpose of being displayed on
some future occasion. ' On a charge thus
vague and ridiculous did these enemies of
despotism dare to order the Duke de Brissac to be
arrested. — And that virtuous nobleman was
accordingly apprehended, and conducted to the
prison at Orleans, whence he was afterwards
conveyed to Marseilles, and there murdered. —
At the same time, and on the same pretext, the
Assembly passed a decree for disbanding the
guards.* The King, who was fully aware of the
consequence of giving his assent .to this decree,
announced to his Ministers his intention of
refusing it. But the traitors, by whom he was
surrounded, not only refused to countersign his
letter to the Assembly, but even to attend him,
.when he proposed to repair thither, for the pur
pose of explaining the motives of his refusal.
They were even base enough to tell him, that
his refusal would be followed by the immediate
massacre of his guards, and of every individual
in the palace, f — And, by this infamous conduct,
they induced the unhappy and forsaken
f Bertrand's Private Memoirs. Vol. II, p. 254.,
t Idem. Ibid. p. 254a

248
Monarcb to give, as it were, his sanction tq
his own deposition-
Haying, by these nefarious means, dis?
banded the only froops on whose sources the
Monarch could place the smallest reliance,
the next step of the Jacobins was to collect
an army, composed of men, long trained to
blood, and prepared to execute their worst com
mands. The sic volo, sic jubeo of this AssemT
bly, who bad usurped the supreme pow£r of the
State, was amply sufficient for this, as for every
other, purpose. A decree passed, at the begin?
ning Of June, for forming a camp of 20,000
Jacobin volunteers, from every part of the
kingdom, being composed of five men from'
each canton, under the very walls of the capital.
On the pretence of celebrating the anniver
sary of the federation. The measure was?
indeed, proposed by a creature of Btissot's,
whom the King bad been compelled to admit
into the Cabinet ; but Mr. Servan (the Minister
in question) did not even think it necessary to
preserve the appearance of decency so far as to
pbtain an order from his captive master, or to
communicate his intentions to his colleagues.—?
The plan had, nevertheless^ been previously
settled, discussed, and determined, at the Jaco
bin club. — " This measure," says a French
historian, " was dreadful from its consequences,

249
The influence of the affiliated clubs fixed the
men who were to be chosen in every canton,
and, when united, they composed an armed
force, at the devotion of those whose projects
now began to be developed."*
About the same time, the Assembly passed
another decree, for the banishment of all the
non-juring priests. These decrees the King
i
resolved not to sanction ; and Dumouriez,
with two other members of the Cabinet,
Lacoste and Duranthon, seconded his reso
lution, and encouraged him to dismiss Roland,
Claviere, and Servan, from his councils.
This was accordingly done ; but such were
the weakness and inconsisteucy of Dumouriez,
that, after these men were 'dismissed, he did
not blush to urge the King to give his
sanction to those very decrees which had been
the ground of their dismission, and to declare
that, if his Majesty would not sanction them,
he must resign his situation. The King
remonstrated against this indecent proposal,
but in vain; Dumouriez, afraid of losing his
popularity, and, perhaps, of falling a victim to
the Jacobins, persisted, and his resignation
was accepted,
* Histeire de France depuis la revolution de 1789, par
Je Citazen F. & Toulongeon. Tome II. p. 141.

250
The disposition of the national guards of
Paris, at this time, was favourable to the King,
and to the existing Constitution ; but the supe
rior vigilance, zeal, activity, and resolution, of
the united jacobins, under Brissot and Robes
pierre, overpowered their feeble opposition, and
bore down all before them. The long-projected
insurrection of the 20th of June took place. —
On the morning of that day the Assembly were
early apprized that the populace were in arms ;
and soon after the ruffians of the suburb of St.
Anthony, with the brewer, Santerre, atltheir
bead, marched through the hall in which these
legislators were sifting.— -The banners of assas
sination floated in their ranks ; " Tremble tyrant,
thy hour is come" was the murderous threat
displayed on one of their scrolls ; and a reeking
heart, stuck on a pike, inscribed " The heart of
an aristocrat,'' afforded a convincing proof of the
disposition to carry such a threat into execution.
These assassins were received (will civilized
Europe credit the fact ?) by the Assembly with
applause, and the President even degraded him
self so low as to compliment their sanguinary
orator. From the Assembly they proceeded to the
palace, into the gardens of which they dragged^
their cannon, threatening to fire in case of resist
ance. These ferocious banditti attacked tfye

251
residence of their benevolent Sovereign, and
broke open the doors of its various apartments,
with hatchets and other instruments. — The King-
then came forward, accompanied by the Princess
Elizabeth, who was mistaken by the rabble for
the Queen ; a mistake which, from the most
humane motives, that virtuous lady encou
raged, A fellow, armed with the blade of a
sword, fastened to the end of a stick, no sooner
saw the King than he put himself in a posture
of attack, and would, probably, have completed
the bloody work which he was hired to perpe
trate, if he had not been prevented by the
bayonets of the grenadiers. Indeed, there could
be uo doubt, from the threats and gestures of
many of the mob, that it was intended to mur
der both the King and the Queen. Legendre,
the butcher, addressed, in a tone of insolence
and insult, the unhappy Monarch, who, for
several hours was destined to hear the language
of reproach, as cowardly in those who uttered it,
as unmerited by him to whom it was addressed.
The Assembly made no effort to afford relief to
the King, or to induce the mob to depart : they
sent, indeed, a deputation to the palace, when it
was too late to produce any good effect ; and it
was treated by the rabble With the contempt
which it deserved, and which it probably hoped
to experience,— rAt length, however, M. Petion,

¦ 252
the factious mayor, appeared, and, by flattering
the people, whose magistrate he called himself,
and by commending that conduct which it WaS
his duty to repress or to punish, he secured the
only applause of which he was worthy, and
incurred the only benediction he could hope to
obtain. The populace retired with him.
The day after this disgraceful scene, Mr.
Bertrand de Moleville had an interesting con
versation with the King, who expressed his con
viction that it was resolved to murder him, — that,
sooner or later, such would be his fate ;-— and
that his only wish, if such an event were to take
place, was, that it might be the act of indi*
viduals, and not of the nation.* ^ His Majesty^
however, rejected the plan which Mr. Bertrand
proposed for leaving tile capital and retiring to
Fontainbleau. AH the proceedings of the Legislative Assem
bly npw Clearly demonstrated thevieWs by which
the majority of them were actuated. The mOst
violent motions were daily made, especially by the
Brissotins, and the most unconstitutional decrees
were passed ; while fresh injuries, and fresh in
sults, were incessantly heaped Upon the devoted
head of the hapless King. Yet, in the midst of
these^palpable breaches of duty, of these flagrant
* JBertrand's Private Alemoitts, Vol. II. p. 297, 29a,

253
violations of the constitution, a scene occurred,
unparalleled in the annals of human inconsis
tency. On the 7th of July, M. Lamourette, the
new bishop of Lyons, truly observed, that the
cause of the evil which afflicted the stase was
the disastrous divisions of the Assembly.— One
side charged the other " with the seditious de
sign of overthrowing the monarchy, while the
latter accused their opponents of wishing to
introduce an arbitrary government. " Let us,
then," said he, amidst a general tumult of ap
plause, i( with one unanimous and irrevocable
oath, let us blast for ever the project both of a
republic and of two chambers. I move that the
president shall put the question for all to stand
up who abjure and execrate alike, a republic and
two chambers.'' — Strange to say, every member
of the Assembly rose at the same instant, and
solemnly swore to suffer no change whatever to
be made in the existing constitution!* Yet,
* At the close of this singular scene, a deputation of twenty-
four members was dispatched to the King to inform him of the
event. His Majesty immediately repaired to the Assembly to
which he expressed his extreme satisfaction, and by which he
was received with the loudest applause. The galleries even
joined in their expressions of joy on the occasion, and the presi
dent made a suitable answer' to the King, who retired amidst
acclamations, to which, of late, he had been little accustomed.,
and whjghj alas - he was, neVer, more destined to experience.

254
after an interval of tAvo days only, did Brissot,
the factious hypocrite, the, perjured rebel, Brissot,
deliver a laboured harangue on the state of the
nation, replete with the most unconstitutional
principles, and with tbe most treasonable senti
ments. He did not blush to arraign the
Assembly for their recent act, to hold up the
King as a criminal, and, in pretty direct terms, to
call for his deposition ! Such was the respect
which this philanthropic reformer of the French
monarchy paid to the solemn obligation of an
oath !
On the evening of the 14th Of July, an
attempt was made to assassinate the Queen, by
a grenadier of the battalion of. national guards,
which was commanded by Santerre, the brewer,
at whose instigation he undertook to commit
this deed of blood.— Fortunately, the project
was timely discovered, and the murderer was, in
consequence, apprehended in the palace, when a
cutlass was found concealed in the lining of his
coat ;* but he Avas rescued the next morning as
he was about to be taken before a magistrate.
The ceremony of the federation was now
renCAved, and the federates; yvho had come to
Paris to attend it, still loitered in the capital,
and made no secret of their intentions not to
* Btrtrand's Private Memoirs, Vol. II. p. 344, 345.

255
depart until they had expelled the King from
the throne.* These were the chosen instruments
of murder whom the jacobins had trained to
their purpose ; and the Assembly not merely
Connived at, but encouraged, the acts of outrage,
which they daily committed. The 29th of July
Avas the day first fixed on for the intended in
surrection, when the palace Avas to be again
attacked, and the persons of the King and Queen
seized, and confined in the Castle of Vincennes.
Petion, the mayor, was privy to the Avhole
scheme, and knowing, from his correspondence,
that every thing was not prepared for the pro*
jected attack, he derived some credit with the
court, who kneAV not his motives, for his suc
cessful efforts to stop the progress of some of
the rebellious hordes, Avho, ignorant of the sub
sisting jmpediments, had put themselves in
motion on the appointed morning.
On the third of August, Petion presented
a petition to the Assembly, from the different
sections of Paris, calmly demanding the depo
sition of the King. But, after some delay,
it was referred to the consideration of a com
mittee, whose report Avas not received before
the fatal tenth of August.— The events of that
day, rendered for ever infamous in the sangui-
* Compterendu de Jerome Petion".

256
hary annals of revolutionary France, are well
known. The project of the regicides, brought
to maturity, was carried into effect; the Royal
Palace was stormed, its faithful defenders were
butchered, the King and Queen were made
captives, and treason and murder reigned tri
umphant and uncontrolled. The Legislative
Assembly, to which the Sovereigns of France
fled for refuge and protection, Avere active sup
porters of the rebellion, assisted in delivering the
innocent to be murdered by the mob, suspended
the functions of royalty,vested the supreme poAver
in an executive council, and consigned the King
and Queen to the custody of the municipality,
by Avhoin they Avere committed to the Prison of
the Temple; — thus completely subverting the
whole of that constitution Avhich they had, so
recently, sworn to support
The interval Avhich occurred between this
event, and the final dissolution of the Legislative.
Assembly, Avas marked by more crimes than
had ever before been crowded into the same
period of time. While the Brissotins began to
tremble for the consequences of their own enor
mities, the other Jacobins felt their power, and
-resolved to exercise it. False charges, sup
ported by false testimony^ were preferred
against all who were attached to the King and

257
the Monarchy, and judicial murders, daily com
mitted, spread terror through the capital.—
But even the red arm of the law moved not
with sufficient rapidity to satisfy tbe impatient
vengeance of the triumphant jacobins. Threats,
in the form of petitions, Avere made to break
open the prisons, and to glut their insatiate souk
Avith blood; Even cold-blooded philosophers,
and female casuists, were not Avanting, to praise
and to justify this atrocious plan. Mr. Petion,
the Avorthy head of the Parisian municipality,
observed, that " justice AVas sIoav to pronounce
on the fate of the prisoners;" and- a flippant
Avriter of our own country, Avho had repaired
to France to contemplate the charms, and the
virtues, of political regeneration, coolly re
marked, that " the tribunals, overloaded with
business, and hampered by the common forms
of justice, too slozo for a period of revolution,
made almost nOiperceptible progress in bringing
the guilty to condemnation."* In pursuance
of the murderous principles, naturally flowing
-from this neAV morality, the ruffians proceeded
to execute summary justice on the second of
September, Avhen, and on the following .day,
the prisons Avere forced open, an indiscriminate
massacre of its wretched inhabitants took place,
* Miss Williams's Letters from France, Vol. IV. p. 102.
Vol. IIT. s

258
priests, venerable from their age, and still more
from their virtues, were inhumanly butchered
in crowds, and the blood of innocence flowed
in torrents around. The whole number mur
dered, on this occasion, as Avell in the various
prisons, as in the streets of the capital, did not
fall short of seven thousand persons. -Many
of these murders were attended Avith circum
stances of peculiar cruelty. The Abbe Barruel,
in his history of the sufferings of the French
clergy,* asserts, on authority which he
deems indisputable, that, at the Place Dau-
phine, men, Avomen, and children, were thrown
into a large fire, which had been kindled for
the purpose, aiid their bodies consumed to
ashes, Avhile the cries of the suffering victims
were deadened by the shouts of the barbarians
dancing round the flames!
Nor Avas this systematic massacre confined
to the capital. The dogs of slaughter were
let loose in the provinces. — At Versailles, at
Rheims, at Lyons, and at Meaux, numbers
fell by various instruments of destruction. —
At the- first of those places, the state prisoners,
Avho had been forcibly conveyed thither from
Orleans, in direct contradiction to an order
of the Legislative Assembly, were murdered
by a body' of thirty assassins, in the presence
* Part. III. p. 150.

259
of fifteen hundred soldier <, Avho had been sent
to protect them. Here fell M. Delessmt, the
Duke de Brissac, M. D'Abancour, the Bishop
of Mendes, and several other persons of dis
tinction. ,
During the prevalence of this bloody fana
ticism, a monster in human shape, whose name
Avas Philippe, Avent, one evening, to the Jacobin
club, Avith a trunk, which, after a suitable
harangue on the duties of a patriot, he opened,
and, exhibiting two bleeding heads, observed,
they Avere the heads of his oavu parents, whom
he had murdered for attending mass celebrated
by a non-juring priest. — The horrible intel
ligence was received Avith applause by his ad-
mirine; audience.
While the advocates of rebellion had thus
successfully asserted their claims, and triumph
ed over the friends of their King and of their
country, the allied powers of Austria and Prus
sia had, after much deliberation, and many
changes in their projected plan of operations,
marched their armies into the French territory.
Their united force,which has been estimated vari
ously, by the writers of the. different countries,
from eighty to ope hundred and thirty-eight
thousand men,'* entered France, in two columns,
* Citizen Toulongeon is thepnly historian, who has made
s $

260
under the command of the Duke of Brunswick
and General Clerfait; intending to pass through
the forest of Argonne into Chaihpagne, as the
nearest road to Paris. It Avould be foreign
from the purpose of this history to enter into
a detail of military operations in Which the
troops of Great Britain took no part. It will
be sufficient, therefore, to observe, that after
the most unaccountable neglect to secure the
passes of the 'forest, Avhich might easily have
been done Avithout difficulty and Avithout loss,
the allies allowed Dumouriez, Avho fiow com
manded the French, AVith an army little exceed
ing one- fourth of their oavh numbers, to seize
tAvo of the most important, and, by so doing,
to arrest their progress, and to gain time for
reinforcements from different quarters to join
him. The delay, too,, thus occasioned, pro
duced other inconveniences ; it afforded a«
opportunity for small detachments of tile-
French, scattered on the rear of the allies, to
intercept their convoys. Hence a want of
provision was experienced in their camp, Avhile
the allied armies amount to so large a number. Eut not one
(if the French Writers is to be credited, in his details of actions,
between ;liis own countrymen and the troops of any foreign
power. On comparing the various accounts, it seems most
probable that the allied armies did not fall short of 75,000 men,
arid did not exceed 85,000.

261
the soldiers, partly, perhaps, from hunger, de
voured, Avith avidity, the various fruits which
the country presented; Avhich produced that
dreadful disorder, the flux, by which thousands
are said to have perished in a short time.
It is to be observed, that the King1 of
Prussia constantly accompanied his own army,
which, in fact, he may be said to have com
manded; for no operation of importance Avas
undertaken without his previous approbation ;
and in some cases, on which the ultimate suc
cess of the expedition essentially depended, he
opposed the plans suggested by the Duke of
Brunswick. The Duke wished to reduce the
town of Sedan, before they adAfanced further,
and not to move forward without having
secured themselves against the danger resulting
from leaving behind them several strong for
tresses in possession of the enemy. Had this
wise plan been followed, a communication
would have been preserved with Germany, and
supplies easily received. — -And, had the reduc
tion of these places occupied any considerable
portion of time, an event not to be expected in
their actual situation, the allies might have
then established their winter quarters in
France, and maintained a rallying point, to
which the enemies of the new order of things
JBight have repaired. But the Prussian Monarch

262
seems to have been led, perhaps, by the too
sanguine expectations of theEmigrants, to enter
tain the monstrous notion of carrying a Avhole
nation by a 'coup - de - main. It does not
appear to have occurred to him, that it Avas
necessary first to gain a decisive victory, to
disperse the French army, and to assert his own
superiority in a manner so signal as to admit
of no doubt, before the Royalists, Avho still
remained in France, could be expected to join
his standard, or- even to avow themselves.—*
And, be-:ng disappointed in hopes Avhich com
mon sense would haA;e rejected, regardless alike
of his own honour, of the interests of his allies,
and of the safety of Europe, he resolved to
retrace his steps, and to avail himself of the
first faA-ourable opportunity, for not only eva
cuating the French territory, but for basely
deserting the cause which he had so eagerly
embraced. On any other supposition it is impossible
to account for tlie conduct of his Prussian
Majesty. Agreeably to these intentions, on
the twenty-second of September, after having
compelled Dumouriez to evacuate the important
pass of Grandpre, and after having driven
Kellermann from the heights of Valmy, the
Duke of BrunsAvick Avas ordered to propose a
suspension of hostilities, in front of the respec-

263
tive camps, Avith a vieAV to open a communica
tion, for the purpose of carrying the King's
intentions into effect. , The pretext for this pro
posed suspension, Avas the establishment of a
cartel, for the exchange of prisoners, Avhich,
in fact, was settled; but in a manner that
reflected indelible disgrace on the King of
Prussia. At the conference Avhich took place,
on this occasion, between the Duke of Bruns
wick and the French' Colonel, Thouvenot, the
former required that the emigrant prisoners
should be included in the cartel, Avhen the latter
observed, " that one nation could only treat
with another, and not zvith rebels to the laws of
their country." The Duke is then stated to
have asked, Avhat would become of their pri
soners? to Avhich Thouvenot ansAvered, tha'
they must doubtless expect to be subjected t(
all the severity of the laws, and " possibly,
according to circumstances, they might expec
to receive the indulgence and generosity o
such a magnanimous nation as the Fiend
republic." The Duke of Brunswick insisted no
farther, and the cartel Avas settled, to the exclu
sion of the emigrants.* Passing over the
* Resultat de la conference qui a eu lieu entre M. M: U
due de Brunswick, le comte de Luchesini, ministre de sa
Majestele Roi dePrusse, et le lieutenant-colonel.— Adjutant-gene-

264
republican flight of Mr. Thouvenot, Avho must
have knoAvn that he and his associates Avere
the only rebels to the laws, since they had con
curred in the overthrow of the monarchial con
stitution, which they had sworn to maintain,
it cannot escape observation, that the King of
Prussia's conduct, in thus abandoning the
emigrants, with Avhom he had made common
cause, Avas most treacherous and base. In the
several conferences Avhich took place, between
the Republican and the Prussian generals, as
detailed and certified by the former, the latter
ate made to play a ridiculous and contemptible
part. Without, hOxvever, stopping to examine
the authenticity of these accounts, it is sufficient
to state, that the negotiations Avere continued
for several days. And, though hostilities were
partially renewed on the 30th of September,
there' is reason to believe that a good under?
ral Thouvenot, charge" de Vichange des Prisonniers de guerre
entre les- armies combinhs et francaises. It is to be observed,
that Luchesini was not present at the beginning of this confer
rence, when the proposal respecting the emigrants is stated to
have been made ; and that the account of it being given on
the authority of Thouvenot, it ought, perhaps, to be received
¦with some degree of caution. It is an incontestible fact,
however, that the emigrants were not included in the cartel,
and that they were, most ungenerously, left to the rage of;
their merciless persecutors.

265
standing had been established between the hos
tile leaders.— Certain it is, that the allies were
suffered to retreat without molestation, the
places Avhich they had taken were surrendered
Avithout difficulty, and, by the»end of October,
they finally evacuated the French territory.
The accounts of the respective numbers of
the hostile armies, at the period of this retreat,
vary extremely.- — Toulon geon, avIio has recently
written a historyN of France, since the revolu
tion, estimates the. allied force, after all its
losses, at 80,000 men; and, as he makes it
amount, on its entrance into France, to 138,000,
he raises their loss to 58,000. On the other
hand, its original amount is stated at 80,000,
land its loss, by the sword and by disease, at
about one-third of the whole, which would
reduce it, at the time of its retrograde move
ment, to about 54,000. Again, the same his
torian rates the French army, at this last
period, at 60,000 men ; Avhereas Carra, one of
the commissioners from the com-ention to the
army, makes it amount to 120,000.
The truth lies probably betAveen the two
extremes ; but it appears sufficiently clear,
amidst these contradictions, that the force of
the allies was, at first, sufficiently formidable
to accomplish its original object of marching
to Paris, had it been directed with prudence and

266
skill, and had not its operations been clogged
by tiie wavering and timid policy of the Prus
sian Monarch. It is equally clear, on the other
hand, that, at the end of September, its num
bers had been sufficiently diminished, and those
of the French sufficiently increased, to render
any attempt to penetrate further into France
extremely imprudent, and to expose the allied
army, in its retreat, to considerable danger.
It is thence to be inferred, and, indeed, the
operations of the French, during the month of
October, sufficiently prove the fact, that it
formed part of a secret arrangement between
the Prussians and French, that the former
should not be molested in their retreat. Thus
miserably terminated an expedition, which had
excited' the attention, and fixed the hopes, of
the continent, and on which, in a certain degree,
the fate of Europe depended. — Its issue tended
to increase the audacity, and to inspirit the
exertions of the French rebels, Avho had already
planned the subjugation of the neighbouring
States, and the establishment of an universal
empire. It Avas begun without due reflection ;
it Avas conducted without 'consistency ;_ and it
was ended without honour. Tlie King of Prus
sia, while he injured the cause Avhich he pro
fessed an anxiety to serve by it, lost in it his con
sequence and his character ; and laid the seeds

267
of that destruction which, fourteen years after,
his Monarchy was doomed to experience.
At an interview, which took place at the
village of Glorieux, in the vicinity of Verdun,
on the 11th of October, between the Prussian
General, Kalkreuth, and the French Gene
rals, Galbaud and Arthur Dillon; the last,
Avho Avas an Irishman, and Avho made his reli
gion a pretext for entering into the service of
the natural enemies of his country, told the
Prussians, that the French revolution had been
brought about by the experience of fourteen
centuries; that the Avhole nation had but one
opinion respecting it ; that they had reason to
wonder, that foreign poAvers should interfere
with their domestic concerns, or should dread
their ambition, particularly after their sublime
declaration of beginning no war with a view to
conquest;— a declaration which ought, he as
serted, to procure to France as many friends as
there were philosophers in Europe.*
The falsehood of this assertion was knoAvn
to the French General, at the moment when he
made it. He knew perfectly, that the A\rar
against Austria was made expressly with a vieAV
to the conquest of the Netherlands ; — that
Avignon, and the Comtat, had been wrested
* Histoire de France, par Toulongeon. — Pieces justifica-
Hves. Tom. II. p. 152.

26S
from the Pope and annexed to France ; and that
the reduction of Savoy Avas undertaken from a
similar motive, In short, the conduct of the
French rulers was essentially aggressive ; — and
the plan Avas already laid, as Brissot has acknow
ledged, by these philanthropic professors of
peace, to extend the flames of war, so as to set
fire to the four corners of Europe.

269

CHAPTER XXIH.

Reflections on the effects which recent occurrences in France
ought to have produced on the early admirers of the
French Revolution in England — Effects which they really
produced — Addresses from English clubs to the French
convention — -Factious Address from a Society at Newing-
, ton— Address from the Revolution Society, signed by Dr.
Towers, congratulating the French on the deposition of
their Monarch, and on the successful exercise of " The
Right of Insurrection" — -United address from societies at
Manchester, Norwich, ,and London, imprecating the
destruction of Monarchy throvighithe world — Address of
the Constitutional Society, anticipating .a national con
vention in England, accompanied by a present of shoes
to the military rebelsof France— The President's answer
to the address, announcing the near approach of a republic in
England— Great confidence of the disaffected in the autumn
of 1/C)2 — Critical state of the country — ^Mr. Reeves — His
arrival in England— Origin of the Loyal Associations —
Their rapid extension, and salutary effects— -Their end and
pbjeetexplained-- Wholly unconnected with.government —
Mr, Pitt doubts their policy, and intimates a wish for their
suppression— The founders of the associations refuse to
comply with his wish — Mr. Pitt changes his opinion, and
¦expresses his approbation of the. first-committee appointed

270
•—Expenses of the associations, wholly defrayed by the
voluntary contributions of the Members — List of the
Committee — Mr. Thomas Law — He is expelled from the
Committee — Motives of that expulsion—Striking change
in the internal appearance of the country — General
burst of loyalty — Mr. Pitt appointed warden of the
Cinque/ Ports — Parliament meet — The King's speech —
Debates on the address — Loyal association abused by
the opposition, who condemn a doctrine which they do not
understand — Their censure of a printed paper, by the
Reverend William Jones, of Nay land — That paper defended
— Mr. Fox again avows his admiration of the French
revolution — Motion for the amendment lost by a majority
of two hundred and forty — New motion, by Mr. Fox,
for opening a negotiation with the French republic —
His praise of ,the French troops, and his abuse of the
allied powers — Seconded by Mr. Sheridan — Opposed by
Mr. Burke — Motion negatived without a division —
Unanimity of Parliament, in condemning the trial and
approaching murder of the French King— Alien bill
introduced by Mr. Pitt — Reflections upon it — Opposed by
Mr. Fox — Mr. Fox's inconsistency exposed by Mr.
Burke — Atheism, the first fruits of French liberty —
Daggers manufactured at Birmingham— One of these
produced, by Mr. Burke, in the House of Commons —
Kersaint's testimony to the neutrality of the English —
Murder of Louis XVI — Dismissal of Chauvelin — Royal
message — Debate on it — Mr. Pitt's speech— His horror at
the recent murder of the virtuous Louis — Advantages to
be derived from that event, considered as a lesson,
illustrative of French principles — Eulogy on the British
constitution — Memorable decrees of the French Con
vention, for encouraging insurrection in foreign States
— Strict neutrality of England, and the aggressive conduct
of France demonstrated — Address of thanks to his.

271
Majesty, moved by Mr. Pitt — Observations on Mr. Pitt's
conduct at this time — Speech of Mr. Fox — He asserts
the Sovereignly of the People, as paramount to all
laws, and their right to cashier Kings for misconduct
—The tendency of such declarations — Constant and
earnest endeavours of Mr. Pitt to prevent a war, proved by
the French agents themselves — Conference proposed by
Dumouriez, with Lord Auckland and M. Von Spieghel —
Communications on that subject — Lord Auckland receives
instructions to hold the conference — Place appointed for
the purpose — The French convention seed orders to
Dumouriez not to hold it.
[1792. J It was natural to suppose, that
those scenes which had occurred in France,
during the year 1792, and of which a faint
sketch has been given in the preceding chapter,
were such as avouIcI excite the indignation and
abhorrence of eyery mind which had a respect
for the principles of humanity, justice, and social
order ; that they would even be sufficient to
produce a radical ehange of opinion in those
Avho had, from the love of liberty, and
from the hatred of despotism, hailed the first
dawn of the French revolution, as the signal of
approaching happiness to the civilized world.
This supposition was natural, because the most
superficial observer, who had paid any attention
to those occurrences, could not fail to perceive
that, instead of favouring the cause of freedom,
they were calculated to destroy every vestige

272
of liberty, and to raise up, on the ruins of a
monarchy, a turbulent anarchy, incompatible
Avith social happiness, and the most odious des
potism Avhich had ever bent the necks of a peo
ple beneath its iron yoke. Liberty never erects
her throne in a land whence Justice has been
banished; LaAV is her parent and protector;
Hiotand Mis-rule are her enemies; Treason and
Murder are her destroyers.
These considerations, however, did not pro
duce their natural effect on the minds of those
discontented Englishmen, who, having early
adopted French principles, were eager to reduce
them to practice in their native land. It was
not diflicult to persuade those Avho preferred
idleness to industry, and those Avhom nature had
destined to pursue the more humble paths of
life, or those who aspired to wealth and power,
without the merit or the means of obtaining
either, that a revolution, Avhich would destroy all
distinctions of rank and property, and which
would place them upon a leA'el with those who
had hitherto filled the upper parts in the social
pyramid, was
" A consummation devoutly to be wished."
Nor was it more diflicult to make them believe
that, as a complete success had crowned the

efforts of the French revolutionists, their own
exertions Avould terminate in the full gratifica
tion of all their wishes. Stimulated by these
motives, and fired by these hopes, the seditious
clubs acquired fresh activity and strength ; and
new clubs, all connected Avith each other, or, to
use the new jargon of revolutionary France,
affiliated, sprung up in every quarter of the
kingdom. Reform was the pretext of all ; revo
lution the object of most. The members made
common cause with1 the French jacobins, whom
they considered as their great .models arid mas
ters ; tbey deplored their defeats with tears,-—
they hailed their successes with exultation.'
After the rebellious attack upon the royal palace,
on the 10th of Aii gust, and the arbitrary im
prisonment of the Royal Family, not only without
the sanction of any law, but in express violation
of an existing law, and even of a fundamental
principle of that constitution which they, and
their friends in England/ affected to admire,
.the National Convention continued to receive
addresses of congratulation from this' country.
lii1 these addresses, a society at Nezvington
tfbok the lead; but their address, though signed
on the gist of October, was not presented till
the 10th of November. After congratulating
the Convention on the expulsion of the allied
armies from their territory, they told them, that
VSTL. III. T

27*
their wise decrees had enlightened Europe, — and,
like the rays of the sun, would soon enlighten the
four parts of the world : and, as if they feared
that this metaphorical language would not be
sufficiently intelligible to the philosophic legis
lators of France, they concluded with a more
direct invitation, by complimenting the Conven
tion on their undertaking to deliver from slavery
and despotism the brave nations which bordered their
frontiers. — " How holy," said they, in a burst of
rebellious sensibility, " is the humanity which
prompts you to break their chains .'"
The address of the Revolution Society is
remarkable as being signed by Dr. Towers, and
as containing an express congratulation on the
success of the treasonable insurrection of the
10th of August, Avhich put an end to the
monarchy, and as observing a profound silence
on the massacres of September, as if they were.
not worthy of a thought. Indeed, many of the
very members of the Convention, whom they
hailed as the patrons of liberty, were the authors
and instigators of those horrible butcheries,
which future ages will scarcely credit. —
" Above all/' said these solemn and delibe
rate encouragers of rebellion and regicide,
<r we rejoice in the late revolution of the
10th of August, so necessary to secure to
you the advantages Avhich the former had taught
you to expect ; and Ave anticipate with pleasure

the riibment at Avhich you shall have finished^
your labours, and established a wise and equita
ble government, which must be the admiration of
the friends of man, and the cause of terror and
despair to tyrants." These gentlemen, too, could
not refrain from expressing the pleasure Avhich
they felt ori " beholding, that the right ot
insurrection had been successfully exercised
in so large a country as that of the French
Republic." On the 7th' of November, a joint address,
from four different societies, two at Manchester,
one at Norwich, and another in^ London, and
sighed by Mr. Maurice Margarot, and by Thomas
Hardy, the shoemaker, Was read in the conven
tion. Its language Avas bold and plain ; and
the men who dre\V it up took little pains to
conceal their wishes, their vieAVs, or their
object. They represented themselves as an
oppressed part of mankind, Avhose cause was
intimately connected with that of the French
jacobirtsj degraded by an oppressive system of
inquisition/ the insensible, but continual en
croachments' of which had quietly deprived the
English- nation of its boasted liberty, and
reduced it almost to that abject state of slavery
from which the French had so gloriously emanci
pated themselves. — - Five thousand English
titizem, they said, fired Avith indignation,, bad'
t g

the courage to step forward in order to rescue
their country from that opprobrium which had
been thrown upon it by the base conduct of
those who were invested with power. They
then imprecated vengeance on the head of the
man Avho should attempt to dissolve the friend
ship Avhich subsisted between themselves and
the French jacobins. They observed, that their
aumber Avould appear very small, when com
pared -with the rest of the nation; but they
asserted, that it increased every day ; and that,
in spite of the efforts of authority to overcome
the timid, knoAvledge made a rapid progress
among Englishmen, who were intent on ascer
taining the nature of liberty, and the extent of
their rights. " Frenchmen,'" said they, " yo&
are already free, but Britons are preparing to-be
so!" — As Frenchmen had obtained the species of
jreedom which they now enjoyed, by the destruc
tion of their ^ing, their nobles,, and their
priests, it was evidently meant, by these re
formers, that Britons were preparing to secure
the same freedom, by the same means ; — and a
more explicit avowal of their intentions
scarcely any Avoids could convey. — Indeed, they
observed that, in the endeavour to discover
their cruel enemies, they had found tjhem in
the partisans of that destructive aristocracy by
which; their bosom was torn — an aristocracy

VT .
which had hitherto been the bane of all the
countries upon earth; and which, the con
vention had acted wisely in banishing from
France. In allusion to the operations of the com
bined powers, they said they saw, without
concern;, that the Elector of Hanover united his
troops to those of traitors and robbers; but the
King of England would do Avell to remember,
that England was> not Hanover, — should he
fbrget it, they would not. They expressed an
earnest anxiety to promote a triple alliance,
not of crowned heads, but of the people of Ame
rica, France,, and Great Britain, which would-
give liberty to Europe, and peace to the world.—
It was not A<ery easy to perceive hoAv the
assistance of the Americans could contribute to
give liberty to the nations of Europe, though
the motives which induced these reformers to
select the French arid Americans, as the only
people on earth Avho were worthy to be allied
to the English, Avere perfectly obvious; since
they Avere the only people Avho had successfully
rebelled against their lawful Sovereigns, and
who had overthrown the established constitu
tions of their respective countries. — Such
liberty, and such peace, as the French had
secured for themselves, and as the English
jacobins wished to obtain for their own country^

27B
they seemed to think could not be purchased
too dearly. No loss, they thought, however.
bloody, could be comparable to the glorious and
unexampled advantage of being able to say-r-
The universe is free ! Tyrants and tyranny are
no more ! Peace reigns on the earth ; and it is to
the French that mankind, are indebted for it /*
Messieurs Joel Barlow and John Frost,
deputed from the Constitutional Society of
London, presented an address, breathing much
the same, spirit, and couched in much the same
language, to the. National Convention, on the
28th of November. One of these deputies.
prefaced, the address with a speech, in which,
after due congratulations' on the success of
revolutionary principles, and treasonable con
duct in France, he assured the Convention,
that innumerable societies, of the same sort,
were forming themseH'es, at that moment, in
every part of England. Their object was to
reform the abuses of government, by the most
simple means. And, that no doubt might,
remain, as to the nature of those means, the
orator immediately added, by Avay of explana7-
tion, — " After the example given by France^
* A Collection of ' Addresses, transmitted by certain
English Clubs to the National Convention of France, isfc. Bvq.
p.p. IS. 18.

279
"~Re volution swill become easy ; — reason is about
to make a rapid progress; and it would not
BE EXTRAORDINARY IF, IN A MUCH LESS
SPACE OF TIME THAN CAN BE IMAGINED,
THE FRENCH SHOULD SEND ADDRESSES OF
CONGRATULATION TO A NATIONAL CONVEN
TION of England !" — This speech perfectly
corresponds with the style and sentiments of
the address itself, which hailed the Convention
as the representatives of a sovereign people, and
benefactors of mankind; and which, besides
general congratulations on the success of the
rebellion, marked each period of peculiar in
famy as fit subjects of specific applause. —
" Every successive epoch in your political re
generation has each added something to the
triumph of liberty ; and the glorious victory,
of the ¦. 10th of August, has finally prepared the
way for a constitution which, enlightened as
you are, we trust will be established on the basis
.of nature and reason/'-^-But the sentiment
which renders this address particularly applica
ble to the history of the present period, is con
tained in the concluding sentence, in which it
is asserted, that other nations would soon
follow the steps of the French in their career of
improvement, and, rising from their lethargy,
would arm themselves for the purpose of claiming
the Rights of Man, with that all-pozverful voice.

28Q
which man could not resist* Here was a- cleat
acknowledgement of the intention of the sedi
tious clubs, in this country, to overturn the
existing constitution by force. The ^address
was signed by Lord Sempill, as President of the
Society ; by Daniel Adams, as Secretary ; and
by the two deputies, Barlow and Frost — It Avas
accompanied by a patriotic gift of one thousand
pair of shoes for the French soldiers.
The President of the Convention entered
into the true spirit of the proceeding, hailed the
deputies as generous republicans, and anticipated
the moment in which the French, would carry com-
grakdations to the National Convention^ of Eng
land ! About the same time, the Convention
Avas addressed; by an English society, established
at Paris, who announced the approaching meet
ing of Parliament, when, a; reform, in the
national representation, would certainly take
place; and " from thence to the ent.lre
establishment of a republic the transition
would be easy." Various other addresses, of a
similar nature and tendency, were presented at
this period. These publications, and many others, which
issued from the press iij various forms, and
which were circulated with incredible industry,
* Ibid. p. 29. 31.

mi
were all strongly indicative, not merely of the
sentiments, but of the views and designs, of a
great number of disaffected persons in this
country, who, encouraged by the success of
the French, hoped to produce a Revolution
hi England, on Erench principles. That these
men were very numerous is most certain ;
jthough they meant to deceive others, and Avere
possibly .deceived themselves, (forming their
conclusions rather on their wishes, than on their
knowledge) as to the real extent of their numr
jbers. They were sufficient, however, to inspire
not only the government, but the well-disposed
part of the public, (certainly constituting an
immense majority) Avith great and serious
alarm. In the Autumn of 1792, they spoke
with confidence of their success ; and had
probably persuaded themselves that they should
succeed;. In France the revolution had been
begun, and far advanced, by less formidable
numbers ;— and had the disaffected in England
had the same resources, and as active a leader,
though it is not likely they would have met
with the same success, it is most certain that
they might h^.ve excited a civil Avar, and that
p-reat confusion and bloodshed would have
ensued. They had also another advantage, in the
want ©f union among those Avho abhosred their

282
principles, and Avere solicitous to counteract
their efforts. They themselves met in their
various societies, and kept up a regular corres
pondence with each other, throughout the king
dom. Their enemies, on the contrary, had no
meetings, — had no centre of union, — had no
means of communication; — the evil was deeply
felt, and generally acknoAvledged ; but no remedy
was adopted, or even suggested. At this alarm
ing and critical period, a circumstance occurred
which supplied one of those striking proofs
(many of whieh must have fallen under every
man's observation) of the great public good
which may sometimes be effected by the talents
and perseverance of a private individual, with
out the aid of official authority.
On the 17th of November, Mr. Reeves, a
barrister, who had gone out to NcAvfoundland,
some months before, in the capacity of chief
justice to that settlement, returned to London.
Having, during his absence, had little intercourse
Avith Europe, he Avas surprised, beyond measure,
to find, on his arrival in the capital, that a great
change had taken place in the state of the public
mind. The rapid progress of French principles,
and the consequent dismay Avhich it excited
among the Avell-disposed part of the community,
were, indeed, Avell calculated- to create both
alarm and indignation in a mah Avho loved his

283
natiA'e country, and Avho venerated her consti
tution as the fertile source of every civil and
social blessing. He Avas astonished to learn
that the populace had betrayed strong symptoms
of a turbulent and intractable spirit; and that
men of sense and discernment had deemed it
necessary to provide themselves Avith arms,
under the impression that they should soon be
called upon to use them in their own defence.
The very day after his arrival, Mr. Reeves
had a consultation Avith a small party of his
legal friends, one of them a respectable judge,
iioav no more; another who actually enjoys
a seat on the bench ; — and a third at present in
a high official situation. At this meeting it was
determined that the most proper antidote to be
opposed to the prevailing poison of the day, was
that which counter-associations, composed of
loyal and well-affected men, would supply;
and Mr. ReeA^es undertook to create them in a
short time. He accordingly dreAv up an appro?
priate advertisement, which, operating like an
electric shock, produced the desired effect. The
public spirit manifested itself Avith the rapidity
of lightning ; croAvds instantly flocked to tue
appointed place of meeting; — and it became
evident, that nothing more than a rallying.
point, which the well-directed zeal of an mdi*
yidual had now supplied, had beisn wanting to

284
which the real friends of the country might
repair, in order to combine their efforts for the
resistance of that rising spirit of disaffection
which had already assumed so alarming an
aspect. Such Avas the eagerness of individuals for1 a
public declaration of their sentiments, and such
the zeal and activity which marked the conduct
of the Avorthy father of the Loyal Associations,
that not more than .fen days elapsed between
the first conception, and the final execution, of
this most seasonable and well-digested plan.
A committee,, consisting of nineteen inde
pendent gentlemen, of different descriptions,
was formed; appropriate resolutions were
communicated to the public ; and, in a
very short time, the spirit of loyalty spread
through the country, and gave birth to similar
meetings in, every part of the kingdom.
In one of the first of these well-written
and impressive papers, which the able pen. of
Mr. Reeves supplied, the end and object of
these associations were clearly defined, and
explicitly avoAved; the discouragement and sup
pression of seditious publications, and the sup
ply of cheap books and papers, for the purpose of
undeceiving those poor people who had been
misled by the infusion of opinions dangerous to
their own welfare and that of the state: the
members also agreed to hold themselves in rea-

285
diness to prevent or suppress tumults or riots, if
necessary. — But they wisely resolved, in all their
proceedings, to act in constant subordination
to the magistrates and the executive government,
and in their aid and support, and not otherwise ;
well aware that their enemies Avould not fail to
accuse them of pursuing a similar course them
selves to that Avhich they condemned in others.
They strongly marked the difference between the
seditious societies and the loyal associations.
They declared their opinion, that all private
meetings, formed with a design to take cogni
zance of what was transacted by the executive
and legislative powers of the country, were
irregular. Such distinct and unharmonious
centres they described as having the effect of
drawing around themselves some of that force
and confidence of the people, which should pass
en to their only true centre — .the constituted,
executive, and legislative authorities of the
state. But, they observed, when such an irre
gularity had been once permitted, and the balance
of the system seemed to be affected by it, the equi
librium, perhaps, could not be more naturally
jestored, than by placing a counterpoise of the
same sort on the other side.
Wicked men, by the means of clubs and
associations, had been spreading among the simple
and ignorant,, seditious opinions, destructive of

286
good government, and the happiness of atl.-^
Good men associated to counteract these evil
designs, to support good government, and to
continue to all their present happiness.
To associate in the forms in Avhich the disaffected
did, (as appeared by their printed papers) Avas
ahvays seditious, and very often treasonable ;—
they all appeared to be offenders- against the law.
To meet, as was now proposed, for suppressing
sedition, for propagating peaceable opinions, and
for aiding the magistracy, in subordination to
the direction of the magistrates, the law
alloAved it, and" the time required it.*
Such were the avoAved objects of associa
tions, which, in a few days, changed, as it Avere,
the Avhole face of the country. — The voice of
disaffection, lately so loud, Avas now silenced,
or, at least, reduced to the necessity of uttering
its murmurs in private. Confidence succeeded
to doubt, apprehension, and dismay; and the
hands of government Avere strengthened by the
almost unanimous assurances of adequate sup
port, in the arduous struggle in which it" Avas
easy to foresee they must, and Avould soon be
involved. Well might it be observed, a feAV months.
after the establishment of the first Loyal Asso~
* Association Papers, p. 8.

287
elation, that it Avas the general opinion, that the
declaration of sentiment which resulted from
the forming of associations throughout the
kingdom, saved this nation at a time Avhen
nothing else could have saved it. The success
Avhich attended their endeavours Avas not tar
nished- by any thing unworthy or unequal in
their subsequent conduct. As they opposed
themselves to the madness of sedition with
spirit, so they proceeded in their career with firm
ness, and they bore theirsuccess with moderation.
They associated on a special occasion, and
for a defined purpose ; and when that occasion
was passed, and that purpose Avas served, they
suspended their proceedings. — They combined
for no private or partial vieAVS ; not to extol or
to depress any party or any individual ; their
object Avas general, and they pursued it on general
principles. It was neither to set up, nor to pull
down ; it Avas only to preserve; — an employment
free from the heat and malice of personal animo
sities; they could have no enemies but such as
the laAV AvOuld term offenders.*
It was by no means an unnatural suppo
sition, that a scheme, fraught with so much
public benefit, had been conceived by Ministers,
or, at; least, aided and encouraged by them.:
* Ibid. Prefacfij p. iii. iv.

288
assertions, indeed, to this effect were advanced
Avith confidence, but in direct opposition to the
fact. The first intelligence which the govern
ment received of it was from the printed adver
tisements in the daily papers ; their curiosity
Avas, of course, excited, and(they soon learnt by
whom the plan Avas conceived, digested, and
executed. Mr. Pitt, far from giving his counte
nance or concurrence to it, in the first instance,
had great doubts of its policy and expediency.
He, indeed, in a very early stage of the business,
expressed his wish that a total stop should be put
to all further proceedings, as he had it in
contemplation to frame a bill for the pre
vention of all political meetings whatever,
except such as were necessary for the exercise
of the constitutional right of petition. But,
although this plan had been adopted with
expedition, it had not been executed Avithout
much reflection on its nature and consequences.
It was the work, too, of one Avho knew the law
and constitution of the country as Avell as the
Minister 'himself, and avIio Avas, probably, better
acquainted Avith the temper and disposition of
the people. Mr. Reeves, and those who now
acted Avith him, conceiA'ed themselves com
petent judges of the remedy best adapted to the
peculiar circumstances of the times ; they Avere
impressed with the conviction, that the period
had at length arrived Avhen men must take care

6? themselves ; and, knowing that assemblies1
of respectable individuals, acting in strict sub
ordination to the constituted authorities of the
country, were perfectly legal, they refused to
comply with the wishes of Mr. Pitt. The
Minister, however, on farther reflection, altered
his mind; he expressed his approbation of the
committee/ when their names Avere read to him ;*"
* It is the duty of the historian to record the names of
those men who first stood forward to stem the torrent of fac
tion which threatened to overwhelm the fair fabric of the Con
stitution, and who thus set a glorious example to their dismayed;
countrymen. The following gentlemen composed the com
mittee :
John Reeves, Esq. Mr. George Potter.
John Topham, Esq. Charles Townshend, Esq.
, John Bowles, Esq. Dr. Halifax.
John Roberts, Esq. Mr. Alexander Brodie.
Mr. John Sewell. Hon. G. Hobart.
Peter Nouaille, Esq. Thomas Plumer, Esq.
Thomas Law, Esq.*. Charles Yorke, Esq.
Mr. John Sargeaunt: George Ward, Esq.
John Thomas Batt, Esq. W. Devaynes, Esq.
* It would appear that Mr. Law had,introduced himself
to this meeting with a view rather to act as a spy on the conduct
of its members, than to assist them in the execution of theif
plan. — Eor, in little more than three weeks after the association-
was formed, having differed in opinion from the whole of the: •
committee, on a question relating to anonymous informations,
he had recourse to the extraordinary proceeding of appealing to--
the public, through the medium of the Morning Chronicle, for
Vol. III. v

290
and, although he never afforded the associations
the smallest pecuniary, or other, assistance,
the purpose of justifying himself, and of accusing his asso
ciates. The point in dispute was simply this,— The mother
society became the centre to which intelligence of various kinds
was transmitted, relating to the objects for which the members-
had associated. — Some of these communications contained
information, against persons who had, made open declarations of
seditious sentiments, or treasonable designs. The accumula
tion of such papers rendered it necessary for the committee to
decide what should be done with them. They, accordingly,
considering that they had no authority themselves, and being of
opinion that these matters were n*t wholly to be despised, re
solved to send them to those persons fn office who could take
legal cognizance of them ; and they were thenceforth trans
mitted, either to the Secretary of State, or to the chief magis
trate of the office in Bow-street. This resolution, the most
wise and prudent that could be adopted, displeased Mr. Law,
who sent it to the Morning, Chronicle; and, by that means, gave
rise to one of die most senseless clamours which the tongue of
party ever propagated against the Association, for encouraging
anonymous letters and anonymous information.
On the first subsequent meeting of the committee, it was
unanimously agreed to erase the name of Mr. Law from the list
of its members ; at the same time they passed the following
resolutions, as explanatory of their motives in t&is particular
act, and as expressive of their sentiments on the subject which
gave rise to it.
" The committee are sorry they are under the necessity
" of coming to such a resolution with regard to orie of thefr
" members j but it appears to them that the harmony which
" should be preserved in any society dan never subsist without
" an entire confidence in every one of its members, and this

2gi
he felt and thought, as every real unprejudiced
friend of the country must have felt and
thought, respecting the important services which
they rendered to the state at a crisis of peculiar
alarm, and of imminent danger.
The expenses attending the circulation of
cheap pamphlets and papers, and all other costs
incurred by this association, were defrayed
entirely by the voluntary contributions of its
" they think can no longer be reposeid in a person who pub-
" lishes, in a common newspaper, any thing that relates to what
" passes at their meetings.
" * With respect to that gentleman's proposal (in which he
" stood single) to burn all letters from anonymous correspond
" dents, merely because they were such, the committee conti-
" nue to hold the same opinion they then did, and which, they
" believe, is the opinion held by most persons who ever
" thought upon the subject. They haVe always treated anony*
" mous information as an individual would treat it ; if it
"" appeared probable, and of a nature that deserved notice, they
" have thought it might be made a ground of inquiry ; tf other*
" wise, that it should be disregarded entirely. In acting thus,
" they believe they have discharged the duty of good citizens,
" as well as that of persons who have associated for the ex-
" press purpose of defending the Laws and Constitution of
" their country." Association Papers^ p. 3, 4.
Mr. Thomas Law afterwards emigrated to America, (to
that very country which the disaffected, st this period, held up
as an ekample and model to England) where he settled, and has
ever since remained. This act of self-banishment is, of itself,
sufficient to characterize the motives which induced him to
become a member of the Loyal Association,
• v 2

292
members, which, however, never exceeded a
few hundred pounds. Though the expense was
little, the benefit was great. But the chief ad
vantage derived from those meetings, was the
encouragement afforded to that general decla
ration of sentiment, which was the most effec
tual means' of suppressing disaffection in the bud,
of crushing the rising hopes of treason, and of
driving the monster, Sedition, into the inmost
recesses of its den. At the same time, they
gave confidence to government, and strength to
the efforts of the nation.
The Minister now began to assume a tone
of greater decision, and to pursue a more
marked and determined line of conduct. Mili
tary preparations were made, as in a time of
acknowledged danger ; the militia were sud
denly embodied, and Parliament was sum
moned, under a special provision, before the
expiration of the period for which it had been
prorogued. Such Avas the state of the country when
the great council of the nation Avas opened on
the 13th of December. — Th6 King: observed to
his Parliament, that he should have been happy,
if he could have announced to them the secure
and undisturbed continuance of all the bles
sings which his subjects had derived from a
state of tranquillity ; but events had recently

293
occurred which required their united vigilance
and exertion, in order to preserve the advan
tages which they had hitherto enjoyed. The
seditious practices which had been, in a great
measure, checked by their firm and explicit
declaration in the last Session, and by the
general concurrence of his people in the same
sentiments, had of late been more openly
renewed, and with increased activity. A spirit
of tumult and disorder (the natural consequence
of such practices) had shewn itself in acts of
riot and insurrection, which required the inter
position of a military force in support of the
civil magistrate. The industry employed to
excite discontent, on various pretexts, and in
different parts of the kingdom, had appeared
to proceed from a design to attempt the de
struction of our happy constitution, and the
subversion of all order and government; and
this design had evidently been pursued in con
nection and concert with persons in foreign
countries. His Majesty dwelt on his careful obser
vance of a strict neutrality, in the Avar then
raging on the Continent, and on his uniform
abstinence from any interference with respect to
the internal affairs of France, Indeed, it
became evident, from subsequent events, that
this caution, however laiidable the motive from,

294
which it proceeded, had been carried to a dan
gerous and impolitic excess ;— for, had the
British Minister entered early, and heartily,
into the continental confederacy, for checking
the aggressive disposition, the turbulent spirit,
and the hostile intentions, of the political fana
tics of France, it is highly probable that a
different turn might have been given to the
revolution; that a system of rational' liberty
might haye been established ; that the lives of
millions might have been sayed ; and that the
French annals might have been secured against
the disgrace which the commission of nameless
and numberless crimes has indelibly impressed
upon them.
It was impossible, boAveyer, for the King
to, see, (as he told his Parliament) Avithout the
most serious uneasiness, the strong and increas
ing indications which had appeared in France,
of an intention to excite disturbances in other
countries, to disregard the rights of neutral
nations, and to pursue views of -conquest and
aggrandizement, as well as to adopt, tOAvards his
allies, the Dutch, (who had observed the same
neutrality with himself) measures Avhich Avere
neither conformable to the law of nations, nor
to the positive stipulations of existing treaties.
Such were the reasons assigned, in the
Speech from the Throne, for the defensive mea-

295
sures which the Ministers had lately adopted,
and which they considered. as equally calculated
for the preservation of internal tranquillity, and
for giving efficacy to their efforts for securing
a continuance 'of the blessings' of peace. The
debates, on the address, afforded the usual
opportunity to the members of both Houses,
for declaring their different opinions on the state
of public affairs. Mr. Pitt, having lately
accepted the office of Warden of the Cinque
Ports, which vacated his seat, was not pre
sent at the opening of Parliament. Mr. Dundas,
therefore, took the lead in defending the con
duct of Ministers, and was most ably supported
by Mr. Burke and Mr. Windham ; — the oppo
sition was led by Mr. Fox,, who Avas followed by
Lord Wycombe. The reality of the alleged
dangers constituted the principal ground of
difference. Mr. Fox denied their existence,
and called for specific proofs; while the Minis
ters insisted on the notoriety of the facts, as
affording the most convincing proofs. The
danger stared every man in the face ; and, but
a few weeks before, had spread dismay among
all the Avell-affected part of tire community ; —
yet was it confidently asserted, in the House of
Commons, that the assertions in the speech
were all false and calumnious ; that nothing like
disaffection was to be seen in the kingdom, but

296
-that an universal spirit of loyalty pervaded every
quarter. The measures taken to prevent the
effects of a danger, the existence of which Avas
so confidently denied, were represented as frau
dulent, unnecessary, and intended only as the
means by which the passions of the country
might be ipflamed, and the design of the
Minister, to plunge the nation in a continental
War, be favoured and supported. But even
granting, for the sake of argument, that some
discontent might prevail, the remedies pre^
scribed, by the quacks of opposition, as infalr
lible specifics, were a repeal of the test and cor
poration acts, and o reform of the House of
Commons, That the House of Commons
required reformation, was a question Avhich
admitted of little doubt ; but they must have
been wretched empirics indeed, Avho could pre*
scribe for their OAvn country the very remedies
which had proved fatal to the Monarchy of
France. Unbounded concession had relaxed all
the energies of government ; and indiscriminate
reform accomplished its destruction. The
French King, unhappily, followed the very
advice here given to the British Monarch. He,
weakly and vainly, attempted to silence the cla-r
mours of disaffection, by an easy compliance with
every demand. — The natural consequence fok
lowed ; the claimants became more importunate,

297
as his facility increased ; till they commanded,
and he sued in vain.
The opposition attacked the loyal associa
tions, and represented them as more dangerous
than the seditious clubs. They even charged
them Avith attempts to poison the minds of the
people, by promulgating the Tory doctrine of
passive obedience and non-resistance; a doc
trine which they avIio condemned it evidently
did not understand. They seem to have for
gotten, too, that, without the aid of the Tories,
the revolution of 1688 Avould never have been
accomplished. The tract, circulated by the
association, at the CroAvn and Anchor, which
most excited the indignation of the modern
Whigs, Avas one entitled, A Letter from Thomas
Bull to his brother John, which was the pro
duction of the venerable Mk. Jones, of Nay-
land, who had more attentively studied, and
more ably appreciated, the British constitution,
and the relative duties of the Sovereign and of
his subjects, than Mr. Fox, and the whole band
of juvenile politicians, who now clamoured in
his train. The assertions of the opposition, respecting
the cause and the object of the late preparations,
were fully contradicted by the Ministers ; who
insisted, that they Avere imperatively, called for
by the alarming s'ate of the country ; and by the

298
conduct of the ruling party in France. They
proved, from the various addresses presented by
the factious members of the jacobin clubs in
England, to the French convention, by the
violent resolutions which they had published,
and by the seditious pamphlets which they had
circulated, the reality of that danger, and the
existence of that disaffection, Avhich had been
imputed in the speech from the throne. They
clearly demonstrated, also, from the public
declarations of the leading men in France, their
fixed determination to render their principles
and their arms the means of producing similar
revolutions in other countries; and of aggran
dizing their own at their expense. In viola
tion of their own decrees, and in contempt of
existing treaties, they had annexed Savoy to
France, and opened the navigation of the
Scheldt. In the course of this discussion, Mr. Fox
took an opportunity of renewing his expressions
of attachment to the principles and the patriots
of France, triumphing in their triumphs, and
lamenting oA'er their defeats ! — In short, he
seemed to conceive that he had gone too far, in
his avowed admiration of the French revolution
to retract, and that his only chance for distinc
tion, noAV that he was forsaken by all that was
respectable in his party, was by becoming the

299
chief of a new faction, by encouraging its mem
bers to proceed to the greatest extremities,
and, by his countenance, and indirect support,
to stimulate them to the avowal of principles,
and of designs, Avhich he would not himself
dare to acknowledge. He moved an amend
ment to the address, which Avas negatived by a
majority of two hundred and forty.
Decisive as this majority unquestionably
was, it did not deter Mr. Fox from renewing
bis opposition to the address on the succeeding
night, when the report was brought up. He
then, however, deemed it expedient to modify
his sentiments, by declaring his belief, that
the aggrandizement of France ought to be
watched with a jealous eye by Great Britain.
But, in his opinion, the best mode of prevent
ing its evil effects Avould be to conciliate the
favour, and to court the alliance, of the French
republic, whose cause, he asserted, was .daily
becoming more popular on the Continent; while
no reliance could be placed on either Prussia
or Austria, the leaders of whose armies were .«
destitute alike of honour and of humanity. — •
Mr. Fox concluded this philippic on the enemies
of France, with a motion, the object of Avhich
was, to intreat the King to exert all the arts of
negotiation for the preservation of peace with
the French Republic.

300
Mr. Fox's motion was seconded by Mr.
Sheridan, and opposed by Mr. Burke, who
aptly observed, that if no reliance could now
be placed on the fidelity of our allies, it was not
likely to be secured in future by paying court to
their implacable enemies. — Nor, if weAvere dis
posed to submit to such degradation, were we,
by any means,, certain of attaining our object.
And jet the country were called upon to re
nounce their existing connections Avith the
ancient and established governments in Europe,
for the purpose of crouching, Avithout effect,
to a species of republic, Avhich bore no analogy
to any other which was, or ever had been, in
the Avorld ; a republic founded on principles
of universal seduction, union, and confrater
nity, so wild in her ambitious projects, and
views of Proselytism, as to aim at the subver
sion of all other forms of government, and the
substitution of her own in their stead. Like
the propagator of the doctrine of the Koran,
with a- new-fangled code of opinions in one
hand, and the sword in the other, she was
resolved to enforce conviction on surrounding:
nations, and compel them to adopt her own
system of revolutionary freedom. Mr. Fox's
motion was negatived without a division. Still
Mr. Fox was not discouraged. — He renewed the
discussion the very next day, when he proposed

301
that an ambassador should be sent to France
to treat with those persons who exercised, pro
visionally, the functions of the executive go
vernment in that country. This proposal,
hoAvever, for opening a treaty with rebels arid
traitors, who had overthrown the Monarchy,
and were about to murder the Monarch, was
indignantly rejected by a great majority of the
House. But although, on these important points,
a radical difference of opinion, and indeed of
^principle, prevailed, the members of both
parties were unanimous in their sentiments
respecting the approaching fate of the unhappy
Louis. Mr. Sheridan, on the 20th of Decem
ber, introduced the subject, and expressed his
conviction that the public mind, throughout
France, would be considerably influenced, could
it be known that the unjust and inhuman act
of cruelty about to be committed was univer
sally deprecated and deplored by the people
of Great Britain. Mr. Fox expressed similar
sentiments, — observing, that the manner in
which the Royal Family of France Avere treat
ed, was. unjust, cruel, and pusillanimous. — He
Avas of opinion, that the best mode of treating
a subject so delicate, would be to address the
King for a copy of the instructions sent to
Lord Gower on his recal, and then to thank

302
his Majesty for the communication, adding
some expressions of abhorrence against the late
transactions in France. In this opinion, Mr.
Pitt concurred, and he immediately moved for
the instructions, observing, at the same time,
that, although to solicit any thing from France
would be to solicit the eternal disgrace of this
country, yet he considered it extremely proper
to express as general an abhorrence as possible
of the miserable and horrid catastrophe Avith
which the Fretich King was, at that moment,.
threatened. But Avhen the papers were produced
the next day, it was judged to be the safest way,
merely to move that they might lie on the table
of the House for' the members to peruse ; it being
apprehended that a vote, expressive of the sen
timents of the House, might probably accelerate
the event Avhich it was intended to avert. Mr.
Fox truly characterized the trial of Louis the Six
teenth, as repugnant to all the common feelings
of mankind, and contrary to all the fundamental
principles of law. The same subject was ad
verted to, in the House of Lords, by the Mar
quis of Lansdowne, Avho proposed to send an
ambassador to France ; but Lord Grenville suc
cessfully opposed the motion, on which no
division took place. In the course of his speech
the Marquis, alluding to the present situation
of the French King, observed, that such a
Prince Avas not a proper object of punishment,

303
who, during a reign of sixteen years, had
made the happiness of his subjects his constant
study. Among the measures of precaution Avhich
Mr. Pitt now deemed necessary for the pre
servation of public order, was a bill for sub
jecting Aliens to particular regulations and
restrictions. The motive which gave rise to
this bill was the influx of Frenchmen into the
kingdom, who came hither for the purpose of
maintaining a closer communication with the
seditious clubs, and for directing the efforts Of
their members to the subversion of the consti
tution ; a task for which they were eminently
qualified. It is a matter of considerable doubt,
whether it is proper, judicious, or strictly con
stitutional, to have recourse to the authority
of - Parliament, for a legislative sanction to
measures, the adoption of which is within the
¦ legal prerogative of the Crown. Such conduct
is liable to a very strong objection, inasmuch
as it has a natural tendency to weaken the pre
rogative ; for as it is to be inferred that the,
interference of Parliament Avill not be called
for, unless in cases of necessity, the very fact
of such interference will, in time, be deemed
sufficient to prove the defect of the prerogative,
where no defect was ever before supposed to
ftxist. In respect of Aliens", there could be no

304
doubt that the King had the power either to
subject them, on their arrival in the country,
to any regulations which he might deem neces
sary for the security of the state, or to send
them out of the country, Avhenever he saAV
reason to withdraw from them that protection
which it was competent to him, by the general
laAv of nations, to grant or to refuse. The
application to Parliament, therefore, could not
be necessary ; but it Avas deemed prudent by
ministers, who, being responsible for any abuse,
or improper exercise, of the prerogative, were
better satisfied to regulate their conduct by the
decision of the legislature.
This bill, though supported by the most'
respectable members of the opposition in both
Houses, Avas strenuously resisted by Lords
Guildford and Lauderdale, in the Upper House,
and by Mr. Fox, and his feAv remaining fol-
i
lowers, ,iu the LoAver House.* It occasioned

* This Alien-bill was made a subject of complaint against
the British government by Mr. Chauvelin, and by the French
minister, Le Brun, who described it as " rigorous, unjust, un
usual, and contrary to all the usages observed by nations to
each other," as well as a direct violation of the commercial
treaty between the two countries. Putting the palpable false
hood of this assertion out of the question, it is curious to ob
serve, that Mr. Le Brun here pronounced a sentence of con
demnation on the French government ; since, in the month of

305
also some further declaration of sentiment," drt-
the part of Mr. Fox, and of those who had
seceded from his party, respecting the present'
state of public affairs, both in England and in
May, 1792, the Legislative Assembly passed a decree against'
Aliens, Similar in tenor to the British Act, but more offensive
in its provisions. By this decree, every foreigner, without
any , exception, was compelled, within eight days,- to declare
his name and character, his usual residence, and his' abode at
Paris, and also to produce his passport, if he had one, to the
committee of the Section, under severe penalties in case of
Omission. This, and the other provisions of the decree, as
applied to Englishmen, were a direct breach of the article
of the commercial treaty quoted by Le Brun. When this
minister, too, asserted* at the same time, that the English in
France had experienced every kindness, he did not more
strictly adhere to truth. On the eighteenth of September,
1 792, -Kersaint complained to the Assembly of the scandalous
treatment to which the British were exposed. " There
remains," said he, " but one nation in Europe' M>ft<we neutrality*
as to the affairs of France, is decidedly pronounced — it is Eng
land. Yet there are no means left unemployed to sour the
minds of those English who are now residing in France. —
At this moment there are no obstacles which are not used to;
shackle foreigners, and particularly the English. There is
nothing which, since the tenth of August, the commune hasi
left undone to irritate the latter, either by refusing them pass
ports, or '.by disturbing them, in every possible manner, at the
places of their habitation."
Such a testimony as that of Kersaint, one of the most-
violent enemies of Great Britain,: is highly valuable to corro
borate the assertions of Mr. Pitt, respecting, ihe determhiejdi,
neutrality of the British governments
Vol. III. x

306
Fjance, This only served to confirm the dif
ference which was already known to exist be?
tween them. Mr, Burke most clearly proved
that the exultation which Mr. Fox had mani
fested, on the success of the French, was totally
inconsistent with the dread which he had ex
pressed of the aggrandizement of France ;
because her aggrandizement was both .the object
and the consequence of their success. He ex
patiated, with his usual energy, on the nature
of French fraternization, and of that liberty
Avhich the revolutionists were so anxious to
propagate throughout; Europe, by plunder and
the sword; and Avhich he truly characterized,
as a liberty without property, without honour,
without morals, without .order, without govern
ment, and without personal security. These
apostles of liberty had boasted ¦ of having de
stroyed the Bastille, while they had converted
every man's house in Paris into a Bastille.
Mr. Burke quoted the speech of Mr. Dur
pont in the, convention, to shew that atheism
was the first fruits of French liberty. This
man had profligately declared the religjon of
Jesus Christ to be unfit to be tolerated in a
republic, because it was a monarchical region,
and preached subjection and obedience! to God !
And the Convention received thje declaration
^vith loud applause. He pathetically deplor^t "

30?
the natural effects of such systematized pro
fligacy, which went to deprive man of all hap
piness in life, and of all consolation in death.
He considered the Alien- bill as calculated to
save the country ; for, although the number
of suspicious Aliens in the kingdom at this
time might be small, yet it should be remem
bered, that the horrid massacres at Paris, in
the preceding autumn, had been perpetrated
by a body of men, not exceeding tAVO hundredi
He averred that, at that, very moment, three
thousand daggers, of a peculiar construction,
Were manufacturing at Birmingham^ under the
orders of an individual: How many of these
were intended for exportation,- and how many
were designed for home consumption, had not
yet been ascertained. He then produced One
of these daggers, and threAV it on the floor,
exclaiming, — " These are the presents which
France designs for you. — By these, would she
propagate her freedom and fraterniiy. — But
may Heaven avert her principles from our minds,
and her daggers from our hearts."
The debates on the bill were renewed, in its;
different stages, when Mr. Fox took the lead in
opposing it; but it was finally carried by a
decisive majority.
[1793.] The known and recorded senti
ments of the British ! Parliament had as littlfe'

308
influence as a regard for justice, or attention, to
existing laws, on the .minds of the French
O ' '7
rebels, who had dethroned their SqvereignF and
usurped his,.authority. — After a mock trial, in
which all the forms of justice, and all the
principles of law, were violated without
scruple, and without reserve, the virtuous Louis
was doomed to the scaffold. His murder was
perpetrated on the 21st of -January; and in his
last moments he displayed that christian
.patience, resignation,, and fortitude, which a
consciousness . of innocence, and a firm con
fidence in the promises of God, are alone com
petent to inspire. After this atrocious deed*
which fixes an indelible stain on the national
character, of the French people, Avho tamely
looked on Avhile their best, friend fell a victim to
their ruthless tyrants, it was not possible to
suffer the representative of the deceased Mo
narch to continue his residence at the British
Court.— Mr. Chauvelin was, therefore, ordered
to quit the kingdom, Avithin eight days; and,
on the 28th of the month, the King sent a
message to both Houses of Parliament, inform
ing therii, that, he had given directions foj
laying before them copies of several papers,
Which had been received from M. Chauvelin,
by the Secretary of State, and the answers
thereto ; and likeAvise a. copy of an order made

309
by his Majesty in Council, and transmitted, by
his Majesty's; commands, to the said M. Chauve
lin, in consequence of the accounts of the
atrocious^ act recently perpetrated at Paris. In
the present situation of affairs, his - Majesty-
thought it indispensably necessary -to make a
further augmentation of his foVces by sea and
land; and relied on the known affection and
zeal 'of the House of Commons, to enable him
to take the most effectual measures, in the pre
sent important juncture, for maintaining the
security and rights of his own dominions ; for
supporting his allies ; and for opposing views of
aggrandizement and ambition on the part of
France, Avhich Avould be, at all times, danger
ous to the general interests of Europe, but
were peculiarly so, Avhen connected with the
propagation of principles which led to the
violation of the most sacred duties, and were
utterly subversive of the peace and order Of all
civil society.
This message was taken into considera
tion, by the House of Commons, on the first
of February, Avhen Mr. Pitt entered into a
copious, and luminous illustration of French
principles, and took an extensive view of the
subjects, both foreign and domestic, to which
the message related. He first adverted to the
murder of the? King of Fiance, Avhich he truly

310
characterized as a calamitous event, as a
dreadful outrage against every principle of
religion, of justice, and of humanity, which
had created one general sentiment of indigna
tion and, abhorrence in every part of this
island, and, most undoubtedly, had produced
the same effect in every civilized country. At
the same time that he said this, he was, aAvare.
jthat he should better .consult, not only his own
feelings, but those of the House, if considera*
tions of duty would permit him to draw a veil
over the whole of that transaction, because it
was, in fact, j'n itself, in all those circumstances.
which led to hj in all Avhich attended it, and in
.all which, had followed, or which were -likely to
follow it thereafter, so fall of every subject of
grief and horror, that it Avas painful for the
mind to dwell upon it, It was asubject whieh,-
for the honour of human nature, it would be
better, if possible, to> dismiss from our memo
ries, to expunge from the page of history, and
to conceal it, both then and for ever, from the
observation of the world .:
Excidat ille dies sevo, neu postera credant
Secula; nos certe taceamus, et obruta multa
No.te tegi nostra; patiamur crimine gentis.
These were the Avoids of a great historian of
France, (de Thou) in a former period, and

ail
Were applied to an occasion (the massacre of the
Protestants, on St. Bartholomew's day) which
had always been considered as an eternal
reproach to the French nation.— And the atro*
cious acts, lately perpetrated at Paris, were,
perhaps, the only instances that furnished any
match to that dreadful and complicated scene
6f proscription and blood. — But, whatever
might be their feelings on that subject, since,
alas! it was not possible that the present age
should not be contaminated with its guilt,— *
since it was not possible that the knowledge of
it should not be conveyed by the breath of
tradition to posterity, there was a duty which
we were called upon to perform, — to enter our
solemn protestation, that, on every principle by
which men of justice and honour were actuated,
it was the foulest and most atrocious deed
which the history of the world had yet had
occasion to attest.
Mr. Pitt then reminded the House -of ano
ther duty, which related to the interest of every
country in Europe ;— -this was to derive from
this atrocious deed all the benefit which, as a
lesson, it was calculated to confer, by shewing
what Was the natural effect of those' principles,
which the French had adopted with so much
eagerness, and which they propagated with so
Jftuch industry. In this one instance was ex-

312
hibited the " effect of principles, which, origi
nally, rested upon grounds that dissolved
whatever had hitherto received the best sanc
tions of human legislation, which were con
trary to every principle of laAv, human and
divine, Presumptuously relying on their de
ceitful and destructive theories, they had
rejected every benefit which the world had
hitherto received from the effect of either reason
or experience, or even of revelation itself—
The consequences of these principles had
received an illustration from the fate of one,
whom every human being commiserated. -r-
Their consequences, equally tended to shake the
security of commerce, and to rob the meanest
individual in every country of Avhatever Avas
most dear and valuable to him.
They struck directly at the authority of all
regular government, and at the inviolable
personal situation of every lawful Sovereign.—^
Mr. Pitt, therefore, felt it to be, not merely a
tribute due to humanity, not merely an effusion
of those feelings Avhich he possessed in common
with every man in the country, but a proper
subject of reflection to fix the minds of the
House on the effect of these principles, which
had been thus dreadfully attested, before they
proceeded to ponsider what measures it became
the country to adopt, in order to avert their

313
Contagion, and to prevent their groAVth and,
progress in Europe.
But, strong as his feelings were on the
subject, he would intreat the House, if possible,,
to consider even that calamitous event as a sub
ject rather of reason and reflection, than of
sentiment and feeling. Sentiment was often
unavailing, but reason and reflection would
lead to that knoAvledge which was necessary to
the salvation of this and of all other countries.
He was persuaded the House Avould not feel it
as a circumstance which they were to take upon
themselves, but would feel it in the way in
which he had put it, as a proof of the calami
ties arising out of the most abominable and
detestable principles, — as a proof of the absence
of all morals, of all justice, of all humanity,
and of every principle which did honour to,
human nature ; — and that it furnished the
strongest demonstration of the dreadful out
rage which the crimes and follies of France had
suggested to them. He was persuaded that
the House would be sensible that these princi
ples, and the effects of them, were to be
narrowly Avatched, that there could be no lead
ing consideration more nearly connected with
the prospect of all countries, and, most of all,
.that there could be no consideration more deserv
ing the attention of that House, than to crush,

314
and destroy, principles which were so dangerous,
and so destructive of every blessing Avhich the
country enjoyed under its free and excellent
constitution. Most truly and emphatically did
Mr. Pitt state, that we owed our present happi
ness and prosperity, which had never been
equalled in the annals of mankind, to a mixed
monarchical government. — The people felt
and : knew they were happy under tbat form
of government.-^- They considered it as their
first duty to maintain and reverence the British
Constitution, which, for wise and jus,t reasons'
of lasting and internal policy, attached in
violability to the sacred person of the Sovereign;
though, at the same time, by the responsibility
annexed to government, by the check of a wise1
system of laws, and by a mixture of aristo
cratic and democratic power in the frame of
legislation, it had equally exempted itself from
the danger arising from the exercise of absolute
poAver on the one hand, and the still more
dangerous contagion of popular licentiousness
pn the other. The equity of our laws, and the
freedom of our political system, had been the
envy of every surrounding nation. In this
country, no man, in consequence of his riches
©r his rank, was so high as to be above the
reach of the laws, and no individual Avas so
poor, or so inconsiderable, as not to be within

315
their protection, it was the boast of the law
of England, that it afforded equal security and
protection to the high and the low— to the rich
and to the poor.
Such Avas the envied situation of Eng
land, Avhich might be compared, were the
expression alloAvable, to the situation of the
temperate zone on the surface of the globe,
formed, by the bounty, of Providence, for
habitation and enjoyment, being equally re
moved from the polar frosts on the one hand,
and from the scorching heat of the torrid zone
on the other; — Avhere the vicissitude of the
seasons, and the variety of the climate, con
tributed to the vigour and health of its inhabit
tants, and to the fertility of its soil ; — where
pestilence and famine are unknown, as well as
earthquakes, hurricanes, and all their dreadful
eorisequences. — Such was the situation, the
fortunate situation, of Brjtain ; and Avhat a
splendid contrast did it form to the situation of
that country, Avhich was exposed to all the tre
mendous consequences of that" ungovernable,
that intolerable, and destroying spirit, which
carried ruin and desolation wherever it went.
Principles, like these, were not the natural
produce of Great Britain, and it ought, Mr.
Pitt said, to be the first duty of the House,
and their principal concern, to take the most

310
effectual measures for putting, a ;stop. to their
groAvth and progress in this country, as Avell as
in the other nations of Europe. After these
preliminary observations, Mr. Pitt proceeded
to consider more particularly the circumstances
which had given rise, to his Majesty's mes
sage. He divided the papers, presented to
the House, into two parts, those which had
been before published to the Avorld ; arid
those Avhich were now made public for the first
time. Previous to the meeting of Parliament,
his Majesty had observed the 'strictest neu
trality with respect to France. He had taken
no part Avhatever in the regulation of her internal
government. He had given her no cause of
complaint ; and, therefore, he had an un
doubted right to expect, that France Avould
cautiously avoid every measure which could
furnish any ground of complaint, to his ma
jesty. He might also well expect, that France
would have respected the rights of himself and
of his allies. His- Majesty might, most of all,
expect that, - in the troubled state of that
country, they would not choose to attempt an
interference with the internal government of this
country, for the sole purpose of creating dis
sension among us, and of disturbing. a scene of
unexampled felicity. But, fortunately for
England, they did not succeed.

317
Mr. Pitt then proceeded to analyze the
papers before the House, and to draw the
most just and natural inferences from their
contents. In the first communication from Mr.
Chauvelin, Avhich he noticed, dated on the
12th of May, 1792, the King of France
declared, in express terms, that, " religiously
faithful to the constitution, Avhatever may be
finally the fate of arms in this war, France
rejects all ideas of aggrandizement ;" — and, fur
ther, that France entertained the most pacific
dispositions, and Avould, at all times, shezv respect
for the lazvs, the customs, and the forms of govern
ment, of other nations. Louis further pro
claimed his determination, publicly and severely
to disavoAv all those of his agents who should
dare to depart, for an instant, from that -respect,
either by fomenting or favouring insurrections
against the established order, or by interfering
in any manner -whatever in the interior policy of
such states, " under pretence of a prosclytism
zvhich, exercised in the dominions of friendly
powers, would be a real violation of the lazv of
nations." Here the French government passed
a sentence. upon their oavh conduct. It was
evideat, Mr. Pitt observed, that the conduct of
France had been directly- the reverse of the
principles laid doAvn in this paper, Avhich she
had violated in every instance in which it Avas

318
in her poAver. In the month of June, similar
professions were made by the French King, to
which Avas added a voluntary promise to respect
the rights of the allies of Great Britain. The
return made to these assurances Avas, the obser
vance, on the part of England, of the most
rigorous neutrality. ,
These assurances went to three* points— to
a determination to abstain from views of aggran
dizement ; — not to interfere with the gOArern-
ment of neutral nations, Avhich was admitted
to be a violation of the law of .nations; — and
to observe the rights of his majesty and his
allies. Mr. Pitt then entered into a. considera
tion of the conduct of France, under her neAV
system, as applicable to each of these points.
He shewed that she had, both by her words and
actions, manifested a determination, if* not
checked by force, to act on principles of aggran
dizement. She had completely disclaimed that
maxim, " that, whatever was the fate of her
arms, in Avar, France rejected all ideas of aggranr
dizement." She had employed the first moment
of success publicly to contradict such declara*
tion. She had availed herself of the success of
her arms in Savoy, without even attempting the
ceremony of disguise, (after having professed
her determination to confine herself within her
ancient limits) to annex it for ever to the new

319
Sovereignty of France. They had, by their
decree, (of the 19th of November*) announced
a termination to carry on a similar operation in
every country into Avhich their arms can be
carried, with a view to do the same thing in
substance, if not in name.
Their decree, of the 18th of December,^
* The decree here alluded to was drawn up in these com
prehensive terms, " The National Convention declares, in
the name of the French nation, that they will grant frater
nity and assistance to all people who wish to recover
their liberty ; and they charge the executive powers to send
the necessary orders, to the generals, to give assistance to such
people, and to defend those citizens, who have suffered, or
may suffer, in the cause of liberty." This decree was, on- the
motion of Serjeant, ordered to be " translated, and printed
in ALL LANGUAGES."
"It In pursuance of the principles promulgated by the decree
of the 19th of November, the National Convention passed
anotheT decree, on the 15th of December, by which their
Generals were ordered to regulate their conduct, in the coun
tries which their armies then occupied, or might afterwards
occupy. In the preamble to this decree they expressly declared,
that their principles would not permit them to acknowledge any
of the institutions militating against the Sovereignty of the
People ; and the various articles exhibit a complete system of
demolition. They insist on the immediate suppression of all
existing authorities, the abolition of rank and privileges of
every description ; and the suppression of all existing imposts ;
hay, these friends to freedom even declare, they will treat as

320
contained a fair illustration and confirmation of
their principles and designs. They had there
expressly stated the plan on Avhich- they meant
to act. Whenever they obtained a temporary
success, whatever was the situation of the
country into which they entered, whatever
might have been its antecedent conduct, what
ever might be its political connections, they had
determined not to abandon the possession of it,
till they had effected the utter and absolute
subversion of its form of goA-ernment, of every
ancient, every established, usage, however long
they might have existed, and however much
they, might have been revered^ They would
not accept, under the name of liberty, any
model of government, but that which was con
formable to their own opinions and ideas ; and all
men must learn, from the mouth of their cannon,
the propagation of their system, in every part

enemies a whole people, (un peuple entierj who shall presume
to reject liberty and equality, or enter into a treaty with a
Prince, or privileged casts !— It is worthy of remark, that
the very day on which this decree, containing a systematic plan
for disorganizing all lawful* governments, passed the Conven
tion, the provisional Executive Council wrote to theis agent,
Chauvelin, instructing him to disavow all hostile intentions on
the part of France, and to proclaim her detestation of the idea-
of a war with England I—Letter to the Earl of Lauderdale.
P. 53, 54.

321
of the world. They had regularly and boldly
avowed these instructions, which they sent to
the commissioners,* Avho were to carry them
into execution. They had stated to them a
revolutionary principle and order, for the pur
pose of being applied in every country in Avhich
the French arms should be crowned Avith suc
cess. They had stated, that they would organ
ize every country, by a disorganizing princi
ple ; and, afterwards, they had the effrontery to
assert, that all this Avas done by the will of the
people. By that will, wherever French arms
were triumphant, revolutions must take place.
The plain question then occurred, Avhat con
stitutes such will? — It is the power of the
French. They had explained Avhat the liberty
Avas Avhich they . proposed to give to every
nation, but to compel them to receive it by force,
if they were not disposed to accept it volun
tarily. They took every opportunity to destroy,
wherever they. Avent, every institution, the most
sacred, and the most just; and, under the name
of liberty, they had resolved to make every
country, in substance, a province dependent on

* These instructions are to be found in the' Memaifes
historiques et politiques sur la Revolution de la Belgique et du pays
de Liege. By Publioola Chaussard, one pf the commis
sioners.
Vol. III. Y

322~
themselves, through the despotism of Jacobin
Societies. This had given a more fatal blow to
the liberties of mankind, than any which they
had suffered, even from the boldest attempts of
the most aspiring Monarch. It was evident,
therefore, that France had trampled upon all laws,
human and divine. She had, at last, avowed the
most insatiate ambition, and the greatest con
tempt for the laAV of nations, which all inde
pendent States had hitherto professed most
religiously to observe ; and, unless she was
stopped in her career, all Europe must soon learn
their ideas of justice,— the law of nations —
models of government - — and principles of
liberty,— from the mouth of the French cannon.,
Mr. Pitt next adverted to the practical.
effect of the new French system in the
Netherlands. In allusion to that country, the
French government, in one of its communi
cations, with the British Ministry, declared,
that France " has renounced, and again
renounces, every conquest ; and her occupation
of the low countries shall only continue during
the wai-j and the time which may be necessary for
the Belgians to ensure arid consolidate their
liberty; after which, they will be independent
and happy. France aviII find her reward in
their felicity." In order to prove, that this meant
nothing less than the total subjection of the

323
people to an unqualified dependence on France;
he instanced the conduct of Dumouriez, ori
his entrance into Brussels, where he used mili
tary force to prevent the inhabitants from
destroying the tree of liberty ; and the recep
tion, by the Convention, of an address from
the- people of, Mons, desiring that the pro
vince of Hainault might be added to France'
as an 85th department. This address was
referred to a Committee, who were instructed
to report the form in which countries, wish
ing to unite with France, were to be ad
mitted into the uniori ; so that the receiving-
similar applications was to be a fixed and
Standing' principle, which, in its consequences,
if not timely prevented, must destroy the
liberties and independence of England, as well
as of all Europe.
He jus* tly considered the decree of the 19th
of November, which Was ordered to be* printed
in all languages, as Clearly extending its appli
cation to every country, and to- England, of
course, whatever the French government might
pretend to' the contrary. The explanation
attempted, by which the application of the decree
was confined to the single case of a declaration
of the general will of a country, was re
garded as nugatory and' absurd : indeed, it was
fefghly preposterous, because, - when th^ people
y %

324
Avere unanimous (and their unanimity is neces
sary to constitute the general avill) they could
have no opposition to encounter, and had, there
fore, no assistance to solicit. But the whole
context of the language, as well of the de
cree as of the discussions which preceded, and
followed it, and of the subsequent explanation,,
shewed the clearest intention to propagate their
principles all OAier the world : their explanations
contained only an avowal and repetition of the
offence. They had proscribed royalty as a
crime, and would not be satisfied with any
thing less than its total destruction. The dread
ful sentence Avhich they had executed on their
own unfortunate Monarch, applied to every
Sovereign then exisitingr — And, lest any doubt"
should remain as to the design of extending
their system to this country, the conduct of the
National Convention had applied it, by repeated
acts, to England by. name, which rendered any
explanation, on their part, unsatisfactory and
unavailing. There was> no society in England,,
however contemptible in their numbers, however
desperate iu their principles, and however ques
tionable in their existence, who possessed the
recommendations of treason and disloyalty, who
were not cherished, justified^ applauded, and treat
ed even with a degree of theatrical extraAagance,
at the bar of the National Convention. Could

323
any one who read the answers given to these
men, doubt, for a moment, whether England Avas
one of the countries into which they wished to
introduce a spirit of proselytism which, exer
cised in the dominions of friendly poAvers, they
themselves admitted Avould be a violation of the
law of nations?
In examining the third and last point, the
violation of the rights of his Majesty, and of
his allies, Mr. Pitt reprobated the aggressive
conduct of France, in forcibly attempting to
open the navigation of the river Scheldt, in
which she had no right to interfere, unless she
were Sovereign of the Loav Countries, or boldly
professed herself the general arbitress of Europe.
Her conduct, in this instance, was greatly aggra
vated by the circumstanccof her being bound,
by the faith of solemn and recent treaties,
to secure to the Dutch the exclusiA'e
navigation of the Scheldt, and to oppose the
opening that river, if any other power should
attempt it. If France were the Sovereign of the
Low Countries, she Avould only succeed to the
rights which Avere enjoyed by the House of
Austria ; and if she possessed the sovereignty,
with ail the advantage, she must also take it
withall its incumbrances, of which the -shutting
up of the Scheldt was one. France could have
no right to annul the stipulations relative to the

326
Scheldt, unless she had also the right to set aside,
equally, all the other treaties between all the
powers of Europe, and all the other rights of
England or of her allies. England would never
consent that France should arrogate the power
of annulling, at her pleasure, and under the
pretence of a natural right, of which she makes
herself the only judge, the political system of
Europe, established by solemn treaties, and gua*
ran teed by all the PoAvers. Such a violation of
right as France had been guilty of, it would be
difficult to find in the history of the AvorlcL
The conduct of that nation \yas, in the highest
degree, arbitrary, capricious, and founded upon
no one principle of reason or of justice. They
declared that, this treaty Avas antiquated, and
either extorted by despotism, or procured by
Corruption. — Yet, the very last year, had this
neAV and enlightened nation renewed her assuiv
ances of respect for all the rights of his
Majesty's allies, Avithout any exception, Ayithouf
any reservation, so that the advancement of this
claim was directly contrary to their recent pro
fessions. From the treaty of Munster, down to
the year 1 785? the exclusive navigation of
the Scheldt had been one of the established
rights of Holland. If it were urged as a reason
for not stepping forward, at such a crisis, in sup
port of our ally, that no formal requisition ha$

327
been made for that purpose, it was contended, by
Mr. Pitt, that the obvious necessity of such
support was a sufficient reason for granting it ;
besides, it was intimated, that the sudden effect
of French ambition, and of French arms, might
have rendered the government of Holland afraid
to make a formal requisition. But this Avas no
reason for England to be inactive and slothful ;
and, unless we meant to stand by, and to suffer
state after state to be subverted, arid reduced
under the power of France, Ave must now declare
our firrh resolution to oppose those principles of
ambition and aggrandizement, which had for
tlieir object the destruction , of England, of
Europe, and of the World.
The next point for consideration was, Avhe^
ther the papers before the House contained an
answer to the past, or gave any security for the
future ? They supplied no such ansAver ;— they
afforded no such security. — The explanations of
the offensive decree of the Convention, of the
l-9th of November, Avas nothing more than an
advertisement for treason and rebellion. The
reception which the delegates from the societies
in England experienced at Paris, was the best
proof of the real intention of the French go
vernment. Though the numbers of these clubs.
had been deemed too contemptible for the ani-'
raadyersion of the law; or the notice of our

328
own executive government, they avctc considered
enough for the National Convention, which
chose to regard them as the clear, undisputed,
constituted organ of the will of the people.
What reliance could be placed on all their ex pla*
nations, after the avowal of principles to the last
degree dangerous to the liberty, the constitution,
the independence, and the very existence of the
country. In further illustration of the real sentiments
and designs of the French Rulers, a letter from
one of them, Monge, addressed to the friends
of liberty, in the different sea-ports of France,
and bearing date the 31st of December, 1792,
only four days after a communication from
Chauvelin to Lord Grenville, in which that same
council had complained that a harsh construction'
had been put, by the British Ministry, on the con
duct of France, and, at the same time, professed
the strongest friendship for Great Britain, was
read by Mr. Pitt. — In this letter England and
Spain were represented as two tyrannical govern
ments, which, after persecuting the patriots in
their own territories, thought they should be able
to influence the judgment to be pronounced on
the tyrant Louis. — But the people of France
would not suffer laws to be dictated to them by a
tyrant. — "The King and his Parliament mean
to make Avar against, us! Will the English

329
Republicans suffer it ? Already these freemen
sbeAv their discontent, and the repugnance
which they haye to bear arms against their bro
thers, the French. Well ! Ave will fly to their
succour; Ave will make a descent on the island;
Ave will lodge there fifty thousand caps of liberty;
Ave Avill plant there the sacred tree, and we will
stretch out our arms to our republican brethren ;
the tyranny of their government zvill soon be
destroyed. — Let every one of us be strongly im
pressed with this idea."
Such Avas the declaration of the sentiments
of the Minister of the Marine ; a declaration
Avhich separated not only the King, but the King
and Parliament, from the people, who were
called republicans. What faith could be put in
assurances, given on the part of France by
Chauvelin, on the 27th of December, Avhen, in
fourdays after, a member of the French go
vernment was found Avriting such a letter. ? It
Avas highly proper, therefore, to reject such ex
planations as those which had been offered only
to deceive. The state of the negotiation, then,
appeared to be this, — the conduct of France Avas
inconsistent with the peace and liberty of
Europe ; the French had given no satisfaction
with respect to the question at issue ; they had,
indeed, Offered what they called explanations, — -
but their principles, and the whole tenour of

33Q
their conduct were such, that no faith could be
put in their declarations. — Their conduct gave
the lie to their public professions ; and, instead
of giving satisfaction on the distinct articles, on
which we had aright to claim a clear and precise
explanation, and instead of shewing any desire
to abandon those views of conquest and aggran
dizement, to return Avithin their ancient limits,
and to set barriers to the progress of th&ir
destructive arms, and to their principles, still
more destructive ; instead of doing this, they
had, by way of explanation, avowed their de
termination to persist in those practices Avhich
constituted the very ground of complaint.
If France Avas really desirous of maintain
ing friendship and peace Avith England, she
must sheAv herself disposed to renounce her
views of aggression and aggrandizement, and
to confine herself Avithin her own territory,
without insulting other governments, without
disturbing their tranquillity, Avithout violating
their rights. Unless she consented to these-
terms, Avhatever might be the Avishes of the
British nation for peace, the final issue must be.
war. — But, as to the time, as to the moment
when the war was to commence, if there Avere
yet any possibility of satisfactory explanation,
and security for the future, it Avas not to the
last moment precluded, Mr. Pitt said, how-

331
ever, that he should disguise his sentiments to
the House, if he stated, that he thought an
accommodation in any degree probable. The
country had always been desirous of peace; it
was so still, but of such a peace as might be real
and solid, and consistent with the interests and
dignity of Britain, and with the general secu
rity lof Europe. War, Avhenever it came, Avould
be preferable to peace Avithout honour, without
security, and incompatible cither Avith the ex
ternal safety, or internal happiness, of the
country. Mr. Pift, after he had fully developed his
sentiments, on the important question at issue,
moved an address, thanking his Majesty fot
his communication; offering him the heartfelt
condolence of the House on the atrocious act
lately perpetrated at Paris ; expressing their
sense of the aggressive and ambitious conduct
of France; declaring their opinion of the
necessity of a vigorous opposition to such con
duct, and to the principles out of which it
arose ; and promising to make the necessary pro
vision for a further augmentation of the national
forces by sea and land.
The terms Avhich Mr. Pitt here held out,
as the condition of continued amity with
France, were the same Avhich were offered by
Lord Grenville to Mr, Chauvelin, apd Avere the

332
only terriis to which Great Britain could, with
honour, or even with safety, accede. They
involved nothing Avhich could affect either the
character or the interest of France; — nothing
with Avhich any regular government, any nation,
uninfluenced by aggressive and ambitious views,
incompatible Avith the peace and independence
of other countries, could refuse to comply. —
Mr. Pitt had, at length, become fully sensible
of the dangerous tendency of the destructive
principles adopted and propagated by the
French revolutionary government, when com
bined with the means of aggression which that
government possessed, and Avith the fixed reso
lution to employ them, avowed in their public
acts, and manifested in their public conduct.
It was strange, indeed, that a mind so acute as
his, and so accustomed to folloAV causes to their
consequences, should have been so long blind
to the effects of such a comprehensive system
of universal disorganization ; Avhich Avas not
limited to one or tAvo nations, but included,
within its spacious grasp, all civil and civilized
society. Had he been fully sensible of these
effects, at an earlier period of the revolution,
had he firmly resolved to check the groAving
spirit of mischief ere it had attained to its pre
sent state of maturity, and had he acted in
concert with Russia and Prussia, when they

333
first engaged in the contest, it" is more , than
probable that he would have succeeded in the
accomplishment of his end, with comparative
facility. But it is by no means clear, that
he would then have met Avith that support in
Parliament, and in the country, Avhich he noAV
experienced. The minds of men were not then
so alive to the danger which- threatened Europe
from the propagation of those vile principles ;
and it Avould have been infinitely more difficult
to persuade them, that they were calculated to
produce the effects which had noAV been seen to
flow from them. Mr. Pitt, too, had a strong,
and a very natural, bias in favour, of peace.
His plans of financial reform, his projects for
the improvement of the revenue, and his
scheme for the gradual reduction of the nati
onal debt, all required the continuance of peace
to give them : their full effect. His favourite
objects thus tended to strengthen his pacific
prepossessions, and to increase his disinclination
to war. Nothing, then, but the fullest, con
viction of the formidable danger resulting from
the conduct of the French government could
have led him to propose, even "now, those
means of safety, and those preparations for
resistance, Avhich the situation of the country,
and the state o^ Europe, so. imperatively de
manded. He \vas, indeed, forced, as it were^

334
to enter upon a system at variance with all his^
views of internal policy; to divert his attention
from those peaceful pursuits which Avere most
congenial to his disposition, his habits, and
his studies; and to appear on the political
stage, in a neAv and untried character.
Some discussion took place on the address
proposed by Mr. Pitt, in which Mr. Fox de
clared his opinion of the non-existence of- any
danger to this country, and strongly depre
cated a Avar. He took this opportunity, also,
of attacking certain principles advanced by
Mr. Burke, in his reflections on the French'
revolution. He did not scruple to assert, that
the People zvere the Sovereigns in. every state,
but he did not condescend to explain Avho, in
that case, Avere the subjects, although, without
subjects there can be no sovereigns ; — he further
maintained the- revolutionary doctrine, that
the people had a right to change the form of
their, government, and to cashier their go-1
vernors for misconduct, as the people of this
country had cashiered James the Second; not by
a Parliament, or any regular form known to the
Constitution, but by a convention, speaking the
sense of the people;* that convention produced
* Mr. Fox should hare here confined himself to' *
s(tateraent . of the mere fact, that James had been depos&A

335
a Parliament and a King. They elected Wil
liam to a vacant throne, not only setting asid6
James, whom they had justly cashiered for mis
conduct, but even his innocent son. Again,
they elected the House of BrunsAvick, not indi*
vidually, but by dynasty, and that dynasty to
continue while the terms and conditions, ou
which it was elected, are fulfilled, and no lon
ger: He could not admit the right to do all
this but by acknoAvledging the sovereignty of
the people as paramount to all other laws*
Whatever might be the intentions of the
Speaker, this speech could not fail to encourage
the seditious societies in England, to continue
their efforts for the subversion of the constitu
tion,- and to express their Avishes for the success
of the French, since it justified the fundamental
principle of the French revolution, from Avhich
the practice of the French rulers might easily
be defended as a natural deduction. The facts,
too, of the English revolution Avere misrepre*
(or declared to have abdicated the throne) by a convention ;
without adding that for which he had no authority, — that the
convention spoke the sense of the people. The addition might
be necessary to his argument, but it wanted the sanction of
History. * ©ebrtett-'s Parliamentary Debates for 17$». p. 417,
418.

336
sented, its nature and object perverted, and its
leading principles artfully concealed. Mr.
Windham answered Mr. Fox, contradicting his
assertions respecting the sovereignty, of the
people ; — after Avhich the address Avas carried
without a division.
The sincerity of Mr. Pitt's declarations of
the Avish of the British cabinet to preserve
peace, Avas fully proved by his conduct, from
the first dawn of the French revolution to the
present moment. From the middle of the year
1791? upon the first rumour of any measure
taken by the Emperor of Germany, and till
late in the year 1792 ; not only Avere the British
ministers no parties to any of the projects im
puted to the Emperor, but, from the political
circumstances, in Avhich they then stood Avith
relation to the Court of Vienna, they wholly
declined all communication Avith him on the
subject of France. To Prussia, avIio was the
ally of Great Britain, and still more decisively
to Holland, with Avhom the British government
were in close and intimate correspondence, they
uniformly stated their unalterable resolution to
maintain neutrality, and to avoid interference
in the internal affairs of France, so long as
France should refrain from hostile measures
against England, and her allies. No minister
of England had any authority to treat with

337
foreign states, even provisionally, for any war
like contest, till after the battle of Gemappe,
which was fought on the 6th of November,
1792 ; till a period subsequent to the repeated
.provocations which had been offered to ; this
country, and subsequent, particularly, to the
disorganizing decree of the 19th of Novem
ber.* Even then, Mr. Pitt laboured to devise
means for preventing a war. Mr. Maret (the
present Secretary to Buonaparte) was, at this
time, in England ; and Mi'. Pitt held a personal
conference with him,- on the subject of the
existing grounds of difference between the two
countries. The particulars of this conference
were communicated to the French Minister for
Foreign Affairs, by Mr. Maret, on the Second
of December, and his letter was afterwards
published by the French government. By this
document it appears, that Mr. Pitt gave the
strongest assurances of his sincere desire to
avoid a war, and explained the conditions on
which it might be avoided, which conditions
were similar to those which he explained to tha
House of Commons, and Avhich Avere communi
cated, by Lord Grenville, to Chauvelin. He
* See Mr. Pitt's Speech on the 3d of February, 1800, in'
.the collection of his speeches, by Mr. Hathaway. Vol, IVY
Vol. III. z

338
told Maret, that if the French government
would authorize any person to treat with the
British Ministers, they would find them disposed
to listen to him,* and to behave with cordiality
and confidence. He requested Maret not to
reject the only means of bringing them together,
and of making them understand each other,
when every question, proposed by the French
government, should be examined, and every
proposition considered- He urged him not to
lose a moment in sending to Paris for instruc
tions, and to let him know the instant they
arrived, when he would communicate with him
on the subject. Mr. Maret, in his letter to the
Minister, expresses his conviction of the sin
cerity of Mr. Pitt's pacific professions, and even
says — " Mr. Pitt dreads war even more than the
aristocracy of opposition." Talleyrand, the
apostate Bishop of Autun, was in London at
the same time, (in December, 1792) and inforfned
the French government, that the British Minis
try " had nothing more at heart than to treat
for the preservation of their neutrality."
At this period, Russia had, at length, con
ceived, as well as the English government, a
natural and a just alarm for the balance of
Europe, and applied to our Ministers to learn
their sentiments on the subject. In their answer
to this application, the Ministers imparted to,

339
Russia the principles upon which they acted,
and this answer was communicated to Prussia,
between Avhom and this country a treaty of
defensive alliance now subsisted. A dispatch
was sent, from Lord Grenville, to the British
Minister at St. Petersburgh, dated December
the 29th, stating a desire to have an explanation
set on foot on the subject of the war Avith
France. It was here observed, that the two
leading points on which the explanation would
naturally turn, were the line of conduct to be
followed previous to the commencement of hos
tilities, and, zvith a view, if possible, to avert
them; and the nature and amount of the
forces Avhich the powers engaged in this concert
might be enabled to use, supposing such extre
mities unavoidable. With respect to the first,
it appeared on the whole, subject, however, to
future consideration and discussion with the
other poAvers, that the. most advisable step to
be taken Avould be, that sufficient explanation
should be had with the powers at war with
France, in order to enable those not hitherto
engaged in the Avar, to propose to that country
terms of peace.— That these terms should be,
-the Avithdrawing their armies within the limits
of -the French territory ; the abandoning their
conquests; the rescinding any acts injurious to
the sovereignty ojr rights of any other nations ;
z 2

340
and the giving, in some public arid Unequivocal
manner, a pledge Of their intention no longer
to foment troubles, or to excite disturbances
against other governriients. In return for these
stipulations, the different powers of Europe,
who should be parties to this measure, might
engage to abandon all measures Or views of
hostility against France, or interference in their
internal affairs, and to maintain a correspon
dence, and intercourse of amity, with the
existing powers in that country, Avith Avhom
such a treaty might be concluded. If, in the
result of this proposal so made, by the powers
acting in concert, these terms should not b'e
accepted by France, or, being accepted, should
not be satisfactorily performed, the different
poAvers might then engage themselves to each
other, to enter into active measures, for the
purpose of obtaining the ends in view ; and
it might be considered, whether, in such
case, they might not rationally look to some
indemnity for the expenses and hazards to which
they would necessarily be exposed.
It was not possible for any person, the
most anxious to avoid hostilities, to conceive
afty measure to be adopted, in the actual situa
tion of affairs, more strongly demonstrative of
an earnest desire, after repeated provocations,
to preserve peace, on any terras in tlie least

341
degree consistent with national safety; nor
could any sentiment be suggested more plainly
and directly indicative of moderation, for
bearance, and sincerity. Indeed, it is no
longer a doubt, that this spirit of forbearance
was carried much too far, and that an earlier
display of that spirit cf vigour and decision,
manifested in open and determined hostility^
which was alone adequate to meet and to repel
the impending danger, would have been more
wise, more politic, and more safe. Mr. Pitt
himself acknowledged, at a subsequent period,
with that candour which formed so prominent
a feature in his character, that, at this time, he
had not rightly cast the true character of the
French revolution, and he could not deny that
he should have been better justified in a very
different conduct. On that occasion, he con
fessed, adverting to this very time, that the
ministers had been too slow in anticipating that
danger of which they had, perhaps, even then,
sufficient experience ; and might have seen that
nothing but vigorous and open hostility could
afford complete and adequate security against
revolutionary principles, while they retained a,
portion of power sufficient to furnish the means
of Avar.* * Speech of February 3d,, 1800,

342
Nor did Mr. Pitt's efforts to avert a war
stop even here.-^Fully , apprized of the reso
lution of the French government to invade
Holland, at all events, the British Cabinet had
transmitted the most positive instructions to
Lord Auckland, our ambassador at the Hague,
to render the Dutch sensible of the impending
danger, and to induce them to adopt every requi
site means of preparation and defence. In the
accomplishment of this task, his Lordship was
most zealously assisted by the Grand Pensionary,
Von-Spieghel, a man of strict integrity, and
of considerable talents. At this time, active
negotiations Avere carried on between the Courts
of St James's, Vienna, Berlin, and St. Peters
burgh, with a view to a general concert, in
case every previous attempt to restore peace on
the Continent, on a permanent footing, should
prove abortive.— But peace was the primary
object K)f every effort of the British Minister,
as it was the first wish of his heart. M. de
Maulde Hosdan, who had been a colonel in the
French army, and who was a man of insinua
ting manners, and of no mean ability, was the
French Minister at the Hague at this critical
period; which residence he had left on the
Second of January, 1793, to repair to Paris.
General Dumouriez, liaving obtained leave of
absence, from the army in the Netherlands, bad

343
also repaired to that capital. T, w° 'motives were
assigned, as the objects of the General's jour
ney. — First, to make a final arrangement Avith
the Executive Council, for the execution of his
plan for the invasion of Holland ; — and, secondly,
to exert his influence for the purpose of saving
the life of his unfortunate Sovereign. It is
highly probable that he had both these objects
in vieAV, though, in the accomplishment of
one, his success was but partial, while, in that
of the other, the failure was complete.
... On the 27th of January, M. Joubert, M.
de Maulde's Secretary, arrived at the Hague
from Paris, and delivered a verbal message to
Lord Auckland, purporting that General Du
mouriez was gone to Ghent to resume the com
mand of the army, and had given a letter to
M. de Maulde, who Avould reach the Hague in a
few hours, and wished to be received at the
Ambassador's Hotel Avith as much secrecy as
possible. — Accordingly, late in the evening, M.
de Maulde arrived. — At this interview, Lord
Auckland, very naturally, expressed his repug
nance to engage in any conference or commu
nication with the agents of an usurped govern
ment, stained with recent and complicated
crimes of the worst description. But the expla
nations, afforded by M. de Maulde, respecting
the sentiments and views of Dumouriez, ay ere

344 t
such as to induce his Lordship to receive the
letter, which solicited ari interview, either with
his Lordship alone^'of with his Lordship and
M. Von Spieghel, and expressed a hope that the
result would be favourable to England, to the
United Provinces, to France, to Humanity,
and to all Europe.* Immediately after the
perusal of this letter, Lord Auckland sent a
.message to London, to refer its contents to his
Majesty's Ministers, and to solicit instructions
on a proposition of such serious importance.
There was every reason to believe, that
Dumouriez was sincere in this overture, and
that his intentions were pacific and honourable.
The British Cabinet Avas animated by similar
feeling's; and, though Mr. Pitt and Lord
Grenville were not sanguine as to the result,
they immediately, transmitted to Lord Auck
land the fullest instructions, and the fullest
powers, for the proposed conference. At the
same time, the preparations for war, both in
England and in Holland, were redoubled, as
it Avas much doubted Avhetl)er Dumouriez could
possess the means of carrying his intentions
into effect, or of eventually doing any real good
with such, a government as that under which he
acted. * See Appendix C, for the original letter.

345
So earnest, however, was the desire to
adopt every expedient for the preservation of
peace, that, even the declaration of war, by
the French Convention, on the first of February,
against England , and Holland, in consequence
of a report made by Brissot, Avas not suffered to
operate as an obstruction to the conference
demanded by Dumouriez. On the eighth of
February, Lord Auckland addressed a letter
to that officer, for the purpose of settling the
time arid place of meeting, and of explaining
the principles and views by Avhich his Sovereign
had been actuated in authorising his Lordship
to confer with the General. It Avas truly
observed, that the King had been influenced
by his unalterable love of peace, by his humanity,
by his desire to concert efficacious means, with
the other powers of Europe, for the re-esta-
blishmcnt of general tranquillity, on a solid,
just, and satisfactory, foundation; by views
of beneficence towards individuals, as well as
by principles calculated to promote the happi
ness of all nations. His Lordship adverted to
the aggressive acts of the French government,
particularly the declaration of war, since the
conference was first proposed, which Avould
have fully justified him in adopting a different
line of conduct, but declared that he should
ever be ready to meet and to discuss any

346
proposition which had for its object the good
of the two countries. It was ultimately agreed
that the interview between the British Ambas
sador, the Grand Pensionary of Holland, and
the French Commander, should take place in
the Mardych, on board a yacht belonging to
the Prince of Orange, which was in readiness
for the purpose. — But, on the 14th of February,
M. Joubert arrived at the Hague, Avith letters
to Lord Auckland, dated the 12th, from M. de
Maulde, informing his lordship, that Dumou
riez had received orders from the Convention,
not to, hold the proposed conference. — " LEn-
trevue riaura pas lieu. Mon Souverain en ordonne
autrement. Je ne puis que me resigner, et me
taire." So little anxious Avere the regicides,
who had usurped the reins of government,
to preserve peace with the neighbouring
powers. Were any further evidence necessary to
prove the pacific disposition of the British
Minister, and the aggressive spirit of the French
executive council, it might be collected from
the repeated confessions of the respective
leaders of the different revolutionary parties
in France, each of whom, at different times,
accused the others of being the authors of the
Avar, not only against Great Britain and Hoi-

347
land, but against Austria and Prussia; — thus
affording the strongest of all proofs, and the
best possible testimony, that the Avar, on the
part of England, was sanctioned by principles
of justice, of necessity, and of self-preser
vation.

348

CHAPTER XXIVl

'Royal Message communicating to Parliament the French decla
ration of war — Debates thereon — Mr. Pitt's Speech —
His proofs of British neutrality and of French, aggres
sion — Established by authentic documents — Animadver
sions on the French Manifesto — Its falsehood demon
strated — Its various charges examined and confuted—
The French Government guilty of the very acts with the
commission of which they reproached the English Govern
ment — Mr. Pitt's arguments supported and confirmed by
the authority of French writers — Efforts of the French
Government to produce an artificial scarcity in England,
and to create Rebellion in this Country — Gold and silver
purchased with assignats in England and exported to
France — Mr. Pitt moves an address to the King, promising
support — Mr. Fox objects to some parts of it — Insists that
no specific demand of reparation had been urged by Mi
nisters — Accuses Ministers of an eagerness for war —
Moves an Amendment — Mr. Fox's charges against Minis
ters shewn to be groundless — Chauvelin's dismissal jus
tified from his boasted intimacy with the leaders of the
British opposition — Resolution of the French Regicides to
exterminate all Monarchs, and to annihilate Monarchy —
Mr. Dundas answers Mr. Fox, and proves that specific
means for preventing a war had been suggested by the

349
British Cabinet— Mr. Burke ridicules the notions of Mr.
Fox— Amendment rejected, and Address carried, without
a division— Debate on the same subject in the House of
Lords— Lord Lauderdale's boasted friendship for Brissot
truly characterized by Lord Loughborough— The oppo
sition seem to derive confidence from the diminution of
their numbers— They resolve to harass the government
by repeated motions for Peace— Mr. Fox moves a string
of resolutions— His Speech in support of them— Censures
Ministers and justifies France — Memorial presented by
Lord Auckland to the States General of Holland— Repro
bated by Mr. Fox — Misrepresentations of Mr. Fox cor
rected—Object and tendency of his resolutions, inferred
from his past conduct, and from his known intimacy with
M. Chauvelin — Mr. Burke affirms that all the sentiments
in Mr. Fox's Speech had already appeared in the French
papers as sentiments that would le offered to the House
•f Commons — His comments on Mr. Fox's constant de
fence of the French government — Marks the base ingra
titude of Chauvelin — Mr. Fox's resolutions rejected by a
majority of two hundred and seventy- four--- Mr. Grey
moves resolutions similar to those of Mr. Fox — They are
rejected without a division, and without a debate — Discus
sion on tbe proposal for the erection Of Barracks — The
system censured by Mr-. Taylor and Mr. Fox — Defended
by Mr. Pitt — Proofs of attempts to seduce the Army from
their duty — Mr. Dundas's statement of Indian affairs—
Prosperity of that Country — Mr. Sheridan's motion for an
inquiry into the existence of seditious practices — Opposed
by Mr. "Windham — Mr. Fox avows his disbelief of plots
and conspiracies . — Ts answered by Mr. Burke i— Motion
negatived without a division — Mr. Pitt opens the Budget —
Ways and Means — The House concurs in his proposed,
resolutions — Bill for preventing traitorous correspondence
brought in by the Attorney-General— Objects of the Bill— ?

350
Attacked by Mr. Foxr— Supported by Mr. Mar.ti», Mr-
Frederick North, and Mr. Burke — Bill carried by a great
majority — Discussed in the House of Lords — Opposed by
the Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and the
Earls of Guildford, Lauderdale, and Stanhope — Passes
into a Law.
[1793-] The declaration of war, issued by
the French government against England and
Holland, was formally communicated to Par
liament. The tAvo Houses were informed that
the persons then exercising the powers of
government in France, had, without previous
notice, and, on the most groundless pretences,
directed acts of hostility to be committed
against this country and the United Provinces ;
that, under the circumstances of this wanton
and unprovoked aggression, his Majesty had
taken the necessary steps to maintain the
honour of the Crown, and to vindicate the rights
of his people ; that he relied, with confidence,
on the firm and effectual support of Parliament,
and on the zealous exertions of a brave
and loyal people, in prosecuting a just and
necessary Avar, and in endeavouring, under the
blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual
barrier to tbe further progress of a system,
which struck at the security and peace of all
independent nations, and Avas pursued in opea

351
defiance of every principle of moderation,
good faith, humanity, and justice. His Majesty
stated, in this message, that he had every rea
son to hope, in a cause of such general con
cern, for the cordial co - operation of those
powers who were united with liim by the ties
of alliance, or who felt an interest in pre
venting the extension of anarchy and confu
sion, and in contributing to the security and
tranquillity of Europe.
The royal message was taken into con
sideration by the House of Commons, on the.
12th of February, when Mr. Pitt enlarged on
the topics Avhich had been discussed in the late
debate, and entered into further proofs of the
aggressive and dangerous conduct of the French
government. It was no longer, he contended,
a subject of speculation or opinion, whether,
and on what terms, we should secure the con
tinuance of an unsafe and precarious peace. —
War had been declared against us, and was
carried on at our very doors ; — a war which
aimed at an object of no less magnitude than
the destruction of the freedom and indepen
dence of the country ; nothing, therefore, was
left but to oppose the efforts of our enemies,
with adequate vigour and effect. He again
proved, that his Majesty had observed the

352
strictest and most inviolable neutrality towards
France ; and that, in return, the French rulers
had expressly engaged to respect the rights
of his Majesty, and of his allies, not to inter
fere in the government of any neutral country,
and not to pursue any system of aggrandize
ment, or make any addition to their dominions.,
but to confine themselves, at the conclusion of
the Avar, Avithin their own territories. All these
conditions they had grossly violated, and had
adopted an ambitious and destructi\'e system
of policy, fatal to the peace and security of
every government; and which, in its conse
quences, had shaken Europe itself to its foun
dation. Their decree of the 19th of Novem
ber, Avhich had been so much discussed, offer
ing fraternity and assistance to all people who
wished to recover their liberty, was a decree
not levelled against particular nations, but
against every country where there Avas any
form of government established ; — a decree not
hostile to individuals, but to the human race ;
which Avas calculated every where to soav the
seeds of rebellion and civil contention, and to
spread war from one end of Europe to the
other, — from one end of the Globe to the-
other.— So far from exempting England from
the operation of this decree, it might be sup-

3&i
pciseid that it was its particular object,* if afi
opinion were to be formed from the exultation
with which the French Rulers had received,
from different societies in England, every address
expressive of sedition and disloyalty, and from
the eager desire which they had testified to
encourage and cherish the growth of such sen
timents. Not only had they shewn no inclina
tion to fulfil their engagements, but they had
even put it out of their own power, by taking
the first opportunity to make additions to their

, * So true is it that there was no intention to exempt
England from the operation of this outrageous decree, that, after
the complaints of the British government respecting it were
known in France, a motion made in the Convention, on the
24th of Dec. by Mr. Barailj-on, for the purpose of limiting
its application to powers with whom the French were actually
at war, was rejected without a division. The following brief
account of this attempt is extracted from the Moniteur, of
Dec. 25; 1792. Baraillon:. — " This dedree has already made us
" many enemies ;— and the number will still be increased.
" The English Ministry have testified their discontent to our
" government, who have been forced to give the most favour-
" able interpretation to the decree. I move that in the decree
" of Nov. 10th, after these words, ' The National Conven-
" ' tion declares, in the name- of the French nation, that they
" ' will grant fraternity and assistance to all people,' the fol-
" lowing words be added, f Against those tyrants with whom
" ' they shall be at war.' "
" The previous question was moved on this amendment.-
H It was decreed that there was no ground far deliberation"
Vol. III. a a

354
territory in contradiction to their own directr
stipulations. By express resolutions for the
destruction of the existing government of all
invaded countries, by the means of jacobin
societies, by orders given to their generals, by
the whole system adopted in this respect by the
National Convention, and by the actual annexa
tion of the whole country of Savoy, they had
marked their determination to enlarge the do
minions of France, and to provide means, by
new conquests, to extend their principles over
the Avhole of Europe. Their conduct Avas such
as, in every instance, militated against the
dearest and most valuable interests of this
country. Mr. Pitt then specified all the means and
precautions which had been adopted by the
Ministers for preventing a Avar :* these, indeed',
were but too evident, and it is needless to repeat
them. In spite of these Avar had been declared
by the French, and an embargo had been laid
* Both Dumouriez, in his Memoirs, and Brissot, m his
memorable letter to his constituents, do justice to the pacific
intentions of the British Minister; the former expressly says,.
that war might easily have teen avo'idedby the French govern*
ment ; and the latter, though the author of the declaration of war,,
Ascribes all the' disastrous events, which he affected to deplore,,
after he had actively contributed to promote them, to the
impolicy of provoking a war with England.

355
upon alfthe vessels and persons of his Majesty's.
subjects, Avithout any previous notice, contrary
to treaty, and against all the laws of nations. —
Yet, it was after this outrageous act, that Lord
Auckland had been authorized to confer with
Dumouriez on the terms of accomodation. He
now proceeded to animadvert on the French
Manifesto, Avhich contained the reasons, or ra
ther the pretexts, for the declaration of war :
it began with declaring, " That the King of
England had not ceased, especially since the revo
lution of the 10th of August, 1792, to give proofs
of his being evil-disposed towards the French
nation, and of his attachment to the coalition of
crowned heads !" No attempt was made to sup
port this assertion, by shewing any acts of hos
tility previous to the 10th of August; nor was
any fact adduced to prove the alleged attachment
to the coalition, except the King's supposed
accession to the treaty between the Emperor of
Germany and the King of Prussia. But there
Avas no truth whatever in the supposition ; it
Avas utterly destitute of foundation ; no acces
sion having ever taken place, on the part of his
Majesty, to any such treaty.
The next charge Avas, " That at the period
aforesaid, he ordered his ambassador, at Paris, to
withdraw, because he would not acknowledge
the provisional Executive Council, created
Aa 2

356
by the Legislative Assembly." As the ambas
sador was accredited to the King only, when the
King Avas deposed, and the atrocities of the 10th
of August, and those of the 2d of September
had occurred, it became necessary to recal him ;
his recal, too, at the time, had not been made a
subject of complaint. It was then urged,
" That the cabinet of St. James's had ceased,
since the same period, to correspond with the
French ambassador at London, on pretext of
the suspension of the heretofore King of the
French. That, since the opening of the National
Convention, it had refused to resume the usual
correspondence between the tAvo States, and to
acknowledge the poAvers of this Convention;
That it had refused to acknowledge the ambassa
dor of the French Republic, although provided
with letters of credence in its name." Chauvelin
had been received as the ambassador of Loui^
the- XVI. and Avhen that Monarch Avas . deposed,
the powers of his ambassador ceased, of course.
The letters of credence from the usurpers of the
regal authority were not presented till the
seventeenth of January ; after the revolutionary
decree of November had been passed, after the
preliminary steps for the murder of the King
had been adopted, after repeated instances of
aggression and offence had occurred ; — it was
impossible, therefore, to receive them, and

357
thereby to acknowledge the Convention, whose
assumed authority was thus cruelly and unjustly
exercised against the power which they had
usurped. Having expatiated at some length upon
thesepoints, he proceeded to examine the validity
of the next charges, of forbidding the exporta
tion of grain, and other commodities, to France,*1
* The bills for prohibiting the exportation of corn, and of
arms, to France, were brought into the British Parliament in the"
rhonth of December ; the obvious necessity of such a prohi
bition, after the hostile disposition of the French had been so
fully, and so repeatedly, manifested, renders all argument in
defence of it superfluous. France herself had passed a decree
for prohibiting the exportation of arms and ammunition, on the
third of November, 179] 5 and England was not so weak, or
so querulous, as to make it a subject of complaint. The bill for
prohibiting the exportation of corn, which Chauvelin had the
assurance to call " An act of perfidy," had been rendered in
dispensably necessary, by the more than suspicious conduct of
the-French government. For, although there was plenty of
, wheat in France, at that period, the Minister for the Home
Department, as appears by a report from the Committee of
Subsistence, on Nov. 29th, 1 792, and inserted in the Moniteur,
of the first of December following, purchased corn, at the
beginning of December, in England, at a much higher price
than it sold for in the French market. In the sitting of the
Convention, of the 6th of December, Marat reproached the
Minister with this fact, and declared, thai, a respectable citizen
had offered to procure any quantity of corn at twenty-seven
Uvres, the septier, while he was paying at the rate of fifty-four
livres for it in the English ports; This fact is stated in the

358
and obstructing the commercial operations of
the Republic in England, by prohibiting the
circulation of assignats ;* of subjecting French
Moniteur of the 8th of December. It was, therefore, per
fectly clear that, in this conduct, the French government had
some sinister views ; and, as an artificial scarcity had been one of
the principal revolutionary instruments, in the early periods of
the revolution, it is not too much to suppose, that the intention
was to produce similar effects in this country by the creation
of a real scarcity. Brissot, indeed, says, in his' letter to
his constituents, that " We misrht have cut off the means
Of subsistence from our enemies, by harassing their commerce,
and have excited internal commotions by the scarcity and dearness
of provisions." * The bill for prohibiting the circulation of assignats, in
England, was brought into the House of Commons by the
Attorney-general, on the 26th of December, and passed both
Houses in a few days, with little opposition. This bill, the
object of which was to forbid both the payment and the tender
of French assignats, was equally necessary with the other mea
sures of precaution and safety, adopted by the British govern
ment, at this critical period. — For, besides the immense loss
which must have been sustained by individuals, from the cir
culation of revolutionary instruments of fraud ; it would have
afforded the national convention the means of paying its agents
in this country, and of promoting the popular insurrection,
on the effect of which they placed the strongest reliance. —
While Cambon had the direction of the committee of finance,
assignats, to no less amount than three thousand millions of
livres, were paid (according to Brissot) in eighteen months. —
No inconsiderable quantity was transmitted to England, in
November and December, 1792; — and there is the authority
©f Brissot for asserting, that Cambon bought in England, with-

359
citizens to vexatious restrictions, by the Alien
Act; of granting pecuniary aid to the rebels,
and of receiving the rebel chiefs from the West
Indies. All these had been stated as provoca
tions. That we had, indeed, takeu measures,
which, if vieAved by themselves, and not as

assignats, specie to the amount of twenty-five millions of
livres, or about a million and fifty thousand pounds sterling. —
This sum was never accounted for, and there is every reason
to believe that it was employed for the purpose of gaining
partisans to France, with a view to promote a rebellion in
England.* To this Brissot unquestionably refers, in the follow
ing passage of his letter to his constituents : — " These repub-
" licans have never ceased to assert, that, if we expect to
" succeed^ we must have money for secret expenses, partly for
" the purpose of dividing the cabinet, and partly for the pnr-
" pose of exciting the people against their tyrants. We want
" it for the North, we want it for the South, we want it for
" the Indies." — P. 74- Again, — " It was Cambon and Bar-
" rere, who caused the decree to be made, by which the
" executive council was authorized to take, under the head
" of army extraordinaries, unlimited, sums for secret opera-
" tions." By passing this salutary bill, then, the minister
deprived the French government of one of the most powerful
instruments for effecting the destruction of the English Con
stitution. * Mr. Chalmers, in his valuable estimate of the com
parative strength of Great Britain, proves that, in the year
1 792, two millions nine hundred thousand ounces of silver
were purchased, in this country, with assignats, and sent to
France.

360
connected with the situation of affairs in which
they were adopted, might possibly be considered
in the light of provocations, was certain;
but if those measures were justified by the
necessity of circumstances, if they were called
for by a regard to our own safety and interests,
they could only be regarded as temperate and
moderate precautions. And, in this point of
view, these grounds, assigned in the declaration,
could only be considered as frivolous and un
founded pretences. The charge respecting the
exportation of grain was ridiculous; when
there was reason to apprehend that France in?
tended an attack upon the allies of this country,
and against the country itself, was it natural to
suppose that the English should; furnish, from
their own bosom, supplies to be turned against
themselves and their allies? Could they be
such children in understanding, could they be
such traitors in principle, as to furnish tp their
enemies the means of hostility, and the instru?
ments of offence ? As to the prohibition of assign
nats, the French truly had reason fo be offended
that we would not receive what was worth no?
thing; — and that, by exercising an act which came
completely within our own soA'ereignty, with re
spect to the circulation of any foreign paper-cur
rency, Ave avoided a gigantic system of swindling j
If such, indeed, Avere the pretences which they

361
brought forward as grounds for a declaration of
war, it was matter of wonder that, instead of a
sheet of paper, they did not occupy a volume ;
but had proved, that their ingenuity had been
exhausted before their modesty was at all
affected. As to the effects of the Alien Bill, it
was a measure of national safety, as it shielded
us from the artifice of the seditious, and1, perhaps,
from the dagger of the assassin; and it ill be
came them to complain of it, who had adopted
restrictions of police ten times more severe, but
of Avhich our government, however much its
subjects might be affected by them, had ttever
made the smallest complaint,*

* It has already been observed, that a measure of similar
import to the Alien-bill, but more severe in its provisions and
effects, had been passed in France, on the 18th of May, 1792.
The decree here alluded to ordained, besides the oppressive
restrictions before noticed, that every foreigner who should
neglect to make the required declaration of his name, &c.
should be fined an hundred liyres,and subjected to imprisonment
for any term not exceeding three months; and that, whoever rmde
a false declaration, should forfeit a thousand livres, and be im
prisoned for any term not exceeding six months. Every Eng
lishman who travelled in France, at that time,, was obliged,
before he could move from place to place, to provide himself
with a passport, containing as exact a description of his age and
person, as an advertisement for the apprehension of a thief,
So strict was the examination of passports, on the different
rgadsj that ^prd Qower, when he returned from Paris, in.

362
The Executive Council proceeded to state,
" That in the same spirit, without any provoca
tion, and Avhen all the' maritime poAvers Ayere at
peace with England, the cabinet of St. James's
had ordered a considerable naval armament,* and
August, 1792, was stopped more than once in his way, and
detained till messengers had been sent to Paris, and returned
with orders for his liberation. No complaints were made,
by the English government, of this decree, which was a vio
lation of the fourth article of the commercial treaty, because
the French assembly declared it to be necessary for the preser
vation of internal tranquillity. At this time, too, it should be
observed, the British government had, in no instance, deviated
from the strictest neutrality ; whereas, when the Alien-bill was
introduced in the British Parliament, the national convention
had publicly declared its readiness to assist in the subversion
of the British Constitution. These facts suffice So show the
extreme frivolity and injustice of the complaint preferred,
on this account, by Mr. Le Brun.
* This naval armament, which now appeared so formida
ble to Mr. Le Brun, did not equal the number of ships which
the French themselves had in commission. It has been seen,
that only nine thousand seamen and marines, in addition to the
sixteen thousand, the complement of the peace establishment,
had been voted on the 20th of December ; and no further addi
tion, was made till after the declaration of war by the French.
These would not man more than eighteen sail of the line, with
the proportionate number of smaller vessels, whereas it
appears, from the report of the Minister of the Marine, on
September 3d, 1 792, that, even then, the French government
had twenty-one sail of the line, thirty frigates, eighteen sloops^
four and twenty cutters, and ten ships armed en flute, actually

363
an augmentation of the. land forces.— That this
armament was. ordered at a moment Avhen the
English Minister Avas bitterly persecuting those
at sea ;\ind.eed, Brissot himself says, in his letter to his consti
tuents, " England did not begin to arm till three months after
us." But there cannot be a better proof that the charge,
¦ respecting the armament, was nothing more than a miserable
pretext, than the statement of the French Minister for Foreign
Affairs, in his report to the convention, on the 19th of
December, (inserted in the Moniteur of the '21st.) "There
" is nothing in these armaments which ought to alarm us,
" since they exceed only, by four sail of the line, the number
"¦ in commission in the preceding years ; since, of the sixteen
" ships now in commission, at least ten are guardships, the
" oldest and the least serviceable vessels in the English navy ;
" and, lastly, since the King has declared, that these arma-
" ments would require no additional taxes." And, ion the
31st of the same month, when the British navy was increased,
the same Minister acknowledged, that France had not much
reason to be alarmed. Even on the 12th of January, 1793,
Brissot considered the additional armament in England as exhi
biting no serious demonstrations of a warlike intention, and as
not exceeding the pretended armaments on former occasions,
against Russia andagainst Spain ; indeed, at that period, the French
navy was more considerable than the British, the former having
actually in coir mission, on the 13th of January, \ 7 93, fifty -four
sail of the line, whereas the latter had only forty-five, including
tliose in commission, and, indeed, those only ordered to be
put in commission. The truth then is, that all the acts of
aggression were imputable, exclusively, to France,' who. had
begun^ to increase her naval aimaments, at a time when she
acknowledged that the strictest neutrality had uniformly marked
the conduct of England ; whereas England did not begin to
arm until she had the most positive proofs of the hostile intcn-.

364
who Supported the principles of the French
revolution in England, and was employing all
possible means, both in Parliament and out of it,
to cover the French Republic Avith ignominy,
and to draw upon it the execration of the
English nation and of all Europe."
This armament had taken place at the
period when the French, by forcibly opening
the navigation of the Scheldt, had shewn their
intention to disregard the obligations of all trea
ties. When they had begun to propagate prin
ciples of universal war, and to discover views of
unbounded conquests, Avas it to be wondered at,
that, at such a time, Ave should think it neces
sary to take measures of precaution, and to~
oppose, Avith determination, the progress of
principles, not only of so mischievous a ten
dency, but which, in their immediate conse
quences, threatened to be so fatal to ourselves
and to our allies ? If they meant to attack us
because we did not like French principles, then
Avould this, indeed, be that sort of Avar Avhich
had so often been alleged and deprecated by the
opposition — a Avar against opinions. — If they
meant to attack us because we loved our Consti-
tions of France. As to the land force, the whole amount of
it in Great Britain, in December, 1792, was only 15,700
men ; and not more than 1600 were added to it, previous to the
declaration of war.

365
tution, then would it, indeed, be a Avar of extir
pation ; for, not till the spirit Of Englishmen
was exterminated, would their attachment to the
Constitution be destroyed, and their generous
efforts be slackened in its defence.
The French declaration then went on
thus: "That the object of this armament, .in
tended against France, Avas not even disguised
in the English Parliament.
" That although the Provisional Executive
Council of France had employed every measure
for preserving peace and fraternity with the
English nation, and had replied to calumnies
and violations of treaties only by remonstrances,
founded on the principles of justice, and ex
pressed Avith the dignity of freemen, the
English Minister has persevered in his system of
malevolence and hostility, continued the arma
ments, and sent a squadron to the Scheldt to
disturb the operations of the French in Belgium.
That, on the news of the execution of Louis, he
carried his outrages to the French Republic to
such a length, as to order the ambassador of
France to quit the British territory within eight
days. " That the King of England had mani
fested his attachment to the cause of that
traitor, and his design of supporting it by dif
ferent hostile resolutions adopted in his council,

366
both by nominating generals of his land army,
and by applying to Parliament for a considerable.
addition of land and sea forces, and putting-
ships of Avar in commission."
The French government clearly shewed
their enmity to the British constitution, by
taking every opportunity to separate the King
of England from the nation, and by addressing
the people as distinct from the government. —
Upon the point of their fraternity, Mr. Pitt did
not wish to say much; he had no desire for
their affection. — Indeed, their fraternity was the
greatest curse that could be inflicted on any
people ; — it went to deprive them of every
means of subsistence, and to rob them of every
consolation both here and hereafter. To the
people of England they offered fraternity,
Avhile they would Avrest from them that consti
tution by which they Avere protected, and
deprive them of the numerous blessings Avhich
they enjoyed under its influence. — In that case,
their fraternal embraces resembled those of cer
tain animals who embraced only to destroy.
The grief which had been manifested by
the British Court at the murder of Louis the
Sixteenth, Avas, of all the reasons which had
ever been urged for making war against another
country, the most extraordinary ; — they said
they would make war on us, first, because Ave '

367
loved our constitution; secondly, because Ave
detested their proceedings'; and, lastly, because
we presumed to grieve at the death of their
murdered King. Thus Avould they even destroy
those principles of justice, and those sentiments-
of compassion, which led us to reprobate theii?
crimes,1 and to be afflicted at their cruelties.—
Thus would they deprive us of the last resource
of humanity, — to mourn over the misfortunes
and sufferings of the victims of their injustice.
If such Avere the case, it might be asked, in
the emphatic words of the Roman writer,
Quis gemitus Populo Romano libererit? They
would not only endeavour to destroy our politi
cal existence, and to deprive us of the privileges
which we enjoyed under our excellent constitu
tion, but they Avould eradicate our feelings as
men ; they would make crimes of those sympa
thies which Avere excited by the distresses of
our common nature ; they Avould repress our
sighs, .and restrain our tears. — Thus, except the
specific fact, Avhich Avas alleged as a ground of
their declaration of Avar, namely, the accession
of his Majesty to the treaty between Austria
and Prussia, which was entirely false and un
founded, or the augmentation of our armament,
a measure of precaution indispensably requisite
for the safety of the country, and the protec
tion of its allies, all the others were merely

368
.fanjust, unfounded, absurd, and frivolous, pre
texts — pretexts Avhich never could have been
brought to justify j. a measure of which they
were not, previously, strongly desirous, and
which shewed that, instead of Avaiting for pro
vocation, they only sought a pretence for
aggression. — The death of Louis, though it
only affected the individual, was aimed at all
sovereignty, and shewed their determination
to carry into execution that intention, which
they had so often professed, of exterminating
all monarchy.*

* The records of the debates of the French Legislative
Assembly, and of the National Convention, the writings of
public characters, and the manifestoes of the government; both
previous and subsequent to the present period, all combine to
supply a multiplicity of irrefragable proofs of the truth of this
assertion. Brissot frequently confessed that " the universal
revolution of mankind" was the object of himself and his asso
ciates in dethroning the King of France. " Before the ten$h of
August, they wished for liberty, not only for their own country,
but for all eukope !" Qf course they wished for the extermi
nation of all monarchy, and for (he establishment of an univer
sal republic. Publicola Chaussard, who was employed- by
the executive council, at the close of the year 1792, to carry
their decrees of November 19th, and December 15th, into
effect in the Austrian Netherlands, and who received their par
ticular instructions for the application of those decrees, declared
their object in unequivocal terms. — ¦" A war ad interne-
cjonlm is declared between the republic and monarchies.—
Austria being once subdued, the Germanic body may become a

3§9
In conclusion, Mr. Pitt remarked, that Ave
had, in every instance, observed the strictest
neutrality, with respect to the French ; — we had
pushed, to its utmost extent, the system of
colossus of federative republics, and change the system of the
North." The President of the Convention himself, in answer
to an address from, tfje sections of Paris, plainly told them, " This
is a war, to. last till death, between republicans and kings." —
Robespierre avowed the object of the war to be " The Revolu
tion, of Europe." — Camille Desmoulins, in his history of the
Brissotins,. affirms, what he calls " the sublime vocation of
the. Convention" to have been, " to create the French republic"
(although, be it observed, they had solemnly sworn to support
the monarchical constitution) " t» disorganize Europe ; perhaps?
to, purge it of its tyrants, by the eruption of the volcanic
principles of equality." But the most decisive of all these
te^thnpni^s, is the evidence of the executive council themselves^
A^ho, in their instructions to their Commissioner, Chaussard,
on the application of those very decrees which they represented-
as perfectly innocuous, observe, that peace cannot be obtained
" BUT BY THE ANNIHILATION OF THE DESPOTS AND THEIR
satellites." Kings were publicly stigmatized as banditti,
in the National Convention. — " All Kings" said
B^rtjaroux, on the 8th of December, 1792, " only fight
the people like a banditti." — And every effort was
used, as well by the National Convention, as by the. Jacobin
Club, which partook of their power, and,, not unfrequently,
dictated their -decisions, to inspire the people with an impla*
cable hatred of kings, and with a ferocious desire to extermi
nate them from the face of the earth. On the fourth of Sep
tember, the whole National Assembly, without a single excep
tion, swore ItfLtred Jo Kings and to Royalty, on the motion of*
Chabot, the monk,. Grand Vicar to the Abbe Gregoire, one of
" V01. III. sb

370
temperance and moderation ; we had holden
out the means of accommodation; Ave had
Avaited till the last moment for satisfactory
explanation. The means we had offered had
the most notorious criminals which the revolution engendered,
who, ultimately, met his well-merited fate at the guillotine,
after an ineffectual endeavour to poison himself.— This man
offered himself as a volunteer in the corps of twelve hundred
Regicides, which Jean de Brie, soon after, proposed to the Con-.
vention to establish. On the 28th of November, the Abbe
Gregoire, who was then President of the Convention, said,
in answer to an address from one of the seditious clubs in Eng
land, " Principles are waging war against Royalty, which will
fall under the blows of philosophy. Royalty, in Europe, is
either destroyed, or in the last agony, perishing on the ruins of
the feudal system ; and the declaration of rights, placed by the
side of thrones, is a devouring fire, which will soon consume
them. Estimable republicans, console yourselves with the
reflection, that theTestival which you have celebrated in honour
of the French revolution, is the prelude to the festival of
nations." ,
Remi, a member of the Convention, conjured his brethren,
on the second of December, to " teach the people to punish
their tyrants in a manner worthy of themselves ,-" and, on the
fourth of that month, the noted Carra told the Convention—
"You know that the stroke, by which the _head of Louis is
about to fall, will make the heads of the other despots totter."—
In the same spirit, Carra, in his speech of 'the second of
January, said — "Let the head of Louis fall j and George the
Third, with hit Minister, Pitt, will feel if their heads are
still on their shoulders. — The same fate will attend the other
despots; and shortly will every people exclaim, " the
htad of our tyrant is not more divine than that of Louis ;

371
been, slighted and abused ; and not the smallest
disposition had been evinced to afford the expla
nation required. They had, at last, proceeded
to direet acts of hostility, by seizing our vessels
in our very ports, Avithout any provocation on
our part ; and they had declared, and were noAV
waging, Avar, Avithout any other preparation by
us, than those of necessary precaution. Such
was the conduct which they had pursued,-^-
such Avas the situation in which we stood. It
now remained to be seen whether, under Provi
dence, the efforts of a free, brave, loyal, and
happy people, aided by the'ir allies, would not
be successful in checking the progress of a
System, the principles of which, if not op
posed, threatened the most fatal consequences
to the tranquillity, of the country, the security
of its allies, the good order of every European
government, and the happiness of the Avhole
human race.

let us strike it off, therefore ; let us abolish royalty ; let tts
imitate the French in every thing j and cries of Vive laliberte!
Vive l'Egalite ! Vive la republique ! - shall resound throughout
Europe." After this notable exhortation to murder, for the sake
of the example, and only two days before, the declaration of war,
Danton said, in the Convention, " You have thrown down the
gauntlet to Kings j-T-this gauntlet is the head of a King; —
it is the signal of their appraachpngdedth."
Bb 2

372
The address moved by Mr. Pitt, repeating,
as usual, the sentiments contained in the
message, Avas seconded by Mr. Powis,- Mr.
Fox objected to some parts of it; — he con
tended, that no supposed insult or aggression
could supply a just ground of Avar, unless satis
faction had been specifically demanded and
refused; He allowed the decree of the 19th
of NoA-ember entitled the country to require
an explanation; but he contended, that no
explanation, sufficiently clear, specific, and
definite, had been demanded. — He insisted that,
from the very first, Ave hat! never discovered any
sincere desire to negotiate. — And he considered
the recal of our ambassador from Paris, and the
dismissal of Chauvelin, as sufficient proofs of
the justice of this assertion. He reproached
ministers as acting like men afraid of seeking
complete satisfaction, lest it should be granted;
of stating the specific causes of complaint, lest
they should lose their pretext for war. It was.
a natural deduction from these false premises*
that the war Avas imputable to the mismanage
ment of ministers ; and, therefore, he could
not support that part of the address Avhich .
represented it a's an un provoked 'aggression oji
the part of France. He was- persuaded. tha,t the
dismission of Chauvelin, and the prohibition of
the exportation of corn to that country, when

373
it was alloAved to others, were acts of provoca
tion and hostility on our part. In pursuance of
these sentiments, Mr. Fox moved an amend
ment to the address, expressing the concern of
the House^ that the Assembly, avIio now exer
cised the poAvers of government in France, had
directed the commission of hostility against the
persons and-property of his Majesty's subjects,
and that they had sinee actually declared Avar
against his Majesty and the United Provinces;
then, pledging the support of the House,
in repelling every hostile attempt against this
country, and in such other exertions as might
be necessary to induce France to consent to such
terms of pacification as might be consistent
with the honour of his- Majesty's CroAvn, the
security of his allies, and the interests of his

The insufficiency of the reasons, assigned
by Mr. Fox for throwing the blame of the Avar
on the British Ministers, has been already
demonstrated in the course of this discussion.
- — But it is fortunate for the historian that a
document exists to pi!ove that the dismission of
Chauvelin could not be considered by the French
government, notwithstanding their public de
clarations, assan act. of. aggression on our part,
since they had themselves actually issued orders
for his recal, befort Lofd Grenville's order Avas

374
sent to Chauvelin, to leave the kingdom, This
last order Avas dated the twenty-fourth of Janu
ary ; and in a letter, written by Dumouriez to
Miranda, dated Paris, January the twenty.
third, it is expressly stated, that orders had
been already given to ChauA-elin to return.™
*' On a donnb ordre a notre ambassadeur Ghauve-r
tin de revenir,"* It is perfectly clear, therefore,
that the Avaa' could not haye been occasioned
by the conduct of our Ministers, in the dismiss
sion of Chauvelin. It Avas still in the poAver of
the French government to coutinue the negotia
tions, through any other channel, and, indeed,
it is evident, from the conversation between Mr.
Pitt and Mr. Maret, before adverted to, that
the British Minister was most anxious for the
preservation of peace, and that his anxiety
betrayed him into a species of condescension
scarcely compatible with the dignity of his
situation, and led him even to court, and to
solicit, the proposal of such means, on the part
of France, for the prevention of a war, as he
could accede to, consistently with his duty, and
without compromising the honour and the security
,of the country.. ;
But, independently of these prominent and
commanding motives, (already detailed) which
? Correspondence du General Miranda. P. 15.

375
rendered necessary the dismissal of a man, who
had been accredited by a Monarch, noAV recently
murdered, and Avho had, Avithout a scruple,
transferred his allegiance and his services to the
assassins of his lawful Sovereign; there were
subordinate motives, arising out of the personal
>charac 4"°r anci conduct of the individual, alone
sufficient to jus.u/v tlie «*--Mr. Chauvelin had
entered into that 'spirit o* ^^ Prof fsm'
% *i -j c i-i i- "ts had sue-
by the aid of which his new ma»u.
ceeded in bringing their own Sovereign .
the scaffold, and in placing the reins of
government in the hands of his murder
ers, with all the alacrity and zeal of a new
convert. In pursuance of those orders, which
had been transmitted to all agents and emis
saries of Republican France, accredited and
unaccredited, he had made some efforts towards
the execution of Le -Bran's audacious threat,
to appeal from the King to the People.* He had,
* Le Brun, who was a member of the Executive Council,
and Minister for Foreign Affairs, in his report to the Conven
tion, of the 19th of December, 1792, affirmed, that express
orders had been given to Chauvelin, " to embrace every op-
" portunity of assuring the English nation, that, (notwith-
" standing the ill-humour of its government) the French
" people desired nothing more ardently, than to merit its
" esteem ;" and Le Brun added, that if the naval armament
(which, at the same time, he admitted ought not to occasion
any alarm) should be continued, " we would not fail to make
a solemn appeal to the English nation."

3?6
indeed, after it Avas apparent that his Sove
reign was a mere cypher ;in the State, and must
speedily be dethroned, entered fully into the
views of the republican faction. The tohe of
his official communications, and his irrtgiiter
conduct, in seeking to address the Parliament,
in a most unprecedented manner, and in viola,-
tion both of the principles and Of the forms of
the British Constitution, all betrayed his ardent
attachment to the new order of things, and his
earnest Afish to promote, as far as in him lay,
the same divisions in this country which had
tended, so materially, in France, to produce
the total destruction of the political and social
Mr. Chauvelin's letter to Lord Grenville, of the 27th of
December, contains va pointed allusion to the threatened appeal
of Le Brun, This insolent republican there cautions the British
Ministers " to consider the terrible responsibility of a declara
tion of war, (which hard been previously resolved on by bis
own government) " which would incontestibly be their work ;
" ihe consequences of which must be fatal to both countries,
" and to all mankind ; and in which a generous and free peoplh
" could not long consent to betray their own interests, by acting
t( as auxiliaries, and reinforcements, to a tyrannical coalition."— •
The consequences of the war could not possibly be fatal to all
mankind, unless it was the determination of France to make it
a general war ; and, indeed, Mr. Chauvelin's unguarded asserr
tion could be founded only on his knowledge of the intentions
of his new masters, (as afterwards avowed by one of themi
Brissot) to revolutionize all Europe, by setting fire to its four
corners.

377
edifice. He had early entered into a kind of
confidential intercourse Avith the leaders of oppo
sition in England, which Avas totally incom
patible Avith the duty of a foreign Minister, and
that connection continued to become more inti
mate and close until his final dismission. It
appears, by a letter from Chauvelin to Cham-
bonas, of the 17th of July, 1792, that he Avas
in the habit of asking and of receiving the
opinions of the Opposition, on the conduct and
intentions of Ministers ;* and, when he was
recalled, after the revolution of the tenth of
August, he made a merit of this intercourse
with the rebels, who deemed it of sufficient
consequence to justify a revocation of; their
order of recal. — In his letter, on this occa-

* This letter, which may be seen in the Moniteur of
July 29th, 1792, related to some alarms conceived by pertain
Frenchmen, lately arrived from the continent, relative to a
small squadron of five sail of the line, which sailed from
Portsmouth merely to perform naval evolutions in the channel.
Chauvelin tells his government that there-was no ground for
such alarm ; that his sentiments, on the subject, were the same
as those of the English, " even of those who are the most
jealous of the operations of government. They have all been,
and still are of opinion, that the armament has no other object,
than to exercise the English sailors in certain evolutions." He
admitted, at this time; that these Frenchmen entertained
" certain false notions of the disposition of the English govern
ment."

378
sion, he observed, " that though he Rid not stand
*' zvell with the English Minister, yet he stood
" perfectly zvell with Mr. Fox, and some other
" members of opposition, and that it would
" NOT BE PRUDENT ift FRANCE TO LOSE THE
" FRUITS OF HIS LABOURS WITH THOSE GEN-
fi TLEMEN, AND THEIR SUBSEQUENT SERVICES,
" for a vain form of diplomatic etiquette."* And,
to such a length was this strange confidential
intercourse carried, that, before the negotiation
opened Avith the British Cabinet, he even com-.
municated his secret instructions (in Avhich it
was positively stated, that>the right of Opening
the Scheldt Avould not be abandoned, and that
an acknowledgement of tbe French Republic
would, nevertheless, be insisted on) to an inti
mate friend of Mr. Fox.f There can be no
doubt, from the instructions and correspondence
of Chauvelin, from all the circumstances of
his case, and from the whole tenour of his
conduct, that he Avas kept so long in London
for the sole purpose of placing himself at the
head of an insurrection, which he Avas directed
to promote, and of the speedy occurrence of
* See this letter in the authentic correspondence with
Le Brun and others, published by Mr. Miles. Appendix, P..83,
t Idem.lbid. P. 84.

. 379
which his employers' entertained the fullest con
viction. The only blame, .then, which seems
to attach to the British Ministers, for their
conduct to this man, was for suffering him to
remain in England after the Sovereign Avhom,
alone, he represented had been dethroned, and
after his language and his actions had manifested
his unwarrantable designs.
Mr. Fox's amendment was opposed by Mr.
Dundas, Avho, in ansAver to the assertion that
no specific means of preventing a war had been
suggested by the Ministers, referred the House
to the letter of Lord Grenville to Chauvelin, in
which his Lordship expressly stated, that, in
order to secure the continuance of amity, France
should renounce all views of aggrandizement,
confine herself within her OAvn territories, and
desist from violating the rights of other
nations. These certainly were distinct and
specific terms, which were so intelligible and
plain as to admit of neither misconception nor
mistake. Mr. Burke, too, opposed Mr. Fox's idea
of the necessity of stating the specific object of
war, previous to its commencement, declaring
that he never heard, or read, of such a political
maxim, either in theory or in practice. The
first question to be considered, in such cases,
*yas; whether there existed just grounds for a

580
Avar ; and the second, hoAV it was to be carried
on with the greatest effect — Previously to
declare the means by Which it was to be carried
on, or to fix the precise period of its termina-
tionj Avas not only not consonant to general
usage, but contrary to the accustomed policy Of
all nations. — The French had made no such
declaration ; and it would be highly impolitic
and unwise in uss to erarrip our operations, by
any such unnecessary statement of our object.-^-
The amendment was rejected, and the address
carried, Without a division.
In the discussion of the same subject in
the House of Lords, a similar amendments to
that moved by Mr. Fox, was proposed by Lord
Lauderdale, and experienced the same fat'e.-^-In
the debate on the King's first message, this
nobleman took an opportunity of stating, that
he was proud to rank Brissot* among the list of
his friends, for his virtues and his talents. ¦*-
This extraordinary statement, for extraordinary
it must be considered, after Brissot had publicly
proclaimed himself a rebel and a traitor, extorted
* Lbfd Lauderdale, on this occasion, quoted^ trie senti
ments of Brissot, to prove the pacific disposition" of the French
government, little thinking that, in a very short time, his
friend would himself demonstrate the fallacy of such an assar»
tion, and the injustice of such an inference.

381
from Lord Loughborough, who had recently*
been appointed Chancellor, the sarcastic remark^
that, since friendships were founded on tasts*
and sentiment,* he, did not doubt that Lord
Lauderdale's friendships were always formed on
correct principles. As there was a taste in
pictures, for objects in ruins, for desolated cities,
shattered palaces, and prostrated temples, so
might there be a similar taste in moral and
political questions. To some minds, a people in
a state of insurrection might be a sublime
object ; and to a mind heated with such a vieAV^
a more quiet and ordeily course of events naight>
appear dull and insipid.
It is perfectly natural, that confidence
should be derived from a consciousness of
strength; but the opposition, at this period,
improving on the wisdom of experience, seemed
to become confident in proportion as their
numbers diminished, and their influence de^
creased. They had early resolved to oppose tha
war Avith France, just, necessary, and unavoid
able, as it Avas, in every stage of its progress,
and to suffer no opportunity, to escape for pressing
on the minds of Parliament, and of the country,
* Id, in quo est omwm vis a.miciti/e, voiuntatum*,
studiorum, smtMmm, mmim cm^nsip, Cicero de Amjci#,
ft?. IV,

382
the wisdom and the necessity of peace. They
admitted, indeed, in their speeches, the pro
priety of supporting the Avar Avith vigour, but
all tlieir declarations and resolutions Avent to
prove that it Avas neither politic nor just, and>
consequently, to enfeeble its operations by
directing the public opinion against it. By no
means dismayed by the ill-success of his past
efforts, Mr. Fox, on the eighteenth of February^
again brought the question before the House, —
On this occasion, he Avent over much of his old
ground of argument, repeating his charge
against Ministers, of having provoked the war
by their conduct ; again accusing them of
insincerity in their negotiation, Avhich he treated
as a farce and a delusion ; not an honest endea
vour to preserve the blessings of peace, but a
fraudulent expedient to throw dust in the eyes
of the people of this country, in order that they
might be hurried- blindly into a Avar. — And,
strange to say, he drew this inference from an
attentive perusal of the correspondence between
Lord Grenville and -Mr. Chauvelin, Avhich
supply premises from Avhich a directly opposite
deduction must, it is conceived, be drawn by
every cool and impartial mind. He also taxed
the tone and language of the British Ministers
Avith haughtiness, while he descried in the
communications of the French government,

383
fraught as they were Avith fraud, perfidy, dissi
mulation, falsehood, and insolence, Avithout a
parallel in the annals of diplomacy, nothing to
move his indignation, or to provoke his censures.
His attacks Avere solely directed against the
measures of the British Cabinet. A memorial
which had been presented by Lord Auckland,
on the ,25th of January, to the States-General
of Holland, he stigmatized as a paper which,
for the contempt and ridicule it expressed of
the French, stood unparalleled in diplomatic
history; a paper, in which the whole of them,
without distinction, who had been in the exer
cise of poAver since the commencement of the
revolution, were styled a set of wretches, and
loaded with other opprobrious terms. — It Avas
called, a silly and insulting paper,* Avhich, if
* Debrett's Parliamentary Debates, for 1793. P. 503,—
ft seq. — The following is the memorial to which Mr. Fox here
adverted : ,.
" Memorial presented by Lord Auckland, his Britannic
Majesty's Minister at the Hague, to their High Mightinesses
the States-General. " High and Mighty Lords,
' •' The undersigned, Ambassador extraordinary and Ple
nipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty, takes the earliest oppor
tunity, in consequence of the express orders of the King, to
lay before your High Mightinesses, copies of all the papers'
which have been exchanged, from the 27th of September last,
to the 20th of this month, between Lord Grenville, Secretary
ef State to his Majesty, and M. Chauvelin.

Avritten without instructions, proved his lord
ship to be very unfit for his situation; and
which, if written by the instructions of Minis-
" The King, High and Mighty Lords, is firmly persuaded,
that the sentiments and principles expressed by-Great. Britain,
are perfectly conformable to those which animate your Republic,
and that your High Mightinesses are disposed fully to concur
in the measures which the present crisis demands, and which
are a necessary consequence of those sentiments and princi
ples. " The circumstances which have led- to this crisis aref
too recent, and the conduct of the King is too well known,
for the undersigned to have occasion here to enter into any
long detail. It is not quite four years since certain miscreants,
assuming the name of Philosophers, have presumed to think
themselves capable of establishing a new system of civil society.
In order to realize this, dream, the offspring of vanity, it
became necessary for them. to overturn and destroy all established
notions of subordination, of morals, and of religion, which
had hitherto, constituted the security, the happiness, and the
consolation, of mankind. Thesg d^stnjctive projects have bu,t
too well succeeded ; but the effects of the new system, wh,ich.
they wished to introduce, have ordy served to demonstrate the,
folly and wickedness of its. authors. The events which have.
since so rapidly followed, surpass, in atrocity, all that has,
hitherto sullied the page of history ; property, liberty, security,
and even life itself, have been the sport of this unbridled
frenzy of the passions, of this spirit of rapine, of hatred, an^
of the most cruel and unnatural ambition. The annals of
mankind cannot present a period in which, in so short a, space^,
so many crirnes have been committed, so many misfortunes,
produced, and so many tears shed j in a word, at this very,
moment these horrors appear to have attained tlieir utmosj
height.

385
ter,s; proved that, while, as they pretended,
they were courting peace, they Avere using every
manoeuvre to provoke Avar.
" During all this time, the King, .surrounded by his
people, who enjoyed, under the favour of Providence, a degree
of prosperity without example, could, not heboid , ^.misfor
tunes of others without the strongest emotions .of pity and
indignation .- but, faithful to his principles, his Majesty has
never permitted himself, to interfere in the internal concerns, of
a foreign ;najtion ; he has never , departed from that system, of
neutrality which he had adopted. "
" Thisxonduct, (which the King,has,seen w^th, satisfac
tion, to have .been equa% observed by Your High Mightiness.es)
the good faith of whjch all Europe .has acknowledged, and
$thich oiight to^have.been respected, on many other accounts,
has not been sufficient to secure hjs Majesty, his pepple, and
•j^ie Republic, from the flaost -dangerous, and ,th» most, criminal,
/conspiracies. ."For several months, past, projects of ambition ,and
.aggrandizeinent, dangerous to. the tranquillity .and .the security
of all Europe, have. been openly avowed.;, attempts have been
jnade to. spread throughout England „and this country, ..maxims
subversive ,pf _all social order, and they ha^e not scrupled, to
jgiyeto these detestable attempts the name.of a Revolutionary
Powpr. Ancient and, solemn, treaties, guaranteed by the King,
:haye heen infringed, .and the rights and territories of the
Republic ljave r been violated. His Rfajpsty has, therefore, .ini
Jiis wisdom, judged it necessary to make, preparations propor
tioned to the nature of . the .circumstances. The King.has, con
sulted, his Parliament; , and the ..measures which his Majesty
had thought fit to take, have.b?en received with the.,m.<pst
lively and unanimous approbation, of a people .who abhor anar-
_V.ofc.il II. c ,c

386
Mr. Fox wholly omitted to notice what
constituted a principal point of consideration,
in the discussion of this question, that the
memorial of Lord Auckland, Avhich gave him
so much displeasure, and from which he drew
chy and irreligion, who love their King, and who will maintain
their constitution,
" Such, High and Mighty Lords, are the motives of a
conduct, the wisdom and equity of which have hitherto
insured to the King your concert and co-operation.
" His Majesty, in all that he has done, has ever been
vigilant in the support of the rights and the security of the
United Provinces. The declaration which the undersigned
had the honour to deliver to your High Mightinesses, on
the 13th of November last, and the arrival of a small
squadron, destined to protect the coasts of the Republic,
until their own maritime force should be assembled, are
strong proofs of this fact. Your High Mightinesses have
witnessed the disposition of the King, in every thing which
his Majesty has hitherto done. — You will not be less sensi
ble of it in the measures which are now preparing. In
consequence, his Majesty is persuaded, that he shall continue
to experience, on the part of your High Mightinesses, a
perfect conformity of principle and conduct This conformity
can alone give to the united efforts of the two countries,
the energy necessary for their common defence; to oppose
a barrier to those evils with which Europe' is menaced;
and to preserve, against every attempt, the security, the
tranquillity,' and. the independence of a State, the happiness of-.
which your High Mightinesses ensure, by the wisdom and
firmness of your government.
" Done at the Hague, the 23th January, 1793.
(Signed) " Auckland."

387
'such unwarrantable inferences, was not drawn
up till four days after the murder of the King
of France, till one day after the executive
council had issued orders for the recall of Chau
velin, and till long after it had become noto
rious, that they Avere bent on Avaging war
against all the neighbouring powers, as necessary
for the accomplishment of their avowed plan
for revolutionizing all Europe* There was no
thing advanced in this memorial which was not
Strictly true, and Avhich it Avas not perfectly
-right to v press, at such a moment, upon the
attention of our allies. But any reflections
which represented the French revolution as
different from that stupendous monument of
human wisdom, Avhich the disordered optics
-of Mr. Fox, and of his little band of political
coadjutors, had seen in it, was certain to call
forth the pointed censure of the opposition.
The orator then transferred the scene of his
observations from France to Poland, in order
to represent the conduct of Russia and Prussia,
in interfering to produce a counter-revolution
•in that country, as infinitely more mischievous,
and more atrocious, than that of the French
• rebels and regicides ; and as calling more im
peratively for the effective interposition of
Great Britain. The tyrannical conduct of the
courts of Berlin and St, Petersburgh, on that
c c %

388
occasion, deserved all the censure which it
received from Mr. Fox ; and it was animad
verted on, Avith becoming severity, in a former
chapter. — But, in the first place, the remote
situation of Poland rendered the transactions
in that Country of less consequence to England,
than the events of a revolution which had
occurred, as it Avere, at her very doors. — 'Besides
the principles avowed by the authors of the
^counter-revolution, in the one country, and
those promulgated by the leaders of the revo
lution in the other, though equally inadequate
to defend the conduct of those who acted upon
them, Avere not only at variance with each
other, but were directly opposite in their effects
on other nations. — Nor should it have escaped
the recollection of Mr. Fox, that he had him-
iSelf interfered, not long before, and most un
constitutionally, to prevent the interference of
the British Court, in curbing the ambitious
spirit of the Russian Empress, who, at that
time, had resolved to effect a counter-revolution
in Poland. Having embodied his opinions, in the- form
of resolutions, he submitted them to the House,
whom he called upon to declare, that it Avas
"not for the honour or interest of Great Britain,
to make war upon France on account of the
internal circumstances of that country, for the

389
purpose of either suppressing or punishing any
opinions and principles, however" pernicious in
their tendency, which might prevail there; or
of establishing, among the French people, any
particular form of government :— that the par
ticular complaints which had been stated against
the conduct of the French government Avere not
of a nature to justify Avar in the first instance,
without having attempted to obtain redress by
negotiation ; — that it appeared to the House,
that in the late negotiation between his
Majesty's Ministers, and the agents' of the
French government, the said Ministers did not
take such measures as Avere likely to procure
redress Avithout a rupture, for the grievances
of which they complained; and, particularly,
that they never stated, distinctly, to the French
government, any terms or conditions, the acces
sion to which, on the part of France, would
induce his Majesty to persevere in a system
of neutrality ; that it did not appear that the
security of Europe, and the rights of indepen
dent nations, which had been stated as grounds
of war against France, had been attended to
by his Majesty's Ministers in the case of Poland,
in the invasion of which unhappy country,
both in the last year, and more recently, thp
most open contempt of the law of nations,
and the most unjustifiable spirit. of aggrandize-

390
ment had been manifested, without^ having
produced, as far as appeared to the House, any
remonstrance from his Majesty's Ministers ;—
and, finally, that it Avas the duty of his Ma.
?jesty's Ministers, in the present crisis, to advise
his Majesty against entering into engagements •
which might prevent Great Britain from makr
ing a separate peace, Avhenever the interests of
his Majesty, and his people, might render such
a measure advisable, or which might coun»
tenance an opinion in Europe, that his Majesty
Avas acting in concert with other powers, for
the unjustifiable purpose of compelling the
people of France to submit to a form of govern.
ment not approved by that nation.
Mr. Fox must have known that resolutions
of this kind could never be adopted by the
House, which had so recently supported the
address to the Throne to which these resolu
tions gave the most complete contradiction.
His only object, therefore, must have been to
record his sentiments, and, if possible, to pre
vent the formation of a continental alliance,
(which, in the debates on the commercial treaty
with France, a few years before, he had strongly
and truly represented, as a wise policy on the
part of Great Britain,) by means of which the
grand object of the war, the repression of
French principles, an4 of French ambition,

391
might best be attained. — Unless such was his<
intention, nothing could be more impolitic, or
unwise, than to seek to irritate and to enrage the
very poAvers Avith some of Avhom his Sovereign
had actually formed, and with others of whom
he Avas on the point of forming, alliances ; and
at the commencement of a war too! — And if
such were his intention, this circumstance,
.coupled with his avowed admiration of the
French revolution, and with his connection
with Chauvelin, exempts all those who have
accused him of a predilection for French prin
ciples, and of entertaining a wish for the suc
cess of the French cause, from the charge of
groundless prejudice, and hasty decision,
The Minister took no part in the discus
sion which folio Aved these resolutions. 
Mr. Burke averred, that there was not an argu
ment then used, or a proposition made,, by
Mr. Fox, which he had not seen, in French
papers, declared to be such arguments and
such .propositions as zvould be offered to that
House.* Whether this strange coincidence
arose from accident, or Avhether the opinions
alluded to Avere taken by Brissot, and Mr. Fox,
one from the other, , or grew out of one com
mon stock, Mr. Burke left to the House to
decide. He then ridiculed the novelty of Mr.
* Debrett's Parliamentary Debates for 170a. P. 508.

3m
Fox's1 conduct in re'comiriending one war, while1"
he deprecated another; and stated his reasons
for thinking that the conduct of Russia and
Prussia' tOAVards Poland, which he highly dis
approved, afforded no just grounds for involving
this cbuntitv in a contest With them. He repre-1
sen ted French aggrandizement, and French en
croachment, as the first objects of England's
vigilance and jealousy. — France Avas hear —
Prussia and Poland were distant. — England hatf
seen Sweden overturn the Constitution of Po
land ; she af'terAvards saw ihe Czar depo'se
Stanislaus, and put Augustus on the Throne
of that kingdom.— In short, she saAV Avarious:
revolutions in Poland, and,- ultimately, a parti
tion, of it, and never stirred a hand ; nor did
Mr. Fox himself ever propose that she should
stir, till the moment, when the hostile and dan
gerous proceedings in France called for the ,
Whole - force and energy of the country to be
directed against her. This mode of acting Was1
new and unprecedented. When war was de
clared by France, and every multiplied offence
.Offered against Great Britain ; when every prin
ciple she adopted, and every act she committed,
should be condemned and resisted ; to censure
that resistance, to turn the attention of the
House to a remote part of the world, and
neglect the balance of poAver at and near home,
jyas inexplicable conduct.

3®3
Mr. Burke commented, with great pro-
p'riety, on the extraordinary disposition Avhich
Mr, Fox had lately manifested to find France
always just. — Though, by taking possession of
Geneva and Basil, she had destroyed the inde^
pehde"nce of Switzerland ; though, by taking
Mehtz, she had secured to herself the navi
gation of the Rhine ; though, by entering,
and, under the mask of friendship, seizing
upon the Ioav countries, she had aggrandized
herself beyond all bounds; and though she
had, under the same mask, entered Savoy, an
nexed it to her dominions, and planted the
¦sterile free of liberty in that sterile soil; and
though she" had ultimately declared Avar against
Gfeat Britain, France was still most just, and
Great Britain was ahvays Avrong!! Mr. Fox
haying called the King of Prussia a szvindler,
MY. Burke reprobated the use of such language,
as highly improper and disrespectful. He stated
the difference between the relative situation
of Prussia and of France to this country. —
The latter, exclusive of her enormities, Avas
art enemy; besides, she had vilified the King
and Constitution of England, and Avas, there
fore, a fit Object of Opprobrium. But to abuse
the King Of Prussia, avIio Avas in alliance Avith
its, Was neither politic nor decorous. Indeed,
the $dns culottes language seemed now to have

394
become the bon ton. The word despot was a
neAv epitffet in diplomatic language. — Mr. Burke,
•however, reminded the House that thisjjouiitry
had formed alliances with some of the greatest
despots on the earth. It had been her policy
to consider not the character of her ally, but
his ability to assist her in checking the ambi
tious spirit of France. The grand alliance Avas
formed for the purpose of interfering with the
internal government of that kingdom, and to
compel Louis XIY. to convene the States-Gene
ral. He then proceeded to state his decided
opinion, that France was not, at this time, in
a situation to negotiate with other powers. —
It Avas evident, from their very title, that the
Provisionary Executive Council had no autho
rity to treat — they had no poAver, either by
delegation or usage. — Roland, he described as
a factious traitor, who had deceived the con
fidence of his King, and led him on to ruin.
Le Brun was the son of a Swiss porter, and
rose to the rank of Minister of State, from being
an obscure scribe at Liege, and aftenvards the
conductor of a newspaper. He Avas driven
from Liege Avith disgrace, to adorn the senate
and executive administration of the French
government. There was nothing, then, in the
personal characters of these men, to give them
sufficient consequence to be accepted as the

395
substitute for a regular government, and to
suPply .tne defect of legitimate authority. —
Condorcet, the most humane of all murderers,
and Brissot, the most virtuous of all pick
pockets, were not, in the estimation of Mr.
Burke, of weight enough to assume the poAver.
Dumouriez could not ansAver for the obedience
of his army ; he, therefore, Avas out of the
question, As to Chauvelin, the black ingra
titude Avhich marked his character must excite
the abhorrence of every honest man. His
father was a servant to the King, and died one
day, suddenly, in attendance on his person ;
the King took his son, then only five years
old, under his protection, put him in his father's
place, and brought him up; and the return
which he made for this kindness, Avas to join
the band of wretches Avho murdered his bene
factor. — In short, upon a minute examination
of the conduct of the whole National Con
vention, Mr. Burke declared his inability to
find one of the members avIio was not stair.ed
with the most infamous crimes. In the Avhole
group, taking Roberspierre, Santerre, and all,
the only man of any degree of honour among
them, was the hangman. — That poor fellow
had some degree of feeling from which his col
leagues were exempt ; he had the spirit to refuse
to execute the King himself, though there Avas

3SS
no want of deputies.* Mr. Burke, finally, de
clared his fixed opinion, that if we continued
at peace with France, the government of this
country would not last ten years.
The debate was carried on for some time,
by Mr. Grey, Mr. Adam, Mr. Jekyll, Mr.
Vaughan, Mr. Lambton, Mr. William Smith,
and Major Maitland, (brother to the Earl of
Lauderdale) who adopted the opinions and
principles of Mr. Fox, without adducing any
additional argument, in support of them ; and
by Mr. Jenkinson, Mr. PoAvys, Mr. Windham,
Sir Richard Hill, Sir Francis Basset, Sir George
CornAvall, and Sir Henry Houghton, on the
other side. On a division, the resolutions of
Mr. Fox were rejected by two hundred and
seventy-four members, against forty-four, being
the whole number that voted Avith Mr. Fox.
In the course of this discussion, Mr. Burke-,
in proving the disposition of the French go<-
vernment to interfere in the internal concerns
of England, quoted a passage from a speech
of Danton, in the convention, Avho remarked,
(i that the scaffold erected in Westminster Hall,
for the eternal trial of Mr. Hastings, would
serve for the British Ministers, and even —
* Debrett's Parliamentary Debates for 179?- P. 5-13-*
314.

(Mr. Burke said, he feltan almost insuperable hor-
*ror in expressing it)— evenfor George himself!"
But so multifarious, and so notorious were the
.proofs of this hostile and aggressive disposition,
that nothing but scepticism, bordering on
insanity, could doubt, and nothing but wilful
blindness could overlook, it. Notwithstanding the
decision of the House, Mr. Grey, on the 21st
of February, brought forward another string of
.resolutions, the same in spirit with those of
Mr. Fox, but much longer, and containing
more assertions at direct variance with facts
known to the Avhole nation. These Avere treated
with marked contempt; 'they met with a silent
-negative; and were rejected without a divi
sion. It had been deemed expedient, by his
vMaje§ty's Ministers, to erect barracks, for
-the better accommodation of the troops j and,
indeed, from the many attempts which had been
already made to imitate the conduct of the
French rebels, by. seducing the soldiers from
'their duty, it was highly politic and necessary
-to let them mix as little as possible with the
lower .-classes of people, in the different towns
, in Avhich they were quartered. Independently,
•too,, of this important consideration, barracks
iwere more desirable than any other quarters,
as they afforded better opportunities for enfor-

398
cing a strict discipline among the troops, while
they released the publican from a very heavy and
serious burden. — But, in pursuance of the
apparent determination, lately imputed by Mr.
Burke to the opposition, to find Great Britain
ahvays in the Avrong, this erection of barracks
was represented, by Mr. M. A. Taylor, as part
of a system Avhich betrayed an evident precon
certed design to curb and over-awe the people
by the bayonet and the SAVord, instead of apply
ing, if necessary, the Avholesome correction of
the laws of England. Mr. Fox supported this
preposterous supposition, and argued, at length,
against standing armies, as dangerous to the
liberties of the subject. The jealousy of stand
ing armies, Mr. Pitt remarked, . like other un
defined phrases calculated to agitate the minds
of men, had been, on former occasions, very
successfully employed to excite popular cla
mour. If, by a standing army, Avas meant,
an army kept up, Avith'out the authority, or
consent, of Parliament, that, indeed, would
be an object of jealousy ; — but if by it was
meant, an army voted from year to year, regu
lated and paid by Parliament, according to the
practice of the constitution, it Avas no object of
national jealousy. Much of the clamour, ex-
Cited against a standing army, in 1740, had
been raised by men Avhose object Avas not

399
merely to weaken the hands of administration,
but, by removing the army, to bring in the
Pretender, and destroy that very Parliament
whose power and authority they affected to
magnify. The use, then, made of popular words
ought not to be forgotten. The erection of
barracks Jiaving been coupled with a supposed
system of Ministers for passing by the House
of Commons, and extending the prerogative of
the CroAvn, Mr. Pitt challenged Mr. Taylor, or
any other man, to produce an instance in Avhich
the functions*- of Parliament had been invaded,
or the prerogative extended beyond its known
constitutional limits.
Mr. Pitt defended the proposed measure of
extending the use of barracks, from the pecu
liar circumstances of the country. Had it been
an entirely new measure, he should not have
been deterred, by any fear of innovation* from
doing that which he knew to be necessary for
the safety of the realm; — but he denied that
it was an innoA'ation; for, in all places Avhere
troops were in general stationary, barracks had
long since been erected. A spirit had appeared
in some of the manufacturing towns, which
made it necessary that troops should be kept
near them. In such toAVns, then, to dispose
of the troops in barracks was a much better
- plan than to distribute them among the mass of

4W
the people, where jealousy might rankle intd
hatred, and produce tumult and disturbance ; — ¦
effects which .would be effectually prevented
by keeping the army in a state of separation
from the people. — This plan would, also, ope-*
rate as a preventive against the seduction of the
army, Avho were, by certain persons, considered
as the chief obstacle to the execution of their
designs. Mr- , Pitt noticed several attempts to
corrupt the commonalty, and one, at Edinburgh,
to excite a spirit of mutiny among the .soldiers,,
though happily Avithout, effect. He closed his
speech with an ironical compliment to the
eloquence and abilities of Mr. Taylor, and to
the knowledge derived from the. production of
a, red Morocco quarto, of Blackstone's Avorks,
all which, however combined, had. not pos
sessed sufficient ppAver to produce his conver-
sion. — Mr. Pitt having, moved the order of, the
day, it was carried without a division.
On the _25th of February, Mr. Dnndas
produced his annual statement of Indian affairs,
and, in a clear, luminous, and satisfactory detail
of the state of India,, its expenses, and reve
nue, proved that these important possessions
were in a most flourishing condition, and that,-
upon an average of three, years, of Avhich-1-789
was the last, the receipts exceeded the expendi
ture, by ,sB\, 666, 079- A few ;days. after, on

401
the fourth of March, Mr. Sheridan, pursuant to
a notice previously given, called the attention
of the House of Commons to the allesed
existence of seditious practices, and treasonable
designs; — when he exerted all the powers of
an active mind, and.a fertile genius, to repre
sent all the dangers, so generally believed to be
real, as the creatures of fancy; the visionaiy
offsprings of a disordered imagination ;- — and all
the measures adopted Avith a vieAvto avert or to
repel them, as the machinations of Ministers to
alarm the public, and to reconcile them to a
Avar Avith France. He moved, that a formal
enquiry into the subject should be immediately
instituted by the House of Commons.
In opposition to the extraordinary asser
tions of Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Windham obsen'ed,
that the real question Avas, not whether there
existed an actual insurrection in the country,
but Avhether there did not appear manifest
proofs of. a tendency to produce one. He justly
remarked, that the notoriety of seditious prac
tices rendered all arguments useless. The
adherents of Paine had boasted, that the princi
ples Avhich had produced the revolution in
France Avere operating in this kingdom Avith the
silence and rapidity of thought. Mr. Windham
expressed his firm belief of this fact, which,
he said, misht be ascertained from the general

v

VOL.

III. D d

402
opinions of the people, — from the fears Of those
who dreaded, and from the sanguine expecta
tions of those Avho wished, it. The monarchy
of Fiance had been overturned from the neglect
to adopt timely measures of prevention ; — and
he hoped that Ave should take warning-hy the
lamentable fate of that unhappy country. But
these apprehensions, these fears, and these
hopes, appeared fit subjects for ridicule to Mr.
Fox, who expressed his total disbelief of plots
and conspiracies, and his perfect concurrence
Avith the sentiments of Mr. Sheridan. Mr.
Burke, however, corroborated the statement of
Mr. Windham, and affirmed, that the French
had long been connected with a faction in this
country, Avhose object Avas to force us into an
alliance with France, for the purpose of propa
gating, in concert, the most mischievous princi
ples. He fully substantiated his affirmation,
by various extracts from the correspondence of
the Revolution Society with the Jacobin Clubs
in France, a,nd from the addresses of different
bodies of Englishmen to the National Conven
tion. He remarked, that the representatives
of the landed interest in France Averenow nearly
annihilated by confiscation and murder,, and
concltrdcd, that from the moment when equality,
¦and the sovereignty of the people, (as it was
'.calu-'tV),. bcc:.me thj rule of any government.

403
property must be destroyed* and that religion,
morality, and law, which grew out of property,
must fall with it. The House Avas satisfied Avith
the discussion, and came to no division on Mr.
Sheridan's motion ; which seemed, indeed;, to
be less calculated to produce any impression on
the House itself, than to -supply a theme for
animadversion out of it.
As the country Avas now, by the insatiate
ambition and aggressive spirit of Republican
'France, engaged in a war, not only the justice,
but the necessity of which Avas generally ac-
knoAvledged, (for the negative assertions of Mr.
Fox, and the small band of his political asso
ciates in the House of Commons, Avith the
disaffected societies in different parts of the
country, could only form exceptions to the
general rule) it became the duty of the Minis
ter to provide the means for carrying it on with
vigour and effect; and, accordingly, on the
11th of 'March, Mr. Pitt proposed such means
to the House'. On this occasion he stated his
fixed determination, let the expenses of the war
be what they might, of strictly adhering to
his plan for the reduction of the national debt,
by the appropriation of an annual million, Avith
the addition of sgZQOfiQG, which, it had been
agreed, in the preceding year, should be set
apart for that purpose. He also expressed his.
b d 2

404
resolution of avoiding the evil of an accummu-
lation of unfunded debt, by bringing that
description of debt to a distinct account every
year. He then enumerated the different articles
of supply, rating the proposed number of sea
men and marines at 45,000, making the whole
amount to ,§£ 11,182,213 3 8|. — This sum in
cluded a vote of credit for one million and a
half for contingent expenses, as it was probable
that a greater number of seamen, and of troops
also, than was contained in the present state
ment, might be wanted in the course of the
campaign. The ordinary ways and means to
meet this expenditure, including the expected
surplus of the consolidated fund to April, 1794,
and half a million to be paid by the East India
Company, amounted to ,§£6,649,696; and it
was proposed to supply the deficiency by a loan
of four millions and a half. — In order to pay the
interest of this loan, it Avas meant to continue
the taxes Avhich had been imposed for the pur
pose of defraying the expense of the Spanish
armament, which produced ,^287,000.
Mr. Pitt, on this occasion, remarked, that,
as he had always placed his chief glory in pro
moting the public prosperity of the country, in
increasing the revenue, and in the gradual
reduction of the national debt, Avith a view to
its final extinction, he never could have given hi*

405
countenance to a war which would counteract
all his patriotic views, if he had not been fully
impressed with the conviction, that it Avas not
only unavoidable, but, under the circumstances
of the case, absolutely necessary to the political
existence of Great Britain, and of all Europe. In
detailing the motives of the Avar, he said he
had heard of Avars of honour, which had also
been deemed Avars of prudence and of policy. —
On the present occasion* whatever could raise
the feelings, or animate the. exertions, of a people,
concurred to prompt us to the contest. The
contempt which the French had displayed for a
neutrality, most rigidly observed on- our part ;
the repeated violations of their plighted faith ;
their presumptuous attempts to interfere in the
government of this country, to arm our subjects
against ourselves, to vilify a Monarch, the
object of our gratitude, our reverence, and our
affections; and to separate the court from the
people, by representing them as influenced by
different motives, and acting from different
interests : after provocations so Avanton, so
often1 -repeated, and so highly- aggravated,
did* ho't this become, on our part, a war of
honduf,^-a war necessary to assert the spirit of
the nation, and the dignity of the British name?
He had heard of wars undertaken for the general
security of Europe ; had it been ever so threa-

406
tened as by the progress of the French arms, and
by the system of ambition and aggrandizement
avowed, adopted, and pursued by the French
government ? He had heard of wars for the
defence of the protestant religion ; — our enemies,
in this instance, Avere the enemies of all religions ;
r— of Lutheranism, of Calvinism, of christians
of eArery denomination ; and anxious to propa
gate every Avhere, by the force of their arms,
that system of infidelity Avhich they openly
embraced. He had heard of wars undertaken
in defence of the. laA\ful succession to the
throne; but Ave were now fighting to preserve.
our hereditary Monarchy : Ave were at Avar with
those who sought to destroy the whole fabric of
our Constitution. When he looked at these
things, they afforded him encouragement and
consolation ; and supported him in the dis
charge of that painful task, to the performance
of Avhich he Avas now called by his duty. The
resolutions, for carrying his plan into effect, met
the concurrence of the House.
The nieans for meeting the exigencies of
the Avar being thus provided, the Minister next
directed his attention to further measures, for
securing the internal tranquillity of the king
dom, and for counteracting the efforts of our
enemies, foreign and domestic, to disturb it.-r-
With this view, the Attorney-General brought

40/
in a bill for the prevention of all traitorous
correspondence, taken in the legal sense, and full
import, of the term, and extending, of course) to
all treasonable intercourse and connection what
ever. The leading objects of this act, which
professed to be founded on the true meaning and
spirit of the twenty-fifth of Edward the Third,
which constituted the laAV of treason at this
time, Avent to make it high treason to sell,
deliver, or cause to be delivered, to the persons
at present exercising the sovereign authority in
France, their armies, navies, or subjects, any
naval or military stores, coin, bullion, corn,
clothing, and other necessaries. 2. To make it
high treason, for any British subject, to pur
chase lands Jn France, or stock in the French
funds, or to lend money upon lands, in Fiance, by
way of mortgage. 3. To make it a misdemea
nour for any British subject to go to France
Avithout a licence under the Privy Seal ; for any
British subject, actually resident in France, to
return to this country Avithout a passport from
government, and for any persons, who had so
returned without a passport, to leave the place
where they landed, without previously giving
such security for their good behaviour as might
be deemed sufficient by government. And, lastly,
the insurance of French ships, during the war,
was made a misdemeanour. This bill, in its pro-

408
gress through the House, Avas strongly opposed
by Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Curwen, Mr.
Whitbread, Mr. Grey, Mr. Thomas Grenville,
and Lord John Russel. It was stigmatized by
Mr. Fox, generally, as utterly repugnant to the
principles of freedom, justice, and policy, and
.-as militating, in the highest degree, against the
interests of the people. His objections ex
tended not merely to the principle, but to every
clause, of the bill ; and the whole tenour of his
arguments displayed the strongest desire to
preserve a free and open intercourse with France,
as in the time of profound peace, though in
direct opposition to the principles and opinions
Avhich he had advanced in a former debate, on
the commercial treaty Avith France. He cha
racterized the bill as an attack on the funda
mental liberties of England, and as a measure
equally ineffectual, impolitic, and tyrannical.
Mi-j Curwen considered the attempt to prevent
the purchase of lands, or stock, in France, as
absurd, because no man in his senses Avould lay
out his property in the purchase of lands "or
stock Jn France, at a time Avhen there was no
.regular government there, and, consequently, no
security for the enjoyment of property. This
supposition Avas, indeed, natural, but it Avas con
trary to fact, for it Avas pretty Avell understood,
that a leader of opposition, in the Upper House,

409
had actually sold a considerable portion of his
paternal ' inheritance, and expended the produce
in the purchase of confiscated estates, the fruits
of successful rebellion in France; and many
purchases had been made by Englishmen in the
French funds.
On the other hand, the bill Avas supported
chiefly by the Attorney and Solicitor-General,
Mr. Martin,^ Mr. ^Frederick North, and Mr.
Burke. The first of these defended it from the
imputation of tyranny, and shewed that the same
provisions had been adopted, in a similar bill,
at the era of the revolution. It Avas considered
by Mr. F. North as called for and justified by the
exigence of the moment, by the relative situa
tion of the country with respect to France, and
by the situation of France herself, with respect
to her resources and her means of carrying on
the Avar ; — in short, he regarded it as vindicated
by every principle of the laAv of nations Avhich
made self-preservation the paramount object of
every country. He entered also into a particular
examination of each separate provision, and
sheAved they Avere all excellently adapted to the
purposes for which they were framed.
It was observed by Mr. Burke, that, in
those periods when the constitution Avas alloAved
to exist in purity and vigour/ it might bfe seen,
that provisions, similar to Avhat were noAV about

410
to be introduced, had been adopted without
difficulty, and, Avithout inconvenience, obeyed.
The suspension of the habeas corpus act was
the first Avhich followed the bill of rights, and
the other laws by Avhich our constitution Avas,
at that period, secured. Five successive acts
of Parliament had passed, every one of which
contained similar enactments; and it was wor
thy of remark, that all these measures had been
adopted when the government was in the hands
of the Whigs, who deemed them defensive
securities of the liberties of the nation. — In this
case the Whigs had been supported by the~
Tories; both united to repel arbitrary power,
and to check the more odious despotism of a
republic ; and both joined in repelling the com
mon enemy Avith that sincerity, honour, and,
patriotism, which characterized every honest
sEnglishman. He entered into the consideration
of the bill in two points of A"ieAV, for the pur
pose of ascertaining whether it Avas conformable
to JaAV, and. whether it was consistent with
policy ; and, having satisfied his mind that it Avas
both constitutional and politic, he assented to
it, in the persuasion that it would tend to pro
hibit an adulterous communication with Fiance,
and, by Avithholding from that country resources
to be deriA'ed from this, would prevent English
men from acting hostilely against England, and
from making contracts to promote its ruin.

411
Mr. Fox endeavoured to prolong the dis
cussions on the bill, and to retard the period
of its passing, for the avowed purpose of ascer
taining the sentiments of the people upon its
merits ; but the delay was strongly resisted by
Mr. Pitt, and it finally passed, in the month of
April, by 154 Azotes against 53. In the House
of Lords this bill Avas warmly attacked by the
Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis of LansdoAvne,
and the Earls of Guildford, Lauderdale, and
Stanhope. — But the opposition here, as in the
House of Commons, proved stronger in language
than in numbers, for, on a division, they were
supported only by eleven votes.

412

CHAPTER XXVIL

Means adopted for supporting the Allies of Great Britain —
Negotiations for new alliances on the Continent — Designs
of the French upon Holland — Dumouriez the supposed
author of the plan for the invasion of the United Provinces
. — Precautions suggested by Lord Auckland, and taken by
the Dutch Government, for defeating his plan — Dumou-
riez's proclamation to the People of Holland — Contradic
tory to his "own avowed principles — Reprinted, with
comments, by the States-General — The* French enter
Holland — Breda surrenders, through the treachery of the
Governor — Gertruydenberg follows the example — Brave
but ineffectual resistance of the garrison of Klundert—
Gallant conduct of Boetzelaar, the Governor of Williarn-
stadt — Fruitless attempts of the French to reduce that
Fortress — Memorial, presented by Lord Auckland and
the Imperial Minister, to the States-General — Observations
upon it — It is attacked by Mr. Sheridan, in the House of
Commons — Animadversions upon his speech — The memo
rial is defended by Mr. Pitt — Stigmatized by Mr. Fox —
His misrepresentations of the views of the Combined
Powers exposed and corrected — Mr. Sheridan's motion for
an Address to the King negatived by two hundred and
eleven votes against thirty-six — Similar address moved in
the Upper House by Lord Lauderdale — Opposed by Lord

413
Grenville-^Rejeetedby the House.— The House adopt, by
a vote of approbation, the sentiments expressed in the
Memorial— Inquiry into the source of the interest taken
by the Opposition in: the fate of the Commissioners de
tained, as hostages, by Dumouriez— Character and con
duct of the Commissioners — All of them shewn to. be
Traitors and Regicides— Rejections on the crime of mur
der, and the expediency of an .universal compact of
nations, for the punishment of murderers, suggested —
Temporary distress in the commercial world— Effective
measures adopted by Mr. Pitt for their relief— Mr. Grey's
plan of Parliamentary Reform — Supported by Mr. Whit
bread — His notions upon certain great events hi English
History examined — Mr. Pitt opposes the motion — Shews
the radical difference between the plan of Reform which
he had formerly suggested himself and that now proposed
by Mr. Grey — He takes a view of the effects produce^ by
the conduct of the. French Reformers — Shews, from a
similarity of sentiment and language, that all the petitions,
presented to the House, had been the work of the same
hands — Contends that the House cannot entertain petitions
for a pretended right of Universal Suffrage — Ridicules the
idea of abstract rights in a Social State — Accuses the pre
sent plan of being founded on French principles ; and
traces its consequences to the introduction of French
Anarchy — Proves all the modern theories of Reform to
be calculated only to deceive and delude the people — Mr.
Fox and Mr. Sheridan support Mr. Grey's plan, and tax:
Mr. Pitt with inconsistency-^Motion rejected by 282
against 41. — New motion by Mr. Fox for promoting a
peace with France — Opposed by Mr. Windham and Mr.
Burke — Mr. Pitt's speech on the subject — Asserts the im
policy of any advance to the French Government, and the
impracticability of making peace at the present juncture —
Motion negatived by 187 againbt 47— Parliament .-pro
rogued.

414
[1793.] The attention of Mr. Pitt was
not limited, during this period, to the adoption
of such measures as Avere necessary for the
preservation of domestic tranquillity, nor to
those financial and military preparations Avhich
a state of warfare requires, but was extended
to the grand object of inspiring those poAvers
who Avere already in alliance with us, Avith
courage and confidence, by promises of active
co-operation and effective support ; and to the
acquisition of new allies, in order to strengthen
the grand confederacy against France, now
justly considered as, the general enemy of all
thrones, of all regular authority, and of all
established dominion. The arms of Republican
France had kept pace with her principles. The
King of Sardinia, attacked without the smallest
pretence, had been dethroned, and his domi
nions annexed to France. — The Independent
States of Genoa, Geneva, and Switzerland, had
not escaped the destructive rage of these general
disturbers of the peace of nations, who already-
displayed the most determined resolution to
carry into full effect their theoretic system for
promoting the revolution of Europe.
On the side of Germany, Spires, Worms,
and Mentz, had surrendered to the conventional
troops ;— the Bishoprick of Liege had acknow
ledged their superiority ; and the whole of the

. 415
Austrian Netherlands, overrun by tlieir arni9,
had experienced the natural effects of French
fraternity, in every species of violence, rapine,
fraud, and oppression. — The invasion of Hol
land had been projected, long before the decla
ration of war against the Stadtholder ; and it
is highly probable that Dumouriez himself was
the author of the project ; — certain, at least, it
'is, that a mode of carrying it into execution had
been devised, and suggested, by that general,
early in the Avinter. The British ambassador at
the Hague, hoAveArer, whose vigilance and zeal
had succeeded in gaining full information of
this notable scheme, had, in concert with the
Dutch government, adopted precautionary mea
sures for the defeat of its object. Immediately
' after the declaration of war, preparations Avere
made for the execution of the plan, and the
active and sanguine mind of Dumouriez antici
pated, in the conquest of Holland, the acqui-.
sition of fresh laurels, and new and copious
sources of plunder. He proposed to march,
Avith the greater part of his army, to the shores.
of the Bies Bosch, an arm of the sea Avhich he
¦ meant to cross at Moerdyke, with a view to
land at Daert, where he expected to be joined
by a numerous body of Dutch rebels. Thus
reinforced, he hoped, by a rapid march, by
' Rotterdam, Leyden, and Haarlem, to bear

416
down all opposition^ and to enter the gates of
Amsterdam in triumph. — During this time,
strong divisions Avere stationed to keep in check
the Dutch fortresses, to his right and left,
, Breda, Gertruydenberg, Bergen-op-zoom, Klun-
dert, and Williamstadt ; — while Miranda, Avith
a powerful force, was destined to attack Maes-
tricht and Nimeguen. v
Before he embarked on this arduous enter-
prize, he issued, from his head-quarters, , at
Antwerp, a proclamation, addressed to the
people of Holland, in the true style of those
revolutionary and regicidal jacobins, whose prin
ciples he professed to abhor, and whose, conduct
he had long, privately, condemned. — He told
the Dutch, that their Stadtholder violated his
duty, and held them in slavery and oppression;
: — they had formerly, he said, appealed to the
French nation for succour, but as France her
self then groaned under the despotism of a
.perfidious court, they Avere made the sport of
vile intriguers, avIio then governed France.
Every hope that could excite to revolt, every
argument that could animate to rebellion,
was held out to seduce the people from
their duty. French freedom, and French
generosity, (avIucIi Dumouriez himself at
this time knew, and soon after acknowledged,
to be the most galling slavery, and the most ,
degrading oppression) were extolled ; and free-

417
dom and security promised, in the usual lan
guage of the republican demagogues* The
Dutch were assured, that it Avas not against them
that the French, nation had declared war; friends:
to all people, tyrants were her only enemies.
The English, so proud of their liberty, suffered
themselves to be misled by gold, and by the
falsehoods of a despot, of whom he did not scruple
to predict they would soon be weary. The
more enemies the French had to encounter^ the
more would their principles be propagated : per
suasion, and victory would support the impre
scriptible rights of man, and nations would-be
weary of exhausting their blood and treasures
for a small number of individuals, who kept
discord alive merely to deceive and to enslave
the people. He proceeded to declare, that the
French had no enmity but to the Prince of
Orange, and his supporters; (that is, all
good and loyal Dutchmen ;) and that such
of the people who would rise against their
oppressors, should partake of the plunder of
their property. But this revolutionary logic
Blade but little impression on the sober minds of
the States-General, who reprinted Dumouriez's
proclamation, accompanied with appropriate
comments, demonstrating its fallacy, its folly,
its profligacy, and its falsehood.
On the Seventeenth of February, Dumou-
Vojl HI. , e e

418
riez's army entered . tbe Dutch territory, and
took their station between Breda and Bergen-
©p-zoom; Avhile the advanced guard pushed
forward to the shores of the Bies Bosch, ; in
order to seize all the vessels which could be
found, for transporting the arm y to their destined
place of .debarcation. But that same zeal and
vigilance which had already discovered Dumou
riez's plan^ had, amongst other precautions,
removed. all those vessels which were so neces
sary to its accomplishment. While Dumouriez was
employed in devising means for the removal
of this obstacle, which, strange to say, he had
not foreseen, General D'Arcon was instructed
to lay siege to the strong and important fortress
of Breda. The total inadequacy of his force to
the enterprize for which it was destined, render*
it highly probable that the French Commander
trusted, for its success, to other instruments
than arms. Count Bylamh the governor, after
an ineffectual canonnade of three days, which
had made not the smallest impression on the
place, though it had nearly exhausted the am
munition of the little army Avhich besieged it,
basely violated his trust, and surrendered thfc
town to the enemy. — For this act of treachery,
or of cowardice, he Avas afterwards tried, con
victed, disgraced, and imprisoned for life.—
Klundert was next attacked ; and, though much
less capable of defenqe than Breda, it was much

419
better defended by the governor, who, being
reduced to extremity, spiked his guns, and
retired, Avith his brave garrison, towards William
Stadt ; — but he was unfortunately rhet, on his
road, by a superior force, and, after a gallant
resistance, met his fate in the field of honour.,
while his troops became prisoners to the French.
After the reduction of Breda, Gertruyden
berg was attacked by the same troops, and
basely surrendered, without a struggle. Not
so the little fortress of WilliamStadt, which
was defended Avith the greatest gallantry,
by the brave Boetzelaef, who treated, Avith
equal contempt, the menaces and the attacks
of the assailants, headed by General Bertteron.
While this officer was employed in the siege of
WilliamStadt, Avhile Miranda made Vain efforts
to reduce the fortress of Maestricht, and while
Dumouriez was anxiously engaged in collecting
a flotilla to convey his arttiy to the land of pro
mise, the veteran, General C'erfayf, who had
maintained his station, during the winter,
behind the Erfft, until he had received sufficient
reinforcements to enable him to resume att offen
sive attitude, now sallied forth, most uttex*
pectedly, poured down with his troops, like a
torrent, on the French cantonments, swept
eyery thing before him, and compelled the
JVench commanders to forego, for the present,

420
their schemes of. conquest, and to lirnit then!*
operations to measures of defence. :i
On the fifth of April, Lord Auckland,,
then the - British Ambassador at the Hague*.
presented, in conjunction with the Austrian
Minister, a memorial to the States-General,
reminding them, that, in the preceding
September, they, and his Britannic Majesty,
had given a solemn assurance, that, in
case the imminent danger which then threat
ened , the lives of their most Christian.
Majesties, and their families, should be realized,
they, would notfail to pursue the most efficacious.
measures to prevent the persons who might.
render themselves guilty of so atrocious; a,
crime from finding any asylum in their respee*
tive States. This event, his Lordship observed,",
had since taken- place, and the divine vengeance
seemed not to have been tardy. Some of these
detestable regicides were now in such a situation
that they could be subjected to the s word, of
the law ; the rest were still in the midst of a
people whom they had plunged into an abyss of
evils, and for Avhom famine, anarchy, and civil
war, were about to prepare new calamities. In
short, eA^ry thing which had occurred, seemed
to sanction' the belief, that the end of those
W.retches, whose madness and atrocities hadL
filled Avith terror and indignation all those who

421
respected the principles of religion, morality,
and humanity, Avas not far distant.— It was,
therefore, submitted to the enlightened judg
ment of the States, whether it would not be
proper to employ all the means in their power to
prohibit from entering their dominions in
Europe, or their colonies, all those members
of the National Convention, or of the pretended
Executive Council, who had, directly or indi
rectly, participated in the said crime; and, if
they should be discovered and arrested, to deli
ver them up to justice, that they might serve as
a lesson to mankind. — In answef to this memo
rial, the States-General declared their hearty
concurrence with the sentiments which it con
tained, and their resolution to deliver up any of
the French regicides, Avho might fall into their
hands, to the end that they might be pursued
by justice, and punished with all the severity
of the law.
This memorial, which only breathed that
virtuous indignation against regicides Avhich
every honest mind must feel, and which only
recommended that mode of proceeding against
them, which Avas consonant Avith the laws both
of God and of man, and which, indeed, was
rendered necessary by the paramount principle
of self-preservation; since there was not a
crowned head, nor a legitimate Prince, in

422
Europe, whom they had not openly devoted t<$
destruction ; was considered, by some of the
philanthropic members of the British Opposi-*
tion, in a very different light from that in
which it had appeared to the States- General of
Holland. — On the twenty-fifth of April, Mr.
Sheridan, Avho had, from the commencement of
the revolution, evinced the most lively sensibi
lity for the rebels of France, introduced this
memorial to the notice of the House of Com
mons. His pretence for so doing was,, that it
contained sentiments hostile to the avoAved1
object of the war ; seeming to him to imply,
that the war Avas carried on for the purpose of
extermination. — There Avas not, however, one
sentence, or expression, in the Avhole of the
memorial, that conveyed any such idea, or that
could sanction any such interpretation. But
Mr. Sheridan complained that it stigmatized the
French, as a nation of miscreants, and pro
posed, that the commissioners of the Conven
tion, (who, by the ' treachery of Dumouriez,'
had been given up to the Dutch) should be
murdered and assassinated. There was no such.
general reflection on the French nation to be,
found in the memorial, and the only proposal
which was made, was to prevent the murderers
of Louis the XVI th from receiving an asylum in
the territories of Holland, or, if they came

423-
thither, to subject them to a legal process, and
to legal punishment. — The commissioners had
not been delivered up to the Dutch by Dumou
riez, but to the Austrians, Avho had, indeed,
sent them to Maestricht, for safe custody. And
Avhat appeared to Mr. Sheridan as treachery, on
the part of the French General, must be regarded
by others as self-preservation, since the com
missioners had been sent for the express pur
pose of conveying Dumouriez to the scaffold ;
for it is certain that his death must have
speedily followed his arrival at Paris;— and,
indeed, if his own account may be credited,
care had been taken to station bands of assas
sins on the road, at Gournay, Roye, and Senlis,
in order to murder him.* . Mr. Sheridan further
stated, that this bloody proposal extended not
only to those who voted for the King's death in
the Convention, but to the communes* and the
departments. It is almost superfluous to ob
serve, after having faithfully given the sub
stance of the memorial, that it did not extend
either to the communes or the departments, but
was expressly limited to those who were con
. cerhed in the murder of the King. — The pas
sage on which all these assertions were prin-

* Memoires du General Dumouriez, eprits par lul-cneme.
t. 106.

424
cipally founded, and which incurred his -strong*-
est reprobation, was that Avhich described some
of those regicides as being in a situation to be
subjected to the law. Hence, too, he dreyv the
most unwarrantable inference, that, if the
Mni'-ters agreed Avith Lord Auckland, the war
would necessarily become a war of extermina
tion, and all hopes of peace would prove
fruitless, until a new form of government
should be accepted by France. — He then moved
an address, beseeching his Majesty to disavow
the sentiments contained in the memorial, as
inconsistent with the Avisdom and humanity
of the British nation, and derogatory to the
dignity of the British Crown.
The defence Of Lord Auckland against this
extraordinary attack was undertaken by Mr.
Pitt, who declared his conviction that, for his
general services, that nobleman merited the
applause, and not the censure, of his country.
He truly maintained, that the memorial con
tained no expression which could properly be
construed as bearing the most remote tendency
to the conclusions drawn from it. Lord Auck
land's language he described as the warm effu
sion of a mind animated with a just abhorrence
of those men who had perpetrated a deed which
excited, the general indignation of Englishmen,
arid enlivened with the hope that an example

425
would be made of them. Sentiments of this
kind were no other than what he professed to
-entertain himself, and what, he thought, eA'ery
Englishman must entertain with him. He cau
tiously declared, hoAvever, at the same time, that
he by no means conceived any thing of this
nature a proper object of our interference.
In the whole memorial, he insisted, there
was not a single sentence which implied any
alteration of the purposes of the Avar, or which
could effect it, either in its progress or its termi
nation. Stronger terms of reprobation, against
the murderers of Louis the Sixteenth, had not
been used by Lord Auckland than had been
contained in every address of that House to his
Majesty, and in every answer to those addresses.
But nothing, he contended, could be fairly ex
tracted from it, which pledged Great Britain to
make the internal government of France regu
late the purposes of the Avar. — We Avere engaged
in hostilities from principles of policy and self-
defence. Europe Avas threatened Avith a poli
tical convulsion, which, if' passively submitted
to, would, at once, introduce anarchy, and a
total change of the existing governments. But
the impatience of France had left us no alterna
tive, by a declaration of war before any hostile
measure had been adopted" on our part. The
real cause of the war, therefore, was evident to

426
every capacity, and the effect of it, he hoped}
would be, that, with the assistance of Divine
Providence, we should ultimately obtain indem
nification for the past, and security for the
future. In ansAver to Mr. Sheridan's assertion, that
a general proscription of all, in the Communes
and Departments, supposed to be concern edin the
King's murder, was insinuated in the memorial, he
observed, that to force such a* construction upon
it was unjust, ridiculous, and unsupported by any
document Avhatever. With regard to the pas
sage selected as a subject for particular censure,
Mr. Pitt Avas confident that Lord Auckland
meant no more than that, at a proper and con
venient time, the regicides should be tried by
their oavu countrymen, and, if guilty, suffer the
punishment Avhich they deserved. The idea was
simply this, that, as a counter-revolution was
likely to take place in France, by the desertion of
Dumouriez, and the success of the Austrian
arms, the persons principally concerned in the,
murder of the King might soon be in a situa
tion to be brought before criminal tribunals in
their own country, and be thus subjected to the
sword of the laAV.
This explanation did not satisfy Mr. Fox,
who resolved, to draw from the memorial the
same inference which Mr. Sheridan had chosen

427
to draw from it, and he took this opportunity to
express a hope, that, while contending with one
species of tyranny, we should take care not' to
tolerate the adoption of another still more dan*
gerous by our connection with the allied poAvers,
and a participation of their vieAvs. In his opinion,
despotism Avas more formidable than anarchy ; as
the latter, in its very nature, could prove but
momentary, while the former, by being more
systematic, became more permanent.
It may be here Avorth Avhile to enquire
what that despotism wasAvhichthe allied powers
were thus accused of exercising towards France,
and Avhat those vieAvs Avere Avhich the British
Ministers were cautioned not to adopt ? Hap
pily for the cause of truth, the Prince of Saxe
Cobourg, Avho commanded the Austrian troops
in the Netherlands, had recently, in the name
of the allied powers, ayowed, in the most
explicit manner, the nature of their views, in
respect of the French nation. Immediately on
%he defection of Dumouriez, who had proposed
to march Avith his army to, Paris, to dissolve the
Convention, to bring the regicides to punish
ment, to liberate the Queen, to proclaim the
Dauphin King, and to restore the Monarchy, as
established by the constitution of 1789, the
Prince of Saxe Cobourg addressed a proclama-.
tion to the, French, iffi wbkb, he declared, it- to bq

///////

428
the unanimous Avish of all the Sovereigns Avho
had been compelled, by the factious, to take up
arms against France, and principally that of the
Emperor and of the King of Prussia, Avho Avere
yet filled with'esteem for the French nation, so
great and so generous, among Avhom the immu
table principles of justice and honour were for
merly so sacred, before the effect of the general
overthrow of all order had deluded and cor
rupted that part of the people, Avho, under the
mask of humanity and patriotism, had no other
language than that of assassination and poniards,
to put an end to the anarchy and calamities
which convulsed the country, and to procure it
the happiness of a constitution, and of a wise
and solid government. The Prince avoAved his
resolution to support, by all the force which he
had, the generous and beneficent intentions of
Dumouriez, and his brave army. He declared,
that if Dumouriez should desire the assistance
of any part of his troops to join the French,
they should co-operate as friends and brothers
in arms, worthy of reciprocal esteem, in order
to give to France her constitutional King, the
Constitution zvhich she had formed for herself) and,
of course, the means of correcting it, if the
nation should find it imperfect; and. to revive
in France, as Avell as in all the rest of Europe,
peace, confidence, tranquillity, and happiness*

429
He pledged his honour, that he should not enter
France to make conquests, but solely and purely
for the ends which he had explained. He '
further declared, in the most solemn manner; that
if the military operations should require that any
strong place or places should be deliA'ered over
to his troops, he should consider them only as
sacred deposits ; and he engaged, in the most
express and positive manner, to restore them as
soon as the government which should be esta
blished in France, or the general Avith whom he
was to make a common cause, should require it.*
Here was a clear, full, and explicit decla
ration of the views Avhich actuated the com
bined powers at this period ; and which suffi
ciently proved that they had no Avish to impose
laws upon France, but only desired to promote
the happiness of her people, by enabling them
to re-establish that constitution which they had,
framed for themselves, and which they had
sworn to maintain, and to restore peace and
security to Europe. Yet, these views, Avhich
were suggested by a most liberal and enlightened
policy, and which, after the multiplied aggres
sions that had been exercised by the French
regicides, against all the Sovereigns of Europe,
displayed a degree of generosity seldom to be
* See this Proclamation among the State Papers in Riving-'
tea's Annual Register for 1793. P. 308.

430
Avitnessed in national contests, were branded,
by Mr. Fox, as tyrannical, and deprecated as
unfit for the British government to adopt !
The motion for the address was rejected by
211 votes against 36. — The subject, however,
was revived by Lord Stanhope in the House of
Lords, Avho afforded Lord Auckland an oppor
tunity of disavowing, in person, the motives
which had been imputed to him by those who
seemed to tremble for the fate of the French
regicides. His Lordship declared, that it had
never entered his mind that they should be put
to death, in Holland ; he only meant that they
should be kept in custody till such time as the
course of justice should be restored in France,
and that then they should be tried in courts'
competent to that purpose. Lord Stanhope's
motion for an 'address, similar to that proposed
by. Mr. Sheridan, in the Commons, ended in a
vote moved by Lord Grenville, — That the paper
in question Avas conformable to the sentiments
of his Majesty, and of both Houses of Parlia
ment, and that it was consonant to those ideas
of justice arid policy Avhich it became the honour
and dignity of the nation to express.
It will, no doubt, be a matter of surprise
to posterity, that such a deep interest should
have been taken by members of the British
Senate, in the fate of men who were the imme-

431
diate. agents of a government which had pro
claimed Avar against every regular state in Europe,
and had voAved particular vengeance against the
Monarchy and the Constitution of Great Britain ;
and they will naturally be led to enquire into the
source of such sickly philanthropy, and into the
characters of the individuals who had excited
such particular interest. — What deeds they had
achieved, — what virtues they had displayed, —
and what merits they possessed! The four French
commissioners, the objects of. the patriotic
solicitude of the British Opposition, were Le
Camus, La Marque, Bancal, and Quinette. —
Camus was bred a lawyer, and was advocate to
the clergy, to whom he was indebted for the
means of subsistence, and Avhom, after the re
volution, he persecuted in every possible way.
He exerted himself, in the States-General, of
Which he was a member, to procure the suppres
sion of the nobility, and of all the/ orders of
knighthood, and the plunder of their property."
In the month of December, 1790, he made a most
seditious speech, in which he called upon the
Assembly to compel the King to give his assent
to the civil constitution of the clergy. Having
been returned to the Convention as member
for the department of Upper Loire, he proposed
a decree, which Avas adopted, for the seizure
and sale of the property of emigrants, and
of all religious houses.

432
In December following, before the unhappy
King had been subjected even to the form of
a trial, this sanguinary Avretch moved, that he
should be declared guilty, and an enemy to the
nation. He was sent as commissioner to the
army soon after, and Dumouriez says, that he
set off post, from Liege> to vote , for the death
of Louis XVL* but as, in taking doAvn the,
votes on the 20th of January, he was declared
to be " absent on commission,"^ — he must, have
stopped on the road. — It appears, however,
that, " he Avrote to the Convention, to inform
them that he voted for the death of the tyrant," £
although he had not been present at his trial!
Lamarque Avas also bred to the law, and was
member for the department of the Dordogne,
both in the Legislative Assembly and in the
Convention. He Avas.one of the most ferocious
of the Jacobins. On the 28th of March, 1791,
he proposed to dismiss all the judges, because
they Avere not sufficiently patriotic. On the
10th of August, he was one of the rebels,
who attacked the King's Palace, and the author.
* Memoires. P. 114.
f Le Moniteur, ou Gazette Universelle, Dimanche, Le
20 Janvier, 1793. P. 95.
\
X Dictionnaire des Hommes Marquaas, &c. Vol. I.
P. 262.

433
fef an address to the people, calling on them to
sanction this act of violence and treason. He
voted for the death of the King, saying,—
" He is guilty,— he was perjured,— he was a
traitor ; " — Avords particularly descriptive of La-
marque's own character,
Bancal was a member of the Convention,
and voted for the imprisonment of the King,
during the war, and his subsequent banishment
for life. He assigned eleven reasons for prefer
ring this sentence to the infliction of a capital
punishment. The chief of Avhich were, because
imprisonment and punishment were preferred,
by "Thomas Payne, the most mortal enemy
of Kings and of Royalty, and whose suffrage is
to me posterity anticipated ;" *— and, because he
considered the punishment of death as " absurd,
barbarous, tending to produce a ferocity of
manners, and . one of the great causes of the
evils which afflict the human race." But lest
these sentiments should be ascribed to feelings
of humanity, foreign from his heart, he added,
that, as the punishment of death was not yet
abolished, " I might, perhaps^ vote for the
infliction of that punishment at the conclusion
of the war, because I think Louis Capet has
deserved to die, and then the greatest danger
* Le Moniteur, du 20 Janvier. P. 100,
Vol. III. f f

434.
will be past;" — but hie thought that a different
frtmishmen.t would be most conducive to the
safety 'of the republic.
Quinette was a notary at Soissons, and a
member both of the Legislative Assembly a/nd
of the National Convention ;— he was a weak
bad man; the creature of Lamarquei, whose
principles be adopted, and whose actions he
imitated^ with the itiost degrading sfea'vility.^-
He voted for the death of the King;
^ These commissioners, the®, were traitor*
and regicides ; they had been guilty of a laaiir^
def the most atrocious., all circumstances con"
sidered, to be found in the melancholy attnaAs
of a nation's guilt. Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheridan
had concurred in the general expressions, of
indignant reprobation Avhich had burst forth,
from every quartet of the kingdom, on the
commission of the horrid deed. They had
truly and strongly characterized it as eqi*i%s
inhu»an, illegal, and unjust. Could it be d£4
nied, theji, that the men who. had perpetrated
this deed, .were assassins of the worisfc species,
criminals of the deepest dye, Avretches deserv
ing of the severest punishment, and whom it
was the duty of every man to brisig to justice ?
A murderer is the general enemy of the human
race; his blood is the forfeit attached to his.
erime by the fiat of the Ahinighty; and n»,

country, inhabited by man, should' afford brfri
a refuge. — The murderers in question Avere
stamped Avith peculiar guilt; they had not even
the unchristian plea of revenge to offer, nor yet
the excuse of passion to urge, in extenuation
of their infamy. — They were cold-blooded,
calculating, metaphysical, philosophising, assas
sins, the premeditation of whose malice Avas
the subject of their boast; — not men whose
pitiful sophistry marked merely the perverted
mind ; but miscreants whose determined pro
fligacy proved the corrupted heart. — Nor Avas
their malignant rancour limited to one object;
it extended to the whole race of Kings,*'
who were, therefore, called upon, in a peculiar
manlier, by a paramount principle of self- pre-^
fcervaftion, as well as by a sacred regard to
justice, to put a stop to their guilty career. —
Lord Auckland, then, only discharged an im
perative duty, In exerting every effort to pre
vent Such criminals from escaping the SAVord
of the laAV. And it is a subject of regret, that
there sexists not some general law, some uni-
* Robert,- one of the regicides, gave his vote for the
murder of his Sovereign in these words, — " I condemn the
tyrant- to die ; and, in pronouncing this sentence, 7 only regret
that all tyrants are not within my power, that I might condemit,
them all to. iindeigo the same punishment." — Le Mohiteut, utri
Supra. P. 99.
Ff»

436
versal compact, among nations, for carrying-
into effect the denunciations of the Almighty
against murder; for inflicting condign punish
ment on the murderer, in whatever country he
may be apprehended, the moment the requisite
proof of his guilt can be obtained. As to that
spurious philanthropy, of modern growth,
which, while it condemns the crime protects
the criminal, it is the bastard offspring of Phi-
losophism, nursed by Faction, and reared in the
School of Revolt..
At this period, the mercantile world were
greatly alarmed by an unusual stagnation of
trade, an extraordinary demand for money,
and the refusal of the usual accommodation at
the Bank in the discount of bills. These effects
were chiefly produced by a boundless spirit of
commercial enterprize, exceeding all ordinary
means of support, and calling for a supply of
capital within the power but of few to afford;
and by a sudden diminution of orders from the
foreign markets. It appeared, however, on
examination, that great numbers Avere effected
by the immediate want of credit, Avhose real
property Avas amply sufficient to meet every,
want, and to satisfy every claim ; but as this
property could not, Avith adequate expedition,
be converted into money; such persons Avere
unable to ansAver the current demands upon

437
them, and Were placed in a situation of equal
distress with those who Avere really, in a state
of insolvency. Thus pressed, a committee of
merchants waited on Mr. Pitt, to Avhom they
represented the serious distress of the cornmer-
cial world. Having closely investigated the
subject, and being fully aAvare of the mis
chievous consequences of this temporary evil,
if some effectual relief were not immediately
afforded, Mr. Pitt introduced the business to
the House of Commons, and a committee was
accordingly appointed to take it into considera
tion. On the 29th of April, the report was made
to the House, which proved the causes of the
prevailing distress to be such as have been
above stated, and recommended the adoption
of Mn Pitt's plan of relief, which proposed
to issue Exchequer bills to the amount of five
millions sterling, to be entrusted to the manage
ment of commissioners, who were to advance
it upon the credit of goods to be deposited in
warehouses appropriated for their reception ;
which g-oods, if not redeemed before the first
of May, 1794, were then to be sold. The
interest to be paid upon the sums lent Avas at
the rate of three pounds sixteen shillings per
cent. The measure experienced some resistance
from the opposition, Avho readily ascribed the

438
.distress which called for it, to the Avar, — that
fertile source of every evil, Avhich seemed to
associate itself, in their minds, with every mea
sure of policy, and Avith every topic of discus
sion. It received; hoAvever, the sanction of
the House, Ayho passed the necessary act, in a
few days ; and the result established the Avisdom.
of the application ; for the relief granted fully
answered every purpose ^credit Avas restored,
trade; increased, and commerce flourished, to.
the great improvement of the revenue, Avhile
not a sixpence Avas lo^t by the \yell - timed libe
rality of Parliament.
Mr. Grey, regardless of the admonitions
of Mr. Pitt, in the preceding session, and deaf;
to the arguments Avhich had been then, pressed,
upon his attention, iioav brought fonvard hi,-%
threatened plan of Parliamentary reform? The>
yaxious petitions Avhich had been, presented to]
the House, having been read, Mr. Grey, on the
sixth of May, moyed that they should be
referred to % committee. — He prefaced hisj
motion by a speech of some length, in which h§
stated that the principal abuses Avhich rendered
the proposed reform necessary, Avere the partiali ty
and injustice of the representarion, from a comn
parison of the population in, the different places;
represented ; — the interference, of the aristo
cracy, the abus.e of burgage tenures, and,- the

439
undue .influence of the CroAvn through tbe
Peerage. He expatiated on these different
topics, and strongly deprecated the usual objec
tions to motions of reform, founded on the
alleged unseasonableness- of the time. He
insisted that no danger was now to be appre
hended from the diffusion of French prin
ciples ; as no Britons, who Avere not bereft of
their senses, could, after recent events, propose
the revolution in France as a model for the imi
tation of their own countrymen, — But, even if
such danger were to be apprehended, the best
means of averting it was the promotion of the
comfort and happiness of the people, by the
removal of existing abuses. Rejecting the
conclusions of the disaffected in this- country,
who had considered Parliamentary Reform as
a step advanced on the road to revolution, Mr.
G-ney considered that the adoption of reform
was the surest mode of preventing a revolution.
—In these, sentiments Mr. Whitbread expressed
his hearty concurrence; — he^ denied that meta
physical opinions^ had ever produced a revokr-
tion, which always, on the contrary, arose
from the irritated feelings of "the governed at'
the grinding oppression of the governors. This
was the language of Brissot, and the Very
principle on which he founded his- notableJplan
foil raising the1 governed against the governors.

440
Mr. Whitbread contended, that the Reformation
was not produced by the theories or speculations
of philosophers, but by the avarice and injustice
of the Church of Rome. — -These were certainly
the grand cause of the Reformation, though
they Avould have been inadequate to produce
it without other concurring circumstances, and
among the most prominent of these must be
reckoned the spirit of enquiry Avhich had lately
pervaded the greater part of Europe, and
the introduction of the art of printing, which
had greatly facilitated the acquisition of know*
ledge. To the oppressions of the government, he
also imputed the murder of Charles the First— ¦>
the Revolution of lo\S8 — and the American
rebellion. But this assertion only proved that
Mr. Whitbread had obtained but a very super
ficial knowledge of thcpse events, two of which
were imputable to different causes; and the
other, the Revolution of 168§, though oAving
to the misconduct of James the First, originated
in the dread, which it inspired, of seeing the
injustice, and the superstitious practices, of the
Church of Rome restored, and, through that
Church, arbitrary poAver introduced,
Mr. Pitt took occasion to deliverlris sentir
ments on a subject which had long occupied
a great share of his attention, in an early
period of the debate. He considered the quea*

441
tion, being brought forward at that time, aa
involving the fate of all who had hitherto been
so long protected by the British Constitution ;
nay, as involving the fundamental principles /
of every society, and of every form of govern
ment. The opinion Avhich he had expressed
in the late session had been confirmed by
what afterwards occurred ; and had even been
strengthened by the petitions then' on the table,
and the motion, then before the House. He had
then considered the question as capable of pro
ducing much mischief, and likely to be attended
with no good. — Such was the conclusion which
he had drawn from experience. He had him
self, on different occasions, proposed a refornij
at periods which seemed favourable -to his
object, and supported by persons of the highest '
respectability, yet even then he had failed.
Several, from a dread of the consequences of
innovation, and from a doubt whether the
advantages to be obtained would compensate for
the risk to be incurred, opposed his views. If
such arguments had formerly succeeded, what
additional force had they last year acquired from
the .dreadful lesson afforded in- a neighbouring
kingdom? The scene of horror which it then
presented; exceeded imagination, far short, as
it stopped, of what had since occurred. He
perceived, within the bosom of the country, a

442
small, but not contemptible, party forming,
who aspired to more than a moderate reform,
whose object, indeed, Avas nothing less than to
introduce into England those Frenchprinciples,
which, from their consequences, he could not
regard but with horror. He saw, therefore,
that while none of that good of which a mode
rate reform might be productive was to4 be
obtained, much danger might be incurred, and
9»n opening afforded to wicked persons,
to subvert that very constitution which he;
and those who thought with him, were desirous
to improve, only in order to preserve it; or,
though the attempt to reform might not be
attended with the total subversion of the
constitution, yet it might lead to a state of
confusion and distraction, which would, at
least, disturb the enjoyment of existing bless
ings. He thus found the probability of good
but little, while the mischief was of a size
so gigantic as to exceed calculation. — And, upon
this reasoning, even if he had rated as high as
ever the advantages of a reform, and had seen
a greater, probability than had hitherto appeared
of accomplishing it, he would rather have
abandoned his object than have increased or
incurred the danger. He would rather foregoj
for ever, the advantages of reform, than risk;
for a moment, the existence of the British

443
Constitution. Besides, he considered the
necessity ~of a reform, in consequence of cir
cumstances which had since occurred, to be
much less than when he brought' forward his
original motion.
But how, Mr. Pitt asked, was the ques
tion- argued on the other side? The danger
which -he stated was not denied ;— but it was
alleged, that this Avas the very time for a
moderate^ reform, it being the best means to
quiet viqlent spirits, and the surest remedy
against ruinous innovation. No' doubt those
As;h$ now brought forward the question enter
tained b,o]pes of producing this good effect. He
had learned, from their publications, that they
not only proposed to, guule the minds of the
people^ b,ut also to.be guided; by them., and that
they were resolved to, give up their views if they
shquld, find that they did not meet with a pretty
general concurrence.
Having taken, this, retrospective view of the
question, as i,t stood in.'the last session, Mr..
Pi,tjt proceeded to, inquire A^hat had passed since.
—And he here entered his protest against the,
prohibition to introduce the subject of French
affairs, Ayhipb he considered as intimately,
essentially, and- inseparably, connected with,.
$ie question. . Another year had now passed in
prance, disgraced, ypth excesses and outrages so

444
horrid, that they effaced the memory of pre
ceding enormities, and left nothing more of
them than the faint traces, and the image,
hardly visible. The conduct of the French,
in all its circumstances, bore a peculiar appli
cation to this country ; it presented the fruits,
opening in due season, the legitimate offspring
of those trees, which, under the specious pre
text of liberty, had been planted for the pur
pose of destroying Great Britain and her allies.
The French had disclosed a system of dissem-
minating their principles, and of , procuring
proselytes in every part of Europe — a system
which they had particularly followed up with
respect to this country.-— Such was the case
without; — Avhat was the situation of affairs
within ? — Societies had been formed in this
country, affiliated with the Jacobin Clubs in
France; and, though they had since assumed a
different shape, they Avere then employed in the.,
diffusion of Jacobinical principles. In the pur
suit of this object, they proceeded with a degree
of boldness and confidence, proportioned to the,
success of the French arms. The Parliament
thus beheld the scheme which they had anti
cipated, as the result of the neAv constitution
in France, unfolding itself. They had, more
immediately, the opportunity of seeing what
were the views of the Legislators in France is.

'445
relation to this country, and what their instru>
ments in England Avere endeavouring to effect.
For, while in France, they always urged the
pretext of a Parliamentary Reform, as the
medium by which they Avere to introduce their
principles ; their instruments here always took
care to connect the system of Parliamentary
Reform with all those delusive doctrines, upon
which was founded the neAvly-raised fabric of
French freedom. — Nothing less than a National
Convention was held out as a sufficient remedy
for the abuses which prevailed in the representa
tion, and as the sole organ through Avhich a
more perfect form of government Avas to be
obtained ; by which was meant, such a govern
ment as should acknowledge no other source of
authority, and no other rule of conduct, than
the will of the majority. — In short, French
principles were inculcated as the true standard
of political belief, and the example of the
French government was proposed as a Avorthy
object of imitation.
Tracing this spirit of disaffection, and
these proceedings, from their origin to the pre
sent moment, Mr. Pitt continued to observe,
that the former, Avhich had been thus raised,
was happily kept under, and prevented from
breaking out into action, by the seasonable
interference of the Legislature, by the vigilance

and exertions of the executive power,- by the
loyalty, vigour, and unanimity, of the people,
and likewise by the interposition of Providence,
in the turn lately given to affairs on the' Con
tinent, and the check experienced by the
French arms. The admirers and supporters of
French policy felt a depression of spirits from
the defeat of their friends and allies, Avhich,
for a time, gave a fatal blow to their hopes,
and compelled them to conceal their views, and
to assume a veil of caution, but ill-suited to the
ardour of their temper, and the boldness of
their enterprize. But, though they had thus
been forced for a while to relinquish their
schemes, it Avas not thence to be inferred that
they had by any means abandoned them; — no;
they still indulged the same hopes, they still
meditated the same plans, and only lay by to
watch for an opportunity favourable to the
accomplishment of their designs. For that
purpose, they had looked peculiarly to the
question of Parliamentary Reform. Previous
to the introduction of the present motion, a
great number of petitions had been presented
to. the House, equally singular in their form, ia
expression, and in the manner in Avhich they
had been submitted to notice. — They had been
introduced under the auspices of Mr. Greyj bf
Avhom the motion Avas made.^»-They wereof

447
three- descriptions, except that one on which
the motion was more particularly founded* and
a petition from Nottingham, conceived in
exactly the same terms with one Avhich had
been presented from the same place in 1782;
At that period, it came after a long AVar, which
had harassed and exhausted the country, and
¦the calamities of which, it stated as a proper
ground for a reform of Parliament; — unfortu
nately, it still employed the same language, and
gave the same description of the country, after a
long and prosperous peace. All these petitions
came either from England or from Scotland, or
from places in England and Scotland, which seem
ed to have no natural connection, or likelihood of
communication. Yet, coming from these '
different places, they were all 'the same in
substance, and nearly the same in style ; — AvhatA
ever little difference there might be in the ex
pression, they seemed all to proceed from the-
same hands— —

-Facies non omnibus una,

Nee di versa taraen ; qualem decet esse sororum.
They all, it must be confessed, betrayed a
strong family likeness. Almost • the only
difference was, that those Jrom Scotland
expressed their surprize at the immense load of

448
debt, notwithstanding the extent of the taxes:,
which they stated at twenty millions — four mil
lions above the truth. — All of them were the
same in prayer ; they concurred in praying for
the right of universal suffrage, as the basis of
that reform Avhich they Avere solicitous to
obtain. Two questions arose on these petitions ;
first, what Aveight they ought to have Avith the
House, and how far they ought to be allowed
to. influence their judgment? — and, secondly*
whether that was a season proper for the consi
deration of the object which they claimed, and
favourable to a temperate reform ? On the first
point, Avhen petitions came to the House, fabri
cated in appearance, similar in substance and
expression, it did not require much time to
determine in what point of vieAV they were to
be considered. There Avas every reason to sus
pect, that they Avere the work of a feAv indivi
duals ; they had much more the appearance of
such, than of the general expression of the
sentiments of the country. If it Avere asked,
then, Avhat weight they ought to have?— ¦-The
answer was easy :— None. — The fraud Avas too
gross and palpable ; and it was evident
from what quarter they came, and Avith what
views they Avere promoted. All the circum
stances in France, and in this country, pointed

449
out the present as a season unfavourable to tem
perate reform. The gentlemen who supported
the motion, had been engaged in a society for
the purpose, as they themselves stated, of
allaying the violence of those who might be
misled by a blind rage for innovation, — and of
enlightening the people with respect to the
nature of their true claims. Such had been the
objects which they had avowed at their outset ;
they had proposed to make a fair experiment,
to allow the people of England a full opportu
nity for procuring a rational and moderate
reform; and, if they should find that they
could not succeed, and that the people should be
disinclined to any plan of reform, and not
disposed - to prosecute the measures which they
should recommend, they were then to abandon
their purpose. They had noAV gone on, for
more than a year, publishing, with a view to
enlighten the minds of the people, using every
means to promote their own influence, and,
during all that time, they had not been able to
make a convert of one man in England. — They
had been obliged, at last, to come forward
with a petition of their own, introduced to the
House on the very day on which the debate was
to take place. The other petitions, which
united in the same demand of Parliamentary
¦Reform, carried a suspicious and dangerous
Vol. III. a g

450
appearance. Ought they not, then, consistently
with those principles Avhich they had originally
avowed, to have stood forth, on that occasion,
to have acknoAvledged their mistake, and to
have declared their conviction, that the people
of England were not desirous of a reform, to
have, abandoned their object in Avhich. they
feared they could not succeed, and to have
joined in opposing a reform Avhich Avas not even
desired, and Avhich could not be granted, with
any propriety, at the present moment, or even
Avith a chance of advantage to those for whom it
Aya's demanded? Mr. Pitt next proceeded to consider the
grounds Avhich had been noAV urged in support
of the question. It Avas stated that, from the
general burst of loyalty, evinced by the
nation upon the first alarm, there Avas no reason
to fear, that the people would pass beyond the
bounds of discretion ; and that no season could
be more favourable for a temperate reform,
than that in Avhich they had so strongly testified
their attachment to the established order of
things, and their reluctanceto tolerate any change.
Of this temper the House had been recommended
to take advantage. — But how stood the case? —
The fact, he granted, Avas indeed true ; but it
Avas also true, that societies, in this country, had
been anxiously seeking, not to obtain reform,

451
but to find cause for dissatisfaction ; not to allay
the violence of innovation, but to inflame dis
content. Was it then from deference tothat
small party, actuated by such principles, and
pursuing such a line of conduct, that the Par
liament Avas to grant a reform ; and not from
respect to the great body of the people of
England, animated by a spirit of the purest
loyalty, and too much attached to the blessings
of the constitution, and of the existing govern
ment, to wish to hazard them by a change ?
What then was the question at issue ? It Avas
the same question which Avas then at issue
with the whole of Europe, which was contend
ing for the cause of order, of justice, of huma
nity, of religion ; in opposition to anarchy, to
injustice, to cruelty, to infidelity. Mr. Pitt was
persuaded, that ninety-nine in a hundred of the
people of England weie warm in these senti
ments, were sensible of the security which they
enjoyed for those blessings which flowed from
our excellent constitution; and that, so far
from Avishing to touch it with an innovating
hand, they were prepared to defend it against
every attack. Were Parliament to yield, then,
to the clamours of dissatisfaction and discon
tent, and to disregard the voice of satisfaction
and gratitude ? Were they, in order to gratify
the caprice,, or to soothe the insolence, of a
eg2

452
few disaffected persons, to neglect the benefit of
the common body? Were they, at a moment
of emergency, like that, Avhen the great cause
of all was at stake, to suspend their cares for
the public welfare, and attend to the discussion
Of petty claims, and the redress of imaginary
grievances? Were they, at such a moment, in
order to please a few individuals, to hazard the
consequence of producing alarm and distrust in
the great body of the nation, now firm and
united in the common cause? — This would,
indeed, resemble the conduct of those who,
at the moment when their citadel was besieged,
should proceed to the discussion of points of
difference, rather than attend to providing the
means of defence:
The next ground alleged in defence of the
motion, was, that this Avas a time of war, and
that, from the situation of commercial credit,
the country was in a state of alarm and distrust.
These, Mr. Pitt regarded as very strange reasons
for such a measure, and thought it rather unAvise,
while engaged in a Avar of defence against a
foreign enemy, to hazard the consequences of
any distraction at home. Then, adverting to
the state of' credit, Avhich he imputed to exten
sive commerce, he remarked, the embarrassment
could only be ascribed to the constitution, by
making the constitution the cause of that extent

453
to which commerce had been carried. But it
Avas with an ill grace, that this period, and this'
state of affairs, were urged as grounds for reform,
by gentlemen who, in the preceding year, had
stated, on the same occasion, the long duration
of peace, and the high state of public pros
perity, as their motives for calling the attention
of the House to the subject. These were cer
tainly novelties which required to be reconciled
before such persons could make any pretensions
to consistency of reasoning.
Mr. Pitt noAV went on to examine the pre
cise nature of the motion itself. — Having sup
posed that its object was to refer to a committee
of the House only one of the petitions on the
table, Mr. Grey set him right by telling him,
that it was meant to refer them all. He then
observed, that his reasoning on the subject Avould
be reduced within a narrow compass. Could the
\House think of referring to a committee the
consideration of the measure of universal suf
frage? The motion having been made for
referring the prayers of the petitions, generally,
without pointing out any specific plan of
reform, it was evidently improper to enter
upon the discussion. This mode of proceeding
had a tendency to excite discontent, without
affording the means of allaying it. Mr. Pitt
s$id, that, though he had himself formerly'

454
moved for a general enquiry, he was afterwards
convinced, that it would be attended Avith no
good effect, and he abandoned the motion. He
became sensible, that there Avas no chance of
obtaining any advantage, but by bringing for-
Avard a specific proposition. If he had thought
so then, how much more must he be confirmed
in the same opinion now ? — If any object Avere
proposed for deliberation, it ought to be a spe
cific object. The contrary, mode could, only
tend to perplex the discussion, and to render
it productive of mischief.
..Adverting to the manner of introducing
the question to the House, Mr. Pitt gave Mr.
Grey, credit for having stated, fairly and candidly,
that he did not bring it forward on the ground
of right, but on that of expediency. — In this
he concurred with him ; — for, to talk of an
abstract right of equal representation was
absurd. It Avas to arrogate a right to one form
of government, whereas Providence had accom
modated the, different forms of government to
the different states of society in Avhich they
subsisted. There Avas one right for a Roman,
another for an Athenian, and a third for a Lace
demonian ; but, though the ground of general
and abstract right had been disclaimed, the
ground of expedience had. been so enlarged as to
embrace the mode of reasoning by Avhich that

455
Wild theory was supported. , Mr. Grey had
declared himself ready to adopt even universal
suffrage — that mode Avhich he approved the
least, — rather than suffer the constitution to
remain as it -./as. Mr. Pitt, so far differed with
him, on this point, that he declared he would
rather abandon what he conceived would be the
best plan of reform, than risk the consequences
of any hazard to the constitution, as it subsisted
at present. Could he then embark in the same
committee, Avith one avIio, while he rejected
the only plan of reform, for which he had ever
contended, Avas ready to embrace that which he
himself' deemed the worst? He avoAved his
alarm at the extent to which Mr. Grey had car
ried his object ; and he could not help looking
at the society of friends to the people with some
degree of suspicion, in consequence of a letter
Avhich he. had seen signed with that gentleman's
name, addressed to the people of Sheffield.
These people had so Avell benefited by those
lessons of caution and moderation, Avhich they
received from their patrons, that they lately
presented a petition to the House for Puxlia- '
liementary Reform, concei\-ed in such terms as
rendered it improper to be received. — They
early communicated to the friends of the peopie
their plan for a Parliamentary Reform, by
assembling a Convention of National Dele-

456
gates. — What was the answer to this communi
cation ? " On the plan which you have sug
gested, we do not thnk it yet a fit time to
deliberate. — In a more advanced stage it may
become a proper subject of discussion." No.
Parliamentary reform would satisfy those by
Avhom it was noAV solicited ; they wanted not. a
Parliamentary reform for itself, but for some
thing else, to which they looked forward. They
considered it not as the end of their Avishes,
but only as means which might lead to their
accomplishment. But it had been said, that by refusing this
reform, the House would act upon the same
principle by which America had been lost, Mr.
Pitt avoided the discussion of the means by
Avhich America had been- dissevered from the
parent state, but shewed that the two cases Avere
totally different. In the one, specific relief had
been demanded, and a definite object indicated!
with Avhich the applicants pledged themselves to
be satisfied ; in the other, the House Avas desired
to give Avhat nobody asked, and to those who
declared that, even if it Avere given, they yvould
not be satisfied. They claimed that which
could be resolved into nothing, but a deduction
from French principles — that which was termed
the Avill of the majority, the will of the multi
tude. Before the motion could be assented, to, the

457
House must be prepared to deliberate, Avhether it
Avas right or not to grant individual suffrage?
On that question, Mr. Pitt declared he was not
prepared to deliberate; first, because it required
no deliberation;— and, secondly, because he had
deliberated long enough upon it already. He
had not been so inattentive to the passing
occurrences in a neighbouring kingdom, nor
had he been so unaffected by them, as not fre
quently to have taken this subject into consi
deration. Mr. Pitt said, that his own plan went to
give vigour and stability to the ancient princi
ples of the constitution, and not to introduce
into it any neAV principles. The merit of the
British Constitution Avas to be estimated not by
metaphysical ideas, not by vague theories, but
by analysing it in practice: its benefits were
confirmed by the sure and infallible test of
experience. It was on this ground that the
representation of the people, which must ahvays
be deemed a most valuable part of the consti
tution, rested on its present footing. In the
history of England, from the earliest period to
that time, the number of. electors had always
been few in proportion to the population of the
country. His plan went to regulate the distri
bution of the right of electing members, to
add some, audi to transfer others ; Avas he, then,

458
to be told, that he was an advocate for parlia
mentary reform, as if he had espoused the same
side of the question Avhich Avas noAV taken up by
Mr. Grey and his friends, and Avas now-
engaged in resisting that cause Avhich he had
formerly supported ? Mr. Pitt insisted that his
plan Avas as contrary to that proposed by Mr.
Grey, as Mr. Grey's plan was to the constitu
tion, and he expressed his concurrence in the
observation of Mr. Windham, that, to adopt the
system now proposed, would be to adopt the
principles of the French code, and to folio av
the example of the French legislators: As
these principles Avere unknown in the history of
this country, it Avas to France only that the
House could look for their origin. The prin
ciple . which claimed individual suffrage, and
affirmed that every man had an equal right to a
share in the representation, Avas the same which
served as the basis of that declaration of rights on
Avhich the French legislators had professed to
found their government. He reminded his audience
that there were two hundred, and fifty persons
Avho possessed an equal \roice in the legislature
with the House of Commons ; that there was
a King Avho, to the third of the legislative,
added the whole of the Executive, Power ;
and that, if this principle of individual suffrage
were granted, and carried to its legitimate

459
extent, it went to subvert the peerage ;— to
depose the King ; — in fine, to extinguish every
hereditary distinction, and every privileged
order ;— and to establish that system of equal
izing anarchy Avhich was announced in the code
of French legislation, and attested in the blood
of the Parisian massacres.
The question then Avas, as Mr. Pitt stated
it to be, whether the House would abide by
the constitution, or hazard a change, with all
that dreadful chain of consequences with Avhich
it had been attended in a neighbouring; king;-
dom? If it were possible for an Englishman
to forget his attachment to the constitution,
and his loyalty to the Sovereign ;¦— if. it Avere
possible for him to lose all those generous feel
ings which bound him to his country, and
secured his obedience to its laws ; — if it were
possible for him to sacrifice all -these to the
principles which were brought. forward to sup
port a change of government ; yet, if he Avould
only attend to reason, he would find, them Aviid
and illusive theories. — He Avould find the prin
ciple of individual will poAverful and efficient
to the destruction of every individual, and of
every community ; but to every good purpose
null and void. — He would find that those
rights which entitled all to an equal share in
the government, were rights Avhich only served

460
to remove them from useful labour, from sober
industry, and from domestic connections ; and
which abandoned them to be the slaves of every
idle caprice, and of every destructive passion.
The government which adopted such principles
ceased to be a government ; it loosed the band*
which knit society together ; it forfeited the'
reverence and obedience of its subjects ; it gave
up those, whom it ought to protect, to the^
daggers of the Marseillese, and the assassins
of Paris. Under a pretence of centering all
authority in the will of the many, it esta
blished the worst species of despotism. Such
was {he state of that wretched country, France,
the detestable policy of which had added neAV
words to the dictionary, such as the phrases
of municipalities declaring themselves in a
state of permanent revolution, and the nation
itself in a state of sovereign insurrection! —
In what Avas called the government of the mul
titude, they were not the many who governed
the few, but the few Avho governed the many.
It was a species of tyranny which added insult
to the Avretchedness of its subjects, by styling
its OAvn arbitrary decrees the voice of the peo
ple, and by sanctioning its acts of oppression
and cruelty under the pretence of the national
will. Such was the nature of those principles
which were connected with the right of indi-

461
vidual suffrage; and it was for the House to
determine how far it would give countenance
to that measure, by referring it to the delibera
tion of a committee.
Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheridan were not satis
fied with the Minister's explanation of the
radical difference between his own plan of
reform and that of Mr. Grey; and they accord
ingly persisted in charging him with inconsis
tency of principle, and versatility of conduct.
They both supported Mr. Grey's motion and
project ; and Mr. Fox, in particular, justified
his support, by the alleged inadequacy of the
House of Commons, as at present composed,
to the discharge of its important duties. He
could, however, persuade only forty other mem
bers to coincide with him in his opinion of their
own insufficiency, while tAvo hundred and
eighty-two concurred in the rejection of the
motion. The Session of Parliament noAV drew to
wards a close ; legislative means having been
adopted for the vigorous prosecution of the
war, and for the preservation of domestic tran-?
quillity, and all other measures taken which the
public service required. — But Mr. Fox, seem
ingly intent only on one object, would not
suffer the Parliament to be prorogued,, without
another effort to compel the Ministers to make

462
advances, equally premature, degrading, and
fruitless, to the French regicides, for obtaining
peace. Accordingly, on the 17th of June, he
moved an address to his Majesty, requesting
him to take the earliest measures for procuring
peace with France,- on terms consistent Aviththe
justice, and policy of the British nation. The
motion was strongly opposed by Mr. Windham
and Mr. Burke, both of Avhom expatiated
on the danger, as well as on the impolicy, of
dissolving the existing confederacy against
France, and the folly and degradation of an
attempt at negotiation. Mr. Burke declared,
that he, for one, would never consent to pros
trate the Throne of Great Britain at the foot
of the French Jacobins, or the French National
Convention. The House, perfectly satisfied
with the cogency of the arguments Avhich
had been advanced, both now and before, in
opposition to Mr. Fox's pacific notions, called
loudly for the question, but Mr. Pitt, having
been personally alluded to by the opposition,
felt it necessary to make some few observations
on the general grounds on Avhich it had been
supported. It had doubtless been introduced
on the eve of the conclusion of the Sessions,
as a solemn expression of the sentiments enter
tained by Mr. Fox. on the present state of
affairs; and, therefore, Mr. Pitt was anxious

463
that his opinion upon the subject should be
unequivocally stated. He declared, therefore,
Avithout hesitation, that the motion Avas in
itself the most impolitic and preposterous
which could possibly be adopted, the most con
tradictory to those general principles Avhich
ought, at all times, to regulate the conduct
of Englishmen, and the most unsuitable to
those particular circumstances in Avhich they
Avere then placed. It was only calculated to
amuse and delude the people, by holding-
out to them a possibility of peace, Avhen, in
reality, peace Avas impossible, and thus served
to create groundless discontents and dissatisfac
tion Avith the existing situation of affairs. —
He then adverted to the objects of the war,
and contended that not~one of them could be
secured by a premature application for peace. —
He disclaimed all intention, before the war,
of interfering with the internal affairs of France.
But, having been attacked, no pledge either
had, or could be given, that such interference
would not take place. — If, indeed, sufficient
reparation and security could be obtained Avith
out any alteration in the revolutionary govern
ment, then ought they to be accepted. — But he
certainly thought, that the best security to be
afforded, would be the destruction of that Avild,
ungoverned system, whence had resulted all

464
those injuries against which it had become
necessary to guard.
Mr. Pitt next considered the practicability
of making peace with the existing usurpers of
the Supreme poAver in France; and he observed
that, before a treaty could be concluded, in all
probability, a change of men would occur, and
a change of measures ensue, Avhich might stop
it in its progress ; or, should it be concluded, the
same cause might lead to its immediate violation.
Should they treat with Marat, before the nego
tiation Avas finished, he might again have
descended to the dregs of the people, from
which he had sprung, and have given place
to a still more desperate villain. A band of
leaders had swayed the mob in constant suc
cession, all resembling in guilt, but each striv
ing to improve in crime upon his predecessor,
and swell the black catalogue Avith new modes
and higher gradations of Avickedness. —
Mtas parentum pejor avis tulit
Nos nequiores, mox daturos
Progeniem vitiosiorem.
No treaty, he contended, could exist on their
good faith, independent of the terms of peace;
and no engagement could be formed more solemn
than that Avhich the French rulers had contracted

4651
in return for the acknoAvledged neutrality of tbe
British government, and which they had so
scandalously violated.
Having sheAvn that the motion could
answer no good purpose, he proceeded to prove
that it was calculated to ansAver a very bad
purpose — to discourage our allies, and to in"
spire our enemies with confidence. It Avas
negatived, on a division, by 187 votes against 47.
On the tAventy-first of June his Majesty
prorogued the Parliament, remarking in his
speech, that it was only by a vigorous prosecu-*
tion of the war that he could hope to obtain the"
great end to Avhich his views were uniformly
directed — the restoration of peace on such
terms as might be Consistent with the perma
nent security of this country, and with the^
general tranquillity of Europe.

Vol. HI. h h

466

CHAPTER XXVII.

Affairs of France— State of that Country after the murder of
the King— Character of Louis XVI. by' M. de. Males-
herbes — Schism among the Jacobins — Brissot heads; the
Girondists, and Robespierre takes the command of the
Jacobins — Advantage of the latter over the former-
Extraordinary means adopted for reinforcing the Armies-
Siege of Maestricht raised— French driven out of Liege-
Discontent in the Austrian Netherlands — Dnnaouriez re
sumes the command of the French Army — Endeavours to
restore Discipline and to check Extortion — Attacks the
Austrians at Nerwinde — Is defeated with great loss —
Again defeated at Louvain— Retreats towards the French
frontier — Comparative force of tbe two Armies — Dumou
riez opens a negotiation with the Austrians — His interview
with Colonel Mack — His scheme for dissolving the Con
vention, and for restoring the Constitutional Monarchy —
Mack insists on the evacuation of the Austrian Nether
lands by the French — Dumouriez .accedes to the proposal
and withdraws his Army-— Commissioners from the Con
vention order Dumouriez to repair to Paris — He refuses,
seizes the Commissioners, and delivers them up to the
Austrians — Publishes a Proclamation inviting all loyal
Frenchmen to join him — Is fired at by a body of National
Guards — Flies to the Austrian Quarters — The Prince dei
Cobourg, at his request, addresses a Proclamation to the

467
French— Dumouriez returns to his Gamp— Defection of
his- Troops — He quits the Camp and jpins the Austrians—
Is joined- by 15QOof his men— The Austrian Commander'
recalls his Proclamation, and declares the Armistice at
an end—- Hisr conduct justifiedf— Causes of the inactivity of
the Austrians at this period — Dampierre takes the com
mand of the French Army and attacks the Allies — He is
defeated and killed— Is succeeded by Custine — An
English Army joins the Austrians— The Allies drive the
French from the fortified Camp of Famars — Lay siege to
Valenciennes — Vigorous mea'stires^of the Convention for
arming and training the whole population of France-'-'
The Allies force the_ strong position of Caesar's Camp-
Division of the allied Army — Duke of York forms the
siege of Dunkirk— 'The covering Army defeated — Siege
raised — Quesnoi taken by the Austrians — The Austrians
forced to raise the siege of Maubeuge — State of things at
the close of the Campaign in Flanders — Operations on the
Rhine — Mentz reduced by the Prussians— The lines of
Weissemberg forced by the Prussians — Surrender of
Toulon to Lord Hood— Military Operations — Superiority
of the French — Evacuation of Toulon- — Massacre of the
Loyalists — .Account of Ships captured and destroyed—"
Name of Toulon changed to Port- Mountain — Reduction
of the French Settlements in the East Indies by the
British — Capture of Tobago — Internal affairs of France —
Struggles between the Jacobins and Girondists— Brissot's
Address to his Constituents — A true picture of Frances-
Arts of the Girondists turned against themselves — Ca
milla Desmoulin's answer to Brissot — His Birth, Charac
ter, and Conduct-— -His concern with the Massacres of
September — Means taken for the destruction of the
Girondists — They are put under arrest — The system of
terror established — Persecution of Foreigners — Mr. Pitt
declared, by the Convention, to be an enemy of ih%
n h 2

468
human race — The right of assassinating him referred t»
the consideration of a Committee — Erection of a Revolu
tionary Tribunal — Trial and Murder of the Queen of
France — The Dauphin consigned to the care and instruction
of Simon, a Cobler — Vindication of the Queen's Character
by the absence of all proof against her — Trial of Brissot
and his associates — Interference of the Jacobin ^lub to
abridge the proceedings — Decree of the Convention for
that purpose-— The Brissotins condemned and executed —
Trial of Camille Desmoulins — His blasphemous answer
to the Judges — His Execution — Execution of Le Brun—
Madaine Roland — Barnave— and BaillL
[17.93.] By the murder of Louis the
Sixteenth a deep stain was inflicted on the
national character of France, which not all the
enormities that followed that dreadful event
can efface ; and- a lasting impression made on
the minds of surrounding people Avhich centu
ries of expiation and atonement will scarcely
suffice to remove. The Monarch,* Avhom philo
sophising rebels had consigned to the scaffold, was
a just, a merciful, and pious Prince, abounding
in virtue, but, unhappily, deficient in energy
and decision of character : his faults proceeded
from the excess cf his virtuous feelings; his
aversion from acts of severity, and his abhorrence
from the effusion of human blood, led him to
encourage rebellion by forbearance to adopt the
necessary means of repression on the first mani
festation of a rebellious .spirit ; — and to become

469
the unintentional instrument of producing the
destruction of millions, by refusing to sign the
necessary order for repelling, by force, the
earliest efforts of treachery and revolt. M. de
Malesherbes, his venerable defender, ably pour-
trayed the character of this persecuted Sove
reign, and the cause of the revolution Avhich
occasioned his death, in an eloquent burst of
virtuous indignation, on receiving the fatal
intelligence from the Abbe Edgeworth, Avho
repaired from the scaffold to his house. — " And
it was in the name of the nation" exclaimed
the agonized advocate, " that the villains per
petrated this parricide — in the name of the
French, avIio, had they been Avorthy of so good
a King, would have acknowledged him to be
the best they ever had. — Yes, the very best;
for he Avas as pious as Louis IX. as just as Louis
XII. as humane as Henry IV. and exempt
from all their failings. His only fault was that
he loved us too well; thence conducting him
self too much as our father, and too little as our
King; and constantly labouring to procure for
us more happiness than Ave Avere capable of
enjoying. But his faults proceeded, in some
degree, from his virtues, — whereas ours flow
entirely from our vices. He justly impuied the
destruction in Avhich the nation Avas involved,
to that spurious philosophy which had invaded
eyery class, and by Avhich, he acknowledged, he

47©
had himself been led astray. It Avas that which
had, as it were by magic, fascinated the eyes of
the nation, and made them sacrifice the sub
stance to the shadow.— To the mere Avoids
political liberty, France had sacrificed social
liberty, which she possessed in a greater degree,
according to M, de Malesherbes, than any other
nation, because she had multiplied and embellish
ed the sources of enjoyment more than any other
nation. The people, conscious of being completely
invested with the liberty of doing every thing
which the law permitted, conceiAed that politic
Cal liberty conferred the right of doing Avhat the
Jaw forbade, and thence France Avas inundated
with crimes. Intoxicated Avith the idea of their
sovereignty, they imagined that, by ovcrthroAV-
jng the monarchy, they should place themsehres
upon the throne ; that by promoting the confis
cation of the property of the rich, they should
transfer it to their oaa'ii hands. Wretches who
were most eager in the diffusion of such absurd"
notions unfortunately were sent, as representa-*
tives, to the National Assembly ; and their first
efforts were directed against their Sovereign.*
This is, a just picture, as far as it goes j
Abstract terms unintelligible to the multitude,
even more ignorant in France than in most other
countries, had bewildered their imaginations,
* Itertrand's Private Memoirs, Vol. JJJ. p. 37g, &80-

4fl
inflamed their passions, inflated their vanity, and
betrayed them into the commission of enormities
which their uninformed and perverted minds
regarded as necessarily flowing from the new
principles which they had been so industriously
taught. The question, indeed, arguing abstract
edly, Avas not precisely what M. de Malesherbes
stated it to be, — whether the people of France
were allowed to do whatever the law did not for
bid? but Avhether the lavv permitted them to clo
Avhat Avas essential to the enjoyment of rational
freedom ? The conceptions of the people, hoAvever,
he accurately described, as Avell as the conse
quences to Avhich they led. — With equal truth he
observed, that all the efforts of the traitors to
debase their Sovereign had been vain. His
steady virtue had triumphed over their wick
edness. — Malesherbes advised Mr. Edgeworth
instantly to leave Paris, and to fly from an
accursed land,' which could afford him no
refuge from the Tigers, Avho thirsted for his
blood.* But he vainly flattered himself, that
his popularity would secure his o\vn grey hairs
from their rage — as if the fury of tigers would
discriminate I — His attachment to his King was
never forgiven nor forgotten ; and, three years
after, at the age of seventy-five, he Avas con?
* Idem. Ibid. P. 281.

472
^signed to the scaffold, on a vague charge of
Conspiring against that sovereignty of the people,
the evil effects of which he now so pathetically
¦deplored ; and his whole family was involved in
the same sanguinary and merciless proscription,
After the death of the King, the division
which had long subsisted between the different
sections -of the Jacobins, but which a sense of
common interest, and the pursuit of one com
mon object, had combined to conceal, became
manifest, decided, and avowed. The Giron
dists ranged themselves under Brissot, Avhile
Robespierre placed himself at the head of the
rest.— The former were superior in talents, the
Jattcr in. energy; and, in this stage of the revo
lution, it was easy to perceive, that the men
who would act, must speedily prevail over those
who could talk ;* but who could do little else.
The Jacobins, too, had other important advan
tages over their opponents.— The bands of
federalists, who had been called by the Giron
dists to Parjs, to protect their persons, and to
second their measures, had been sent to the
frontiers ; and the whole armed force of Paris,
together Avith all that bore the name and sem-

* Danton, one of the furious leaders of the Jacobins,
emphatically observed, at a subsequent period, " II nous faut
de* travaux, et non pas des discours,''

473
blance of civil poAver, remained at the perfect
disposal of the Jacobins, who, intent on the
removal of every impediment to the attainment
of supreme authority, and unrestrained by any
one principle of religion, morals, or law, were
fully resolved to employ it with effect, when
ever a suitable opportunity should occur.
While the last grand struggle between
these revolutionary rivals was pending, means
Avere taken to strengthen the armies on the
frontiers, and to provide for their subsistence. —
All the male population of the country, between
the ages of eighteen and forty, being unmarried,
were put in requisition, and reams of assignats
Avere issued for their support. After offensive
operations had been unexpectedly renewed by
the Austrian General, Clerfayt, the Prince of
Saxe-Cobourg took the command of that army,
improved the advantages already gained, defeated
the French with great loss, on the fifth of March,
in the neighbourhood of Aix la Chapelle, and
drove them back, in confusion, to Liege; Avhile
the Prussians, under Prince Frederick of Bruns
wick, gained a .victory on the same day, at
Bruggen, Avhich made them masters of the
whole course of the Lower Meuse. Miranda,
who, on the news of these defeats, had hastily
raised the siege of Maestricht, Avas driven, by
the Archduke Charles, from a position which

474
ne had taken for the defence of Liege ; and the
Austrians, continuing to advance, drove the
French army, in a few days, from the Roer to
the Dyle, and so rescued, from their plunder
and oppression, the Duchies of Guelders, Juliers,
and Limburg, Avith the principalities of Liege
and StaA-elo. These successes of the allies gave courage
to the oppressed inhabitants of the Austrian
Netherlands, who had experienced the promised
blessings of French fraternity, in the violation
of domestic privacy, in the plunder of their
churches, in the subversion of their laws, in the
destruction of their usages and customs, in the
seizure of their property, and in a forced acqui
escence, in revolutionary proceedings, which
excited, at once, their contempt and their abhor
rence.* Thus, Avhen Dumouriez found himself
* For a particular account of the systematized tyranny of
the French in the Netherlands, see the very curious historical
and political memoirs of the revolution in Belgium arid Liege,
by Publicola Chaussard, one of the commissioners, sent by
the Convention, to revolutionize those countries. — Some idea
of the brutal manner, in which the feefings of the people were
insulted by these agents of the French Regicides, may be
formed, from the following note, addressed by this Chaussard
to the municipality of Liege. — " I present to you., magistrates
" of the people, two free beings ; they have promised love and
'' marriage to each other; they wish to ratify this promise, not
" at the knees of the priest, but before the sacred altar of the
" law, The only Divinity of Freemen.

475
obliged to evacuate Holland, in order to take the
command of the army in the^ Low Coun
tries, he found all the people anxious to exter-
minate the French ; while his own troops were
scattered in every direction, and most of them
had fled beyond the enemy's territory.
The first step taken by Dumouriez Aras to
annul all the decrees, sentences, and proceed
ings of the civil commissioners ; avhile, regard
less alike of their intreaties, and their threats,
he peremptorily ordered all the church plate,
which had not yet been destroyed, to be restored ;
and, in short, did every thing in his power to
repair the evils Avhich had been committed. —
After rallying the fugitives, he found himself at
the head of fifty thousand men, besides as
many more in the fortresses of Holland, which
he still retained, in the different toAvns of the
" Magistrates, receive their promise, be the priests of
" nature. Marriage is a civil contract, which, like all other
" acts, results, solely, from the will of the contracting par-
" ties. The laws of France have, agreeably to reason,
" declared this to be the fact. You are Frenchmen by adop-
" tjon, and the parties are French. Magistrates of a free
" people, bless, proclaim, this union j and let that place,
" which has hitherto been the workshop of fanaticism, become
" the sanctuary of philosophy." — P. 107-
In writing to his brother commissaries at Brussels, he
announces this insult to religion as " a victory gained over
fanaticism."

476
Netherlands, and on the frontiers of the
Ardennes. — Well acquainted Avith the temper
and character of the French soldiers, ever
impetuous in attack, but feeble in defence, he
resolved to lead his troops against the enemy.
Having encouraged them, by some trivial advan
tages obtained at Tirlemont, and in the vicinity,
about the middle of March, he brought them to
a general action on the eighteenth. The battle
of Nerwiude was long and obstinately con
tested ; but the steady discipline, and cool
intrepidity of the Austrians, under, General
Clerfayt, who was immediately opposed to the
main division of the enemy, led by Dumouriez in
person, at length prevailed over the superior
numbers of the French, avIio Avere driven from
the field, at the close of the day, Avith great
slaughter. Four thousand soldiers, and a num
ber of officers, slain, Avith three and thirty
pieces of cannon taken, Avere the reAvard of
the conqueror, who, pursuing his advantage,
attacked the French again, on the twenty-second
of March, in the neighbourhood of Louvain,
and, after an obstinate conflict, again defeated
them with similar loss.
Dumouriez, being thus driven from his
entrenched camp, on the heights, in front of
Louvain, retreated beyond Brussels, Avhile the
Prince of Saxe Cobourg continued to advance-

477
and fixed his Camp at a short distance from that
town. The Austrian army, at this time, con
sisted but of thirty thousand men, a force very
inferior to that of the French, notwithstanding
their recent disasters, and their numerous deser
tions. It Avould have been highly imprudent,
therefore, for the Austrians to advance further,
until they should be joined by the Prussian
division, under Prince Frederick of Brunswick,
and by some battalions of infantry, and squa
drons of horse, Avhich Avere on their march
towards, the scene of action.
At this period, Dumouriez dispatched one
of his aids-de-camp to the Prince of Saxe
Cobourg, to inform him that he had resolved to
put an end to all the calamities Avhich afflicted
his country, to restore the" constitutional roy
alty, to dissolve the National Convention, and
to punish the Parisian regicides ; — and the
General expressed his Avish, that some confiden
tial person might be sent to him by the Prince,
to whom he could explain his intentions more at
large. Colonel Mack, Adjutant-General to the
Austrian army, Avas accordingly sent to Dumou
riez, who had transferred bis /head-quarters to
Ath, and encamped his troops behind the
Dendre. There the colonel had a private con
ference with him, to which Avere admitted
General Thouvenot, Lieutenant-General Valence,

478
and sointf other principal officers of the French
army. Dumouriez opened the business, by
observing, that he could no longer be a passive
spectator of all the enormities committed in
France, that he was determined to disperse the
criminal Convention, to re-establish the Consti
tutional Monarchy, to rescue the Queen and the
Dauphin, and to proclaim the latter King;
but, in order to enable him to accomplish this;
plan Avith safety, it would be necessary that
thet Prince of Cobourg should engage not only
to let him remain quiet in his present position
behind the Dendre, but to afford him every
assistance Avhich he might require. Colonel
Mack, aAvare, that if Dumouriez's attempt
upon the French government should fail, that
General might return to the Netherlands, to
attack the Austrians, observed, in a tone of
decision, that the Prince of Cobourg would
enter upon no negotiation Avhatever, so long as
a single French soldier should remain in the
Netherlands ; and that, before any further pro
ceedings were had, it would be indispensably
necessary that Dumouriez should evacuate not
only the open country, but also the cities of
Namur and AntAverp, and the fortresses of,
Breda and Gertruydenberg, which were still
occupied by his troops. Colonel Mack sup
ported this proposal by an exaggerated account1

479
of the Austrian force, which he represented as
capable of making head against Dumouriez's
army, and of sparing sufficient to cut off the
retreat of the French from Holland.— After a
short -pause, Dumouriez remiarked, that the
Low Countries had always been the prey of a
single battle ; that he had. fought two, and had
had the misfortune to lose both j— he AVould,
therefore, consent to return to the frontiers of
France, and to issue orders for the evacuation of
all the fortified places without delay. In return
for which he was assured by Mack, that the
Prince of Cobourg would- not pursue him beyond
the frontier, but Avould remain a quiet, though
attentive, observer of his operations at Paris,
until Dumouriez should require his assistance. —
Duoiouriez faithfully fulfilled his promise ; he
completely evacuated Holland, and the Austrian
Netherlands,, and withdrew his army within the
frontier of France.
The .evening before Dumouriez left Tour-
nay, he requested a second interview with
Mack, at which he informed him, that com mi s-
aioners from the Convention had arrived at
Lille, bringing with them a decree of that
Assembly, ordering him to appear at their
bar ; but that he meant to have the miscreants
apprehended, 'and delivered up to the Austrians;
after which he would immediately prepare for

480
his inarch to Paris, his army being perfectly of
the same opinion with himself. The day after
this interview, Dumouriez AvithdreAv his army
into his two entrenched camps of Maulde and
Briiil, and fixed his head-quarters at St. Amand;
while the Austrians advanced to Mons and
Tournay. — And, two days after these move
ments, the four commissioners from the French
Com-ention, Atith Bournonville, the Minister of
War, Avho had accompanied them, Avere seized,
and sent in custody to the Austrian head
quarters. Dumouriez immediately issued a
proclamation, expressive of his resolution tor
dissolve the Convention, and to restore the
Constitutional Monarchy, and calling on all
loyal Frenchmen to join him.*
Dumouriez, hoAvever, soon found that
the confidence Avhich he had reposed in his
army Avas groundless, and that his hopes of
their concurrence in his views Avere vain. — In
deed, it is difficult to discover the grounds on
Avhich any man of sense and experience could
place reliance on the attachment of troops who
had proved faithless to their oaths, and rebels
to their Sovereign. As the general Avas riding
out with his staff, he met a battalion of
* This proclamation, which is dated St. Amand, April'
2, 1793, is inserted among the State Papers in Rivington-V
Annual Register for that year.— P. 303.

481
National Guards, Avho had left their quarters,
and were marching towards Valenciennes ; and'
Avhen he enquired whither they were going, was
answered by a discharge of musquetry, and,
Avith difficulty, effected his escape to the
Austrian frontier, where he joined Colonel
Mack. Still he was unwilling to believe that
his army v/ould forsake him, and he imputed
this accident, as he termed it, to the insidious
insinuations of certain commissioners who had
arrived at Valenciennes from Paris, and Avho
had ipade the soldiers believe that he intended
to sell his country to the enemy. In order to
remove this impression, and to tranquillize the
minds of his troops, he earnestly conjured the
Prince of Cobourg to send him a number of
proclaitiations, signed by himself, confirming
the statement which Dumouriez himself had
published of his object and designs. After
remaining Avith Mack till three in the morning,
he ventured to return to his camp, where he
was received with every expression of joy j
while Mack reported, to the Commander in
Chief of the Austrian army the result of this
second interview.
The Prince of Cobourg did not hesitate
fo comply Avith Dumouriez's request, and the
desired proclamation was accordingly fotr
Vol. III. i i

482
warded to the General the next evening.* But
no time Avas allowed to give it effect ; for that
very day the cannoniers declared that they
Avould quit the camp, and repair to Valen
ciennes; — their example was followed by several
battalions of National Guards, and when
Dumouriez called on the troops of the line to
compel them to do their duty, these declared,
that although they were disposed to march with
him to Paris, for the purpose of restoring the
constitution of 1789, they avouUI never direct
their arms against their countrymen and com
panions in arms. Dumouriez now plainly per-
ceiyed that he was no longer safe among' such
troops, and he, accordingly^ left the camp, and
the country, on the night of the fifth of April,
accompanied by several generals and other officers.
About fifteen hundred or two thousand troops
of the line followed their general ; the rest of
the army hastily quitted the entrenched camps;
and, Avhile some of them threw themselves into
Conde, Valenciennes, and Maubeuge, others
fled in various directions, and returned to their
homes* The Prince of Cobourg lost no time
in occupying these advantageous posts, and in
forming the blockade of Conde, Avhich Avas ill
* This proclamation was dated Mons, April 5. — See
Rivington's Annual Register. — P. 30g*.

483
supplied with provisions.* During these
transactions, a Congress was held at Antwerp,
at which the future plan of operations against
France was. settled; and at which Lord
Auckland, the British Minister at the Hague,
attended. As the late proclamation of the
Prince of Cobourg was issued in consequence
of the agreement entered into Avith Dumouriez,
the moment that agreement ceased to have
effect, by the inability of one of the contract
ing parties to enforce it, the other was, of
necessity, released from all the engagements into
which he had entered, and from all the condi
tions which he had subscribed. Before, how
ever, the renewal of hostilities, the Prince of
Cobourg issued another proclamation, on the
ninth of April,! announcing to the French the
revocation of his former proclamation, and the
cessation of the armistice. Thus the allied
powers were placed, in respect of the French,
in precisely the same situation in which they
itood, previous to the commencement of the
negotiation Avith Dumouriez. They had to
* This brief statement of facts relative to the negotia
tions between Dumouriez and the Austrians, is taken from an
account of the transaction written by Colonel Mack at the
time. f Inserted in Rivington's Annual Register for 1793.—
?• 309, 112

484
engage an enemy, who had, Avithout provoca
tion, and for the basest of purposes, wantonly
declared war against them,, threatening not
merely to lay Avaste their countries, but to
subvert their thrones. Though the war was no
common Avar, nor to- be carried on by ordinary
means,, still, if the combined poAvers chose *so
to consider it, and so to wage it, however by
so doing they might defeat their own object,
yet would their conduct be sanctioned by every
rule of justice, and by every principle of self-
defence.. The allies have been inconsiderately cen
sured for their inactivity at this' critical junc
ture, when they might have availed themselves
of the confusion consequent on the desertion of
Dumouriez, to cut off the flying and insulated
detachments of the French army. But the
fact Avas, that the Austrians Avere so ill pro
vided for any . important operation, that they
had not a single piece of battering cannon, nop
even a sufficient number of troops, in, the
month of April, to undertake a siege ; and
they did not expect to receive either till the
middle of May.* They were, therefore, unable.
* On the eighth of April, Colonel Mack thus described
the Austrian army : " N'ayant pas une seule piece de siege,
et rien moins qu'un nombre sufEsant de troupes pour pouvoir
1'entreprendre, et n'ayant pas l'espoir d' avoir ui l'un ni l'autre
avant six semaines," &c.

485
to prevent Dampierre, the successor of Dumou
riez, from collecting the scattered remnants of
the army, and encamping at Bouchain. With
a due knowledge of the character of the French
soldier, the new commander sought to encou
rage his troops by the renewal of offensive
operations. On three different days, between
the 30th of April and the 10th of May, he
attached the position of the allies, between the
Scheldt and the Scarpe, but he was defeated
each time, and, in the last attack, on the 10th
of May, he lost his life, and Avas succeeded by
Custine, who was called from the Rhine, to
take the command of the Northern Army.
The Austrians having at length received
their long-expected reinforcements, and being
joined by a considerable body of English, under
the Duke of York, became assailants in their
turn, and, on the twenty-third of May, after
an obstinate contest, drove the French from
the heights of Famars and of Anzin, which
they had strongly fortified, for the better pro
tection of the important fortress of Valenciennes.
The siege of Valenciennes was then commenced
in form, while Conde Avas more closely invested.
Subdued by famine, the garrison of this latter
place surrendered on the 10th of July, and,
on the first of August, the commander of the
former capitulated, and opened its gates to the

48fj
allies. The republican troops, in the meat*
time, had made various incursions into West
Flanders, Avhere they gathered some plunder,
but no laurels ; being every Avhere beaten, and
driven'back with considerable loss.
Undismayed by these disasters, and resolved
to secure their ill-gotten power, at all hazards,
the rulers of France had recourse to a desperate
expedient for overpowering their enemies, the
adoption of which at once proved the extent of
their own authority, and the abject state of
slavery to which the people Avere already reduced.
They first seized upon all the church bells, to
be converted into cannon, lea-ving only one for
each parish; and after wards, on the twenty-
first of August, the Convention passed a decree
by which the whole population of France
was devoted to military purposes, and the whole
country converted into one vast camp. Com
missioners were sent into the provinces to super
intend the execution of this decree, which Avas
further enforced by every means which could
Inspire terror, or compel obedience. Five hun
dred thousand men, or gather boys, were thus
raised in a short time, and were first sent into
the garrison towns to relieve the troops of the
line, who were fonvarded to the different
armies. As another means of securing victory
to their arms, it was resolved to consider every

487
defeat as a proof of treachery; and, in con
formity with this resolution, Custine, and
others, were consigned to the guillotine.
After the French were driven from the
heights of Famars, they occupied the strong
position called Cassar's Camp, betAveen Bouchain
and Cambray, which, however, they evacuated
in the most coAvardly manner, on the approach
of the allies. — The facility with Avhich the
French had been repulsed, probably, was one of
the motives Avhich induced the allies to adopt
the unfortunate resolution of dividing their
^forces, and of besieging, at the same time, both
Dunkirk and Quesnoy. The Duke of York,
who commanded the division designed for the
former of these services, began his march,
towards the scene of his destined operations, on
the eighteenth of August, and, after some
fighting, particularly at Lincelles, where the
guards, under General Lake, acquired great
honour, arrived in the vicinity of Dunkirk,
defeated the French force there collected, and
sate down before the town. It has been sup
posed, that if, immediately after this defeat,
the British commander had followed up his
advantage, and attempted to take the town by
assault, he Avould have succeeded in the attempt.
.Certain it is, that, at this moment, it Avas
but ill-provided against such an attack; the

488
garrison was small; no confidence prevailed
among the troops ; and all was doubt, hesita
tion and fear. Aniple time, however, was
afforded for remedying these evils, and for
supplying these defects. — While the necessary
preparations for a formal siege were carrying on,
the garrison was. strongly reinforced, a resolute
commander appointed, and a strong force col
lected for the purpose of attacking the army
under Field - Marshal Freytag, which ?was
destined to cover the siege. This force, led pn
by Houchard, attacked the allies on the sixth
of September, and, breaking their line, cprnr
jjelled them to retreat; while the garrison ,qf
Dunkirk made a vigorous sortie -on the besieg*-
ing army, and were not repulsed without
great difficulty, and no small loss. — On the
eighth of September, the French made another
attack on the covering army, which, after
great slaughter- on both sides, Avas ultimately
obliged to retire to the neighbourhood of
Furnes. — His troops being noAV exposed to a
double attack from the' garrison in front, and
from the army in his rear, the Duke of York
was reduced to the necessity of abandoning-the
siege, and he effected his retreat Ayith great
precipitation and considerable loss.
The Austrians, however, on their side,
succeeded in reducing fhe fortress pf Quesopjr,

and in gaining important advantages over the
•troops which were sent to its relief. They
then laid siege to Maubeuge ; but the French,
.under General Jourdan, attacked them in their
trenches, on the 15th of October, and, after
.sustaining a great loss, forced them to raise the
-siege. Various incursions Avere afterAvards made
by the French into Maritime Flanders, but,
unable to establish a footing there, they were
Compelled, once more, reluctantly, to retire
•within their own frontier. — The fruits of the
campaign, in this quarter, Avere the acquisition
pf Valenciennes, Qonde, and Quesnoy, by the
allies-^— On. the Rhine, the Republicans Avere
not more successful.— Mentz, after a long and
pbstinate defence, surrendered to the Prussians.
The French were driven by the Austrians, with
great slaughter, from the lines of Weissembourg,
on the thirteenth of October ; — and on several
other points, where they were the assailants,
they were uniformly repulsed.
During these military operations on the
Northern frontiers of France, the Southern pro
vinces had evinced the strongest disapprobation
of the new order of things ;•— and Lyons,
Marseilles, and Toulon, had openly raised the
standard of royalty. The first of these cities
made a most gallant stand ; and did not open
lier gates to the feroeious republicans till

499
four and twenty thousand of them were
destroyed; and til! she had lost the bravest of
her defenders in the sanguinary conflict.- On
the ninth of October, the Conventional troops
took possession of the city, and, in return for
tlvir heroic defence, murdered, in cold blood,
thousands of her inhabitants.. Marseilles expe
rienced a similar fate, to avoid Avhich, the inha
bitants of Toulon invited Lord Hood,, who
commanded the British fleet- in the Miditer-
ranean, to take possession of the city and port, in
trust for Louis the Seventeenth. His Lordship
entered the harbour on 'the twenty-eighth of
August; and soon after Lord Mulgrave took
the command of the forces destined for the
defence of this important place, and Avhich
consisted of British, Spaniards,' Neapolitans,
and Piedmontese. — Unfortunately, hoAvever, no
adequate means of resisting the poAverful army,
sent to reduce it, Avere provided, and, after
keeping possession of it for nearly four months,
during which time the troops were greatly
harassed by the incessant attacks of the
enemy, it Avas finally evacuated on the eigh
teenth of December. Previous to the evacua-
tioiij however, eighteen French ships of the
line, nine frigates, and several smaller vessels,
were either destroyed or secured ; — and it is
extremely to be lamented, that, from a want of

491
proper vigour and foresight, the total destruc
tion of the port, and of all the vessels nvA
stores Avhich it contained, did not take place.*
Here, as at Lyons, tbe loyal inhabitants- were
butchered, by hundreds, in cold blood ; Buona
parte, avIio commanded the artillery during the
siege, under General Dugommier, is said to
have presided at these barbarous massacres; —
the Conventional Commissioners, in the South,
Ricord, Freibn, the younger Robespierre, and
Salicetti, in announcing the evacuation to the
ConA^ention, observed, that their first dispatch
should be dated "from the ruins of Toulon ;"
and the Convention passed a decree on the
24th- of December,,, on the motion of Barrerc,
for;changing the name of that rebellious city to
Port Mountain, and for levelling all the houses
Avhich it contained Avith the ground ; leaving
nothing standing but the naval and military
establishments. Pondicherry, and all the
French settlements in the East, Avere reduced
* The scene which took place at the evacuation of Toulon
was most horrible ; the Royalists, men, women, and children,
flocking down to the harbour, and intreating to be saved from
the fury of the sanguinary Jacobins ;— Almost every ship was
crowded with these victims of loyally. One only disgraceful
exception to the humanity, generally displayed by the British
officers, occurred;— while all the other boats were filled with
' Royalists ; one is i.\\c\ to have been stowed with wine, to the
.exclusion of the unhippy supplicants.

492
by the British arms; and the island of Tobago,
in the West Indies, besides some other posses
sions of less importance, were likeAvise Avrested
from their power.
' While France was thus pressed by her ene
mies abroad, she was a pre^ to much more formi
dable and destructive enemies at -home.' — The
struggle between the Girondists and the Jacobins
had become more serious by the revolt of Dumou
riez. Robespierre openly charged the Giron
dists Avith being his accomplices ;— - and though
he was foiled in this attempt by the superior
eloquence of Brissot, he renewed his attacks on
other points, and, for some time, nothing was
heard in the Convention but crimination and
recrimination; and that Assembly, in fact,
became an arena in AArhich the battles of these
political gladiators Avere fought. Victory was,
at one period, doubtful; the Girondists had a
decided advantage over their adversaries, both
in arguments and in facts ; and, by the aid of
these, they succeeded for a while, not only in
defeating eyery effort of Robespierre to per
suade the ConA-ention to bring them to trial, but
in turning the tide of indignation against their
accusers. In his address to his constituents,
published early in 1793, Briss<ot drew a true
picture of France, after the murder of ,the I£jng:
he represented, jn strong, but just colours, the

493
tyranny exercised by the Parisian Commune,
by the Jacobin Clubs, and the miscreants posted
m the galleries of the Convention for the
purpose of over-aAving the deputies, and for
destroying the freedom of debate. In short, he
exhibited his countryas under the joint dominion
of terror and anarchy : « The laws Avithout
execution ; — the constituted authorities impotent
and disgraced ; — crimes unpunished ; — property
of every kind attacked ; — personal safety vio->
latedji — the morals of the people corrupted ;—
no constitution ; — no government ; — no justice !"
Such Avas that stupendous monument of human
wisdom, and of human happiness, which was
held up to the admiration and imitation of sur
rounding nations^ as it presented itself, four
years subsequent to its erection, to the sight of
one of its original founders !
Such Avas the unfortunate situation of this
chief of the Girondists at that critical period,
that every bold truth Avhich he littered supplied
some damning evidence of his own guilt. The
artifices which he then censured, and the in
justice which he then condemned, were the,
very same to whieh he and his perfidious asso
ciates had formerly had recourse for the de
struction of the Throne, and the deposition of
the Monarch. It was not one of the least
remarkable of the signal instances of re tribu-

494
five justice with which the history of the French
revolution abounds, and all of which should
be preserved as pregnant Avith aAvful and salutary
lessons to future generations, that the Brissotins
were now destined to be fought with their own
weapons, to be opposed Avith their own princi
ples, to be foiled with their own arguments, and
to be caught in their, own toils! Camille Des-
moulins, a tried jacobin, and a furious orator at
the clubs, was the person to Avhom the task of
ansAvering Brissot's address Avas entrusted. —
Nor could jacobin ingenuity have disqovered a
more fit agent for the purpose. Desmoulins,
avIio had been bred to the bar, and educated at
the same college Avith Robespierre, was a har
dened traitor, who artfully contrived, in his
harangues, to mingle a small portion of truth
Avith an infinite deal of falsehood, and whom no
consideration of consequences could ever restrain
from the accomplishment- of his purposes; who
disdained remorse as the puny offspring of super
stition ;— rAvho enjoyed anarchy, and delighted
in blood. His outset in life afforded a strong
earnest of his future fame,— for. the first speech
he made at the bar was against his own father,
whose prophetic spirit foretold he Avould perish
on the scaffold. In a sanguinary paper
which he conducted, he sty ltd himself the
Attorney-General of the Lamp Iron ; — and he

495
took a principal part in all the bloody scenes of
the revolution. He was first in the interest, and
probably iri the pay, of the Duke of Orleans,
Avho is said, at one time, to have promised him,
as the reward of his zeal, the hand of Pamela,
Avho afterwards married Lord Edward Fitzge
rald. He Avas courted, too, by La Fayette, at
whose house he frequently visited. He was one
of those who formed the plan, and regulated
the execution, of the massacres of September ;
in - a conversation Avith Dan ton, on the subject,
previous to the time fixed for their perpetration,
he observed, " The innocent shall not be con
founded Avith the guilty ; all those prisoners
whom the sections may claim shall be spared."'
And, after the horrid scene Avas o\-er, the atro
cious assassin remarked, Avith cold-blooded
indifference, " Well, every thing Avas transacted
zvith all possible order ; the people even liberated
many aristocrats!"* In short, Desmoulins vied
with Robespierre himself for pre-eminence of
guilt. Iu his attack on the Brissotins, which was
first delivered at the jacobin club, and afterwards
printed by their order, and circulated throughout
France, he makes the following preliminary
* This curious conversation with Danton is inserted in the
Histoire generate et impartiale, des erreurs, des fautes, et des
mimes comrnis pendant la Revolution Francahe, par Prudhomme.

496
observation, " There is little candour in asking
us for facts to prove a conspiracy. The only
trace which memory yet preserves of the famous
harangues of Brissot and Gensonne, in Avhich
they attempted to prove the existence of the
Austrian committee, is the principle laid down
in them, ' That, in conspiracies, it is absurd to
' call for demonstrative facts and judicial
' proofs: that in no time have they ever been
' obtained, not even in the conspiracies of Cati-
' line ;* for conspirators are not Avont to be so
' unguarded in their conduct ; it is sufficient
that strong probabilities exist.' If so, then will
I prove against Brissot and Gensonne the ex
istence of an. Anglo^Prussian committee, by
circumstances a hundred times stronger than'
those by Avhich Brissot -and Gensonne proved
the existence of an Austrian committee."*
This argumentum ad hominem it was not-
easy for the Girondists to refute; but the
jacobins resolved to employ against them ja more

* The History of the Brissotins, &c. p. 4. It was in this
fa-act that Camille Desmoulins represented it as the duty of the
Convention " To create the French Republic ; to disorganize
Europe ; perhaps, to purge it of its tyrants, by the eruption of
the volcanic principles of equality ;" p. 2. and admitted that
the jacobins " dragged a King of France to the scaffold,
because he was a King !" P. 56. And, that " in the pefsim-eF
Louis XVI. they executed all Kings in effigy." P. 57*

497
powerful instrument than the pen.— They justly
deemed the poniard more secure, and they re
solved to destroy, by murder, the opponents whom
they could not subdue by reason. Insurrections
were raised to alarm the feeble adherents of the
opposite faction; the Convention itself Avas
insulted and threatened; and, on the 2d of
June, when the last blew AA^as to be stricken, it
Avas surrounded by a band of five thousand
ruffians, inflamed with liquor, and further stimu
lated by a pecuniary reward of one hundred
livres each ; — to the clamours of these men the
Convention yielded the required victims, (and
hastily passed a decree by Avhich all the
chief leaders of the Brissotins, to the number of
twenty-two, besides the commission of twelve
(with only tAvo exceptions) the ministers, Cla*
viere and Le Brun, Avere put under arrest : three
of these, however, Ducos, Dussaulx, and Lan-
thenas, were, through the intercession of Marat,
erased from the fatal list of proscription.
No sooner Avas the Brissotin faction thus
crushed by the superior power of the Jacobins,
than the latter gave full vent to their rage, and
established, from one end of the country to the
other, the infernal system of terror. On the 24th
of June, another New Constitution Avas present
ed to the Convention, which Avas afterAvards
accepted by the people, displaying about as much
Vol. HI. *k

498
wisdom as marked its predecessors, and destined
to subsist for about the same length of time.
Every refinement of cruelty, every extreme of
vexation, Avhich the ingenuity of Ioav minds,
harassed by personal fear, and intoxicated with
ill-gotten power, could devise, were practised
upon the unhappy people,who Avere now doomed
to be governed by the very dregs of society. —
Domestic peace Avas invaded, and domestic
comfort destroyed, by visits from the innume
rable officers of the revolutionary police, at all
hours of the day and night ; while all con
fidence Avas annihilated, and universal mistrust
prevailed. It seemed the business of legislators
to invent new crimes for punishment, while
they allowed all others to escape with impunity.
To be suspected was to be criminal in the eyes
of those neAv philosophers, avIio, with very fe\y
exceptions, suspected, and most justly, each
other. Aristocracy Avas another revolutionary
crime, amounting to nothing less than treason
against the sovereignty of the people; and a
decent coat, a powdered head, or the use of the
proscribed terms, Sir and Madam, was deemed
a sufficient proof of its existence.
While a more horrible tyranny than had
ever yet been witnessed since the creation of
the world was thus established over the Avhole
people of France, by men who had ruined their

499
country, in the name of liberty, it was not
to be expected that foreigners would escape the
general proscription. — Englishmen were marked
as particular objects of vengeance and oppres
sion. Mr. Pitt was deemed worthy of peculiar
notice. — To him Avas ascribed every evil which
afflicted the country, and eA-ery defeat which
her armies sustained. — He was boldly affirmed
to be the soul of every popular movement ; and
to employ more spies than the revenue of
England Avould bave paid. — It was accordingly
decreed, by a solemn resolution of the Con
vention, adopted on the motion of Gamier,— '
that Pitt was an enemy of the human race. —
The members, hoAvever, refused to assent to
Garnier's proposition, that every man had a
right to assassinate him ;— though they did not
scruple to denounce the English government,
in the name of outraged humanity, to all
nations, for its' base, perfidious, and atrocious,
conduct, in subsidizing assassination, poison,
conflagration, and all other crimes, in order to
promote the triumph of tyranny, and to anni
hilate the rights of man.— Certainly Mr. Pitt,
by his able exposure of the mischievous ten
dency of their doctrines, and of the glaring-
infamy of their conduct, merited their resent
ment; but, though their praise was sufficient
to pollute the character of any one on whom;
k k 2

500
it Avas bestoAved, their hatred Avas incapable
of conferring either honour or distinction on
its object. But the ferocious governors of
France did not confine themselves to vain reso
lutions and impotent threats. — In the course of
the Autumn, laws Avere made, in virtue of
Avhich every foreigner was thrown into prison ;
and even the claims of those Englishmen Avho
had hastened to regenerated France in search of
greater liberty than could be found in their
native land, and whose congratulations, on the
success of the rebels and regicides of that
country, had been duly mingled Avith libels on
the governors of their own, Avere peremptorily
rejected ; and they were consigned to the same
doom Avith those Avhom curiosity, business, or
economy, had carried thither.
Early in the Spring, it Avas found that
the ordinary tribunals of justice, though suf
ficiently pliant and complaisant, did not advance
Avith rapidity enough to satisfy the ardent
thirst for vengeance Avhich the neAv executive
government experienced. A new court, there
fore, Avas established, which afterwards assumed
the apt denomination of the Revolutionary Tri
bunal! Before this seat of iniquity, the un
happy Queen of France, avIio, since the murder
of her illustrious consort, had dragged on a
miserable existence, in the Temple, exposed to

501
every insult, and to every privation, Avhich
brutal malice could suggest to aggravate the
severity of her fate, was destined to be brought.
In July, by an order of the committee of pub
lic safety, she was forcibly separated from her
son; Avho was consigned to the care of the
vilest and most desperate of the Jacobins, one
Simon, a cobler, who took a savage delight in
making him drink spirituous liquors, and utter
obscene and blasphemous expressions. On the
first of August, this persecuted Princess was
taken from her bed, at midnight, and trans
ferred to the prison of the Conciergerie, where
the most desperate villains were confined. —
Here she remained, deprived even of common
necessaries, and treated worse than the loAvest
of criminals, till the fourteenth of October,
when she was brought before the Revolutionary
Tribunal. Her trial, like that of the King-,
Avas a mockery of every thing Avhich bore the
semblance of justice; — not even the shadoAV of
a proof was adduced of any one of the charges
preferred against her ; every thing that Avas
absurd was mixed Avith every thing that was
atrocious ; — the very appearance of law and of
decorum was rejected with disdain ;- — and the
illustrious victim, having been exposed, for a
certain time, to the irrelevant testimony of the
witnesses, and to the stupid and captious inter*

502
rogatories of the judges, Avas consigned to the
hands of the executioner. On the sixteenth
of October, she was conveyed to the scaffold,
in a coarse and dirty dress, seated on a tumbril. —
She met her fate with the spirit and resignation
of a Christian; and had the satisfaction to
knoAv, before she died, that her character had
been completely vindicated from all the foul
aspersions which had been cast upon it in the
early periods of the revolution; by the utter
inability of her enemies to substantiate any one
fact against her, notAvithstanding the most
diligent inquiry; and although, they were in
possession of the Avhole power and Avealth of
the state, to protect and to reward any witness
avIio Avould come forward in support of their alle
gations. The Duke of Orleans was executed soon
after. — He was tried on the sixth of November,
and sentenced to die for conspiring against the
unity and indivisibility of the republic ; almost
the only crime of which he had not been
guilty. He displayed great resolution in his
last moments; but the universal execration in
which he was holden rendered his execution a
matter of exultation to every description of
men. Brissot and his associates had remained,
during this time, under arrest at' their own
houses.— Their party At' as still thought to retain

503
sufficient influence to render their execution
dangerous ; but the Jacobins having, at length,
by the complete establishment of the system
of terror, confirmed their own power on a basis
so solid as to secure it, in their apprehension
at least, against any serious attack, they re
solved to bring their humiliated opponents to
a trial. In July, a committee Avas appointed,
by the Convention, to draw up the articles of
impeachment, not the least curious of which
was that Avhich charged them Avith an attempt
to restore that very monarchy which they had,
systematically, and, alas ! too successfully,
laboured to destroy. Even the murder of the
inhuman incendiary, Marat, (who was stabbed
by the hand of a young enthusiast,* on the thir
teenth of July,) was imputed to them. It Avas
not, however, deemed safe to try them till the
24th of October, when one -and -twenty of the
Girondists; namely, Brissot, Vergniaud, Gen
sonne^ Duperret, Carra, Gardien, Valaz£,
Duprat, Sillery, Fauchet, Ducos, Boyer-Fon-
frede, Lasource, Lesterpt-Beauvais, Duchatel,
Mainvielle, Lacaze, Lehardi, Boileau, Antiboul,
- and Vigee, Avere carried before the new Revo
lutionary Tribunal. The ingenuity of these
men easily puzzled the stupid ferocity of. their
* Charlotte Cordaye.

504
judges; and, by their exposure of the folly of
many of the charges, and of the fallacy of
others, by pertinent questions, and apt remarks,
they prolonged the trial, to the great amusement
of the audience, but to the great disquietude
of the Jacobins. The partiality with Avhich
thq account of the trial- was given in a print,
supposed to be conducted by one of their
friends, was made the subject of a formal com
plaint to the Jacobin Club, by Hebert, on the
37th of October ; and the members decreed, —
for they possessed, or, at least, exercised, a kind
of co-ordinate power with the executive coun
cils, -that the reports of the judicial pro
ceedings should thenceforth be limited to the
Journal de la Montague, Avhich was composed
by Chabot, the Capuchin; and that they should
be revised previous to their publication, by
some of their own body. The length of the
trial, Avhen it had lasted five days, exhausted
the patience of the Jacobins, who openly com
plained, that the Revolutionary Tribunal did
not ansAver the end cf its establishment, since
it proceeded like an ordinary court, and tried
conspirators against the state, as it tried ordinary
criminals. — In order to obtain the immediate
removal of an evii so glaring in itself, and so
hostile to their views, they applied to the
Convention, complaining that the tribunal

505
which they had created Avas still subjected to
forms dangerous to liberty. — The obsequious
legislators instantly gratified the Avishes of the
petitioners, and decreed, on the motion of
Robespierre, that when a trial had lasted three
days, the president of the tribunal should ask the
jury if they Avere satisfied, and if they should
ansAver in the affirmative, the trial should be at
an end ; leaving it, however, to the jury to
declare that they were satisfied, if they should
think proper so to do, at any earlier period of
the trial. This decree brought the trial of the
Girondists to a close ; — they Avere all sentenced
to death on the 30th of October, though many
of them Avere not implicated in the evidence
delivered ; — and, notAvithstanding their re
monstrances on the iniquity of the proceeding,
.were all executed the following day. — Many
other members of this party met a similar fate ;
some perished by their own hands ; and others
wandered about the land, like fugitives and
outlaws, and either died from want, or fell by
the hands of provincial executioners. — Their
great enemy, Camille Desmoulins, did not long
survive them ; he fell a victim to the jealous
and malignant hatred of Robespierre, in the
ensuing spring; — and when he was asked his
age, by the revolutionary judges, the miscreant
blasphemously ansAvered — " The age of the

506
Sans-cuhtte, Jesus Christ, when he died." — It was
singular, that the crime for Avhich he suffered
Avas the same which had been imputed, with
equal truth, to his great enemies, the Brissotins
— an attempt to restore the monarchy!
Among the founders of the Revolution,
who had essentially contributed to the deposl*
tion and murder of their Sovereign, and who
now met the fate which they had, unAvittingly,
prepared for themselves, were the Ministers
Le Brun and Claviere, the former of Avhom Avas
executed Avithout a trial, while the latter
anticipated the executioner by laying violent
hands on himself; Madame Roland, who lived
and died a philosopher of the new school; and
her Avretched husband, who survived her only
to commit suicide ; Condorcet, the Solon of the
Revolution, who died a miserable death, ex
hausted by hunger and fatigue, in a damp
dungeon, at Bourg ; Barnave, who had
applauded, Avith malignant pleasantry, the
atrocious murders of Foulon and Berth ier, and
who Avas now murdered, in his turn, by the
revolutionary tribunal, whose vTile president,
Dumas, he courageously branded, on his triaU
as a wicked wretch, and an infamous creature ;
and, lastly, Bailli, the /first mayor of modern
Paris, Avho, as Mr. Burke most truly predicted,
was literally " trampled under the hoofs of a

507
swinish multitude* for, on his way to the place
of execution, -(on the 23d of November) he
Avas subjected to the grossest insults^ and most
brutal outrages, of that very mob whose
violence he had encouraged, and Avhose evil
passions he had inflamed and flattered—thus
paying dearly for his ingratitude to his deserted
Sovereign, Avhose favour he had enjoyed, and
whose bounty he had experienced.
Such was the state of affairs on the Con
tinent, and in Great Britain, in the Autumn of
1793; — a new scene had opened on the poli
tical and moral world ; a neAv sera had com
menced, pregnant with events of the first
consequence to mankind ; and destined to
unfold principles, and to exhibit transactions
and conduct, at variance Avith the settled
notions and established maxims of die best and
ablest of our ancestors ; and subversive of every
tenet, and destructive of every institution,
Avhich the experience of past times, or the
wisdom of the present generation, had conse
crated, strengthened, and confirmed.
•* Mr. Burke's sentiments on the conduct of Bailli may be
seen in a letter to me, dated Beaconsfield, March 7th, 1799*
and annexed to the second edition of my Letter to the Earl of
Lauderdale.

APPENDIX A.

No. I.
A.N ACCOUNT of the Number of Criminals executed in the City
of London and County of Middlesex, from the Year 1749 to the
Year 1806, inclusive ; shewing the Proportion in each Seven Years,
and distinguishing Years of War from Years of Peace.

1749 •-

44

Brought

50 ..

56

forward 863

1 ..

63 Years of Peace,

1780 ..

50

2 ..

47

1 . .
40 Years of War,
3 ..
41 Average 43 5-7ths.
2 ..
45 Average 39 3-7ths.
4 ..
34
3 ..
53
5 ...
21
—276-
—306
4 ..
56
6 ..
13
5 . .
97
7 ¦•
26
6 ..
50 Years of Peace,
8 ..
20
Years of War,
7 ••
92
9 •¦
6
8 ..
25 Average 54 l-7th.
1760 . .
10 Average 15 2-7ths.
9 ••
26
1 ..
17
1
1790 . .
33
2 ..
15
—379
3 ..
—107 32
1 ..
2 ..
34 \ Years of Peace.
" 24 J
4 ..
31
3 ..
16 "A
5 ..
26
Years of Peace,
4 .
7 i Years of War,
6 ..
20
5 ..
22 {
7 .
22
Average 26.
6 .
22 ( Aver. 20 4-7ths.
8 .
27
7 •
19 )
9 •
24
— 144v
— 182
8 .
19 "A
1770 .
49
9 •
24 > Years of War.
1 .
34
1800 .
19 f
2
37
Years of Peace,
1 .
. 14 J
3 .
4 .
2 .
10 Year of Peace.
. 32
Average 382.
3 .
. 9 Years of War,
5 .
6
. 46 38
4 .
• 8 /
— 103 f Average for the
— 263
5 .
. 10 [ last 7 Years,
7 -
s .
. 32
6 .
.13 \ 11 6^7ths.
. 33
Years of War,
— 23^
9 -
Carried
. 23
Total
. . 1788
forward 863
510
It appears by this Account, that, during the seven years of peace
which preceded the war of 1756, the number of criminals executed
within the City of London and County of Middlesex, was very con
siderable, being on an average forty-three a year.
In the seven years of war which suceeded, they were reduced to
ahout fifteen a year.
In the seven years which followed the peace of 1763, the numbers
again increased, but not to more than twenty-six a year upon an average.
In the seven years which followed, from the year 177O to- 1776
inclusive, which was likewise a period of peace, the number further
increased to thirty-eight a year.
From the year 1776 to the year 1783, a period during which the
country was at war, first with America, and afterwards successively with
Trance, Spain, and Holland, the number instead of decreasing as had
been the case in the former war, still further increased, the average
being, during these seven years, about thirty-nine a year.
From the year 1783 to the year 1790, a period, of peace, the average
continued increasing to fifty-four a year, and the years 1785- and 178?
were great beyond all former example./
From 1793, the year in which the existing Police Establishment was
first instituted, to ' the present period, the numbers appear to have pro
gressively diminished ; till within the last seven years the average has
not been twelve a year. This period has, with the exception of one
intervening year of peace, been a period of war, but, during that year,
though the militia was disbanded, some part of the army, and a con
siderable part of the navy reduced, the number of capital convicts do
not appear to have increased. 1 he example of the American war, and
of the year 1802, are sufficient to prove that the increase of capital
offences cannot be traced exclusively, or even principally, to the different
operation of war or peace, though it is natural to suppose that the first
may have some effect in diminishing, and the latter in increasing the
number of them.

No II. — An Account of the Number of Criminals executed in the
January, 1749, and the Thirty-first of December, 1806,

YEARS.

CRIMES. j

FROM

.

bh

.0 0

0bo
c

1749, TO
\
QO
Cl,
¦Ji
aS-
1 *
*¦
c
JO
s
2 *
P
3
O M
0
° 1
177L
both years
inclusive.
Total 
-a 3
a
ca ¦a
« .B
n w >,
fe- <« j-
? 0 53
b b £
'3
M
3
ho CO
.5 £
-a 0
72 n
8
2
51 22 71
10
22
3 109
1772
3 .
2
.. 32
3
2 .
1
.. 29
4
1
.. 31
5
2 .
3
.. 41
6
6 .
8
.. 24
..
7
2 .
I
.. 29
8
1 .
1
.. 31
9
. .
3
.. 20
1780
1 .
2
.. 25
1
1 .
1
.. 38
2
¦ ¦ •
, .
.. 45
3
1 1
5
3 .. 4
5
*6
4
4
1 2
s
16 1 3
, ,
2
1
5
1 4
3
51 4 4
. ,
4
3
6
7 2
1
112 3
2
1
1
7
1 4
s
56 3 4
1
. .
2
8
5
5 .. 1
3
2
3
3
9
2 1
I
4 1 1
7
• • • ¦
1790
5
6
8 .. 3
4
. .
2
5
1
3
7
]
6 3 2
, .
2
2
2
8
3 1 2
1
5
3
8
5 .. 2
. .
» • * *
4
2
3 .. 1
1
5
1
5
5 .. 6
1
.. ..
6
5
6
2 4
1
.. ' 1
7
4
1
5 .. 5
2
8
2
4
• •• 7
1
1
9
3
4
3 .. 8
1800
2
7
5 .. 2
1
1
3
I
6 .. 3
2
1
1
2
. . , .
3
2 .
2 .. 2
• • < •
4
2 4
• • • •
5
1
1
2
• • * >
6
Total - - -
1 .
5
1
.. ..
••
139 34
5 41
.8 41 151
58
41
3 26
10
<0

: : : :
to '
! * "
b5
tOfco
Rioting.
1 o 2wCO
h- H- * *
: : : :
Cutting and Maiming.
V-' '
i-MM
-J
Shooting at Persons.
CO
h-» ' M '
«. .
Sodomy.
. . .
to • • •
m
Obtaining Property unclei
Charge of Unnatural Crime.
o>
¦ ¦ »*-?-?-
t—
Forgery of, and ulteiing
Bank Notes.
tn
to •
u- —
• ,_ , •
K-1
to >£. co •
Personating, to obtain 1 rize-
Money.
O)
,_,
'. '.
¦ • t— 1
tO
to
Stealing in a Dwelling House.
Co
¦ CO
Assaulting and Robbing in a
Dwelling House.
O
1— •
K-> t— » t— '
¦ h- to
1— 1 — ».
• !-•
Stealing Letters from General
Post Office.
_
' I '• »
Sinking a Ship to defraud
Underwriters.
*.
. * ¦ i-* h- to
^ :
-
Rape.
to"
• • l-> ¦ K3 • • •
* '-
¦ h-
• ClT
Thames.
474

1749 50 1
2 34 5 6 78
9
1760 ]
2.

4 5 678
9
1770, l

1772 3
4 56

TOTAL EXECUTED
. . . . 44
. . . . 56
. . . . 63
. . . . 47
.. .. 41
. . . . 34
.. .. 21
—306
.. .. 13
. . . 26
. . . . 20
.. .. 6
.. .. 10
.. .. 17
.. .. 15
—107
.. .. 32
.. .. 31
. . . . 26
. . . . 20
*.. .. 22
. . . . 27
. . . . 24
— 182
• • • • 49
. . . . 34

678

373232
46 38

Carried over

-268

268

IN EACH YEAR.
Brought over
7 
8 .. .. ,
9

26*
3?.3323
1780  50
1  40
2  45
3  53
—276
4 ."  5§
5  97
6  50
7  92
8  25
g  26
1790  33
— 37£
1  34
2  24
3  16
4  7
5  22
6  22
7  19,
— 144
S  19
-9  24
1800  19
1  14
2  10
3  9
4 .. .. ' .. 8
—103
5  10
6  13
— 23
Total. . 1788
As in the year 1780 the books at Newgate were destroyed, k has not
been possible to make up this Account for the early period, in as much
detail as could have been wished. It is material to observe likewise,
that from the year 1772 to the year 1783, the crimes of barglary, high
way robbery, horse-stealing, and forgery, will be found confounded
together under the column of various, &c.
The result of this Account appears to be, that the number of murders
from the year 1771 to the present period, have remained nearly the
same, but that they were considerably more, upon an average, in the
twenty years preceding. A most important change, however, has taken
place respecting the grimes ef burglar? and. highway robbery. These
offences in their aggravated character, in which it is found necessary to
apply capital punishment to them, have nearly disappeared within th*
Coupty of Middlesex.

Nfc>. III.— An ACCOUNT of the Number of Criminal Offenders, committed
to the several Gaols of England and Wales for Trial, in the Years 1805
and 1 806, together with the Result of the Commitment.

COMMITTED in the Years

Viz.

Males. . .
Females.

329/ 133b

Total.

460:>

1805

4346

CRIMES, viz.
Sedition 
Murder 
(Females) of the murde* of
their infants, or con
cealing their births. .. .
Manslaughter 
Cutting and maiming persons
ShooLing at. persons 
Piracy, and felony on the
High Seas 
Sodomy, and other unnatural
crimes 
Obtaining property from per
sons, by threatening to
charge them with an un
natural crime 
Rape, if and attempt at) . . .
Coining.. 
Uttering bad money 
Forgery 
Ditto of Bank-notes, utter.
- ing, and having in their
possession 
Personating . seamen and
others, to obtain prize
•money, &c 
Arson 
• Burglary and housebreaking
Highway robbery 
Horse-stealing 
Sheep-stealing. . 
Stealing cows, pigs, &c.
Larceny from the house,
' person, &c 
Receiving stolen goods. .
Fraud, conspiracy, &c.
Bigamy 
Returning from transporta
tion 

4
26

2750 21 14

15

38 15
108 36

;so6 1226

24

36 57 8

SENTENCES, &c. in the
i'ears 

* Death 
Transportation for 14 years
Ditto 7 year
f Imprisonment for the
space of 4 years  ,
Ditto . S years
Ditto 2 years, and above 1 .
Ditto 1 year, and above 6
months  ' 
Ditto 6 months, and under
Whipping, and fine 
t and severally to be whippt"
pilloried, kept to hard labour
fined and givt'n securiiy, &c
Tried and acquitted 
Discharged, (no Bill beivg
found, and for want of
prosecution) 
' Discharged to serve in the
army and navy 

1805 350 34
561 4
123
333 10.

1002

1806 325 26
496

4
100
294
ii.58 , 81

1065

42 p

730

53

2!* EXECUTED

48 1
10"
84
34

-28

13
136 63 65 71
38
3555 137 94 23 15

Viz. for
Murder 
 of their infants...

68

766

31

57

M.F. 5 3
0 2
1 0
1 0
0 0
5 0

Cutting & maiming persons
Shooting at persons. . . .
15 Sodomy 
Rape 
Obtaining property from
8 persons, Joy threatenin
7 to charge them with an
124 unnatural crime  0 0
52 Forgery  6 0
53 Diiio of, and uttering,
60 Bank-notes  | 6
40 Personating seamen and
others, to obtain prize
3386 money, &c  0 0
1 10 Coining  3 C
g4 Arson  ; . . 2 0
22 Burglaryand housebreaking i 5 O
Stealing in a dwelling house. 2 0
11 Plighway robbery  4 0
Horse-stealing  7 °
- — Sheep-stealing  ¦. . . 5 0
4605 4346 j Cattle-stealing  0 0
i Return, from transportation 0 0
LI 2

M.F. 5 O
0 O
3 O
2 0
6 0
2 O

2 0
11 0
0 0

2 0
3 1
0 0
6 0
1 1
3 0
4 0
3 0
1 0
1 O

516
No. III. — Continued.
NUMBER COMMITTED in each County.

In the Years 1805.

1806.

In the Years 1805.

Anglesea 
Bedford  ,
Berks. 
Brecon 
Bucks 
Cambridge. . .
Cardigan. Carmarthen. .
Carnaervon, . .
Chester 
Cornwall.. . . .
Cumberland. .
Denbeigh. . .
Derby 
Devon  I
Dorset  ,
Durham 
Essex 
Flint 
Glamorgan.,:Gloucester. ..
Bristol 
Hants 
Hereford. . . .
Herts 
Huntingdon. .
JCent 
Carried over.

Mai. Fcm. Mai

1
1/
50 3
293d 25
4
5635 92
34692822
127 3
10
8127
105 29
36 13
169

1022

03
12 4

3
15
29 10
4| 36 19

5
10 4
'87 35 94
33
105

4O32
24 10 0
0 5
27 10* 34 19
17I 101
if 1
5g 10
23j 66
10| 33
422 106
2] 32
7] 46
2] 9
411 151

1~
263J1017

0 5
13

Brought over.
Lancaster. . . . .
Leicester 
! Lincoln 
Merioneth 
-^Middlesex 
7 Monmouth.

260

2 Montgomery. .. .
6 Norfolk 
0 Northampton.. .
14 Northumberland
8 Nottingham. . . .
3 Oxford 
0 Pembroke 
5 Radnor 
27 Rutland 
;0 Salop 
10 Somerset 
1 7 Stafford 
2 Suffolk 
2 Surrey 
18 Sussex. . . 
14 Warwick 
41 Westmoreland . .
Q Wilts 
6 Worcester 
2 York 
33
— ' Total. .

Mai
1022 206 3344 0
732 14 10
114 35 1
60
34 7
34
597967
96
147 93
120 4
61
44
1S1

3267

26: 165 14
14 0
485 65
49 7
20 14 4 5
3
0
202/24 13
52 12
40 14 7
64

1338

1806.

Mai.
1017 227 24 49 1
700 1210
88
42
21 51
26 2
0
3
44 81
72
99
134 50 89 5
63
51
159

tern. 260 124 8
15 0
432 55
31 161819 8
3 1
5
22
2421 19
57 12
41 1
9
16
54

3120,1226

The Result of this Account appears to be, that the number of offenders
jn the County of Middlesex, are more than one-fourth of the whole; and
that the number in proportion to the population in the counties most
contiguous to London, are nearly double the number in the same population
Jn the more remote counties.

No. IV. — An ACCOUNT of the Population of each County, according
to the Population Returns ; the Number of Offenders committed within
the same respectively, in the Year 1805 ; together with the Amount of
Paupers in each County, and the Number of them in each Hundred
of the Population, arranged according to the Circuits of the Judges.
NORTHERN CIRCUIT.

COUNTIES.

Population.

Offenders.

i Number nf Paupers 'in
each Hu'idred of
Papulation.

Yorkshire  858,892
Durham  1 60,36 1
Northumberland. 157,101
Cumberland.... 117,230
Westmoreland.. . 41,617
Lancaster  672,731

245 27 38 13 6
371

77=661 15,307 14,304 8,443
4,615
46,200

2,007,932

705

166,530

MIDLAND CIRCUIT.

Northampton... .
Rutland 
Lincoln 
Nottinghamshire Derbyshire 
^Leicestershire... .
Warwickshire. . .

Bucks. 
Bedfordshire 
Huntingdonshire
Cambridgeshire. Suffolk 
Norfolk 

Berks 
Oxfordshire.. . .
Worcestershire. Staffordshire. . .
Shropshire.. . ..
Herefordshire...
Gloucestershire, Monmouth 

131,7571 16,356!
208,557 140,350161,142 130,081
208,190

996,133

42 4
58 74 39 47
160

424

20,534 1,338
18,845 9,806
13,167 19,154
30,200

113,044

NORFOLK CIRCUIT.

107,444 63,393 37,568 89,346;
210,431273,371

33 20 15
40
109 163

19,650 7=276
4,746
11,294
36,11042,707

9
10 9 7
11 7
being an Average of
8 Paupers in each
Hundred in the
Northern Circuit.
16 8
9 7 8
1515
Average 11.

18 11 13 13 1716.

781,553J 380

121,783

OXFORD CIRCUIT.

I0y,2l5| 62

22,088

109,620

38

21,025

139,330

51

18,896

239, ! 53

91

22,510

167,639

79

17,306

89,190

31

n>779

250,809

141

36,904

45,582

20

4,479

1,150,538

' 513

154,987

Average 15.

21 20 13 9
10 13 15
10
Average 13.

518
No. IV. — continued. '
WESTERN CIRCUIT.

COUNTIES.

Population.

Offenders.

Paupers.

Number of Paupers in
each Hundred of
Population.

219,656

185,107

115,3iy

343,001
Cornwall. ......
188,269
Somersetshire. . .
273,756
Chester 
North Wales..
South Wales. .
Middlesex  ,
Total.
147 75
389645
106
32,581
42,128 15,783
43,674 12,853
33,979
1,325,1 OX 507 180,998
HOME CIRCUIT.
Essex 
Hertfordshire. .
Sussex 
Kent 
Surrey 
226,4371 97>577\
159,311!
307,624j 269,043!
144 43
105
210 199
38,337 13,349
37.07641 ,632
36,138
1=059,992
191=751
252,785.288,761 818,129
8,877,976
701
802850
1,217
4,605
166,532
22,15228,13123,384 63,173
879,182
15
23 1413 7
12
.Average 14.
17 14
23 13 13
Average 15|
»*
71
/2
The Observation which naturally occurs on an Examination of this
Account, is, the very great Advantage which -Che Northern Counties
appear to possess, both with 'respect to the small Number of Offenders
and Paupers, when compared with the rest of England. This Obser
vation applies, not only to the Counties within the Northern Circuit, btft
likewise%s far as relates to Paupers generally, to sfHthe more Northern
Counties. The Counties of Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, and Rutland,
and the most Northern Counties in the Midland Circuit, and those of
Staffordshire ^nd Shropshire, the most Northern in the Oxford Circuit,
appear to be in this respect, in the same comparatively favorable Situation
as the Counties within the Northern Circuit, when compared with the
other more Southern Counties of England, Middlesex, Monmouth, and
Cornwall, alone excepted.
APPENDIX B.

Proclamation for the preventing of tumultuous
meetings and seditious zvritings, May 21.
By the King. A Proclamation.
GEORGE R.
Whereas divers wicked and seditious writings have been
printed, published, and industriously dispersed, tending to
excite tumult and disorder, by endeavouring to raise groundless
jealousies and discontents in the minds of our faithful and
loving subjects, respecting the laws and happy constitution
of government, civil and religions, established in this kingdom :
srnd endeavouring to vilify, and b/ing into contempt, the wise
and wholesome provisions made at the time of the glorious
revolution, and since strengthened and confirmed by: sub
sequent laws, for the preservation and security of the Tights
and liberties of onr faithful and loving subjects; and whereas
divers writings have also been printed, published, and indus
triously dispersed, recommending the said wicked and seditious
puMic&tioas- to the attention of all our faithful and loving sub
jects : and whereas we have also reason to believe, that corres
pondences have been entered into with sundry persons in
foreign parts, with- a view to forward the criminal atid wicked
purposes above-mentioned : and whereas the wealth, hap
piness, and prosperity of this kingdom do, under Divine Provi-

520
dence, chiefly depend upon a due submission to the laws, a"
just confidence in the integrity and wisdom of Parliament, and
a continuance of that zealous attachment to the government and
constitution of the kingdom, which has ever prevailed in the
minds of the people thereof : and whereas there is nothing
which we so earnestly desire, as to secure the public peace and
prosperity, and to preserve to all our loving subjects the full
enjoyment of their rights and liberties, both religious and
civil. We, therefore, being resolved, as far as in us lies, to
repress the wicked and seditious practices aforesaid, and to
deter all persons from following so pernicious an example, have
thought fit, by the advice of our privy council, to issue this
our royal proclamation, solemnly warning all our loving sub
jects, as they tender their own happiness, and that of their
posterity, to guard against all such attempts, which aim dt the
subversion of all regular government within this kingdom, and
which are inconsistent with the peace and order of society ;
and earnestly exhorting them at all times, and to the utmost of
their power, to avoid and discourage all proceedings tending to
produce riots and tumults. And we do strictly charge and
command all our magistrates, in and throughout our kingdom
of Great Britain, that they do make diligent enquiry, in order
to discover the authors and printers of such wicked and seditious
writings as aforesaid, and all others who shall disperse the '
same : and we do further charge and command all our sheriffs,
justices of the peace, chief magistrates in our cities, boroughs,
and corporations, and all other our officers and magistrates
throughout our kingdom of Great Britain, that they do, in
their several and respective stations, take the most immediate
and effectual care to suppress and prevent all riots, tumults,.
and other disorders, which maybe attempted to be raised or
made by any person or persons, which, on whatever pretext
they may be grounded, are not only contrary to ,the Jaw, but
¦dangerous to the most important interests of this kingdom :
and we do further require and command all and every our

six
magistrates aforesaid, that they do, from time to time, trans
mit to one of our principal secretaries of state, due and full
information of such persons as shall be found offending as afore
said, or, in any degree, aiding or abetting therein j it being
our determination, for the preservation of the peace and hap
piness of our faithful and loving subjects, to carry the laws
vigorously into execution against such offenders as aforesaid.
Given at our court at the Queen's House, the 2 1st day of
May, 1792, in the thirty-second year of our reign.
GOD save the KING.

Vol. III. k m

APPENDIX C.

Translation of a Letter from General Dumouriez
to Lord Auckland, the British Ambassador
at the Hague. Paris, January 23d, 1793.
My Lord,
The French Minister at the Hague, and my sincere
friend, M. de Maulde, has informed me, that, in several
conferences with M. Van de Spieghel, and himself,
you testified your esteem and particular consideration
for me, whjch I shall ever take care to deserve by my
moral conduct. The Grand Pensionary expressed the sam*
sentiments. As I am about to visit the quarters of my army, I
shall be in the neighbourhood of Holland for some days.
Would it not be possible, from a conference on the
, frontiers, either between you and me, or in the presence of
M. Van Spieghel, to produce results useful < to England, to
the United Provinces, to France, to Harnanityj and, perhaps,
to ajl Europe.

524
I submit this proposal to your prudence, and to your love
of peace, which every man of integrity ought to find at the
bottoln of his heart. On the 30th of this month, I shall be at
Antwerp, where I will wait two days for your answer.
I beg you to be persuaded that I am, with the same senti
ments for you with whjch yqu honour me,
My Lord,
Your Servant,
And the friend of the
English nation,
DUMOURIEZ.
To his Excellence, My Lord Auckland,
The English Ambassador
at the Hague.

END OP VOL, III.

(i. Sidney, Printer,
'NorthumberlandJstreet, Strand,

ERRATA TO VOL. III.

Page 7, line 12, for " publicationr," read publication.
 SO, — 25, for " parts^' read points.
 59, — 7, from the bottom, for "Pilmitz," read Pil/rits.
 67, — 4, dele comma after " legal."
 78, — -4, for '"were," read was.
 103, — 17, for " object," read objects.
 120, — 10, insert and before " for."
 144, — 5, after " credit," inserter.
 147, — 11, for " pulic," read puilic.
 161, note, line. 2, from the bottom, for " six," read eight.
 162, note, line 5, for " confuted," read confined.
 180, line 13, for " captivating," read courting.
 .  — 19, for "serious, and," read series ot.
 , 181, — 3, from the bottom, for " prosecution," read
proclamation.
 189, — 7, dele " afterwards."
 202, — 10, for " Dirtines," read Dirtines.
 248, — 4, for " sources" read fidelity.
 249, note, last line, for « Citizen," read Citoyen.
 257, last line, for "to," read their.
 273, line 8, for " sprung," read sprang.
 361, — 4, after " but," insert they.
 490, — 10, for « Mi'deterranean," read Mrfiterraman.

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