Yale University Library

39002031038053

Alaska historical museum.
Descriptive booklet on the Alaska historical museum ...
Juneau , Alaska , 1922 .

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DESCRIPTIVE BOOKLET on the
Alaska Historical Museum

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ub^ltshheed ALASKA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
EDITED BY REV. A. P. KASHEVAROFF, CURATOR

JUNEAU, ALASKA

1922

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DESCRIPTIVE BOOKLET
ON THE
Alaska Historical
Museum ISSUED BY THE
Alaska Historical Association

EDITED BY
REV. A. P. KASHEVAROFF
CURATOR

19 2 2

LU

J u n

e a u

Alaska

Copyrighted by the Alaska Historical Association

List of Authorities Consulted

Dr. E. W. Nelson — "The Eskimo About Bering Strait."
Dr. John Murdoch — "The Poinit Barrow Eskimo."
Dr. Walter Hough, Ph. D. — "The Lamps of the Eskimo."
Dr. Franz Boaz — "The Central Eskimo."
Dr. Daniel S. Neuman — U. S. Bureau of Education, Nome, Alaska.
John R. Swanton — "Social Conditions, Beliefs and Linguistic Re
lations of the Thlingit Indians."
Dr. Otis Tufton Mason — "Aboriginal Harpoons."
Captain Sir Edward Belcher — Narrative of the voyage around the
world performed in H. M. S. "Sulphur" during the years
1836-1842.
Dr. William Healey Dall — "Masks, Labrets and Certain Aboriginal
Customs."
Father John Veniaminoff — (a) "Notes on the Unalaska District."
(b) "Notes on the Thlingit Indians."
Lieutenant George T. Emmons, U. S. Navy —
(a) "The Basketry of the Thlingit."
(b) "The Chilkat Blanket."

Alaska Historical Museum

The Story of the Alaska Historical Museum.
and the Specimens Acquired.

Its Inception

The institution known as the Alaska
Historical Library and Museum was
created by an act of Congress June 6,
1900. Prior to this date only a small
collection of articles of native origin
and about 1200 volumes of books of
historical nature were acquired and
kept at the executive office. Under this
act the money for acquiring new books
for the library and a suitable collection
of native work for the museum was
derived from the fees paid in to the
Secretary of the Territory for certifi
cates issued to the members of the
Alaska Bar and for commissions issued
to notaries public.
No provision was made for the pro
per housing and display of the speci
mens nor for the care of the books in
the library. New specimens were ac
quired from time to time, carefully
packed and stored until such time as a
suitable building could be secured.
In August 1910, seventy-one very
rare baskets from the North Interior
tribes of British Columbia were added
to the collection, and in July, 1911,
nine hundred sixty-four pieces of Es
kimo antiquities were acquired. All
were carefully packed and stored away.
Rare Thlingit and Aleutian baskets to
gether with the Eskimo work in the
same line were added from time to
time. In the spring of 1920, Dr. Daniel S.
Neuman, late of the U. S. Bureau of
Education at Nome, came to Juneau
bringing his very rare collection of Es
kimo antiquities. Dr. Neuman spent
ten years in the far North, where he
had an excellent opportunity for the
study of the Eskimo life and their ab
original work. His collection fully il
lustrates the life, customs, habits, art,
social regulations, beliefs and ceremon

ies of these Northern people. He gath
ered his specimens with care and com
pleteness, having in mind the historical
and scientific data, which he procured
with every piece. This collection is
said to be one of the most complete of
its kind in the United States.
Governor Riggs, realizing the import
ance of having such a collection in the
Territory, immediately put forth every
effort to have this collection a part of
the Territorial exhibit. A quarter of
the collection was at once purchased
from Dr. Neuman and the remaining
portion was kindly loaned to the Terri
tory. It was entirely due to the Gov
ernor's initiative and under his per
sonal direction that the museum was
opened and the rare specimens put on
display for the benefit of the general
public. In order to facilitate the in
terest in the public of the Territory
and to continue in acquiring new speci
mens, an Historical Association was
formed. Many prominent citizens and
public spirited men and women all over
Alaska pledged their support for this
great work. The Association is doing
satisfactory work in a quiet way and
the results obtained in the short time
the Association has been in existence,
can be seen in the many new specimens
and the valuable historical data pro
cured. In the Session of 1921 the Alaska
Legislature appropriated a sufficient
sum of money to purchase the remain
ing portion of Dr. Neuman's collection.
On September 9, 1920 the Alaska
Historical Museum was opened to the
public and since that date it has grown
in importance and size. The manage
ment is living in hopes of securing a
concrete building where these valuable
specimens can be housed and kept in
safety.

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

Natives of Southeastern Alaska

The Thlingits

Fatler Veniaminoff in the notes on
the TUingits, says: "The Thlingits are
of enlrely different origin from the
Aleuts and all other people inhabiting
the R ssian America. Their exterior
appeal mce shows this and very dis
tinctly differs from that of Aleuts:
Large, black and open eyes, regular
feature, cheek-bones not prominent, of
mediun height, imposing carriage and
walk wth chest to the front, this plain
ly show that they are not of Mongol
ian oriln, but entirely of American.
"Thelraditions of the Thlingits bear
this optoon out. The Sitka Indians say
that the did not come from the west,
but froi the east, from the mainland
of Ameia situated across from Queen
Charlotti Islands. The Southeastern
Alaska Iflians call themselves Thlingit
(people) Vith an addition of the word
Antouqua, which means universal.
Aside fro. the name "Thlingit," they
have narri according to locality where
they live. The Sitka Indians call them
selves Shi a Quan, or people living on
the sea siflof the island of Shig.
"The Thigits are divided into two
main tribeLthe Raven or Yethl tribe
and the otn the wolf or Kootch tribe.
Under the We of raven it is under
stood that fc being is not a bird but
of the humarace, and the wolf is not
an animal b\a Kannook or some sort
of a man.
"These tribtre subdivided into clans,
using for tfy names the names of
animals, birtUsh and other creatures.
Those belongi to the Wolf phratry
have six prinWi cians: Wolf, Bear,
Eagle, Whale|er, Shark and black
Oyster-catcherfeose belonging to the
Raven phratrjle named for Raven,
Frog, Goose, to Owl, Salmon, etc.
The several clakf both phratries are

subdivided into families or lesser clans,
carrying the names of houses or
villages. "Each clan has its own crest or coat-
of-arms, which on state occasions or
celebrations is exhibited either in front
of the house or in the interior on the
front wall or the foremost corners. The
chief of the clan adorns himself with
special apparel bearing insignia belong
ing to his tribe.
"These crests or coats of arms repre
sent the particular animals which the
clans adopted. They are made from
wood or from the skin of the animal
which they represent."

BELIEF

The majority of the Thlingits recog
nize as their Supreme Being some per
son under the name of Yethl. This
Yethl, according to the Thlingit belief,
is all powerful.
He created everything in the world:
earth, animals, man, vegetation. He
procured the sun, moon and stars. He
loves the people, but often in his anger
sends epidemics and misfortunes upon
them. Yethl was in the beginning, he
never ages and will never die.
The Thlingit faith is of spiritualistic
nature. According to their belief de
vils do not exist, but there are spirits
called Yeiks, which can be summoned
by the shamans at will. There is a
countless number of them abiding in
space to the north in the clouds. Every
shaman has his own Yeiks who direct
him. All of these Yeiks love purity
and for this reason the Shaman before
invoking their aid is obliged to fast
and to observe chastity. The house
where the invocation is to take place

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

11

must be scrupulously clean and new,
clean gravel spread before the fire
plac*. Tie belief in Shamanism was in
grained among the Thlingits, and the
doctors, as they are now called, exer
cised! a very strong influence over
members of the race.
In order to be a good shaman meant
to have in one's control many Yeiks
and to have been able to invoke their
aid. The function of the shaman was
to forfetell future and to recognize un
foreseen things, to avert danger and
misfortune. Sharhanism in most cases was hered
itary. ,It descended to the son or the
nephew^ with all the paraphernalia,
clothing, masks, charms and secret ap
purtenances, but not every one who de
sired to be shaman could do so, and
even among the heirs only those who
could receive the Yeiks could qualify.
A candidate to the shamanistic hon
ors retired to the forest or into the
hills — to places not visited by human
beings — where he lived about two
weeks or even a month, subsisting en
tirely on vegetable matter. The dura
tion of the retreat depended upon the
mercy of the Yeiks who at times were
long in appearing to him or until the
principal Yeik sent the candidate a land
otter, which is the cardinal attribute
of all shamans.
When the Yeiks are received, the
principal or most powerful Yeik sends
the shaman a land otter, in the tongue
of which is contained the whole power
of the shaman. This land otter comes
out to meet the shaman, bsing guided
entirely by the Yeik. As the shaman
sees the approaching land otter he
stops in front of it at some distance
and utters a very loud sound some
thing like Oh, repeated four times in
differently pitched tones. These sounds
kill the land otter which, in dying, falls
on its back, the tongue protruding. The
shaman immediately cuts the tongue

out and puts it into a very small box
which he carries with him. There are
other mysterious objects in this little
box. The box is then hid in some very
remote and impassable place. The land
otter is carefully skinned. The skin
is preserved and becomes the symbol
of his calling,
Having accomplished all the neces
sary requirements, the new shaman
leaves his retreat and appears again
among his friends and relatives. Some
shamans remain so long in their re
treat that the friends often give them
up for dead. But when such return
completely emaciated, with face almost
transparent, they command more
honor. The greatness and glory of the sha
man depends upon the number of Yeiks
at his command. Powerful shamans
with innumerable Yeiks to his credit
and control have been known to be
very rich.
The shamans under no circumstances
were permitted to cut their hair, which
was done very rarely and only in times
of very deep mourning and then only a
small portion of the forelocks were
trimmed but the main part with the
braid were never cut.
In the practice of the shamanistic
rites he was assisted by his relatives,
who formed the chorus in singing and
keeping time with tom-toms and cer
tain sticks that were struck against
wood. On the day designated for the per
formance of the rites, the relatives ab
stained from fcod or drink from early
morning until the morning of the day
following. The beginning of the per
formance took place at sunset and
ended at the dawn of the next day.
Shortly before sunset all who wished
to witness the performance assembled
into a house selected for the purpose
which was carefully cleaned, as men
tioned above. Just at sunset the sing
ing started, sung by men as well as

12

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

women. A large drum, suspended from
the beams of the roof, generally in the
front corner to the right of the door,
boomed in time with the measure of
the songs. The shaman, dressed in his
costume, began running in a circle just
around the fireplace, his course always
with the course of the sun, making all
sort of grimaces, grotesque movements
and violent contortions in time with
the drum. This movement was kept up
until he gained such a frenzy that his
eyes rolled inward, exhibiting only the
white portion of his eye-balls. His face
was upturned and directed toward the
opening in the roof through which the
smoke from the fire escapes- Retaining
his facial contortions for awhile he would
suddenly stop, his gaze directed just
over the top of the big drum and at the
same time he would cry loudly. Then
the singing and the beating of the
drum would simultaneously cease. All
eyes were turned upon the shaman,
everybody beholding in him the pro
phet. The Thlingits believe that just
at this moment it is not the shaman
who is acting and speaking, but some
Yeik who had entered into him. The
shamans assure the Indians that dur
ing such performances they see a large
number of Yeiks or spirits, yet only
one of the Yeiks would enter into him
at a time.

SORCERERS OR WITCHES

Besides the shamans the Thlingits
believed in witches or sorcerers. These
were people who could by witchcraft
impose sickness or misfortune upon
their enemies. The sorcerers, accord
ing to the Indian traditions, emanated
from Yethl during his sojourn upon
the earth. He, among other secrets,
transmitted the secret of sorcery. The
Indians believed that the greatest por
tion of ills among the human race was
the result of sorcery.

The mode of procedure of the sor
cerer is described thus: The sorcerer
endeavors at first to procure secretly
either the spittle, hair, a portion of the
food or even some particle of dirt that
may have adhered to the body of his
enemy. When he was able to procure
some of the mentioned substances, he
carried them to a burying place and de
posited them in some partially cre
mated body or the ashes after crema
tion, or even into a carcass of a dog.
He did this with some mystic words
known only to sorcerers. After the
carcass or the body where the articles
were buried has entirely decomposed,
the object of his sorcery developed
some ailment affecting that part of the
body from which the articles were
taken. For instance: If the hair was
taken the subject developed sores on
the head, etc.
When any one becomes sick, and
having a suspicion that the ailment
was brought on by the work of the
sorcerer, as the Indians invariably
think, he sends a messenger for the
shaman to find the person who was re
sponsible for this sickness. The messen
ger does not enter the house but on
reaching it he stops in front by the
entrance door and shouts to the sha
man: "I have come for you." The
shaman on hearing the call compels
the messenger to repeat it four times
and each time with greater vehemence.
While listening to the call the shaman
pretends to listen very intently in order
to recognize some distant, familiar
voice in the tones of the messenger.
The Indians believe that the shaman,
in the tones produced by the messen
ger, could recognize the voice of the
man through whose magic the man be
came sick. After the messenger has
repeated his call four times the sha
man sends him back with the promise
that he will come in the evening.
On the appointed evening, the sha
man, having assembled all his rela
tives, assistants and singers, proceeds

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

13

to the house where the sick man is.
The house by this time is filled with
relatives and friends of the sick man.
On entering it, the shaman dons his
costume and when all is ready he com
mands the singers to sing and the
chorus to beat on some resonant piece
of wood with specially carved sticks.
He approaches the bed of the sick man
and begins to make grimaces with cer
tain contortions of his body. He con
tinues this as long as the singing is
carried on. Then he approaches one of
the relatives of the sick man and an
nounces the name of the sorcerer. With
this the performance ends.
If the man accused of witch-craft
has no rich or prominent relatives or
is not under the protection of some
powerful chief, he is watched for a
time and then made prisoner. His
hands are tied to the back with palms
out. A cord or rope is tied to the back
portion of his hair and tightened so
that the head is brought back toward
his hands. In this position he is left
in some small house which is strongly
guarded from the outside. The unfor
tunate prisoner remains in this way,
without food or drink, until he either
confesses or dies from hunger or suf
fering. At intervals he is given sea
water to drink which only enhances his
thrist. He is interrogated: "Was it
he who bewitched the man and by
what means?" If the supposed sor
cerer for some reason confesses to the
accusation and discloses the means em
ployed, the cord binding his head to the
hands is at once removed and he is
lead under strong guard to the place
where he buried the articles purloined.
On arriving at the place the hands are
untied and the sorcerer is made to dig
for the witchcraft articles until they
are found. Upon the recovery of these
objects they are spread out upon a
piece of bark or some robe, for identi
fication. The guard and all present do
not dare touch any of the pieces dis
played, but examine them very closely.

Some one generally recognizes the dif
ferent articles as belonging to the sick
man. The sorcerer is made to carry
them with great care to the sea shore
always under guard. Arriving at the
water's edge the witch is made to wade
knee deep into the water. Here he
stops and slowly revolves four times
holding the objects before him and, as
he turns about, he touches the water at
intervals. At the last turn he immerses
the articles held in his hands then walks
into the water up to his neck. Here he
makes four complete immersions and
after each one says: "Let the sick
man get well and be as clean as I who
just come out of the water." Finally
depositing the articles at the bottom of
the sea he comes ashore. This con
cludes the rite of the healing of the
sick. The Indians claim that immed
iately following this the sick person
begins to mend and soon regains his
health.

TRADITIONS

The Indian traditions are filled with
superstition and imagination.
Natives of all races in Alaska
whether North or East, South or West,
speak in their traditions of a flood that
took place in some remote time, ages
back. There are many lesrends and
stories in this connection for which,
unfortunately, this booklet has no
space. Thunder, lightning and earthquake
are the result of some disturbance caus
ed by a brother and sister that have
once inhabited the earth and who still
have some interest in the world.
There once lived a brother and sister
upon the earth. The brother's name
was Echo, the sister was called "an old
woman living below." (Agishanuku) .
For some reason it was necessary for
them to part. At the parting the broth
er said to his sister: "You will never
see me again, but as long as I live, you

M

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

will hear me." Then he took the skin
of some large bird, like the Yethl, and
flew away to the Southeast, beyond the
clouds. After bidding her brother fare
well, the sister ascended Mount Edge-
comb close to Sitka, and suddenly dis
appeared from the earth going through
the mountain. In proof of this the old
natives point to the crater on Mount
Edgecomb. Once a year the brother visits the
mountain and in order to acquaint hi?
sister of his presence he shakes his
immense wings which produce the
thunder. The lightning is the glare of
his eyes. The sister is by far the most
useful of the two. She supports the
column upon which the earth rests.
The old Indians assure us that the
earth rests upon an immense post
which the old woman below guards,
otherwise the earth would have long
ago overturned and sank into the sea.
The old woman is immortal, powerful
and very watchful. She never slumber;
and loves the Thlingit people because
they warm the ground by their camp
fires which prevent her from getting
cold. This old woman is very powerful, so
much so that she is able to oppose the
Yethl himself, who, on account of the
transgressions of the people and es
pecially for bloodshed, often endeavors
to destroy the human race, and during
his anger comes to the old woman and
tries to pull her away from the post by
which the earth is supported, but is
never able to do so. This struggle be
tween the old woman and Yethl is the
cause of the earthquakes.
The bear is a sort of a man beast, or,
in other words, the bear was once a
human being, and is one now, only in
the shape of a bear. This tradition is
supposed to have originated in the
story of a chief's daughter who was
stolen by a bear for a short period but
later took the form of a human being.

CUSTOMS

To speak of all the customs among
the Thlingits of Southeastern Alaska
would require a large volume in itself.
Only the most striking will be treated
here. In primitive times all children were
born outside of the community living
house, in huts constructed rudely of
evergreen boughs or in small tents
The child was nourished by the
mother's milk from 10 to 30 months.
Solid food was given after the child
reached one year or a little over. The
first piece of solid food was tallow or
blubber from some sea animal, except
ing whale, which the Thlingit peoph
did not use for food. When the child
began to toddle it was bathed in the/
open sea. The first baths were admin
istered by the mother or the father.
Later, as the child grew older the uncle
on the mother's side attended to this.
On very frosty mornings in the dead of
winter, the male child was taken to
the beach and bathed. Upon emerging
from the sea the uncle switched the
boy with evergreen branches to stimu
late circulation.
A girl on reaching the age of puber
ty was at once incarcerated in a dark
room, and under no circumstances was
allowed to venture out into the oper>.
No one outside of the mother and the
slave in attendance was permitted to
see her. Such incarceration lasted for
one year in the olden times and from
three to six months in later years.

"MARRIAGES

Weddings were celebrated according
to contract between the parents and
the groom without any religious cere
mony. Upon selecting his intended bride,
the bridegroom sent a matchmaker to

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

15

her parents with an offer. Upon re
ceiving the approbation of the parents
and the consent of the bride the groom
sent his future mother-in-law certain
presents and then proceeded to carry
out the necessary arrangements for the
wedding. The man in all cases selects a wife
from the opposite phratry. That is,
an Indian belonging to the Raven fam
ily or subdivision takes a wife from
the Wolf family. There was never a
case where the two contracting parties
belonged to the same tribe, clan or
subdivision. This practice is carried
out even to this day. All children born
to the married couples are of the
mother's clan. The father belonging
to a different clan does not claim the
children but gives his name, rank or
title, to his sister's children, as they
are of the same clan as he is.
On the day agreed upon for the wed
ding, the parents of the bride invite
their friends and relatives and, of
course, the friends of those with whom
they are to make an alliance. When
all are assembled the bridegroom,
dressed in his best attire, steps forward
and sits down near the center of the
house. Those present begin appro
priate singing with characteristic danc
ing suitable to the occasion, for the
purpose, as they claim, of enticing the
bride from the chamber, where she has
remained during the preliminary exer
cises. When the songs have been
chanted, rich blankets and furs are
spread on the floor leading to the
bride's chamber. The bride is then led
to the center and seated to the right
of the groom. After taking her place
she remains with head inclined toward
the floor. Here the singing and dancing
begins anew. The groom and the bride
do not take part in this. The merry
making having been carried out to a
close the food is brought out in trays
and dishes and served to the guests.
The happy couple do not partake of any

food for a period of two days. At the
end of their fast they are given a small
quantity of food and again go through
another period of abstinence for a like
period. This, according to their belief,
insures happiness during their whole
lives. After this the contracting par
ties are allowed to have their own will-
If the husband dies his brother or
his nephew, generally the latter, is ob
liged to marry the widow. This was
a very strict unwritten law which was
inviolate, for if any one dared to dis
regard it he was obliged to answer to
the clan of the bride, which often cul
minated in serious trouble. For that
reason, in the early days, there were so
many cases where a youth of fifteen or
sixteen years was obliged to marry a
very old woman. This law according to
the Indian interpretation was not as
harsh as it seems. They claim it was
beneficial for the young man as it gave
him a protector and counselor, and the
old wife had someone to help her.

ARTS AND CRAFTS

In order to fully appreciate the abil
ity, cleverness and aptitude of the
Thlingits, for carving wood-work,
weaving and other arts, one should
carefully observe the old totems,
canoes, Chilkat blankets and baskets
with their perfect designs.
When you consider the very larg2
war canoes sixty feet long, capable of
carrying forty and fifty men, and made
from a single log without any addi
tional boards or planks, there arises a
wonder at the patience and ingenuity
of the people. Aside from its capacity
and fitness for carrying freight and
passengers, and the ease with which
they are propelled, there are certain
degrees of buoyancy and speed that
can only be found in boats constructed
by the best boat-builders.
The blankets and mantles made from
the wool of mountain goats with many

16

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

intricate figures worked in various
natural colors, obtained from minerals
and vegetable matter, and all done by
hand work without the use of any ma
chine for the preparation of the wool
and are works of perfect art, your won
der increases, especially when one con

siders that the art is of their own in
vention. For every phenomenon in nature the
Thlingits have their own reasons, their
own legends, songs and interpretations.
These may not be very ingenious in
their conception, but they all differ one
from the other.

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

17

The Ghilkat Blanket

Lieutenant George T. Emmons, U.
S. Navy, who has made a very exten
sive study of the Thlingit arts and,
particularly, of the basket and blanket
weaving, in his work on the Chilkat
Blanket writes:
"The distinctive ceremonial robe of
the several native tribes of the North
Pacific Coast, from Vancouver Island
to Prince William Sound, is commonly
called the 'Chilkat Blanket,' an ex
quisite piece of weaving in wool, as
harmonious in coloring as it is original
in design, presenting in all its features
the highest development of the textile
art throughout this region, and com
paring favorably with the best pro
ducts of other lands.
"From the testimony of those best
informed, the first woven blanket was
known as 'Tahn' or 'Thlaok-thlee'
(worked together blanket), a com
bination of twisted cedar bark and the
wool of the mountain goat, showing a
plain white field. Then followed the
introduction of color in geometric de
sign in which longitudinal stripes of
the herring pattern appeared on the
white field. Finally the crowning effort
of the loom was evolved in the present
beautiful robe.
"Today no trace of this beautiful art
is to be found among the Tsimshians,
with whom it originated, nor in the
country of the more southern Thlingit,
who later practiced it. Old blankets
are still preserved by them packed
away in cedar chests with other family
treasures- "To them this art is wholly lost, as
though it had never been theirs, al
though, according to their reckoning,
only four generations have passed since
they themselves were the principal pro
ducers. This changed condition is the
result of civilization, which has ever
arrested aboriginal development and

stilted native genius, degrading the
arts to mere commercialism.
"Three elements enter into the con
struction of the robe, — the wool of the
mountain goat, of which the blanket
may be said to be woven, as it con
stitutes the woof and tha covering of
the warp, and is alone visible; sinew
of caribou or whale twisted into a
thread by means of which the divisions
of weave are united; the inner bark of
the yellow cedar laid up in a two-
stranded cord, and forming the body of
the warp. When the latter cannot be
obtained the bark of the red cedar is
substituted. "The length of time required to
weave a blanket is practically six
months, while the preparation of the
material takes as long if not longer,
that is, a weaver turns out on an aver
age, one blanket a year.
"The purpose of the blanket is that
of a ceremonial robe. Its great value
in early days placed it beyond the reach
of any but the wealthy, so it became
a necessary part of chief's dress upon
particular occasions.
"The design on the blanket is always
animal or bird in form, and totemic in
character, and it is through this sys
tem of picture writing in the graphic
and the plastic arts that the history
of these people has been preserved and
transmitted through centuries."
"The dominant feature of this coast is
the symbol of family. Its expression
is fantastic and full of color. It is
visible on the house fronts, the inter
ior supports and partitions, the canoe
and the paddle, articles of dress and
ornaments, implements of the chase
and arms, even down to the most
trivial household articles. This is most
natural, as the family or clan is the
unit of social and political life. The
prevailing system of matriarchy clearly

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

19

establishes the succession, — the broth
ers follow each other, or the nephew of
the maternal uncle. Substitution is
never permitted, so doubt cannot exist.
Union within the family is impossible,
for all like totems are considered as
brothers and sisters, although they
may be separated by hundreds of miles,
with no single drop of blood in com
mon, and may not even know each
other's existence; totem is thus a
birthright, as real as life itself. The
personal guardian spirit may in ex
treme cases be destroyed, or driven
away from its trust; but no act can
ever change the relationship of the
Thlingit to his clan. Individuality exists
only within the family. Beyond this
limit every act affects the body politic,
and not infrequently one wholly inno
cent is called to give life itself for the
honor of the clan, in atonement for the-
act of another unworthy of the sacri
fice. Such conditions tended to bring
the families into constant relations
with one another. While intermarriage,
association, and the love of entertain
ment made for friendship, disputes, in
juries and feuds were nevertheless, per
petually recurring and these two di
verse interests are responsible for a
very perfect code of unwritten laws,
the execution of which involved the
public meeting of the families, and out
of which has grown a most complex
and elaborate ceremonial, having for
its end the display of the totem in the
glorification of ancestry. And so the
blanket robe, elaborate in ornamenta
tion, pleasing in color effect, but above
all a vehicle for exhibition of the em
blem of clan."
The museum in its collection has one
specimen of the Chilkat Blanket made
from the mountain goat wool. It meas
ures five feet nine inches in length and
four feet in width, including the fringe.
The design, according to Lieutenant
Geo. T. Emmons, probably represents a
bird. The two double eyes in the mid
dle, near the upper border, are the eyes

of the bird ; the human face ' in the
middle is the body; the two eyes in the
middle at the bottom are the hip joints
to which are joined the thighs and the
feet; the two inverted double eyes at
the sides of the body with adjoining
wing designs are the wings of the
bird; the tail seems to be represented
by the eye design in the upper corners ;
the human faces in profile in the mid
dle of the sides are analogous to the
human faces in similar positions occur
ring in the lateral fields of other
blankets.

TREASURE CHESTS, FOOD BOXES
AND DRUMS

The museum has in its collection
specimens of this wood craft dating
back to the age when metal nails were
unknown to the Thlingit people. The
construction in each case is alike. They
are all made from one board for the
sides and the bottom is attached by
split spruce or willow roots.
A long board is hewn out and
smoothed to form the sides of the box.
After the length and breadth has been
determined the portion where the corn
ers are to be is cut half through the
thickness of the board in a V shaped
incision. When steamed and bent the
wider part of the V cut comes together
very closely, thus forming a well-fitting
corner on the inside and a partly
rounded smooth corner on the outside.
The two ends of the board are brought
together to form the last corner, which
is sewn together with split spruce or
alder roots. The bottom is then at
tached, the material is partly cut so as
to make the inside part fit well into the
box with the outside edge projecting to
the outer edge of the box. This board
is also sewn to the sides.
The sides of the box are painted or
carved with elaborate totemic decora
tions- The large box in the collection,
secured from Prince of Wales Island, is

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

21

especially well carved with the repre
sentation of the "Goonakatate." This
represents a monster which lives in
the sea. It is partly fish and partly
animal. It is very seldom seen and
only appears to very few fortunate
mortals. Those who were able to see
it were especially fortunate in all their
undertakings. The smaller box without decorations
is a wonderful work of woodcraft and
its construction is almost perfect. The
cover is beautifully made from one
piece and hollowed out to fit the box.
It is of great age and was originally
used as a chest for moose skin armor.
The great wooden drums used in
ceremonial dances and potlatches are
made in the same way.

EATING DISHES

These are carved out from one piece
of wood. They are of different sizes
used for many purposes. The larger
ones were used as eating dishes on pot-
latches. A large portion of food was
heaped into the dish and served to two
or three honored guests at a time. The
one who consumed the largest amount
of food in the given time was respected
above the rest.
In the collection there is one dish,
procured from Dyea, and which, ac
cording to well informed natives, or
iginated in the Hydah country, is a
ceremonial eating dish, called "Kah-
Kah-neh tsikh," used in potlatches and
great feasts. It is made in the same
way as the treasure chests and drums
This specimen is one of the most beau
tiful of its kind with elaborately carved
and colored sides done in natural min
eral colors. The carving represents
Goonahkatate, the sea monster.

THE WOLF CEREMONIAL
BLANKET

inent native chief of Sitka. Such blan
kets are called in the native tongue —
Nakhen. This one was made in 1903
for a potlatch given by the Chilkat
people to the Sitka Kokwantahn tribe,
It is a copy of the original blanket
made some four generations ago by the
Chief Steu-woo-kah in celebration of
the first Wolf totem acquired by the
Kokwantahns The Wolf totem orig
inated at Yakutat, a village under the
shadow of Mount St. Elias, and was
brought to a village in Icy Straits by
the Kokwantahns.
The blanket is made from red Eng
lish billiard cloth with the Wolf totem
worked out in strips of black cloth.
The eyes, ears, tongue and part of the
claws are worked out in beads. When
the blanket is worn the figure of the
Wolf totem covers the back of the
wearer. The front is fringed with
buck-skin strips.

ARMOR SHIRTS

Before the introduction of fire arms
Thlingit warfare was conducted with
bows and arrows, spears and fighting
knives. For protection against all mis
siles and arms the native warrior wore
armor shirts made from thick moose
hide and other substances.
There are three such armor shirts
in the collection. The armor shirt is
made like a sleeveless jacket from
thick leather. One of the specimens
is lined with sole leather making a
double thickness in the fore-part of the
jacket.

This specimen was presented to the
museum by David Kahnkeetah, a prom-

WAR HELMETS AND CLAN CREST
HATS
Each tribe has its definite order of
rank within the division of the clan
and is characterized by the ownership
of special crest hats. The animals of
land and sea, birds and fishes, are used
to represent individual clan emblems
or crests; all are represented in carv
ings and paintings on totems, house-

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

23

pillars, helmets, blankets and ceremon
ial hats. The totems and house pillars
bearing the clan's crest were placed
either in front of the house or inside
of the community houses, while the
helmets and ceremonial hats were used
on special occasions, such as peace
dances, potlatches and during the re
ception of honored guests. All these
objects are classed as community prop
erty and descend from the chief cus
todian to his nephew on the sister's
side. The heir is not the son but the
nephew as was explained above. The
name of the clan is perpetuated by the
mother as the son is not of the same
phratry as the father.
The museum was unable to procure
the original crest hats, as they are still
religiously kept in trust for the clan,
but has two models which are very well
executed and are excellent copies of
the originals.
The eagle crest hat is owned by the
division of the Kokwantahn tribe mak
ing its home at Sitka. According to
the present custodian of the eagle crest
hat, the original hat was made at
Cock-noo-woo, a village long ago aband
oned and dates about six generations
back. The Wolf crest hat belongs to the
Wolf clan of the Kokwantahns and,
as already mentioned, was the crest
adopted by the most numerous tribe of
the Kanooks.

THE CEREMONIAL RATTLE

These rattles are used by Thlingits
as accompaniment to their songs dur
ing festival or ceremonial dances. They
can be used by any leader of the dance
irrespective of his rank.
The rattles are round and have a*
shape of a bird, which carried a num
ber of figures on its back. The speci
mens in the museum represent the
raven. A reclining figure of a man is

placed on its back. The knees of this
figure are raised and grasped by the
hands. A bird's head is represented on
the tail of the raven, holding a frog
in its mouth, which in turn is con
nected by its tongue to the mouth of
the reclining figure. The face of a
hawk is carved on the belly of the
raven. "The primary idea underlying the
form of rattle seems to have been lost
since the only explanation that has
ever been given by the northern In
dians is to the effect that it was given
to their ancestors by a supernatural
being. (Franz Boaz. — In the social or
ganization and the secret societies of
the Kwakiutl Indians.)

POTLATCH

In explanation of this custom that
has been so often described and thor
oughly misunderstood by observers and
writers, it may be well to mention that
the underlying principle of a potlatch
is the method of acquiring rank or a
name of a dead ancestor. It is an in
terest bearing investment of property.
Teachers and reformers through lack
of sufficient knowledge have ever con
demned this practice on the plea that
it was uncivilized and produced want.
However, many potlatches were purely
social in purpose, intended only to in
crease the reputation of the giver and
to advance his standing in the com
munity. In big potlatches each person re
ceiving a present was obliged to return
double the amount given in one to five
years, so that the giver really was as
sured of a pension from the date of the
potlatch. In former years there were
many very prominent and highly hon
ored chiefs, who in their youthful years
by giving big potlatches, were able to
live in affluence and ease for the rest
of their lives- In other words they
were drawing big interest on their
property investment.

26

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

Thlingit Baskets

The most beautifully woven baskets,
from spruce roots with perfect de
signs in colors, are the baskets made
by the Thlingits. Lieutenant Emmons,
in his writings about the origin and
antiquity of the Thlingit basketry,
gives an interesting little legend upon
this subject:
"In the early days of the world,
when spirits were seen of men, there
lived in the clouds a woman whose
daughter possessed such beauty that
she was the desire of all mortals. Their
wooing, however, was in vain, until one
day the sun looked into her eyes, and
kissed her with his soft breath; and
when his day's labor was ended, he
sought her in the form of a man, and
took her to be his wife. For long
years they lived happily together, and
many children came to them; but these
were of the earth, and their future
filled the mother's mind with anxiety.
One day, sitting idly thinking, she
picked up some strands of a root, and
carelessly plaited them together, twist
ing them in and out until a small bas
ket was formed. The sun increased its
size until it was large enough to con
tain the mother and her eight children,
and in it they were lowered to the
earth near Yakutat. This was the first
basket and from it was learned the art
of weaving." (The basketry of the
Thlingit, by Lieut. Geo. T. Emmons.)
"While the origin of basketry must
ever remain a myth, its birthplace is al
ways conceded to have been in the vi
cinity of Bering Bay under the shad
ows of Mount St. Elias, among the
Thlah-hah-yeek-quan, more commonly
known as the Yakutat people." (Ibid,
page 30.)
The basket was used for manifold
purposes. It was used as a kettle and
the water bucket. By filling the basket
with water into which heated stones
were dropped, steam was generated and

sufficient heat produced to cook the
food by covering the top of the basket
and allowing it to stand. The basket
was used for storing away clothing
and other articles at home and as a
trunk in traveling-
Many of the baskets are decorated
with geometrical designs. It is hard
to determine the origin and the age of
the designs. The designs are used for
decorative purposes alone and in some
of the recent baskets totemic designs
are apparent.
Different districts and localities in
Southeastern Alaska at one time and
another held their places in the best
production of fine baskets. The art de
pended, to a great extent, upon the in
dividual weaver. As the Thlingit na
tive was a great traveler, he carried
his wares to distant places or pur
chased those of other tribes, so that
the form and design became common to
all sections of the country through
copying of form and design. In years
past Yakutat held the first place in
basketry, later very beautiful weaves
and patterns with rich colors and de
sign were met with at Hoonah, Chilkat,
Sitka and other places.
In gathering and selecting the mater
ial for baskets much care and deep
knowledge was required. The best roots
from the spruce trees of three and four
feet in diameter were obtained. The
season for gathering the roots was in
the spring or early summer, for during
this season the root had a uniform
color and the bark could easily be
stripped without injuring the exterior.
In summer the root was not suitable
as the bark could not be removed with
out injury to the surface. Great skill
is necessary for removing the bark, for
that reason this operation was per
formed by an elderly woman skilled
in such work. Before splitting the root
it was soaked in water to soften it and

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

27

then the operation of splitting was per
formed with a special knife made for
the purpose. The strands were selected
according to size and quality which,
when used in weaving, produced a per
fect line- Since the influx of the white
people into the Territory and the great
demand for baskets by tourists, the art
of basket making has greatly deter
iorated. The material is not selected
with as great care as in former years;
the process of seasoning is consider
ably shortened; the time for gathering

the material is not considered and in
consequence the quality of the fiber is
not as smooth and glossy as it is in the
old baskets, which were made for
beauty and not commercial purposes.
In former years the colors for the
decorative designs were obtained from
vegetable and mineral substances, but
with the introduction of the aniline
dyes, so easily procured, the tedious
process of the preparation of the native
colors is almost, if not altogether, for
gotten.

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

29

The Age and Origin of the

Aleutian People

Just at this portion of the descrip
tive booklet it would be of interest to
mention the native people inhabiting
the northern Coast of Alaska Penin
sula, from Cape Stroganoff westward,
and its southern coast from Pavlof Bay
westward, the Shumagin Islands, and
the whole group known as the Aleutian
chain, extending from Isanotski Straits
in the east to the island of Attu in the
west. Of the origin of the Aleut we
have no very distinct tradition. The
most careful observer of the Aleutian
people was the Russian missionary,
Father Veniaminoff, who resided on the
Aleutian Islands from 1824 to 1834,
and who . wrote understandingly of
their manners, customs and traditions.
A few extracts, in translation inserted
here will be of great interest:
"To express a definite or authorita
tive opinion on the subject would be
impossible, because there is no definite
information concerning it; opinions
must be necessarily based upon guess
work up to traditions of the Aleuts
themselves and local indications.
"Were these islands always inhab
ited, and who were the first inhabi
tants — Aleuts or another people? At
the first glance upon the islands of
the Unalaska district, devoid of timber
and poor in products of the land, it
becomes evident that the present
Aleuts must be the first inhabitants;
and it would also appear that they did
not settle here very long ago. The
traditions of the formation of these
islands are not very clear, but we en
counter at every step the traces of vol
canic revolutions of comparatively re
cent date. Traces of villages have
scarcely been touched by time, and
whenever the old men point to a spot
where a village existed in former times,

we can still perceive the groundwork
of the huts, and even the holes for sea
soning the fish, and a luxuriant growth
of grasses plainly indicating the extent
of the former settlements therefore we
may conclude that the islands have not
been inhabited very long, and that the
present Aleuts are the first race that
settled upon them.
"From whence came the Aleuts to
these islands — from America or from
Asia? The traditions of the Aleuts,
chiefly transmitted in songs, say that
the Aleuts came from the West, near
the great land, then Aliakhe-khak or
Tanam Anguna, which was their orig
inal habitation, and that they migrated
from there to these islands, and then
gradually extended eastward and fin
ally penetrated to the present Alaska
Peninsula. "The migration of the Aleuts from
the westward may be accepted as a
fact; and even if the mainland of Asia
and the Aleutian islands were always
at the same distance from each other
that they are now, the island of Bering
is visible in clear weather from Kam
chatka, and from Bering the near
islands, and from them many islands
can be sighted at once. And this would
indicate the route of the migration. As
to the mode of conveyance by which
the Aleuts made their way from the
continent, it is most probable that they
traveled in canoes and bidarkas, since
in former times the weather was very
much finer during the summer and
clearer than it is now. Such journeys
from the Kamchatkan shore to the
Aleutian islands were accomplished
even after the ships had commenced
to make the voyages. However, in
seeming refutation of this surmise, the
following can be set up: if the Aleuts

30

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

came from Kamchatka or Japan, over
the Kurile islands, there should be
some similarity retained either in lan
guage, customs or the mode of life be
tween them and the coast people of
Asia. Or, at any rate, the Aleuts
should bear greater resemblance to the
Asiatics than to the American Indians ;
but, on the contrary, the Fox Island
Aleuts, in their appearance, mode of
life and customs, resemble more closely
the North American native, especially
the Kodiaks, so much that the Aleut
language (though entirely different
from that of the surrounding tribes)
is of one construction with Kodiaks and
is known to all tribes inhabiting the
coast of North America, and even the
language of the Chugaches (Prince
William Sound natives) is a branch of
it. There does not seem to be any
similarity between it and the Japanese
language so far as I was able to find
out from the Japanese who visited
Sitka. "But even this could be explained bj
the following surmise : Supposing that
the Aleuts and other Americans, speak
ing the Kodiak language had, at some
time, before their migration to Amer
ica, lived in close proximity; the for
mer to the southward and closer to
Kamchatka, and the latter to the
northward and nearer to Cape Chuk-
otsk. But in time, being pressed by
other tribes, they were compelled to
migrate to their present location; the
first from Kamchatka to Bering Island
and farther on, and the latter, probably
much earlier, across the Bering Strait
to America and, perhaps, by a route
already opened by other people as—
Koloshas, the Indians, Mexicans and
others. "In physiognomy the Aleuts re
semble the Japanese. This compels me
to think that they are of the Mongol
ian race. Taking this for granted it
can be surmised that the Aleuts orig
inated on the mainland/near Japan, and
being pressed by other people, moved

toward northeast, along the Kurile
group and, finally in Kamchatka, having
come in contact with other people of
Kodiak races, or Kodiak people them
selves, or seeing that farther north the
country was less abundant in food ani
mals, they were compelled to retrace
their way to the Aleutian islands by
the route described."

AN OMENTAL STONE LAMP
(See illustration Page 31.)

As a connecting link between the
Orient and Alaska, the museum has in
its collection a most interesting and
one of the most important specimens
on display — a ceremonial vessel or a
stone lamp, beautifully designed, very
symmetrical in general outline and
oval-shaped like a melon seed. The di
mensions are, — length twelve and half
inches, breadth eleven inches, height
five inches, and having a circumference
of thirty-five inches and hollowed to a
depth of one and one-half inches.
It is very carefully wrought and fine
ly finished. Just below the rim, fol
lowing the complete circumference is a
groove which may have been for orna
mentation or more likely to' carry a
cord or wire to which were attached
means for suspension. The outer con
tours would indicate that, as there is
no flat surface for it to rest upon.
At the front or narrow part of the
oval is a lip slightly hollowed from the
nm which probably carried the wick,
and running back therefrom to the hol
low of the bowl in a straight line, is a
groove. Beneath the lip and looking
toward it is a human face in relief sug
gesting the sun or source of light. Near
the rear of the bowl there rises from
the bottom a Buddha-like figure with
forearms and hands extended along the
surface toward the lip or light and
with gaze fixed upon it. Flanking the
image on either side and in the rear,

32

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

in groups of three, are relief images
having animal heads resembling the
jackal or dog, with necks extending
into the bowl and with human arms
and legs on the outside.
This vessel was turned up in plowing
by Mr. Charles Ulanky on June 15,
1913, while breaking virgin soil on his
homestead, on Fish Creek, about four
miles from Knik, Cook Inlet, Alaska.
It was found at a depth of about one
foot. At the same time and place Mr.
Ulanky uncovered several skeletons and
small trinkets, which led him to believe
the place to be the site of an old Indian
village or burying place. The vessel
is clearly not of Aleut, or Eskimo craft
as neither of these people have been
known to produce any utensils resem
bling this. Doubtless it is of Asiatic
origin and was brought to the Alaskan
coast in prehistoric times-
In the May issue of "Asia" for
1920 in an article edited by Mr. Stew
art Culin, there appears a translation of
the Japanese story of the wreck of
the "Ukamija Maru" which may bear
some remote connection with the above
described vessel being found in Alaska.
In 1793 some sailors of Sendai, hav
ing loaded their vessel and set sail
from the port of Ishono Maki on the
27th of the eleventh month, met a
storm in the open sea. They drifted
about for several months and lost ah

sense of direction. Finally on tenth day
of the eighth month they sighted land.
The ship drifted toward the southwest
end of an island (Unalaska), which
was covered with snow. The coast was
so precipitous with projecting rocks
that they could not approach it. In
recounting their adventure they state:
"We anchored among the rocks, low
ered a boat and, carrying the god of
the ship with other small belongings
in our hands, the sixteen of us landed
on the island at three o'clock in the
afternoon." The ship was shattered by
the waves and only some few planks
remained. After ten days of fruitless
search for human habitation, the sur
vivors launched their boat and started
north. They followed the coast for
two days, and at last found shelter.
They met about thirty islanders who
took care of them until relieved by the
Russians. Here they remained for ten
months, then were taken to Irkutsk,
where they remained for eight years
in care of district officers. They were
then transported to St. Petersburg.
From there in 1805, on the ship Maria,
with Chamberlain of the Tzar, Nicholas
Resanoff on board, they were delivered
to Japan.
May there not have been other Jap
anese junks, in ages gone by driven
out of their course and wrecked on the
Aleutian islands?

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

33

Dr. Neuman's Eskimo Collection

This collection is housed in the first
balcony of the A. B. building. The
specimens are very rare and some date
back to the paleolithic age. The cul
ture of these interesting natives of the
North can be traced to the later age
by the specimens on display in the
museum. Before taking up the descriptive
work of the many specimens of the
Eskimo race, it will be well to go into
a short sketch of the distribution of
the Eskimo people. Dr. E. W. Nelson,
of the Biological Survey, in speaking of
the Eskimo says: "The Eskimauan
family or stock constitutes one of the
most remarkable peoples of the world.
They are noteworthy as the most
northerly and most characteristically
Arctic inhabitants of America and part
of Eurasia. Their range skirts on the
coasts of the Arctic water from Green

land to Siberia, and along the coast of
Bering Sea. They are remarkable for
close similarity throughout their exten
sive range in language* ^beliefs, indus
tries and equally remarkable dissimil
arity from neighborhood peoples of
other families. They manifest special
capacity for endurance of cold and wet,
deftness in making and handling water
craft, ability for forced marches
through sun and storm, skill in im
provising shelter, etc.
"The Eskimo penetrates the Interior
of the country to the forested region
along the courses of the larger streams,
Their range into the interior is mainly
along the Kuskokwim, Yukon, Kowak
and Noatak rivers. On all of these
streams they are found several hun
dred miles from the coast, and at their
upper limits are in direct contact with
the Athabaskan or Tinne tribes."

Hunting Implements— Bows and Arrows

"In former times, before the intro
duction of firearms, the bow was the
only projectile weapon which these
people possessed that could be used at
a longer range than the harpoon or the
spear. It was accordingly used for
hunting the bear, the wolf, and the
caribou, and for shooting birds, and in
case of necessity, for warfare. It is
worthy of note, in this connection, as
showing that the use of the bow for
fighting was only a secondary considera
tion, that none of their arrows are
regular "war arrows" like those made
by the plains Indians- Fire arms have
now almost completely superseded the
bow for actual work."
Most of the bows in the collection
were made from driftwood. The speci
mens on exhibition represent different

makes from the Arctic region to Nuni-
vak Island. Those with double curves
are from Victoria Land. They are
strongly reinforced with sinew or raw
hide wrappings. Aside from the sinew
reinforcement, they have bone or ivory
plates under the wrappings. One bow
in this collection is made from the
horns of musk oxen. It is made in four
pieces and strongly reinforced with
sinew wrappings and pieces of ivory
under the wrappings. Those that are
broad and heavy, backed with a single
cable of sinews are from the Kusko
kwim River district.
Arrows. All arrows in the case are from the
Arctic region. Several forms of arrows
are used in different parts of Alaska
and on the adjacent islands. Among

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

35

those in the collection the most im
portant are the arrows used for hunt
ing large game. The Eskimo also uses
an arrow with blunt heads of various
patterns for killing birds without in
juring the skin.
Fish Arrows.
In addition to the arrows used for
killing animals and birds the Eskimo
has fish arrows. The fish arrows have
long shafts with one, two and three
barbed points of bone at the end held
in position by sinew lashing.
Bird Darts.
For capturing large birds like ducks
and geese, sitting on the water, es
pecially when they have molted their
wing feathers so as to be unable to fly,
a dart with a point at the tip and
carrying a second set of three ivory
prongs in a circle round the middle of
the shaft is used. The object of these
prongs is to increase the chance of hit
ting the bird if the hunter missed it
by the head of the dart. They always
curve forward, so that the points stand
out a few inches from the shaft, and
are barbed on inner edge in such a
way that, though the neck of the fowl
will easily pass between the prong and
the shaft, it is impossible to draw it
back again. The fish spear and the
bird spear are thrown from the boat
with a throwing stick.
Seal Spears.
The weapon for spearing seals from
a kayak is a spear from four to four

and one-half feet in length. The spears
have light wooden shafts with rounded
heads of bone or ivory with holes in
the tip in which are fitted wooden
sockets with oval slots, to receive the
wedge-shaped bases of detachable
barbed points of bone or deer horn. The
ivory points for these spears are from
an inch to three inches in length, and
have two or three barbs along each
side, with the points and edges formed
to receive sinews or seal skin cords
which connect them with the shafts.
When the spear is thrown, the barbed
point, when imbedded in the animal, is
immediately detached from the head of
the shaft, to which it remains attached
only by the sinew or the seal skin
cords, which have been wrapped around
the shaft; as it unwinds the shaft of
the spear is drawn crosswise after the
retreating animal, and serves as a drag
to exhaust its strength and render it
more easily overtaken by a hunter.
Throwing Sticks.
Fish arrows, bird darts and seal
spears, described above are thrown by
means of a hand board or throwing
stick. The Eskimo is very expert in
casting spears and darts with the
throwing stick. He can cast from
thirty to fifty yards with considerable
accuracy. In the collection are throw
ing sticks gathered from Point Barrow
to the Aleutian Islands.

Fishing and Fishing Implements

Fishing forms one of the main
sources of food supply among the Es
kimos. In spring the fish begin to re
turn to the vicinity of the shore. Holes
are made in the ice from which the fish
is caught by means of hook and line.
As the ice is quite thick special instru
ments are used in chopping the ice and

in removing it from the hole. Frag
ments of it intermixed with water,
which is constantly filmed with slush
ice on cold days, are removed with a
special scoop made from whale bone
and having a netted bottom. The rim
is made from the bone of the whale's
ear.

36

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

Fishing Lines.
In the collection are many varied
specimens of lines made from split
whale bone and braided sinew- On the
lower end of the line, six or ten inches
from the bottom a sinker of stone or
bone is attached. One end of the sink
er is tied to the line and on the other
the hooks. Hooks are made from ivory
or bone. They have either ivory or
metal shanks. Some of the lines are
ouite fine for small fish and some are
thick for larger varieties of fish. The
lines are used with a rod eighteen to
twenty-four inches long. Dr. John Mur
doch in the Ethnological results of the
Point Barrow expedition describes the
mode of fishing as follows: "A hole
about a foot in diameter is made
through the ice with an ice pick, and
the fragments dipped out either with
the long-handled whale bone scoop, or
the little dipper made of two pieces of
antler mounted on a handle about two
feet long, which everybody carried in
the winter. The line is unreeled and
let down through the hole till the jigs
haner about a foot from the bottom.
The fisherman holds in his left hand
the dipper above mentioned, with which
he keeps the hole clear of the ice crys
tals, which form very quickly, and in
his right the reel, which he jerks con
tinually up and down. The fish, at
tracted by the white 'jiggers' begin
nosing around them, when the upward
ierk of the line hooks one of them in
the under jaw or the belly. As soon
as the fisherman feels the fish, he
catches a bight of the line with the
scoop in his left hand .and draws it
over to the left; then he catches the
line below this with the reel and draws
it over to the right, and so on, thus
reeling the line up in long hanks on

these two sticks, without touching the
wet line with his fingers."
Lines of whale bone are much more
preferable in this cold region as the
elasticity of the whale-bone prevents
kinking, and the ice which forms on
the wet line as soon as the line comes
on the surface can easily be shaken off.
Nets. Nets are made from twisted sinew
cord, split whalebone, and fine rawhide
cord. Small-mesh seines of sinew are
used for herring and whitefish and the
larger mesh for salmon, which is
caught in the rivers. The seines are
made from thirty-six inches to five feet
in width and from six feet to twenty
and thirty feet in length. On the up
per edge of the seine a series of round
ed wooden floats shaped in the form of
birds and seals and handle-like sinkers
of ivory along the lower edge are
strung at intervals. Stone weights fre
quently alternate with ivory weights,
which serve both for sinkers and
handles. In some localities fishing is done
with dip-nets- These are made from
the same material as the seines. The
specimens in the collection are made
from split whalebone and willow roots.
The mouth of the net is held open by a
rim of whalebone. Aleuts and other
aboriginal tribes of Alaska also used
nets for the capture of the birds. In
the weaving of the nets and seines the
Eskimo uses shuttles made from ivory,
bone and wood which vary in size ac
cording to the use and locality. In
gauging the size of the mesh, mesh-
sticks of the same material are used.
In the collection there are shuttles
varying from three to sixteen inches
and the mesh sticks from one-half to
seven inches.

38

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

Utensils and Implements

Wooden Dishes, Trays and Buckets.
Dr. E. W. Nelson In the 18th Annual
Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology on the Eskimo about the
Bering Strait, Page 70, says: "The
Tinne of the lower Yukon, adjoining
the territory occupied by the Eskimo
are expert in woodworking. They fash
ion from the spruce large numbers of
wooden dishes, buckets, trays and
ladles which they ornament with red
and black paint. They make trips down
the river for the purpose of selling
their products to the Eskimo. In addi
tion to this trade with the Eskimo, the
articles manufactured by these people
are distributed over a much greater
extent of territory by means of inter
tribal trading among the Eskimos
themselves." In the collection there
are wooden bowls carved from blocks
of soft driftwood. Serving dishes orna
mented with blue beads imbedded in
the brim at equal intervals. There are
drinking cups made from wood and
whalebone . Many of the specimens
show the method of mending wooden
dishes and bowls which have split. A
hole is bored in each side of the crack,
and through the two is worked a neat
lashing of narrow strip of whalebone,
which draws the parts together. In
mending holes a strip of thin walrus
ivory is neatly riveted around the hole.
Drinking cups are made from wood,
whalebone, ivory and bone from the
skull of the walrus. The museum has
two specimens of the latter. One from
Cape Prince of Wales and the other
from King Island. The inside of the
cup is the socket of the walrus tusk
The teeth of the animal can be seen
imbedded on the side of the cup The
eye socket forms the handle. The two
specimens measure five inches in
height and about three inches in diam
eter. The whalebone specimens are the
commonest forms of drinking cup

They are made by binding a strip of
black whalebone round a spruce bottom
and sewing the ends together, which
overlap each other about one and one-
half inches, with strips of whalebone.
Such cups are found in almost every
house and one is generally kept con
veniently near the water bucket.
Trays for Serving Food.
Food is served in trays made from
driftwood. The form is generally cir
cular or oblong. The collection con
tains two large trays from St. Lawr
ence Island, oblong in shape, and one
from King Island.
Buckets and Tubs.
These vessels are made for holding
water and other fluids, blubber, and
oil- They are made by hollowing out
drift-wood or by bending a thin board
of spruce or fir around a circular bot
tom and sewing the ends together.
Tool and Trinket Boxes.
For holding tools and implements of
all kinds, arrow and spear points and
other necessary odds and ends, the
Eskimo makes very neat boxes from
drift wood and other material. The
collection contains many varied shapes
and sizes. No. Ill from King Island
20x8x4i/2 inches is made from drift
wood steamed and bent and ,thj ends
sewn with split whalebone. No. 1004
from Sinuk is made in a similar way.
It has a well-shaped cover hollowed
out from a single piece of wood. Both
are of an early period. No. 322 from
King Island, is of a more recent date.
The box is oblong 16x8x6i/2 inches. It
is decorated with strips of ivory and
carved ivory seals. The handle is of
ivory representing bear heads. No. 201
from Cape Prince of Wales is a wom
an's work box. It is circular in shape
made from bent wood, the ends sewn
with walrus hide over a piece of ivory
strip to hold the ends in place.

4o

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

Lamps. Throughout the Northern portion of
Alaska and the islands on tne Bering
Strait lamps are used for furnishing
light and heat. These lamps stand on
the floor or on special stands made for
them. Hiach house-wife has her own
lamp, when more than one family oc
cupies the igloo. The lamp lights the
room and at the same time gives suffi
cient heat to make the Eskimo com
fortable. The material used for mak
ing the lamps is soap-stone, rude pot
tery, clay, wood and in some instances,
bone. Ihe lamp has always been re
garded a fixture of the Eskimo house.
When the family moves the lamp goes
with the family. Parry in his second
voyage gives a good description of the
use of the Eskimo lamp. He says:
"The fire belonging to each family con
sists of a single lamp or shallow vessel
of lapis ollaris, its form being the less
er segment of a circle. The wick, com
posed of dry moss rubbed between the
hands until it is quite inflammable, is
disposed along the edge of the lamp on
the straight side, and in greater or
smaller quantity lighted, according to
the heat required or the fuel that can
be afforded. When the whole length
of this, which is sometimes above 18
inches, is kindled, it affords a most
brilliant and beautiful light without
any perceptible smoke or offensive
smell. The lamp is made to supply it
self with oil, by suspending a long, thin

slice of whale, seal or sea-horse blubber
near the flame, the warmth of which
causes the oil to drip into the vessel
until the whole is extracted."
"Seal oil is preferred for burning in
the lamp, though any animal fat may
be used. Successful hunting means
plenty of oil and in consequence cheer
and comfort in the hut. The economy
of oil is often forced upon the Eskimo
when food animals are scarce. Most
observers have spoken in terms of
praise of the excellent light given by
the Eskimo lamp. The flame in a well
trimmed lamp is from one to two
inches high, very clear and steady. The
oil and fat of the Northern animal
furnish illuminants of the best quality.
In the snow houses of the East the
white walls reflect the light, adding to
its power" (Walter Hough, Ph. D.)
"The Eskimo drinks great quantities of
water. It is curious that with its world
of congealed water the Arctic should
be a veritable Sahara. Water is usually
supplied by melted snow or ice and
the lamp is brought into requisition
for the purpose, though sometimes the
warmth of the hut is sufficient, es
pecially if the vessel containing the
snow is placed near the flame." (Ibid.)
The value of the lamp in arts is very
great. First in importance is the bend
ing of wood for snowshoes, boxes, etc.,
which is accomplished by dipping the
wood in water and steaming it over
the lamp.

Clothing

In their primitive state the Eskimo
wore clothing made entirely of skins,
though in the later years drilling and
calico is used in many locations. The
chief material used is the skin of rein
deer or caribou. The fine short-haired

summer skins of doe and fawns are
used for making underclothes and dress
garments. The heavier skins are used
for winter clothing and stockings and
mittens. The skins of seals are used
for breeches and boots.

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

"The garments of the western Es
kimo are similar in general plan to
those worn by their relatives farther
eastward, but vary in patterns and
style of ornamentation. The upper part
of both men and women is covered
with a frock-like garment put on over
the head, and these garments are pro
vided with hoods. In addition, both
men and women wear trousers. Those
of the men are made to reach from the
hip to the ankle, the feet being clothed
with socks of deerskin or grass, over
which boots are drawn. The lower
garments of the women are combined
boots and trousers reaching to the
waist. Over the feet are sometimes
drawn skin boots, but frequently a sole
of oil-tanned sealskin is attached di
rectly to the trousers." (D. E. W. Nel

son — Eskimo About the Bering Strait.)
The hood of the garment is bordered
by strips of skin. The outer strip of
the hoods is made from wolfskin with
the hair standing out like a halo. Just
inside of this is a border of wolverine
skin so that the long hairs lie back
against the first border, producing a
pleasant contrast. In the Kuskokwim
district the garments are sometimes
made from Parry's marmot, a species
of whistler. These garments are orna
mented with the tails of the animal,
which is used as a fringe.
Specimens from the mouth of the
Yukon are handsomely made from the
mottled white skin of the tame rein
deer, obtained from the Siberian Es
kimo.

Water Proof Garments

"In addition to the upper garments
the Eskimo make waterproof frocks
from the intestines of seals. The in
testines are dried and slit open, and
the long ribbon-like strips thus formed
are then sewed together horizontally to
form a frock similar in shape to those
of fur worn by the men. About the
sleeves a braided sinew cord is inclosed
in a turned-down border to form a
drawstring for fastening the garment
securely about the wrist, in order that
the water may not enter. In addition
the border of the hood about the face is
provided with a similar string, the ends
of which hang under the chin so that
this portion of the garment may be
drawn tightly for the same purpose.
these garments are worn over the
other during the wet weather on shore
as well as at sea. Their most import

ant use, however, is while hunters are
at sea in kayaks. At such times, when
the weather becomes rainy or rough,
the hunter dons his waterproof frock
and the shirt is extended over the rim
of the manhole in which he sits. A
cord provided for the purpose is wound
around the outside, fastening the bor
der of the skirt down into a sunken
groove left for the purpose below the
nm on the outside of the kayak. When
the cord is made fast and the drawings
about the face and sleeves are tight
ened, the occupant of the kayak is safe
from being drenched by the dashing
spray, and no water can enter his boat.
These garments are strong and will
frequently withstand the pressure of
the water even when the wearer is en
tirely submerged beneath the combing
sea. (E. W. Nelson — The Eskimo
About Bering Straits.)

44

TOTEM LORE OF THE ALASKA INDIANS

Footwear

Boots. Among the Eskimos, boots, the most
common style of foot-wear are made
with hard-tanned, sealskin sole and top
reaching just below the knee. The tops
are generally of sealskin tanned with
the hair left on, or reindeer skin tanned
in the same manner.
The specimens in the case are made
from reindeer skin. The uppers in one
specimen are made in strips of brown
and dark hair. The middle of the boot

running up and down and on the side
is ornamented with tanned buckskin in
various colors. The Eskimo also makes
water-proof boots of oil-tanned seal
skin.Socks and Boot -Pads.
Socks of deer skin or sealskin with
the hair removed, reaching a little
above the ankle are commonly worn in
winter. Woven grass socks are worn
at all seasons.

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

47

Other Specimens

On the left side of the balcony in
which the above mentioned specimens
appear, in the five cases arranged along
the wall the implements used in arts
and manufacture are displayed. They
comprise ivory and bone working tools,
stone implements, axes, adzes, wedges
and mauls, women's knives and men's
knives, bone bracelets, snow beaters,
snares and traps, skin dressing tools
and many other implements in use
by the Eskimo people.
In the third case from the door, spec
imens representing the very ancient
Eskimo art, dug out below the layers
of "Kjokken Moddens" (Kitcken Mid
dens) are displayed. In October of
1913 a severe storm on the Bering Sea
and the Arctic Ocean uncovered big
heaps in front of old village sites, con
sisting of teeth and bones of various
animals. Amongst this heap magnifi
cent specimens of decorative art were
found in the underlayers of these de
posits. In this collection there are very
wonderful pieces of ivory so old that
they are not only petrified but ebon-
ized. The etchings on some of them
are wonderful in execution and design.
In the collection are also studies in
aboriginal art in picture writings, rec
ords of hunts and stories.
"In studying the aboriginal art one
naturally spends much time with the
picture records, usually done on drill
bows or walrus tusks. It does not re
quire much observation to notice that
the human figures are not perfect in
their execution as are the magnificent
outlines of the different animals- With
the exception of the figure of man, with
a few strokes of sharp flint the prim
eval artist produced what he wanted.
Even at that the gestures of the figures
are suggestive, and it does not require
a trained eye to catch the meaning.
By studying the position of the figures

one can see men carefully approaching
game, or running from the enemy. Or,
from the position of their hands, you
can soon tell if they were exhibiting
gratification, fear or welcome, while
others indicate terror which some ob
ject has caused them. The magnificent
records of the big celebrations and
dances are so vivid that even a novice
could interpret their meaning at first
sight. The figures of the animals will
plainly tell whether the animal was
grazing, sleeping or swimming in a
stream. From their expression one can
often plainly see that something has
alarmed them. A carving representing
a flock of birds indicates springtime.
Drawings of ice hummocks record win
ter. Part of a whale's tail was a hunt
ing record and the number shown on it
conveyed the amount killed by indi
viduals or tribes at certain periods."
(Dr. D. S. Neuman. "The Eskimo."
Dec. 1913).
In the fourth case is a collection of
bone and ivory spear heads used on
harpoons and lances. These heads are
so arranged that when the weapon is
thrust into the animal it is detached
from the shaft- The line holding the
spear or harpoon head is fastened
about its middle and as the animal
pulls away from the hunter the head
turns under the skin of the animal at
right angles to the line, like a toggle,
so that it is impossible for it to be
drawn out. The heads are tipped with
metal, ivory, bone, flint or slate tips.
When the animal is struck the blade of
the tip cuts a wound large enough to
allow the head to pass in beyond the
barb. In the same collection are very
old style harpoon heads pointed and
provided with barbs. The harpoon
heads are all of the same patterns, dif
fering in size. The larger size is used
in hunting whale and walrus and the
smaller in hunting seal.

48

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

The next case and the last one con
tains a collection of snares and traps
used by the Eskimo people. The hare,
ground squirrel, or Parry's marmot,
ptarmigan and other small birds are
caught with snares.
The wolf, the fox and the beaver are
caught by traps. One very ingenious
trap for foxes is made from a cylinder
of wood with a cross piece of bone
bound together with strong twisted
sinew cords. The tension of the spring
is produced by twisting the cord. The
lever is held down by a notch made in
the cross piece. When the lever is
sprung the pin, which is often barbed,
strikes the animal in the head.

Balcony No. 2

Half of the specimens in this room
belong to Dr. Neuman's collection. They
represent parts of hunting and fishing
implements, snow goggles, wrist pro
tectors for the highly reinforced bows,
large harpoon heads with slate points
used in whale and walrus hunting;
small spear heads with ivory, slate,
jade, copper and iron points, used in
seal hunting; skin scrapers, root dig
gers, small fish hooks, very ingeniously
made with attractive lures, needle
cases, ivory and skin thimbles, drills of
stone, flint and jade, combs, wonder
fully etched and carved pipes and many
other articles.
Butterfly Charms.
These spesimens are very old. They
are a part of the specimens from the
"Kitchen Middens." The Eskimo places
great reliance on amulets or talismans.
These are carried on their persons or
are attached to the kayaks or umiaks.
These charms or amulets are said to
have belonged to certain animals or
persons of ancient times. In the col
lection there are figures of animals or

whales which accompany men in their
hunting and fishing trips. The pursuit
of whales, walrus and seal was en
cumbered with many observances and
superstitions. Every act or every step
required its own observances and talis
mans. Songs were very often chanted
to the animals with special words and
gestures. Root Diggers.
Judging from the age of the diggers
on display it is quite evident that the
Eskimo was acquainted with the nour
ishing value of food roots and contra
dicts the popular belief that the Es
kimo was unacquainted with the vege
table diet. In addition to the roots as
food they are fond of blueberries, cran
berries and salmonberries. The berries
and the different kinds of bulbous
vegetables which grow in the North
during the summer months are pre
served in oil for winter use.
In this room there are many other
very interesting objects such as ivory
drill bows with pictorial writing; frag
ments of broken bows and drill bows
with graphic description of hunts and
ceremonial dancing; very perfect drill
points of jade, flint and hard stone; a
very old and rare handle from a cere
monial bucket made from mastodon
ivory with a record of whales killed by
the owner, and many others.
A tempered copper bracelet made by
the Eskimo of St. Michael is exhibited
here, showing that the art of temper
ing copper is not a lost art to the
aboriginal tribes.
Hair Ornaments and Combs.
Dr. E- W. Nelson in "The Eskimo
About the Bering Strait," says: "The
tonsure is universally practiced by the
Eskimo. The general style is to shave
the top of the head leaving a narrow
trmge of hair about the border, which
usually is kept trimmed evenly two or
three inches in length around the head.

50

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

"The women dress their hair by part
ing it along the median line and ar
ranging it in a pendant braid or club-
shaped mass behind the ear. South of
Yukon mouth the women are especially
fond of ornamenting the pendant rolls
or braids of hair by hanging bands and
strings of beads upon them with ivory
ornaments attached, some of which are
figured. They usually represent the
faces of animals or grotesque semi-
human creatures."
In the collection there are combs
made from ivory, bone and horn used
in hair dresing. Combs made of a sec
tion of a beam of antlers, hollowed out
and cut into teeth on the end, are used
to remove loosened hair on deer-skin
garments. Some are made with teeth
on one end and others with teeth on
both ends. One specimen in the col
lection from St. Lawrence Island is
made of walrus ivory. These- combs,
as well as the comb-like implements
with three or four teeth, are used in
dividing loosened fibers of sinew and
grass for thread. The sinew from the
legs or neck of reindeer is dried and
beaten with a maul to loosen the fibers,
which are then divided and cleaned.
Tough grass is gathered, dried and
beaten, then hatchelled with the combs
described above.
Tobacco and Smoking.
Dr. E. W. Nelson in "The Eskimo
About Bering Straits," says: "Tobacco
was first introduced among the Alaskan
Eskimo from Asia, by way of Bering
Strait, by their Siberian neighbors, and
by the same route came the pipes 'with
cylindrical bowls and wide rims, similar
to those used in eastern Asia. Tobacco
is used in different forms by both
sexes; the women usually chew it or
take it in the form of snuff, but rarely
smoke it; the men use it in all these
ways. The tobacco now used by these
.people is obtained from the traders,

and is usually in the form of the nat
ural leaf, tied in small bunches called
'hands.' "For chewing the tobacco is cut into
shreds on boards which are usually
merely plain tablets from a few inches
to a foot or more in diameter, but they
are sometimes ornamented with an in
cised pattern. When the tobacco has
been cut sufficiently fine it is mixed
with ashes obtained from tree fungus
and kneaded and rolled into rounded
pellets or quids, often being chewed a
little by the women in order to incor
porate the ashes more thoroughly.
From four to eight of the pellets are
prepared at one time; these are packed
in little boxes ready for use.
"For smoking the tobacco is cut very
fine, then a little tuft of fur is plucked
from the clothing and wadded at the
bottom of the narrow, cylindrical bowl
of the pipe, and the tobacco is placed
on top of this bowl until it is full. A
small fragment of tinder is then light
ed with flint and steel and placed on
the tobacco . The smoker gives two or
three, sharp draws, which thoroughly
ignite the tinder and tobacco, and then
draws the smoke into his lungs by a
long, deep inhalation, which consumes
all the tobacco contained in the pipe.
After retaining the smoke as long as
possible it is exhaled, and the smoker
puts away the pipe. For making snuff
the tobacco is finally shredded, and is
then thoroughly dried, after which it
is pounded in a small mortar with a
wooden pestle until reduced to powder.
After being thus treated, it is sifted, to
remove the coarser particles, until it is
finally of the fineness required. For
this purpose they use small sieves. The
snuff is kept in neatly made boxes, and
is used by placing one end of a tube
(made from the wing bone of a goose
or other water fowl) successively in
each of the nostrils and inhaling vigor
ously from the snuff-box in which the
other end of the tube is placed."

52

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

Pipes

"The tobacco pipes used by the Es
kimo on the mainland and adjacent
islands of northern Alaska vary consid
erably in different localities, but in
general their remarkable likeness to
pipes used in China and Japan is note
worthy, and suggests the source
whence the patterns were derived." (Dr.
E. W. Nelson.) In the collection most
of the pipes are of wood with a mouth
piece of bone or ivory, but specimens
from St- Lawrence Island are elabor
ately carved from walrus ivory. Nos.

1678 and 1679 are decorated with elab
orate designs. The bowl is of fossil
ivory. No. 1864 from St. Lawrence
Island, is inlaid with lead and is magni
ficently decorated. No. 275 from Mary's
Igloo, is a fine specimen of Eskimo
work. It is 14 inches long. The cop
per bowl is evidently a candle socket
from the Russian church candelabra.
It has a walrus ivory mouth-piece three
inches long. An iron spatula is attach
ed on sealskin thong, decorated with
two green beads. The pipe stem was
drilled from two different directions.

Labrets

According to Dr. D. S. Neuman, Dr.
E. W. Nelson and other writers, the
wearing of labrets and the custom of
tattooing portions of the face was very
general among the Eskimo of the Al
askan mainland and the islands. At
present this custom is almost obsolete,
although on the lips of the old men the
incisions made for them in youth still
remain. Perhaps among the natives in
the far North, where the contact with
the whites has been infrequent, the
wearing of labrets may still be in force.
The custom among men was to pierce
the lip for two labrets, one on each
corner of the mouth, though frequently
only one was worn. The incision for
the labret was made about the age of

14 or 15 years. It was made as a rule
by a slate or stone lancet, the hole at
first just large enough to admit a flat-
headed pin of walrus ivory. The pin
was later replaced by a slightly stouter
pin, and so on, until the incision was
stretched to a diameter of about one-
half inch, when it was ready for the
labret. The woman's labret is considerably
different in style and shape. It is of
sickle shape in form with a broad flat
tened base for resting against the
teeth. The lower border of it has holes
for the attachment of short strings of
very fine beads. The incisions were
made in the under lip just over the
chin. One and two labrets were worn
by the women.

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

53

Kayak

Kayaks are used by all the natives
along the western and northwestern
coast of North America. They vary in
shape, size and the number of hatches,
but the general plan of construction is
the same. The name kayak and bi
darka is the same. The former is the
native term and the latter was derived
from the Russians. Father Veniam
inoff, later Innocent Metropolitan of
Moscow, the first missionary to the
Aleutian Islands, who lived and worked
throughout Alaska for 35 years, in
writing about Unalaska and the Aleu-.
tian chain describes the bidarka and its
construction in a better and more in
telligent manner than any other writer.
He says : "Aleuts, being the inhabitants
of islands, are necessarily obliged to
have some sort of boats to cross the
sea between them. Nature has denied
them the necessary material for build
ing boats, that is, the wood, but as if
in recompense has supplied them with
better intelligence in perfecting a new
and a special flotilla, the bidarka-
Whether the Aleuts, the Kodiak na
tives or the tribes inhabiting the north
of America were the inventors of the
bidarka is not known. But we know
that the first bidarka used by the na
tives was very crude and unwieldly and
could be navigated with great difficulty
from one island to another and then
only in fair weather and smooth sea.
It is an undeniable fact that the per
fection of the bidarka belongs to the
Aleuts. It is only necessary to take a
look at the bidarkas of Kodiaks, the
Aglemuits and the Northern tribes,
from the first glance the superiority of
the Aleut bidarka is apparent. I want
to mention that the present bidarka is
not as perfect as the one used in the
olden times. Those made by the Aleuts
in the times past were so narrow and
had such a sharp keel that it could not
ride on even keel without the rider, and

were so light that a mere child could
carry them from place to place. In the
construction of a good bidarka abouc
60 pieces of ivory are put into the
joints. These pieces are nuts, pivots,
mortise locks, plates, etc. In a bidarka
so constructed every joint moves and
gives during its progress through the
water. Bidarkas of the old make were
very speedy. During the visit of Cap
tains Krenitzin and Levasheff at Un
alaska, one Aleut was sent from Cap
tains Bay to Issanakh Strait, a distance
of 134 miles. He was intrusted with
important documents to one of the
agents. The Aleut covered the distance
in 25 to 30 hours.
"At present there are three kinds of
bidarkas : The one-hatch, the two-hatch
and the three-hatch. All that is men
tioned above is in ref eronce to the one-
hatch bidarka. The three-hatch bidarka
came into use with the advent of the
Russians. "The principal part of the bidarka is
not the keel, but the strips or the upper
frame with some of the cross pieces or
beams. The widest portion of the best
bidarka is not in the center, as some
writers assert, but closer to the bow.
The keel is added and is always made
of three pieces, for the reason that
when in motion the bidarka may have
flexibility on the waves. After the keel
is placed ribs are added running cross-
ways from three to seven inches apart.
Strips running lengthwise are then tied
to the ribs with sealskin straps or split
whalebone. "The cover is made from sea-lion or
sealskins, which is cut out on the
frame and is then sewn together with
exception of the upper seam running
from the man-hole to the stern, this
last seam is sewn up after the skin is
slipped over the frame. The finished
bidarka is well oiled before it can be
used in the water."

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

55

Masks

The museum has a large and varied
collection of masks from^the northern
portion of Alaska, used by the Eskimo
people. The collection was made by
Dr. Neuman and many specimens in
it were acquired by the Territory prev
iously. These represent masks used in
ceremonial and festival occasions, those
used by shamans in their ritualistic
practices and those of totemic origin
used on the graves and burial places.
"When masks are worn in any cere
monial, either totemic or as represent
ing the shade Yu-a or Tunghak, the
wearer is believed to become myster
iously and unconsciously imbued with
the spirit of the being which his mask
represents, just as the namesakes are
entered into and possessed by the
shades at certain parts of the festival
for the dead. Shamans make masks
representing grotesque faces of super
natural beings which they claim to
have seen. These may be Yu-a, which
are the spirits of the elements, of
places, and of inanimate things in gen
eral; the Tunghak, or the wandering
genii or the shades of people and ani
mals. . . . Curious mythological beasts
are also said to inhabit both land and
sea, but become visible only on special
occasions. These ideas furnish mater
ial upon which their fancy works, con
juring up strange forms that are us
ually modifications of known creatures.
. . . Masks may also represent totemic
animals, and the wearers during the
festivals are believed actually to be
come the creatures represented or at
least to be endowed with its spiritual
essence- . . . Many masks are very
complicated, having numerous append
ages of feathers and carved wood;
these represent limbs or are symbolic.
The masks are also painted to represent
features or ideas connected with myth

ology of the being. Many masks have
wooden models of thumbless hands at
tached to the sides, the palms of the
hands being pierced with large, cir
cular holes; these are usually found on
masks representing birds, beasts and
spirits having some connection with
making game more or less plentiful."
(Dr. E. W. Nelson.)
In the collection there is one very
large mask made from the butt of a
drift wood log, carved to represent a
woman's face. This specimen was pro
cured from the Big Diomede Island.
Dr. D. S. Neuman describes this speci
men as being a fetish that hung in
front of the Kazhim or the meeting
house. In giving the dances the na
tives of the island offered food to the
idol to offset any dangers that might
be threatened; to bring good and suc
cessful hunting. When the hunting
proved successful food was offered to
the idol from the meat, oil and blubber
obtained. They worshiped the idol to
heal the sick, etc.
There are two very old wooden dolls
in the collection from the same island
that were used in the meeting house
after a successful hunt. These were
suspended from the ceiling during the
dance. Food from the whale or seal
caught during the hunt was offered to
them. Another idol is "Kuzenzak" about
ten inches long, having a fish back and
carved to represent a being partly
human and partly fish- This was used
in spring at the time when naviga
tion opened and the boats were launch
ed for the first time after the ice op
ened. This idol was either hung up on
the mast or kept in the boat to bring
a successful hunt. If the hunt proved
successful the idol was fed from the
animal food obtained at the time.

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

57

The Territorial Collection

Aside from the collection exhibited
as the "Dr. Neuman's Collection" the
specimens exhibited in the third bal
cony are designated as the "Lieuten
ant Emmon's Collection." These speci
mens were gathered by Lieut. George
T. Emmons, U. S. Navy, for the Ter
ritory. Many articles in this collection
are duplicates of the Neuman collec
tion, but bear distinct differences as to
the locality from which they were pro
cured. They come from the lower Yu
kon territory and mostly from the Kus-
kokwim district. In their general form
they are very similar to the Neuman
collection but are of more recent date.
There are many pieces that are entirely
different. This can be seen in the cere
monial head dresses used during the
winter dances, the personal adorn
ments, comprising the earrings worn
by the men, earrings worn by women.

Needle cases of recent make with fine
etchings, and housewife fasteners for
the sewing bags. There are curiously
carved spoons, tobacco boxes, quid boxes
and wooden playing cards. There are
also Eskimo dolls made of ivory, dolls
made of wood and dressed in furs, and
many other objects of great interest.
The most interesting part of the Terri
torial collection is the display of bas
kets from all parts of Alaska. Coiled
baskets of coarse grass from the Ber
ing Straits, circular in shape for keep
ing trinkets, and clothing, baskets for
berries, for carrying fish, and others.
There is a large collection of baskets
from the British Columbia Indians
made very substantially and from thick
split spruce-roots, baskets from the in
ner bark of the red cedar trees and
clothes hampers from the Queen Char
lotte Islands.

Eskimo Baskets, Mats and Bags

The Eskimo women are quite expert
in weaving grass mats, baskets, grass
socks, mittens and bags. Mats are used
for sleeping benches, for wrapping
around the bedding and in the kayaks
to sit on. The baskets are used for
storing away clothing and supplies. The
smaller sizes for storing small articles,
used in the house. The material used
in making baskets is coarse grass, the

stem of the grass being used for the
foundation and the blade coiled and
stitched on. The ornamentation is
very simple. Strips of light skin of
fish or light hide are run through the
sides in a straight line. In some bas
kets claws of small birds are sewn
around the middle. Soft open-work,
twined baskets are used for carrying
fish and roots.

Salishan and Haida Baskets
This collection was secured from the manufactured by the Salish Indians
natives of British Columbia, inhabit- and the other portion by the Haida
ing the coast and adjacent islands, tribes. These baskets are made from
from Vancouver to the Frazier River, coarse cedar splints, bound with split
The larger portion of the baskets was cedar roots and ornamented with strips

58

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

of wild grass and bark. They are so
closely woven that they are watertight.
They are made for storage of articles
of clothing, and carriage of berries and
fish. Before the introduction of tin
and granite vessels the baskets of this
pattern were used for water buckets
and cooking pots. In the collection
there is one from Chilkoton, made by
the Athabaskan natives, that is worth
describing in full. It is specimen No.
27, a coiled basket of spruce root,
bound together with spruce root woof-
The outer surface is imbricated in
white straw and ornamented with
cherry bark; near the upper edge is a
bark zone of spruce root, around which
is bound a strengthening rod to which
are attached skin loops, through which
reeve the ends of the camping band

which goes over the head or across the
breast and by means of which the bas
ket is carried on the back.
No. 50, from the West Coast of Van
couver Island, made by the Nootka
Sound natives, is an apron of plaited
cedar bark, worn over the back when
packing wood or fish to protect the
body or clothing. The sleevelike loops
come over the shoulder, and the arms
pass through them.
No. 60, from Cape Flattery, collect
ed in 1891 by Judge James Swann, is
a blanket of finely shredded inner bark
of the yellow cedar, which was the
principal article of clothing of the West
Coast people before they came in con
tact with Europeans.
No. 61, from the same locality and
collected by the same man, is a storage
bag of cedar bark.

Aleut Baskets

The Aleut women are expert in
weaving fine grass ware, and for this
purpose they gather grasses, cure and
prepare them with the greatest care.
These grasses are long and soft. The
southern extremity of the chain of the
Islands, known as the Aleutian Islands,
produce grasses that are exceptionally
suited for weaving of the handsome
specimens known as the Attu basket.
The climate seems to assist in raising
just the right kind and quality of
grass. After the grass is gathered, it
is split into the finest strands which
are carefully divided as to color and
quality. Unlimited patience and care is
required in the weaving and the execu
tion of the design. There is something

exceedingly tasteful and exquisite in
the delicate blending of colors and pat
terns which the grass workers employ
in the production of their wares. An
instance is known of a work basket be
ing made to order for a trader by an old
native woman, who was engaged upon
her work for six years. It is needless
to say that the basket, when finished,
was a remarkable exhibition of a beau
tiful handicraft. The native women of
Atkha and Attu were always classed
as the best basket weavers among the
chain of islands. Yet there are many
beautiful specimens produced by the
women living much higher to the north
and on the mainland. But the excellent
product is the result of grasses import
ed from the extreme southern end.

ALASKA HISTORICAL 'MUSEUM

59

Specimens from the Russian Occupation and
Other Historical Relics

Perhaps one of the most interesting
specimens of the historical relics is the
section of a frame from the old Rus
sian steamer "Palitkofsky" built at
Sitka, Alaska, in 1863. The length of
the vessel was 129.5 feet, breadth, 21.3
ft. and the deth, 8.9 ft. Its gross ton
nage was 255.44 and the net tonnage,
174.89. The nominal horsepower was
352. After the transfer of the Territory
the steamer "Palitkofsky" was used in
the coastwise trade between Alaska

and California. In 1897 the steamer
was towed to St. Michael, Alaska, load
ed with goods and supplies for the
Yukon trade. Then for about five years
it was used as a lighter in unloading
vessels at St. Michael. In 1903 it went
on the beach, where it now lies.
In this collection there are many in
teresting objects (such as copper ket
tles, snuff boxes made from copper,
grog cups, wrought iron axes, and many
other things all the products of the
Russian artisans of Alaska.

"The Sitka Times"— The First Newspaper
Edited in Alaska

This interesting historical relic com
mands great interest. It is the first
effort in Alaska to have a newspaper.
Having no type or printing press, the
editor, Barney 0. Ragan, wrote out by
hand all the necessary copies of his
newspaper. The museum is in pos
session of Vol. 1, No. 1 of this inter
esting publication. The paper was ed
ited once a week and sold at twenty-
five cents per copy.
"In 1869, an Irish tailor named T. G.
Murphy, took to Sitka a press and
some type and began the publication
of the "Alaska Times." It was shortly
after the purchase of the country from
Russia, and when there had been con
siderable civilian immigration, in addi
tion to strong military and naval

forces sent there by the government.
Upon the subsidence of the boom, Mur
phy found that he could not possibly
continue the publication of his paper
there, and moved to Seattle. Here he
published it for a while longer as the
"Alaska Times and Seattle Dispatch."
Not being a practical newspaper man,
and the field being very small, he was
soon forced to sell out, which he did to
C. H. Larrabee and Beriah Brown, who
dropped the Alaska feature, and called
the paper the "Puget Sound Dispatch."
The Dispach ran in this way until the
fall of 1878, when it was merged in
the "Intelligencer," which in turn was
consolidated with the "Post" in 1881,
the present "Post Intelligencer" re
sulting." ("The Alaskan" Dec. 26, 1885.)

60

ALASKA HISTORICAL MUSEUM

Some Historical Monuments of Alaska Left
From the Russian Occupation

Of the most interesting and the
greatest historical monuments remain
ing from the Russian times in Alaska
are the old Russian churches with their
wonderful paintings, vestments and
sacred vessels. There are three churches
that are worthy of mention: The Un
alaska Church of the Ascension, The
Kodiak Church of Resurrection and the
St. Michael's Cathedral of Sitka.
The St. Michael's Cathedral at Sitka
is by far the most interesting as a his
torical relic. The Church was finished
and dedicated in honor of St. Michael,
the Archangel on the 8-20 of Novem
ber, 1848.
The edifice is built in the shape of a
cross, one arm of which is occupied by
the entrance.
It has three sanctuaries and as many
altars. The sanctuaries are separated
from the main church by screens,
which are called the iconostas. The
screen of the main church is adorned
with twelve icons in costly silver cas
ings. The silver used upon these icons
would weigh about fifty pounds in solid
metal. The Sitka Madonna in the
chapel of the "Lady of Kazan" is the
pearl of the Russian ecclesiastical art,
which cannot but impress every lover
of art. It was a true artist's brush
that produced this heavenly face of an
ineffable mildness. The charm and
novelty of this ecclesiastical type lies
in its entire harmony with the re
verential purity of true religious in
spiration. Our space forbids us to go into a de
tailed description of the many other
wonderful and inspiring sacred paint
ings, vestments and vessels. Aside
from the historical connection belong
ing to every painting, all the works of
art in this church are very striking.
In the belfry there is an octave of

chimes, the bells of which range in
weight from seventy to fifteen hundred
pounds. The clock in the church tower made
by the hand of the venerable Father
Veniaminoff, the late Metropolitan of
Russia, is worthy of some mention.
Father Veniaminoff, while yet a stu
dent in the Irkutsk theological sem
inary, learned the clock maker's trade
in 1818 from a German clock-maker,
Klim, who was then making a tower
clock for the Cathedral at Irkutsk.
After spending ten years in mis
sionary work on the Aleutian Islands,
Father Venianinoff was transferred to
Sitka. Living at the Capital the good
Father in addition to his literary work
was very fond of using his spare time
in mechanical pursuits. Here in grati
tude to the Russian American Com
pany for their co-operation in enlight
ening the savage races of Alaska and
as a memorial to himself, he made the
tower clock for the St- Michael's Cathe
dral. Speaking of this in later years,
Father Veniaminoff expressed himself
thus: "The clock keeps good time and
strikes the hours accurately even if the
tower of the church has a lean to it."
The clock was made in 1836 and placed
in the old church. Later when the new
Cathedral was finished it was placed
there. Captain Belcher in his voyage on the
ship "Sulphur" in 1837, speaking of
hie visit to Sitka said: "I have visited
the local church and was present there
during the service. The interior of the
church is magnificent, which could not
be expected in a place like this. The
preist is a manly athletic man of about
forty-five years of age, six feet three
inches in height and very intelligent.
He made a very favorable impression
upon me. Having received his per-

TOTEM LORE OF THE ALASKA INDIANS

61

mission to examine his work-shop, I
saw there quite a good organ, (*), a
barometer and many other articles of
his own construction. He was so kind
as to offer his services to repair our
two barometers, and repaired them

very satisfactorily. In spite of the fact
that he spoke in Russian only, we had
become very good friends."

(•) This is no doubt the organ now at the
Sheldon Jackson Museum.

Ore Specimens
In this collection the mines of every tin, coal, marble, asbestos, mica and

district in Alaska are represented. The
specimens cover the entire development
of mining industry of Alaska from the
early days to the present time. There
are specimens of gold, silver, copper,

many other minerals.
Specimens from Alaska sent to the
American Mining Congress held in
1921 at Chicago are now here and a
part of them exhibited.

3 9002