Yale UniyeRili tibial^

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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

HISTORY AND RECORD
i"
t )f ihc proceedings of the People of Lexington and iis vicinilij
in thc suppression of thc "TRUE AMERICAN," from the
commencement nf the movement on the \Ath August, 1S45, to
its final tet mination on Monday thc lS//^ of thc samcmonlh.

The 'True American' of the 12th August contained matter.
as the following pages will show, -well calculated lo e.xcite the
indignation, and to awaken the apprehensions of the jieople of
Lexington and its vicinity. Tlie popular proceedings to which
it led, and the event in which it terminated, has already awa
kened general attention, and will probably lead to a great deal
of discussion in every part of the Uuited y tates. A disposition
to misrepresent the motives and the conduct of some of the
earlier movers in the matter, has been manifested by some of
the presses, even in the city of Lexington. To preserve, in
a connected form, the published proceedings, as well the pub
lications of the Editor of the True American, as those of the
different committees and meetings which acted on the subject,
and to furnish a faithful history of tlie origin of this movement,
and the difTerent steps of its progress, the persons.whose names
are appended hereto, have determined to publish the whole iu
pamphlet form.
After the appearance of the True Ainericnn of the 12th, it
was manifest that the popular indignation in Lexington was
rising to a pitch that threaiened an outbreak in some form of
violence. On the morning of the 14th of August, the following
gentlemen met, accidentally, al the office of James B. Waller,
who was himself not in Lexington at the time They were,
Thomas H Waters, James L. Hickman, Thomas B. Megowan,
Henrij lyockhari, and Tko. F. MarshaU. ¦ The last number of
the ''i'rue American,' and the high and dangerous excitement
tl was producing, became at once the subject of conversation.
The apprehension of partial mobs and disUirbances within the
'"ity by night, was expressed. The probabilitie.; that MrClav'5.
person and private d^veliing were in d.Tn^ci luim the growing
<?.xa.:re'atioii oi the people. ¦<':if iijcuiiycd. I'he fe?,i thaf ••.p;'"

2
a'adden or irregular movement upon the subject, might assunro
a political complexion, and produce the most unpleasant, if not
¦the most disastrous consequences, was suggested. The pro
priety ofa public meeting, to be summoned by a. Botice, whicii
had already been prepared by Mr. Hickman, was also consid
ered. Mr. Mafshall alluded to the great delicacy of his own
position in relation to the whole question. He deprecated th'e
affair taking a party turn, and suggested the propriety of ma
king out a list of citizens of both parties, and notifying them
by private notice, to attend that evening at the Court House
at'S o'clock, for tha purpose cf opening a correspondence with
Mr Clay upon the subject. The list was made out, and Mr
Megowan undertook to notify the gentlemen.
In case of a failure to induce Mr Clay to discontinue his pa
per by an application in writing, it was at the same time agreed
among these gentlemen, that there should then be proposed a
general call of the people of the City and County, and several
days given for the notice. Above all, it was agreed that party
.should be kept entirely out of view. The design was from the
beginning, to prevent bloodshed and violence it possible; at all
events, by concentrating the public mind, and the whole peo
ple, to prevent partial movements and individual action, which
under the peculiar circumstances of this case, and the relations
personal as well as political, of the Editor of the True Ameri
can, might have led to so much disaster, and would certainly
have been subject to so much misrepresentation.
We have inserted, as part of these proceedings, an article
aigned "A Kentuckian." It was written after the adjournment
oi the meeting of the I4th, and was intended to sustain the
first movement. It vvas published first in the Kentucky Ga
zette of the 16th, but on the same day in handbill form, and cir
culated along with the journal, correspondence, and address of
the meeting of the 14th August, and has appeared to us prop
erly to form a part of this history.
The undersigned have had the satisfaction of witnessing
what they originally desired — a popular movement without
distinction of party. The call made by a few citizens upon a
generous and manly people, has been heartily and promptly
responded to; and the whole affair, delicate and dangerous as
it was, has been conducted to its fortunate issue, in safetv and
in honor. The meeting of the 14th was small, there havin"
hetn no general or public notice of it; none indeed was inten-
ed. Of the Whigs who had been requested to attend, several
were present, and the remainder it w^as understood acquiesced
in the movement. C. M.Clay came into the room and re-
innined some limf. Sevoral W^hii^? arrived after hc had fone.

<>\i the l.'j'rli', whci: ('. )ii. Clay's answer wan read, and i\l-i
Watoi'a' address reported, the Court House was crowded; and
uever was there .=iurely such silence and perfect order maiu--
tiined in so large a body of men under such circumstance.^.
The proceedings were had and the meeting adjourned withoiu
the slightest murmur. No religious assembly could have main
tained profounder or more ilecorous silence and attention.
The following is the Notice prepared by James L. HickmaiT
Esq. an1 postponed on account of tlie proposition ta make oui
a list of particular citizens and notify them specially:
NOTICE.
The citizens of Lexington are requested to meet at the Court
House this evening at 4 o'clock, to take into consideration the
propriety of adopting suitable measures to protect the proper
ty, and defend the wives and daughters of the citizens of Le:>
ington against the "strong arms,Jieri/ hearts und iron- pikes'
of the so called True American.

The following is the list made out in James B. Waller's of
fice of gentlemen to be requested to attend at 3 o'clock at the
Court House. Of this list Tho. B. Mepowan notified all the
gentlemen but tvvo: Thomas S. Redd and Parker Craig. Mr.
Craig was absent from the city, and Mr Megowan could not
find Mr. Redd. All the gentlemen approved the proreedurc.
ttnd engaged to atten-d it if convenient.
"Invite the following named gentlemen' to meet at the (Jouit
House at 3 o'clock this evening, to consult oo what course
would be proper to pursue, in relation to the publication in thi.s
city of the paper called the -True American.' Aug. 14, lS4i>.
Dr. Ben.W. Dudley, 'Parker Craig,* D. Mc. Payne, '
John W. Hunt; W. H Richaixlson,' E. K. Sayre, <¦
D. M. CEajo-,' John McCauley,- Wm.S. Waller,'
H. T. Duncan,- Tho. Bradley,'" Saml. R. BuUockj
H. H. Timberlake,' L. C. Randall,* J. C. Breckinridge, -
Wm. Wilson, r Dr J. C. Cross,* Thomas Grant, •"
Thomas S. Redd,' J. O. Harrison,* Maslin Smith, '
Henry Johnson,* Ed. McAlister,- Ed. P. Johnson,"
W. K. Higgins,' Jas. A. Grinstead,'B. A. Hicks,*
The meeting, at least a portion of the gentlemen notified at
tended at the hour. Several gentlemen who had promised ta
attend not having arrived, after some conversation il was mo-

Ted to adjourn. Mv Hunt, Mr Dudley M. Craig, and olhtrr
of the Whig party coming in however, thc meeting procccdcu
to birsiness. The following is the journal of their entire p«'-
ceedings:
TO THE PUBLIC.
At a meeting of sundry citizens of Lexington at tlic Court llou;>e
on Tliursday, Mth August, Beverley A. Hicks was called lo thcchair,
aud the meeting being oiganized,the following icsolulionswerc unan
imously adopted, after which thc meeting adjourned to mecl at a
o'clock, P. M. to-morrow 15lh. Signed, BEVERLEY A. HICKS,
Chairman.
Resolved, That a committee of three bc appointed to wait upon Cas
sius M. Clay, editor of the True Anierican,and request him to discon
tinue tlie publication ofthe paper called thc "True American" as ita
further continuance, in our judgement, is dangerous to thc peace of
our community, and to the safely of our homes and families.
2d. That the Committee report to this assembly to-morrow evenino;
at 3 o'clock the result of their application and Mr. Clay's answei .
B. W. DUDLEY, )
THOS. H. WATERS,'. Com't.
JOHN W. HUNT. ^ )
The meeting assembled pursuant lo adjournment, and Tliomasll.
Watersone ofthe Committee of corrcspondencc,reportcd thtfollowirig
letter and answer of C. M. Cky. Le.xington, 14th Aug., 1845.
C.4SSIUS M. Clat, E.sq.
Sir: — We, the undersigned, have been appointed as a committee
upon the part of a number ofthe respectable citizens of the City of
Le.vington to correspond •\yith you, under the following resolution.
Resolved, Tlrat a Committee of three be appointed to wait upon
Cassius iM. Clay, Editor ofthe "True American," and request him to
discontinue the publication of the paper called the " True American "
as its further continuance, incur judgment, is dangerous to the peace
of our community, and to the safety ofour homes and families.
In pursuance ofthe above, we hereby request you to discontinue
your paper, and would seek to impress upon you the importance of
your acquiescence. Your paper is agitating aad exciting our com
munity to an extent of which you can scarcely be aware. We do not
approach you in the form of a threat. But we owe it to you to state,
that.inourjudgnient, your otv'n safety, as well as the repo.se and peace
of the community, are involved in your answer. We await your
reply, in the hope that your own good sense and regard for tiie rea
sonable wishes of a community in which you have many conne.x-
ions and friends, will induce you promptly to comply with our request.
AVe are instructed to report your answer to a meeting, to-morrow eve
ning, at three o'clock, and will expect it by two o'clock, P. M., of
lo-moirow. Re.spectfuUv, iic.
r,. W. DUDLEY,
THO. H. WATERS
JOHN W. HUNT '

To which Mr. Clay iniuU- tho liilluwiiigri ply .
rfina: — 1 received llirourjli llio Jwiidsi of Mr. Tlioims If, U'atcr,-;,.
one of your commiltec, siiico cnndle-liglit,yoiir extraordinary letter,
luasinuch as two of your coiiiiiiiltofi and myself are not upon sjxiak-
ing terms, and when 1 add li> this the tact that you have taken occa
sion to address mo a noto of this cliaracter, when 1 am ona bed of
sickness of more ihan a monUrs standing, from whicii 1 have only
ventured at intervals lo ride oui and to write a few paragraphs, whicli
cauaed a relapse, I think thnt the American people will agree with mo,
that your office is a base and dishonorable one, more particularly
when they reflect that you havo had more than two montli.s whilst i
was in health to accomplish the same purpose. — I say in reply lo your
assertion that you arc a commiltec ap|ioiiited by a respectable portion
of the community, that il cannot be true. Traitors to tho laws and
Constitution cannot bc deemed respectable by any but assassins, pi
rates and highway robbers. Your meeting is one unknoAvn to the
laws and constitution of my country, it was secret in its proceedings,
its purposes, its spirit, and its action, like its mode of cxistc»ce, are
wholly unknown to and in direct violation of evcry known principle
of honor, religion or government, held sacred by thc civilized world.
1 treat them with the burning contempt of a bravo heart and loyal cit
izen. I deny their power and defy their action. It may bo true that
those men arc excited as you say, whose interest it is to prey upon tho
excitement and distresses of the country. What tyrant ever tailed to
bc excited when his unjust power was about to bc taken from his
hands ? But I deny, utterly deny, and call foi proof, that tliere is any
just ground for this agitation. In every case of violence by thc blacks
since the publication of my paper, it has been proven and will bo again
proven by my representatives, if my life should fail to bo spared, that
there has been special causes for their action independent of, and
having no relation whatever to the "True American" or its doctrines.
Your advice with regard to my personal safety is worthy ofthe soiirco
whence it einaiKited,and meets witli the same contempt from mo which
the purposes of your mission excite. Go tell your secret conclave of
cowardly assassins that C. M. Clay knows his riglits and hovsr to do-
fend them.
Lexington, Aug. 15, 1845. C. M. CLAY
After the reading of the correspondence, Mr. Waters otTercd the
following address and resolutions which wcrc unanimously adopted r
The answer of the "Editor of the Trne American" to a note di
rected to him yesterday by a committee of this body of the citizens
of Lexington, acting under a resolution of thc same, demands at our
hands a deliberate reply.
The editor in his response lo thc note of our committee whicii will
appear in our published proceedings, uses tho following language :
" I say in reply to your assertion that you arc a committee appointed
by a respectable portion ofthe community, thatit cannot be truc^

Traitors to the laws and constitution cannot bodecinedrospoctabioby'
any but assa-ssins, pirates, and highway robbers. Your meeting is om-
unknown to the lawa and constitution of my country; it was secret
ill its proceedings, its purposes, its spirit and its action, like its mode
of existence, aro wholly unknown to and in direct violation of every
known principle of honor, religion or government, hold sacred by the
civilized world. I treat them with the contempt of a brave heatt and
a loyal citizen. I deny their power and defy their action. It may be
true that thosc men arc e.Ycited as you say, whose interest it is to
Drey upon the excitement and distresses of the country. What ty
rant ever failed to be excited when his unjust power was about to be
taken from his hands? " Appended to the handbill, which appeared
this morning over the signature " C. M. Clay " there is an appeal
to " Kentuckians," in which this mcotihg is denounced as a band of
Tyrants worse than the " Athenian Thirty," and closing with the fol
lowing significant summons: "Men who regard law — men who re
gard their liberties as not to bo sacrificed to a single pecuniary inter
est, to say the least, of doubtful value — lovers of justice — enemiea
of blood — laborers of all classes, you for ¦whom I have sacrificed so
much, where will you be found when this battle between Liberty and
SZfli'ery is to be fought?""
Thc meaning and purpose of the man can scarce admit of question.
For whom is it, that he has made siich sacrifices? For which class
of laborers in our comniunity, is that particular description intended?
Had the scheme of Abolition ripened to its final explosion among us,
were the nonslaveholding laborers of our country prepared to mak(:
• common cause with insurgent Blacks, and to flock to the standard of
a " desperado," in a war for universal liberty, this proclamation of one
who seems tobe mad, would bo, indeed, appalling. As our object,.
however, is not to put forth a counter manifesto, to unfurl the banner
of civil war, or to advertise for recruits, wc proceed calmly to exam
ine the circumstances which led to our assembly and proceedings;
circumstances, which, in our judgment, demand the suppression of
the "True American," by the force of public opinion, if possiblo.
We do not mean to discuss tho question of slavery with the editor of
the True American, or any one else. With his theory of human
rights, or his application of the principles of tho « Declaration of In
dependence" to tho African race in America, wc will have no discus
sion. We know that there is a party in the United States, waxing
stronger, active, vigilant and utterly fanatical, who maintain that Afri
can Slavery should be abolished forthwith ; the Freedraen remaining
upon the soil, and admitted to all the political rights of Citizens.
With this party, the editor of the " True American" is associated ; by
ihem he is sustained, and has erected his press in Kentucky, for the
purpose of urging their principles and effecting their objects.
»* From the first estabhshment ofthe paper, the editor has bome
himself like a man engaged, and conscientiously engaged in a des
perate and unlawful undertaking. Defiance and threats were liis

earliest hetaWs. This community have heretofore borne with pa
tience, the continuance of the paper, from a variety of causes need
less to be enumerated. The Tuesday's number, 12th Aug., however,
contained matter so unequivocal, so unexpected, so audacious, that
men must have been besotted, or stupified, or paralysed utterly, by
the basest terrors not tohave been roused, to notice the subject with
decision. The leading article in that days paper, occupies three
columna and a half, and is devoted to the detail of the modus operan
di of Abolition. The fundamental proposition of the writer is this,
m his own language : " Oor Legislatures, State and General, should
raise the platform upon which our free colored people stand. They
should give to them, full political right to hold office ; to vote, to set
on juries, to give their testimony, and make no distinction between
theni and ourselves."
This is bad enough, quite bad enough, but isby way of recommen
dation; the instrument upon which the writer relies is moral suasion,
directed to the masters, — ^The editorial, however, of that day, assumes
another tone. He does not pursuade, but threatens. Discarding the
mild, but as he thinks, hopeless agency of moral reasoning, he appeals
directly to physical force, in its most appalling forms. The para
graphs to which we refer, and were the direct cause of our proceed
ings, are the most remarkable ever put forth in this community. In
explanation of our conduct, wc quote them at large. The editor,
after anticipating that in case he should perish, sorae other philan
thropist would arise to fill his place, proceeds: "It is the weakness
"and disease in the State that has forced us into our present position ;
"and if we should perish, the same causes would raise up many more,
"and abler than we, to vindicate the same cause. We had hoped to
"sce on this continent, the great a.xiom that man is capable of self
"government amply vindicated : we had no objections to the peacea-
"ble and honorable extention of empire, ovcr the whole continent, if
"equal freedom expanded with the bounds of nS^ion, gladly would we
"have seen untold millions of freemen, enjoying liB&rty of conscience,
"resting under their own vine and fig tree with none to make them
"afraid, standing upon a sacred and inviolate constitution at home, and
"just towards all nations — such was the vision of the Immortal Wash-
"ington, and such was ours. Bnt we are told the enunciation of the
"great and soul stirring principles of revolutionary patriots was a lie —
"as the dog returns to his vomit, we are to go back to the foul and cast
"off rags of European tyrany, to hide our nakedness: Slacery, the
^'¦most unmitigated, the lowest, the basest that the world has seen, is to
"be substituted forever, for our better, more glorious, holier aspira-
"tions — the Constitution is torn and tramjited under foot ; justice and
"good faith in a nation are derided ; brute force is substituted in the
"place of high nioral tone: all the great principles of national liberty
"which we inherited from our British ancestry are yielded up — and
"we are left without God or hope in the World. When the great
''hearted of our land weep, and the man of reflection maddens in the

¦•conlemphilion of our national aposlacy ; there arc men pursuing
"gain and pleasure, who .miiile wilh contempt and indillbrcncc al
"their appeals. But remember you who diuell in marble palaces —
"<Aa< there arc strong arms and fiery hearts, and iron pikes in the
''streets, and panes of glass only between them and the silver piate on
"ihe board, and the smooth sldn woman on the Ottoman. — VVhcn you
' havc mocked at virtue, denied the agency of God in the affairs of men,
"and made rapine yonr honied faith ; tremble, for the day of rctribu-
"tion is at hand — and tlic masses will bc avenged."
Thore is a miscrrWc effort in C. M. Clay's handbill this morning
to explain tfccsc horrible passages. He says in his commentary upon
the article, tkat, " It will bc perceived by tho reader that the whole
piece alludes to national policy and the loss of a high sense of justice
in the administration of our national affairs. That he means by thc
masses the white millions who will in the course of time when that
poverty tlie consequence of slavery presses on them follow the cxam-
j)lo of their plunderers and in turn plunder them. This is the idea,
•conveyed hc says, " in liis eliptical inanner." It was of slavery thc
most unmitigated, thelowest, the basest, that the editor was writing.
The passages are. clear, distinct, and unambiguous. There is no elip-
sis in thc case — they are protuberant in their lionid fullness. " Trem
ble for the day .of retiiibution is at hand !" By what eliptical figure
can this be made to relate to the far future? There was and is but
¦one impression in Lcxi3igton as to these articles. The excitement
was great and natural. That an ally of the Northern abolitionists
should claim the benefit of the press, and the full protection of laws,
whose validity in oneof the most important of our social relations he
aboolutclj denies, that he should claim for himself the right to excite
to sedition, by inflamatory publications, addressed to all tlic passions
of ourslaves, and to arm as though it were an arsenal the den from
whence he fulminates hisinfernal.bulletins against the settled institu
tions of tlio country, and the safety and the peace of our wives and
daughters, and at tlio same time deny to us the right of meeting in
peaceful and unarraed council to deliberate of the best mode of
preventing frightful and threatened outrage, is of a piece with the teri-
ble fanaticism of thc sect to which the editor belongs. We assem
bled to endeavor, in advance of that just popular resentment whicii .
awaits the reckless incendiary, which does not always, and sometimfcs
cannot pause, for the slow effort of laws, to endeavor by mildness an\i
remonstrance, to turn faini from his purpose, and consequently avert
the storra of public indignation which he seeks to raise. Wc havc
made the efibrt, and encountered his denunciation. Mercy to our
slaves, a regard for the pubhc peace, self respect, and respect for the
character of the community forbids us to be beaten back, by the out
rage and abuse heaped upon us by one desperate man.
We assume not to decide for a society who have with usa common
interest,— -butas a portion of dial community, recommend a "eneral
meeting of thc people of the cily of Lexington and county of lav-

ette to be held on Monday next, Aug. 18th, tb concert mcanures fot
the suppression of the farther publication of the " Abolition paper "
called the True American.,- Be it therefore
Resolved, That a notice be pubhshed for a general meeting of the
people of this city and county to be held on Monday 11 o'clock, a.m.
at the Court-House, to take into consideralion the most effectual-steps,
to secure our interests from- the efforts of Abolition Fanatics and in
cendiaries. Mr. Henry Johnson offered^ thc resolution to print, which was
adopted. Resolved, That 1000 copies in handbill form of the Journal of
proceedings of this meeting, along with their address be published'
for circulation, and that a conunittee of three bc appouited to superin
tend thc publication.
Mr. H. Johnson then moved' an adjournment; whichwas carried
unanimously, and the meeting adjourned.
BEVERLY A. HICKS; Chairman.
On' the moi-ning of the ISthy Mr C, M. Clay threw before
the public his correspondence in the following handbill:
TRUE AMERICAN— EXTRA.— Aug. 15, 1845.
To a Jusl People. — I deem it due to myself and the cause of
the people, the constitutional liberty of my State, that I make
a few explanations before the enemies of all these proceed to
extremity, that they tnay be left without excuse in the estima
tion of all just men. I learned a few moments before 3 o'clock,
that a public meeting was to- be holden at that hour in the Court
House, to take measures for the suppression of the publication
of the True American'. Immediately, unwell as I was, I pro
ceeded to- the Court House, to vindicate, as I shall ever be rea
dy to do, the principles and policy maintained in that paper.
1 found about twenty individuals, including some two or three
personal friends who followed me in. I knew thern all to be
political, and three-fourths of them violent personal enemies.
I saw but one so-called- Whig, and he has been ever since the
publication of the paper, one of the moet violent opponents.
I will give the names of these men, hereafter, to the public.
Two speakers proposed to dissolve the riieeting, and Captain
Henry Johnson, a cotton planter, declafed that although he
was ever ready to act boldly upon this shbject, he would not
then, nor hereafter, take any aciion in regard to the True
American, unless the Whig party also ca^ne up and incurred
the same responsibility. Thomas F. Mkr^hall said that he
had regarded it asa public not a private neeting, and that he
conceived that the public disiatisfactiou aad exciteiriunT, ve:e

TO
based upon the editorial published by me in the last "Ameri
can," where I spoke of the consequences of the disregard of
the principles of justice by the leading men of the Nation; and
another person remarked that dissatisfaction was also founded
upon the ppinion set forth in the teader in the last paper.
Here several persons contended that it was a private mewting,
upon which I started to leave the house, explaining to Mr.
i\Iarshall, in passing, that a construction had been put upon
my article which it never entered mv head to convey, as
any sensible man who will read the piece, will see, who knows
the circumstances in which I am placed, having regard to com
mon sense, the effectuation of my own purposes, or the .safety.
of myself and relatives, that I could never intend to give it. It
will be perceived by the reader of that article, that the whole
piece aUudes to National policy, and the loss of a high sense of
justice in the administration of our National affairs, resulting
from the influence of negro slavery upon the nalional action,
even to the habitual violation of tiie Constitution; and further
meant to convey the idea, in my. elliptical manner, that in a
couutry like ours, where suffrage is universal, and standing ar
mies impossible, that those men who are drawing substance'
and power from the existence and extension of Slavery, at the
expense of the interests of the great masses of the legal voters
ofthis Union, who are now and have been sacrificed atthe
shrine of Slavery 4 that these men, the White millions (having
noalksiofl whatever to the Blacks of the South) would in the(
course of time, whea that poverty pressed upon them which'
Slavery had been themost instrumental in causing, follow the
example of their plunderers, and in turn plunder them. Such
was the case in "France when the oppressed rose upon the Op-
pressor, and spared neither property, life, nor sex."
As to the Blacks, yve have ever held in our printed argu-^
ments, and in our secret opinion, that the Slaves, whilst the
Union lasts, are utterly impotent for any very extensive mis-,
chief, even in the Cotton countries, andl regard the idea of in
surrection in Kentucky, where there are about six Whites to
one Black, as ridicuious, and only used by the Slaveholders as a
Bug-a-boo, to maintain the ascendancy of their power in the
State; and even if ak insurrectien should take place, I feel my
aelf as much bound, is any citizen in the state, to shoulder my
musket to suppress jt, and in the discharge of my duty I am
not willing to admit that any person is more ready. ' With
regard to the leadeiof the same paper, I said iu Ihe beginnino-'
that I intended to ^How full freedom of discussion upon the

11
=^!ii'ijert' (if Slavery, and !¦ said for several weeks, at the head cf
my i-iiilorial columns, under mv own signature, that I intend-
!hI to allow under the editorial head also, great latitude of
opinion, without comment. Differing as I did in some impor
tant points from the writer of this article, who I repeat is v.
large Slaveholder, I intended to give my individual view.s on
the same subject,- in my very next number, which when given
will put my enemies under the necessity of denouncing, when
they denounce me, the immortal Washington, a name sacred
to the lovers of liberty of all time andplace. 1 had not expect
ed inthe abundance of my charity, that the most' fa lien men
would have taken advantage of my helpless condition, arising
from a long and' painful illness, to sacrifice me: when even in
health, I stood almost one man against a thousandl I tell these
men, however, that they much mistake their man, and that if
they do succeed in accomplishing their purposes, and seal
their triumph' with my blood,, that their banners of victory
shall wave over a violated Constitution, the grave of Liberty,
and the impious defiance of the Laws of God, ahd the moral
sense of all' mankind. If I stood in defence only of my own
right, I might be deterred from the unequal contest r but when
I stand for the six hundred thousand- free white citizens of my
native state* allegiance to which, and her interests, concen
tred by all republican principles in the majority of her peo
ple, I cannot lay down my arms. To my children, and friends
wherever found, if I know myself, it shall never be said, at
least of one citizen of Kentucky, that he preferred life,, to hon
or and duty to his eotintry.
e. M. CLAY.
Thursday,. A.ogust Mth, 1845;
Since writi.ig.the above handbill, I have received the follow
ing letter from the hands of Tho. H. Waters,- on my sick bed..
at my own house: LExrKGTON, 14th Aug-r, 1845.
CASsi'trs M. Clat,. Esqy
Sir:— We, the undersigned, have been- appointed as a committee-
upon the part ofa number of the respectable citizens of the City of
Lexington to> correspond with you,under the following resolution.
Resolved, That a Committee of three be appointed to wait upon-
Cassius M. Clay, Editor ofthe "True American,?' and request him to
discontinue the publication ofthe paper called the "True American "
as its further continuance, incur judgment, is dangerous to the peace
of our community, and to the safety of our homes and iamili'es.
In pursuance of the above, we hereby request you to discontinue
your paper, and would seek to impress upon you the importunce of

12
your acquieecence. Your paper is agitating and exciting our coai-
munity to an extent of which you can .scarcely be aware. We do not
approach you in the form of a threat. But we owe it to you to stats,
thaljnourjudgment, your own safety, as well as the repose and peace
of the community, are involved in your answer. VVe await your
reply, in the hope that your own good sense and regard for the, rea
sonable wishes of a community in which you have many connex
ions aud friends, will induce you promptly to comply with our request.
We are instructed to report your answer to a meeting, to-morrow eve
ning, at three o'clock, and will expect it by two o'clock, P. M., of
te-morrow. Respectfully, &c.
B. W. DUPLEY,
THO. H. WATERS,
JOHN W. HUNT.
To w'hich I made the following reply, which will be deliver
ed to-day, at the hour oppointed :
Sim: — I received through the hands of Mr. Thomas H. Waters,
one of your committee, since cand'e-light, your extraordinary lettei.
Inasmuch as two of your committee and myself are not upon speak
ing terms, and when I add to this thc fact that you have taken occa
sion to address me a note of this Character, when I am on a bed of
sickness of moro than a montli's standing, -from which I have only
ventured at intervals to ride out and to write a few paragraphs, which
caused a relapse, I think thnt the American people will agree with me,
that your office is a base ahd dishonorable one, more particularly
when they reflect that you have had more than two months whilst 1
vtas in health to accomplish the sarae purpose. — I tay in reply to your
assertion that you are a committee appointed by a respectable portion
of the community, that it cannot be true. Traitors to the laws and
Constitution cannot be deemed respectable by any but assassins, pi
rates and highway robbers. Your meeting is one unknown to the
laws and constitution of my country; it was secret in its proceedings;
its purposes, its spirit, and its action, like its mode of existence, are
wholly unknown to and in direct violation of every known principle
of lienor, r€fligion or government, held sacred by the civilized world.
I treat them with the burning contempt of abrave heart and loyal cit
izen. I deny their power and defy their action. It may be true that
those men are excited as you say, whose interest it is to prey upon the
excitement and distresses of the country. What tyrant ever failed to
be e.xci ted when his -unjust power was about to be taken from his
hands ? But I deny, utterly deny, and call for proof^ that there is any
just ground for this agitation. In evcry case of violence by the blacks
since the publication of my paper, it has been proven and will be again
proven by my representatives, if my life should fail to be spared, that
there has been special causes for their action independent of, and
having no relation whatever to the-" True American" or its doctrines.
Your advice with regard to my personal safety is worthy ofthe source
whenee it emanated,and meets with the same contempt from Me which

l;t
¦tlie purposes of your mis.sioii excite. Go tell your secret conclave oi
cowardly assassins that C. M Clay knows his rights and how to de
fend them.
Lexington, Aug. 15, 18.1.5. C. M. CL.-VY
KENTUCKIANS:
Y-oK seo this attempt nf these tyrants, worse
than ihe thirti/ despots who lorded it over the once free Athens,
now to enslave you. Men who regard law — men who regard
all their liberties as i>ot to be sacrificed to a single pecuniary
interest, to say the least, of doubtful value — lovers of justice
— enemies of blood — laborers of all classes — you for whom 1
have sacrificed so much, where will you be found when the
battle betwen Liberty and Slavery is to be foughl? I cannot,
1 will not, I dare not question on which side you will be Ibund.
If you stand by me like men, our country shall yet be free, but
if you faker novv, I perish with less regret when I remember
that the people of my native State, of whom I have been so
proud, and whom I have loved so much, arc already slaves.
C. M. CLAY.
Lexington, Aug-ust 15, 1S45.
The following is the notice put forth under the resolution of
the 15lh August ; PUBLIC MEETING.
A meeting of the citizens of Fayette and the adjoining
counties, is requested at the Court House in Lexington, at 11
o"'clock, A. M. on Monday, August IS, to take into considera
tion the most effectual measures to secure our interests from
the efferts of Abolition Fanatics and Incendiaries.
By order of the Meeting, HENRY JOHNSON,
THO. H. WATERS,
DUDLEY M. CRAIG,
Aug. 15, 1845. Committee
The Handbill signed "A Kentuckian," published first in the
Gazette of the 16fh August:
THE TRUE AMERICAN.
The establishraent of this paper, taken in conne.-vion with Ihc
previously published opinions of the editor, excited a strong sen.sa-
¦tion in the midst of the ccmmimity. Bir. C. M. Clay had ex
pressed himself very clearly in certain letters over his own signa
ture, addressed to the New York Tribune, during the year 1S44,
detailing his plan for the ultimate emancipation of tiie Negro r.icc
lin America. Ilis cheme was comprehensive, and c.xtcndcd beyond

14
sho limits of hi-1 own State. It waa to be begun in itentiicky Ly
n change in thc Constitution of the State, and authorising the
Legislature to pass laws of prospective cniancipaiion. From this
policy ho anticipated the sale and e.vportntion ot the larger portion
ol tlie race. From the exclusion of Texas from the Union, and
the abolition of giavefy there under English mediation and influ
ence, ho anticipated thc crowding of the African race in the South
ern planting Statea in such numbers, as taken in conne.xion wilh the
diminishcil value of tlieir labor, would either drive the master.^ to
atxjiition Irom interest, and incapacity longer to maintain such
masses of unproductive slaves, or would enable thc slaves them
selve.*, by the physical force of superior numbers, to effect their
own liberation by arms. These opinions, while theoretical, and
published in the iNorthern papers, did not excite very general al-
tcdtioa here, and were not probably even generally road,
-Upon the eslablishment of his press in Lexington^ many well
meaning persons expected nothing more than a temperate discus
sion of the subject of slavery, intended to prepare and to lead the
public mind to ihs consideration of some feasible plan of diminish-
big, checking, or (inally getting rid, in safety, of an institution,
admitted by many reasonable men, to be a political evil. The
;^a.'-conading style in which Mr. Clay commenced his editorial ca^
reer: hia allusions to his bowie-knife, and his past deeds of daring,-
were regarded by some, as additional evidence of the tibnstitutionat
bad luste and coarseness of mind for which the editor is distinguish
ed; by others, as a politic contrivance to intimidate the lower or
der of bullies, who might otherwise have felt inclined to seize the
occasion of the establi.shment of an 'abolition paper' in Lexitig-
lon, to assail the person, or attack the office of tho redouted editor.
That even Ca.ssiu? Al. Clay should have calculated, by the terror of
hissin;,'le arm, to overawe a community like that of Lexington and
its vicinity, inlo patient and continued submission to the promulga
tion, inthe heartof a slave district, of sentiments und declaration?
amounting lo invitations to armed sedition, to robbery, rape, confla
gration, and all the horrors of servile war, ft incredible. The
proud patience with which this community has heretofore borne
this man's outrages, wiihout protest or argument, or violence, or
ilirea!, i.s evidence at once of the magnanimous -temper of a people
who abhor mobs, and of that conscious strength which scorns to stir
or chafe under mere insolence. The editor, however, seems resolv
ed to rcacli their sensibilities, and the 'True American* of the 12th
inst., would seom to demand from a prudence heretofore courace-
oii.'i, first a stern rebuke, and then whatever ehe the public peace
and ¦'iiteiv may require.

15
The leading article of the nuinber relerrcd to, said to be from
the pen of a slaveholder, and one of the first intellecl.s of the nge,
is mere twaddle, and worthy of no attention, savo from its iiinne
absurdities, sillycontradictions aud puling verbosity. The edito
rial is masculine and to the point. Mr. Clay there tceais slavery,
under our municipal laws, as a violation of tha fundamental prin
ciples of the Union, the rights asserted universally for all men un
der the declaration of independence, and winds up with the follow
ing pithy sentiments:
"Slavery, the most unmitigated, the lowest, basest that the world has ever
aeen, is to he substiluted forever for our better, more glotiou.s, holier aspirn-
tions. The Constitution is torn and trampled under loot; justice and good
faith in a nation are derided; brute force is substituted in the place of high
nioral tone: all the great principles of national liberty which we inhejilcd
from our British ancestry are yielded up, and we are left wiihout God or
hope in the world. When the great-hearted ofour land weep, and thc man
of reflection maddens in thc contemplation of our national apostacr, tliero
arc men pursuing gain and pleasure, who smile wilh contempt and indifTcr-
cnco at their appeals. But, remember, you. who dwell in marble palaces,
that ther tare strong arms andjicry hearts and irnn. pikes in the ttreeit, aiidpoiiu
of glan only between thern and the silver plate on tht hoard, and iht tniooth-skin-
7ud woman on the ottoman. When you havo mocked at virtue, denied the
agency of God in the affairs of men, and made rapine your honied faith,
tremble, foi the day of retribution is at hand, and tlie manet will be aven
ged." What masses? To whora and to what does the editor refer?
and where is he writing? Here is an appeal worthy nf rcniein-
berance. Our slaves are regarded as a portion of the people, de
prived of their constitutional privileges, oppressed against law, and
ground into servitude by haughty noble.i, living in <raarble palaces.''
The editor assumes the port of a patriot summoning an oppressed
people lo the recovery of their birth-right, and a terrible vindica
tion of their wrongs. "Strong arms, fiery hearts, and iron pihesP''
There is point in this'. Hera is muscle, energy, determination'.
Slaveholders, who "live by rapine, tremble; the day of retribu
tion is at hand." "The smooth-skinned woman on thc ottoman,
wilh nought between her and violation but a pane of glass!"
These are images certainly to bc held up by way of stimulus to
our household slaves. God of peace, and mercy, and modesty.
that a Kentuckian, and a gentleman, wearing a name of which he
is wont lo boast, reputably connected, and honorably born, should
have lent himself to e.xcite and to vindicate — to rouse and to jus
tify an insurrection of negroes, with. « Beauty and Booty " lor
the watchword.
Mr. Clay aims to spur this community to indignation, docs hc?
Has hc ever seen an old saw which says, "bowaro the, fury of a
patient man." Ktiows he not that the terrible images upon which
he feasts his abolition fancy, arc not to be named in a society cf

16
biave men and beaulilal women? Where bo these iron pikcs-s-
whois to lead lo vengeance and to the feasl of blood and lust, these
strong armed, fiery hearted sons of Africa ? Does Mr. Clay write for
rhetorical effect ? Is he aware of his position and his argmnant ? Is
he mad ? The abolilion pany are strong to the North. Their plan
is desperate. We know him to be connected wilh them.. We know
they have means, wilh which they will sustain him. For what does
he take the men among whom he was born, that he thus beards and de
fies them, threatens violation to their women, and plunder and confla.
gration to their dwellings, and argues in justification of all the horrors
he predicts, and excites by predicting?
We again invite the allenlion of the public to a close and critical
examination of the article, the fiendish temper with which it is written^
and its inevitable tendency. "The day of retribution is at hand."
Ha! We are in immediate danger, then? "Strong arms, and fiery
hearts, and iron pikes. The negro is taught his strength, 'The mass.
es will be avenged: The constitution is lorn and trampled under foot:
justice and good faith in a nation are derided, brute force is substituted,'
&c. "All the j;reat principles of national liberty we inherited are
yielded up:" Here is the summons of a patriot leader: here a justifi.
cation, ardent and ample, for the last e.xtreme of popular vengeance.
We again ask. Is Mr. Clay mad? Docs he bear a charmed life?
What though he be an eniancipationist, knows he not that abolition
here and now is impossible? Knows he not that in this City and Coun
ty there are thousands of ncgia slaves embodied in factorie.s and upon-
farms: that many of themcan read: that from the mildness and hu
manity of their masters they have more leisure, perhaps, than any class
of laborers in the world? Seeks he to thiow a firebrand among them: to
sow fear and distrust upon one side, and fiery hate upon the other? To
extirpate huraanity by destroying the ptinciple of obedience. To teach
the hereditary bondsmajr that he is in truth constitutionally and legally
a freeborn citizen, entitled to all the fruits of the American revolution?
Knows he not that all the terrors of the law have not been sufiicient to
protect, in all instances, female modesty from the fierce and brutal lust
that scorches in the African's veins? Does he, Cassius M. Clay, paint
the beauty of his country\vomen, his townswomen, first to inflame, and
then teach the facility of enjoyment?
Quosque tandem Caliliiia,''
Longer patience in this community were a crime, and a temptation to
threatened violence. Mr Clay is a fanatic and an incendiary. We
were equally so, and would deserve the horrors he threatens, did we not
take immediate steps to arrest the further publication ofthis infernal in
strument. We understand that a portion of the citizens have already taken stepi
to request Mr Clay to suspend his paper. Should he refuse, there will
be a general call of the people, and something efficient resolved upon.
The blustering about bowie knives and Russell's Cave, and bloodless

17
d-uels, will scarcely serve his turn! That a man should have iffidertakcn
to bully a whole conimunity, while he preaches rape, robbery and con-
flagration, lo menials who wait in our chambers, walch our slumbers
and cook our food, is evidence possibly of insanity. But. the madman'
must be chained. A KENTUCKIAN.

The following are Mr Clay's Handbills, in order:
To ttie citizens of Fayette county and the City of Lexington.
As my opponents, notwithstanding my sickness, will not wail to-
hear my plan of emancipation, and seem determined to precipitate
measures to extremity, without giving nie a hearing, and' as they
insist upon branding mc as an "abolitionist,'' a name full of un
known and strange terrors and crimes, to the- mass of our people,
1 will make a brief statement of my plan of- emancipation. Al
though I regard slavery as opposed^ to natural right, I consider law
and its inviolate observance, in all cases, whatever, as the only
safeguard of my own Liberty and ike Liberty of others, t therefore -
have not, and will not give my sanction to any mode of freeing
the slaves, which does not conform strictly tothe Laws and Con
stitution of my State; And as 1 am- satisfied thaf there is no pow,
er, under the present Constitution, by which slavery can be--
reached, I go for a Convention. In a Convention, which is politi-"
cally Omnipotent, I would say that every female slave, born after
a certain day and year, should be- free at the age of twenty-one.
This, in the course of time, would gradually, and at last, make
our State truly Free. I would further say, that, after the expi
ration- of thirty year?, more or less, the State should- providfe a
fund, either from her own resources, from her portion- iiv the Pub
lic Lands, for the purchase ot the existing generation of slaves,
in order that the white laboring portion of our conimunity might
be as soon as possible freed from the ruinous competition- of slave
labor. The funds should be applied' after thia manner, commis
sioners shall be appointed in each- county, who shall on oath value
all slaves that shall bc voluntarily presented to them" for- that
purpose. To the owners of Ih^se slaves shall be issued, by the
proper authorities, scrip bcariiig interest at thc rate of si.x per
cent, to thc amount of the value of their slaves, and to the re
demption of said scrip this fund ahall bc applied, principal and
interest. Bv this plan the present habits of our people would; not
be suddenly broken in upoiij whilst, at thc sjimc time, we believe
that il .vould brin"- slavery to almost utter extinction in our State
within the next thirty years.
With regard lu thc free blacks, I would not go for forcible e.t.
3

16
•¦pulsion, but I would elicomage by all the pecuniary resources that
the State had to spare, a voluntary cmigrdtioti to such couultiea
and climates as nature seems particularly to havc designed thehi.
With 'regard to the political equality ofthe blacks with the
whiles, I should oppose in Convention their admission to the right
- of sufl'rage. As minors, women, foreigners, denizens and divers
other 'classes of individuals are, in all well regulated govern
ments, forbidden thc elective franchise, sol see no good reason
why the blacks, until they become able to exercise thc right to
vote wilh proper discretion, should be admitted to thc right of
suffrage. 'Sufficient tor thc day is the evil thereof.' The titne
inight come wilh succeeding generations when there would be no
objection on the part of the whites, and none dn the account of
disqualification of the blacks to thdir being adrhittcd to the same
political platform; but let after generations act for themselves.
The idea of arhalgamsition and sodial equality resulting from
emancipation is proven by experience to be untrue and absurd.
-It may bc said by some, what right would a Convention have to
liberate the unborn? Thfey who ask equity, the lawyers say,
'themselves must do equity, and whilst the slaveholders have 'rights,
'they must ren»Cmbor thc blacks also have ri-ghts; and sti'rely in
the compromise which we have proposed between the slaVe and
the slaveholder, the slaveholder has the Lion's share.
T^c have thus, in a voiry rambling and feeble, utisatfsfactory
manner, given something of an outline of the plan which wo had
intended to present. It may be that my paper has not been con
ducted in the most pacific manner, but is there not causc for mu
tual reproach Ibetween myself and the puTjlic in which 1 ara placed?
And those who now most denounce me, should remember that my
fiaper was denounced even in advance, in thc full avowal of all
the incendiary purposes which my enetaies now affect to impute
to mc. I am willing to take warning fVom friends or enemies for
the future conduct of nSy paper, and while 1 am ready to restrict
-myself in the latitude of discussion of the question, I never will
voluntarily abandon a right or yield a principle.
C. M. CLAY.
August IG, 1845. TO THE PUBLIC.
Since writing my last handbill concerning a Convention, I
have seen the handbill put out bv Henry Johnson, Thomas H.
Waters, and Dudley M. Craig, Committee, Beverly A. Hicks,
Chairman. I thank God, that in his mercy, I am not >et
"MAD," although these men, the public will perceive, since
they know the state of my health, have done all in their pow-

n- iH-silik- lo destroy not only my reason bitt my life-, for i'
.'laveli.i.l iliu Typhoid Fever for thirty-three days, durin-s
which uiue, almost incessantly, my brain has been affected, ll
will be perceived that they do not characterize their meetine;
as a private caucus, which all Lexington know it was. And
I now thank God that a lifetime's regard for my word, wil!
enable me, I feel confident, whilst 1 am lying on my back un
able to hold a pen, and dictating all these handbills which I
liave put fortli, unable to procure authority and testimony to
sustain it, to use with power and truth of evidence, my bare
assertion against a thousand calumniators. When I appeal to
Laborers for help, in my handbill, and I say I meant white
laborers and no others, all who know me will believe what I
say. And all who do not know me, when they re.member that
every blood relation I have in the world that I know of, and
every connection, are slaveholders, and that with all these,
with few exceptions, I am upon terms of the most harmoni
ous and friendly feeling and association, although we differ
about this thing of slaverj', they will also know that I speak
the Truth. Yes, I say it, the publishers of this handbill believe
itandknowit. If these men have had a six-pounder cannon
and some 60 or one hundred balls, as we are credibly informed,
ready to batter down my oflice, before the publication of this
editorial of which they complain, it is proven to every honest
man that they are now playing upon me thestory of the"wolf
and the lamb-" Whether they "are putting fm-th a counter
manifesto or advertising for recruits," not only from our own
city and county, but from adjoining counties, let the public
judge. They say that I am "associateo" with the Abolition
ists of the North. The gentlemen either mean political asso
ciation or nothing, for personal association at this distance is
imposible; I utterly deny that I have any political association
with them, other than that the opinions of all political parlies,
whatever^ meet and mingle upon some common grounds. In
my Prospectus, which was published for months in this city, I
said that I, should form alliance with no political party, but act
as a "State party," so that then, once more, ifl speak truth.
these men do not. In the -'True American," July '2.9th, in my
letter to the Cincinnati Anti-Slavery Convention,! decline t
to be present, and in the same letter 1 used the following lan
guage : "I abide the destiny of that party in which 1 have
grown to manhood, until some olher, numbering more friends
of Liberty, than we, shall give indication of a more speedy
success. I claim to bc a Wme, becniise I stand upon the same

20
gro'and of the illustrious declarators of '76." Now my ronti-
trymen,isnot here most triumphant refutation of these assas
sin calumnies of these men 1 For if I have said to the Aboli
tionists themselves, that I am a Whig, whilst they were sup
porting me as one of their party, how could I hope to be esti
mated by them in any other light than as a base and false po
litical adventurer. That I have many subscribers among them,
is true, but to say that I am '-sustained" by them, in the sense
here meant, is false. I believe that they do not compose more
than one fourth part of my subscribers in the Northern States,
and I would far rather have their support, than that of such
men as one of this Committee, who comes blubbering like a
great fat baby into secret caucus, calling himself my "iriend,"
whilst at the same time, as soon as my back is turned, he stabs
¦me to the vitals. Ah! Dudley, pious Dudley, tear-shedding
Dudley, write against me as you have in this handbill, with
the view of avowedly violating the Constitution of your coun
try, whieh you are bound to support, and you will prove your
self more my friend than by shouldering your musket to shed
my blood. Now my countrymen ! when you remember that
such far-seeing and clear-headed statesmen as are appended to
this handbill, and who have undertaken to become the guardi-
' ans of the honor and interests of this State, must have seen
these written declarations of mine, they must wilfully misre
present n>e on this occasion. If defiance and threats were my
earliest heralds, they came, if report be true, from one of this
committee. They w er« the same heralds of 'defiance and threats'
which now once more come from them, and if Lexington be
true to thegterious name she bears, and if Fayette be true to
the glorious name she bears, they will meet with the same
fate — a dishonored grave of undisturbed centuries. I am sat
isfied to trust my explanation of my editerial of the last paper,
to the people whom I address, but one more suggestion in addi
tion to those which I have already made, that if they torture
my meaning from the general context, which none but clear
headed men as these will do, that upon mere verbal and gram
matical criticism and literal interpretation, I could not have
meant the Blacks, for in the whole South, there are five mill
ions of Whites to three of Blacks, not in Kentucky for there
are six Whites to one Black ; so then if a class is to be taken,
and choice is to be raade between the Whites and Blacks,
even then the Whites are the "masses." No, these men
cannot, they do not, believe what they say. They say that
I deny the vaudity of the laws in one of the most impor
tant social relations :" this is absolutely false. Turn to the

21
tntlmber of tiie Ameri-can in which Tliomns Melmlfc's letter
Xvas published, and stiange to .say they will there find an
article Irom my pen where 1 maintain with all the powei
of intellect of which I am capable, against thc Albany Pa
triot, one of those Abolitionists with whom these men say
1 am allied, the proposition in relation to Slavery tbat "that
is property which the law makes properly." It is one thing
to odmit the legality ofa thing and another thing lo deny v.s
justice. Oh ! Henrv, Oh I Tliomas, Oh ! Dudley, Oh I Bever
ley, surely ye are "Daniels come to judgment!" To say thai
"Regard for ihe public peace" induces Henry and Thomas
and Dudley and Beverley to shoulder tlieir muskets and
drag cne poor, little editor out of his "den" when they
knew that he could neither pull a trigger nor wield a pen,
and shed his blood, thus violating not only the express lan
guage of the Constitution, but every principle of right, re
ligion and justice, is about as logical as it is magnanimous
or likely to be carried into execution.
But ifl am mistaken, and an outrage is to be perpetrat
ed which will stain, with eternal dishonor, Fayette's here
tofore proiid and fair escutcheon, I pray you people of Lex
ington and Fayette, get some men of more truths of more
sense, of more eloquence than these men possess, to give
you an excuse to say that you were driven from your pro
priety to the perpetration of this deed by the power of ge
nius, which can at li'iies obscure the clearest intellects and
madden the noblest hearts inlo orime^
C. M. CLAY.
August, 18th, 1845.
At a meeting of the citizens of Lexington, Payette and
the adjacent counties held at the court House yard on the
ISth August, 1845.
Waller Buibock, Esq.> wos appointed Chairman and
Benj. Gratz, Secretary.
The following communication from C. M. Clay, Esq , was
read to the meeting : Lexington, August 18th, 1845.
The Chairman of the Public Meeting assembled to-day, ivill please.
lay lefore it the folloiving communication :
Fellow-citizens of Lexington, and County of Fayette, —
Being unable from the state of my health, tobe present at your meet
ing, and even unable to hold a pen, having been sick thirty-five days
with the Typhoid fever, I dictate to an amanuensis, a few lines for
your just consideralion. Having been the unwilling causc, in part, of

2-2
the present excitement in my connty, and feeling, as I do, respect fo/
the safety and happiness of others as well as my own, I voluntarily
come forward and do all I conscientiously can do for your quiet and
satisfaction. I treated the conimunication from the private caucus
with burning contempt, arising not only from her assoming over mea
power whicii would make me a slave, but from a sense of the
deep personal indignity wilh which their unheard of assuraptions werrr
atlerapied to be carried into execution. But to you — a far differently
oiganized body and a constitutional assemblage of citizens — I feel that
it is just and proper that I should answer at your bar; and as I am
not in a stateof health to carry on an argument or vindicate pioperly
my own riglits, I shall, voluntarily, before any action is taken on
your part, make such explanation as I deem just and proper.
During my sickness, ray paper has been conducted by some friends.
The lending article in the laat number, which I am told is the great
C3USC of the public disquietude, 1 have never read, because at the timo
it was put lo press I could not have undergone the fatigue of reading
such a paper through. Although it was read over to me atthe time,
yet 1 am fully persuaded nov/, that had I have been in health it would -
not have been admitied into ray columns. But 1 felt the less hesitan
cy in admitting it, because it has been my avon^ed policy heretofore
to admit free discussion upon the subject of slavery, by slaveholders
themselves.and the author of this article is largely interested in that kind
of properly. You have seen before this time thatthe course of policy
which 1 comra-end, myself, to the Stale, is widely diflFerent, in many
essential points, to this author's views. Tho article written by my
self, and published in the same paper, was written a few days after
the leader was in type, and vvhich has also been the cause of so much
di.ssalisfaction, the juslice of which, to some extent I am willing lo ac
knowledge. I assure you upon the honor of a man, it was never in
tended to mean, or to bear the construction which my enemies have
given it. I was pursuing the reflections of my own mind, without
thinking of the misconstruction that could be put upon my language.
Had I been in the vigor of health,! sbould have avoided the objec
tionable expressions, for by sharply guarding against tlie cavils of my
opponents, I would best guard at tbe same time against any thing
which could bc considered of an incendiary character- I cannot say
that thc paper from tlie beginning, has been conducted in the man
ner I could have wished. The cause of this it is not now necessary
forme to mention. Satisfied, however from past experience, that
the free disoussion ofthe subject of slavery is liable to many objec
tions which I did not anticipate, and which I had allowed in an
excess of liberality, arising no doubt, from the fact that I had been
denied the columns ofthe other presses of tlie country myself, I pro.
pose in future very materially to restrict thc latitude of di.?cu.ssion. I
shall admit into my paper no article upon this subject, for which I am
not willing to be held responsible. This, you perceive, will very
much narrow the ground; for my plan of emancipation which I put

23
forth a few days iigo, is of tlio most gradual charader. My olher
views put forth there also, arc such as I learn are not at all offensive
to thc great mass of our people. By this course,! exiicct to achieve
two objects, to enable me to carry ou thc advocacy of those princi
ples and measures which 1 deem of vital importance to our State
without molestation and without subjecting the peo])le to the appre
hensions and e.xci iemcnt whicii arc now unhappily upon us. You
may properly ask, perhaps, why was not this thiiigdonc before? I reply
that 1 did not foresee any such consequences as havc resulted from
a different course. The denunciations of the public press on both
sides, I conceived, and am slill of tlie same opinion, arose from the
desire to make botli parties political capital. — And you will sec also,
when the excitement is worn off, that there havc been many selfish
purposes sought to be accomplished at the expense of your peace
and mine by men who are professing to be actuated by nothing but pa
triotic motives.
Having said thus much upon thc conduct of my paper, 1 rnust say
also, that my constitutional rights I shall never abandon. I feel as deep
ly interested in tliis community, as any other man init. No man is. or
has a connection, more deeply interested, in Uic prosperity of this
State, than myself. You ought not, you cannot, if you are just lo
me as you are to yourselves, ask me to do that which you would not
do, I know not in reality, what may be the state of public feeling.
I ara told it is very much inflamed; I, therefore, directed my publisher,
after the publication of to-morrow's paper, to exclude all matter uiKin
the subject of Slavery, until, if my health is restored, 1 shall bc able
myself to take the helm.
My office and dwelling are undefended, except by the laws of my
country — to the sacred inviolability of whicii I confide myself and
property; and of these laws you are the sole guardians. You have the
power to do as you please. You will so act, however, I trust, that
this day shall not be one accursed to our County and State.
Your obedient servant, C. M. CLAY.
The Hon : Thomas F. Makshaii. then addressed the Chair
as follows :
Mr. Chairman ahd Fellow-citizens of Fayette. — The vast
concourse of men around me, independent of every thing else, givea
ample proof of some deep and powerful excitement of die public
mind. You know, you all know, that this assemblage of the people ha.s
been convened upon a published notice, to lake into consideration thu
safety of this community, and to adopt such measures as may secure
your peace, and guard frora the threatened d.uigor your Iioiues and
families. 1 rise not as upon oihcf occasions, to make you a speech.
I seek liol to inflame vour passions, and will not hayaxd by one woid
of estempoi-jncous appeal upon the subject of this day V aciion. tlit

--'¦1
tfrrible responsibility of picci[iiiating this already excited assembly,
Il is in keeping howevur -.viih the order, decorum, and dignity, which •
have characterised all tlie previous steps in this great popular movo-
Kient, and which mark the aspect ofthis crowd, that some one shouldi
formally explain what has goiie before, and state the ciicurastancos
which have led to this extraoidinary call ofthe people. 1 can but
achieve ihis object, by reading to you the proceedings of a smaller
body of citizens, the correspondence opened by thom with thc Editor
of the "True American," and their address to the public, and the reso
lutions which accompanied it. (Here Mr. Marshall read the docu.
men's re-feired to, ivhich will be found above, and then procceded.>
It had occurred to several gentlemen who had been active in the pro-
ceedifigs oflast week, that the transactions of this day would extend,
probably, in their influence, far ':-.yond this immediate neighborhood.
That they would become the subject of severe examination and the most
rigid and scrutinizing censure, throughout the United Slates. That
the character of our people, and the good name of our Commonwealth,
would be involved in the resolutions we adopt, and the temper and
the mode in which they may be executed.
Liable as all these may become to misrepresentation, it was
thought best for yout honor and your interests, and it was hoped, that
it would not be deemed by you presumptuous, to prepare such a state-
men!, of the facts and the principles upon which your action this day
i-s bas.id, as ibrnis in their judgement a complete defence in morals and
ia laws for this great exertion ofthe original power of society : Such
a statement, these gentlemen had instructed me to prepare and offer
for your acceptance, not wiihout the hope, that though imperfect in- its
execution, you may not deem it altogether unworthy lo be .sent forth
to thc world, as your declaration of the ground upon which you rest
your justification at the bar of that public opinion, to whicii commu-
nities as well as individuals ate amenable for their action. As such
and under their instruction*, I tender it and beg leave to read it in lieu
of ail other reraark or argument. (Here Mr. Marshall read the ad-
diesa and resolutions, which when the question was taken upon them
at thu close of the reading, were adopted without'a dissenting voice.)
The People ofthe city of Lexington and county of Fayette, togeth^
er v/ith many hundreds from the adjoining counties, assembled in
the cUy of Lexington on the 18th August in pursuance ofa general
notice made by the authority of a body of thc citizens of Lexington,
caUing a general asseinbly of the people, to concert measures for the
suppression of the farther publication of the "Abolition paper" call
ed the "I'ruo American,", having heard the proceedings, correspon
dence, anrl address of the meeting which called this assembly, approve
tliQ same, and now make and publish to the world this declaration, to -
vindicate their resolutions and ihcir action.
i'c hive preeented thc csuiblishmcat of this press by Icg-il means

25
would have been impossible. There is no regular judicial process by
which it could have been achieved. To have resorted to means like
the present would have been premature and perhaps indefensible. The
Liberty of tlie Press and tlie freedom of political discussion are es
sential elements of our social system. Are effort to establish a
press in Kentucky devoted to the discussion of the question of domes
tic slavery and the propriety and practicability of emancipation by law,
as an individual enterprise, might, in this simple view of the propo
sition, have been tolerated by tlie people, as it is in all probability not
prohibited by our laws. The precise purpose and principles of tlie
Editor of the "True American," andthe posi tion. he meajit to assume
here in relation to the subject, together with the effect he, his princi
ples, and his paper were to produce upon our peace and our property,
were of course atthe outset matters of speculation. After are c.vpe-
riment of some months however, there can be no doubt remaining in
this community in relation to any of these particulars.
The institution of slavery existed in a portion of thc Statea of
this Union before the adoption of the Federal Constitution, by force
of the municipal constitution of the particular States. The intsitu-
tion itself is clearly recognized and guaranteed- by the artictes of the
Union, and left where it was found, under the exclusive control of
State governments and laws. In the enumeration of the people
three-fifths of the slaves are included as the basis' of federal repre
sentation, and direct taxation upon the several States is subjected to
the same apportionment- Fugitive skves must be rendered up upon
claim of the master, notwithstanding the law of tbe State into which
they escape may not recognize the relation.
The United States shall guaranty 'every State against domestic
violation upon application of the Legislature or the Executive, and
shall provide for calling forth the militia to suppress insurrections.
These are among tbe securities taken by the slave States rn. the
National Constitution; not only that they were not to be disturbed
but that they were to be protected ui this property by the national
arm and authority.
A formidable parly has arisen within a few years in the United
States, who seek actively and practically to disturb these guaran
tees, to change the constitution in relation to some of thein, and wh»
deny its palpable import, or wrest to fearful purposes its powers iu
relation to others.
They aim at the Abolition of Slavery in America and halt not ar
thc means. They arc organized, active, united in pursuit of this
object, and desperately fanatical. — They have found their way into
the National Legislature, and already exercise a thrwatening influence
there. They command a powerful press in the United States. They
have among them a burning zeal, commanding talent, and a large
amount of "political influence and monied capital. They scout the
idea of gradual emancipation or colonization. They treat the insti
tution as equally opposed to religion, morals and law.— They naain-
4

•26
lam thatthe negro -iiave here is an Aintrican born, «ntitled to thc full
benefits and blessings of republican freedom, under the Dcclantion of
Independence, which freed all of American birth. They maintain for
him the right of insurrection and exort him to its exercise, and with
an infernal subtlety clai.^1, that the power conferred upon Congress to
"suppress insurrection.s"'' gives to that body in which thc free Slates
have now so overwhelming a preponderance, the right to remove
the cause by abolishing slavery^ That a servile war becomes by
tbree of this claus3 a national affair, and can be settled upon any
terms under tho national discretion. With this party, we believe, from
the fullest e-vidence of which the nature ofthe case is susceptible, thc
Editor of the "'Tnie American" to be connected by sympathy of
opinion, burning and fanatical zeal, and concert of effort. — With his
speculative opinions we presume not to interfere; with his practical
exertions, in our midst, to disturb tho aettled order of our domestic
life, to inflarae to discontent and rebelliwi our houseliold slaves, we
have the most direct and incontestible connexion. In proceeding by
force and without judicial process, to arrest the action of a free citi
zen, to interfere in any degree with his private property, and if the
necessity of the case and the desperation of the man require it, to
proceed to extremities against his person, we owe it to our own
fame, and tlie good name of our community, to set forth the facts,
tipon which arises in our justification the highest of all laws, the
law of self-defence and preservation from great and raanifest dan
ger and injury.
Before the editor of the "True American" had established his
press in Lexington, or made his celebrated visit to the • North, he had
corresponded with the New York Tribune, a leading Abolition paper.
in certain letters over his signature sorae of the leading and most
dangerous principles of the sect were avowed and defended. The
Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia — the exclusion of
the th-ee-Sfths of the slave population in the apportionment of
representation by a change in the constitution, thereby weakening
!!till farther the slave States upon the floor of Congress— tlie exclusion
of Texas from the Union, in pursuit of which object he avowed him
self ready to take up arms — the enlisting the whole force of the
non-slaveholders in Kentucky against slave property, and thus forcing
a change tn the constitution of the State, were among the means and
instruments relied upon by him for effecting the entire abolition of
slavery in America. In one of his letters, he anticipates from the
abolition of slavery in Kentucky and some other of the Western
Slates by the means above noticed, and the exclusion of Te.xas, that
the slave population will be crowded upon the planting States to
such an extent, th.it abolition, if not voluntarily achieved by law,
will be forced by a war of colors exterminating one or other of the
rucf 5, in either event, (and the editor seemed to contemplate ei-
thf r with equal serenity) terminating in that universal liberty so
fifr;?oly sought. Holding these opinions, and after visitino North-

''tn ciUc-; ;,ii,l heing received there in fidl romnuuiion bv tlir nLmli-
iitm parly, caressed and flatlerod and feasted, hailed in the staco.- nl'
Ins iriiiniphal progres.s by di.-<charges of cannon, and henddi-d in thf
papers devoted lo the cause as the boldest, tho most intrppid. die inopi
devoted of its champions, ho returned to his native State, the organ
and the agent of an incendiary sect.to force upon her piinciples fatal
to her domestic repose; at the risk of liis own life and tho peace ot thf-
community. In fhe preparation .ind establishment of his ofncc in
Lexington, Mr. Cassius M. Clay acted as though he were in an
enemy's country. — He has eraployed scientific engineers in fortifying
against attack, and prepared the means of destroying the lives of
his fellow citizens, it is said, in mines of gun powder, stands of mus
kets, and pieces of cannon. — The whole course of the man bear?
evidence incontestible that he was entering upon a career fatal to the
peace of the community of which he was a member. The citizen
has a right to arm in his own defence, and to protect his house and
his person from unlawful assault; but wliy sliould a peaceful citizen
engaged in a lawful calling, make preparations suited to repel an
invading atmy? It is needless to our purpose, to notice the editor's
ruthless attacks upon individuals, and his threats to terrify resistance
of his course. We proceed at once to the last number of the
"True American" and the publications since put forth by its editor,
as conclusive evidence of his temper towards the community, and of
the character, purpose, and inevitable tendency of the paper. In
this paper of the 12th of August there is a leading article, for
which, although rtot from the pen ofthe editor, the print is responsible
to the public, and which at all events is evidence of the purpose of
the print and the character and objects of those who support it. We
make froflrthis article a few extracts of the raost ominous chiracter.
The fundameAtal proposition with this writer is as follcrtvsr "Our
Legislatures, State and General, should raise the platform upon
which our free colored people stand. They should give to them
full political rights to hold office, to vote, to set on j-jiies, tc give
their testimohy,and to make no distinction between them and ourselves.
After tracing the delightful effects- of this equality, the article pro
ceeds: "Our national character, our best consciences, our duty, all
weigh nothing in the scales of slavery, against the prid'e and self.th-
Ttess of the master. The instrument called ihe Con.Hltutlon, after
pronouncing all men equal and haring equal rigJit.i, suffers slavery
to exist, a free colored person to he denied all' political rig7iU. and
after declaring that zW free persons shall enjoy a free intercourse
with thc States, .tvffers the free negro to ie driven oui of all and
excluded from such rights. Deliver me from an instrument thu.i
partial,thus unjust, that can he thu.') perverted and made io sanction
prejudices and party feelings, and note the acridcntal di.'<tir,cl!nn of
color.'''' We think nothing from the North can beat thl.=. The ^\VR-
tern apostle transcends, if possible, his mi.s.=;ion. But again a-<; to
the necessity of our being civil and submissive to onr friend.';, ihe
abolitionists, and the danger of re.stivciipss on our pari:

2S
"The slaveholders must calm themselves inlo just thinkers, and
cease to provoke the Northern free States hy putting ihem al
defiance in Congress and out of it.- 
"They must look upon abolitionists as enthusiasts if they will, but
also as in eamest, and in design at least as real patriots, 7%e Aboli
tionist is becoming as reckless as the slaveholder tvhen thus ¦provo
ked, and may add violence and injustice to his course, that was
intended to be mild and conciliatory.'''' Very rational and prudent
advice. — Submit quietly or thc matter will be forced upon you. But
we quote farther the following pregnant sentences : "It is in vain for
the master to try to fence his dear slaves in from all intercourse with
the great world, to create his little petty and tyrannical kingdom on
his own plantation, and keep it for his exclusive reign. He cannot
shut out the light of information any more than the light of heaven.
It will penetrate all disguises, and shine upon the dark night of
slavery. He must recollect that he is surrounded. The North, the
East, the West and the Soulh border on him, the free Mexican, the
free "iankee, <Ac more than free Abolitionists qf his own country.
Every thing trenches upon his infected district, and the Wolf looks
calmly in upon his fold.'''' We were mad not to listen to warnings like
these. We have quoted these passages to prove the thorough iden
tity between the doctrines and objects of this paper, and the worst
principlea of the ultra Abolitionists of the North. Here is the asser
tion of the equality of die African race under the constitution, and
the repudiation of the practical working of the instrument: "De
liver rae from an instrument thus partial, thus unjust  that can
be thus perverted." — Hero too is tlie threat to the master of the
consequences of the hght and information, "that the more than free
Aholitionisf of his country is pouring upon the negro mind.
When we contemplate the mild form of negro slavery in this
district; the happy and peacefiil, and contented relations ofthe master
and the slave, where such a thing as cruelty was scarcely known,
where the master was without fear or distrust, and the well fed, well
clothed, intelligent slave bent to his lot of labor, the lot by the way of
all mankind, without repining, regarding his master rather in the light
of parent, and himself as a necessary and no mean portion ofthe fami
ly, we could pour curses on the fiends who would breakup the
intimate, and not the least endearing relation of domestic life, and
when all was peace and mildness, plant discord and fury, and fiery
hate, and render cruelty a necessary policy on the one side by incul-
ca.ting disobedience as a principle on the other. But we must hasten
with our proof. In the same day's paper, an editorial appeared,
backing the reasoning of the article to which we have referred, and
by a brief recapitulation of violated law, a trarapled constitution, the
triumph of brute force over moral right, the falsification of the great
principles of the revolution, all illustrated by "slavery the most un
mitigated ,the lowest, basest that the worid has seen;" and winding up
with the following extraordinary threat: "When the great hearted

<of our land weep, aiul iho man of reflection lauddens in the contem
plation of our national apostacy; there are inen pursuing gain and
pleasure, who smile wilh conioinpt and indiflbrenco at their appeals.
"But remember you who dw^ell in ?narble palaces — that there are
itrong arms andjiery hearts, and iron pikes in the .streets, and panes
of gla.'is opjy between them and the silver plate on the board, andthe
smooth skinned woman on the OUoman. When you have mocked at
virtue, denied the agency of God in thc aflaiis of men, and made
rapine your honied faith; tremble, for tlie day of retribution is at haud —
and the masses will be avenged.'" Here is more light and knowledge
thrown upon the negro's mind-, and horrible fires kindled in his
already "fiery heart"" by the hand of the daring incendiary, the auda
cious emissary of the "more than free Abolitionist." lloiised and
alarmed by these -atrocities, and determined no longer to endure the
presence of an ar«ned Aboltionist, hurling his fire brands of murder and
of lust into the bosom ofa peaceful and polished city, a number ofthe
citizens of Lexington undertook the task of remonstrance. To a
mild — a wonderfully -mild request — to discontinue tlie paper, die
haughty and infatuated fanatic responded in torriis of outrage, unpar
alleled, to the committee of gendemeu wlio waited on him, denying
the right of the citizens to consult together on such a subject, and
¦denouncing -the meeting which had opened a correspondence witb
-him, as a cowardly conclave, of pirates, robbers, and assassins, and
assigning as the ground of their excitement, the apprehension,
-that their pov;er wa-s about to be taken away from them. Thc Editor
himself has ipublislied this oorrespondencc appended to a hand
bill, which af^eared before the call of this meeting of the people,
and before his answer was laid before the first meeting referred
to. Thc whcde together, proves eitlier that C. M. Clay is a madman,
or that he meditated, and has prepared himself for a civil war, in
which he expected the noia-slaveholding laborers along with the
slaves, to flock to his standar^l, and the war of abolition to beginin
Kentucky. Thatwe may not be suspected of that extravagance
which we chaige on him, we quote from his letter the closing sen
tence. "Go tell your secret conclave of cowardly assassins, that C.
M. Clay knows his rights and how to defend them.'" To tliis hc
appends an appeal addressed to the Kentuckians. That we may not
be suspected of garbling, we insert this extraordinary summons:
"KEUTUCKr.s.Ns : — You see this attempt of these Tyrants, worse
than the thirty despots who lorded it over the once free Alliens, now
to enslave you, Alen who regard laws — mon who regard all their
liberties as not to be sacrificed to a single pecuniary interest, to say
the least of doubtful value — lovers of justice — enemies of blood —
laborers of all classes— you fer whom I have sacrificed so viuch,
where will you he found when this battle between Liberty and Sla
very is to bejought? I cannot, I will not, I dare not question on
which side you will be found.— If you sland by me like men, our
country shall yet be free; but ifyou liiltcr now, I perisli with less re-

gn-t wifL-n 1 remcuibeT tliat the peopfc of my native .slate, of whom
1 liavp lx?pn so proud, and whom I have loved so much, are alrcadi
slaves. C. M. CLAY." '
Tliat this infatuated man believed tlrat the Tvon-slavelwlders of Ken'
tucky would feelandactas a party against the tenure «f slavery, and
that through them be expected to change tlie Constitution of Ken^
tucky. and finally overthrow the institution, is evident from one of
his letters to the Tribune,— That he should have calculated on kin
dling the flames of civil and servile war, and rallying free laborers
and negro slaves under his standard, would seem incredible, yet his
acts and his words can bear no other construetion-: laborers of
all classes — you for whom I have sacrificed so rauch, where will you
bc found when this battle between Liberty and Slavery is to be fought?
Ifyou stand by roe like nren, ou» Country shall yet be fFee, but ifyou
falter I perish, (Sz-c."
Such a man and such a course is no longer tolerable or consistent
with the character or safely ofthis community.- With tbe power of a
press, with education, fortune, talent sustained by a powerful party,
at least abroad, who have made tbis bold experiment in Kentucky
through him, the negroes might well, as we have strong reason to be
lieve they do. look to him as a deliverer. — On the Frontier of Slave
ry, with three free States fronting and touching us along a border of
seven hundred miles, wo are peculiarly exposed to the assaults of Ab
olition. — The plunder of our property, the kidnapping, stealing and ab
duction of our slaves, is a light evil in- comparison \»ith planting a
seminary of their infernal doctrines in the very heart ef our densest
slave population. — Communities may be endangered as well as sin
gle individuals. A great and impending danger o^er the life or per
sonal safety ofa single man, justifies the employment of his o-wn force
immediately in bis own defence, and to any extent that may be ne
cessary to his protection. He whose aim it is, or the inevitable ten
dency of whose conduct is to bring about intestine convulsions and
servile war, threatens to inflict upon society the greatest horror it
can endure. Onr laws may punish -when the offence shall have been
consummated; but they have provided no remedial process by which
it can be prevented. To war with an Organ of Abolition by action ot
indictment for libel, would make that powerful party sraile. To injoin
the publication of the "True Araerican" would only change its name.
A perpetual injunction against tbe publication of any paper what
ever by Mr. C. M. Clay, were beyond the power of the chancellor,
The danger continues. An Abolition paper in a slave Slate is a nui
sance of the most formidable character — a public nnisance — not a
mere inconvenience, which may occasion delay in business or prove
hurtful to health or comfort; but a blazing brand in the band of an in
cendiary or madman, which may scatter ruin, conflagration, revolu
tion, crime unnameable, over every thing dear in domestic life, sacred
in religion, or respectable in modesty. Who shall say that the safety
ofa single individual is more important in thc eye ofthe law than tliat
of a whole people? Who shall say that when thc rase of danger  real

3t
»iaiiger-,«r great and irrqnrable injury lo a whold coimnunitN reallv
occiir.s — that it is not armed legally with the right of self deft nec!
In cither case the circumstances must be left to thc judgment ofthe
world, or die decisions of justice. An unauthorized crowd who in
flict death upon persons or destruction upon property, for the gratifi
cation of passion or even for the punishment of crime, is a mob; and
IS the most fatal enemy to security and to freedom —But as in case
of sudden invasion, or insurrection itsclf, the people have atones, in
dependent ofthe magisU-ates, thc right of defence, so when thore
be a well grounded apprehension of great, and, it raay be, irreparable
injury, thc use of force inthe community is lawful and safe, Wc
hold the Abolitionists traitors to tho Constitution of the country, and
enemies to the terms upon which the Union was originally formed,
and tfie only terms upon which it can continue to subsist. When
they bring their doctrines and their principles into the bosora of a slave
State, thoy bring fire into a magaeino, — The "True American" is
an Abolition paper of the worst stamp! As such, the peace and safe
ty of this community demand its instant and entire suppression.
In some countries, Mr. Clay might have dreaded summary popu
lar vei^eance on his person, or secret murder. He is araong a peo
ple whoabhormobs, who know no Lynch law, and where assassination
is unheard of. He has pressed thc patience of his countrymen to its
utmost capacity of sufferance — they cau bear no more, without be
ing traitors to allthe trusts reposed in brave and patriot men. Though
he has bearded and defied thcm — attacked the tenure of their property,
and outraged decency by the terms in which he has characterized
them, they are too conscious of their strength to chafe at insult.
They thirst not for his blood, and they would not injure his proper
ty. He is a trespasser upon them, they have requested him mildly to
desist. He is contumacious, and they will remove him by force.
M. Clay has complained in his recent handbills of his indisposition,
and charged the people as deficient in courage and magnanimity in
moving upon him when he is incapable of defence. If all that bc
said of him, his purpose, and his means, be true, his indisposition is
fortunate. He may rest assured that they will not be deterred by one
nor 10,000 such men as he, Hc cannot bully his countrymen. A
Kentuckian himself he should have known Kentuckians better. His
weakness is his security. We arc armed and rcsolved — if resist
ance be attempted, tlie consequence be on his own head. For our
vindication under the circumstances, wc appeal to Kentucky and to
the world.
It is therefore Resolved by this assembly : —
1st. That no Abolition Press ought lo bc tolerated in Kentucky,
and none shall bc in this City or its vicinity.
2d. That if the office of thc "True American'' bc surrendered
peaceably no injury shall be done to thc'building or other property. —
The presses and printing apparatus shall bc carefully packed up and
sent out ofthe State, subject then to Mr. C. M. Clay's order.

32
3d. That if resistance be otlercd, wc will force the office at all
hazards, and destroy the nuisance.
4th, That if an attempt be made to revive the Paper hero, we will
again assemble.
Sth. That wc hope C, M. Clay \y\\\ be advised. For by our regardi
to our wives, our children, our homes, our property, our coontry, our
honor, wear what name he may, be connected with whom he may,
whatever armor party here or elsewhere may sustain him, he shall not
publish an Abolition Paper here, and this we aflirm at the risk, be it
of his blood, or our own, or both; or of all he may bring, of bond or
free, to aid his murderous hand.
Oth. That the Chairman be, and he is hereby authorized to
appoint a committee of sixty of our body who shall be authorized to
repair to the office of the "True American,'^' tafcn possession ofthe
press and printing apparatus, pack up the same, and place it at the rail
road office for transportation to Cincinnati, and leport forth-with to this
body. The following is the Committee: — George W. Johnson, ch'm.,Jas,
P. Megowan, Joseph Beard, Benj. Robinson, Moses Morrison, Rich
ard Higgins, Henry H. Timberlake, Thos. C, Orear, Jesse Bayles,
Hiram Shaw, Josiah Ennis, John J. Dudley, Wm. B. Kinkead, James
B. Waller, George W, Norton, Franklin Tilford, G, L. Postlethwaitc,
William Elder, Nathan Payne, Dr. J. T. Lewis, Patterson Bain, Fran
cis McLcar, David Glass, Nevil Blakemore, James H. Allen, John
McCauley, George W. Stewart, Thos. H. Shelby, Thomas Hughes,
Thos. S. Redd, Macy Thwaits, Henry Long, Richard Allen, Jas.
Carter, Alexander Moore, John Anderson. Thomas Bradley, Benj.
C. Wood, Dr. J. C, Darby, Alexander Moreland, James B, Clay,
William Cooper, S. P, Kenney, John H. Cooper, Thomas Carr>
William R, McKee, Garrett Watts, Richard Spurr, Edward Oldham,
John R. Dunlap, John D. McDowell, Benjamin Downs, John
Overton, Robert B. Hamilton, Richard Overton, Dr. J. Bush, Col.
Alexander Morgan, Nekson Dudley, Wilson Hunt, John Gilbert, and
Francis Hostetter.
Thc meeting then adjourned to meet at 2 o'clock, p. ra., to receive
the report ofthe Comniiuee appointed under the 6th resolution.
According to adjournment, the citizens met at 2 o'alock, p, m.
James B. Clay, Esq., in behalf of the Coniniittce of sixty, mads
tliO following report, which was unanimously adopted:
Tbe Committee appointed by the meeting to takedown aud pack
up the press, type, &c., ofthe "True American" printing office, beg
leave respectfully to report to the meeting.
That, in pursuance ofthe direction of the mooting, they proceeded at
once to the ofRce of that paper, the key of which, on arriving at the
door, was given up to the Chairman, by Mr. Dowdbn, City Marsha/.
The Mayor of the city was at ;he d-oor, and gave notice that tbe Coin-

on mo
to act

mittee wa.s ac-ting In opposition to law. but that thf rity authorities
could ofier no forcible resistance lo thera.
The Committee, on answering severally to their names were then
admitted into the oflfice, and the doors were closed after them. The
Comniillee being called to order by Mr. Johnson, its Chairman, c
tion of Josiah Ennis, J. B. Clay was appoinled, unaniraously,
as Secretary.
On motion of Maj. W. R. McKee, it waa then
Resolved. That the Committee hold itself respongible for any thing
which might be lost or destroyed, whilst the Comraittes wero perform
ing the duty assigned to them.
On motion of R. Higgins,
Resolved, That James Virden and Joseph Scrguham, be appoinled
to take down the press, and Messrs. Cunningham and Heivey to put
up the type, and that Messrs. Ennis. Barlow, Jouitt, Beard, StewJirt,
Robinson, Megowan, Oldham and Marsh, to assist them.
On motion of F. Tilford,
Resolved, That the Secretary take a list ofthe property as packed
up. Thc Secretary containing the private papers of the Editor of the-
"True Anierican," by unanimous resolution, was sentio his house.
The Committee not being able to accomplish the duty assigned by
2 o'clock, the hour to which the meeting had adjourned, Messrs. R.
Higgins, T. S. Redd, Macy Thwaits, Dr. Darby, B. Robinson, and-
J. B. Clay were deputed to report progress to the meeting. After
which, all the type, presses, and other articles belonging to the office,
were sent to the Rail Road oflfice, to be shipped beyond the limits of the
State, to the order of C. M. Clay.
GEO. W. JOHNSON, Ch'mn,
J. B. CLAY, Sec'y.
The meeting was then addressed by Gov. Thomas Metcalfe, who
read a letter which he designed for publication, in reference to slave.
ry- On motion of Capt. Henry Johnson, it was unanimously
Resolved, That Gov. Metcalfe, be requested to publish ths letter
above referred to, or such portions of it as he may deem advisablet
Resolved, That the proceedings of tbis meeting be published in the
papers of the city. The meeting then adjourned.
WALLER BULLOCK, Chnin.
Renj. Geatz, Sec'y, Ltxinotcn, August IStfi, 1845.
C. M. Cl.\y, Esq. : Sir — We have been directed by tbe Commit
tee of the meeting held on yesterday, at the Court House, as its
officers, to inform you that the press, type, &c., of the "True Ameri
can" paper, have been carefully put up, and shipped by Rail Rood to
Cincinnati, lo tlie rare of Messrs. January &r, Taylor, subject lo yonr
0

order; -ii'd that the cliargc, and expenses upon thom have been paid.
With proper rc-^pect, we have the honor to bc, iSic.
GEO. W. JOHNSON, Ch'm.
J. B. Cl.\y, Sec'y.
Upon the proceedings as given above, we havc but fow comments to make.
Tlie list of gentlemen whom Mr Megowan notified to attend at 3 o'clock of
tho 14th of Augast, contained about an equal numberof Whigs and Demo
crats. The resolution adopted by that meeting appointing a committee to
correspond with Mr Clay, was drawn and ofl'ered by Mr Marshall. The pre
liminary remarks of that gentleraan upon offering the address, have been ac
curately reported by himself, and were not taken down by tha Secretary, and
consequently did not appear in the Report published in the Observer & Re
porter. The whole affair, from- the first small assembly in the Court-House
on the Mth of Augast, viewed as one entire transaction (and in that light it
ought to be considered) must be held by all candid men to reflect lasting ho
nor upon the character and temper of a people, when such a transaction
could be thus conducted . Upon the face of the record there is no appearance
of party. Faction for the time seemed ended. It presents the appearance
of a united people, roused by the sense of a common danger, exempt utter
ly from the rash precipitancy which is equally the characteristic of rage and
fear, patting forth their calm and majestic strength as free from passion aa
from cowrardice, to arrest at once and in advance of legislation, the steps
by which Abolition seeks to force the terrible issue it has made with the
Slave States.
The effort of the Editor of the Observer & Reporter, in his paper of thc
20th of August, to make political capital out of this, and to charge some
of the earlier movers with a design to involve him and his office in a like fato
with that of C. M, Clay, on account of his known devotion to the Whig
cause. End his threat to summon the Whig party to his support, is contempt
ible beyond expression.
The attack upon Mr Marshall by the Louisville Journal, for the Author
ship of the Lexington Address, is ofa piece with the Observer and Reporter
article. Mr Marshall ia stigmatized by that print as an unscrupulous and
unprincipled renegade, burning for revenge on account of his recent defeat
for Congress, and charged with foisting this address upon the Whig party as
a libel upon themselves. It is a poor compliment which thc Louisville Jour
nal pays the Whig party, and one which will certainly be disavowed by thc
larger portion of it in Kontucky, when he troats that address as an attack
upon them. It i-annot be so considered, unless that party mean to involve
themselves with the principles and purposes of the Abolitionists; with which
indeed, the Editor of the Journal seems to holda maiked sympalby.
The effort of Mr Prentice to direct anew the prejudi'ie and the rage of Mr
MaTshall's former friends against him on account of the inaiin-.T in which hc
h-13 deme>,ii.i'-i-';-uSe'.f in thela^r irai-.^a'ti-^n- iu I.cxiii;iTii, I'iU in"-it. Tixoh-

ably recoil upon the t'.Jitor himself . The course of these two prints, in re
lation to this afl'air, demonstrates one thing pretty clearly — That they are
equally vexed and surprised at the commenccmont, course and termination
of thc whole matter. C. M. Clay himself evidently considered this, in the
first instance, a partial movement, got up by tha Democraiic pany. This
idea is apparent upon the face of his first handbill. Such men as Mike Wick-
lilTe and George D. Prentice would have delighted to have given the thing a
party turn. It would have been quite delightful to have been eua'oltd to
charge it as a Locofoco movement, got up by tho 'Apostate' and bia friends
for the accomplishment of their own selfish purposes. Such men could ne
ver have hoped to have engaged the great body of the Whig party in this
City or County, to have defended Mr C. M. Clay as an Abolitionist, and
they did not so calculate; but could they have once induced the belief that
this was a Locofoco Party movement, for the purpose of making political
capital against the Whigs, they hoped to have raised the cry of "mob and
Locofocoism" with success, and summons the Clay party, not to support an
Abolition party, at least not avowedly, but to maintain the peace of socie
ty, the majfcsty of the laws, and to curb the Democrats. There -were symp
toms in various quarters, of this temper. They were all overborne, how
ever, by the prompt action and stern deoifion of the People. Had all Whigs
been Uke Mike Wickliffe and George D. Prentice, their plan might have
worked like a charm . The men, however, who set this matter on foot, were
more of Patriots, and less of Fools, than to attempt to enlist faction in such
a caae aa this, and to add tha stings of poHtical bitterness and party reproach
es to the dangers of servile insurrection.
The statement in the Louisville Journal, that the Committee of 60 ware
met at the 'True American' office with tbe pledge, that if they would not
enter the office or disturb the piess, there should not be another paper issued
is utterly false. No such thing occurred. No sucb proposition was mada
bv or for Mr Clay at any time.
^ THOS, fL WATERS,
H. LOCKHART,
THOS B. MEGOWAN,
JAMES L. HICKI^IAN,
THOMAS F. MARSHALL.
LEXI^-GTO^, Augu.-5t -25th, 1846,

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