YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 1942 g^^l "J7< 71 -0 7. ^§M^ %w* . ft 5 ¦'' \ I "-'^^sg TTu|E EAilLilFlBEACODNSIFuELIID,IK. E. ENG,AVEB BY G.STBOART FROM THE STATUE BY U.E.BOEHM, FOR WESTMINSTER A E Y THE RIGHT HON. BENJAMIN DISRAELI, EARL OF BEACONSFIELD, K.G., AND HIS TIMES. BY ALEXANDER CHARLES EWALD, F.S.A., AUTHOR OF "SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, A POLITICAL BIOGRAPHY;" "THE LIFE AND TIMES OF PRINCE CHARLES STUART;" "REPRESENTATIVE STATESMEN, ' ETC., ETC. VOL. II LONDON: WILLIAM MACKENZIE, 69 LUDGATK HILL, K. C. j EDINBUKGH AND DUBLIN. 1882. a. IIS ME ERST FEEL [MLTS'I Engraved ly E. Stodai-t, from a Ehotugrapb ly S A Walter 18 OEM IT ui]lWo 08 D (5 DM H) SiLUT^WELLL MOJME, EAlKiuLIF M O (EL WILLIAM MACKENZIE, LONDON, EDI NBURGH & GLASGOW. Engravedlry G- J Stodart, fnmi 1UKE IF 08 AM MACKENZIE, LONDON . EDI N P,URGH my lords, many years ago — nearly forty — this country, Avhich no one can say for a moment did not flourish under the old system of protection, deemed it necessary to revise the principles upon Avhich its commerce was conducted. There were three courses — to use a parliamentary phrase common to those times — which were then open to the eminent man to Avhom it fell to solve this problem. Sir Eobert Peel might, in the first place, have reconstructed our commercial system on a scale of Ioav duties, but applied generally to every item in the tariff. In the second place, he might have endeavoured to recon struct our commercial system by those commercial treaties of which we have heard so much to-night. And lastly, it lay before him to take a third course, Avhich was at once to determine to fight hostile tariffs Avith free imports. It is impossible to say Avhat may have been the reasons that ultimately induced that great statesman to take the course Avhich he pursued. I dare say, if we kuew it, it probably was that the difficulties of the two other courses, Avith our complicated parliamentary system, were such that it was impossible to carry them through — that he could not found a system upon a scheme of small and universal duties, and that the attempt to negotiate commercial treaties upon the scale and in the number 61 4S2 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD that were requisite Avas not possible at that particular time, and Avith the passionate feelings Avhich the changes then proposed Avould naturally excite. " The scheme that Avas adopted Avas this — that Ave Avere to fight hostile tariffs with free imports. I Avas among those who looked upon that policy Avith fear — I believed it to be one very perilous ; and these feelings Avere shared by numerous parties in both Houses of Parliament and by a numerous and influential party in the country. The decision of England on the question Avas a decision Avhich was not hurried. Opportunity was offered to discuss it; a whole session of parliament was deA'oted to it, before the bill Avhicli commenced and, I may say, was the crown of the system, the repeal of the corn laws, Avas carried. After that, two or three years passed Avhen the country experienced great distress in its industry — a distress perhaps not inferior to that it is noAV going through- There was, of course, much discontent. There Avas, on the part of those who had opposed the recent change, an earnest and anxious desire naturally to avail themselves of this sharp experience of the country, and obtain a reversal of the policy which, in their opinion, had produced these eA'ils, but which Avere naturally not produced by the commercial changes of that day, for sufficient time had not elapsed after they had been carried to have produced the evils which Avere then suffered by the countiy. The question of free trade Avas again discussed in both Houses of Parlia ment. It enlisted the abilities of leading men on both sides. It was put before the countiy by the press in all its forms. A dissolution of parliament then occurred. At the very time Avhen there Avas great public distress the country had thus the opportunity of rescinding the national resolution on Avhich the neAV system Avas based ; and the country refrained from taking that opportunity to pass a verdict which Avould have forced a reconsideration of the neAV commercial policy. "Many of your lordships must know, from your oavh individual experience, that under these circumstances it was impossible for public men, Avhatever might have been their opinions upon these great commercial questions Avhen these important changes were first introduced, to have had an open controversy for a quarter of a century. The government of the country could not have been carried on. It was necessary to bow to the decision of parliament and the country, expressed by its representatives in both Houses, and ultimately by an appeal to the whole nation itself. That has been the state of affairs as regards the tAvo great parties in the state, however they may have differed originally upon this subject. We have watched, not Avithout anxiety, all that has occurred during this long period ; we have modified our opinions Avith great precaution; Ave have felt the great sacrifices that Avere to be made, for the sake of the countiy, to the expression of the senti ments of the majority. We haAre not been unaware of the remarkable circumstances, such as the gold discoveries and others, that happened, which could not have been taken into calculation either by those Avho proposed or those who opposed the great commercial change. The countiy is noAV in a state of much suffering and some perplexity; and it is not unnatural your lordships should be asked to consider whether the principles upon Avhich for the last thirty-five years we have acted are really sound and true. The question has been brought before us by my noble friend [Lord Bateman], Avho for some time has given his attention to the subject. My noble friend read to us some extracts from a pamphlet he has Avritten. We know he has been in active communication with experienced persons who are suffering in the present state of the country. Though I cannot agree that my noble friend ad dressed us — as I fear I shall have to sIioav — in a manner amounting to logical con viction, he at least showed us, by -the. manner in Avhich he treated the subject AND HIS TIMES. 483 generally, that it was one with which he was familiar and on Avhich he Avas perfectly justified in putting his opinions before the House. I regret to say that with most of his statements I cannot agree. I was very much struck by the course my noble friend took. I listened to him witli an attention which, I am sure, Avas not surpassed by any of your lordships. My noble friend took an early opportunity of saying that he Avas in favour of the repeal of the corn laAvs, and nothing would induce him to agree to any recurrence to our old legislation upon the subject. This statement did not seem to be endorsed by the recent remarks of the noble duke [the Duke of Eutland], avIio seemed to look forward to the placing of an import duty on corn as one of the measures which might extricate us from our present difficulty and perplexity. " The noble lord avIio has devoted himself to this subject commenced his speech with the most formal declaration that, Avhatever relief might be devised for the suffering classes and trades of this country, the landowner and the farmer are to have no share in the solace and assistance Avhich are tp be found in a duty upon corn. My noble friend proceeded to state that he Avas entirely opposed to all duties that Avere levied for revenue, provided that they concerned the food and sustenance of the people ; and he gave us one example— one of a group — sufficient in itself, the duty on tea. That, he said, is quite indefensible ; Avhy not repeal the duty on tea and put it on spirits? Four millions is a sum Avhich I believe the most sanguine chancellor of the exchequer would hardly anticipate that he could raise by an increase of duties on spirits — particu larly at this moment, as it is a declining revenue. My noble friend asked A\Thy a duty on tea should be defensible, if a duty on corn of the same amount Avas not ? I remind him that by his oavii position the duty on tea is a duty for revenue, and a duty of the same amount on corn would be a duty fir protection. Having told us that he will not bring back the corn duties ; that he is prepared to put an end to all duties for revenue; and then lmving denounced com mercial treaties because he considered Ave have nothing to offer, and Ave never get anything by them; and having concluded that it is not by any of these the country can be saved, the noble lord said it could be saved only by the principle of reciprocity. Your lordships must have hung upon the accents of the noble lord when he promised to tell us Avhat reciprocity is. At one moment I thought we were to be enlightened on the subject. He gave a picturesque description of a person Avho had crossed his path in these investigations — he had prob ably lost his Avay. The opportunity seemed to have arrived ; but it passed, and never recurred again. " So far as I understand him, reciprocity is barter. I have always understood that barter Avas the first evidence of civilization — that it Avas exactly the state of human exchange that separated civilization from savagery ; and if reciprocity is only barter, I fear that would hardly help us out of our difficulty. My noble friend read some extracts from the speeches of those avIio had the misfortune to be in parliament at that time, and he honoured me by reading an extract from the speech I then made in the other House of Parliament. That Avas a speech in favour of reciprocity — a speech which defined what Avas then thought to be reciprocity, and indicated the means by whicli reciprocity could be obtained. I do not want to enter into the discussion Avhether the principle Avas right or wrong ; but it Avas acknoAAdedged in public life, favoured and pursued by many statesmen Avho conceiA^ed that by the negotiation of a treaty of commerce, by reciprocal exchange and the loAvering of duties, the products of the tAvo negotiating countries would find a freer access and consumption in the tAvo countries than they formerly possessed. But when my noble friend taunts me Avith a. quotation of some rusty phrases of mine forty years ago, I must remind him that we had elements then on which treaties of rccip- 481 THE EARL OF BEACONSFI F.LD rocity could be negotiated. At that time, although the great changes of Sir Robert Peel had taken place, there were 168 articles in the tariff which were materials by wliich you could have negotiated, if that was a wise and desirable policy, commercial treaties of recip rocity. What is the number you now have in the tariff? Twenty-two. Those vjho talk of negotiating treaties of reciprocity — have they materials for negotiating treaties of reciprocity ? You have lost the opportunity. I do not want to enter into the argument, at the present moment, whether this was wise or not; but the policy which was long ago abandoned you cannot now resume. " You haAre at this moment a great number of commercial treaties. I Avill not charge my memory with stating the exact number of commercial treaties we have, they are very numerous ; but this I know, you have nearly forty commercial treaties Avith some of the most considerable countries in the world — the United States, Germany, and others — in Avhich 'the most favoured nation clause' is included. Well, suppose you are for a system of reciprocity, as my noble friend proposes. He enters into negotiations with a state; he says — 'You complain of our high duties on some par ticular articles. We have not many, Ave have a few left ; we shall make some great sacrifice to induce you to enter into a treaty for an exchange of products.' But the moment you contemplate agreeing Avith the state that you will make concessions by lowering some duties on the few articles remaining, every other of the forty states Avith 'the most favoured nation clause' claims exactly the same privilege. The fact is, practically speaking, reciprocity, what ever its merits, is dead. You cannot, if you would, build, up a reciprocal system of com mercial treaties. You have lost the power ; you have given up the means by which yon covld before obtain such a residt as my noble friend desires. But he has no other scheme to put before us but the scheme of recip rocity, which I Avish to show your lordships does not exist. The noble lord sneered at our last treaty Avith' Servia. It secures us the advantage of ' the most favoured natiou clause.' The noble earl avIio last addressed us (the Earl of Morley) showed, according to his views, the fallacy of the principle of commercial reciprocity. I do not Avaut to get into that part of the case. I hold myself free on that subject. But here it is a phantom. There are no means, and no men — from Avhatever side the government of the country may be drawn, Avhatever members may form it — Avho can come forward now Avith a large system of com mercial exchange founded on the system of reciprocity. The opportunity, like the means, has been relinquished ; and if this is the only mode in which Ave arc to extricate ourselves from the great distress which prevails, our situation is hopeless. I should be very sorry to say, A\-hatever the condition of the countiy, its condition is hopeless. I have had the opportunity, and it Avas my duty, during the last six months to inves tigate the real condition of some of the principal industries of this country, and I cannot trace to our great commercial changes O O any of the depression and evils Avhich they experience and complain of — except, I admit, in the case of land. " I cannot for a moment doubt that the repeal of the corn laAvs — on the policy of which I do not enter — has materially affected the condition of those who are interested in land. I do not mean to say that this is the only cause of landed distress. There are other reasons — general distress, the metallic changes, have all had an effect ; but / cannot shut my eyes to the conviction that the termination of protection- to the landed interest has materially tended to the condition in which it finds itself. But that is no reason Avhy we should come suddenly to an opinion that we should retrace our steps, and authorize and sanction any violent changes. This state of affairs is one which has long threatened — it has been contemplated by many high authorities. It has arrived. I cannot shut my eyes to the fact, and we must consider every step AND HIS TIMES. 4s: Ave take Avith reference to it. I cannot give up the expectation that the energy of this country will bring about a condition of affairs more favourable to the various classes Avhich form the landed interest of this countiy. I should look upon it as a great misfortune to this countiy that the character, and power, and influence of the landed interest and its valuable industry should be diminished, and should experience anything like a fatal and final bloAv. It Avould in my opinion be a great misfortune, not to this country alone, but to the Avorld, for it has contributed to the spirit of liberty and order more than any other class that has existed in modern times. "My lords, I have put before you the remarks that have occurred to me on the motion of my noble friend. He has got hold of a A'ery good question in the national distress ; but it appears to me, that before he proceeds in his adventure of finding the remedy for it, it is absolutely necessary that he should study more pre cision, both of thought and language. I listened with much attention to his agreeable speech ; but I really do not know what he requires. He is against protection. I under stand the vieAvs of my noble friend the noble duke [the Duke of Rutland]. They are consistent. They are the same he expressed Avhen seated on my right hand forty years ago, and he is still ready to act upon them. He is prepared to propose and cany out, if he can, a certain degree of protection to the land. But my noble friend avIio asks us to pass this resolution utterly disclaims that ; he utterly disclaims everything but a phantom. I cannot sup port my noble friend Avhen he asks us to pass resolutions of this graAre character, and Avhen he himself disclaims the very grounds on Avhich he might have framed, not what I think Avas a correct, but a plausible case. It is a very unwise course, in my opinion, Avhen the country is not in a state so satisfactory as Ave could Avish, when all classes, no doubt, of the industry of the country are in a position of uneasi ness — it is, in my opin en, an unwise course to propose any inquiry which has not either some definite object, or is likely to lead to some action on the part of those avIio bring it fonvard. I think it Avould bo most uiiAvise for us to come to.a resolution to have an inquiry into the causes of public distress, Avhen that inquiry is eA'idently one which would end only in asking questions. It Avould lead to great disappointment and uneasiness on the part of the country; and the classes avIio are trying to realize the exact difficulties they have to encounter, and devising the best means to overpower and change them, Avould relapse into a lax state which might render them incapable of making the exertions it is necessary for them to make. Therefore, I cannot sanction, so far as my vote is concerned, the course recommended by my noble friend. " Looking into the state of the country, I clo uot see there is any great mystery iu the causes Avhich have produced a state of which there is undoubted general complaint What has happened in our own commercial fortunes during the last ten years will explain it. The great collapse Avhich naturally folloAved the convulsion of pros perity Avhich seemed to deluge the Avorld, and not merely this country ; the fact that other countries have been placed in an equally disagreeable situation, though their commercial systems Avere founded upon principles the contraiy of our own — these are circumstances which . appear to me to render it quite unnecessary to enter into an inquiry on this subject. I do not mean to say that there are not moments, that there are not circumstances, in Avhich an inquiry by parliament or by a royal com mission into the causes of national distress may not be allowable — may not be neces sary ; but it must be a distress of a very different kind from that Avhich AAre are now experiencing. We must have the conscious ness that the great body of the people are in a situation intolerable to them, and that no persons with any sense of responsibility 436 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD Avould think they had done their duty without examining and reporting on the causes of it. That is not the condition of the people. That there is great suffering — that the leading personages of all classes are suffering — I admit; but the bulk of the people are in a condition Avhich every one must acknoAvleclge it Avould be absurd to describe as one of distress and despair. I hope myself, and firmly believe, although I know that many of great authority in this matter are sceptical — I believe that there is a change for the better in the industrial Avorld; and though, after what has been said to-night, I do not care again to talk about America, much that I hear from America confirms that belief. I am sure there will be no want of sympathy in this House with the sufferings of the people of this country ; and if to-night your lordships clo not accept the proposition of my noble friend, it is because — and the country will understand Avhat is meant — it is because it is a proposition which can lead to no public benefit." After this speech Lord Bateman declined to divide the House. His main object, he said, in bringing forAvard the subject had been to provoke discussion upon it. In opposing these tAvo motions for in quiry into the state of the agricultural interest, Lord Beaconsfield did not belie the opinions he formerly held. He was careful not to condemn the principles of reciprocity or protection in the abstract; he Avould not argue the point, as it Avas useless; all he asserted was that "recent legislation " had rendered a return to reci procity impossible, by the SAveeping reduc tions Avhich had taken place in our system of tariffs. The countiy, after mature deliberation, had abandoned the theory of protection, and it was not the business of one government to upset the legislation of its predecessor. In the old days he had upheld the corn laws, because the land had been heavily burdened Avith exceptional taxation; but such taxation had been re moved, and therefore there was hoav no occasion to benefit the landed interest at the expense of the consuming classes generally. He frankly admitted that the situation of the English farmer Avas grave ; but he also admitted that the agricultural interest in any countiy Avould suffer and cry out Avhen exposed to a succession of bad harvests. The elements were more to blame for the depression than the abandonment of protection or the existence of foreign competition. The agricultural interest Avas passing through a crisis similar to that Avhich every interest and eA'ery trade had at one time or another to pass through ; it would recover, as other interests had recovered, and there was therefore no need for exceptional legislation. Nor did Lord Beaconsfield despair of the future of the agriculture of the countiy. He Avas of opinion that, with the re-arrangement of rents then taking place, with the land relieved of much of the inequitable taxation imposed upon it, Avith a just scale of compensation for unexhausted improvements, with ample security for the tenant's capital, Avith con sistent legislation to prevent the intro duction of contagious diseases from foreign o o countries, and Avith the return of fine seasons, Avhich were sure to recur, farming Avould once more be a prosperous occupa tion in the countiy. He Avas in favour of any commissioii of inquiry in order to inves tigate the grievances complained of; but he could not sanction a remedy Avhich would call into play a system of legislation which had been deliberately abandoned by the country. They could iioav no more restore protection than they could restore the heptarchy. If protection or reciprocity were possible, then the subject might bo discussed ; but since they Avere both out of the question, it Avas idle to argue the matter. MeanAvhile the subject had given rise to much discussion in the House of Commons. Protection wras not openly advocated, but it Avas stoutly denied that the apostles of free trade had proved themselves correct in their surmises. " Free trade," said Mr. AND HIS TIMES. 487 Chaplin, Avhen moving for a commission of inquiry, "I confess to myself, and probably also to others of my generation, has always presented itself as a question Avhich, Avhether for good or for evil, Avas settled during the last generation with the deliberate sanction and approval of the nation ; aud certainly, therefore, I would not myself be prepared to hastily or to lightly discard that Avhich has been so long accepted as the universal decision of the countiy. At the same time, I cannot shut my eyes to the fact that, Avhile the assurances and predictions of Mr. Cobden and other distinguished men at that time have not been fulfilled, but have, on the other hand, in many respects been proved by experience to have been entirely and totally Avrong, the circumstances of to-day have entirely altered from those under Avhich free trade at that time was adopted. When, for instance, the dangers which might arise to this countiy if Eng land alone among nations adopted free trade Avere pointed out by its opponents, they Avere ahvays met with the assurance, repeated by Mr. Cobden over and over again, 'tlat these dangers could never arise, because all other countries, seeing the obvious benefits we should derive from free trade, Avould follow our example.'" It Avas also contended that, Avhen the corn laAvs were repealed, it had never been anticipated that grain could be imported into this countiy at so cheap a rate as to make it impossible for the landed interest, under the most favourable circumstances, to attempt to compete with foreign corn. Farmers had therefore relinquished all hope of obtaining profit out of the growing of corn, and had looked to tlieir stock for compensation ; but now, Avhat Avith cattle from Canada, beef from America, and mutton from Australia, the agricultural interest found itself utterly incapable of making any headAAray against the overwhelming com petition from abroad. " The groAving of AAdieat at 40s. a quarter," said the Duke of Eutland, " could not be made to pay its cost on the great majority of lands in this countiy. It Avas said, ' Why not turn your land into grass ? ' But here again we Avere met by importa tions from abroad. America sent meat here a great deal cheaper than it could be pro duced in this countiy. As a result of free trade, land Avas going out of grain cultiva tion and being turned into grass. Mr. Caird said that Avithin the last ten years 2,000,000 of acres had been throAvn out of corn cultivation in this countiy. Was that a safe or a profitable thing ? Was it safe to rely on the caprice of the foreigner for our food supply ? After the adoption of free trade a one shilling import duty on corn Avas retained, which produced £1,000,000 sterling of revenue; but that small duty had since been gratuitously repealed [for which remission farmers have to thank Mr. LoAve]. Why should that have gone to appease the frantic free traders ? The truth Avas that it Avas, in the present circum stances, impossible to groAv beef or corn except at a loss. Ten years ago, nine- tenths of the meat Ave consumed Avas of home groAvth, Avhereas only one-third Avas produced at home at the present time. It was an alarming fact that each English family sent abroad £15 annually for food alone." Even Lord Harrington had to admit that the land system of England had broken doAvn. Various remedies Avere suggested to meet the difficulty. There was, of course, the hard political economist Avith his cut and dry theory that it was not the business of the state to " cocker up " any particular industry ; and that if the agricultural in terest Avas a failure, it was a proof that the countiy could do Avithout the agricultural interest, and therefore such interest had better turn its attention to some more remunerative calling. Then it was sug gested that the land laAvs should be revised. "You have," said Mr. Bright, "land that has always been boasted of as very fertile, and a climate favourable to all kinds of labour. I believe it would increase the price of land all over the country if you 483 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD Avere to abolish all the ancient, stupid, and mischievous legislation by Avhich you are embarrassed at every step you take in dealing with it. Let us haA'e the inquiry, then. Let us have it wide and honest. Let us look this great spectre which you are afraid of fairly in the face. You cannot escape from it, and if you meet it wisely it may prove, perhaps, to be no more than a spectre. At least let us break down the monopoly that has banished so much of your labour from your farms, and that has pauperized so much of the labour whicli has remained. On the ruins of that mono poly, when you have broken it doAvn, there Avill arise a fairer fabric ; and although it is not possible that I should live to see it, yet the time Avill come Avhen you Avill liaAre a million homes of comfort and indepen dence throughout the land of England, Avhich will attest for ever the wisdom and the blessedness of the neAV policy that you have adopted." Others, again, suggested that the cultivation of the soil should be re-adjusted, and that farmers should raise such produce as could, in spite of foreign competition, be made to pay a fair profit. " The business of agriculture in this coun try," wrote Mr. James Caird, perhaps the highest living authority on agricultural subjects, "is to feed 34,000,000 of people with that portion of tlieir daily food which Ave can best supply, and at the same time maintain many millions of horses, cattle, sheep, and pigs, Avhich minister to the wants and comforts of our daily life. In the household of all families above that of the workman, nine-tenths of the expendi ture on articles of food of home produce are for meat, butter, beer, milk, and only one-tenth for bread; and in that of the workman his bread does not amount to more than one-third of his daily expendi ture on food. There is noAV, happily, little risk of any season, however bad, creating a dearth of bread; and as there is every teason to believe that meat and cheese will for some time be kept within moderate prices, the outlook of the British farmer should be encouraged toAvards the produc tion of these in the finest quality, and of butter, milk, cream, lamb, veal, hay, straw, and vegetables of eArery kind. These, Avith bailey and oats, so long as they maintain their price, and a smaller reliance on wheat, Avhich of all kinds of corn is the most costly to produce at home, and of the Avidest- spread area of capable production abroad, seem for the present the most likely objects of home agriculture." At the same time it Avas suggested that a minis ter of agriculture should be appointed, especially to deal Avith the administra tive details of commerce and agriculture. A few cynical country gentlemen also gave it as their opinion that the Eng hsh farmer had of late years expected too much from the soil ; that, owing to many seasons of prosperity, he had affected to be less of the yeoman and more of the gentle man than had his forefathers ; and that now in the hour of adversity, OAving to the expenditure beyond his station Avhich he had maintained, he Avas crippled in his resources and unable to pay his rent. He had no doubt, they admitted, suffered from foreign competition, but he had also suffered from domestic competition Avith his social superiors. Whatever views ministers held as to protection or reciprocity, there could be no doubt but that the depressed condition of the agricultural interest Avas a subject at least fully deserving of hwestigation. The royal commission on agriculture Avas appointed, and its scheme of inquiry had been made public. England Avas to be divided into districts, and the following matters were to be exhaustively gone into: — The condition of the farms; the condition of the farmers ; the condition of the labourer ; the land laAvs ; land tenancy; agricultural education ; the condition of estates; agricultural statistics to be fur nished by the Board of Trade ; returns of imports and exports of agricultural produce to be furnished by the Customs ; and im portations of agricultural produce from AND HIS TIMES. 489 foreign countries. As the inquiry Avas to be most elaborate it was expected that the labours of the commission would occupy some two years. Unkind friends predicted no good from the appointment of the commission, and said that it was only a soothing syrup concocted by the Conser vative party to keep the farmers quiet until the next general election was over. At the same time certain farmers formed themselves into a body called the "Farmers' Alliance," to protect their interests and to cope with the prevailing depression. This alliance alleged that it had eight definite objects in view: — 1. To secure the better representation of tenant-farmers in par liament; 2, to stimulate the improved cultivation of the land, and obtain security for the capital of tenants invested in the improvement of their holdings; 3, to en courage greater freedom in the cultivation of the soil and the disposal of its produce ; 4, to obtain the abolition of class privileges involved in the laws of distress and hypo thec; 5, to promote the reform of the game laws; 6, to obtain the alteration of all legal presumptions which operate unfairly against- tenant-farmers; 7, to secure to ratepayers their legitimate share in county government; and 8, to obtain a fair appor tionment of local burdens between landlord and tenant. It cannot be said that this active and disturbing programme has as yet been carried out; the so-called Farmers' Alliance appears, under its somewhat in terested directors, to have degenerated into * " It is an organization, however, the importance of which must not be ignored. I sincerely believe it to be most dangerous, mischievous, and insidious in its character. It had evidently been well considered and thought out in all its bearings by its promoters, before they launched it on the public. I believe it to be far-reaching and widely compre hensive in its objects. It embraces the aspirations of the Irish Home Ruler by practically granting fixity of tenure without requiring an equivalent from one party or granting compensation to the other, which is nothing less than robbery and confiscation ; whilst it, at the same time, plays iuto the hands of the Manchester and Birmingham schools, whose objects have ever been to destroy the bulwarks and undermine the foundation upon which the agricultural interests of this country have stood and flourished for generations past. The line of action of the Farmers' Alliance is, first to create a feud between landlord and tenant ; but it will not stop here, for its next move will be to set the labourer against his employer, and having succeeded in producing this chaotic VOL. II. an advertising medium for the sale of agricultural implements and of artificial manures* During the recess the question of agri cultural depression Avas well ventilated throughout the countiy, and furnished the text for much extra-parliamentary oratory. Lord Beaconsfield, Avhilst presiding at the annual dinner of the Bucks agricultural association, Avhich was held at Aylesbury (September 18, 1879), again spoke at much length on the subject. His speech has not been republished, and deserves attention. "There can be no question," he said, after a feAV observations passed upon local topics, "that there is at this moment in the agricultural interests of this country a strain certainly unprece dented in the lives of all present, and probably not easily to be equalled even in the records of our history. It has been announced, as a subject fit for popular discussion, by one [Lord Harrington] avIio may be considered a high authority, that the present unsatisfactory state of affairs may perhaps be traced to the constitution of our system, and that the agricultural system has, to use words with Avhich you are noAV familiar, 'broken down.' It has broken down, we are told, because there are general expressions of discontent Avith the situation, and because there is undoubtedly considerable distress. Well, a year ago, when a bank in the commercial capital of Scotland suddenly broke, when the fall shook that highly civilized country to its condition of things it expects to swamp the political influence of the agricultural interest and turn it in its own favour. It will be a sorry day for England when the three great interests — landlord, tenant, and labourer — become separated, for from that day will date the downfall of British agriculture. Is not, therefore, the action of the Radical party, through this instrument in their hands — the Farmers' Alliance — most unpatriotic, at a moment especially when the best endeavours of all right-minded men ought to be directed towards cement ing more closely and firmly the bonds that unite the interests of landlord and tenant, and thus enabling them together to tide over this serious period of unparalleled depression, instead of turning it to their own selfish and political advantage ? I see in the daily action of the present govern ment how closely allied it is with the Fanners' Alliance, which is a powerful lever in the hands of Mr. Gladstone whenever he thinks fit to make use of it for electioneer ing purposes." — Speech of Jacob Wilson, February 17, 1882. 62 490 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD very centre, Avhen it affected some of the greatest commercial houses carrying on the greatest commercial business in the world, when it produced a state of affairs, a distress, which I can hardly describe — a condition of desolation — nobody went about and said that this Avas proof that the com mercial system of this country had broken down. And a few years before, I recollect that there was a day of deepest anxiety for this country — a day still remembered as Black Friday — Avhen the commercial credit of this countiy had ceased for four and tAventy hours to exist. Nobody then went about and said that the commercial system of England had broken down. Why, if you were to pursue the subject further, which at this moment it may not be con venient for want of time to do, I remember even at an earlier period when one of the highest authorities in the country said that we were Avithin four and twenty hours of a state of bankruptcy — this great countiy Avith its many resources. But nobody Avent about and said, because there was this strain and distress, the commercial system of England had broken doAvn. " I admit, hoAvever, there is distress on the part of the agricultural interest, and I am sorry to say there are some who seem eager to recognize, not only signs of distress, but of decadence. Then we find them going about and announcing that these circum stances are symptomatic of the break-down of the agricultural system. I do not presume to indicate what is the wisest course for all classes of the agricultural interest to pursue at the present moment ; but I think it of great importance that clear ideas as to your situation, as to your position, as to your responsibility should prevail, because you may be hurried into conclusions and into conduct which, if you had been better informed or had given further thought to the matter, you would not, perhaps, have sanctioned and adopted. Now, it has been intimated by a great authority that the cause of our agricultural system having broken down may probably be that it is unlike the agricultural system of any other country; that it is founded upon an un natural principle; that it is essentially artificial; and that the essence of its artificial character is that in this country three classes are dependent upon the produce of the soil, who are according to the system necessary to its cultivation. I have taken an opportunity, the earliest I conveniently had, to combat opinions which I think are most fallacious and must be most disadvantageous to the country. I have laid it down as a principle Avhich can be demonstrated in the most complete and satisfactory manner, that whatever may be your tenure of the land, Avhatever may be the number of classes concerned in its management and cultivation, there must be what is now familiarly termed three profits obtained from the land. The culti vator of the soil naturally says, ' I will not cultivate the soil Avithout being fed, and clothed, and nourished for my pay,' and that I take to be a reward which is called wages. Then the cultivator of the soil — whatever he may be called, farmer or otherAvise — Avho furnishes the floating capital which is to stock the soil, is the capitalist who finds the capital, Avhich, like that of the farmers, must have a return, or the capital never Avould be advanced. In the third instance, I say that whether the cultivator of the soil pays his farming from his savings, or, as is usually the case under such circum stances, by borrowing it, his interest or the return for his capital is, in fact, rent ; and Avhen we are told that the agricultural system has broken doAvn because three profits by our system are required from the soil, it is as well to show that in a system the most contrary to the system which has existed in this countiy — namely, that which prevails in some continental countries in the shape of peasant proprietor ship — although only one individual takes the three profits, still the three profits must be claimed. " Well, then, public newspapers circulate their views and express them with energy AND HIS TIMES. 491 and propriety. I received very recently one of those journals, and this is their scheme for the re-elevation of this countiy and their method by which we are to pro tect those Avho are interested in the land, and to enable them to extricate themselves from their difficulties. What is the scheme ? I will put it before you briefly, because on an occasion like the present I knoAV that brevity must be studied. It is their opinion that this country ought to institute a vast body of small proprietors ; they have fixed the amount of the proprietary at twelve acres ; they have worked it out in complete detail, and call upon the government of the countiy to carry it into effect. Now, what are these details ? I mention the most important and those most interesting. It is calculated that a quantity of land, amounting to twelve acres, Avith a farm stead and necessary buildings, may be obtained for a little more than £600 — for £610; and they propose that the sum of £40 per annum should be paid for thirty years for the holding ; at the end of that term it would become a freehold. But they are not sanguine that those who em bark in those speculations will agree to pay £40 a year, Avhich I will not call rent, but on which you can form your own opinions. They propose that the country should sup ply each holder of those 12-acre farms with £120 to stock the farm, and also they call upon him not merely to return interest, but they look to him to supply what we may call wear and tear. What is that but the duty which the farmer is now fulfilling? Well, having bought his land under cir cumstances, paying a heavier rent than is usual, and obtaining a floating capital by the credit of the state, the man may pro bably cultivate twelve acres with effect. But while he cultivates these twelve acres he will expect to be paid, he will expect to be lodged, he will expect to be clothed; and the third profit Avill appear in the shape of wages. Therefore, according to the very accounts of those, to the very estimates of those, who are offering these mild schemes as the cure for one evil, three profits must arise from the land. " I know, gentlemen, that these are ques tions which require some attention. Your position is critical at this moment, and you must give your minds to these ques tions. I knoAV it may be said that, after all, Ave do not care for, we do not fear, this competition of Europe ; but we do fear the competition of America. Well, noAV, first let me shoAV you for a moment what is the competition of Europe if this neAV system, this new theory, is adopted — that the assumed break doAvn of the agricultural system of England is occasioned by its having to support three classes. I have shown you that, whether there is one class or three classes, equally three profits must be received ; and for myself I believe that it is much more advantageous to a country that the three profits should be divided among three classes tlian it should be received by one. It is a system which has given to this country an independent class. This, I think, has worked Avell for the liberty of England and its order. It has given us in the farmer the most important portion of the middle class, which all wise men have looked upon as one of the best elements for the security of the state; and it has given you an agricultural peasantry, Avho, whatever they may say — and the charges against us with respect to their position are generally made by those who are not acquainted with it — I know myself, from my own experience, at this moment is prosperous and content. " Well, now, before I touch on America, which my friends, naturally interested in this question, wish me to do, let me make one remark about this subject of peasant proprietors. I introduced origi nally the question of peasant proprietors, where one individual obtains the three profits, as the complete answer to those who said that because three profits Avere obtained the unsatisfactory state of the agricultural interest might be explained. But in France we knoAV, on the highest 492 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD authority, the question of peasant pro prietorship has been tried upon the greatest scale. There are, by the best accounts, in France 5,000,000 of peasant proprietors avIio do not hold each more than six acres of land— that is, 30,000,000 acres. The experiment has been tried upon 30,000,000 acres, and Avhat is the result of the experi ment? You may refine and explain as you like, but what is the result of the experiment of these 5,000,000 of proprietors occupying a superficies of 30,000,000 acres compared Avith Avhat our 500,000 farmers have done ? Remember what you are trying this test on. France has a most fertile soil, Avhile that of England is un grateful. You are trying it when that fertile soil is managed by the most ingeni ous and thrifty nation in the world — a nation that can make something out of nothing ; that displays in its management the greatest ability. But what is the re sult ? It is that the production of England per acre is double that of France. The average of England is twenty-eight bushels per acre, in France it is fourteen. I say that these are subjects that ought to be well understood by all classes of agricultural interests. " My summing up is this — that Avhen we are told that our agricultural system has failed in consequence of three classes being sustained by the land, I say that is a com plete fallacy; for, whatever may be your tenure, the same results will occur. Three profits in all circumstances must be obtained from the land, and the question arises whether it is not better that amount of profit should be represented by three classes rather than by one class. Proceeding in this argument, let me refer to the exclamation of a gentle man respecting America. I do not deny the great difficulties we have to encounter, and I should have been glad at once to have adverted to them; but Avith your permission I Avould make some brief remarks on the American question. We hear every day that it is impossible to compete with America. There may be other causes Avhich have prostrated our energy at the present moment ; but I will not give any decided opinion on that mat ter. It is a singular circumstance, that at this moment the greatest apprehension is felt in the United States that they cannot compete with Canada. The taxation of America is so high, the rates of wages are so high, that it is impossible, according to some of the best American authorities, that they can any longer continue to successfully compete with Canada. What is the posi tion of Canada ? If we are to be fed by Canada, it is at least satisfactory that we shall be fed by our felloAV-subjects ; but let us look for a moment at the situation of Canada, which is most peculiar. Since the surrender of the Hudson Bay Company and the settlement of their affairs, the Do minion of Canada became possessed of Avhat I might almost describe as an illimitable wilderness, and a wilderness of fertile land. Now, it is a peculiar circumstance, but to be noted, that the Dominion of Canada is not in favour of peasant proprietorship. What the Dominion of Canada is anxious for is a great yeoman class. It has legis lated with that purpose. Its legislation is noAV an influence for that purpose, and let us see Avhat is their legislation. Every harvestman, every man of fair character Avho comes to Canada, has a right to apply to the government agent, to claim and to obtain what is called a quarter section of land. That quarter section of land consists of 160 acres; he receives those 160 acres on condition that at the end of three years he will reduce them to perfect cultivation, and that in the interval he will raise a substantial and real building upon the land. At the end of those three years the govern ment inspector visits the allotment. If it is found that the farmer has fulfilled the conditions, that he has completely culti vated the 160 acres and raised the necessary buildings, he is permitted to receive an equal quantity — that is to say, another quarter-section of 160 acres — on the pay ment of a dollar an acre; and no greater AND HIS TIMES. 493 payment, even if the value of land in the interval had greatly increased. " You Avill observe from the first moment that this is not a scheme of small peasant proprietors; it is not likely that a man will be able to reduce 320 acres to cultivation and put buildings on the land through his own efforts. He must begin and proceed Avith hired labour. What is hired labour in Canada ? Hired labour is not less than hired labour in the United States. The rudest labourer Avill get 12s. a day, and a skilled labourer 16s. or 18s. The first thing that the neAV yeoman does — what I say I say on the highest authority — is to calcu late the value of his freehold. The value of his freehold depends on the amount he has to pay those six years in hired labour, in buildings, and the amount he paid for the last quarter-section; and at 4 per cent, he writes off interest. What is that but rent? Now, there is another very curious circum stance which I will venture to mention on this occasion, because I have heard it on as high an authority on the subject as can be conceived, and that is, that the sudden cultivation years ago of the extreme Western states of the United States, which first, I think, alarmed this country and drew its attention to it, and, no doubt, affected prices — that in that countiy the production, which was extreme at the commencement, has been reduced one-third, generally speaking, and in some instances one-half ; and that the chief pioneers who advanced so greatly the cultivation of the extreme Western states of the United States have all sold, or to a great degree have sold their farms, and have sold them, alloAv me to say, at thirty and forty dollars an acre, showing as an essential thing that there Avas a basis of rent included in the arrangement inseparable from the tenure. They have sold their farms, and they are now repairing to the illimitable wilderness of Canada. "You will ask me, What is my infer ence ? My inference is a practical one. It may not be an interesting one, it may not be a satisfactory one ; but I think you will, on reflection, deem it a wise one — that Avhere you are, as far as foreign competition is concerned, it is wise not to take — I speak to the landlord and the occupier equally — it is wise not to take precipitate steps. But take care that you do not conclude that that is permanent which is only transitory, though upon that subject I give no opinion, because I think it would be presumption in any one of us to give any opinion ; but still I feel convinced that where you have to deal with new circumstances., that where you find them of so transitory a nature that the very land Avhich four or five years ago, by its extraordinary produce of fifty bushels an acre, affected the market in England and frightened all those who are competent to think, to ponder, and to form an opinion upon the subject, it is wise, Avhen you see circumstances so transitory that the very place of competition is doubtful, and Avhen you hear that Canada expects completely and successfully to beat the United States from the European markets, it is Avise for us not to take any precipitate steps. " There is another reason why I think, in considering the present position of the agricultural interest, we should not act with precipitation. Let us for a moment dismiss from our minds all external considerations. Let us look at what has passed in our OAvn country during the last five years. Has nothing passed which may account for a great deal of distress and suffering ? Is it not a fact that for five years the farmer has sought in vain for a quick and matured produce for his labours ? We have had bad harvests ; Ave have had as bad harvests as any men have had to encounter, but Ave have not had a lustre of bad harvests. You have gone on and on, fairly hoping that nature would reassert itself; and if you had one or two bad harvests you have always believed the time would naturally come in which you Avould find a remedy. Well, that is not the case ; but it is neces sary that we should be conscious that there 494 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD is a strain upon the proprietors of the land which they have not in our experience ever endured. Well, what is the natural course we should take; what is the step we should pursue in such circumstances ? I cannot doubt what is the course we ought to take. The rents of England have been calculated upon a fair average of nature and our experience of the results. What has happened during the last five years has been entirely contraiy to those calculations, and to my mind it is the duty — and for all I hear it may be the willing duty — of the proprietors of the soil to come forward, to stand by that class with Avhom there had never been any want of affection, and duty, and devotion. "I say that I believe the landlords of England are prepared to do their duty on this occasion; but what I want to impress upon you, and if I may presume to do so, upon numbers of the agricul tural interest who are not present in this hall, is, that it is of vital importance that they should thoroughly comprehend the present state of affairs. Noav, I do not want to take refuge in general expressions. I say, for one, that reduction of rent cal culated on the uniform percentage of the rent does not appear to me to be a panacea for the evils which we have to encounter, or the remedy for those calamities whicli most of us experience and all acknowledge. When I consider the variety of the soils in this countiy, the variety of climes even, I would say, in this island; when I remember the peculiar circumstances of districts, I would even say the peculiar circumstances of estates; when I mention what I know is a fact, and which many of you must know, that in the same district, with the same conditions, with the same soil, with the same climate, with the same amount of labour, that the rents are very different as to the rate at Avhich they are apportioned — it seems to me that there is only one con clusion to arrive at, that Ave should examine every individual instance, and that the aid which landlord and tenant should give each other should be from reciprocal acquaintance of each other's duties and necessities. Ten per cent, reduction of rent may be, in some instances, a very agreeable Christmas-box, if it comes at the time ; but I know instances in which 10 per cent, reduction of rent would be utterly insufficient to meet the circumstances of the case. I consider myself, however, in a judicial position, and therefore you will permit me to say that there are some cases in Avhich even 10 per cent, reduction of rent is not necessary. " Gentlemen, this is the spirit in which I think the present state of affairs ought to be encountered. I would not too curiously inquire into the question of the competition of America, and I will tell you why. I have had an opportunity lately of some conversation on this subject with one who may probably be considered the highest living authority on such matters, Avhich are almost as political, I may say, as statistical ; and he told me that he was quite perplexed, after the deepest and most minute inquiry as to what would be the result to Canada of 200,000,000 of the acres of the wilderness being gradually brought into cultivation. He said he saAV there were some who believed, and he shared that opinion, that, under all circumstances, the market of the United States would be destroyed ; but as regards Canada itself, he said, if the influx of population were to go on as it is going on noAV — but that Ave cannot expect — in consequence of those fertile acres being placed at their disposal, he could not tell what might be the consequence. That population would demand itself, not only sustenance, but extravagant and extreme sustenance ; and for his part he would not be surprised, with the impulsive character of humanity in the United States, if that wilderness which now so alarms us is not soon occupied by con suming millions. Therefore, I say that it is not wise at this moment to attempt to take into precise consideration the influence of those markets. When that influence is ascertained, it will be recognized and we AND HIS TIMES. 495 must act upon it, but Ave ought to take into consideration the influence of unfruit ful seasons in this country. This is a subject which Ave cannot avoid, which is fatally and painfully precise. It has had an effect upon the condition of the farming class that never Avas anticipated, and never could have been wished by the owners of land. We have, alas ! heard that their interests Avere identical, that between the landlord and the tenant there Avere feelings of regard and affection, and I have always had a most solemn and sincere belief in their operation ; but if ever there were a case in which that sympathy should be shown, it is the present. It would be not merely a great danger for ourselves, but it would be a great danger for England, that the farming class should be reduced either in influence or in numbers. " I Avould make one more remark upon the position in which Ave are placed, with reference to the want of precise information as to the effect of American produce on our position in England. I may remind you that we have, by a royal commission, sent to the United States and Canada two men of your own class, men of considerable ability, men avIio have had the advantage of enlightened opportunity in the House of Commons for many years to become acquainted Avith those principles on which a state ought to be governed. These two men — two great ornaments of the farming class in this countiy — are visiting America, and I await Avith confidence and interest their communications. But let me say there is no reason Avhy, because we are placed in an indefinite position with regard to foreign supplies and have taken all these means to obtain information, the farmers of England should not take every legiti mate step to make their position more satis factory, if they have occasion to complain. I want to remind you of a subject which is sometimes forgotten — the introduction by the present government of the Agricul tural Holdings Act. That Act is described by a stupid word generally used by stupid people — the Act is called a sham by those who have never read the Act and never studied it, and never profited by it. I will shoAV you in a sentence or two that that Act is a living Act. It is an Act of the utmost advantage to the farmers already; and if they Avere wise, it would be pro ductive of great future advantage. That Act in the first place, for the first time in English legislation, gave the presumption of all improvements in the land to the credit of the farmer and not the landlord. That alone was a very great affair. That Act secured compensation to the farmer for unexhausted improvements, and it did it in a manner Avhich met the wants of different classes of improvements. It gave the best security that no dissension and quarrels should occur betAveen landlord and occupier. That Act also extended the period of notices to quit from six to twelve months. You may say, and I know it will be said by those who know nothing about it, that all the world have contracted themselves out of this Act. A great many persons have contracted themselves out of that Act who ought not to have done so, and a great many men are now ashamed of having contracted themselves out of it ; but I let that pass. " Such an extraordinary stream of men dacity has been poured on this Act that I need not dAvell on the point at length. It was said, for instance, that the noble duke who brought the bill forward had contracted himself out of the Act. My noble friend the Duke of Richmond has always given leases to his tenants; he prefers leases; therefore it was impossible for him to contract himself out of the Act. The other minister who brought it forward in the House of Commons was a gentleman Avho was a member for the county of Bucking ham, and I defy any one to say that any of his tenants contracted themselves out of it. I have seen a good many of these contracts, and they deal Avith the varying conditions of the soil and climate of England. And we find cases where the contracting parties, 49G THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD knowing nothing about it, have made contracts agreeing to all the vital points in the Act; and the only advantage the occupier and tenant have is that their con tracts are drawn up in a manner which may involve them in litigation ; Avhereas, if they had stuck to the Act of Parliament, they would have avoided that result. In most of these contracts I find that notice to quit is increased to one year ; that is not as far as I would wish to go, as I haye often said, but no doubt the arrangement Avas a prudent one. Most of their contracts agree, as a matter of course, that the tenant is to be compensated for his investment in the soil. " Before I sit down I must make one remark, that I ought to apologize for having spoken at this length. You will remember that one gets garrulous when one meets one's old friends. You will not forget the various scenes that have taken place with reference to this society — the struggles Ave have had and the contests that Ave have had to encounter ; and you will not forget that for a term longer than a generation you intrusted to me the greatest honour of my life, the office of being your representative ; and I did not think I should be doing my duty to-day in merely meeting you at a time of strain and trial like the present, and indulging only in a few commonplace remarks. There is no doubt that there is a party in this England — I don't believe a very numerous party, but a very busy one — who always view with feelings of hostility the agricultural interest. They do so because they are opposed to the free and aristocratic government. You may get rid of that government, gentlemen ; but if you do you will have either a despotism that ends in democracy, or a democracy that ends in despotism. A year ago, Avhen the pressure was first touching us, when in addition to the general sufferings of the couutry, it began to be Avhispered that the agricultural interest was suffering, that party sprung immediately to their legs ; they saw a golden opportunity, as they thought, and their first step was an attempt to agitate the agricul tural labourers of the country. Fortunately, these men who attempted to agitate in rural England were thorough cockneys. They Avere not, perhaps, born in London, but they were born in another town that often makes a greater noise. If they had known any thing of countiy life, they Avould have known they had got the wrong end of the stick; that if there were any class connected with the land in England that was un usually prosperous, it was the agricultural labourer. But when those meetings were held and the dreadful news was announced that agricultural labourers in some parts of England were only getting 14s. a Aveek the absurdity of the Avhole affair was too ludicrous for contemplation. Even the agricultural labourers avIio made those complaints could scarcely keep their coun tenances. They knew Avell that during the forty years their Avages had been raised 40 per cent. They knew very well, that with those increased wages, their purchasing power of all that was requisite for life was immensely increased. They knew very well that throughout England, to a great extent, their habitations were immensely improved, in themselves a source not only of health but of income; and the agitation founded upon data so fallacious quickly evaporated. But a year ago they Avere setting the agricultural labourers against the farmers ; now they are attempting to set the farmers against the landlords. This will never clo. The government of England wiU always be supported by those who have the spirit of justice and liberality and of affection. We have stood together under many trials, and England has recognized that in the influence, the just influence, of the agricultural interest there is the best security for liberty and law." With the exception of touching upon agricultural topics, Lord Beaconsfield con fined himself during this year to questions relating entirely to the development of his foreign policy. Upon one subject, however, of some domestic importance he made a feAV remarks, which, considering that the agitation AND HIS TIMES. 497 is ever being set on foot, are worthy of being preserved. The question as to the observance of Sunday admits much that can be said on both sides. It is undoubtedly narrow and intolerant to expect that the Avorking man, engaged in close and severe toil, and often in an unhealthy atmosphere, during six long days in the week, should on the seventh be debarred, by a spirit of unkindly Puritanism, from all relaxation and recreation. At the same time the seventh day should be one of rest, and however genial and philanthropic may be the intentions of those Avho seek to relieve the English Sunday from much of its aggressive and unnecessary austerity, this insertion of the thin end of the Avedge is not unaccompanied Avith danger. Of the two evils it is better both for man and beast that Ave keep our day of rest as Ave now keep it, than that that day should develop into the Sunday of the Continent. To the wise and well-balanced mind the day of rest will always be regarded as a divine gift to man to be hallowed and yet to be enjoyed — a sacred day, and yet one on which legiti mate pleasure is not to be forbidden. Still Ave do not legislate for the Avise and well balanced, but for the rude and easily led; the middle course between Calvinism and Continentalism, which so many kindly and tolerant persons wish to see adopted, would, if it once came into effect, soon blend and lose itself with extravagances and results which could only be pernicious to the moral Avelfare of the commonwealth. The opening of galleries and museums would shortly be followed by the opening of other and more popular places of resort; from sacred music Ave should get to secular music, and from secular music the interval would soon be bridged over which leads to the opening of the opera house and the theatre; our Sunday Avould speedily lose its sense of rest and repose ; it Avould develop into a day of pure pleasure, of social festivities, and of much gathering together, inspired by the sole object of amusement ; finally, it would be a day of much labour to those called VOL. II upon tosatisfy the wants of pleasure-seekers, and as a day of rest — its chief characteris tic — it would be null and void. It is for this last reason — the gradual and insidious abolition of a special interval set apart for rest — that the working classes of this countiy have never regarded with any particular favour the efforts of those Avho are endeavouring to make the English Sunday less dull and austere. They know what must be the logical result of those efforts, and they prefer to stand upon the old paths. They look forward to their day of rest; it is the one feature in their laborious life which is ever Avelcome to them, and they are wise enough to see that from the opening of schools of art to the opening of shops is not so distant a step as some imagine. It was this development of the question, and not the mere opening of galleries and museums, that caused Lord Beaconsfield to oppose any motion which was calculated to interfere with the sanctity of the rest expected and required from that hallowed day. On the occasion of Lord ThurloAv moving a resolution to open mu seums and art galleries on Sundays, Lord Beaconsfield thus expressed the vieAvs which led him to vote against the proposal: — "Unquestionably," he said (May 5, 1879), "the resolution moved by the noble lord needs greater consideration than would appear on the surface. There is no doubt it is desirable, that the working classes of this country should be more familiar with galleries of art and museums of science than they probably are. But it is a wish which I think ought not to be limited to the working classes. There are other classes in the country who would be benefited by a nearer acquaintance than they appear to me to possess with galleries of art and museums of science; and the tendency of our legislation of late years has happily been to bring the population of this country generally, irrespective of class, under the civilizing influence of those institutions — to bring art and science into nearer relation with the general life of the 63 498 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD people. Within these few years public holidays have been established by statute. They have been secured to the people by the action of parliament, and are not dependent upon the will of the church; and there has been, besides, that great revolution in manners known as the half- Saturday movement — a revolution not legislative, but not less powerful, because it is the result of general conviction — whereby you secure fifty-two half hohdays in the year. Therefore, since the question now before your lordships was first started, great changes, all favourable to the frequent visiting by the people of this countiy of galleries of art and museums of science, have occurred. "The proposal of the noble lord is in favour of a' very considerable advance being made from the stage at which Ave have arrived ; and it is impossible to consider that proposal without some reference to the religious feelings of the country. Now, my lords, I Avould not take an exaggerated view of the circum stances connected with this proposition in that respect. I am perfectly free to admit that there is a difference between the Christian Sunday and the Jewish Sabbath ; and I cannot agree with those who Avould extend to the observance of the Christian Sunday the rules and regu lations of the Jewish Sabbath. If there be any Avho desire to do it, they would utterly fail to accomplish that purpose. But of all divine institutions, I maintain the most divine is that which secures a day of rest for man. If there is a con sideration connected with this subject which I think ought not to be absent from your lordships' mind on this occasion it is this — Would it have been possible to have secured a day of rest for man unless it had been connected with the religious sentiment? To my mind it would have been utterly impossible; and it is the religious principle, which to a certain extent is admitted by all — at least by all classes that haAre influence and numbers in this country — it is that principle we must take care should not be discarded if Ave Avish to maintain that day of rest which I hold to be the most valuable blessing ever conceded to man. It is the corner-stone of all civilization; and it Avould be very difficult to estimate what might be the deleterious effects, even upon the health of the people, if there were no cessation from that constant toil and brain- Avork which must ever characterize a countiy like this, so advanced in its pursuits and civilization. " Under these circumstances I have ever hesitated to support propositions which have tended to diminish the observance of the Christian Sunday. Another point Avhich ought to influence our decision is this — In all questions into which the religious sentiment enters, it is highly desirable that no change should be effected that is not called for by the expression of a predominant sentiment on the part of the people. What evidence have we of this predominance ? I ask really as much for instruction as for any other object. I have endeavoured to obtain some information, and that information has not convinced me that there is such a predominance of opinion in favour of this great change. It is a great change; and those who suppose for a moment it can be limited to the proposal of the noble lord mil find they are mistaken. I Avant to know what evidence Ave have that there is this desire on the part of the people of this country for a change Avhich will affect the conduct of their lives, and to a great degree their opinions on the most important and solemn subjects ? I venture to refer to the proceedings in the other House of parliament, the popular branch of the legislature. This is not an old subject; as a public question it has come into prominence only within the last few years. I remember the first occasion on which it was brought fonvard in the other House of parliament. The experiment has been made three or four times, and it has been made so recently as during the AND HIS TIMES. 499 existence of the present government. If I am not mistaken it was made during the last year I sat in the other House. What has been the principal feature of those discussions, debates, and divisions ? Un questionably this — that the proposal has always been defeated by vast majorities, and in those majorities you generally could observe the members for the great com mercial towns and the great centres of industry always voting against the propo sition. " These are grave circumstances — though I do not say they ought to be decisive. I do not say that the question the noble lord has brought forward is not one that deserves our consideration. But we ought to bear in mind that the proposal cannot rest where it is. I do not speak of the 'thin end of the wedge,' which has been denounced ; I do not speak at all in that sense. I say it is in the nature of things that the proposition which the noble lord has made must be followed by others ; and the question will be the change in the habits of the people, and perhaps in their opinions, the further the matter is pursued. As a mere matter of politics any substantial or considerable change in the legislation which secures a day of weekly rest to the people of this countiy should be, I will not say viewed Avith the greatest suspicion, but examined Avith the greatest vigilance. I believe this proposed change is vieAved Avith suspicion by the Avorking classes. Whether it is just or not, I Avill not discuss ; but if such a feeling is entertained by the labouring classes of this countiy, it ought to be tenderly treated. I do not think your lordships ought to make any movement in the direction proposed unless you have good assurance you are taking a course with which the great body of the people of the country sympathize. No evidence has been given Avhich convinces me of that; and therefore it is my duty to oppose a motion — and I do it Avith regret — the apparent and — I say it not offensively — the superficial object of Avhich Avould seem to be to civilize the people." The resolution of Lord TIiutIoav was rejected by a majority of eight. CHAPTER XVII. "IMPERITJM ET LIBERTAS. For the first time since the passing of the reform bill of 1832 the Tory party had been in power Avith a large and tractable majority. The constitutional vieAVS Avhich the prime minister had long entertained, and Avhich are visible in all his speeches and Avoven with the texture of his novels, he had proceeded to assert and carry out. What his enemies called a "bastard im perialism," but Avhat he more correctly designed as reducing the constitution to its original elements before it had been restricted by Whig tyranny or overwhelmed by the democratic influx in the House of Commons, had been the object both of his European and Asiatic foreign policy. His aim had been to restore the influence the croAvn possessed before its usurpation by the members of the "Venetian oligarchy" for their own selfish ends. He wished, as he said, to see " a real throne " exercising its legitimate and constitutional control, emancipated on the one hand from aristo cratic despotism, and on the other from parliamentary arrogance. Since govern ment by parliament had superseded govern ment by prerogative, it was not the crown Avhich had encroached upon the rights of the subject, but the subject which had encroached upon the rights of the croAvn. These encroachments Lord Beaconsfield, now that he was in power, had declined to sanction or admit. Parliament was assem bled for counsel, not for control ; but since Whig influence had been paramount the Houses under the guidance of the " govern ing families" had trespassed. upon the con stitutional prerogatives of the crown, and had wielded the authority which was the due of the sovereign. This reversion of the constitutional order of things Lord Beaconsfield had aimed at setting aside. It had been his object to restore the crown to its original power — to see it govern through ministers responsible to parliament — and not to have it dictated to by a domineering oligarchy ruling ministers by the aid of a submissive House of Commons. It was for this reason that, during the six years he held office, he had proved that the head of a constitutional monarchy was no mere puppet made to act as ministers pulled the strings, but an actual and practical sovereign. The aim he set before him was very similar to that which Baron Stockmar, the confi dential adviser of the Prince Consort, had laid down as the rule of conduct wliich an English sovereign ought to follow. " Since the theory of the constitution," writes the Baron, " has been brought more into harmony Avith the spirit and the wants of the age, its practical working has retro graded just as much as its theory has advanced. Whigs and Tories saw that, from the moment the democratic element became so powerful, there was only one thing which could keep this element within safe bounds, and prevent it from sAvallowing up first the aristocracy, and then itself. This one thing was the upholding and strengthening of the autonomy of the mon archical element, Avhich the fundamental idea of the English constitution had from the first conceded to royalty. ... In reference to the crown the secret is simply this. Since 1830 the executive power has been entirely in the hands of the ministry, and these being more the servants of parlia ment; — particularly of the House of Com mons — than of the crown, it is practically in the hands of that House. This is a distortion of the fundamental idea of the THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD AND HIS TIMES 501 English constitution, which could not fail to groAv by degrees out of the incapacity of her sovereigns rightly to understand and to deal with their position, and out of the encroachments on their privileges by the House of Commons. This perversion of the fundamental idea of the English con stitution is fraught with this great mischief for the state, that the head of the minis try for a time can only be the head of a party, and consequently must only too often succumb to the temptation of advancing the imagined interests of his party to the prejudice of the public weal. To counteract on the part of the crown this injurious tendency must at the present moment be a difficult task, inasmuch as ministers and parliament will construe the legal powers of the crown in accordance, not with the original spirit of the constitution, but with the practice which has prevailed since 1830. Still, the right of the crown to assert itself as perma nent head of the council over the temporary leader of the ministry, and to act as such, is not likely to be gainsaid even by those Avho regard it through the spectacles of party. " In theory one of the first duties of ministers is to protect and preserve intact the traditional usages of royal prerogative. . . . Our Whigs, again, are nothing but partly conscious, partly unconscious repub licans, who stand in the same relation to the throne as the wolf does to the lamb. And these Whigs must have a natural inclination to push to extremity the con stitutional fiction — which, although un doubtedly of old standing, is fraught Avith danger — that it is unconstitutional to intro duce and make use of the name and person of the irresponsible sovereign in the public debates on matters bearing on the constitu tion. But if the English crown permit a Whig ministry to follow this rule in practice, without exception, you must not wonder if in a little time you find the majority of the people impressed with the belief that the king, in the view of the law, is nothing but a mandarin figure, which has to nod its head in assent, or shake it in denial, as the minis ter pleases. . . . Ministerial responsi bility in these days, for such ministers as are incapable, and at any rate for such as are unscrupulous, is a mere bugbear. The responsible minister may do the most stupid and mischievous things. If they are not found out he may even continue to be popular; if they do come to light, it only costs him his place. He resigns or is removed — that is all — the whole punish ment, the whole restitution made, for the mischief done to the common Aveal. But who could have averted, Avhose duty Avas it to avert, the danger, either wholly or in part? Assuredly he, and he alone, who, being free from party passion, has listened to the voice of au independent judgment. To exercise this judgment is, both in a moral and constitutional point of view, a matter of right, nay, a positive duty. The sovereign may even take a part in the initiation and maturing of the government measures; for it would be unreasonable to expect that a king, himself as able, as accomplished, as patriotic as the best of his ministers, should be prevented from making use of these qualities at the deliberations of his council. In practice, of course, the use so made Avill be as various as the gifts and personal character of the occupants of the throne are various; and these are decided not merely by the different degrees of capability, but also by their varieties of temperament and disposition. Although the right has, since the time of William III., been frequently perverted and exercised in the most pernicious way, since 1830, on the other hand, it has scarcely been exercised at all, which is fundamentally less injurious to the state than in the other case. At the same time it is obvious that its judicious exercise, which certainly requires a master mind, Avould not only be the best guarantee for constitutional monarchy, but Avould raise it to a height of power, stability, and sym metry which has never been attained. At the same time, in the face of the exercise of this merely moral right of the crown, the 502 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD responsible ministers may, so far as the substantial import, the excellence, and fit ness of their measures are concerned, act Avith entire freedom and independence. The relation between sovereign and minis ters becomes quite different whenever the former has to decide as to the carrying out of a measure whicli he has already sanc tioned; for then he is primarily charged with a constitutional control of the honesty and loyalty of his ministers, Avhich is exer cised most safely for the rest of them through the premier. Thus, then, do I vindicate for the sovereign the position of a permanent premier, who takes rank above the temporary head of the cabinet, and in matters of discipline exercises supreme authority." Without any invasion of the rights of the constitution, Lord Beaconsfield strove to carry out this policy. The queen Avas to be the real chief of the state, and not the mere agent of her advisers. The author ity of the croAvn, which had lain so long dormant, was to be brought forward and exercised, and thus made to counteract the influence of the leaders of democracy, ahvays working Avithin every state. A real throne, Avith the sovereign as " permanent premier," with the princes of the blood issuing from their seclusion to hold high office in the state, with a generous aristocracy upholding the influence of the crown, and not like the Whigs upholding only their own order, and a parliament suggestive, yet submissive — these Avere the ends Avhich the "imperialism" of Lord Beaconsfield sought to attain, and which Avere the main characteristics of his period of office. This policy of " imperialism " was, Iioav- ever, Avarmly opposed by the leaders of the Liberal party. In their eyes England had little or nothing to do Avith continental politics ; it was absurd for us, they said, to attempt to become a great military power, or hope to exercise a powerful influence in the councils of Europe ; whilst our jealousy of Russia, our entering into guarantees for the maintenance of the Ottoman empire, our hankering after annexation of territory and rectification of frontiers, simply entailed upon us great expenditure and enormous responsibilities. Why could not ministers, they asked, be content with the foreign policy of their predecessors, under which the country had flourished and had been at peace with its neighbours ? Why all this " swagger" and " bluster" and this "jingo ism," which really signified nothing but bravado ? " We can have no confidence in the future," cried Mr. Rylands, Avhen mourn ing over the necessary increase in the expenditure, " so long as the imperial policy of the present government exists." " Since this government," said Mr. Bright, " came into office, your great empire upon the map has groAvn much greater. They have an nexed the country in the Transvaal, in South Africa, Avhich is said to be as large as France; they have annexed Zululand, in South Africa ; and they have practically annexed Afghanistan. They have added also to our dominions the isle of Cyprus, in the Mediterranean, and they have incurred enormous and incalculable responsibilities in Egypt and Asia Minor. All this adds to your burdens. Just listen to this ; they add to the burdens, not of the empire — Canada and Australia and all those colonies have nothing to do, as a rule, with these things — they add to the burdens, not of the empire, but of 33,000,000 of people who inhabit Great Britain and Ireland. We take the burden and pay the charge. This policy may lend a seeming glory to the crown, and may give scope for patronage and promotion, and pay a pension to a limited and a favoured class. But to you, the people, it brings expenditure of blood and of treasure, increased debts and taxes, and adds risk of Avar in every part of the globe. Noav, look at our position for one moment : you have to meet the competition of other countries. Your own race on the American continent are your foremost rivals. Now, nobody denies that statement. I believe they are 50,000,000 noAV. Happily for them they have not yet bred a Beacons field or a Salisbury to misdirect their policy AND HIS TIMES. 503 and waste their resources. Now, if at some distant period — it may be centuries remote — an Englishman, one of that great English nation which is now so rapidly peopling the American continent, if such an Englishman should visit and explore the source of his race and the decayed and ruined home of his fathers, he may exclaim, ' How are the mighty fallen ! ' and ' whence comes this ruin ? ' and the answer will be — ' In the councils of the England of the past.' I pray that it may not be said in the days of a virtuous queen that wisdom and justice were scorned, and ignorance, passion, and vain-glory directed her policy and Avielded her poAver." Mr. Gladstone was still more hostile. " I held before, as I have held in the House of Commons, that the faith and honour of the country have been gravely compromised in the foreign policy of the ministry; that by the disturbance of confidence, and lately even of peace, which they have brought about, they have prolonged and aggravated the public distress ; that they have aug mented the power and influence of the Russian empire, even while estranging the feelings of its population; that they have embarked the crown and people in an unjust war — the Afghan war, that is full of mischief if not of positive danger to India ; that by their use of the treaty-making and war-making powers of the crown they have abridged the just rights of parhament, and have presented the prerogative of the nation under an unconstitutional aspect which tends to make it insecure." The key-note thus struck by the leaders of the Liberals was sounded throughout the coun try with less eloquence, but Avith equal monotony, by their followers. These severe but someAvhat partial critics of the foreign policy of the government forgot, however, to state that since Great Britain was not merely a cluster of islands in a northern sea, but an empire, it must necessarily have an imperial, and not an insular policy. They forgot to explain that the boasted prosperity which the country enjoyed under the late administration had been bought at the expense of the prestige of the nation, and that the country was at peace Avith its neighbours simply because it had on the Continent been completely ignored as one of the great poAvers. They declined to remember that, when the Liberals held office, guarantees which had been solemnly entered into had been renounced, that the judgments of foreign nations had been meekly acquiesced in, and that Ave had to go back to the worst days of the " Merry Monarch " to find a parallel for our condition as a countiy degraded, spiritless, pliant, and submissive. Our aim, when ruled by a Liberal administration, was not to be a kingdom, but to be an active and lucrative workshop. Under Mr. Gladstone Ave Avere an emporium; under Lord Beacons field we were an empire. It Avas Lord Beaconsfield who raised England to the position she once occupied, Avho taught Europe to respect and recognize her auth ority, Avho showed that treaties in Avhich her interests Avere concerned could not be draAvn up and entered into AA'ithout her sanction or interposition, and Avho proved by her decided and patriotic attitude that from those who ignored her or rejected her counsels she Avas prepared to demand and enforce a full and complete satisfaction. One of the bitterest antagonists whom the foreign policy of Lord Beaconsfield encoun tered was the Duke of Argyll. His Grace had from the first opposed the attitude Avhich the government had taken up Avith regard to the Eastern question, and his objections were among the most sweeping and hostile which the royal titles bill, the Berlin treaty, and the rectification of the Afghan frontier had to meet and refute. At the earliest op portunity, when the execution of the treaty of Berlin was discussed in parliament, the Duke of Argyll came fonvard to pass an ad verse judgment on the whole of the Eastern policy of the government. An important debate was thus originated, in Avhich the most prominent among the peers on both sides of the House took part. The Duke of 504 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD Argyll laughed at the treaty of Berlin having preserved the independence and integrity of Turkey. He complained of the construction put upon the evacuation of Eastern Roumelia by the government. According to the Berlin treaty, the Russian troops were to have completed the evacuation by May 3, 1879 — being the nine months from August 3, 1878, agreed upon; but it now transpired that the evacuation was only to begin on that date. The duke then ridiculed the preten sions of the government as to the advan tages to be derived from the treaty of Berlin, which Avas nothing, he declared, but the treaty of San Stefano drawn afresh with a few unimportant modifications. The first result of the policy of the government was that Turkey Avas ruined. " Do not deceive yourselves Avith fine phrases," he cried; "Turkey as an empire is dead and gone. She has lost more than provinces — she has lost that which is essential to empire ; she has lost her independence." Passing on to the subject of Afghanistan, and to the treaty of Gandamuk, which was then being considered by the cabinet, he accused the government of double dealing with Shere Ali, and opposed the view of the ministers that India should be saddled with the ex penses of the campaign. "My lords," he concluded, " you are beginning to be found out. The people of this countiy — or at least that portion of the country on Avhich you have relied — are beginning to see that you have not obtained for them what they expected. It is not we, the members of the Opposition, Avho are accusing you. Time is your great accuser ; the course of events is summing up the case against you. What have you to say- — I shall wait to hear — Avhat have you to say Avhy you should not receive an adverse verdict at the hands of your country, as you certainly will be called up for judgment at the bar of history ? " His Grace had not long to wait before he heard the defence of the government. Lord Beaconsfield rose up at once to reply. He had expressed a hope the day before that as the treaty of Gandamuk Avas under consideration, the Opposition Avould not criticise at the present moment the policy of the government in Afghanistan. " My lords," he said (May 16, 1879), alluding to the arrival of Yakub Khan in the English camp at Gandamuk, "My lords, you are aware, as the noble duke has just reminded you, that at this moment the Ameer of Afghanistan is a self-invited but honoured guest in the English camp, with the avowed object of negotiating a treaty of peace and friendship with the Queen of England; and I may say that under those circumstances, when I heard of the intended motion of the noble duke, and that he Avas going to call the attention of the House to the results of our foreign policy in Europe and Asia, I think I had some reason yesterday to remind him of that state of affairs to Avhich I have referred, and to leave it Avith confi dence to his discretion, as I left it then, to observe a statesmanlike silence in the cir cumstances noAV existing. My lords, I have been deeply disappointed in these expecta tions. At this very moment, Avhen the questions to Avhich he has referred, such as the appointment of a European resident in the cities of that sovereign, Avhen those questions are still under consideration, and which at this very moment are the subject of negotiations, the noble duke has thought it proper, referring, as he said, only to the past, to treat these subjects in a manner — and in a manner which, in the present con ditions of communication, may in tAventy- four hours be known in those parts — Avhich certainly may greatly affect the carriage of these negotiations. When I consider these circumstances, Avhen I remember the posi tion of the noble duke, a man of eminence for his ability and so exalted in his position, a man who has more than once been the trusted counsellor of his sovereign, Avhen I see that such a man as he comes fonvard, and Avith a criticism which I will not call malevolent, but Avhich certainly was en venomed, attacks the policy of the govern ment which at this moment must be beinc Aveighed and scanned Avith the most intense AND HIS TIMES. ,05 interest abroad, I must say that I am greatly astonished. My parliamentary ex perience has not been little, but certainly in the course of that experience I remember no similar instance of a person in so high a position adopting the course which the noble duke has thought it right to take. " For the reasons which I gave yesterday I shall certainly not follow the noble duke into the subject to Avhich he has referred. My noble friend, when he addresses your lordships, Avill find that, although for the moment he may have to sacrifice the gratification of vindicating his personal honour, there are still various matters Avith respect to Afghanistan to which the noble duke has referred, to which it is neces sary for him to allude. I, hoAvever, shall not touch upon them. Unfortunately for us, and perhaps still more unfortunately for the noble duke himself, he Avas not present Avhen the debates in reference to Afghanistan were held. Those of your lordships who were present at those debates can scarcely accept as accurate the picture which the noble duke drew of those discus sions. Your lordships have been told by the noble duke that you were obliged to consent to a hurried vote, moved by Her Majesty's government, Avho had already committed the countiy to a certain policy Avith regard to Afghanistan. Your lord ships will recollect that, on the contraiy, the subject of the conduct of Her Majesty's government in reference to Afghanistan was discussed for three nights in this House. Your lordships will also remember that with your indulgence I felt it to be my duty to Avind up the debate upon that occasion, and that, after our policy had been criticised and assailed for three nights, I proved by the production of a despatch written by the late Viceroy of India that if the distinguished leaders of the Opposition had been in office, they would have pursued exactly the same policy which we conceived and which we had the courage to pursue. The result of that debate was, that when the matter came to a division, one of the VOL. II. largest majorities Avhich Ave have ever had in this House sealed with its confidence and its approbation the conduct of Her Majesty's gOArernment. " I will endeavour to follow the noble duke through the other subjects which he dealt with, in the order in which he intro duced them. The noble duke, as some compensation for the attack Avhich he made upon our Indian policy, commenced his address by congratulating us. The noble duke congratulated us upon the great fact that, in part fulfilment of the treaty of Berlin, the evacuation of Bosnia and Roumania had been commenced. The noble duke in congratulating us on that circumstance said, that it was true at the same time that the version Avhich we now gave of the obligatory provision in the treaty of Berlin respecting the evacuation of those provinces Avas not that which Ave had originally given of it; still that the fact that the evacuation had commenced was so satisfactory, that he must con gratulate us upon our success in bringing about an agreement under Avhich Russia Avas to be allowed three more months in which to complete the evacuation. I cannot accept the compliments of the noble duke. I have always placed upon the 22nd clause of the treaty of Berlin exactly the same interpretation which I understand the government of Russia iioav does. My noble friend and myself, Avho have Avorked together in these transactions, have, I believe, never differed upon any single point in reference to the treaty except this ; I certainly understood that when nine months were appointed for the occupation of these provinces by the military forces of Russia, that period should not include the time alloAved for the evacuation of them, which was to commence at the termination of that period of nine months. Occupation and evacuation are different things; and if the evacuation were to be commenced within the nine months, the period of the occupa tion Avould be proportionately shortened. 64 506 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD " But, holding as I do that view of the subject, that is no reason why Ave should agree to an unreasonable length of time being taken in conducting the evacuation of those provinces. The noble duke treated as a matter of course, and as a subject upon Avhich there could be no possible difference of opinion, that Her Majesty's government had agreed to extend the time for the evacuation in those provinces to August 3. There is not the slightest authority for any statement of the kind. What Ave are bound by is the vieAV noAV taken by the majority of the signatories of the Berlin treaty, to the effect that the evacuation Avas to commence on May 3 ; and it is to be completed Avithin a reasonable time, which may be computed in Aveeks rather than in months, but at all events in a moderate time, as compared Avith the statement Avhich the noble duke has made. Therefore the noble duke, who prides himself upon his memory, has actually complimented Her Majesty's government upon the circumstances which, if correct, Avould have been a disgrace to them. "The noble duke then goes on to com plain very much of the manner in Avhich he and his colleagues and friends have been treated not in, but out of this House, and in so doing he exhibited that sensitive ness which I have already more than once observed is peculiar to the present Opposi tion. On this point I did not think that the evidence of the noble duke Avas adequate to the occasion. He quoted an extract from a speech of my noble friend, and he also quoted from the anonymous correspondence of an unknown society. When a subject of this character is brought before your lordships on a solemn occasion, and when charges of this nature are made against Her Majesty's government, I do not myself much care what people say about me, and I haAre not much time to make remarks about others. Some distinguished members of Her Majesty's Opposition, however, Avho have appeared in different parts of the country, seem to have spared no time in the preparation of their attacks upon Her Majesty's government. Upon that subject I Avill say nothing further than this: I make no charge against either of the two noble lords, the leaders of the Opposition in either House • of Parliament. Their conduct has at all times, and especially at critical periods, been such as was to be expected from gentlemen and distinguished statesmen Avho felt the responsibilities of their position. " That, hoAvever, cannot be said of all the members of the party. Although I shall notice nothing of a merely personal nature, I must say that it is much to be regretted that after so solemn an act as the treaty of Berlin Avas executed, and Avhen united Europe had agreed to look upon the treaty as some assurance for the maintenance of peace and for the general Avelfare of the world, certain members of the Opposition should, not once, twice, nor thrice, but month after month, habitually declare to the Avorld that the treaty was utterly impracticable, and have used such external influence as they might possess to throw every obstacle and impediment in the Avay of carrying that treaty into practical effect. Look at the probable result of such action. If statesmen have pledged their opinion over and over again that a treaty is impracticable, if they become responsible ministers, they Avill be called upon by those who do not Avish the treaty to be fulfilled to carry their opinions into effect. "Then says the noble duke, ' I come now to business. You have negotiated a treaty, but what have you done for Turkey?' And the noble duke for a considerable time — for more than half an hour — made an im passioned appeal to the House, Avith a vieAV of showing us Avhat ought to have been done for Turkey. From a minister respon sible, I believe, for the Crimean War, such a speech might have been expected, and, in fact, the strongest part of the oration of the noble duke was an impassioned argu ment in favour of going to war with Russia AND HIS TIMES. 507 in order to preserve the settlement made at the end of the Crimean War. 'Well,' says the noble duke, ' Avhat have you clone ? See the losses to Turkey which you have brought about. There is Batoum, a most valuable harbour, Avhich Avill be fortified by the Russians whatever may be the engagement they have made by the treaty of Berlin. Do you mean to say, if you had acted Avith sufficient vigour, that you could not have prevented Russia taking Batoum, with your great fleet in the Black Sea ?' Well, no doubt we could have prevented Russia taking Batoum, as Ave prevented Russia taking Constantinople. But is the noble duke prepared, or was he prepared, to go to war to prevent Russia taking Batoum — a port which with derision the noble duke describes as one which Russia has made a free port. But the noble duke quite forgot to say that it Avas not only made by the treaty of Berlin a free port, but a port essentially commercial — words which have some mean ing and by which the signatories of the treaty of Berlin will always be bound. The noble lord says also, ' I can see what will happen in Batoum. It will be a free port, but a fortified one. It will be a strong place and will control the commerce of Persia.' But all this was said of the treaties of 1828 with regard to the harbour of Poti. * The very same expression was used, and England Avas warned that by obtaining the harbour of Poti Russia had obtained such a commanding position that the Black Sea would be entirely at her mercy. The noble duke quite forgot to tell us this, that under the treaty of Berlin the finest port in the Black Sea, the port of Burgas, was restored to the Sultan. This the noble duke, who is so candid, omitted to bring to your lordships' recol lection. "'Well,' then says the noble duke, 'how can you reconcile yourselves to the fact that you have agreed to the destruction of the Danubian fortresses — that Quadrilateral of the East which would have commanded the Danube V One Avould suppose, from the way in which the noble duke has spoken to-night, that there had never been any war between Russia and Turkey. One would suppose that Turkey had never been utterly vanquished, and that the army of Russia. had never been at the gates of Con stantinople. Surely the claims of Russia, whether right or Avrong, had to be con sidered. However we might approve or disapprove the casus belli and the policy of the war— whatever differences of opinion there might be upon these and similar points — no one could deny for a moment that Russia had completely vanquished Turkey; and to suppose in these circum stances that everything Avas to be left exactly in the same position as at the beginning of the Avar, is an assumption which I think your lordships will agree is not a very reasonable one. But look at the merits of the case. These fortresses, under the new system, would have become Bulgarian fortresses, our policy being to maintain the Turkish empire — a policy, allow me in passing to remind your lord ships, Avhich is universal in Europe, because every one of the great poAvers who have signed the treaty of Berlin agreed in this one point, that there was no substitute for the Turkish poAver, and that that power, though it might be reduced, should still be substantially maintained. ' But,' says the noble duke, 'the proposal to destroy these fortresses was made by the Russians themselves.' It matters little, but I believe the noble duke is inaccurate in that respect. The proposal to destroy the fortresses of the Quadrilateral was not a new one. It had been made on previous occasions, and it was always put forward by Russia in order to show that the Russians themselves did not wish to obtain these powerful strong holds. "Then says the noble duke, 'You have by the treaty of Berlin, which is but a revised edition of the treaty of San Stefano established Servia as an independent state and increased its territory!' But the :os THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD situation of Servia before the war AAdth reference to its connection Avith the Porte Avas one of virtual independence. The Porte certainly was the suzerain, and possessed a claim to a very small tribute ; but it Avas in reality a nominal one, for it was never paid. To pretend that the public acknowledgment of the independence of Servia Avas a great blow to the Turkish poAver, which it Avas our policy to maintain, is really trifling with so serious a subject as that which is now before your lordships. Fourthly, the noble duke says that Ave have deluded the people, who are, according to him, so easily deceived by the arrangement made concerning Roumelia. The Sultan, according to the noble duke, has no more to do Avith Roumelia than he has Avith Roumania itself. But the noble duke forgets the fact that by the treaty of Berlin the political and military authority of the Sultan is not only asserted, but secured. " It is not simply that he has the right of occupying the Balkan chain; nor is it simply that he has the poAver of occupying Burgas, the most important port in the Black Sea. Although Ave have secured autonomy for Roumelia, and although the Sultan has not yet the blessing of the scheme of local government, which I trust Avill soon be tried, and Avhich apparently, so far as I can judge, is admirably adapted to the circumstances of the case, his political authority is still asserted. The noble duke forgets the conditions in accordance with Avhich all the officers of the militia and gendarmerie must be appointed by the Sultan. Well, these are the different points by which the noble duke has endeavoured to show, that as regards the settlement of Berlin, the interests of Turkey and of the Sultan have been neglected and injured by Her Majesty's government. My lords, Avhen the noble duke first gave notice, his intention Avas to call the attention of the House to the results of the foreign policy of Her Majesty's government in Europe and Asia. Well, yesterday Ave heard from the noble duke that he would not trench upon the future. But Iioav you are to judge of a policy if you are not to treat of the future Avhich Avill be the result of that policy, I really find some difficulty in ascertaining. " Let us take a larger and more candid vieAV than the noble duke has taken of those important matters of four years' duration in the East. What led to this treaty of Berlin ? It was four years ago, the noble duke reminds us, when certain desires first arose among the border popu lations of Turkey in Europe. After tAvo months of disaster, during which there were communications between the powers, there came the famous instrument called the Andrassy Note. That was in December, 1875, and Avas the commencement of those diplomatic campaigns and Avars. I am sure your lordships do not wish to hear much about the Andrassy Note, but I believe the noble duke has completely misapprehended the whole situation — the conduct of Her Majesty's government and the principles on which their policy was established. The Andrassy Note was the very elaborate proposition of a mode of ameliorating the subject populations in European Turkey. Well, the first feeling of Her Majesty's government was not to accept that note. They remembered their engagements under the treaty of Paris, and they knew the danger which might occur from again disturbing the settlement then made. But, my lords, when we investigated that document, Ave found really that the Porte Avas not called upon to make any concession or to enter into any engagement which they had not by previous irades themselves undertaken to concede and to act upon. WeU, it is impossible that our fear of contributing to the disturbances in Europe might have prevented our even then acceding to that note. But I remember it Avas at the solicitation of the Porte itself, Avhen it heard that there Avas a possibility of England holding out, that Ave ultimately acceded. " I believe, my lords, that after the An drassy Note there was a bond fide attempt AND HIS TIMES. 509 on the part of the Porte to meet the diffi culties of the case. But consider Avhat were the conditions of affairs at that moment- Those disturbances Avere in the border provinces of the Turkish dominions. The central poAver Avas Avonderfully relaxed. The provincial administration Avas incom petent and corrupt. The chiefs in the mountain districts Avere ahvays at civil Avar and plundering their neighbours Avho did not resist them, and in this state of affairs it was that Ave thought some decided action should be taken ; and after a few months a proposition Avas made in the form of the famous Berlin Memorandum, which if we had agreed to we should then have joined the other Powers in, in fact, making Avar upon Turkey. We refused to do that, and parliament and the countiy entirely sanc tioned the policy Ave then pursued in declining to accept the Berlin Memorandum. My lords, almost simultaneously with the introduction of the Berlin Memorandum there occurred the assassination of the European consuls at Salonica. Soon after- Avards there. Avas a revolution in Constan tinople, the deposition of the sovereign by force, and other circumstances of the most painful nature, Avhich I need not recall to the recollection of your lordships. Well, after this came the Bulgarian insurrection, and after that the Servian declaration of Avar against Turkey, Avhich ended in the complete defeat of Servia by Turkey. " Then Avhat did Her Majesty's govern ment do ? It was at that time Avhen Eussia, having interfered in consequence of the prostrate state of Servia with her ultimatum, and by her menace forced Turkey to make peace, or grant an armis tice equivalent to peace Avith Servia — it Avas then that Her Majesty's government came forward Avith a proposition which became celebrated, and that was to estab lish autonomy in those provinces Avhich had been so long the scene and theatre of this reckless misgovernment. And then the noble duke says that our conduct has been such that Ave have necessarily lost the affections and confidence of the then sub ject races of Turkey. My lords, it Avas my noble friend on the cross-benches [Lord Derby] avIio had the honour of making these distinct propositions Avith regard to Bosnia and Herzegovina which were ulti mately to be applied to Bulgaria. And let me remind the noble duke, who speaks of us as on all occasions neglecting the interests and not sympathizing Avith the fortunes of the Christian races, that Ave Avere the first government that laid down the principle that the chief remedy for this miserable state of affairs was the introduc tion of a large system of self-government, and above all of the principle of civil and religious liberty. " My lords, I am obliged, on an occasion like the present, to very much curtail re marks Avhich I Avould Avish to place before you ; but it is necessary after the speech of the noble duke that I should remove impressions Avhich are absolutely unfounded, that I should recall to your recollection what are the principles on which the pohcy of Her Majesty's government is founded, and sIioav your lordships that the noble duke has entirely mistaken that policy. I must point out that the noble duke has imputed to us motives Avhich Ave never acknowledged, and conduct and feelings toward others Avhich we never shared. Now, has there been any inconsistency in our policy? When war between Eussia and Turkey Avas so imminent that it Avas a question of hours, my noble friend upon the cross-benches proposed that there should be a conference at Constantinople, at Avhich my noble friend near me should be our plenipotentiary. Has the noble duke, who studies these matters, Avho not only makes long speeches, but v/rites long books about them, has the noble duke ever heard, or has he forgotten the instructions given to my noble friend near me by my noble friend on the cross-benches — instructions as to the course he Avas to pursue at the con ference at Constantinople? " I cannot, my lords, venture to refer to 510 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD those instructions which lie before me, at any length; but I may remind you of some of their salient points. In one paragraph my noble friend Avas instructed that it became requisite in the then crisis to take steps by an agreement between the powers for the establishment of reform in the Turkish provinces which would combine the elective principle with external guaran tees for efficient administration. Then the means are indicated by whicli that state of things might be brought about. Well, my lords, that is but a specimen to sIioav the purport of those instructions, which com pletely mastered the application of the principle of autonomy; and no government in Europe at this conference was so ready, so prepared, or so practical in its proposi tions by Avhich the welfare of the subject races and a general reform of the admin istration of Turkey could be affected as was the government of England, so represented at the conference by my noble friend. And yet the noble duke comes doAvn here and makes an inflammatory harangue, and speaks of the deplorable consequences which he fears will arise — that Ave have lost for ever the confidence and affection of the subject races of Turkey by our utter disregard of their feelings and neglect of their interests. Why, my lords, if I were to read to you this minute of my noble friend near me of the proposition which he himself made as regards Montenegro, Servia, the two principalities Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Bulgaria, and the reforms that might be established in aU the pro vinces of Turkey, you would see that at the conference of Constantinople he endeav oured to have carried into effect as much as he possibly could the policy of autonomy Avhich had been laid down in the instruc tions prepared by my noble friend on the cross-benches. " Well, my lords, you know very well Avhat occurred. We failed — not England only, but Europe — failed in preventing Avar. Our objects were tAvofold. We Avished to maintain Turkey as an inde pendent political state. It is very easy to talk of the Ottoman power being at the point of extinction. But when you come practically to examine the question there is no living statesman Avho has ever offered or propounded any practical solution of the difficulties which would occur if the Ottoman empire were to fall to pieces. One result would probably be a long and general war, and that alone, I think, is a sufficient reason for endeavouring to main tain as a state the Ottoman empire. But, Avhile holding as a principle that the Ottoman empire must be maintained as a state, we have always been of opinion that the only Avay to strengthen it Avas to improve the condition of its subjects. My lords, I do not say this out of vague philanthropy, or any of that wild senti- mentalism which is vomited in the society which is sometimes called political. No, my lords, it was our conviction that that Avas the only means by Avhich the main tenance of the Ottoman empire could be secured; and Ave have acted accordingly. " Until the Avar commenced we consist ently endeavoured — first, to prevent war, and secondly, to ameliorate the condition of the subject races of the Porte; and when the war took place we determined that when peace Avas negotiated it should not be negotiated Avithout the knowledge and sanction of Great Britain. We are told, my lords, that the treaty of Berlin did nothing for the Sultan. Looking to the first object of our policy, which was the maintenance of the Sultan, let me show Avhat our signature to the treaty of Berlin produced as regards the political position. Bulgaria was confined to the north of the Balkans instead of the ar rangement that was made under the treaty of San Stefano; Thrace, Macedonia, and the littoral of the TEgean were restored to the Sultan; the Slav principalities of Servia and Montenegro were restricted within reasonable limits; the disturbed districts of Bosnia and Herzegovina were placed under the administration of Austria, Avhich was AND HIS TIMES. 511 thus offered as a barrier to Slav aggression ; and Eastern Eoumelia was created with an organic statute Avhich, if Avisely accepted by the people of that province, would make them one of the most prosperous com munities in the world. The noble duke tells us that the treaty of Berlin is a political imposture, and that we are found out. Let me place before your lordships very briefly what was the state of affairs effected by the treaty of San Stefano, and Avhat was the state of affairs effected by the treaty of Berlin ; remembering that the noble duke dinned into our ears that the treaty of Berlin was only a copy of the treaty of San Stefano. " At the time the treaty of San Stefano was signed, or immediately before it was signed, the Eussian armies were at the gates of Constantinople. They occupied the greater part of the east and north of Euro pean Turkey. A vast Slav state Avas to stretch from the Danube to the iEgean shores, extending imvards from Salonica to the mountains of Albania — a state which Avhen formed would have crushed the Greek population, exterminated the Mussulmans, and exercised over the celebrated Straits, that have so long been the scene of political interest, the baneful and irresistible in fluence of the Slavs. That was the state of affairs when the treaty of San Stefano was signed, and the British government, with great difficulty but Avith equal determina tion, succeeded in having that treaty sub mitted to the consideration of the congress — the congress of Berlin. And what were the results of that congress? I have placed before your lordships the main features of the settlement of San Stefano. Let me noAV place before your lordships what Avere the results of the treaty of Berlin. In the first place, the Eussian armies quitted their menacing positions at the gates of Constan tinople. The city, notwithstanding many promises, Avas not entered. The Eussian armies gradually retired, and at last quitted Adrianople and aU that district, and they are now evacuating Bulgaria and Eoumelia in consequence of the treaty of Berlin. Bulgaria itself, by the treaty of Berlin, be comes a vassal and tributary province -of the Porte. Eastern Eoumelia becomes a province governed by an organic statute Avhich secures local representation, provin cial administration, civil and religious liberty, and many other conditions and arrangements which it Avould be wearisome now to enter into, but which some day, and shortly, I am sure your lordships Avill read with interest. " The condition of Crete was one of the most unsatisfactory, but it Avas met by an organic statute which has the sympathy of the whole population. Montenegro, by the treaty of Berlin, got that accession of ter ritory Avhich really Avas necessary to its existence, and that access to the sea which was necessary to its prosperity. Servia obtained independence by fulfilling the conditions of the congress of Berlin, that the independence of no new state should be acknoAvledged Avhich did not secure principles of religious liberty in its con stitution ; and Eoumania also would have been equally acknoAvledged had not diffi culties arisen on that subject, which, Iioav - ever, Avill be overcome, I have reason to believe, and which certainly England, and no doubt the other signatories of the treaty of Berlin, Avill endeavour to overcome. Well, my lords, I think, after that, it cannot be said that the treaty of Berlin is a mere copy of the treaty of San Stefano. I think, after that, it cannot be said that it is not one of those great instruments which in all prob- abUity will influence the life of Europe, and possibly have an even more extended influence for a considerable time. I look upon it as an instrument which has in it that principle of evolution which Ave hear of in other matters equally interesting. I believe it will not only effect the reforms which it has immediately in vieAV, but that it will ultimately tend to the general wel fare of mankind. " The noble duke laughs at the idea of our effecting any beneficial change in Asia 512 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD Minor. Well, my lords, there is nothing difficult or great that is not laughed at in the beginning. The noble duke is not the man whom I should have thought would have discredited the attempt that is making. But nothing has been done in this Avay, says the noble duke. Well, in the first place, if the noble duke supposes that the regenera tion of Asia Minor is to be like the occu pation of Bulgaria, an affair of nine weeks, he entertains views of Oriental life and character whicli I venture to deny. But are there no symptoms of change, and change for the better, even in Asia Minor ? I think the fact that an eminent statesman like Midhat Pasha has been recalled from exile and appointed governor of Syria — the first governor appointed for a term of years which cannot be capriciously reduced — is one on which we may congratulate our selves ; and I have reason to believe that the influence of that statesman on his government is great. We must also remem ber that under the treaty of Berlin there are a variety of commissioners of demarca tion settling the boundaries of different states, and so carrying out a Avork of inestimable value. The noble duke has made a. warlike speech. He has told Turkey that she has in us an ally on whom she cannot depend. He has told Eussia that she has only to pursue her policy of aggression, and that it Avill be accepted by the English government. And, as far as I can understand him, the noble duke does not treat with any disapprobation the policy of Eussia in that respect. " Now, I wish to speak in another tone, but a sincere one, in regard to Eussia. I think I can, as an English minister, appeal Avith pride on behalf of my colleagues and myself to the fact, that those great results in regard to the policy Avhich we recom mended were, perhaps, not uninfluenced by the presence of a magnificent British fleet, and by the firm tone in which Her Majesty's government communicated with St. Peters burg. Notwithstanding, I Avillingly acknow ledge there has been on the part of Eussia a spirit of wise forbearance, and I believe that she is sincerely anxious to bring about in that part of the wrorld Avhich has been the scene of all these disasters and distress ing circumstances a state of affairs which, not only for her own sake, but for the sake of all, Ave should assist her in bringing about. My lords, I have trespassed on your attention, but the noble duke made so serious and so elaborate a charge upon the government that it Avas impossible for me to be silent. I have not said many things I ought to have said, and I may have said some things which I ought not to haAre said ; but this I know. The noble duke says we are a most powerful government; but, says he, 'If you are a most powerful government, it is only because you are powerful in parliament.' Well, that is a state of affairs Avhich it is very easy to parallel in the history of this countiy. I knoAV that in Opposition men do indulge in dreams. I haAre had experience of Opposition, and I hope it has left me, it may be a wiser, even if a sadder man. I knoAV that there are mirages that rise up before the political eye which are extremely delightful and equally deceptive ; and I say, knowing of what materials the parliament of England is formed, knowing whom I address now, and knowing avIio sit in the other House, where I Avas one of their companions, I cannot but believe that the large majorities which the noble duke has dwelt upon have been accorded to the present government because it Avas believed they were a government resolved to maintain the fame and strength of England." Shortly after parliament had risen to enjoy the repose of the recess, sickening neAvs reached our shores from Afghanistan. It will be remembered that, according to the treaty signed at Gandamuk, a British resi dent was to be appointed at Cabul, with power to depute British agents to the Afghan frontier on special occasions. The officer selected to fill this post was one, Sir Louis Cavagnari, who, as deputy-commis sioner of Peshawur, had charge for many AND HIS TIMES. 513 years of relations Avith the tribes of the Khyber Pass, and Avho, as confidential adviser of Lord Lytton, had been mainly instrumental in draAving up the treaty of Gandamuk. He Avas a man of great ability, unbounded energy, and of varied and extensive experience in all affairs con nected Avith Oriental life and diplomacy. Sanguine, courageous, and conscious of the influence he was capable of exercising over the minds of the natives of the East, he felt certain that his residence in Afghanistan Avould result in the promotion of our im perial interests, and serve as a grave check to Eussian manoeuvring. Attended by a small escort, and accompanied by a sec retary and a surgeon, he reached Cabul in perfect safety, and was received with every sign of respect and cordiality by the Ameer. For a feAV weeks the relations betAveen the ruler of Afghanistan and the resident were of a friendly and almost intimate nature. Then the Ameer became irritable and jealous, and a certain coldness was apparent in his behaviour. He objected to be inter fered with and to have advice tendered him by the resident. He disliked having " the envoy at his elbow to overshadoAv his authority and to torture him with sug gestions of reform." He wanted to "rule Afghanistan in the Afghan Avay," and not to be dictated to by a foreigner. Actuated by these motives, it was not long before the resident saw that his position in the countiy Avas one of danger. Eestraints Avere put upon his reception of visitors; quarrels broke out between the men of his escort and the Afghan soldiers; and the Ameer appeared powerless to quell the disturbances that reigned around. And iioav the end came. The mission Avas composed of the resident, his sec retary, a Mr. Jenkins of the Punjab civU service, the surgeon, a Dr. Kelly, and one, Lieutenant Hamilton, in command of the escort/which consisted of twenty-six troopers and fifty infantry of the corps of " Guides." The houses assigned to Cavagnari and his suite were in the Bala Hissar, or citadel of VOL. II Cabul — very comfortable as quarters, but lacking all defences in case of attack. Early in September some of the disaffected troops of the Ameer came to the palace and demanded their pay. On being refused they at once went to the resident to obtain from him the satisfaction denied them by the Ameer. An altercation arose, Avhich was soon followed by aggressive measures on the part of the Afghans. It was the month of Eamazan, Avhen Mussulman fanaticism Avas at its height, and the dis contented soldiery Avere soon joined by the mob in the toAvn, inspired by hatred of the infidel or hope of plunder. In vain the English, gallantly aided by their escort, attempted to drive back their assailants. The defenceless citadel Avas stormed, and the members of the Ul-fated mission, rush ing out to meet the foe, perished fighting to a man. Of the separate fate of each nothing certain is known. Their murder was speedily avenged. Preparations were at once made for an advance upon Cabul, and for the infliction of signal punishment upon the mutineers. The Ameer Avas helpless to check the dis affection rising within his dominions, but Avhat influence he possessed was exercised to facilitate the movements of the British troops. Shortly afterwards he himself came into the camp as a fugitive, and appealed for protection. A month after the massacre of the mission, General Eoberts made his formal entry into Cabul. He was received by the inhabitants Avith sullen respect, and delivered a short address to the people avIio had assembled beneath the window of the palace in Avhich he had taken his quarters. He said that though the government might justly destroy the city, yet Cabul would in mercy be spared. Certain portions, how ever, would be levelled, and a heavy fine imposed. The city and the district for ten miles round would be placed under martial law. All arms were to be at once sur rendered, and the carrying of weapons Avas forbidden under penalty of death. A military government Avould be appointed to 65 514 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD see that these rules were carried out. This address delivered, General Eoberts pro ceeded to prepare quarters for his troops during the winter. The Ameer resigned his rulership, and his abdication was ac cepted ; his absence from the countiy was considered desirable, and he was sent as a state prisoner into India. A rigid investi gation then took place, and those persons who were found guilty of direct participa tion in the recent massacre of the mission Avere publicly hanged. Such was the condition of affairs in the EastAvhen Lord Beaconsfield rose to acknow ledge the toast of "Her Majesty's ministers," at the banquet on Lord Mayor's day at the Guildhall. He began by aUuding to the revival of trade, especially of the iron trade, which Avas then happily beginning to make itself felt. " Since I last had the honour," he said (November 10, 1879), "of addressing my felloAv-citizens in our hall, the aspect of public affairs has become much more satis factory. At that time the commercial interests of this country were suffering under a period of depression, Avhich in length and severity Avas almost unprece dented, and there Avere few a year ago, eAren among the sanguine, who looked forward to any early recovery in that direction. But at the present moment, I am glad to say, our marts are full and busy, and our ex changes are carrying on a traffic Avhich even three months ago we should have supposed impossible; and the only question noAV is whether this revival of trade Avhich has occurred is temporary or permanent. That is a question which is interesting to aU Englishmen, but especially to the city of London. I hope, therefore, you will pardon me if I venture to offer you the opinion of Her Majesty's government that that revival is of a permanent character. I think the information which only within the last few days has been in your possession may have satisfied the country to that effect. Next to agriculture, the manufacture of iron in all its branches is the most important of our industries. No doubt the revival of that important trade has greatly been owing to the demand of the United States. But the returns which have now been published by the Board of Trade prove to you, that the activity' of our iron trade is not occa sioned only by the demand of the United States. On the contrary, they show you that the demand for our iron extends to several portions of Europe. Nor is that demand limited to the United States or to Europe. I am happy to say that the mis cellaneous demand for our domestic indus tries is equally active, and especially in the shipbuilding trade. " If you take another instance — namely, our great commerce with the East — it is a fact at this moment that there has been a demand for every article of tropical produce, and that every article of tropical produce has risen in value. This, so far as England is concerned, has had a most beneficial effect on the price of silver, which has greatly risen. In my opinion it Avill rise more; and thus one of the perplexities of statesmen has been removed, showing the magic of patience. I Avould not on this occasion dwell too much on this subject, although the state and prospects of our commerce must always be one of first-rate interest to Englishmen ; but I will take one trade, and one trade only, the state of Avhich is usually recognized as significant of the general prosperity of commerce, and that is our manufacture of chemicals. That is a branch of our industry wliich at this moment is so active that the orders which pour in cannot easily be executed. If, again, Ave look to the textile trades, we find nothing that is not in harmony with all these circumstances, whether in wool or in cotton ; and when we consider the increase of traffic in our railways, the increase of business in the clearing-house of the bankers, and the general hardening of money, I clo not think Her Majesty's ministers can be accused of rashness if they have arrived at an opinion that the revival of trade is of a permanent character. " But in my mind there is one thing per- AND HIS TIMES. 515 haps more satisfactory even than the revival of our commerce, and that is the admirable conduct of the people of this country during these years of terrible trial. The strain on their resources has, perhaps, never been equalled, and yet there has never been a murmur — not of discontent. The voice of sedition has never been heard. There has never been a public meeting to express dis content with the institutions under Avhich the people live. But such has been their good sense, their good feeling, and their patriotism, that they have proved how much they value the institutions under Avhich they live. I wish I could say as much of our brilliant brethren in Ireland. I Avish they had proved themselves a little more emulous of the conduct of the English people. The Irish are an imaginative race, and it is said that imagination is too often accompanied by someAvhat irregular logic. But I confess I cannot bring myself to comprehend how the Irish people have brought themselves to believe that the best way to encounter economical distress is political . agitation and social confusion. There is no doubt that there are portions of Ireland where it may be necessary that some means should be applied to avert considerable suffering, and the subject has duly received the attention of Her Majesty's government. But I think Ireland ought to remember that in her distress she has never appealed to the sympathy of England in vain; and that sympathy has generally assumed a very substantial embodiment. * It Avill be the duty of Her Majesty's govern ment to Avatch, with the anxiety which the situation requires, the state of those portions of Ireland; but I Avould venture to hope that the Irish people, convinced on reflection that the sympathy of England is a sentiment Avhich is never scantily supplied to them, will even condescend to recollect that if they have had a bad harvest that harvest is much better than that of England. * Ireland was at this time in a more than usually turbulent and impoverished condition ; an anti-rent agitation was being set on foot, and the cry was raised for state aid. " My Lord Mayor, Avhen I had last the honour of addressing your predecessor I informed him that Her Majesty's govern ment were contemplating large military operations in Central Asia, with the view of strengthening and securing the north western frontier of our Indian empire. These operations have been conducted Avith signal success. We have strengthened and secured our north-western frontier; Ave have asserted our supremacy in Central Asia; and the general result of our operations will be, I hope, to establish tranquillity in those regions, and increase the welfare of their inhabitants. My Lord Mayor, in that campaign there has been a dark calamity, which even in this scene and at this hour we cannot recall Avithout emotion. A great nation can endure the loss of a pitched battle Avith dignity and self-control. They may even find consolation under such cir cumstances in the consciousness of a good cause, and in the heroic acts of their countrymen, though defeated. But calami ties that commence with treachery, and are consummated by assassination and massacre — where the victims are youth and genius, unrivaUed courage and the highest patriotism— these are the incidents that rend the heart of nations. No time has been lost in avenging the memory of our countrymen, and in asserting the supremacy of our arms; and I must here express the sense of Her Majesty's govern ment of the great abilities of the queen's viceroy of India. I do it the more will ingly because, although it is the business of English ministers living among their countrymen to meet hostile criticism and depreciation with the firmness which be comes men, it is to be regretted that one so distant, and on Avhom such arduous duties have fallen, has been so little spared by hostile criticism in his oavu land. For my own part, I have rarely met a man in whom genius and sagacity Avere more happdy allied than in Lord Lytton, a man of greater resource, or one possessing in such degree that highest quality of public life — 516 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD courage in adversity and firmness and con stancy in difficulty and danger. " My Lord Mayor, there has been another war, which Avas commenced and has been concluded since Ave last met. I Avill not noAV enter into the controversy Avhether that Avar was necessary or not ; I will only say that the Avar occurred ; and Her Majesty's government have endeavoured to extract from its occurrence the most advantageous consequences for this country. We have established the security of our colonial fellow-subjects ; and while Ave have poured forth our treasure and our blood to defend them, we have given them a lesson in that art of self-preservation on Avhich they must for the future chiefly rely. At the same time, Ave are entering into arrangements which wiU tend, I hope, to the increased welfare of the population among whom they live, and lead probably to the civilizing expansion of our commercial relations. "My Lord Mayor, with regard to our ex ternal affairs generally, although Europe is covered with armed millions of men, Ave still hope, and I Avill venture to say believe, that peace will be maintained. We are of that opinion, because it seems to us that peace is the interest of all the great powers. I would not myself place it on so low a con sideration as the necessity Ave all have of husbanding our resources, because I know that the poAvers of Europe are influenced by motives of a much higher character; but in assuming that peace Avill be main tained, I assume also that no great power would shrink from its responsibilities. If there be a country, for example, one of the most extensive and Avealthiest of empires in the world — if that country, from a per verse interpretation of its insular geograph ical position, turns an indifferent ear to the feelings and the fortunes of Continental Europe, such a course Avould, I believe, only end in its becoming an object of general plunder. So long as the power and advice of England are felt in the councils of Europe, peace, I believe, will be main tained, and maintained for a long period. Without their presence, Avar, as has hap pened before, and too frequently of late, seems to me to be inevitable. I speak on this subject with confidence to the citizens of London, because I knoAV that they are men avIio are not ashamed of the empire which their ancestors created ; because I know that they are not ashamed of the noblest of human sentiments now described by philosophers — the sentiment of patriot ism ; because I know they will not be be guiled into believing that in maintaining their empire they may forfeit their liberties. One of the greatest of Eomans, Avhen asked Avhat were his politics, replied, Imperium et libertas. That would not make a bad pro gramme for a British ministry. It is one from Avhich Her Majesty's advisers do not shrink." Lord Beaconsfield then concluded Avith a high eulogium upon the position and labours of the lord mayor, and, much to the amuse ment of the audience, prophesied that next year he would again have the honour of returning thanks for the cabinet. This speech, if somewhat dull, was far from unsatisfactory. It was gratifying to find that trade was reviving; that there was every prospect of continued peace in Europe; and that the terrible disaster in the East had been amply avenged, whUst our north-Avestern frontier had been secured and strengthened, and our supremacy in central Asia assured. The comments of the prime minister on the political situation gave rise to much discussion, and served as the text for various discourses both hostile and laudatory. It Avas evident that, as the government of Lord Beaconsfield had been in office for the last six years, the days of the parhament which had borne it to power were numbered, and that shortly the excitement of a general election Avould be inspiring Avith its party feeling the different political sections throughout the kingdom. Already Tory and Eadical, Liberal and Whig, Agitator and Home Euler Avere busy stumping the country, representing the past labours of the Conservative cabinet accord- AND HIS TIMES. 517 ing to the bias of the mind by which they Avere regarded. To the adherent of the Opposition the policy of the government of Lord Beaconsfield had resulted in finan cial collapse, in an utter absence of all Avorthy domestic legislation, and in an empty parade of power and authority, Avhich some called Imperialism, but Avhich would be more rightly designated by the Avord Chauvinism. On the other hand, the leaders of the Conservative party had opened their electoral campaign, and were refuting by statistics which could not be contradicted the charges brought against the government by their opponents. Nor was the defence a difficult one to advance and substantiate. Viewed apart from the jaundiced conclusions of party prejudice, the six years of Tory rule had furnished a chapter in English history which can be read alike with pride and profit. The views of the prime minister as to the nature of the domestic legislation which the country required, had been fully carried out. " I have ever endeavoured," said Mr. Disraeli to his electors on the dissolution of the parliament in 1874, "and if returned to parliament I shall, whether in or out of office, continue to endeavour to propose or support all measures calculated to improve the condi tion of the people of this kingdom. But I do not think this great end is advanced by incessant or harassing legislation." There had been no "harassing legislation," and yet the measures enrolled upon the statute- book by the Conservative government, dur ing their six years' tenure of power, had been among the most beneficial which the people of this country has ever had occasion to be grateful for. The list speaks for itself. The savings of the poor had been protected by the law relating to building societies ; the transfer of land had been facilitated by the passing of an act Avhich simplified title to land; the health of the working classes had been improved by amend ments of the factory acts, by the facilities given for the erection of artisans' dwell ings, by insuring the purity of drugs and of food, by preventing the inclosure of commons, by affording the public facili ties for the enjoyment of open spaces in the metropolis, and by the passing of an act for making better provision respecting the contagious diseases of animals. The prime minister had been laughed at for his policy of seAvage, yet such measures as the foUoAving Avere certainly valuable additions to our code of domestic legislation: — "An Act consolidating and amending the sani tary laAvs, providing mortuaries, preventing overcroAvding and other nuisances;" "an Act for preventing the pollution of rivers;" " an Act for the registration and regulation of canal boats used as dwellings ;" " an Act empowering the establishment of public swimming baths;" and "an Act auth orizing the Board of Works to enforce strict regulations for insuring the safety of buildings." Every class, as it studied the enrol ments in the statute-book during the past six years, found measures which afforded it protection and relief. The Act placing international copyright on a better footing was of benefit to the man of letters; the County Court Acts Avere amended to help the struggling tradesman ; the farmer found relief in the clauses of the Agricultural Holdings Act, and in the Act making penal the adulteration of seeds ; the working man saw his social and industrial freedom ac complished as he read the clauses of the Employers and Workmen Act, of the Act amending the laws relating to friendly societies, of the Act enlarging the powers of county courts Avith regard to disputes between employers and workmen, and of the Act Avhich amended the law relating to industrial and provident societies; the Avretched wife, too often the butt of a brutal husband, found freedom from her miseries in the Act which gave magistrates the power to grant a judicial separation to Avives whose husbands had committed ag- graArated assaults upon them; the private 518 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD soldier saAV his position improved by the Army Disciplme and Eegulation Act ; the common sailor felt the perils of the ocean Avere mitigated by the Act Avhich empow ered the Board of Trade to stop unseaAvorthy ships ; AvhUst justice saw evils redressed by the appointment of a public prosecutor, by the holding of additional assizes, and by the Act amending the law relating to prisons. Important as these measures were, they Avere but the minor details of Conservative legislation. Of the graver measures we have already spoken, but it may be useful briefly to enumerate them. The licensed victuallers had been relieved by Mr. Cross of the more oppressive and degrading pro visions of the Licensing Act passed by the late government; the Eating Act, which provided for the rating of Avoodlands, of the rights of shooting, fishing, &c, and of mines, removed anomalies and injustices which had long been complained of; the Church of Scotland had been strengthened by the Church Patronage Act introduced by the Duke of Eichmond ; the functions of the endowed schools commissioners had been very wisely transferred to the charity com missioners, and the wishes of the " pious founder " thus preserved ; the Eegimentai Exchange Bill had authorized exchanges between officers upon full pay on condition of money payments, subject, of course, to regulations against abuse; the Peace Preser vation Acts had been re-enacted, though Avith many material alleviations ; the Eoyal Titles Bill ; the Appellate Jurisdiction Act, Avhich restored to the House of Lords the jurisdiction taken from it by the Judicature Act of 1873, and Avhich strengthened the House of Lords as an appeal court by the appointment of two lords of appeal in ordinary ; the Crossed Cheques Act, introduced by Lord Cairns, Avhich gave to special and general crossings of cheques the validity which the public had supposed to attach to them, but Avhich recent judicial decisions had denied them ; the Act Avhich amended the Elementary Education Act of 1870, granting justice to the denomina tional schools, and reconciling as much as possible the enforcement upon parents of the duty of educating their children with a just regard for the rights of conscience ; the Prisons Bill and the Universities Bill ; the Act enabling the South African colonies to unite themselves in a confederation ; the Factories and Workshops Act ; the Bishoprics Act, creating four neAV sees; the Contagious Diseases (Animals) Act ; the Army Discipline and Eegulation Bill, which provided for the first time an intel ligible code of military law; the Summary Jurisdiction Act ; and the Irish University Education Act. If we remember the reforms effected by these measures, and the benefits which the country still derives from them, it can scarcely be brought as a charge against the Conservative party that during the years they were in power they were completely idle so far as domestic legislation Avas concerned. Nor was their financial policy the failure the Opposition described it. Upon this point Ave cannot do better than quote the defence brought forward by an able but anonymous pamphleteer in the cause of Conservatism* " A desperate effort has been made," writes the pamphleteer, " by Mr. Gladstone and his lieutenants, Messrs. Lowe, Childers, and Dodson, to establish a charge of ex travagant expenditure against the present government, and to represent it as adding to the burthens of the people, whereas Mr. Gladstone and Mr. LoAve Avere continually reducing them. There is not the slightest justification for the charge. There is no doubt, of course, that the expenditure is greater iioav than it was in the year 1873-74, but this no more proves that the expendi ture is unnecessary, extravagant, or more burdensome to the people than the addition of the cost of collecting the revenue, Avhich used to be deducted from the gross receipts, * " Six Years of Conservative Government, 1874-79." National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associa tions. Westminster, February, 1880. AND HIS TIMES. 519 to the estimates of expenditure, proves that the expenditure has increased. The Tories have added, Mr. Gladstone says, eight and a quarter millions to the annual expendi ture. These figures are grossly incorrect ; but if Ave accept them, to Avhat would the charge amount? The question for the countiy is not Avhether more money is spent noAV upon the army and navy, in the reduction of the debt,* upon education, and in relief of local taxation, than during Mr. Gladstone's administration; but whether the additional expenditure is necessary and has been judiciously made ? That question is ansAvered in the most satisfactory manner by an analysis of the figures upon which the opponents of the government profess to rest their case. "Mr. Gladstone, Avhose usual tactics are to obscure all questions in a foam of high-sounding Avords, ventured, during his recent campaign in Midlothian, upon specific charges against the financial policy of the government, Avith a result which will probably induce him to return to his old system of vague and sweeping indictments. He compared the expenditure of the last year of his own government, 1873-74, with the expenditure of 1878-79, and crediting himself with what he called the extraordinary expenditure of the year, such as the payment of the Alabama aAvard, and a payment on account of the Ashantee Avar, but giving the present government no credit for its extraordinary expenditure for the Zulu war (which it as little desired as Mr. Gladstone did the Ashantee war, for Avhich, however, he Avas distinctly respon- •* The principal feature of the budget of 1875 was the scheme of Sir Stafford Northcote for a regular and steady reduction of the national debt. The chancellor of the ex chequer's proposal was the payment of a sum of £28,000,000 regularly on account of the debt. At the time he spoke the annual charge of the debt, including the exceptional expendi ture authorized by previous parliaments for its reduction in the way of terminable annuities, was £27,250,000. By raising the annual payment from the consolidated fund to the national debt commissioners to £28,000,000, to which sum it was calculated it would only arrive in the course of the financial year 1877-78, Sir Stafford Northcote hoped to reduce the debt in thirty years by the veiy considerable sum of £162,000,000, altogether independently and apart from the other arrangements adopted for that purpose. sible), or the expenditure necessitated by the events in Eastern Europe, he denounced the government for having Avantonly added more than £8,000,000 to the national expenditure. Mr. Gladstone's attack, Avhich was full of extraordinary blunders and mis statements, such as the assertion that the income-tax had been raised to sixpence, Avas promptly met by Sir Stafford North cote, Avho explained very clearly at Leeds Iioav the increase of expenditure, which Avas not £8,250,000, but £7,500,000, had been caused. £2,300,000 are asscribed to an increase of the charges for the army and navy; £3,500,000 represent the increased charge upon the civil service estimates on account of Mr. Forster's Education Act, and the relief of local taxation at the expense of the national exchequer ; Avhilst £1,937,000 are attributable to an increase of charge for the management and redemption of the debt. The increase in the army and navy charges needs no elaborate justification. It would have been in large part necessary, even if the state of affairs in Europe during the last three years had not compelled the government to put both forces in a condition for immediate action. Mr. Gladstone and Mr. LoAve, in order to manufacture their bogus surpluses, had reduced the navy to such a wretched condition that in the last year of their administration they Avere com pelled to largely increase the estimates by an augmentation of the vote for the con struction and repair of ships. Still, so far had the mischief gone that Mr. Ward Hunt found, as he declared in the House of Commons, only a ' phantom fleet,' and Avas obliged to take immediate measures to increase the number of ships, and put those already available into proper condition. "The increase in the army charges has been quite as imperative. Lord Cardwell left the army in a most disorganized and dissatisfied condition. Officers and men were alike discontented. Many of our regi ments Avere mere skeletons ; our best non commissioned officers and private soldiers were leaving the service as fast as they 520 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD could, and such recruits as could be obtained were mere boys. Mr. Hardy set himself at once to work to improve the condition of the service. He accepted frankly and loyaUy the changes so wantonly introduced by Lord CardAveU. To have returned to the state of things Avhich existed before would have been to make confusion worse confounded. He gradually, but surely, redressed the grievances of all ranks, and increased the inducements to enter the army. The Eegimental Exchanges Act, founded upon the report of a royal com mission appointed by Lord CardweU, which said that the prohibition of paying and receiving money for exchanges between officers on full pay Avas a serious hardship to some and a serious loss to others, removed a grievance which caused great discontent ; whilst the Army Promotion and Eetirement Act secured at a considerable cost to the country that flow of promotion so necessary to the efficiency aud satisfaction of the service which the purchase system supplied, and which Lord CardweU, in abolishing purchase, promised should be maintained. Mr. Hardy also did much to make the army reserve a reality. But the most important of his measures is undoubtedly the increase of pay to the private soldiers and to the non-commissioned officers, Avhich he carried through in 1876. He gave the men, in addition to their present pay, a deferred pay of 2d. per day, so that at the end of their six years' service there is a sum of £18 to their credit. A stronger inducement to good conduct and a better check upon desertion can hardly be imagined than this measure. Further, Mr. Hardy added a penny to the pay of the Guards, has given lance-corporals and lance-ser geants, who hitherto had performed onerous duties for nothing, the pay of their ranks, and has increased generally the pay of that most important class, the non-commissioned officers. " In the civil expenditure a miUion and a-half of the increase is due to the operation of the Education Act. For this piece of extravagance — if extravagance it be — Mr. Gladstone himself, and his colleagues in the late government, are in the first place re sponsible. The other two millions represent charges previously paid out of the rates, but transferred by the action of the present government, and almost Avithout opposition from Mr. Gladstone and his friends, to the national exchequer ; they are therefore not an addition to, but a change in the incidence of, the national burthens. Indeed, this amount of two millions noAV paid out of the Treasury falls far short of the Avhole diminution of local taxation, and the full saving to the ratepayers. The transfer to the government of the management of prisons throughout the United Kingdom, enabled a large reduction to be made in the cost of maintenance, and we should be speaking quite within bounds if Ave were to estimate the actual relief to the taxpayers in the shape of a reduction of the demand upon them for rates and local charges, at tAvo and a half millions. " The increase of charge for the national debt, £1,937,000, seems at first sight to give some justification for Mr. Gladstone's accusations ; but Avhen the figures are examined they will be found to redound very much to the credit of the government. The only portion of this increase for which the government is responsible, beyond the small sum of £129,000, the interest upon the exchequer bonds issued on account of the two votes of credit, is an amount of between £600,000 and £700,000, which parliament in 1875, on the proposition of Sir Stafford Northcote, voted, by raising the charge for the permanent debt to a fixed sum in excess of that required, for the gradual reduction of the debt. The balance of the increased charge is merely a matter of account. The sum it represents is the interest the government pays for the moneys it has borrowed, under the provisions of Acts like the Education Act, to lend to local bodies, or to invest under the direction of parliament, as in the case of the Suez Canal, and for which an AND HIS TIMES. 521 entry, approximately equivalent, appears on the revenue side of the national balance- sheet. So far from having any need to shun inquiry into the comparative amounts of the debt, and the comparative annual charges for it, at the time they entered into office and at the present day, Lord Beaconsfield and his colleagues may point to the diminution they have effected in the debt as one of the many proofs of the sound- nessof their financial policy. Tohavereduced the national indebtedness iu all its forms, including not only the so-called permanent debt — a comparison confined to which Avould be much more favourable to them — but all kinds of unfunded debt and other obligations and liabilities, by the sum of £10,242,000 in the course of these three troubled years, whilst putting the army and navy into a thoroughly effective con dition, incurring an extraordinary expen diture of something like £8,000,000 to maintain English interests in the East, adding £1,500,000 yearly to the educa tion vote, and transferring £2,000,000 of local taxation every year to the charge of the Treasury, and to have done it all in a time of commercial and agricultural depres sion, in a time of falling revenue receipts, is an achievement of Avhich any ministry might be proud, and one which no Liberal ministry ever accomplished. . . . The finan cial position of the country was never sounder than it is at the present time. Efficiency has been secured Avithout any neglect of economy, and the public burdens are now considerably less than they were when Mr. Gladstone left office. If the revival of trade, which seems to have commenced, should continue, the revenue will doubtless ad vance by 'leaps and bounds,' as it did in the prosperous times in which it was the fortune of the Liberals tobe in poAver,and the government of the day will be able to make large remissions of taxation. It is enough for the present to remember that, whilst the government has met great and extraordinary charges, and reduced the national indebted ness more than £17,000,000, in spite of VOL. TT. the revenue having fallen in consequence of commercial and agricultural distress, it, during the first part of its tenure of office, removed taxes amounting to just £4,750,000 per annum; and that even now, when it has been compelled to impose additional taxation, the comparison between the amount of taxes removed and taxes put on shows that the additional burden is not even, taking the official estimates, £1,000,000, Avhilst in effect it has been much less. The million has not been put upon the poor and struggling, but upon the well-to-do and rich." Upon the same subject let us also hear the late chancellor of the exchequer. "The countiy," said Sir Stafford Northcote at the banquet given at the Guildhall on Lord Mayor's day, "is not less rich now than it Avas six years ago. On the contraiy, every penny of income tax Avould now, if calculated on the same basis as formerly, produce £100,000 at least more than at the beginning of our administration. The savings of the people are not affected. The savings-banks deposits are at least £11,000,000 more than when we came into office. Look where you Avill, you will see that the credit and the position of the countiy have not been shaken, and that consols stand higher than they did. Our debt has been reduced in one direction and increased in another. But how has it been increased ? By raising money to make advances to large bodies like the corpora tions of London and Birmingham, and many others Avho desire to have such loans. But look at matters fairly, and you wiU find that the account Avhich we have to render is one of Avhich there is no reason to be ashamed." So much for the domestic legislation and financial policy of the party during the leadership of Lord Beaconsfield. They signified the establishment of beneficial measures for the working classes, the reduction of debt by £1,500,000, and the imposition of no additional taxation. When we remember the fierce diatribes 66 522 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD passed upon the Tory six years' tenure of power by the leaders of the Liberal party, and especially by the arch-agitator during his Midlothian campaign, Ave fail to discover the justice of their accusations, or any amendment on their part of the state of things they so eloquently deplored. The Opposition attributed the depression of trade to the extraAragant expenditure and harassing policy of the late Conservative government ; yet in spite of the accession to power of a Liberal cabinet, trade has not revived Avith that activity and generosity promised by Mr. Gladstone and his fol lowers when out of office. We know Iioav warmly the financial policy of Sir Stafford Northcote was attacked by the late Oppo sition ; yet in spite of the Liberals having crossed over to the ministerial side of the House, in no material particular has that financial policy been changed. The con duct of the Conservatives toAvards Ireland was keenly criticised; and iioav, under Liberal rule, Ave have seen the gaols of that unhappy countiy crowded with untried prisoners, a severe coercion Act in full force, and the disaffected island on the eve of civil war. All that the change of government has as yet obtained for us has been a peace with dishonour, increased taxa tion, and the cloture. But it Avas against the foreign policy of the Beaconsfield administration that the late Opposition aimed their most venomous shafts. Charge after charge was hurled against the late Tory chief for the ambitious and insatiable character of his "imperialism," for the straining of the prerogative to carry out his views, and for the extravagant ex penditure which resulted. Yet time has proved that those accusations Avere utterly undeserved. If we institute a comparison between the foreign and colonial policy advocated by Lord Beaconsfield and that iioav advanced by the government of Mr. Gladstone, the result is certainly not in favour of Liberal rule. Compare the England under Lord Beaconsfield, honoured and influential in the councils of Europe, with its guarantees upheld, its promises fulfilled, and its protecting hand extended to all who had a claim upon the empire, with the England under the guidance of Mr. Gladstone, and see how the Liberal policy has been weighed in the . balance and been found wanting. We have already alluded to the results consequent upon the purchase of the Suez Canal shares. The object of that purchase was to secure the safety of our route to India; and we can remember with Avhat hostility that proceeding was assailed both as a financial operation and a political move. "The purchase of the shares," said Mr. Gladstone, speaking at Glasgow towards the close of the year 1879, and when bidding for the Liberal vote at the approaching general election, " Avas a delusion. . . . You Avere foolish enough to acquire a certain number of shares in the Canal ; you have chosen to complicate your already too complicated transactions with a financial operation of a ridiculous description." As the Liberal party invariably denied that any political importance could be attached to the purchase, * and as the operation Avas foolish financially, Mr. Gladstone Avas naturally asked by the Conservative party whether, " seeing that the present value of these shares is officially stated at £8,826,000, he proposes to take steps for realizing by their sale the accrued profit to the country of £4,826,000." Such a realization Avould have gone far to recoup the £6,000,000 .which the Beaconsfield administration were accused of squandering in upholding the honour of England. To this question Mr. Gladstone thus replied: — ¦ "The object of the question is to obtain from me a confession Avhich I am sorry I cannot gratify. I do not Avish to repeat anything I said in the important discussion that took place on the question of the * "The shares bought by the government do not tend to give us any influence whatever, either indirect, direct, or moral, or of any kind, in the council of the shareholders, and our interest is not identical with, but entirely opposed to that of the ordinary shareholders." — Lord Hartington, House of Commons, February 8, 1879. AND HIS TIMES. 523 purchase of these shares; but I Avish to say that my objection to questions of this kind is that if the individual to whom they are put is not prepared to confess, he can hardly do otherwise than go back upon observations which he or others may have made at some previous time. The censures I passed on the transaction at the time or during the time of the election had no reference to it, considered as a financial operation, conceived and executed by a stockbroker, for I have been from the first a recommender and promoter of the Suez Canal; and when M. de Lesseps came to this countiy I encouraged him to persevere in his plan. The objection I had Avas that the operation was a complex one, and I cannot recede from that opinion, though I think it would be invidious now to repeat the reasons on Avhich that opinion was based." Yet in spite of this answer, it Avas at GlasgoAV that Mr. Gladstone objected to the purchase of these shares because it was a financial operation of a ridiculous character. Only one conclusion can be drawn from this evasive and inconsistent conduct. If the purchase of these shares has no political importance, and Avas a com mercial undertaking of a foolish character, Avhy have these shares been retained by Mr. Gladstone when they can be sold at a splendid profit ? The answer is that the purchase of the Suez Canal shares is not only a brilliant commercial success, but that Mr. Gladstone has been compelled to admit that- considerable political import ance attaches to the possession of them, and therefore he declines to part with them. In other Avords, he acknowledges and supports the prescient and statesman like conduct of the late Conservative prime minister in this matter. Nor were the strictures passed upon the conservative policy in Central Asia a whit less unhappy. Events have proved that Lord Beaconsfield was right in the course he pursued, and Mr. Gladstone has been wrong. The object of Eussia in Central Asia is apparent to all. By the annexation of the Turkoman countiy she has estab lished for herself a solid base of military operations from Avhich she can control Persia and Western Afghanistan. By her former campaign against Khiva she has cleared the path for her armies along the more eastern line of advance to Cabul, and has thus by these two proceedings gained a complete ascendency in Central Asia, and has removed the obstacles which it was said barred her progress to the frontier of Afghanistan. The object of Lord Beacons- field's Indian policy was to prevent Eussia dealing with Afghanistan as she has treated Khiva, Bokhara, and the districts between the Oxus and the Caspian. And since it was acknoAvledged by all our greatest authorities that it was absolutely neces sary for the safety of our Indian empire that Afghanistan should either be an in dependent state united under the rule of a friendly Ameer, or brought within the sphere of those protected states Avhose foreign relations were supervised by British residents, and whose strong places were controlled by British troops, Lord Beacons field aimed at obtaining one of these alter natives. He came to the conclusion — and the publication of recent despatches justified the conclusion— that the Ameer Shere Ali was intriguing with Eussia, and meditating hostile designs against British India. War was made against him and he was deposed. As Lord Beaconsfield Avas still unwilling to break up the Afghan kingdom, Yakub Khan Avas recognized as the successor of Shere Ali. Then came the massacre of Sir Louis Cavagnari and the British mission. the advance of the British troops, and the treaty of Gandamuk. It was evident to Lord Beaconsfield that no trust could be placed in an Afghan prince, and that England must keep a force permanently stationed in Afghanistan to protect her own interests. This was done, and all danger was avoided, no matter who ruled at Cabul, whilst British troops held Canda- har. It has pleased, however, the present Liberal government to reverse the policy of 524 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD AND HIS TIMES. Lord Beaconsfield, in spite of the opinions given by the most eminent civil and mili tary authorities best acquainted with India, and hence civil Avar between the rulers of Herat and Afghanistan, the anarchy pre vailing in Southern Afghanistan, and the spread of Eussian intrigue. Under Lord Beaconsfield AAre had the strong places in Afghanistan held by British troops to check the advance of Eussia; under Mr. Gladstone Ave have nothing between us and the Cos sack, eager to bask in the sunshine of India, but a divided and disorganized Afghanistan, soon to fall a prey to the greed of Muscovite annexation. When a Eussian army appears in the valley of the Indus, it will then be seen which was the wiser and more astute — the Indian policy of the late Conservative chief or that of the present Liberal premier. As was the Indian pohcy of Lord Bea consfield so Avas his colonial policy ; it was vigilant, comprehensive, and astute. And this judgment must speciaUy be passed upon the statesmanship which directed affairs in South Africa, and more particu larly in the Transvaal. The Transvaal was annexed because it was in a state of anarchy and bankruptcy, and because the Boers Avere incapable of governing the district. The Zulu Avar was Avaged because the military organization of Cetchwayo was a constant source of jeopardy to the colony of Natal. The poAver of the Zulu chieftain was crushed, his country divided between chieftains whose policy was marked out for them by the English government, and who were to be controlled by English resi dents; and thus peace and freedom from danger were restored to Natal. Then came the revolt in the Transvaal, and the reversal of the policy of Lord Beaconsfield. We were defeated by the Boers, yet such was the very moment when a Liberal administration arrived at the con clusion to restore the annexed territory to our half-savage victors. Mr. Gladstone, who had been so callous as to the loss of life in Ireland, was so touchingly humane and sensitive, Avhen it was proposed that the turbulent and slave-advocating Boers were to be attacked by our arms, that he declined to be accused of " blood-guiltiness," and gave orders for English troops, when smarting under disaster, to retire from the conflict and to concede Avhat the rebellious section of our victors demanded. Our authority in South Africa therefore received a blow under which it still reels. We have been con demned as poltroons and deserters from our plighted word. The loyal inhabitants of the Transvaal, who regarded themselves as safe under the protection of the English crown, have been left to the tender mercies of the savage Dutchmen, and the friendly natives of South Africa have been taught the shameful lesson that, when it suits the policy of an English minister, their past fidelity will be disregarded, and they will be abandoned to any fate that barbarity may have in store for them. Defeat, dis honour, and discredit, such have been the results of the Liberal colonial policy. The dismemberment of our empire in South Africa under such circumstances has been the bitterest cup Avhich Englishmen, both abroad and at home, have had administered to them during this century. " It has already touched," said Lord Cairns, Avhen condemning the arrangements made by the Liberal government Avith the Boers in the Transvaal, " It has already touched, and Avill every day touch more deeply, the heart of the nation. Other reverses we have had — other disasters ; but a reverse is not dis honour, and disaster does not necessarily imply disgrace. To Her Majesty's govern ment we owe a sensation Avhich to this country of ours is new, and Avhich certainly is not agreeable. " ' In all the ills we ever bore We grieved, we sighed, we wept ; we never blushed before.' " It was this policy, both domestic and foreign, which the nation, now on the eve of a general election, was called upon to consider, and to decide whether the admin istration of Lord Beaconsfield was still entitled to the confidence of the countiy. CHAPTEE XVIII. THE CONSERVATIVE COLLAPSE. Coming events failed to cast the shadows of Conservative overthrow before them. At the meeting of parliament there Avas nothing to show that a change in favour of Liberal rule had come over the spirit of the country. The government of Lord Beaconsfield was apparently as strong and as popular as ever. Its foreign policy, its attitude towards the distress and the anti- rent agitation in Ireland, and its financial proposals, appeared still to enjoy the con fidence and approval of the nation. If the pulse of public feeling could be felt by the recent elections that had taken place, its beats indicated a strong and healthy Con servatism. At Liverpool a Conservative was returned by a large majority, whilst at Southwark, one of the strongholds of the Opposition, the Conservative candidate received more votes than both of his opponents put together. The turn of events had also tended to consolidate the position of the party in poAver. From Afghanistan came the good news that Sir Frederick Roberts was master of the situa tion ; that the armed gathering which had beleaguered him at Cabul had dispersed, and that the efforts of Mahomed Jan to create an insurrection had collapsed. In the Transvaal order had been restored, and Sir Garnet Wolseley, his mission now accomp lished, was on the eve of returning home. A little dispute we had with Turkey touching religious oppression had been settled by the Porte according to our wishes. Indeed, everything appeared to favour the Conservative cause, and from the outward aspect of affairs ministers had every reason to believe that their tenure of office was on no side endan gered. Parliament met February 5, 1880. The speech from the throne was encouraging. The relations between England and all the powers continued to be friendly. Since the prorogation of parliament the course of events had tended to furnish additional security to the maintenance of European peace, on the principles laid down by the treaty of Berlin. The outrage at Cabul had been avenged, though the unsettled condition of the country rendered the recall of the troops impossible for the present ; " but the principle on which my goArernment has hitherto acted remains unchanged," said Her Majesty; "and Avhile determined to make the frontiers of my Indian empire strong, I desire to be on friendly relations alike with those who may rule in Afghanistan and with the people of that country." Peace had been estab lished in South Africa. " The capture and deposition of the Zulu king," continued the sovereign, "and the breaking up of the military organization on Avhich his dynasty was based, have released my possessions in that part of the world from a danger which has seriously impeded their advancement and consolidation." As to home affairs, the commissioii Avas still inquiring into the causes of agricultural depression throughout the United Kingdom ; owing to the serious deficiency in the crops in certain parts of Ireland special precautions had been taken to guard against the calamities with Avhich those districts might be threatened, and ample preparations for the distribution of food and fuel had been made, as well as the employment of labour stimulated by excep tional advances from the state ; the con sideration of the criminal code and of the law of bankruptcy Avas to be resumed; 526 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD bills Avere also to be introduced for enlarg ing the powers of owners of settled land, for amending the lunacy laws, and for simplifying the practice of conveyancing. These Avere the chief features in the royal message. In the debate on the address Lord Beaconsfield took a prominent part. His speech was a reply to the charges brought forward against the government by Lord Granville. The leader of the Opposition in the Upper House had compensated for his silence during the recess by making one of those quiet but no less effective attacks upon the policy of ministers for which his parliamentary oratory Avas remarkable. Lord Granville regretted that not one word of sympathy had been expressed in the speech from the throne as to the depression under Avhich the whole agriculture of the country was suffering. He objected to the Berlin treaty, and branded the convention as the most indefensible that England had entered into during the centuiy. He asserted that the war in South Africa Avas neither just nor necessary, and was only a proof of the Aveakness of the government. Then he concluded by condemning the state of affairs in Afghanistan, which he attributed to the absence of any fixed and decided policy on the part of the cabinet. Lord Beaconsfield refuted these charges. The clauses of the treaty of Berlin, he said, Avere being carried into effect, and arrange ments had been entered into conducive to the maintenance of general peace. The war in South Africa could not have been avoided, and it had terminated Avith every prospect of the scheme of confederation in South Africa being realized. With regard to Afghanistan, the prime minister spoke at greater length. " Well, then," he continued, " the noble earl [Lord Granville] comes to the case of Afghanistan. I must confess to being at a loss to know exactly what the noble earl wants us to tell him. He addresses to us a question which does not appear to me to be founded on fact, or to have any character of reality. He assumes certain opinions, and imputes them to the chiefs and sirdars of Afghanistan. He informs us that the whole country is against us, whereas those who have studied the question on the spot knoAV that only a very limited portion of the population is against us. Then he Avants to knoAV Avhat the government are going to do ? Well, that is a question which it is difficult to answer, if only in this sense — that it con cerns matters which are in an unfinished state. You must consider the question, first, of Afghanistan with reference to the British empire, and secondly, Avith reference to Afghanistan itself. So far as the rela tions between this country and Afghanistan are concerned, our policy is perfectly clear. It was adopted after due consideration, and as we believed with complete and perfect knowledge; and no mistake has been made in carrying it into effect. It is true that a great disaster has occurred, but to such contingencies human affairs are always subject. As regards Afghanistan, what Ave aimed at was to secure an adequate and powerful frontier for our Indian empire. That we obtained, and Ave obtained it in a very short time Avith brilliant military success; and having obtained that Ave negotiated the treaty of Gandamuk, Avhich described and sealed that policy. It is unnecessary to recall to the notice of noble lords the terrible circumstances which have for a moment prevented that policy from being carried into effect. No doubt it is possible, in applying the same prin ciples whicli have always influenced us, that circumstances may occur to alter some de tails of the scheme Avhich Avere not contem plated at the outset. But our policy remains the same. It is a policy opposed to annexa tion — a policy in favour of the people of Afghanistan being governed by their own chief or chiefs — they can decide who these should be — but Avhich at the same time re tains our powerful and adequate military frontier. That is our policy, so far as Eng land is concerned. "As regards Afghanistan, we must be AND HIS TIMES. 527 guided by circumstances over wliich we have not always entire control. It is an error to suppose that Afghanistan, gene rally speaking, Avas governed in past times by one individual. On the contrary, the grandfather of Yakub Khan was, I believe, the first ruler that collected under his power all the tribes of the country. It may be necessary that Ave should restore Afghan istan to the state in Avhich it Avas previous to the accession of Dost Mahomed in that respect. That is possible. The noble earl does not suppose that Ave are sitting down Avith our hands in our pockets all this time. Although we have our English interests first of all to look to — that is to say, the security of our Indian empire — our next object is to have prosperous, happy, and contented neighbours. Well, we are taking those steps Avhich Ave think are Avise, and which, in our opinion, are the best calcu lated to bring about the results which we desire. But these are things which cannot be done in a day. You cannot settle them as you would pay a morning visit. If you have got a vast country full of warlike populations, and those populations ready to enter into any engagements, provided you meet their particular wishes, it is not always easy to ascertain how far the gratifi cation of those wishes may tend to the tranquillity of the country. If we sanction in any Avay the position and authority of individuals, Ave take upon ourselves a great responsibUity if Ave make a choice in Avhich the great body of the people have no con fidence. It is a work of labour to bring a country like Afghanistan, in its present state, into a condition of tranquillity and prosperity. But there are in that countiy all the elements of peace and prosperity, and the noble earl is labouring under a most erroneous impression in supposing that the great body of the people there are opposed to us. In reality, not one-tenth are opposed to us. I am not talking of those who are merely controlled by our regiments. 1 am talking of those people who really repre sent masses — the great chiefs and the great tribes who have placed themselves in con fidential and friendly communication with Her Majesty's government, and from Avhose declarations, and a wise calculation of the motives Avhich actuate them, we have a right to infer that they are sincere in their desire to bring about a settlement of the country. I believe such a settle ment Avill be brought about, and that Ave shall have in Afghanistan a neighbour on Avhom we can depend, on the Avhole, for its tranquillity and its desire for commercial intercourse ; and that that result will be accomplished totally irrespective of the great object of strengthening our frontier, Avhile it Avill be highly favourable to the Afghan people themselves." Still this explanation failed to satisfy the Opposition. Further information was required as to the future policy of the government in Afghanistan. How, it was asked, did ministers propose to restore order ? Upon Avhat principle Avere the future relations Avith the country to be regulated? Was the occupation of Afghan istan by British troops to be permanent or temporary ? What territory was to be annexed beyond the new frontier ? Was the policy suggested by Sir Henry Eawlin- son to be accepted, and Avere we to hold permanently Candahar and Jelalabad, dis tribute the Ameer's lands among mutually independent chiefs controlled by a resident English agent, and enter into a new alliance Avith Persia ? These were the questions freely demanded of the government, and in the Duke of Argyle the Opposition found a spokesman competent and Avilling to represent their vieAvs upon this phase of the Eastern question. A blue-book of cor respondence relating to Afghanistan had been issued early in the session, in Avhich it appeared, from certain despatches written by General Eoberts, that Eussian intrigue with the father of Yakub Khan had been carried much deeper than had been gen erally supposed. At the same time it was also hinted that the government had in their possession various documents dis- 528 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD covered at Cabul of a much more com promising character for Eussia than any that had yet been published. Late in February the Duke of Argyle, who had made our Afghan policy his special study, moved for the production of such documents, at the same time seizing the opportunity to deliver an attack upon the course recently adopted by ministers in the East. In an able but severely partial speech the duke criticised the Afghan policy of the Con servative party. Every evil predicted by the opponents of that policy, he asserted, had actually happened. There had been no occa sion for the aggressive measures pursued by ministers. The advances of Eussia in the East did not, he said, menace our position ; the late Ameer had not been hostile to our interests; all our troubles in Afghanistan had been simply due to the disturbing tactics of the government. Ministers had forced a resident upon the Ameer ; they had acted contrary to the treaties with Afghanistan ; and they had violated the traditional policy of the Indian government during the last forty years. " I am bound to say," con cluded his Grace, "that the whole trans actions of this Afghan war are of a character which, in my opinion, justify the severest language which can be used in party war fare. I believe it is a policy Avhich has originated in weak and unmanly fear. It has been a policy of violence sometimes approaching deceit. It has been a policy most injurious to the interests of the people of England ; and, above all, a policy which has cast a lasting stain upon the honour of the British empire." This special pleading, based upon the ignoring of facts patent to all but those Avho were blinded by party hostility, led to an important debate, in which the leaders on both sides of the House took part. As the discussion proceeded it was evident that the objections of the Opposi tion to the policy of the government could not sustain examination, and that ministers had had no alternative in the past but to enter upon the aggressive with the Ameer. " I am well acquainted Avith all the official correspondence on the subject," said Lord Napier of Magdala, " and I am quite satis fied that Ave had a sufficient and legitimate cause for going to war with the Ameer. When the Ameer received a Eussian am bassador, but refused to admit our embassy, and in other Avays evinced hostility, it was quite time to bring him to reason. He had raised a large force of regular troops, he had constructed fortifications, and had col lected large stores of war materials. Had we remained quiescent the Eussian embassy would soon have been followed by Eussian officers, and a formidable force might have been created, which Avould have been a serious danger to our north-west frontier in case of our being occupied in any other quarter." The debate was brought to a close by Lord Beaconsfield. " What is the real question at issue ?" he asked (February 20, 1880). " That is AA'hat the country is looking to. It is a clear conception of Avhat really is at issue that alone ought to guide us in this matter. Well, my lords, you knoAV that some three years ago or more — most unexpectedly and most undesired by those who Avere advising the crown — what is called the Eastern question revived. It is unnecessary to recall to your lordships' recollection all the incidents of that period. It is Avell known there was a moment when the relations between Eussia and Great Britain Avere of the most delicate character; Avhen indeed there were those, certainly in Eussia, Avho looked on war not only as impending, but as inevitable. Well, in these circumstances, Eussia naturally — and I do not blame her — looked to a point where she thought she might embarrass the power of England, and Aveaken the influence and authority Avhich England was exercising. She looked to Central Asia — the influence of Central Asia on India — to effect that great object. Well, we had to consider what course Ave ought to pursue in these circumstances. The question of the north-western frontier of India Avas no AND HIS TIMES. 529 new question. It has not grown up in these few years, as one would suppose from some speeches in this House. It is one which has long occupied the attention and consideration of all Indian statesmen, and I think I may also add of all those statesmen in England who aspire at all to the responsibility of the conduct of our affairs. " In this state of things we had to decide what was the best step to counteract the efforts Eussia was then making ; for though war had not been declared her movements had commenced in Central Asia, and the struggle had commenced Avhich Avas to decide for ever Avhich power should possess the great gates of India. One would ima gine, listening to the noble duke — at least a stranger might, for Ave are accustomed to his expositions— but a stranger, charmed by his eloquence, carried away by the fervour of his phrase, and overwhelmed by the multiplicity of his details — a stranger might listen to him to-night and never form the slightest idea that the real ques tion at issue was whether England should possess the gates of her OAvn great empire in India, and whether the time had not arrived when we could no longer delay that the problem should be solved, and in a manner as it has been solved by Her Majesty's government. . . . From our declared policy we have not swerved for a moment. We resolved that the time had come when this country should acquire the complete command and possession of the gates of our Indian empire. Having come to that resolution we took the most effective steps to accomplish our purpose. That purpose was accomplished and achieved with complete success. We obtained the gates of our Indian empire; they are in our possession now ; and I trust the hour wiU never arrive Avhen they will not be in the possession of this country. . . . Nothing Avhich has occurred — though many things have occurred which Ave did not con template, and Avhich we deplore — nothing has occurred which would for a moment VOL. II. induce us to modify our policy. Nothing has occurred which Avould induce us in any way to change our policy. Nor has anything happened — though much has happened, I admit, that one remembers with deep regret and heartfelt pain — nothing has happened which, so far as our conduct and policy are concerned, ought in the slightest degree to influence us." Lord Beaconsfield then contended that the government had not been to blame for the death of Cavagnari and his gallant companions, and that ministers throughout the proceedings in Afghanistan had acted with perfect consistency — a consistency which could only arise from a clear con ception of the object they had to accom plish. That object had been attained. The British troops were in military command of the countiy, and had most of its strong places in their possession. Why then, it was asked, if the object of the government had been attained — why not now leave the country ? "We cannot leave the country noAV," replied Lord Beaconsfield, " because it would indeed be a stain upon our honour if Ave left the country in a state of turbu lence and confusion. But the state of turbulence and confusion does not originate from our general pohcy or from the ac complishment of the great ends we have achieved. It has originated from circum stances Avhich no human foresight could guard against, and the consequences must be met by temper and decision, but cer tainly not by withdrawing. This is not a moment in Avhich England, in that part of the world, should show diminished deter mination. Although your lordships unfor tunately have no opportunity of expressing your opinion on this occasion, I think we have a right to conclude that the feeling and the convictions of your Lordships' House upon this subject are the same as when, more than a year ago, you recorded your verdict by an overwhelming majority. I am ready to admit that a change of circum stances may also induce a change of opinion, 67 530 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD and you ought to enjoy the privilege of recording it afresh in the most complete degree, and with the utmost completion- But until there is evidence of a change of opinion in this House much stronger than we have yet witnessed, let me at least believe that the Peers of England are still determined to uphold not only the empire but the honour of the country. Let me believe that they will not sanction our withdrawal from Afghanistan because Ave have accomplished our particular purpose, leaAdng the population of that countiy in a state of comparative anarchy, according to the description given by the noble earl [Lord Granville] and his friends ; but I do not join in these descriptions of Afghanistan. I believe there are considerable portions of Afghanistan in a state of absolute peace and great prosperity. The district of Candahar alone is one that might make noble lords hesitate before they accept these opinions, so rashly enunciated, as to the disorganized state of the country. It is — I will not say a corner — but a remote district of the country, and a croAvd of turbulent and unpaid soldiery, that have brought about these great misfortunes. But, my lords, you must not be distracted from the pursuance of a great national policy by accidents of this kind, and temporary cir cumstances which, you may rest assured, Avill disappear. Be firm, be resolute, and be determined. Let men knoAV that while you are ready to be just, you are resolved to be obeyed, and all these difficulties and complications will disappear at once." After this sound and spirited protest — how different from the reasons advanced by the Liberals for the abandonment of the Transvaal ! — the motion of the Duke of Argyll, "That an humble address be pre sented to Her Majesty for copy of any correspondence found at Cabul between the- late Ameer Shere Ali Khan and the Eus sian authorities in Turkestan or St. Peters burg," was withdrawn, and the matter for the moment was allowed to drop. The government did not consider it Avas for the public interest that such papers should be laid before parliament. Affairs nearer home now occupied the attention of the country. During the last few months the Liberals had been strongly urging upon the government to dissolve parliament, and to appeal to the nation. There had been no precedent, declared Mr. Gladstone, for a parliament dealing with the business of seven complete sessions. Various matters had, however, tended to compel the Conservative party to defer this appeal to a later period, and chief among them had been the sad state of Ireland. Across St. George's Channel the distress caused by a series of bad harvests had been augmented by the action of the Home Eulers, Avho openly advocated the dismem berment of the empire, and hampered industry and enterprise by their disloyal teaching and infamous restrictions. Lands that could be tilled Avere left uncultivated, rents that could be paid were kept back by the intimidated tenant, and the whole country was paralyzed by the state of ter rorism which had been introduced by the Land Leaguers. The government had inter fered by state aid to mitigate the surround ing distress and to thwart the inflammatory proceedings of the anti-rent agitators. " It Avas not within our power," said Sir Stafford Northcote, when explaining why parliament had not been dissolved earlier, " to come to a decision upon this subject before. In the course of the autumn the state of Ireland caused no inconsiderable amount of anxiety. We perceived from an early period that we should have to, and as time went on we saw that it Avas necessary for us to take measures, upon our own responsibility as a government, to prevent distress or to alle viate distress in that country. Those measures we took without the authority or sanction of parliament, and it was necessary that parliament should be called together in order to consider and to give its sanction to Avhat Ave had done, and also to consider what further measures should be taken." The Opposition, however, now loudly AND HIS TIMES. 531 declared that as the Irish business, Avhich had rendered the reassembling of the Houses necessary, had been disposed of, ministers had no further excuse for putting off the dissolution of parliament. At first it appeared as if the seventh session Avould be completed; important biUs Avere intro duced, the business of the Houses was carried on as usual, and no indications were given of the probability of an approaching general election. Then suddenly, and to the surprise of all — for so well had the secret been kept — Lord Beaconsfield announced, March 8, 1880, that parliament would be dissolved at Easter. On the following day the prime minister issued his manifesto, couched in the form of a letter to the Duke of Marlborough, the lord lieutenant of Ireland. Eecent events have only proved Iioav clearly Lord Beacons field divined the future when he penned this memorable document. We have seen the Liberal party, inspired by its Eadical supporters, coquetting with the Home Eulers, plunging Ireland into deeper dis tress, and stimulating her unhappy people to commit deeper crimes ; and we have seen how the "passive principle of non interference " has lowered the authority of England in the councils of Europe, and militated against the preservation of peace. Let us give heed to the teaching conveyed in this masterly state paper. " 10 Downing Street, March 8, 1880. "My Lord Duke, — The measures respecting the state of Ireland which Her Majesty's govern ment so anxiously considered with your excellency, and in which they Avere much aided by your advice and authority, are now about to be sub mitted for the royal assent, and it is at length in the power of the ministers to advise the queen to recur to the sense of her people. The arts of agitators, Avhich represented that England, instead of being the generous and sympathizing friend, was indifferent to the dangers and the sufferings of Ireland, have been defeated by the measures, at once liberal and prudent, whicli parliament has almost unanimously sanctioned. " During the six years of the present adminis tration the improvement of Ireland and the con tent of our fellow-countrymen in that island have much occupied the care of the ministry, and they may remember with satisfaction that in this period they have solved one of the most difficult problems connected with its government and people by establishing a system of public education open to all classes and all creeds. " Nevertheless, a danger, in its ultimate results scarcely less disastrous than pestilence and famine, and which now engages your excellency's anxious attention, distracts that country. A portion of its population is attempting to sever the constitu tional tie which unites it to Great Britain in that bond which has favoured the power andprosperity of both. " It is to be hoped that all men of light and leading will resist this destructive doctrine. The strength of this nation depends upon the unity of feeling which should pervade the United King dom and its widespread dependencies. The first duty of an English minister should be to consoli date that co-operation Avhich renders irresistible a community educated, as our own, in an equal love of liberty and law. " And yet there are some Avho challenge the ex pediency of the imperial character of this realm. Having attempted and failed to enfeeble our colonies by their policy of decomposition, they may perhaps now recognize in the disintegra tion of the United Kingdom a mode which will not only accomplish but precipitate their pur pose. " The immediate dissolution of parliament will afford an opportunity to the nation to decide upon a course which will materially influence its future fortunes and shape its destiny. "Rarely in this century has there beeu an occasion more critical. The power of England and the peace of Europe will largely depend on the verdict of the country. Her Majesty's present ministers have hitherto been enabled to secure that peace so necessary to the Avelfare of all civilized countries, and so peculiarly the interest of cur own. But this ineffable blessing cannot be obtamed by the passive principle of non-inter ference. Peace rests on the presence, not to say the ascendency, of England in the councils of Europe. Even at this moment the doubt sup posed to be inseparable frosu popular election, if it does not diminish, certainly arrests her influence, and is a main reason for not delaying an appeal to the national voice. Whatever may be its consequence to Her Majesty's present advisers, may it return to Westminster a parliament not unworthy of the power of England, and resolved to maintain it ! " I have the honour to be, my Lord Duke, your faithful servant, " Beaconsfield." 532 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD The publication of this letter led to some adverse comment. Verbal critics complained that there was too much sonor ousness in it for the fastidious ear, that the phrase, " men of light and leading," was ungrammatical, and that the statement as to the alleged "policy of decomposition" was devoid of meaning. The Liberals were indignant at being accused of com plicity with the Home Eulers (after the KUmainham treaty how justifiable was such indignation!), and declared that they knew of no party whicli challenged "the expe diency of the imperial character of this realm." In their turn, the disaffected Irish "highly disapproved of the attempt of the prime minister to stir up feelings of hatred between England and Ireland for the purpose of furnishing an election cry to his folloAvers, and regarded with indignation his flagrant misrepresentation of the loyal efforts of the Home Eule party to extend the blessings of constitutional government to Ireland" — "loyal efforts," aided by the hand of the pohtical assassin ! Then, it was asked, what Avere the grave dangers threatening the peace of Europe, from which deliverance was impossible without the continuance of Lord Beaconsfield in power ? What, too, was to be understood by the ascendency of England in the councils of Europe ? The prime minister Avas called upon to reply to these queries. On a motion by Lord Stratheden and Campbell for the production of an apocry phal letter from Shere Ali to the Sultan, stirring up Turkey to make war upon England, Lord Beaconsfield was invited to explain himself as to these "terrifying insinuations." The introducer of the motion, in a long speech which was more exhausting to his hearers than exhaustive of his subject, took the opportunity of condemning the Eastern policy of the government. It had not been, in his opinion, sufficiently aggressive. The document he asked for, said Lord Stratheden, must be utterly obnoxious to ministers, since it stigmatized in the gravest terms the conduct of the government on the Eastern question, and shoAved how the late Ameer had been estranged from Great Britain on account of the infidelity of a Conservative cabinet to all existing treaties. He asserted, and produced one-sided arguments to support his statement, that the government, since the autumn of 1874, were responsible in a great degree for the late war between Eussia and the Porte. He condemned the treaty of Berlin, the responsibilities we had entered into, and the neglect of the cabinet in not availing themselves of the oppor tunities offered them to check Eussian aggression, and to maintain the inde pendence and integrity of the Turkish empire. Lord Stratheden thus concluded his jaundiced lecture : — " The present," he said, "is not one of the occasions when anyone at all conversant with the subject ought to insist on an Eastern danger which he realizes, or urge the countiy to the path of duty from the slumber of indifference, or recommend a course of action to a government whose hesitation and disunion have been too openly revealed to us. During the last five years, however, such occasions have been frequent. They are alone sufficient to condemn the policy Avhich leads to them. In this House ministers are rich in parliamentary and even oratorical abUity. Great as it may be, it will not entitle them to disprove a large share of responsibility for the unhappy war of 1877. They will never show that in May, June, or July of that year the British fleet might not have been despatched to the Bosphorus to the incalculable benefit of Europe. They avUI not be able, either, to repudiate the parentage of the usurping treaty which they afterwards contended with, as I hold, unsuccessfully. The trans actions are voluminous and intricate. They are beyond the range perhaps of industry to grasp or utterance to mention them; but yet their history may be given in a sentence. It is the record of wisdom faintly and imperfectly adhered to, of duty openly and AND HIS TIMES. 533 systematically violated, of reparation eagerly but ineffectually grasped at." Lord Granville followed suit. After declaring that, from the point of view of Lord Stratheden, a strong case had been brought forward against the government, and after blaming ministers for so sud denly dissolving parliament, he proceeded to examine the statements contained in the letter to the Duke of Marlborough. He would not describe the letter as an elec tioneering squib ; still its form was a httle unusual. " I do not, however," he said Avith suave acidity, "complain of that. One hook is nearly as good as another upon which to hang a declaration of prin ciples. My complaint is of another kind. It relates to the absence from that declara tion of any principles of a tangible character. Literary critics have fallen foul of the language and the grammar, but I have no pretence to be a literary critic. My only object, if I write or speak, is to convey my meaning as clearly as I can to others. I am not convinced by the united authority of Prince Talleyrand, Dr. South, and Car dinal de Eetz that language was given to man to conceal his thoughts. And if I find that a singularly brilliant writer, a real master of English, puts together Avords which are understood neither by friends nor by opponents, I conclude that it is not that he cannot, but that he does not wish to explain his meaning. A first-rate judge, speaking of this manifesto, said, 'You must not look at this design as if it Avere a picture intended to be hung on the eye line. It is a bit of stage painting, intended to be looked at from an immense distance and to produce a general effect, utterly irrespective of correct draAving or accurate details.' Now, what is this general effect? It appears to me that it is something of this sort — that the government intend for the future to soar above the details of home reforms and social progress; that with regard to Ireland they not only desire to excite a firm desire to keep united the kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, but that they think it convenient for election purposes to excite the popular feeling against that country, and to convey an impression that the Opposition are indiffer ent to the union of the two islands; that the same difference of opinion exists be tween themselves and ourselves as to our relations with India and Avith the colonies; and that as to the influence of England in Europe, this is the exclusive monopoly of the present government, which has been used in the past and Avhich Avill be used in the future with a splendid success per fectly unattainable by any other party in the state." Then the leader of the Opposition proceeded to criticise the de claration that the government had main tained peace. Where had they maintained peace, he asked? In Europe? No. In Africa? No. In Asia? No. Who were the nations which wanted to fight, but were prevented by the government ? Again, as to ascendency. Where was the ascend ency of England over the councils of Europe shown ? At Constantinople ? With the Slavs? With the Greeks? Was it over France and Egypt ? Was it in Vienna and Berlin ? Could anything, sneered Lord Granville as he sat down, be less judicious than to make such idle boasts of ascendency ? Lord Beaconsfield replied. " There is very great difficulty," he sarcastically be gan (March 15, 1880), "in following the speech of the noble baron who introduced this motion. His style of oratory is very peculiar. AVe all willingly acknoAvledge that he is acquainted with the countries of which he speaks, and has made himself, much to his honour and credit, master of the diplomatic details of the last few years ; and this combination gives a plausibility to his assumptions, for Avhich there is really not the slightest foundation. His argu ments are sound enough, if the assumptions could only be proved. The arguments and deductions of the noble lord are always illustrated by a certain degree of local colouring, which, of course, recommended 334 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD them to the consideration of the House; and his personal experience, combined with his deep study of the subject, naturally pro duces the impression that we are listening to a noble lord eminently qualified to speak on such topics. The noble lord says, ' You had a great opportunity in 1876, and you lost it.' What was the oppor tunity ? The noble lord never told us. Throughout his speech, which was not a short one, he dAvelt upon the opportunity which was lost; but he never told us what the opportunity was. 'Then,' said the noble lord, 'after 1876 you had another opportunity.' Here, I must say, he did condescend to give us some details for our guidance. ' You ought to have sent an embassy to St. Petersburg and not to Con stantinople; everything would then have been settled to the satisfaction of Europe.' But here again is an assumption of the noble lord. " I suppose that we who are responsible for the conduct of public affairs, or any gentlemen in our situation, Avould not have carried them on Avithout some communi cation with St. Petersburg. The noble lord seems to assume that two years elapsed and there was not the slightest communication between St. Petersburg and the Court of St. James'. The noble lord made a sum mary of the six years, and the summary is this: — You have deprived Turkey of all authority on the Bosphorus, and you have impaired her to an extent which must inevitably lead to her losing her position there. Well, that is the opinion of the noble lord, but it is not the general opinion; it is not the opinion of the statesmen of several countries. There are compromises which necessarily have been made, arrange ments which have been agreed to, Avithout A\-hich no ultimate consent or decision could have been arrived at; but if there Avas one point on which all Avere agreed, it was that command should be given to Turkey over the Bosphorus, and arrange ments should be made with reference to Constantinople which would render it cer tain, that it would remain in the hands either of the Sultan or of some power Avhose position there would not menace the independence of Europe. "I say, in answer to the noble lord, I entirely deny his summary ; and I say that one weaker, less founded, less true, less trustworthy, never came under the consi deration of your Lordships' House. The noble lord has given us many specimens of his peculiar kind of diplomatic oratory this session, and some justice should be done to its peculiarities and beauties. He forgets, and thinks the House will also forget, there is one great distinction between himself and all on this side of the House, and I believe all on the other side of the House. The noble lord is a man of war. He says, 'You lost a good opportunity; you should have done this.' But all the things we ought to have done would have been acts of war; and our duty as an English ministry was to save the country from being involved in vjar, and, if possible, to prevent war in any part of Europe. The noble lord, of course, disap proves the manner in which Ave managed affairs. He has only one specific for the settlement of the Eastern question — war in the beginning, in the middle, and in the end. The object of Her Majesty's ministers, as I doubt not it Avould have been the object of our rivals if they had sat on these benches, was to save this country from war, and, if possible, other countries also. The speech is made because the noble lord is in possession of a letter from Shere Ali to the Sultan, stirring up the Sultan to make war against England, and to enter into an alliance with that power Avhich of all powers is the one he should most avoid allying himself to ; it descants on the great advantages of an alliance with Eussia. The noble lord's motion is that, on the part of the government, we should produce this letter. We have no official knowledge of it; we have it only in the form in which the noble lord has it, through its having been printed in the newspapers. The letter in question is without doubt a forgery, and the AND HIS TIMES. 535 noble lord has made it the foundation of a great debate, which has elicited some im portant revelations from the noble earl opposite with reference to the condition of his party. He has made them on a letter which is apocryphal and spurious. " The history of this letter is, I believe, this — it appeared in a Turkish paper, it was copied into other papers, and a considerable controversy was occasioned by it. A com munication was in consequence made to the Turkish government, and the authen ticity of the letter was immediately denied. The Sultan himself personally declared that it was perfectly apocryphal, and there fore no copy came into our possession, nor did we hear anything further about it. I must say that the Russian newspapers seem to have treated that letter in a spirit of very judicious criticism. The Golos of the 15th of July said : — ' This correspondence, whicli is undoubtedly false, has made a strong impression upon the Mohammedan popu lation in India. It was reprinted in all the leading Indian newspapers, and gave rise to endless rumours in all the bazaars.' I think if your lordships Avere to read the letter — and I have no doubt you read it some time ago — you would see immediately that it was written by a European. _ It is much too epigrammatic for an Oriental ; and it is evidently that of some inexperi enced journalist who commenced his voca tion on a small Turkish newspaper which then existed in Constantinople, and was distinguished for its hostility to England. This letter, disclaimed by the Sultan, and by him personally denounced as utterly apocryphal, is the foundation for the debate of to-night. "The noble earl opposite [Lord Gran ville] has taken fair advantage of this dis cussion to make some amiable remarks on the state of public affairs; and the noble earl has taken the letter which I addressed to the lord lieutenant of Ireland as his chief text. I do not collect from the noble earl that his objections are of a very substan tial or serious character. The first objection is that we have advised Her Majesty to dis solve parliament. Well, the noble earl is the head of a powerful party, who have for the last six months been denouncing the government because they did not advise Her Majesty to dissolve parliament, and some members of his party actually used language of invective on the subject. I will make great admissions to the noble earl. I Avill admit that there is hardly a higher function to exercise or a more responsible duty to encounter than to advise your sovereign to dissolve parliament in any cir cumstances, except when the absolute lapse of time renders it the duty of a ministry to do so. I look upon it as an act which involves the highest responsibility on the part of the ministry Avho advise it. . . . " To advise a dissolution is an act which involves great responsibility ; and Ave have considered it in all its bearings. Nothing but a sense of duty, of overwhelming duty, induced us to take the step ; and no other vindication, I think, is necessary, especially as we are now appealing to our country. The noble earl touched, I think, upon some domestic subjects which I ought to have noticed ; but as the debate is on foreign affairs I may perhaps be excused from noticing them. I have already troubled your lordships to-night with remarks upon Ireland* and I shall not touch upon that subject again. I Avill rather come to that point in the noble lord's speech in which he questioned my right to describe what my views Avere as to the relations betAveen this and other countries, and the degree of danger or security that might arise from them. He questioned my right, and I must assert that right in a manner which cannot be mistaken. I do not understand what the noble lord means by perpetually im pressing us with the necessity of publishing to the nation every single thing connected * Lord Beaconsfield had stated, in reply to a question from Lord Oranmore and Browne, that he did not consider it necessary to introduce any special enactment to suppress the meetings then being held in Ireland to prevent the payment of rent. The Peace Preservation Act, he said, had bee a drawn up to meet such evils. 536 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD with our foreign affairs, as if we were to take every opportunity of shifting, shuffling off, the responsibility which it is our duty- as ministers to encounter. My lords, there is not an expression in the letter to which so much reference has been made which was not well weighed and sincerely felt. I beheve the state of affairs is critical; and when I look at the condition of Europe, when I find these mighty hosts in battle- array, Avhen I find increased armaments proposed, recommended, and agreed to Avith facUity — if there were no other causes, these alone would make me impress upon my countrymen that this is not a time Avhen vigilance can be neglected and Avhen resolution can be — " 'Sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought.' " The noble earl seemed to complain very much of my using the word ' ascendency,' and talked of my ' boasting of the ascend ency Avhich Her Majesty's government noAV possesses in Europe.' I said nothing of the kind. I only laid it down, as I do now, that England ought to possess an influence, not to say an ascendency, in the councils of Europe. I laid that down, but I did not say that Ave possess an ascendency. I said that the principle I have just enun ciated should form the basis of a policy which a Avise minister Avould pursue, and which he ought to endeavour to attain. There are causes why England does not possess that degree of influence and ascend ency in the councils of Europe Avhich 1 should desire her to possess. These causes are the conduct, not of the noble lord, who has always conducted himself as a states man should, but the conduct of those deeply connected in public life with the noble lord, who have held language which has impressed the courts of Europe and the people of Europe with the idea that there is a want of sym pathy between the existing government and tlieir countrymen ; and that if one of those trials should occur which demand the utmost development of national energy and the utmost display of national spirit, the government would appeal to their countrymen in vain. There is a great difference between the word ascendency and the word supremacy. The word ascendency is one which involves important moral actions, and is not a word of offence, but one which will always be accepted in a Uberal and generous spirit. I maintain that, unless we take our place in the coun cils of Europe in a becoming manner, the peace of the Avorld will be endangered. I maintain that the best security for possess ing general peace lies in increasing and upholding the influence of this country. The opposite system has been tried by the ministry of Avhich the noble lord was one of the ablest members, and what Avas the result ? If we have had to encounter trouble and to meet great difficulties in Europe and Asia, those difficulties were the consequence of the policy of those who preceded us. That policy we have not followed. Our policy Ave have fairly put before the countiy, and its verdict will soon be given. If it is our fortune to remain upon these benches that policy will be pursued ; but if the noble lord and his friends are destined to occupy our posi tions, I promise the noble lord that if the honour and the interest of England are ever concerned when he is minister, his government will be supported by the Tory party." The matter then ended by Lord Strath eden withdrawing his motion, on the ground that the authenticity of the letter from the Ameer to the Sultan had been disputed. And now once more, on the eve of a general election, the advocates of protection essayed to effect a breach in the citadel of Free Trade. The attack was led by the Duke of Rutland, ever the frank and con sistent supporter of the commercial policy Avhich preceded the repeal of the corn laws. It was his wish, said his Grace, to call the attention of the House to the depressed state of agriculture and trade, and to inquire how far it Avas owing to the present AND HIS TIMES. 537 system of free importations. It Avas a question which he feared might, in the hurry and turmoil of a general election, be overlooked, and yet none Avas of deeper importance to the countiy. He admitted that there had been a revival of trade, OAving to a rise in the price of iron conse quent upon a temporary demand for the article in America ; but when such demand ceased iron Avould again decline and trade be as dull as before. Nor had the depression in trade been confined to iron, coal, cotton, or agriculture ; every single interest had been depressed, and that not by accident but in consequence of the insane system of free importations. His Grace complained of the evils caused to special interests by the commercial treaty with France. That treaty he branded as a most one-sided arrange ment. If nothing Avere done in the shape of retaliation to force France to take off her protective duties, it was absurd, he said, to suppose that there Avould be a revival of English trade. A revival of trade that Avould be lasting could only be effected by an alteration in the present unfair, unjust, and unequal arrangements. Lord Beaconsfield deprecated the adoption of any hasty measures. " My noble friend the noble duke," he said (March 22, 1880), " when he last brought this subject before your lordships' consideration, had to dilate upon the commercial depression Avhich then prevailed. On the part of Her Majesty's government I expressed our opinion that that commercial depression Avould not last long, and Ave saAV signs which, though they might be deceptive, still in our opinion indicated a great revival in our com merce. The noble duke this evening has shoAvn that there is a consider able improvement in our commerce. It is very true that my noble friend based his consolation upon the increased relations between this country and the United States; and though it is impossible for any one to deny that there has been a very great im provement in our trade Avith America, and although it is impossible to deny that our VOL. II commercial relations amount at present to several millions more than they did twelve months ago, still the noble duke wished to impress upon your lordships that it Avas a sudden demand for one particular article Avhich occasioned this improvement. Noav, there I differ from my noble friend. The demand of the United States for iron has been very great, but I would venture to say that it is an error to suppose that there is not a general improvement. It is an error to suppose that our commerce, as regards iron, is confined to the United States. There are other states with whom Ave are noAV carrying on an active commerce in iron. " Well, then, the noble duke having ac knowledged the improvement in our trade, and having rested his illustration of our pre sent position in that respect mainly upon one very important article of commerce — namely, iron — the noble duke warned us that we could not depend upon the con tinuance of our commerce in that respect, and intimated those vieAvs which he has always most consistently upheld and ex pressed. Upon that subject the noble duke, wishing to sIioav the fallacy of Avhat he regarded as the principle on Avhich our commercial system is now established, took the case of France, and endeavoured to show that our commercial treaty with France had been one of immense benefit to France, but very slightly beneficial to this country.* But that, I venture to say, is an error of my noble friend. I have no doubt that the commercial treaty Avith France has been of vast advantage to this countiy. If it has not been of equal ad vantage to both countries, I maintain that * " In order to bring his observations within a reasonable compass, he would confine his remarks to the effect of the commercial treaty which was entered into with France in 1860 at the instance of Mr. Cobden. The exports and imports of France in 1848 amounted to £72,000,000, while they amounted to £284,000,000 in 1879— a fact which showed beyond the possibility of doubt that she had largely benefited by the working of that treat}-. But how had. it affected England? In 1876 the value of English goods imported into France was £26,000,000, while the value of French goods imported into this country was £41,320,000, the value of French manufactured articles which we imported exceeding that of those which we sent her in return by £7,800,000."— The Duke of Rut'and, March 22, 1880. 68 i38 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD it has been of vast advantage to this countiy. But I must stop for a moment to remark that, if my noble friend wishes to advocate a commercial system based upon protection of native industry, he ought to a certain degree to be a supporter of the commercial treaty Avith Fiance, because it is a treaty entirely of reciprocity, and there is no doubt that if that principle had not been adopted in the negotiations which led to the treaty, the commercial relations between France and this country would have re mained probably much in the same state and of the same amount as they Avere before that treaty was entered into. "The question of reciprocity and the question of protection are utterly different questions. If the Avhole nation chose to adopt a protective policy, nothing could resist that pohcy being carried into effect. But, Avith regard to reciprocity, I have always impressed upon those who brought it forward as a remedial measure that it Avas practically impossible; that Ave had altered our tariff to such an extent that it Avas by a chance that the British govern ment Avere able to carry the French treaty into effect ; and that, in fact, if the French treaty Avere continued, as I believed was the wish of many who are good judges of Avhat is good for this country, there would be no materials by Avhich Ave could adopt this principle of reciprocity on Avhich my noble friend so much dilated, and which, it appears from some cheers, Avould be very popular in this House. Popular or not, it is impossible. You could not obtain it Avithout the lapse of a considerable time, even if you swept away the whole of your present tariff. There are thirty or forty commercial treaties every clause in Avhich Avould demand your attention, and consid erable time would elapse during the nego tiations. "Now, the noble duke, after having admitted that commercial depression has disappeared, brought before your lordships the state of agriculture. No one can deny that there is great distress and depression in our agricultural condition. That is admitted by all classes. The question is — Is it in our power to relieve that distress? That is a question from which Ave ought not to shrink. My noble friend who spoke just before me said the remedy was, that there should be a further diminution of local taxation. Well, if it can be sIioavii that there is still local taxation which is unjustly imposed upon real property, and not equally on all kinds of property, nobody who has confidence in the Avisclom of parliament and in its sense of duty, can doubt that, if a fair case be made out, parliament will give relief in that respect. Parliament has already shoAvn that it sym pathizes with that class of property in this countiy which was subject to taxation from Avhich all other classes of property were exempt. And if it can be fairly demon strated that there are still taxes levied, not on agriculture only, but on real property Avhich may exist in towns, I have no doubt that, general election or not, the sense of duty which influences members of parha ment Avill induce them to do what is right in that matter. But I must say that I do not think that any further remission of local taxation, though it may be just, could be offered as a remedy at all adequate to the distress from which the agricultural world is noAV suffering. "Now it appears to me that there are many things Avhich may be done, which require consideration no doubt, but Avhich appear to me to be accepted by the general opinion of the countiy as the result of dis cussion, debate, and pubhc writing, whicli may very much facilitate the improvement of the soil, and, by facilitating the improve ment of the soil, may benefit the occupiers of the soil. Whether we consider the ques tion of removing the restrictions on its cultivation or that most important point as to which I introduced in the other House of parliament a remedy — namely, the secur ing for a tenant a complete protection for the capital which he has invested on the farm Avhich he occupies — I think myself AND HIS TIMES. 539 that before we can beneficially act to relieve and improve the agriculture of this country, the agriculture of this country must be in a normal condition, and that it would be most unwise in a moment of distress to hurry a measure when we are not dealing with the land of England in its usual state. I think it must be acknowledged by all that it is not so much competition, it is not so much local taxation, but Avhat is infinitely more injurious and more poAverful — namely, an almost unprecedented series of disastrous sea sons — which has brought about the present unfortunate state of agriculture in England. That condition of the cultivators of the soil, liOAvever, is not a permanent one, and, as far as I can see, matters are tending towards improvement. All the evidences of nature that can guide us rather make us hope that Ave are about to enjoy a season of prosperity and abundance ; and should this promise be fulfilled, the agricultural mind will be relieved from a great deal of the despond ency and distress Avhich at this moment paralyze, to a great degree, the energies of the farmer. Then will be the time to con sider whether we cannot alter many things in the relations of the farmer Avith the landowner, and deal with other matters which do not now beneficially act upon his condition. " Among the measures which might then be introduced are those whicli will place the local taxation of the countiy upon a just basis, should it be found unequal, and secure to the tenant complete protection for the capital which he has invested — a direc tion in which the Agricultural Holdings Bill, which from all one hears appears to have received but very scant justice at the hands of those who opposed it, proposed, at all events, to commence to advance. When the normal character of English agriculture has been restored, we shall be able to form some more correct estimate of the degree of competition which it has to encounter from the importation of the produce of foreign countries. I must confess that, although I have read much concerning the estimates which have been put forward with regard to the prospective productions of the American continent, I have not arrived at those definite conclusions on the subject which some of my friends have adopted. We require more data, more opportunities for examination, and more experience be fore we can come to any decided opinion as to the effect of. the importation of foreign-groAvn corn upon our home produce. When the English farmer has been blessed with a harvest Avorthy of his industry, and when we have gained greater experience of the effect of the produce of other countries upon our own, then will be the time for us to consider a variety of measures Avhich un doubtedly may not appear very important in themselves, but which Avill, in the aggregate, place him in a more advantageous and im proved position than he now occupies. By adopting that course Ave shall be able to look back with satisfaction, Avhen these times of depression are passed, to the fact that Ave were guided by the dictates of prudence, and did not rush into hasty legislation. "I know that it may be said that it is very easy to preach patience to those who are suffering. Nobody can esteem more than I do the character and endurance of the British farmer. I think that the patience and the high spirit Avith which he has borne up against a series of disastrous seasons, the feAV complaints he has made notwithstanding the great suffering he has experienced, exhibit his conduct in a light in Avhich it is impossible to vieAV it without a feeling of admiration. Whatever may happen, the cultivator of the soil still forms the largest class of the industrial Avorld, and he is the greatest employer of labour ; and your lordships and the countiy are bound to him by those ties which the traditions and the pleasantness of his occupation and his good conduct and loyalty have rendered so strong. Aristotle says that the agricul tural class is the least given to sedition. That Ave have found in England, and we have at the same time found among that class some of the best exemplars not only THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD of moral life, but of that duty to the sover eign and that strict performance of public duty Avhich have given such a very high character to this country. My lords, Avhen Ave meet again I hope we shall do so with a less gloomy feeling with regard to the for tunes of our agricultural friends. I do not think that I could recommend any change in our law affecting the agricultural inter- est that might be brought about by hasty legislation. Her Majesty has appointed a royal commission, which is now engaged in examining into this subject, and from the labours of that body I augur considerable results. I think that from them Ave shall obtain much information as to the pro ductive powers of the American continent Avhich may guide us in our decision Avith great advantage, and that they will also lay before us the opinions of some of the most experienced and practical men in England as to the conditions under Avhich the culti vation of the soil can be most beneficially carried on. My lords, I shall be deeply disappointed if one result of the labours of that commission is not to afford the farmer the most complete and absolute security for the capital Avhich he has invested in the cultivation of the land." Tavo days after this speech parliament Avas prorogued by commission. " I cannot part from you," said Her Majesty, " with out expressing my deep sense of the zeal and ability Avhich, during more than six years, you have consistently displayed in exercising your important functions, nor without tendering to you my warm acknow ledgments for the useful measures which you have submitted for my acceptance, and especially for the manner in Avhich you have upheld a policy, the object of which was at once to defend my empire and secure the general peace." As the rival camps examined their forces and prepared for action, no indication was afforded as to the result of the impending battle. Both sides appeared equally strong, equally popular, and equally confident of victory. Yet never Avere appearances more fallacious. It Avas one of those occasions Avhen a severe struggle was expected be- tAveen the combatants, the issue of which no one dared to predict; and then, to the surprise of aE concerned, instead of a con test there was only a collapse. From the first day of the poUing to the completion of the returns for all the constituencies, the progress of the Liberals, both in the boroughs and the counties, Avas one series of easy triumphs. As the general election proceeded it was not difficult to ascertain the causes Avhich had led to the reversal of opinion. The Liberals were no longer the divided and mutinous party of former days. Treaties of amity had been entered into among the disaffected, and aU feuds had been buried in the one general effort to oust Conservatism from the place of poAver. The Nonconformists had made their peace Avith Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Forster, and such an accession of strength was in itself alone sufficient to turn the scale against the ministerialists. The Home Eulers, Avhom the manifesto of Lord Beaconsfield had keenly offended, went over as a body to SAvell the following of Mr. Gladstone. The exclusive Whigs, too, found themselves in curious company, for the extreme Eadicals had agreed among themselves to give their support to the Liberalism which it Avas their intention on the first opportunity to blacken and develop into a dangerous Eepublicanism. A considerable section of business men, Avhose political opinions had hitherto been undecided, noAV pronounced in favour of Mr. Gladstone, OAving to the Avater bill Avhich had been introduced by Mr. Cross — a measure loudly decried at the time, but Avhich recent calculations now prove to have been a just and temperate estimate for the purchase of a monopoly by the government. To these additions to the Liberal ranks must also be included those special interests which, in seasons of adver sity, invariably attribute their misfortunes to the ruling of the party in power, to gether Avith that large vacillating com munity which loves change for the sake AND HIS TIMES. of change, and ever votes against a govern ment after any lengthy tenure of office. On the other hand, the Conservatives had to content themselves, for the desertion of many of their late supporters, Avith the co operation of the Roman Catholics, whom the extraordinary pamphlets of Mr. Glad stone had -offended, and with a large section of the HebreAv body, who had warmly approved of the foreign policy of Lord Beaconsfield. Against such odds it was hopeless for Conservatism, however active or united, to contend. The verdict of 1874 Avas completely reversed, and the Liberals Avere once more the dominant party in the state. A comparison between the two parliaments illustrates the result of the struggle. The composition of the dissolved parhament Avas 351 Conservatives, 250 Liberals, and 51 Home Eulers; in the new parliament the composition was 349 Liberals, 243 Conservatives, and 60 Home Eulers. The Liberals had been much in debted for their victory to the Avorking of the "caucus" system, and it Avas said that the Farmers' Alliance had been instrumental in causing the counties to revolt. After so marked an expression of the political feeling of the country, it was use less for the Conservative cabinet to meet the neAV parliament. Lord Beaconsfield and his colleagues resigned tlieir offices, and after a brief delay a Liberal administration was formed, Avith Mr. Gladstone as prime minister. CHAPTEE XIX. THE LIBERAL POLICY, The administration formed by the incoming prime minister was both strong and repre sentative. Save one or two exceptions, it Avas composed of all that was eminent among the Liberal party. Mr. Gladstone added to his duties as leader of the cabinet those of finance minister ; Lord Granville Avas foreign secretary; Lord Hartington Avas secretary for India ; Lord Northbrook was first lord of the admiralty; Mr. Childers Avas secretary for war; Mr. Forster con tented himself with the post of Irish sec retary ; Lord Selborne was lord chancellor. All these politicians had held office in the former Gladstone government. As a reward for the extreme Eadical support accorded to the Liberals during the election, Mr. Chamberlain, who had exhibited great administrative ability at Birmingham, coupled with much political intolerance, Avas offered a seat in the cabinet as presi dent of the Board of Trade. Mr. Fawcett held the seals as postmaster-general, Avhilst his felloAV Eadical, Sir Charles Dilke of civil list notoriety, Avent to the foreign office as under secretary of state for foreign affairs. At the home office was Sir Wil liam Harcourt ; Lord Kimberley, who had approved of the colonial policy of • Lord Carnarvon, was secretary for the colonies ; the Duke of Argyll, who might have been mischievous at the India office, was harm less as lord privy seal ; Mr. Bright, who had always disapproved of sinecures, under took the arduous duties of chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster ; Mr. Adam was com missioner of works; and Lord Lytton, having resigned his post as soon as the result of the elections was known, was succeeded as governor-general of India by the Marquis of Eipon. From this catalogue there Avere cer tain omissions of well-remembered names. Mr. LoAve was not permitted to mismanage the finances, or to endanger a cabinet by the indulgence of his personal antipathies, but had to content himself with exclusion and a viscount's coronet. Mr. Goschen, who still differed from his party as to the degradation of the franchise, did not hold office, but shortly after the formation of the cabinet Avas sent east, on the retirement of Sir Henry Layard, as special ambassador to Constantinople. Of Lord CardweU nothing Avas heard, probably because he did not approve of the development upon which Liberalism had now entered. The name of Lord Aberdare was also among the omitted. If the policy of Lord Beaconsfield Avas to be reArersed, no better agents could be found than those Avho now swore fealty to Mr. Gladstone. The first acts of the new government were not encouraging. Mr. Fawcett, Avith that aggressiveness which a terrible physical infirmity so often stimulates, had accused Lord Cranbrook of being aware of the exist ence of a deficit in the Indian budget at the very time when he as secretary for India Avas stating he had a surplus in hand; and the postmaster-general had felt himself bound, though very ungraciously, to offer an apology for the groundless accusation. The conduct of Mr. Gladstone was equally gross and inexcusable. Ever since the develop ment of the Eastern question had compelled Austria to frame a foreign policy of her own, she had encountered the keen dislike of our Eadical premier. Mr. Gladstone had detested Austria from the first, on account of her despotism towards Italy, and since events had now caused her to be the pro minent foe of any pan-Slavonic movement, THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD AND HIS TIMES. 543 and of that burlesque of all forms of faith, the Greek Church, his hatred towards the house of Hapsburg had deepened in its in tensity. During his memorable Midlothian campaign Mr. Gladstone had permitted himself to be so far carried away by the fervour of his rancour as to assert that Austria — a poAver with Avhom we Avere on terms of amity — had ever been the un flinching foe of freedom in every country of Europe. " You cannot put your finger," said Mr. Gladstone, " on any part of the map, and say, ' Here Austria has done good.'" Such a statement — totally opposed to the facts of history — naturally led to much comment, and was strongly resented at the Austrian court. A correspondence ensued between Count Karolyi, the Austrian ambassador, and Mr. Gladstone, and the result was that the latter had no alternative but to withdraw his hostile observations. The excuses of Mr. Gladstone for the asser tion were very lame ; he was assured, he explained, on AAdiat he considered excellent authority, that Austria had designs on Constantinople, that she intended to go beyond the clauses of the treaty of Berlin, and that she Avas opposed to the liberty to be enjoyed by the emancipated popu lations. " I AviU not conceal from your ExceUency," wrote the now abject prime minister, meekly eating his Avords before the frown of a foreign power, "that grave apprehensions had been excited in my mind lest Austria should play a part in the Balkan peninsula hostile to the freedom of the emancipated populations, and to the reasonable and Avarranted hopes of the subjects of the Sultan. These appre hensions were founded, it is true" — what an admission for a statesman to make ! — - " upon secondary evidence ; but it was not the evidence of hostile witnesses, and it was the best at my command. Your Excellency is now good enough to assure me that your government has no desire whatever to extend or add to the rights it has acquired under the treaty of Berlin, and that any such extension would be actually prejudicial to Austria-Hungary. Permit me at once to state to your Excel lency that had I been in possession of such an assurance as I have now been able to receive " — yet Avas it not the business of Mr. Gladstone, both as a politician and a gentleman, to have been convinced of the truth of his information before he dreAv his conclusions ? — "I never would have uttered any one of the Avords which your Excel lency justly describes as of a painful and wounding character. Whether it was my misfortune or my fault that I was not so supplied I will not noAV attempt to deter mine, but will at once express my serious concern that I should in default of it haAre been led to refer to transactions of an earlier period, or to use terms of censure which I can noAV wholly banish from my mind." Not without justice Avas this apologetic epistle described by Lord George Hamilton as " shameful and shameless." Contrast it with the manner in which Lord Beacons field, through a brief paragraph in the Times, repudiated the application of his phrase about "arbitrary arrests and domi ciliary visits " to Germany, and even the blindest admirer of Mr. Gladstone can scarcely admit that the comparison is in favour of his idol. The Houses met for the despatch of public business. The earlier part of the month had been occupied with the usual parliamentary preliminaries and with the degrading Bradlaugh episode — May 20, 1880. The speech from the throne excited the usual curiosity, Avithout satisfying it. The treaty of Berlin was to be carried out. " The cordial relations which I hold," said Her Majesty, " with all the other poAvers of Europe AviU, I trust, enable me to promote, in concert with them, the early and com plete fulfilment of the treaty of Berlin with respect to effectual reforms and equal laws in Turkey, as well as to such territorial questions as have not yet been settled in conformity with the provisions of that treaty. I regard such a fulfilment as essential for the avoidance of further 544 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD complications in the East. In accordance Avith this vieAV I have deemed it expedient to despatch an ambassador-extraordinary to the court of the Sultan." Affairs in Afghan were not to be neglected. The efforts of the government would "be un ceasingly directed towards the pacification of Afghanistan, and toAvards the establish ment of such institutions as may be found best fitted to secure the independence of its people, and to restore their friendly relations Avilh my Indian empire." The Conservative policy as to South Africa was to be maintained. " I have continued to commend to the favourable consideration of the authorities and of the people in the various settlements the project of con federation. In maintaining my supremacy over the Transvaal, Avith its diversified population, I desire both to make provision for the security of the indigenous races, and to extend to the European settlers institu tions based on large and liberal principles of self-government." As regards Ireland the Peace Preservation Act Avas not to be renewed. " I am persuaded that the loyalty and good sense of my Irish subjects," said Her Majesty, inspired by her prescient prime minister, " will justify me in relying on the provisions of the ordinary law, firmly administered, for the maintenance of peace and order." Though there was little time during the session available for useful legislation, still it was hoped to introduce measures which Avould end the controversies as to burials in church yards and cemeteries, which Avould afford protection to the occupiers of land against ground game, and which Avould extend the borough franchise in Ireland. Such were the salient features of the speech from the throne. In the debate on the address in the Upper House, Lord Beaconsfield, iioav the leader of the Opposition, took a prominent part. He Avas brief but inquisitive. He had heard with pleasure, he said (May 20, 1880), that the articles of the treaty of Berlin Avere to be carried out, and that " active measures " Avere to be taken by the government with that object. "It Avould, however," he remarked, "be satis factory, in tliese circumstances, to knoAV that Ave are to receive ample information as to the nature of the active measures which Her Majesty's government propose to take. 'Active measures' involve an epithet to Avhich many interpretations may be applied; and as generally used it has been applicable in many cases to a state of affairs which the people of this country do not vieAV Avith approbation, because measures so described have not unfrequently turned out to possess a bellicose character." Then as to the announcement that an ambassador- extraordinary had been sent, to Constanti nople, Lord Beaconsfield was also desirous of more particular information. "We all knoAV," he said, "what an ambassador is. An ambassador is an officer knoAvn to the constitution. We know very well that whateA'er he does the ministers in England are responsible for his actions; and therefore Ave have all those checks and securities Avhich are required when he is dealing with affairs of state upon which may depend important results. No one, for example, would venture to criticise Her Majesty's government if they had changed the am bassador who is at present at Constanti nople for another individual who more entirely may have possessed their confi dence. It is an act Avhich would not be noticed in parliament. It would be the exercise of a prerogative Avhich has never been questioned. It would not be noticed in parliament, and Avould not be alluded to in a speech from the throne. But an ambassador-extraordinary is a person in vested with poAvers of an unlimited charac ter, unless they are limited by instructions Avhich I trust the noble earl [Lord Gran ville] will not refuse to lay on the table in the present case. An ambassador-extra ordinary may be so unlimited in his powers that he may, unknown to this country, involve it in war by an act of his own completely, without any person being re- AND HIS TIMES. 345 sponsible for the act. And therefore, under these circumstances, Ave have a right to expect that Her Majesty's government will lay on the table the instructions which the ambassador-extraordinary may be supposed to possess." Referring to the Avar in Afghanistan, Lord Beaconsfield was of opinion that if the policy of the late viceroy of India were pur sued, a prompt and permanent settlement of the affairs in Afghanistan Avould be effected. " But I do not contemplate," he playfully remarked, " that that result is to be attained by the establishment of ' insti tutions ' in that country. I think we have a right to inquire what those institutions are. Is there to be a House of Lords created there of Sirdars ? Or is there to be, according to the doctrine of some ardent members of the present government, only one chamber, and that of a representative character ? What are those institutions to be ? Are they to be county boards ? But it is not merely in Afghanistan," continued the critic, " that I find this. I find it also in South Africa, Avhere a not unfavourable view is taken of our present position. There also there is a question of establishing institutions. Well, if the plan of the government for the settlement of Afghan istan and the quietude of South Africa is merely the establishment of institutions in the usual sense of the British nation, I must say that I prefer intrusting matters to Sir Frederick Eoberts, our general there, or to any high commissioner who may at present be resident in the countiy." To the suspension of the Peace Preserva tion Act in Ireland, then on the eve of its expiration, the leader of the Opposition Avas warmly opposed. He reminded the House that the late Conservative government had remodeled the original Peace Preservation Act, and that all the clauses which were supposed to abridge the rights of the Irish people had been studiously omitted. Yet, in the speech from the throne, it was stated that the principal reason for the repeal of that Act Avas its infringement of the rights VOL. II. of the subject. The government had been forgetful, and were evidently of opinion that the Peace Preservation Act then in force and about to be suspended Avas the original Act, with all its harsh and severe restrictions still in full play. Lord Beacons field objected to this suspension; and we avIio now live under a vacillating and resource- less administration, and watch and hear of the bloodthirsty yet useless deeds daily perpetrated across St. George's Channel under the reign of terrorism culpably allowed there to exist, see how sound and far-seeing Avere the objections of the late leader of the Conservative party to such suicidal reversal of policy. " I am not myself going," he said, " to resist any action on the part of Her Majesty's government to discontinue the Peace Preservation Act in Ireland. It is on their responsibility as a government that they must act. I think it a serious step ; I deprecate it ; but it is a step upon Avhich the government, consider ing all the circumstances, must take upon their responsibility, and scarcely with the interference of parliament. What I do regret is that the result of the conduct of Her Majesty's government will be, / fear, an increase of the agrarian outrages Avhich first brought the subject under the considera tion of parliament, and the recurrence of an evil second only to agrarian outrages, and that is an autumnal session. I fear that you are only postponing the consideration of a question which, in my mind, will force you to action. Whether the Peace Preservation Act in its present form, as modified by the late government, Avould be adequate to the difficulties you may have to deal with — although I trust you will not have to en counter them — I cannot say. But I think it would have been a prudent act on the part of Her Majesty's ministers, considering that it Avas tlieir own legislation originally, and considering that their successors modi fied it in those points which are iioav alleged as a reason for its repeal — I say I think it Avould, under these circumstances, have been a prudent act, and one which would 69 546 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD have been approved by the country and by parliament, had Her Majesty's government not thought fit to take the step which has been announced!' Then, as to the accusation of Lord Spencer, Avho had said that if the Peace Preservation Act—which Avas to expire on the following June — was so necessary for the Avelfare of Ireland, the Conservatives had been culpably remiss in postponing its renewal. Lord Beaconsfield thus replied : — " With regard to the serious charge which, according to the noble earl, we have in curred in taking no step for the continuing of the Act, had we, after the general elec tion, sat on the seats noAV occupied by the noble earl and his friends, I would remind the noble earl that there would have been ample time to have moved the continuance of the Act, and it would have been our duty to do so. Whether for a longer or shorter time, Avhether with more modifications or not, that would have depended entirely on the information the government at that time possessed ; but as an act of prudence, and an act as free from violence as any act of a repressive character can be, I think it would have been wiser if Her Majesty's govern ment had continued the Act in question. " My lords, I am glad that it is unneces sary for me to trouble you to-night at any length upon the address which has been proposed, and to which I willingly give my sanction. The change in the government may be alluded to because it is specifically mentioned in the first paragraph of the speech. If, my lords, I allude to it now, it is not on this occasion to introduce any controversy, to use any expression disparag ing to our successful opponents, or in vin dication of our past policy. But there is one reason why I refer to that event. This is the only occasion on which, on the part of the late advisers of the crown, I have had the opportunity of thanking this House for the great support which they gave to Her Majesty's ministers on every important occasion of state. They sustained and strengthened that self-confidence which becomes a great nation ; and the House of Lords, on more than one occasion — as they have done on many occasions in the history of this countiy — proved that they were the guardians of the national honour, and were prepared to vindicate that poAver which, I believe, is the only sure basis of the pros perity of England." In the course of the debate the queries advanced by Lord Beaconsfield were fully answered, and foreshadoAved the policy the Liberal government in the future intended to pursue. In spite of the virulent hostility to the diplomacy of the Conservative party by the Liberals when in Opposition, little radical change Avas to be effected in the arrangement of foreign affairs. A special ambassador, said Lord Granville, had been sent to Constantinople to see that certain portions of the treaty of Berlin — the treaty so reviled by the late Opposition ! — which related to Servia, Roumelia, and Bulgaria, were fully carried out. There Avere also the questions as to the rectification of the Greek frontier, the cession of territory to Montenegro, and the reforms in Armenia, to be settled. These matters would be arranged by a Adgorous and concerted union with the great powers. '' We desire," said Lord Granville, "the maintenance of the supremacy of the Sultan; we desire that the limitation to that supremacy should not be diminished as to territorial limits beyond Avhat it is at present; but we do say that that supremacy must not be dissociated from a proper and a righteous government of the large populations subject to that rule"- — as if Lord Beaconsfield had ever desired otherwise ! Affairs in Afghan- Avere not yet settled, but it was hoped that soon an arrangement would be effected which would secure the independence of the people of that country, and establish the foundation of future friendly relations to wards ourselves. Touching South Africa, continued Lord Granville, the object of the government Avould be to bring about such a confederation of existing colonies as would be calculated to increase their AND HIS TIMES. 547 strength, and render them less dependent for their existence upon the aid of British arms. The assumption of the Transvaal by the British had rendered the government liable to obligations to its vast population which it Avould be impossible henceforth to disregard — Ave know how that promise was fulfilled. Nor was Sir Bartle Frere — in spite of the past diatribes of the Liberals against him and in spite of the Zulu war — to be recaUed. With regard to Ireland, the Peace Preservation Act was a somewhat feeble one, and the government had come to the conclusion that the wiser course was not to renew it. " Her Ma jesty's government," said Lord Granville, "do feel their responsibility in this mat ter most strongly; they have weighed the subject as carefully as they can, and they have resolved that between the balance of advantage and disadvantage it is better to do away with this exceptional legislation, in the hope that the people themselves will rightly respond to the appeal that is thus made to them." These explanations having been offered, the address was agreed to, " and ordered to be presented to Her Majesty by the lords with white staves." It Avas not to be expected, now that parliament Avas sitting, that the Karolyi- Gladstone episode would pass unnoticed. Mr. Gladstone, in his electioneering speeches, had too freely indulged in vituperation to alloAV his own shortcom ings to be mercifully dealt with. Polit ical enemies who read his humiliating letter to the Austrian ambassador Avere too mindful of charges flung at the leaders of the Conservative party, of servility to foreign powers, of hasty and unsound statements only advanced to be meekly Avithdrawn, and of bluster when challenged only to be folloAved by confusion, to feel inclined towards generosity — especially to a foe Avho Avas never generous. The matter was introduced to the attention of the Peers by Lord de L'Isle and Dudley The apology of Mr. Gladstone had been made public, but the letter of Count Karolyi which had forced the humiliating reply from the prime minister, Avas still among the undisclosed state papers. Lord de L'Isle therefore moved — since "the letter to Avhich I allude is one which is without precedent in the annals of the history of the countiy "—that the whole of the cor respondence which had recently passed between the Austrian ambassador and the first lord of the Treasury should be laid before the country. It was also pointed out that Mr. Gladstone had not Avithdrawn his accusation, and it was feared that his jealousy of Austria might prejudice our foreign policy. Lord Salisbury supported the motion. He agreed with the description passed upon the letter of Mr. Gladstone by Lord George Hamilton, that it was " shameful and shameless." Nothing Avas more groundless and gratuitous than the charge of Mr. Gladstone against Austria. "What was the accusation?" asked Lord Salisbury "That you could not put your finger on any part of the map and say, ' Here Austria has done good ; ' that Austria had been everywhere the enemy of freedom, while Eussia, though sometimes not the friend of freedom, had shoAvn herself the friend of Slavonic freedom ; but Austria was not even the friend of Slavonic freedom. It is astounding," commented the critic, " that any man who has read the history of Poland, and knows that even noAV the government of Poland is a terrible blot on the civilization of the nineteenth century, should make such a statement ; but it is still stranger that a man who was about to become prime minister should say that Eussia was the friend of Slavonic freedom. . . . Austria is noAV, and has been since 1867, a free constitutional state, and instead of being the enemy of Slavonic freedom, has been the friend of that free dom. She has given what Eussia never will give — parliamentary institutions to ten millions of Slavs." Lord Salisbury failed to see on what possible basis of fact Mr. Gladstone could have raised such an 548 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD accusation against Austria. Nor Avas the letter of apology satisfactory. The accu sation had not been withdraAvn. " Mr. Gladstone," continued Lord Salisbury, " only promised not to make the accusation again, and said he would not defend it ; but the gist of his letter was this: — 'I believe that Austria, in spite of her recent signa ture, intended to seek territorial advantages beyond those given her by the treaty. I thought I Avas justified in acting on that belief until the statement on which it Avas founded Avas contradicted; and because that statement was not contradicted, and because I entertained that belief, therefore I accused Austria of being everywhere hostile to freedom.' " But the statement that Austria was hostile to freedom had not been withdrawn, remarked Lord Salis bury; the imputation remained where it Avas. All that Mr. Gladstone had done was to promise, in recognition of the assurance given him by Count Karolyi that Austria would not advance beyond where she now stood, that he Avould not reneAv the accu sation. " I think," concluded Lord Salis bury, "if it was necessary, Mr. Gladstone having made this mistake, that he should apologize for it, he should have apologized in a manner less humiliating to England, and more satisfactory to Austria. He might have simply said in his place in parliament that he had been hurried away — as he undoubtedly Avas — by the heat of electioneering speeches." Lord Beaconsfield took a brief part in the debate. Fie said but a few Avords, and was very lenient. Had the positioii been reversed ; had Lord Beaconsfield been the culprit and Mr. Gladstone the critic, hoAv virulent would have been the vituperation! The leader of the Opposition was of opinion (May 21, 1880), that the Peers were only doing their duty in taking notice of so ex traordinary a document. He himself Avould have alluded to it on the meeting of par liament, only he thought it desirable that as little controversy as possible should be introduced in the discussion on the motion for the address in ansAver to the speech from the throne. What was the document in question ? Did it not imply a policy hostile to Austria ? The original interpre tation put upon the character and conduct of Austria had not been Avithdrawn. It was said that the original speech was delivered during the heat of an election contest, but that Avas no satisfactory answer. Though it might be the passionate ex pression of a vindictive memory, which recalled the past of many years ago Avith reference to the history of Austria, that Avas an argument which did not really alter the state of the case. The fact still remained that a minister of the highest position in this country, at a time very critical, during negotiations on which ulti mately the peace of Europe might depend, had spoken of one of the great powers of Europe in a manner which, if it faithfully represented the sentiments of that indi vidual, must be most injurious to the course of the negotiations, so far as the influence of that power, Avhich at least was once the ally of England, Avas concerned. The country must not be misled. It must not be supposed that because, by the inter ference of Count Karolyi, certain assur ances had been extracted from the prime minister on that matter, the affair was en tirely closed. " There is nothing in that ansAver," said Lord Beaconsfield, "though there are many expressions in the letter which are humiliating to this country, though there are many expressions which may be satisfactory to the honour of Austria, there is nothing in that answer Avhich at all guards this country from future action, on the part of the minister, Avhich may imperil the peace of Europe." With this expression of opinion on the part of the Peers the matter ended. No reply Avas given to the question of Lord de L'Isle and Dudley, and Avhen it Avas found that, in spite of the Midlothian strictures, the government were in active and friendly co-operation with Austria, the unpleasant subject Avas quietly permitted to drop. AND HIS TIMES. 549 A question noAV came up for final settle ment which, ever since its introduction, had led to no little bitterness and ill-feeling among those outside the pale of the Church of England. It fell to the duty of the Peers to frame a measure " which Avould end the controversies as to burials in churchyards and cemeteries." The argu ments of Mr. Osborne Morgan, constantly reiterated, had prepared the country for the change, and the task of drawing up the Burials Bill now devolved upon the lord chancellor. All the old reasons for and against the movement Avere again brought forward and warmly advocated. Still it Avas felt throughout the country that the painful controversy should be terminated, and some satisfactory conclusion arrived at. To attain this end a measure was proposed which, whilst meeting the demands of the Nonconformists at the same time made a concession to the clergy of the Church of England. The chief provision of the bill Avas that a burial in churchyard or graveyard might take place " at the option of the per son having the charge of or being responsible for the same, either without any religious service or with such Christian and orderly service at the grave as such person shall think fit ; and any person or persons avIio shall be thereunto invited, or be authorized by the person having the charge of or being responsible for such burial, may conduct such service or take part in any religious act thereat." It Avas also provided that the Anglican clergy should be relieved from the obligation to read the burial service over any sectary for Avhom it might be demanded. The measure suffered the usual fate of all compromises, and encountered severe opposition from all quarters. Unfortunately, those Avho should have been the united opponents of the new Burials Bill Avere divided upon the subject: certain of the bishops, folloAving the lead of the arch bishop of Canterbury, held that if the measure became laAV, it Avould strengthen the position ofthe Church of England, and recall the dissenting bodies to that better mind Avhich they had displayed in former times; whilst, on the other hand, several occupants of the bench maintained that the bill, if passed, Avould be "a dishonour to Almighty God," would expose "the Church of England to martyrdom," and would lead to " sacri lege and profaneness.'' The Conservative party, though several among them saw that no good purpose Avould be gained by voting against the bill, disapproved of the tendency of its clauses. " The civil right of burial in the churchyards," they said, "no one was called upon to contest. But those who held the churchyards held them for ecclesiastical purposes. The old and the new church yards had received a distinct consecration to ecclesiastical uses and religious purposes with which the national church Avas asso ciated. Religious liberty was not infringed by the present condition of things; the Nonconformists had no real grievance to complain of; nor if the bill Avas passed would the controversy be settled. Hoav," it was asked, " could they have harmony and peace in the churchyards, if every one of the various sects in the country could introduce its own service there ? it Avould be a license most unjust to the dergy, and be greatly felt by the laity." The Avords of Lord Cranbrook sank deep in many hearts, and expressed the feeling of several who Avere neither bigoted nor intolerant. " I hope, my lords," he said, "that Avhile you leave the national church in her position, you AviU not consent to sap and mine that position. I do not see why those Avho have freely gone out from her, avIio have not been expelled from her pale, but have gone to seek Avhat they deem a higher and better form of worship, as they have found their own chapels, should not also find their own graveyards. If they object to the Church of England services, I am quite ready to concede to them silent burial in her graveyards ; but I trust, my lords, you will not, by this mode of mixing up different forms of religion, throAv discredit upon all religion whatsoever." Then the limitation of the measure only 550 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD to Christian services Avas objected to by the more advanced of the Liberal party as unnecessarily maintaining a shred of intol erance. The Liberation Society presented a memorial demanding the restriction to be omitted. If the right of burial in a parish churchyard, they said, Avas a matter of common citizenship, Avhy accord privileges to Nonconformists which were to be denied to the Jew, the Positivist, and the Free thinker? Hoav Avould they define the word Christian ? " Is it Avise," asked Lord Derby, who held this view, " to put into an Act of Parliament a term which you cannot define, and a restriction which you cannot enforce ? You cannot deny to the Unitarian body the title of Christians ; their services are undoubtedly Christian services ; but the line of demarcation betAveen at least a part of the Unitarian body and those Avho profess simple Theism is a very vague one. I hope that before this clause passes your lordships Avill ask yourselves whether the words ' Christian service ' are capable of accurate definition for legal purposes. For instance, is a service non-Christian in Avhich the name of the Founder of the Christian religion is not simply mentioned ? Does it become non-Christian by mere omission ? Questions of that kind would be disagree able as Avell as difficult to have to argue in a court of laAv." The most uncompromising opponent of the measure was, however, the Bishop of Lincoln. In the opinion of Dr. Words worth, the Burials Bill would be disastrous to church and state, and involve calamitous consequences to both. It was the thin end of the wedge. The political dissenter would doubtless be very thankful for the removal of his alleged grievance as to burial, and he Avould then have a good hope that parlia ment Avould next proceed to remove another grievance, Avhich was the real grievance in the background — the Established Church of England. Let the House take warning from past events. " A similar measure," said the bishop, " to the present Avas passed in the year 1868 for the Church of Ireland. I have been assured by the primate of Ireland and bishop of 'Deny that it has been of no use at all in that country ; and my lords, let us remember that it was followed in the next year by the disestab lishment of that church, Avhich was the most loyal body in that kingdom." Dr. Wordsworth concluded by moving, as an amendment, that the bUl be read a second time that day three months. The amend ment was opposed by the archbishop of Canterbury, who supported the government measure, deeming it calculated to strengthen the position of the Church of England. The motion of Dr. Wordsworth was defeated by a majority of twenty-five. On the third reading of the bill (June 24, 1880) Lord Beaconsfield addressed the House. He began by regretting the divided opinions displayed by the Episcopal bench. " The bill," he said, " is one of very great difficulty, and the subject is rendered more perplexing under the disadvantage of the opinions given by the right reverend and the most reverend prelates, which are so contrary one to the other. I have not risen to oppose the third reading, though my opinion is unchanged as to its character. I think it is an unjust and an unwise bill, and I have not heard any arguments yet which have shown me that all the reasons which have been applied to the churchyards do not equally apply to the churches them selves. I have heard remarks on the sub ject, but I have heard no arguments against that vieAV of the question. We have been told in the course of the debate something in reference to the Church of Ireland. It was said you disestablished the Church of Ireland, and that Avas a very much greater measure than this ; and that although the Roman Catholics had for some years the pri vilege of using the parish churchyards, they never urged any claim to the possession of the churches. There may be various reasons for that course. Whatever may be said of the errors of the Roman Catholic Church, no one can impute to it a want of good taste ; and the Protestant churches of Ire- AND HIS TIMES. 551 land are not such as those who appreciate the beauty of holiness would be particularly anxious to possess. That, probably, was one of the reasons why the Roman Catholic population of Ireland never laid any claim to those churches. But that will not apply to the churches of England, which are beautiful, and are made more beautiful every year by the devotion and the taste of the wealthy congregations of this country ; but Avhether that devotion and taste will continue after this bill passes is, 1 think, very doubtful. " This bill appears to me to be unjust for many reasons, and particularly for one primary one which no person has yet grappled Avith. Every ordained clergyman of the Church of England will be obliged to open the churchyards to all sects, while he is not to enjoy the use- of their grave yards for his parishioners in the same parish ; and I cannot understand how such inequality could be brought forward in a bill of this nature, which assumes that it is founded on justice and equality. This is not only an unjust bill, but an unwise one. We hear much about God's acre, and there are those who have called upon the House not to sanction the desecration of God's acre by allowing it to be used by people Avhose religious opinions do not agree Avith theirs. Then, again, there are others who complain of the great hardship they suffer from not being permitted to have a portion of God's acre. But though I trust that the hour may never arrive when the recognition of a Supreme Governor of this world will cease to be the profession of the inhabitants of this countiy, still, my lords, I cannot but feel that this institution of what is called God's acre is one which is really not adapted to the country which we inhabit, the times in which we live, and the spirit of the age. What I should like to see would be a settlement of this question by the shutting up of all God's acres through out the country. I think the churchyard of the ordained minister and the graveyard of the dissenting minister alike are insti tutions which are very prejudicial to the health of the people of this country, and their health ought to be, if not the first, at any rate one of the first considerations of a statesman. " Now Ave have been moving gradually in the direction of these views, and there has been for some years a notion, soon about to amount, I believe, to a conviction, that the institution of churchyards is one which is highly prejudicial to the public health. I think it Avould be a much Aviser step if we were to say that the time has arrived, seeing the vast increase of population in this countiy and the increase which Ave may contemplate, when Ave should close all these churchyards, and when we should take steps for furnishing every community Avith a capacious and ample cemetery placed in a situation in which, Avhile it Avould meet all the requirements of the society for which it Avas intended, Avould exercise no prejudicial influence on the public health. These are views which I am convinced are sound, and if they had been entertained, as ultimately they must be, and if the health of the countiy had been considered, there Avould have been no reason AvhateArer for the legislation now before us, Avhich in its ultimate consequences may be highly pre judicial to this countiy, and which tends, in my opinion, to keep alive feelings of opposition and mutual distrust among dif ferent classes of the population which it would be better to cause to subside and to discourage. Well, then, I may be asked, ' If these be really your opinions, why do you support this bill ? If you think that it is a bill Avhich in its ultimate conse quences will be hostile to the interests of the Church of England, Avhy are you allow ing it to pass without opposition?' To this I must answer that / support the bill with great regret, and only because, from what I have observed in this House, I am convinced that opposition would be fruitless, and fruit less opposition is a kind of opposition which I never care much to encourage. If it be possible to fight what is called the battle of 552 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD the church at other times, it is quite impos sible to stand up for a privilege Avhich the ordained clergy of this country enjoy, and which, in my opinion, is exercised for the Avelfare and benefit of the countiy, when you find that you are opposed in such attempts by the prelates of the Church of England. When the two most reverend prelates, and at least half the Episcopal bench, support a particular course, you cannot persuade the countiy that in resist ing a proposal sanctioned by such high authority you are actuated by any but party or factious motives. "I listened with great attention to the amendment of the right rev. prelate the bishop of Lincoln, and it appeared to me that a more able and earnest speech than that Avhich he delivered was never addressed on this subject to your lordships. I entirely agreed with the right rev. prelate, and I thought to myself the effect that he has produced is so decided, and the balance of opinions upon subjects of this kind is so equal, that it will be well to take the opinion of the House before coming to a decision on this measure. But when I found the right reAr. prelate was answered immediately by the highest authority in the House on such a subject, 1 felt that it would be utterly impossible in the circumstances to resist the appeal of the most rev. prelate. This is why I think it is in vain to attempt to prevent the 2^'ogress of this measure. The measure, I feel, in any circumstances would have been a harsh and unjust measure, though there could have been reasons of state Avhich would have justified it. It is necessary sometimes to make proposals in politics A\diich are unjust to a very con siderable section of the community in consequence of the demands of the public welfare. But here it was otherAvise. I feel, hoAvever, that resistance Avas impos sible, and that, in tliese circumstances, Avhat we should most desire would be that the bill should pass and should be sent to the other House with those modified clauses in it which have been introduced by the lord chancellor and other members of your lord ships' House. If they — as I cannot doubt — bear some balm to the injured feelings of the great body of the clery of the country, I think it highly desirable that they should be passed. But even if they pass, I cannot but express my regret that this bill should have ever been introduced, or that there should have been ever any necessity to have recourse to such legislation. It is, in my mind, legislation Avhich is opposed to the circumstances in Avhich Ave live. I think the direction in which we ought to haAre moved would have been to shut all these churchyards and graveyards, and to have assisted the government in some adequate proposal which would have fur nished the countiy with cemeteries in which none of these painful controversies could have occurred, and which would have con duced to the preservation of the health and welfare of the country." After a few Avords from Lord Granville, stating if the advice of the leader of the Opposition Avere accepted it would involve the closing of 12,000 churchyards, many of which were in country districts, and in a condition not unsanitary, the Burials Bill was read a third time, and passed. Its passage through the House of Commons Avas very rapid. The bill was intrusted to Mr. Osborne Morgan, and led to much animated discussion. The limitation to Christian services was warmly contested, and only carried by a majority of three. The Peers had introduced an amendment to the effect, that the concession to Dis senters should not apply where there was an unconsecrated burial - ground in the parish. This amendment was, hoAvever, rejected by a large majority. No dispute arose between the two Houses upon the subject, and late in the session the bill be came laAV. It must be admitted that none of the evils anticipated by the opponents of the measure have as yet been realized. At the grave side of those outside the pale of the Church of England nothing of the irrever- AND HIS TIMES. 553 ence and indecency so confidently foretold has been exhibited; Nonconformists, Deists, Jews, and Freethinkers have been interred without their sepulture giving rise to any objectionable manifestation whatever. The clauses relieving the clergy of the Church of England from the duty of administering the rite of burial over the bodies of persons who have not died in the odour of sanctity, or who have declined to accept the minis trations of the Anglican clergy in their lifetime, have been appreciated by all save the fanatical and the narroAV-minded. A sentimental grievance on the part of the Dissenters has been redressed, and Ave have yet to learn that it has in any Avay placed the estabhshed church in jeopardy. We have but permitted the same state of things to exist in England which has long been the law of the land in France, in Austria, and in Hungary. The statement made by LordSelborne Avhen introducing the measure has still to be disproved. " I feel sure," said the lord chancellor, " that no new- danger will be added by this measure, and I hope and believe that by it a danger avUI be removed. I commend it to your lord ships as a measure founded, in intention certainly, and as I believe, in fact, upon principles of justice and charity, upon a sound vieAV of the true interest of the church, and containing nothing inconsistent Avith her real principles. I commend it as a measure calculated, as far as it goes — certainly much more calculated than the present state of things — to promote the object for which we daily pray before com mencing our deliberations, when we ask God to unite and knit together the hearts of all Her Majesty's subjects in true Christian love and charity one towards another." The question of Ireland Avas, however, the one great question of the session, and cast into the shade all other topics — the claim of Mr. Bradlaugh to " affirm," the details of the budget, that sublime measure the hares and rabbits bill, local option, the employers' liability bill, and the rest of the legislative labours which, under less excit- VOL. II. ing circumstances, might have attracted considerable attention. In the terrible state of disaffection into Avhich Ireland had then fallen, all public interest Avas absorbed. Inspired by the degrading counsels of the secret societies, and by the nefarious teaching of the Land League, the Irish tenant made open war upon his land lord. He refused to pay his rent unless his demands Avere satisfied; if evicted, it was death to any one to succeed him in his holding, and the unhappy land lord was either deprived of all labour at the very time his lands needed it most, or mercilessly shot down as he Avas returning from market or from petty sessions. Mur der, mutilation of stock, the burning of hay-ricks and homesteads, and that pecu liar form of oppression and isolation known as " boycotting," these were the weapons by Avhich an embittered but short-sighted peasantry sought to attain the ends they had in vieAV. The government, weak and irresolute, and in no little measure intimi dated by the action of the Home Eulers, instead of adopting a stern and uncompro mising course, coquetted Avith their oppo nents, and pandered to the suggestions of the Land Leaguers. Had ministers been resolute from the first ; had they established martial law in the disaffected districts ; had they dealt out swift punishment to the assassin, the agitator, and the incendiary; had they, in short, treated the mutinous Irish as they had five lustres back treated the mutinous sepoys — much of the evils Avhich subse quently ensued Avould have been avoided. The government, hoAvever, preferred con ciliation to coercion, when coercion was the only policy that could have been effectual ; and the results of that false move are still, as we Avrite, even painfully apparent. At the suggestion of the Irish members, certain clauses in the Land Act of 1870 were to be amended, and the government, being led instead of leading, introduced a bill for the relief of distress in Ireland. The main provision of the measure Avas the authoriz ing the employment of £750,000 out of the. 70 554 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD Irish Church surplus in loans to landlords and others for relief works. This con ciliatory concession, in spite of encoun tering some opposition from the Home Rulers, who objected to the granting of any more loans to landlords, Avas rapidly carried through committee. It had been proposed to incorporate with this relief bill a new clause — known afterwards as the Irish compensation for disturbance biU — whicli aAvarded compensation for disturb ance in cases of ejectment for non-payment of rent ; in other words, eviction for non payment of rent, under certain conditions, Avas to be considered a " disturbance " within the meaning of the Land Act of 1870, and the evicted person was to be entitled accordingly to compensation. From the moment of its announcement this new ruling Avas keenly opposed, and it became necessary to separate the clause from the relief bill, and introduce it as a distinct measure. The relief of distress bill was accepted as law, but the passage of the compensation for disturbance bill through the House of Commons was opposed at every turn. It was characterized as an act of sheer confiscation, as a measure to relieve the distress of one class in Ireland at the expense of the other, and an attempt to excite the peasantry against the landlords. In defence the government said the bill Avas a necessity on account of the increase of evictions, and the only means, in the opinion of Mr. Gladstone, of preventing civil war. But Avhy, it was pertinently asked, had evictions increased? Simply, it was answered, because of the anti -rent agitation ; tenants Avere incited not to pay their rents, and consequently landlords had no alternative but to resort to eviction. Crush the teaching and the terrorism of the Land League, and evictions would soon cease. As the bill was discussed, 'various amendments were proposed and withdrawn, Avhich led to no little difference of opinion among the Home Eulers, who threatened to vote against the measure unless their demands were complied Avith ; finally, the third reading was carried, after a hot de bate, by 303 to 237, and the bill was sent up to the House of Lords. It Avas notori ous that the measure had been greatly indebted to the support of the Home Eulers, who, though they despised the bill, con sidered it a move in the right direction, and a step towards the abolition of land lordism. The Whigs held themselves aloof from the measure. The labour of the House of Commons, however, had been all in vain. The Peers, in spite of the advocacy of Lord Granville and the Duke of Argyll, rejected the com pensation for disturbance bill, after a two nights' debate, by an immense majority. The chief speaker on this occasion, and the one whose words most powerfully influ enced the chamber, was certainly Lord Beaconsfield, who opposed the biU on the second reading. He totally objected to the principle of the measure, and Avould have none of it. It imposed, he said, amid the approving cheers of his audience, a burden upon a specific class, it brought insecurity into all kinds of transactions, and it dele gated to a public officer the power of fixing the rents of the countiy. It was unsound, mischievous, and revolutionary. "My lords," he said (August 3, 1880), " the measure Ave are called upon to con sider to-night on the second reading is very brief in its terms. It consists of only three clauses, but they are clauses which in their consideration require some reference to the past, some deep attention to the urgent present, and scarcely can be touched upon without some speculation upon the conse quences to Avhich, if this bill is adopted, they will lead. My lords, the origin of the question of landlord and tenant in Ireland in modern days Avas the famous Devon Commission. In the report of that com mission, drawn up by men of great abUity, admirably qualified for their office, and one of the most valuable reports which was ever presented to the consideration of parliament — in that great source of informa tion on a question the most complicated AND HIS TIMES. 555 probably of the public questions that can engage the attention of the Legislature, all the information which during subsequent years astonished, alarmed, and engaged the attention of the country, Avas furnished and is to be found. "From the moment the report of the Devon Commission was presented to parlia ment for its consideration, there Avas a general feeling among the public men of both the great parties of the state that the subject was one Avhich would require legis lation, and that legislation of a comprehen sive and most careful character. To effect the improvements of the condition of the Irish people, there laid down as necessary, and at the same time to reconcile any changes that might be deemed expedient with that respect for the rights of property which all Avise men know should be the only, or at least the main basis of liberty and civilization — these are the questions Avhich engaged the attention of the late and the present generation. Some delay may have occurred in coming to any general conclusions on the matter, but that delay may have been occasioned, and Avas, no doubt, in a great degree occasioned, by the difficulty and the vastness of the questions which had to be considered ; and was also occasioned, no doubt, by that system of party government in this countiy among whose many advantages may be accounted certainly not this, that it often leads to delay in the settlement of affairs of an exigent nature. " But I may remind your lordships that as early as the year 1852, after some attempts had been made, but not of a very large character, to legislate for the state of Ireland, founded on the conclusions re commended by the Devon Commission, a government was formed in this country, of which I had the honour to be a member, Avhich resolved to deal with this question, and if possible to grapple with it. I always read quotations from 'Hansard' with regret, but the quotation to whicli I am about to refer is not long ; it offers no opinion, but at the same time it expresses m so condensed a form the situation of the question of the state of Ireland with respect to the Devon Commission that I hope your lordships will permit me to read it." Lord Beaconsfield then proceeded to read extracts from the speech he made in 1870 [related in its proper place in this Avork], to the effect that four bills had been in troduced in 1852, in Avhich the recom mendations of the Devon Commission had been adopted, but that circumstances had happened Avhich prevented those bills from passing, though in the interval betAveen 1852 and 1860 every provision contained in those bills, with one important exception, had been passed piecemeal. "We live in an age," continued Lord Beaconsfield, "so rapid that we have got into a habit of forgetting Avhat took place as recently as five years ago, and the Devon Commission, which is one of the most important parliamentary events that ever occurred, and which has had the greatest influence upon the condition of the relations between landlord and tenant, and the general Avelfare of the empire, is prob ably known to feAV and forgotten by many. It Avas in 1870 that the Land Act was introduced in the House of Commons by the present prime minister. What Avas our conduct in Opposition upon that occasion ? From the speeches of the noble duke [the Duke of Argyll] and other noble lords who have addressed the House, you Avould suppose the Tory party had never made the slightest effort to improve the condition of the people of Ireland. You Avould sup pose that they had listened in mute silence or shown active opposition to every proposal which had ever been made on the subject, and that these proposals had only been made by Her Majesty's present government. On the contrary, I Avish parliament to remem ber that Ave ourselves in 1852 brought forward four bills that would have formed a complete code for Ireland, founded upon the recommendations of the Devon Com mission : that not one single recommendation 556 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD of that committee was omitted; and that the course of legislation which afterwards brought about the same result as was then contemplated, though we had not the honour of initiating it, Avas universally supported by the Tory party; and lastly, that every improvement in the relations of landlord and tenant in Ireland that has taken place has been assisted by their parliamentary support and vote. " What was our condition when the Land Act of 1870 Avas brought in ? Why, my lords, Ave might, Avith a very clear con science, have said, ' Our opinions are upon record upon the subject of the relations be tween landlord and tenant in Ireland ; we have agreed to the recommendations of the Devon Commission, the highest authority upon the subject, and those recommenda tions have by our means and with our assent been universally adopted. This bill of 1870 which you bring in is one which appears to us to be unnecessary, Avhen you have not rested a sufficient time to aUoAv the great changes that have been passed to mature and bear those fruits Avhich the country expect,' and we might, if necessary, have plausibly opposed the Act. But your lordships will find that that was not the course which Ave took in Opposition. On the contrary, though there were many pro visions in the Act of 1870 of which we disap proved, the general policy of that Act was in harmony with the policy Avhich we had ahvays supported, and we consented to the second reading of the biU without opposi tion. It is very true that in committee we endeavoured to enforce those vieAvs which the government had not adopted, or rather the rejection of those opinions which the government ought not, according to our view, to have adopted; and it is true that a change was made in your Lordships' House, as I think a very salutary change ; but it is upon record that the bill of 1870 Avas car ried in the House of Commons without any resistance on the occasion of the second reading. " Though there were provisions to Avhich Ave had objection, still we were perfectly prepared — and upon that opinion we have always acted — to accept the bill as a final and conclusive settlement, believing that its final and conclusive character was one of its excellencies. The great object of all this legislation was to produce in Ireland that degree of tranquillity which would encourage the flow of capital from England and Scotland. Well, I believe that it did have a very considerable effect in inducing the introduction of new capital, and I am not prepared to say myself at the present moment that there is any portion of the Act of 1870 which I would wish now to be altered. But it is to be altered. We have this short bill put on the table. Now, Avhen I read this bill I find in it three pro posals. / object to these three pivposals. My first objection is because it imposes a burden upon a specific class; it acknowledges that it has to deal with a national misfortune, and then, I think most illogically and most unwisely, it proceeds to say that the means by which it will try to remedy the unex pected evUs that have occurred shaU be means which shall have been furnished by only one class in Ireland, and that class not a numerous class, and above all a class that is suffering as Avell as the rest of the popu lation. WeU, I think the second objection to this bill is that it introduces insecurity into all kinds of transactions ; and the third objection which I have is, that it appoints a public functionary to whom it delegates the extraordinary power of fixing the rents of the country. " Now, these are three objections which appear upon the face of the biU, and which I think all must acknowledge — even those who may ultimately support the measure — to require considerable explana tion and considerable hesitation before these proposals can be adopted. They are violations of those principles of public policy which now have been recognized, practised, and pursued by parliament for half a cen tury. . . . " Well, my lords, this question naturally arises — You having introduced a AND HIS TIMES. 557 bill which contradicts aU those principles of political and public economy of Avhich you have hitherto been the avowed champions in the state, what is the reason you allege for doing so ? What is the cause of the intro duction of this measure ? Noav it is a most remarkable circumstance that the cause alleged is certainly, were it a true cause, one whicli no doubt must affect the feelings and opinions, perhaps, of many. We are told, and we are told by an authority that cannot be well exceeded, that this measure — which, though slight in form and brief in matter, is one which avowedly interferes Avith the rights of property — is brought for ward in consequence of the fear which the government have that, if not passed, we shall have, perhaps, to encounter civil war in Ireland. My lords, I must say there is no member of your Lordships' House who would view the occurrence of any events in Ireland of that character with more profound sorroAV than myself. These are not words of form. I was a member of a government that had to encounter some thing like a civil war in Ireland, and there fore I have some acquaintance with the feelings and responsibility which, under such circumstances, an individual would be subject to. I am sure, had it not been for the firmness of the noble duke who was then viceroy in Ireland, the great resources and courage of the ever-lamented Lord Mayo, and — though he is present, I cannot refrain from saying it, because justice re quires it — had it not been for the ceaseless vigilance of my right honourable friend behind me, the noble viscount, who was then secretary of state [Lord Cranbrook], it is possible very great evils might have occurred. My lords, that insurrection, sup ported by a powerful and unprincipled foreign conspiracy, failed. It failed, and it terminated at the same time by the exercise of the authority and the clemency of the sovereign of this country, which, under simUar circumstances, has never been exceeded or equalled. But if you ask me whether I could consent, for the sake of preventing disturbance of that kind in Ireland, to go forward and sacrifice, as the phrase is, the eternal principles of justice, I believe I should, under these circum stances, be prepared to say, ' I will not make that sacrifice.' And I believe that if civil war or any disturbance of that kind can only be prevented by the ministers of this country devising strange and fantastic schemes — which not only interfere with and invade the rights of property, but which lead, in my mind, to the very evil which they wish to prevent, and excite the multi tude to the very catastrophe which they hold up to us as a warning — I should not shrink from that responsibility. " But, my lords, it is a very strange thing that when we hear accounts given us that the country — that a part of the United Kingdom — is in such a state, that if this bill is not passed by parhament we must be prepared in a time — in a measurable time — for civil war, we have no evidence of this desperate state of things. I Avant to know what evidence has been given to parliament of the possibility of such a fearful state of affairs. We have not been led to believe that such a state of things was possible by the conduct of Her Majesty's government. When they advised Her Majesty to address her parliament at the beginning of the session, they put remark able words into Her Majesty's speech. The passage has been read, and therefore I will decline to read it now; but I call your lord ships' attention to this particular expres sion, ' But Avhile determined to fulfil this sacred obligation ' — Avhich was to provide for the safety of the lives and property of Her Majesty's subjects — ' I am persuaded that the loyalty and the good sense of my Irish subjects will justify me in relying on the provisions of the ordinary law, firmly administered, for the maintenance of peace and order.' Noav that is a very peculiar expression — ' ordinary law.' I do not re member ever having met it before in a royal speech, and therefore there Avas noth ing in the royal speech which for a moment 558 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD Avould lead the people of this country to suppose that such a catastrophe as civil Avar in Ireland was possible. "Well, what happened afterwards? The opening of Parliament took place. The government had the opportunity of inti mating the fearful state of affairs in that country. They introduced a bill for Irish relief, but there was no indication whatever of this bill. They advised Her Majesty to issue a commission to inquire into the land laws ; yet all this time elapsed, and the poor people of Great Britain had not the slightest idea of the danger they were in — not the slightest conception — Avhile they Avere assured by the sovereign that the pro visions of the ordinary law Avere all that Her Majesty required to defend their lives and property. Wlien they heard of so innocent an affair as a royal commission to inquire into the land laAvs, not the slightest communication Avas made to par liament respecting the imminence of civil war. That is not the Avay in which par liament should be treated. In, I think, the year 1871, the year after the famous Land Act passed, the present secretary of state for India, then chief secretary for Ireland [Lord Harrington], came down to the House of Commons and gave a most fearful account of the state of Ireland, and proposed that there should be a secret committee to inquire into its condition. It is very true that the House ultimately resisted the secret com mittee, and insisted that its proceedings should be open, but that did not at all alter the opinion of the government that the revelations made to the committee were of a nature that ought to have been secret. Why have Ave no committee, if Ave are within a measurable distance of civil war in Ireland ? Why have Ave not had com munications made to parliament of this threatened civil Avar in Ireland ? I think even the present House of Commons might have acceded to a secret committee in the circumstances. But neither the House of Commons nor your Lordships' House has had the slightest intimation upon the sub ject; and it is only Avhen this measure is brought forward, originally introduced as a clause in a bill of charity, that you are in formed by the prime minister you are within a measurable distance of civil Avar. " My lords, I believe it is possible there may be disturbance in Ireland, and for this reason— because you have proposed this bill, and whether it be adopted or Avhether it is rejected, it is a measure calculated to excite the minds of an imaginative people ; and if the distress, which I trust may be declining, proceeds in that country, I think it is not impossible that in consequence of the very measures brought forward to avoid civil conflict, you may find yoiirsehres in volved in trouble and disaster. There is one feature about the present agitation in Ireland which is most repulsive, and, I think, most dangerous. Agitation in Ire land is not a novel subject. During the last generation and the present it has been extremely active. It has taken many forms. It has been led by men of different characters and idiosyncrasies. It has taken the form of EexDeal ; it has taken the form of Fenianism ; it has taken the form of Home Eule ; and you may observe that all these movements had over them the var nish, no doubt but a mere Ararnish, of what may be called generous feeling. Even a Fenian Avas a patriot, or thought he Avas. When you had to encounter disaffection Avhich Avas founded upon such transitory and superficial feeling, the government had a great advantage. The moment of material prosperity generally terminated the most active campaign for Eepeal or for Home Eule. But if the present agitation is fostered in Ireland, and I believe ' this unhappy measure ' — to adopt as classical the description which one of its chief sup porters [Lord Emly] gave of it — will have that effect ; if, I say, this agitation is fostered by the government, it is one which will not easily terminate, because it is an agitation addressed not to the romantic or imaginative, but, as the noble lord [the Marquis of Lansdowne, who had seceded AND HIS TIMES. 559 from the government rather than give his sanction to so mischievous a measure], avIio addressed us with so much poAver, so well expressed it, ' to the sordid instincts' of the Irish people. An agitation conducted by men who have been taught to believe that the property of others ought to belong to them, and that if they exert themselves must belong to them — an agitation conducted in such a spirit and for such a result, is one which Her Majesty's government AviU find more difficult to deal with than the agitations of previous years. " The noble duke [the Duke of Argyll] avIio has just addressed us takes a very different vieAV of these affairs. The noble duke appears to have studied the condition of the Irish people. He has given an interesting narrative to the House, though I am sure he is aware he made no state ment Avhich had not been made before, and adduced no facts Avith which the public mind Avas not familiar. If, however, I had entered the House at the time, I should not have guessed what was the subject of the debate from the speech of the noble duke. We are all agreed that the condition of Ireland is in some respects pitiable, and that the policy of England should be to elevate the condition of the Irish people. But Ave believe, also, that for the last fifty years, Avith almost a continuous effort, that lsas been the policy of England, pursued by both the great parties of the state. But I could gather from the arguments of the noble duke no inference of that nature. The noble duke said that there was extra ordinary agricultural distress in Ireland. Well, it is possible there is. We will admit it. But I cannot understand that the best way of alleviating the agricultural distress is by plundering the landlords. The noble duke brought before the House a subject Avith which I think he should have dealt either with more reserve or with more frankness, and that was the argument for the necessity of the measure in consequence of there being bad landlords in Ireland, hard, heartless, tyrannical, and cruel. He should have been prepared either to give a detailed statement on that subject, to allege facts, to describe owners, to give names, or I think he should have left the matter alone. Here Ave are to-night, and the noble duke tells us there are 173,000 cottier tenants in Ireland, and then he says, ' Will you place these men at the mercy of a person who does so-and-so ? * I did not catch the name of the person ; I do not think the name was given ; but the single instance of a bad landlord — and that an anonymous one — is supposed to affect the condition of 173,000 cottiers. There is no proportion between the case alleged by the noble duke and the remedy he recom mends. I know he Avould not shrink in his view of public duty from making any statement on the subject. The noble duke commenced his speech by saying that he was going to charge like the 'Six Hundred' of Crimean fame. If he had been one of the Six Hundred at Balaclava, I have no doubt he Avould maintain his reputation for courage. I thought he had got in his mind," laughed Lord Beaconsfield, alluding to Birmingham, " another Six Hundred, connected Avith another place, which at least resembles Balaclava in its initial letter. " I have now mentioned some of the causes why in my opinion this is a measure whicli it Avas unwise on the part of the government to bring forward, and Avhy I am anxious that the bill should be rejected. I have shown that the question of the govern ment of Ireland, and this question of the relations betAveen the landlords and tenants of Ireland never were, never ought to have been, and I trust never avUI be party questions. I was therefore rejoiced to find that it was not left to the regular Opposition, Avhose motives might be, as they always are, misconstrued, to ask the opinion of your lordships on this grave subject. Notice was given to move the rejection of the bill by one Avho bears an illustrious name [Earl Grey] ; and Ave learn that the noble earl did not stand alone, but that he had some, 560 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD perhaps many political friends, Avho sym pathized with him. If the motion of the noble earl for the rejection of the biU had been one of Avhich the tendency was in any degree to arrest that great policy, Avhich now for nearly forty years has been sup ported by parliament, with respect to the relations of landlord and tenant in Ireland, I certainly should not haAre supported it. But brought forward as it is, I feel it is my duty to do so, and that the vieAvs of myself and my friends on this subject ought not to be misunderstood. I confess myself that there is one more reason which makes me anxious that this bill should be rejected; and that is, the mode in which it has been introduced to the notice of the country and of parliament. There have been rumours, ambiguous voices, circulated about for a considerable time that some large measure was about to be introduced, or would be in due time, which would affect the character of the landed constitution of the country. Sometimes it Avas to be a great measure for Ireland; sometimes we Avere assured upon authority, though not the highest, that England would not escape the careful consideration of Her Majesty's ministers. Upon every occasion there have always been some of their many supporters in parliament Avho have exulted at the intro duction of the bill, and who have announced not only their hope, but their conviction that the ministers next year would deal in the same spirit, but in a far larger way, Avith the question of land in England. " A gentleman [Mr. Chamberlain] the other day was summoned to one of the greatest honours of the state — to be a member of Her Majesty's privy council — he himself a distinguished member of parliament and one of the administration; and after he had taken his seat at the board, he went to another board, to a political dinner, presided over by no less a personage than the lord president of the council [Lord Spencer], and here the new privy councillor, in language of the most inflammatory character, denounced the land, denounced the landlords of England, and said they had got a majority of the cabinet in their favour, and next year there would be a complete revolution of the land laws. The lord president of the council on that occa sion did not reply to his right honourable friend; but, as far as we can judge, the views of his right honourable friend had the moral support certainly of his presence, and, as we feared, of his convictions. / know well there is a party hostile, and avowedly hostile, to that constitutional posi tion which in our system of government had been accorded to the landed interest. They are men who would sooner see a govern ment established by the application of abstract principles than resting upon the influence of tradition and upon the strength that results from experience. I clo not believe this is a numerous party, but it is an intellectual party. It is intelligent and persevering, and it is actuated by that enthusiasm which novelty inspires, and by all that energy Avhich I believe is a charac teristic of minorities. This is the first time in the history of England that the leaders of this party have found a seat in the councils of the queen. " My lords, I look upon this bill as being what military men would call a reconnais sance in force. It is a reconnaissance in force to see what is the feeling of parlia ment and of the people of England upon the present tenure of land in England, and upon the constitutional position in our system of government of the landed in terest. It has been a most effective recon naissance, though I cannot say it has been a very successful one. If they Avished to know what is the opinion of the colossal majority of 170 hi the House of Commons gained at the last general election with regard to this subject, they have learned that two-thirds of the majority on that occasion either kept away or voted against them. They have learned, also, that the bill has been sent up to this House by a majority consisting merely of that section of the members of the House of Commons AND HIS TIMES. 561 who treat the bill itself avowedly Avith contempt, and Avho, with courageous can dour, tell us they only adopt it because they consider it merely as a step to assist them in the transference of the soil from the legal possessor to the casual occupier. " I know Avell that it is difficult to per suade some minds, that the opinions which are noAV circulated Avith great confidence are opinions that ought to be resisted by all those who love the greatness and the glory of their country. There is at the present day too great a tendency to believe that it is impossible to resist the progress of a new idea. There is a fashionable phrase now that everything is inevitable, and that every event is the production of a com manding cause of Nature which human will cannot resist. The despotism of public opinion is in everybody's mouth. But I should like to know, when Ave are called upon to bow to this public opinion, avIio Avill define public opinion. Any human conclusion that is arrived at Avith adequate knowledge and with sufficient thought is entitled to respect, and the public opinion of a great nation under such conditions is irresistible, and ought to be so. But Avhat we call public opinion is generally public sentiment. We who live in this busy age and in this busy country know very well how few there are avIio can obtain even the knoAvledge necessary for the comprehen sion of great political subjects, and how much fewer there are who, having obtained that knowledge, can supply the thought Avhich would mature it into opinion. No, my lords, it is public sentiment, not public opinion, and frequently it is public passion. My lords, you are now called upon to legis late in a needless spirit, by false represen tations of what is called the public mind. This bill is only the first of a series, the results of wliich will be to change the character of this country and of the con stitution of this country. The argument that you cannot stop upon this ground, urged by my noble and learned friend, has never been answered. If you intend to VOL. II. stop upon it you were not justified in mak ing this proposition. The proposition is one I think most dangerous to the country, and I trust your lordships will this night reject it. If you do that you will clo a deed for Avhich your country will be grateful, and of wliich your posterity AviU be proud." The House Avas of the same opinion as Lord Beaconsfield. The compensation for disturbance bill was rejected by a majority of 282 to 51. During the remainder of the session Lord Beaconsfield took no part — save utter ing a few Avords upon the employers' liability bill and the game bill introduced by the government — in the discussion of measures brought before the Peers. He was engaged in more congenial pursuits, and Avas once more Avandering amid the pleasant paths of fiction. Rumour had long been busy with the report that the leader of the Opposition was amusing himself, during this period of political freedom, in Avriting one of those works which had first brought him into notice. A noA'el from the pen of Lord Beaconsfield was no small event in the literary world, and Avhen "Endymion" appeared the excitement it created Avas one of the sensations of the year. The subject of the book was one always beloved by the author — the story of ambition encountering difficulties only to surmount them, and finally attaining to the highest posts Avhich power can offer. Like its predecessors " Endymion " is a work of political fiction, and like its predecessors it contains a gallery of portraits easily identified with the originals, many charming descriptions of scenery, much brilliant dialogue, many shrewd and sarcastic observations upon the foibles of human nature, and a good deal of what is professionally termed " padding," which might have been omitted Avith ad- A-antage. It AviU be read because it was written by Lord Beaconsfield; but like " Lothair," it AviU add little to the literary reputation of the author of " Coningsby " and "Sybil." 71 CHAPTER XX. FINIS. We are now approaching the end of a long and distinguished life. Of late years the health of Lord Beaconsfield had given evi dent signs that the anxieties and labours of the past were beginning to tell upon a con stitution, the chief strength of which lay in its marvellous nervous energy. At Berlin it was remarked that the great statesman looked pale and worn, and the attacks of gout, coupled with an affection of the bronchial organs, to Avhich Lord Beacons field had been subject during the last two or three years, had tended all the more to enfeeble his frame and depress his vital forces. StUl there Avas nothing in the physical state of the Conservative leader to create alarm among his friends, or to foreshadoAv that the end was nigh. In spite of a figure Avhich now stooped a little more than had been its Avont, and in spite of that wearied look about the eyes which ever denotes an ex hausted old age, Lord Beaconsfield pur sued his accustomed course of life Avithout interruption and without apparent incon venience. Since his wife's death he had been a frequent diner out, nor Avere such invitations uoav thought necessary to be refused. During the autumn he had paid his usual visits to the countiy houses he affected; when in town he could often be seen walking along the Strand — a street which he considered one of the finest in * " During his last years Lord Beaconsfield still took the keenest interest in political, literary, and social matters. For some time after the last dissolution of parliament he had no home in town except in the house of Mr. Alfred de Roths child, who surrounded him with all that princely hospitality, tried, warm friendship, and cultivated taste could offer. His labours, however, continued unremitting. He suffered at intervals from attacks of asthma, which usually ended in gout. Dr. Kidd, in whom Lord Beaconsfield placed great confidence, was very frequently successful in subduing the advances of what the ever-amusing patient called 'the enemy,' and his skill would generally enable Lord Beacons- the world; and he stUl occupied himself Avith his customary activity in writing, reading, and collecting material for future parliamentary efforts.* When the Houses met early in the year 1881 the leader of the Opposition Avas seated in his accustomed place, and no one anticipated that a few weeks after the assembling of parhament he would be called away, and his familiar presence be no more seen Avithin the waUs of St. Stephen's. Indeed, so far as in tellectual activity Avas concerned, Lord Beaconsfield delivered few weightier or more closely reasoned speeches than those which fell from his lips during the three months which preceded his death. He certainly, as it was remarked, " looked old," as he rose to revieAV the policy of the government in the debate on the address; but a man who is over seventy, avIio has spent the best part of fifty years in the active pursuit of literature and politics, who has never known what indolence was, and who has seldom indulged in what the medical fraternity call " rest," must expect to " look old." The marvel would have been had Lord Beaconsfield then looked anything else. Men were, however, so accustomed to his fire and energy, they Avere so habituated to the sight of that impassive face, those curling locks, and that slight, active figure, that they could field to return to his work with strength apparently but little diminished. Latterly, however, these attacks recurred with more frequency, and his friends rejoiced when he became possessed of a home in London,-where he could gather them round him, and where his papers and his books would be collected and arranged. He was fortunate in finding one near the site of Chesterfield House, wliere he must have passed so many brilliant evenings in former times. Ho secured the lease for nine years, and in mentioning this to a friend added, with his own peculiar smile, ' That, I think, will see me out.' " — Some Personal Recollections of the later years of Lord Beaconsfield, by Lady John Manners. THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD AND HIS TIMES. 563 not imagine a parliament without the pre sence of a Disraeli. His name had grown up Avith their growth, and had been so Avoven into the texture of the political history of their generation, that it seemed unaccountable for such history to continue unless inspired by his influence; and so men forgot, as they seemed ever sure of his presence and control, that they were depending upon the health and resources of a spent life — of a man who was well- nigh eighty years of age. Yet in the speech of Lord Beaconsfield on the address (Jan. 7, 1881), there Avere no signs of waning vigour. The leader of the Opposition among the Peers spoke with his accustomed animation, and his voice had all its old charm of tone and vibration as it rang loud and clear through the chamber. During the autumn the Liberal government had set themselves to Avork to reverse the policy, both domestic and foreign, of the late Conservative adminis tration. A conference had been assembled at Berlin with the aUeged object of recon sidering the clauses of the Berlin treaty, but really and practically to modify and undo the work so satisfactorily settled by Lord Beaconsfield and his colleague. The questions of the Greek and Montenegrin frontiers had been decided upon ; Turkey was obstinate as to ceding the districts demanded of her, and at one time it appeared as if it Avould be necessary for the powers to crush her obstinacy by having recourse to hostil ities. At the moment when Lord Beacons field dreAv the attention of the Peers to affairs in the East, what with feuds between the Albanians and the Montenegrins, and the hatred between Turk and Greek, the situation was fraught with danger and pregnant with future warfare. Under Conservative rule Afghanistan had been brilliantly invaded, and its strongholds, necessary for the safety of our Indian frontier, occupied by British troops. Such advantages were now to be abandoned. In spite of the defeat of Ayoub Khan and the brilliant march of General Roberts from Cabul to Candahar, Mr. Gladstone had arrived at the suicidal conclusion that our hold upon Afghanistan should be with drawn, and Candahar, the one fortress commanding the only route by Avhich an invading army could approach India, be evacuated. In South Africa the Boers, encouraged by the speeches of Mr. Glad stone and his followers, who had condemned the annexation of the Transvaal, noAV deemed the accession of the Liberal party to poAver a fitting moment to break out into open revolt, and had risen as one man to defy English rule. But nearer home heavier troubles afflicted us. The suppression of the Peace Pre servation Act had brought about the evils predicted by Lord Beaconsfield. Never in the history of turbulent and ill- conditioned Ireland had murder and re bellion more openly stalked through the island, and been less prevented in carrying out their fell behests. The authority of the Crown was scandalously set at nought ; inoffensive landlords and harmless women Avere shot doAvn by masked ruffians, skulk ing behind the hedges of village roads; the payment of all rents was ordered to be withheld, by decree from the Land League, under pain of death; labour was paralyzed, juries were intimidated, and the whole countiy lay prostrate beneath an active yet unrestrained reign of terrorism. The govern ment, vacillating and undetermined at first, did nothing; checked by Mr. Bright and Mr. Chamberlain, the representatives of a town which enriched itself by furnishing the Irish malcontents with arms, and who, regarding force as no remedy, had dis approved of all stringent coercive measures, ministers were in a state of the most help less imbecility. To put down with the strong- arm of special enactments the crime and cruelty allowed to run riot across St. George's Channel would be to lose the able counsels of the humane and far-seeing members for Birmingham. Eather perish Ireland, perish landlordism, suffer the counsels of the agitator and the deeds of 564 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD the assassin, let the innocent be cruelly wronged, and the cry of the Avidowed and the fatherless be ignored, than that the services of a Bright and a Chamberlain should be dispensed with ! So counseUed the Gladstone cabinet, and during that terrible autumn of 1880 no preventive measures were adopted to sUence the mischievous agitator, to restrain the aim of the murderer, and to limit the activity of the incendiary and the cattle-mutilator. Then matters came to a crisis, and the government felt itself compelled, even at the risk of parting with those of its colleagues Avho had advo cated license and patronized confiscation, to adopt some decisive step to curb the laAvlessness which had been permitted to prevail. The agitators Avere put upon their trial ; the " boycotted " were assisted in gathering in their crops; and since the ordinary strength of the laAv had proved insufficient, parliament was to be asked for additional powers necessary for the vindication of order and public law. "There is a real reign of terror," said Mr. W. E. Forster, Avhen introducing his protection bill, " over the whole countiy. Men dare not take a farm from which another person has been evicted, or work for a man Avho has paid his rent, or refuse to join the Land League. Men dare not buy from, or sell to, a person denounced by the Land League. Men dare not claim compen sation for outrages committed upon them, or inform against persons Avho have actually committed outrages upon them, or prosecute even in cases in Avhich, in the first moment of anger, they have given information. They dare not give evidence with regard to those outrages, either on their own behalf or on behalf of others; and Avhen appointed on juries they dare not convict, even on their oath. The fact is, those who defy the existing law and break it are safe, whilst those who keep it — the honest men, in short — are in danger." What a commen tary upon the statement made by Mr. Gladstone that Ireland had never been so prosperous or so generally contented as at the date of the change of ministry ! In the debate on the address Lord Bea consfield reviewed the policy of the govern ment, and complained of the conduct of the Liberals in endeavouring to undo what the Conservatives had effected.. Emerging from the stormy sea of politics, the two rocks ahead — Ireland and the East — Avhich Lord Beaconsfield had pointed out in his manifesto to the Duke of Marlborough, Avere iioav plainly visible, and it seemed as if the cabinet Avere steering straight towards them, and about to wreck the ship of the state intrusted to their care and command. He agreed, began Lord Beaconsfield, with his noble friend and neighbour, Lord Caring- ton, the mover of the address, that the times were critical; and although he was sure that their lordships Avere not pessi mists, and although, whatever his own errors were, pessimism was not generally among the imputations made against him, he confessed he had never addressed parlia ment with a more deep sense of anxiety and gloom than that which the present state of affairs brought him to feel. There had been occasions on which their foreign affairs had filled the countiy with anxiety, occasions on Avhich their colonial position had been very critical. There had been occasions on Avhich their domestic interests, influenced by Ireland, filled the nation Avith alarm. There had been occasions also in Avhich events had occurred Avhich had demanded the serious attention of parlia ment, and which could not, perhaps, be ranged under the heads he had noticed. But he did not recollect a time in which, not only their foreign relations, not only their position in important colonies, not only the almost unparalleled state of their relations with Ireland, but the many other troubles Avhich might require their attention that session, all at the same time had occurred, and had demanded the deepest consideration," the deepest sense of respon sibility, on the part of their lordships. "And, my lords," continued Lord Bea- AND HIS TIMES. 565 consfield, " I am bound to say that I cannot help feeling that much of the disaster Avith Avhich we have to grapple at present, is to be attributed in a great degree to the spirit . in Avhich Her Majesty's present ministers acceded to office. In old days, in times within our experience, Avhen there Avas a change of administration it was always considered the duty of both parties to effect no more alteration in the general conduct of our affairs than was absolutely necessary. On former occasions it was generally understood that though there ought to be, and of course there was, a due assertion of differences of party principle, still, so far as it was possible, unnecessary changes were to be discouraged in the general conduct of our affairs, so that there should be some continuity of policy ; and though there were imputations made, I fear sometimes with justice, but often Arery un justly, against our parliamentary govern ment, of the inconsistency in which it imrolved our affairs, very frequently parlia mentary goArernment could not justly be open to that imputation. Well, my lords, it must be admitted that this action to Avhich I have referred introduced some feeling of magnanimity into public life, and its absence is very much to be regretted. No doubt it added greatly to the strength of our functions. But when the new administration was formed nothing of the kind Avas clone. On the contraiy, in every manner and on every occasion it was announced that the change of government meant a change in every part and portion of the government; that everything which had been concluded ivas to be repudiated ; that everything consummated was to 'be reversed, and upon the most important ques tions, either of our foreign relations, our colonial situation, or our domestic policy with regard to Ireland, upon all these ques tions the utmost change must immediately and rapidly be accomplished. Perpetual and complete reversal of all that had occurred Avas the order that was given and the profession that Avas announced. " See, my lords, how this has worked. Take the case of our foreign relations. Everything Avas to be altered. Well, though you might denounce and abuse the treaty of Berlin, you could not repudiate that treaty, and you could not reverse it. The treaty of Berlin, being so completely disapproved of by the new government, it was proposed, most ingeniously, that, as there had been a congress at Berlin there should also be a conference at Berlin ; and it was generally understood and felt by everyone that that meant that the regula tions of the congress of Berlin were in fact to be modified, changed, and superseded by the determinations of the conference. Now, how has that been accomplished ? In my observations to-night I will avoid arguing on matters of policy, for Avhich there will be other occasions ; but all sensible men Avill agree that, whatever may have been the defects of the treaty of Berlin — though I admit none — or the points that may have been neglected or left unsettled, one thing was quite clear and was generally admitted, that at last the peace of Europe Avas secured. I belieA'e that the conference of Berlin had the contraiy effect, and I think I am not using an unauthorized expression when I say that the result of that conference was that the Avar in the East of Europe and in the West of Asia Avas on the point of being revived, and England was near being a belligerent, and a belligerent too against our old ally. No one can say now that the peace of Europe is certain, or that we are perfectly secure. We have very little infor mation on this subject, though I presume that more will be afforded; but from what we see there is no doubt that even in the space of twenty-four hours events may occur which might shake that peace. What is the cause of all this ? It is because Her Majesty's government, directly they took office, got into this system of superseding and disturbing everything their predecessors had settled. " Noav let me advert to another question — that, namely, of Afghanistan. That is a 566 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD question that must come before the House, and I believe my noble friend the late governor-general of India will take an op portunity of bringing it before your lord ships' notice. Whatever may be our opinion as to the policy or impohcy of the military occupation of Afghanistan, in this, I think, all will agree — that it Avas an event of great political moment, and that it was under taken in consequence of information, part of which only has as yet been revealed to the country, but which is adequate to enable them to learn that it was preceded by startling incidents of conduct on the part of another great power, which demanded serious consideration. Her Majesty's gov ernment may be perfectly right in the vieAvs they take on the subject of Afghanistan. The occupation of that country may have been a most impolitic act, and it may be their duty to counteract its effect, and to terminate the policy that Ave attempted to establish. All this may be perfectly true, but all impartial persons will feel that such a step should be taken with great prudence, that it should be taken gradually, and that ministers ought not to have gone to the housetops to proclaim their peril to the Avorld — their peril ; I may rather say their perplexity. We must remember also that the military feat of the invasion and occu pation of Afghanistan Avas no mean one. Rarely haAre the discipline and valour of our troops, both British and native, been more distinguished; and, above all, Ave have produced a general equal to any conjuncture of the war. These were all circumstances that Avon respect in Asia and Europe ; but the ministers, as I say, go to the housetops to proclaim to every bazaar in the East that they clo not knoAV Avhat to do, and that, after all this anxiety, they are going to scuttle out of the country as fast as they can. "What I Avant your lordships chiefly to observe is the consequence of such conduct, which is of the most destructive and dele terious kind. It may have been our policy to quit Afghanistan; but if we quit it in this spirit, and after such declarations, every military adventurer feels, ' This is my opportunity : the British are going to leave this countiy, and I Avill succeed them as far as I can.' Clearly you have produced a state of anarchy, and at last you say that you wiU consummate your confession of impotence and blundering by giving up the city of Candahar. But Avhy has all this taken place? Because there have been declarations made on the subject, declara tions of the most unmeasured kind; because the countiy has been agitated to believe that the change of government Avould in stantly terminate the dangerous occupation of Afghanistan ; and because pledges made in total ignorance of the circumstances of the case have iioav to be redeemed at the cost of the credit of the country Both in foreign affairs and in Afghanistan — in the one because the peace of Europe is no longer assured, but menaced, and in the other because Central Asia is in a state of anarchy — you have now to pay the cost of declarations made in a polemical, and not in a political sense, to the people of the countiy." Then he proceeded to criticise the con dition of Ireland. " I must now," said Lord Beaconsfield, " touch on that subject which, after all, absorbs all our thoughts at the present moment, and that is the subject of Ireland. When the late government were responsible for the administration of affairs, the state of Ireland undoubtedly caused much anxiety. In ordinary circumstances, I believe the skilful administration of my noble friend near me would in no way have been dis turbed ; but Ave had a terrible visitation, and have at the same time to deal with a body of men Avho will take advantage of distress to render the work of government more difficult. Fortunately the famine was not as fatal as Ave once feared, and' the measures taken by the government and supported by private charity almost un precedented, which, under the direction of a noble lady [the Duchess of Marl- AND HIS TIMES. 567 borough], touched the hearts of the Irish for the time, gave us every hope that we might proceed without further disaster. The Peace Preservation Act certainly had a beneficial effect, and greatly assisted the government ; and our opinion was, although we had before us information Avhich is, no doubt, well known to the present ministers, that it Avould be possible to carry affairs safely through with the law that then existed, and that, Avith the mitigation of the calamity that then prevailed, Ave might grapple with the conspirators, who seek not merely separation from this country, but the establishment of an independent foreign power. " Just before the general election I felt it my duty, occupying the position I then did, to place before the country issues Avhich I thought were of vast importance, and whicli demanded at that critical time the consideration of the country. Not sitting in the other House of Parliament, and therefore not having the privilege of addressing my old constituents, as in old days, I thought it becoming to address to the lord-lieutenant of Ireland a letter, in Avhich I called the attention of the countiy to the state of Ireland. I placed before the country only two points. I warned it to be most careful not to meddle thought lessly with foreign affairs, because I foresaw that if it did, there would be a chance, and more than a chance, of a European war. What has occurred has, I think, quite justified that warning ; but we can at least hope that, a war not having occurred, Her Majesty's ministers may have been success ful in preventing it. But as regards Ire land, in my letter to the lord-lieutenant, I Avarned the country that if the government did not shoAV a becoming vigilance, some thing would happen which would be almost as bad as famine and pestilence. " Now, what was the consequence of that declaration ? The present government took an early opportunity, soon after I had made that declaration, to express a contraiy opinion. They said there was in Ireland an absence of crime and outrage, Avith a general sense of comfort and satisfaction such as was unknoAvn in the previous history of the country. Now, my lords, that Avas the issue placed before the country to decide. I warned the constituencies that there was going on in Ireland a con spiracy which aimed at the disunion of the two countries, and probably something more. I said that, if they Avere not careful, something might happen almost as bad as pestilence or famine. The country, on the other hand, was immediately told that there Avas in Ireland a general sense of comfort and satisfaction unprecedented in the his tory of that country. Now there was a complete issue to be decided, and the country decided that Ireland was in a state of comfort and satisfaction. My observa tions, of course, Avere treated with that ridicule Avhich a successful election always secures. What has occurred in Ireland since then ? What is the state of Ireland at the present moment ? I clo not Avant to indulge in exaggerated phrases, nor do I Avish to use language that would adequately express the horrors Avhich have occurred in that countiy. I think, hoAvever, I am not using exaggerated language Avhen I say that in jDortions of Ireland the sovereignty of our queen has been absolutely superseded. I think I am not using exaggerated language when I say, that Her Majesty's executive in Ireland have absolutely abdicated their functions. I think I am not using exag gerated language Avhen I say, that there have been months of murder and incen diarism and of every conceivable outrage. I think I am not using exaggerated language when I say that the judges of the land have been denounced and defied, and that the administration of justice has altogether ceased ; and that the laAv — the queen's law — is no longer respected by the majority in that country. " What has been the occasion of this ? Why have not steps been taken in proper time to prevent Avhat everyone feels might have been nipped in the bud? Why, it was 568 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD because of these declarations that Ireland Avas in a state of comfort and content, and because the person Avho made them, being the most responsible person in the land, or about to become so, felt it necessary to act in his political position in harmony with his polemical one. Noav, my lords, what happened when the change of government took place ? The first thing that was done Avas a very slight thing. We had estab lished a royal commission to inquire into the state of agriculture, not only in England, but in Ireland. That commission had reached Ireland, and was very busy in its operations. I belieA^e there never before Avas a royal commission formed Avith such anxiety on the part of the government that it should be an able, an adequate, and an impartial commission. Every shadoAv of opinion was represented, and the ablest men Avere invited to sit upon it. I speak with the greatest confidence on this subject, as I myself undertook the task of form ing that commission. No sooner Avas the government changed, however, than a new royal commissioii was appointed to inquire into the state of agriculture in Ireland. What was the effect of that? Whatever the intention might have been, the effect was to make the country understand that the new government could place no confi dence in the royal commission of the late administration. " Well, Her Majesty's government being in office, the late lord-lieutenant of Ireland naturally thought the time had come when he ought to give them his opinion with regard to that country. There had been very great anxiety to know what would be the course of Her Majesty's government in regard to the continuance of the Peace Preservation Act. I think there was at that time, if not a formal declaration, at least a general understanding that probably the new government would not propose to continue that Act. But, hoAvever that may be, the lord-lieutenant impressed upon Her Majesty's ministers his opinion that the Peace Preservation Act should certainly be continued. Noble lords will perfectly recol lect what occurred on that occasion. It has been said very frequently — I do not mean in this House, for that Avould give it great authority — but it has been said by what are called organs of opinion, which are in communication with political per sonages of influence, and which, therefore, speak Avith authority, that it was never the intention of the late government to continue the Peace Preservation Act. That is not true. It is fortunate that I can prove this in a manner which will be satisfactory to your lordships and to the country, for a noble lord asked me a question on the sub ject before the dissolution of parliament. In my reply to him, after deprecating the assumption of the noble lord that, as a matter of course, I should be prime minister in the new parliament, of Avhich I had very great doubt, I used these words: — 'But it is by no means imprudent to assume that the new parliament will do its duty to the country, and that it will repeat that Act, or, if necessary, support it with stronger measures if they are required in the cir cumstances of the times.' " My letter to the lord-lieutenant involved the continuance of the Peace Preservation Act. It remains as a positive fact that the late government were pledged to it. In regard to what happened out of this House there can be no question. We had our oavu bill drawn, and 1 am permitted to say that the late chief secretary for Ireland [Mr. James Lowther], avIio unfortunately is no longer a member of parliament, offered that bill very cour teously to his successor. His successor declined that offer, but he necessarily had the advantage of the official information upon Avhich the late cabinet had deter mined to continue the Peace Preservation Act. That information consisted of confi dential reports from seventy persons of the highest authority in this matter. All that he had, which alone ought to have convinced him that the time had arrived when that Act ought to be continued. However, Her Majesty's government took quite a different AND HIS TIMES. 569 view. They made up their minds, not only to give a good shake to the congress of Berlin, and to do everything they could to inform every being in Central Asia, and in every part of Asia, that they meant to cut and run from the scene of a splendid conquest, but, following the same plan of throwing a stigma on everything Avhich their predecessors had proposed 01 executed, they determined that Ireland was to be considered as a country in a state of com fort and satisfaction, and they have from that moment been legislating and admin istering affairs for a country in a state of comfort and satisfaction. " As time has advanced they have changed their course. Now, at the last moment, they are about to do so on a great scale, because, unless they do it on a great scale, it is useless. Why, if they had only deigned to follow in the footsteps qf their predecessors — if they had only partially done so — they would not have found themselves in their present difficulties. Was the country really so devoid of incident that there was nothing to guide them as to the immediate future? Parliament was prorogued on September 7, and the only allusion in the Queen's Speech to the state of Ireland Avas an expression of satisfaction that the condition of the people had been improved by the harvest. Only a few days afterwards the murder of Lord Mountmorres occurred* Your lordships know the condition of Ireland at the pre sent time. Europe knows it, Asia knows it. It is no longer, unhappily, a mere English question. The honour, perhaps the existence of England, depends upon our rallying our forces, not only with regard to Ireland, but with regard to other scenes of disquietude and danger which have been created by Avhat has occurred in Ireland. " It may be said, If these are your views why do you not call upon parliament to express them? Well, I do not know any- * As Lord Mountmorres was returning to Ebor Hall (Sept. 25, 1880), from a meeting of magistrates at Clonbar, county Galway, a volley of rifle bullets was discharged at him, and he was found dead half a mile from his residence. VOL. II. thing which would be more justifiable than an amendment on the address expressing our deep regret that measures for maintain ing peace and order, for guarding life and property, and, let me add, liberty, Avhich, I think is equally in danger in Ireland, Avere not taken in time, and pointing out that if such measures had been taken in time an enormous number of terrible incidents might have been averted; that men would noAV have been alive who have been mur dered; that houses would now have been in existence which have been burned; that cases of torture to man and beast Avould never have happened — for these things, as your lordships are aware, have mainly occurred within the past two months. But, my lords, there are occasions when even party considerations must be given up. There are occasions when it may not be wise, even for your lordships, to place your selves, as it were, at the head of public opinion in indignant remonstrance at the action of the ministry. The great dangers and disasters which have been impending or have happened in this country during the past nine months have arisen from the abuse of party feeling; and for that reason alone, if there were no other, I Avould re commend your lordships to pause before taking any step which would weaken the movements of the administration at this moment. I conclude that the government have come to their determination in a bond fide spirit. I expect that their bills, when introduced, will be found adequate to the occasion, for I am convinced that only ridicule will result if they are not conceived in a comprehensive spirit. I conclude also that it is their intention to proceed with these bills de die in diem, in order that some hope, some courage, may be given to our loyal and long-suffering subjects in Ireland. When those bills have been passed we shall be ready to consider any other measures Avhich Her Majesty's gov ernment may bring before parliament. But - 1 think it utter mockery to discuss any questions connected Avith Ireland now, 72 570 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD except the restoration of peace and order, the re-establishment of the sovereignty of the queen, and a policy that avUI announce to Europe that the spirit of England has not ceased, and that, great as are the dangers that noAV environ ministers, the parliament of England will be equal to the occasion." The government Avere not slow in de manding additional powers from parlia ment to suppress the lawless state of things across St. George's Channel. A fortnight after the meeting of the Houses, Mr. W. E. Forster — who from the very first was the only member of the cabinet who really appreciated and understood the terrible condition of affairs in Ireland — introduced the Protection to Person and Property Bill. In spite of the most frantic and disorderly efforts — efforts which lowered the popular chamber in the eyes of Europe — of the obstructionists to wreck the bill, it success fully passed the Commons, and was sent up for the criticism of the Peers. By this measure the lord-lieutenant of Ireland was empowered to issue a warrant for the arrest of any person suspected as being guilty of high treason, treason-felony, or treasonable practices; such person was to be detained as one accused of crime, but not as a convicted prisoner. At the same time an Arms BiU Avas introduced by Sir WiUiam Harcourt. The bill, though he considered it a tardy measure, received the full support of Lord Beaconsfield. He sketched the causes Avhich had led to the disaffection in Ire land; he condemned the conduct of the professional agitator and the interference of the American Fenian ; and he regretted the course which the obstructionists had adopted to hamper the progress of the bill through the House of Commons. "I rise to support," he said (March 1, 1881), "the second reading of the bill which the noble earl [Lord Spencer] has just moved ; but I do it with reluctance. I support the bill because I think it is necessary — absolutely necessary — in" the circumstances in which Ave find ourselves. But I confess that I cannot divest myself of some sense of shame that in the nine teenth century, in the very heart of our empire, in the United Kingdom itself, such scenes and circumstances should exist as justify— and not only justify and sanc tion, but render absolutely necessary — the measure which has been brought before your lordships' attention. My lords, this peri odical disquietude in Ireland has been accounted for at various times by various causes. When I first entered public life, nearly half-a-century ago, there was then in Ireland great disquietude. We were then taught by great authorities that the cause of that disquietude was political, and that the only remedy for it would be to extend to a portion of the community in Ireland those civil privUeges which were enjoyed by only a part of the population. But the political disquietude of Ireland reappeared in a few years, aud we were then told that the cause was not political, but ecclesiastical, and all philosophers and politicians applied their minds to the con sideration of remedies. They commenced by abolishing tithes; they ended by abolish ing' the church, which those tithes were intended to support. We are now told that the cause is very different — that it is agrarian or territorial; and generally speak ing we are led to believe that the remedy is in fact to transfer the property of one class to another. Now, my lords, I should be very sorry, after such experience, and the failure of even the wisest and most experienced statesmen, to attempt to dis cover the sole cause of this state of affairs in Ireland. I would not for a moment pretend dogmatically to lay down my opinion as to the cause; but I think it wiU not be presumption in me if I attempt on this occasion to indicate what I think are the immediate causes which have pro duced disquietude, discontent, and outrage in Ireland. " I think there are three causes to Avhich the present state of affairs is to be attrib uted. In the first place, there has been AND HIS TIMES. 571 great suffering in Ireland from a series of bad harvests. But Ireland has been visited before by famine, and yet it did not result in such a condition of outrage and lawlessness as exists at the present moment. At a former period England contributed to the relief of distress in Ireland with a readiness which cannot be too highly appreciated, and the good nature of the Irish people themselves combined for the purpose of alleviating the distress. As far as the present instance of distress is concerned, Avhen that distress began to pinch the people I do not observe that there was organized disaffection. The Irish people know very well that sterile harvests Avere not peculiar to Ireland during the last few years, and that they extended to all European countries and even beyond the limits of Europe ; and England, which Avas the one country which sympathized the most Avith Ireland, was perhaps the one which suffered the most from that calamity. Then how is it that the present unfortunate state of things has been brought about in Ireland, when on former occasions it has been avoided ? This brings me to the second point Avhich I wish to advert to. It is most unfortunate that after a period of agricultural distress which has rarely been equalled — and probably its continuity has never been equalled — it is most unfor tunate, I say, that at such a time the United Kingdom should have become the scene of a great party struggle, which has not been equalled for many years in the fierceness of the passions Avhich it elicited. Those who appealed at such a time to the country felt that they were in a position of great advantage in appealing to the passions of a population that was suffering like the Irish. The most vio lent orations were addressed to the Irish people, and in point of fact it was impressed upon them by very accomplished orators and by trained and skilled agitators, that the sterile harvests under whicli they suffered were in some degree connected with the existence of the late government. And they further sought to impress upon them that the opponents of the late govern ment were the only men Avho could bring forward measures equal to the occasion, and rescue them from the full consequences of those bad harvests. This style of oratory unfortunately brought about that whicli spreads like wildfire in Ireland — namely, an agitation of great fire and fierceness; and the most preposterous opinions were set afloat. "Even in such circumstances I myself should not have despaired of the good sense of the countiy ultimately steering us through all these difficulties and dangers ; but, un fortunately, the moment there springs up in Ireland any considerable agitation, the Irish people come under the influence of an organized conspiracy of foreigners, living in a foreign country, who immediately obtain the control of the circumstances of the countiy, and who no doubt recently placed society in the United Kingdom in consider able peril. We have had it declared re cently in another place that there is very great exaggeration in the statements which have been made with regard to the state of things in Ireland, and that there is no foundation Avhatever for the assertion that there is a body having considerable power and resources in a foreign countiy that acts upon Ireland. * I believe, however, that Her Majesty's ministers are perfectly aAvare of the truth of that assertion, and that they have wisely acted in asking parliament for the poAvers Avhich the bill avUI confer upon them. Those Avho have served Her Majesty in troublous times in Ireland — especially of late years — know the truth of that assertion, and of the existence of a state of things which makes it absolutely necessary that Her Majesty's government should possess the poAvers asked for, to defend Her Majesty, not from her rebellious subjects, but from foreign conspirators Avho are constantly * So said the Home Eulers in the House of Commons; recent events, however, proved the value to be attached to this denial. 572 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD passing to and fro betAveen another con tinent and these islands, and whose efforts are unceasing, and whose resources are vast. " There are three causes which, in my opinion, have brought about the present state of affairs in Ireland, anything more distressing than which it is impossible to conceive. The moment the people of Ire land are suffering they have remedies announced to them whicli amount, in fact, to the acquisition of the property of their neighbours, and they are bid to seize that property at once. The country is no longer safe when doctrines of that kind are taught, and when no man is allowed to protect his property by lawful process without peril to his life. It is Avhen the greed for the acquisition of property attains its present dimensions in Ireland that the foreigner appears and preaches the doctrine of assass ination, of confiscation, and of the explosive patriotism of dynamite. If that be the state of things in Ireland at the present moment, I cannot doubt the propriety of the course which Her Majesty's govern ment are noAV pursuing, and the wisdom of the measure Avhich they have introduced to our notice. I can only regret that so long a time elapsed before Her Majesty's government proposed a measure of this character to parliament, and that such a long time has been wasted in another place in passing it before it reached your Lord ships' House. I am confident that your lordships in supporting this bUl are sup porting a measure wliich will command the sympathy of all loyal subjects of Her Majesty. I believe in its efficacy, and I hope that its provisions will be tempered by moderation and by mercy. I hope, hoAvever, that the powers it confers will not be too hastily AvithdraAvn. I am in hopes that, Avith the material condition of Ireland improved by Providence, Avhich I think Ave have a right to count upon, with a continuance of the good harvests which have already commenced, the country will return to that condition of common sense Avhich is absolutely necessary for good government, and that when that position is attained we may find the country flourish ing and contented without being coerced." The biU encountered no opposition in its passage through the JLouse of Lords, and towards the end of March received the royal assent. Second only to the suppression of crime and turbulence in Ireland was the question of the retention of Candahar. Upon this subject Lord Beaconsfield felt strongly. He disapproved, considering the loss of life and terrible expense which the late Afghan Avar had entailed upon England and upon the resources of the empire, of any of the positions which we had gained in Afghanistan being abandoned. Be tween India and the advance of Eussia there stood only the disturbed regions of Afghanistan, to bar the progress of the Muscovite southwards in Central Asia. A firm and united kingdom, friendly to Eng hsh interests, might be an effectual obstacle to Eussian aggression; but Lord Beacons field rightly held, after the experience of the past, that Afghanistan could never be a strong and independent power, and that we could ill afford to place much confidence in its amity. The history of Afghanistan Avas the history of anarchy and civil war, and to create and maintain a united Afghanistan Avas, he feared, though he had once thought otherwise, impossible. A country inhabited by a brave yet turbu lent people, ever being agitated by intestine feuds and jealousies, and possessing no fixed policy of its own, must inevitably fall under the influence of one of its powerful neighbours. The Afghan question therefore resolved itself into this, Was Afghanistan to be permitted to become the prey of Eussian intrigues and designs, or was the district to be so guarded and controlled as to prevent the Afghans, even if they de sired it, from becoming dangerous to English interests, and to the welfare of wealthy territories south of the Himalayas ? The Liberals were of opinion that we had no cause to be anxious at the advances of AND HIS TIMES. Eussia in Central Asia, that Afghanistan left to itself was a most effectual barrier against Muscovite designs upon India, should they ever be entertained, and that to hold the positionSwehadgainedinAfghanistan,under the brilliant generalship of Sir Frederick Eoberts, would entail upon us a vast and unnecessary expenditure. Lord Beacons field, and with him the majority of the Conservative party, held the opposite vieAV. He was opposed to any desertion of the strongholds Ave had obtained in Afghan istan : but if the country Avas to be deserted by British soldiery, Candahar at all hazards, he asserted, must be retained. When it therefore became known that Mr. Gladstone had resolved upon abandoning Candahar, deep was the indignation of the more thoughtful among the patriotic party throughout the countiy. The desertion furnished the subject for an eloquent debate in the House of Lords. Lord Lytton, in a maiden speech which fully deserved the high praise passed upon it, brought forward a resolution " That noth ing in the information laid before the House justifies the announced pohcy of Her Majesty's government in regard to Candahar." The chief opponents of the resolution Avere Lord Northbrook, Lord Derby, and the Duke of Argyll. On the Conservative side perhaps the ablest speech was that delivered by Lord Cranbrook. Clear, logical, and based upon facts which were never disputed, its arguments and conclusions appeared unanswerable. In the debate Lord Beaconsfield took part, and his speech — the last speech he ever delivered — was among the most effective that the discussion called forth. We now know that when the leader of the Opposition felt him self compelled on this occasion to place his * " My lords, the last time at which Lord Beaconsfield spoke in this House a speech of an argumentative character was a few weeks ago. I think it was at about twelve o'clock on the second night of the debate on the Afghan question, Lord Beaconsfield sent me a message saying that he purposed speaking directly. I sent him a strong remon strance, saying that two peers who had been in office, and a third peer, one of the most remarkable speakers in the House, desired to take part in the debate. But Lord vieAvs before the country, he was suffering such acute pain that he had to assuage the agony he endured by SAvallowing drugs* " The question really before your lord ships," said Lord Beaconsfield (March 4, 1881), coming directly to the point, "is Avhether it is or is not Avise to evacuate Candahar, and I shall endeavour to confine my observations strictly to that subject, or at least with one exception of a very slight character. I see no use in reviewing again the history of the Afghan Avar or of the proceedings which preceded it. Your lord ships, having been appealed to on that subject, have given your opinion in great numbers, and after long and deep discussion. It would therefore, in my opinion, be un necessary for me now to enter upon a con sideration of that matter in detail. There are one or two salient facts to guide us in coming to a conclusion on this matter, and which it occurs to me to allude to at this moment, owing to the tone Avhich the debate has taken. It is on record that the Ameer of Afghanistan appealed for succour some years ago to the viceroy of the queen in India, who is now first lord of the admiralty [Lord Northbrook], and the viceroy thought it his duty to reject the overtures made to him. It also stands upon record that this rejection Avas the origin of all the misun derstandings and misfortunes which have since occurred. It also stands upon record that about three years afterwards, panic- stricken, I suppose, by the rumour that the Eussians were approaching Merv, the then viceroy decided on the plan which, in his opinion, should be then adopted to meet the difficulties and dangers of such a pro ceeding; and he proposed an offensive and defensive treaty in Afghanistan, and the establishment of a resident minister on the Beaconsfield persisted, and I thought I was justified in making a rather strong complaint of his having done so. I have since learned with regret that Lord Beacons field, just before he received the message, had swallowed one drug, and had inhaled another drug in quantities so nicely adapted as to enable him to speak free from the depression of his complaint during the time that that speech required for delivery."— Lord Granville, House of Lords, May 9, 1881. 574 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD British side of Herat. These are great salient truths, and I must say that I am quite surprised, remembering these histori cal facts, at the tone which the noble lord, the first lord of the admiralty, took with reference to my noble friend the. late viceroy of India. One would suppose that the noble earl was not only a pupil of the peace at any price school, but that he was also graduating for higher honours in the more refined school which would wage war and at the same time negotiate, more especially if our arms had been defeated. I Avas very much disappointed, my lords, at the reply the noble duke the lord privy seal [the Duke of Argyll] made to my noble friend [Lord Cranbrook] near me. I had listened, as a very fuU House had listened, with pleasure to that speech, and a speech more exhaustive, more animated, more completely touching every point of the subject I have rarely heard. WeU, I knew that my noble friend Avas to be followed by one Avhose ability was equal to any emergency — one who is an ornament of this House, and invariably delights the audience Avhich he addresses. Well, my lords, what did we hear? Was there any answer to the speech of my noble friend? On the contraiy, Ave had a series of biographies of Indian worthies, and when the list closed it was, as usual, flung at the head of my noble friend the late viceroy. Under these circumstances I think we have had enough of recurrence to the past, and that Ave may confine our consideration to the point before us. " My lords, there is one point only, before I touch upon the question of Candahar, on which I would like to make one or two remarks; and that is about our relations with Eussia, which have formed so import ant a portion of our discussion to-night as on previous occasion*. Now, my lords, when my noble friend and myself were commissioned to proceed as plenipoten tiaries to Berlin, nearly three years ago, our instructions Avere to achieve, if possible, two great objects — one, of course, to secure and guard the interests of our own country, and the other to combine with the other poAvers, if possible, for some general ar rangement or some unity of feeling which might secure, if not the perpetual, at least the lasting peace of Europe. Well, my lords, when we came to consider our interests in this subject, it was quite obvious that it was quite impossible to arrive at any arrange ment which would give a fair probability of a lasting European peace if there was not sympathy on the part of Eussia ; and the time seemed to have arrived, when a congress was called upon to settle the affairs of Europe, to make some efforts to come, if possible, to some direct under standing with Eussia which might tend to the beneficial results Ave had in view. " I must say that before we could take any steps Ave were anticipated by the Ulus- trious chancellor of that empire, who ex pressed a desire on the part of Eussia that some attempt should be made to put an end to that chronic misunderstanding which seemed always to be recurring between the two countries of Great Britain and Eussia. I do not, my lords, mean to say that there was at any time an intention of an alliance, or a treaty, or a convention, but what we all seemed to desire was that, if possible, instead of hostile distrust, there should be, at least, some approximation to confidence; and that when any occurrence of a contro versial character took place in those parts of the world where the interests of Eussia and England clashed, there should be, at least, a friendly and candid communication of views between the two powers which might remove causes which were not at all adequate reasons for misunderstanding. Well, my lords, when we returned to Eng land, I think I expressed the sentiments which my noble colleague would have ex pressed on this matter. I took the earliest opportunity of declaring in this House that those circumstances which had occurred in Central Asia with reference to efforts of Eussia, the avowed object of which was to embarrass and disturb English interests in that part of the world— I say I took the AND HIS TIMES. 575 earhest opportunity of announcing in this House that, so far as those preparations had been made by Eussia with the belief that war was immediately pending between the two countries, we found that we had no cause to complain, and that we were will ing to forget, and wished to forget, all that had occurred in that respect. And in con sequence a formal communication of our views, which I do not doubt will be found in the annals of the foreign office, was made on the subject, and we received, as I stated at the time, an answer from St. Petersburg of the most satisfactory kind — in fact, expressing all those views and sen timents which Prince Gortschakoff, the chanceUor of the empire, had expressed at the congress. " Your lordships are aAvare," continued Lord Beaconsfield, alluding to the corre spondence between Shere Ali and General Kaufman found in the autumn of 1879 at Cabul, and which disclosed the existence of a secret treaty between the Ameer and Eussia, hostile to England, and signed after the conclusion of the treaty of Berlin; " Your lordships are aware that within a short time there has been laid upon your table a correspondence, which has been described as a sinister correspondence, and Avhich has for so long a time been the sub ject of interest, I would say of suppressed interest, in many pohtical circles. Your lordships may remark that at the end of that correspondence the present Eussian ambassador alludes in a summary to a de spatch of Count Schouvaloff, in which there is a long quotation or summary of what I had expressed to Count Schouvaloff in a conversation. I am sure, my lords, that nobody who took up those papers would believe that it was a publication which had been for a long time suppressed even at Cabul, with an account of the Eussian am bassador's interview with me, entirely con doning the past and approving everything that Eussia had done. They could see no reason for the publication of that despatch. But, my lords, if you look at the date of the despatch you will find that it was in November, 1878, whereas the despatches between the Eussian authorities and the Ameer which Avere discovered after the second capture of Cabul were not obtained by the British government until exactly a year afterwards — namely, October or Nov ember, 1879. And therefore it does appear to me most extraordinary that whUe the despatch of Count Schouvaloff giving an account of his interview with me, con doning the conduct of the Eussian govern ment under certain conditions and circum stances which are almost verbatim what I did express in this House about a month before — that anyone could think there was any connection between those despatches so found a year afterwards at Cabul and that conversation. " Your lordships may also remark that in this curious publication there is in inverted commas what purports to be an announcement on my part, that in my opinion the government of India had forced our hands upon the subject of Avar, and had occasioned a declaration of war not only before it Avas necessary, but when it was, perhaps, altogether unnecessary. The case was exactly the opposite of that. Instead of Her Majesty's government complaining of being forced by the government of India to make Avar, that government was most anxious to avoid war. We were appealed to by the government of India to knoAV what was our decision, as it fell upon them to make preparations for war, if war were decided upon; and when the affair. came so near that the government of India asked for its final instructions, it pledged itself voluntarily to make no single military operation without our sanction and advice. The English government, as appears by the papers, were anxious to give Shere Ali a locus penitentice, and instructed the govern ment of India to concede to him a period of three weeks to consider Avhat he would do. We calculated every day, and consid ered the full time that would not interfere with military operations if they became 576 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD necessary. My lords, I am quite certain that Count Schouvaloff was utterly incap able of misrepresentation as to anything I expressed to him. He was well known to every member of this House, a great orna ment of society, a most honourable man, and I supposed at the time that it must have been a misapprehension of the ambas sador. But I understand it referred, not to our hand being forced by the govern ment of India to go to war — that was ab solutely absurd — but to the mission which two months before had been sent by the Indian government, with the sanction of the English government. Your lordships are Avell aware of the failure of that expe dition ; but the expedition was not an operation of war, but a mission of peace; and we sent an individual who was the friend of Shere Ali, and Avho we believed Avould have succeeded in accomplishing a great object. It Avas absolutely necessary that I should call your lordships' attention to the fact that the alleged conversation with Count Schouvaloff appended to the papers discovered at Cabul took place in fact one year before they Avere discovered, and consequently that the expressions which excited my pain and surprise really referred to other subjects. I propose now to notice a remark as to Avhy, when these papers Avere discovered at Cabul, they Avere not pubhshed by the late government. "Certainly it Avould not have been in harmony with the existence of good feeling between the English plenipotentiaries and Prince Gortschakoff, if Ave took at the earliest opportunity a step Avhich would not have tended to the cultivation of that friendly feeling between the two countries which was our object. Then Ave are asked why we consented to that publication. I am not the person who has consented to the publication, but the minister. I always took it for granted, from the extraordinary proceedings Avith regard to Afghanistan during the general election, that sooner or later there must have been a discussion on the subject. It was Avhen in the frenzy of the hustings the country Avas enlightened on the subject of the war in Afghanistan, and when it was denounced by the late ministry as unnecessary and a great damage to the country — it was not until these expressions were used that we found that some steps should be taken on our part also to enlighten the countiy. Who could have supposed that our successors, Avith the Cabul papers, not published, but in their possession to guide them, should have an nounced in the manner they did that the whole of our policy in Afghanistan should be repudiated ? Our whole policy in Afghanistan is described as a monstrous romance, as if there had been no occasion for a single incident that occurred. Our recoUection of the previous connection of the first lord of the Admiralty with the Ameer seemed to be entirely effaced from the memory of the nation. And therefore when my noble friend, the late viceroy, found himself held up in so distorted a form to this countiy, it is not surprising that as a member of this House he should have taken an opportunity of calUng your lordships' attention to the subject of these despatches. " Now, I would ask the lord privy seal Avhy he did not ansAver the two most im portant questions in this debate? — they were asked by the noble viscount behind bim. The first is, What do the government mean to do with Candahar Avhen they evacuate it in a month hence ? The next question is, Why we are not favoured with the opinion of Lord Ripon and his councillors ? These are two questions Avhich we have certainly a right to have ansAvered. My noble friend [Lord Derby], who made a very animated speech — and I do not know there is any thing that would excite enthusiasm in him except when he contemplates the surrender of some national possession — made a dis tinct point on that subject. He asked why we made such a great point of retaining Candahar at present, when we Avere Avilling when we made the treaty of Gandamuk to restore it to the native prince. The answer AND HIS TIMES. is clear. When vx negotiated the treaty of Gandamuk our policy was to create a power ful and independent Afghanistan, and there fore everybody must feel that an attempt to retain Candahar must baffle and defeat that policy. " My lords, you have an old policy with regard to the relations of this countiy, India, and Afghanistan, whicli has been approved by all public men. Lord Law rence, whom Ave ahvays speak of Avith great respect — though the lord privy seal says Ave systematically insulted him — was most decided in his policy that there should be an English interest in Afghanistan, and that Eussian influence in it should not for a moment be tolerated. Well, Avhat is your policy noAV ? Where will English interests be when you have evacuated Afghanistan? What will be the state of Afghanistan ? It will be a state of anarchy. We have always announced, as a reason for interfer ing in Afghanistan, that Ave cannot tolerate a state of anarchy on our frontiers. Is not that an argument as good for Eussia as for us? WiU not the Eussians say, 'Afghan istan is in a state of anarchy, and we cannot go on civilizing Turkestan when Afghanis tan is in a state of anarchy?' Therefore you are furnishing Eussia with an occasion for advancing. When I speak of this policy of Eussia I do not speak of it in a hostile spirit. Eussia has a right to its pohcy as Avell as England. Eussia has as good a right to create an empire in Tartary as we have in India. She must take the consequences if the creation of her empire endangers our power. I see nothing in that feeling on the part of England which should occasion any want of friendliness between this countiy and Eussia. We must guard against Avhat must be looked upon as the inevitable designs of a very great power. When Lord Palmerston carried one of the greatest measures of his life — the fortification of the channel, which Avas of much more importance than the retaining of Candahar — was that looked upon as a symbol of hostility to the French VOL. II. people ? Everyone knows that Lord Palm erston Avas very friendly to the French alliance, and yet that was an operation directed immediately against France for the purpose of putting an end to the con tinual fluctuations of bluster and fear Avhich such a situation as England Avas in at that time must necessarily entail. " I come now to the question of finance. I AviU not discuss whether Sir Henry Nor man's helter-skelter estimates [under Lord Lytton Sir Henry was president of the council of India] or those of other persons are the best or worst; but I will remind your lordships of this, that everything that has been alleged respecting the retention of Candahar and the consequent expense was said about the retention of the Punjaub. We heard when the retention of the Punjaub was proposed that it Avas impossible to raise any respectable revenue there; that the countiy Avas bare ; that the population, compared Avith India, Avas sparse; and that it was quite impossible that the expenditure of our government could be repaid. All these arguments were urged against annex ation of any kind. But eventually you found a very prosperous country in the Punjaub and Scinde, Avhich proved a source of wealth and strength to India. I Avill not believe Avithout much better proof that the retaining Candahar — the capital of an extremely fertile district — will entaU upon you a result less satisfactory than the result of the retention of the Punjaub and Scinde. The prima facie evidence is, I think, in favour of a rich district paying its expenses, and, in time, probably paying more than its expenses. " There is another point connected with Candahar of which much has been made in this debate and on other occasions. It is said that Ave are debarred from annexing or retaining Candahar by our public decla rations and agreements, and in the front of these is always placed the celebrated proclamation of the queen when she accepted the sovereignty of India. I can speak Avith some confidence upon that 73 578 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD subject, for, to a certain extent, I am responsible for that proclamation. It never entered into my head that there was anything in that proclamation which should prevent the queen, if she Avent to Avar with a foreign power, making such terms at the conclusion of peace as she might think fit, and availing herself of her power to take any provinces by right of conquest. The proclamation is essentially a domestic proclamation addressed to the princes of India, and the obligation of that proclamation has been most rigidly ob served. There is no instance in Avhich Her Majesty has been counselled to deviate from it, and I must repudiate the attempt to treat the queen's proclamation on her assumption of the f uU sovereignty of India as a bar to the retention of Candahar if the government should deem that retention Avise and prudent. As to the observation that the commanding officers announced to the people that they were making Avar against princes only and not upon subjects, it may be easily disposed of. Such an announcement is an Oriental custom. In all the wars that haAre taken place of late ¦ — certainly in some of them — similar assurances have been given by the invad ing poAver; but it has not prevented rich countries losing their capitals, and ancient empires being dislocated. In fact, you can generally drive a coach and six through declarations of that kind. " I have now touched upon the principal points in this question of the retention of Candahar. I confess that I haAre not heard an answer to the speeches of my noble friend who introduced this subject to your notice, of the noble marquis [Lord Salis bury], and of the noble viscount [Lord Cranbrook] who addressed your lordships first this evening. It avUI not be unreason able if I repeat a few points on Avhich Ave lay particular stress. We want to know Avhy we are not favoured Avith the views of Lord Eipon and his council, and what scheme the government have in view if they evacuate Candahar in the short space of time announced — namely, in less than a month. Noble lords opposite cheered the noble lord [Lord Dunraven] avIio addressed us from those benches with so much power, and avIio seemed to admit that he would be satisfied if Candahar were to be retained for a certain period of time. Well, there is nothing unusual in retaining possession of a considerable toAvn or province until the country, after great disquietude, war, and revolution, has subsided into comparative tranquillity. That is not an Oriental prac tice. It has been practised in some coun tries in Europe. There have been such things as military occupations before the present time. If the government had come forward and announced that they intended to give up almost everything that Ave had obtained, but that in the present state of Afghanistan they did not see their way to leave Candahar, though they did not think fit to appropriate it absolutely, I should still have regretted their not annex ing Candahar, but I should have felt that they were making a reasonable and states manlike suggestion, Avhich should be re ceived with attention. Such a course would have received the respectful attention of this House. I think that it becomes the House of Lords to express its opinion upon this subject. I had myself believed that, if we abandoned Candahar, we should still be able to retain our Indian empire. I do not think that it is absolutely essential to us. There are several places which are called the keys of India. There is Merv. I do not know whether that place has yet been taken by the Eussians. Perhaps the first lord of the Admiralty will be able to inform us." The Earl of Northbrook: "It is not a seaport." The Earl of Beaconsfield: "No, it is not a seaport. Still, there is Merv; then there is a place whose name I forget — there is Ghuzni; then there is Balkh, then Can dahar. My opinion is, that though such places may not be essential to us, yet that I should regret to see any great military AND HIS TIMES. 579 power in possession of them — I should look upon such an event Avith regret, and perhaps with some degree of apprehension; but if the great military power were there, I trust we might still be able to maintain our empire. But, my lords, the key of India is not Herat or Candahar. The key of India is London. The majesty and sov ereignty, the spirit and vigour of your parliament, the inexhaustible resources, the ingenuity and determination of your people — these are the keys of India. But, my lords, a wise statesman would be chary in drawing upon what I may call the arterial sources of his poAver. He would use selec tion, and would seek to sustain his empire by recourse to local resources only, which would meet his purpose. You have always observed that system' in this country for the last hundred years. You have skil fully appropriated many strong places in the world. You have erected a range of fortifications; you have overcome countries by the valour of your soldiers and the efforts of your engineers. Well, my lords, I hope that we shall pursue the same policy. If we pursue the same policy, Candahar is eminently one of those places which would contribute to the maintenance of that empire. It is advisable to retain it on economical grounds, as it is now held by us; and, as my noble friend said in his speech, Avould it be a becoming course for us now to withdraAV, when the fact that the power of England can be felt promptly and on the spot is the best security for peace, and the best security for peace must be the best defence in case of war ? " The vieAvs taken by my noble friend [Lord Derby] below the gangway are essen tially erroneous views, and in no one point are they more erroneous, I think, than in what he said of the opportunity which the House of Lords now has of expressing its opinion. I do not wish in any way to maintain an exaggerated view. Feeling myself keenly upon the question of Can dahar, I believe there is a real and a deep feeling, and what is more, an increasing feeling, on the subject. The subject is being more considered; opinion avUI become more matured. There cannot be, therefore, a more legitimate occasion for the Peers of England to come forward and to give to the country the results of their wisdom and their experience, as I hope they wUl to-night, in reference to the empire of India." After a debate which occupied two nights, the motion of Lord Lytton was carried by a large majority — contents, 165; non-contents, 76 : majority, 89. All fears as to Eussian activity in the East Avere now for the moment set at rest by the awful news Avhich was flashed to London from St. Petersburg. During the last feAV years the huge, unwieldy empire ruled by the Czar had been handed over to the furies which so often attend upon a hard and uncompromising despotism. Eevolutionary ideas, the counsels of secret societies, the dagger and the dynamite of the political conspirator, the fanaticism of turbulent youth, had been of late busy at work throughout the length and breadth of Eussia, bidding the nation rise against their rulers, and shake off the iron hand Avhich kept doAvn their liberties as a people. And, as is so often the case Avhen the name of liberty is invoked to resist oppression, crime and license gave their aid, and cast their lurid glare upon the scene. Between the earnest prayer for constitutional govern ment, for relief from a bitter taxation, for escape from vindictive punishments, for toleration and political emancipation, and the Avild shriek for communism Avith all its attendant claims, there is but a step, which men maddened by their sufferings and restrictions often take, to the destruc tion of themselves and the ruin of their cause. It was so now Avith the advocates for reform in the dominions of the Czar. As long as the reformers limited their demands to constitutional government, with all the advantages consequent upon such a system, the sympathy of enlightened 580 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD Europe Avas with them; but when the diabolical aid of the Nihilist was called in, with his levelling creed and murderous Aveapons, sympathy was quickly exchanged for disgust and abhorrence. To the com munist the throne is the first object wliich excites his keenest hate, and the Eussian Nihilist, animated by the same views as the rest of his execrable fraternity, noAV vowed deadly enmity to the head of the house of Eomanoff. With the Czar as chief of the realm the spread of republican ism, in the eyes of the Nihilist, was an impossibility. A feAV months before his cruel death the unhappy Alexander had been mercifully preserved from a plot Avhich had for its object the reduction of his winter palace to ruins. The severest precautions had been then taken by the Eussian authorities to guard the person of their sovereign from future danger. Escorts, police, spies, confidential advisers, Avere, however, in vain. One day, Avhilst the Czar Avas driving out, an infernal machine was thrown under the wheels of his carriage. The chariot was destroyed, but the sovereign for the moment was preserved ; then a second bomb Avas flung, Avhich severely mutilated the body of its victim, and after a feAV hours of semi-consciousness the autocrat of all the Eussias had ceased to exist. As an expression of the intense indigna tion felt by the nation at so detestable a deed, an address of condolence was drawn up by the Peers of England and delivered to the queen. A similar address was pre sented to the now fatherless Duchess of Edinburgh. The circumstance served Lord Beaconsfield as an occasion to make a few remarks — the last Avhich were ever to fall from his lips in public. " I am sure your lordships," he said (March 15, 1881), "avUI express Avith earnestness your respectful sympathy with Her Majesty the queen in the affliction whicli has fallen so unexpectedly upon her. The relations between the queen of this country and the Emperor Alexander IL— the most beneficent prince that ever filled the throne of Eussia — Avere of a peculiar nature ; they cannot rank among the ordinary ones Avhich exist between sove reigns. Between Her Majesty and the emperor there existed ties of intimate and Ufe-long friendship, strengthened by domestic relations, of great facility and sat isfaction. This friendship, although it had to endure, by the ordinance of Providence, great trials, was one which, on more than one occasion, was exercised in a beneficent manner by both sovereigns for the Avelfare of the two countries. The horrible murder of a prince and an ally, of a connection so near and dear, must have been the cause of much agitation to Her Majesty. It has disturbed the feelings of all Europe — Europe wliich, as one nation, is alarmed and indignant. But of all countries of Europe I know none — not even Eussia itself — that can have heard of this catastrophe Avith greater horror and greater sympathy than our own. The Emperor of Eussia had one daughter, to whom he Avas passionately attached, and avIio returned to him an adoration quite equal to his own. That daughter is a princess of England. My lords, her Avoe must be very great. I knoAV all your lordships avUI feel that in a case like this consolation is vain. But though solace may be impossible, sympathy will have a voice; and I cannot but believe that when it is now offered to our sovereign and her suffering child it will be appreciated, coming as it does from this illustrious and ancient house."* His oavu end was iioav drawing nigh. Shortly after having delivered tliese feAV words of condolence upon the death of the Czar Alexander, the countiy heard witli regret that Lord Beaconsfield was confined to his room by severe indisposition. His old complaint of gout, coupled with bron chial irritation, was again troubling him. At first it was hoped that the illness was only temporary, and Avould be speedily * These few words Lord Beaconsfield amused himself by correcting during his illness for the pages of Hansard, saying that " he would not go down to posterity speaking bad grammar." AND HIS TIMES. 581 conquered by the means that were at once employed. Then it became apparent that the malady Avas graver than at the outset had been imagined; complications ensued Avhich required no little vital energy suc cessfully to resist, and every day the dis tinguished invalid Avas becoming weaker and Aveaker. After a fortnight's suffering it was no secret that, in that Avell-known house in Curzon Street, the battle between life and death Avas being keenly contested, and those who remembered the age Lord Beaconsfield had attained felt that there could be but one end to the struggle. Upon that issue the eyes of all Europe Avere turned. At every court, in every foreign capital, in every cabinet, the state of Lord Beaconsfield's health Avas the chief topic of discussion. Every neAvspaper on the Con tinent, friendly or inimical to the dying statesman, furnished its readers Avith the latest particulars contained in the frequently issued bulletins. In London the excite ment and suspense were intense ; crowds paced up and doAvn Curzon Street eager to catch any passing Avhisper whicli might gratify curiosity; the evening journals were quickly scanned to read the last medical opinion ; almost the only subject Avhich sustained conversation Avas that AA'hich touched upon the condition of the great Tory chieftain slowly yet surely passing on to his rest. In the interest and anxiety of the moment all other matters were hushed and held in abeyance — politics afforded no interest, speculation no activity, art and literature no gratification ; every thing Avas absorbed in the one great topic commented upon in every newspaper, " the health of Lord Beaconsfield." Then the end came — an end for whicli the nation was prepared by the alarming character of the bulletins which had recently been issued. Lord Beaconsfield died in his house in Curzon Street, at half-past four o'clock, in the morning of April 19, 1881. We knoAV what followed ; the genuine sorrow of the nation, the vast concourse of people wliich attended the funeral cere mony at Hughenden, and the graceful eulogies delivered in both Houses of Parliament. Never in the political history of our countiy has an English minister been called upon to obey the last summons Avho Avas more cherished by his sovereign, more regretted by those whom genius, birth, and wealth have made conspicuous, and more honoured and respected by a people at large, than he who identified Conser- Aratism Avith the national policy, and spent his life in illustrating its principles and carrying out its aims. On the occasion of the monument Avhich was proposed to be erected to the memory of the Earl of Beaconsfield, the opponents of the late statesman vied with each other in giving expression to the loss sustained by the nation in the removal of so great a man. Friend and rival had but one end in vieAV at that moment — to do full honour to him who had so often led his party on to unexpected victory, and so often had defeated the intrigues of an opposition. In the House of Lords, Lord Granville — though a political opponent a social friend of the deceased* — rose to move " That an humble address be presented to Her Majesty, pray ing that Her Majesty avUI give directions that a monument be erected in the col legiate church of St. Peter, Westminster, to the memory of the late Eight Hon. the Earl of Beaconsfield, KG., with an inscrip tion expressive of the high sense enter tained by the House of his rare and splendid gifts, and of his devoted labours in parliament and in great offices of state ; and to assure Her Majesty that this House will concur in giving effect to Her Majesty's most gracious message." The words Avith which this motion was supported Avere few but Avell chosen. It * " Some time before the last illness he gathered round him one evening some friends, who may pardon the mention of their names, as a proof that he never permitted politics to interfere with friendships. The Duke and Duchess of Sutherland, Lord and Lady Granville, Lord and Lady Spen cer, Lady Chesterfield, Lady Dudley, Lady Lonsdale, Lord and Lady Barrington, Lord and Lady Cadogan, Lord Brad ford, Mr. Alfred de Rothschild, Sir Frederick Leighton, and Mr. Henry Manners dined with him." — Lady John Manners. 582 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD was not the moment, nor was he the man, said Lord GranvUle (May 9, 1881), to give any biographical sketch of one so well known as Lord Beaconsfield, and still less would it become him, a pohtical opponent, to analyse in any degree the policy of the departed peer. Yet when great abUities had been devoted to the service of the state, they should be fully recognized and acknowledged. It was impossible for any body to deny that Lord Beaconsfield had played a great part in English history. No one could deny his rare and splendid gifts and his force of character. No one could deny how long and how continuous his services had been, both with regard to the crown and parliament. Lord Beaconsfield had achieved, by his own strong individu ality, without any adventitious circum stances, the great personal success to Avhich he had attained. " My lords," said Lord GranvUle, " some men have obtained influence over others by possessing in a stronger degree the merits, qualities, and faults of those they lead ; others have pro duced the same effect by exactly opposite causes. I believe Lord Beaconsfield, a man himself very free from prejudices, and more or less tolerant of them, belonged to the latter class. I have never knoAvn any man so complete a master, in Avriting and speak ing and in conversation, of censure and of eulogy. His long habit of sparkling literary composition, his facUity of dealing with epigram, with metaphor, with antithesis, and even with alliteration, gave him a singular power of coining and applying phrases Avhich caught the popular mind, and which attached praise and blame to the actions of the great parties in the state. My lords, the noble earl undoubtedly possessed the power of appealing to the imagination, not only of his countrymen, but of foreigners, and that power is not destroyed by death. With certain excep tions, Lord Beaconsfield was singularly tolerant Avith regard to his political oppo nents, and singularly appreciative of their merits. I believe no more happy compli ment was ever paid to Lord Palmerston and Earl Eussell than by Mr. Disraeli in the House of Commons ; and I have heard one of Mr. Cobden's dearest friends quote, as the most touching speech he ever heard, the tribute wliich Mr. Disraeh paid in the House of Commons to his great and vic torious free-trade opponent. I myself can boast of having been treated in this House, by successive leaders of the great Conserva tive party, with great kindness and great fairness ; but I am bound to say that by none was that fairness and forbearance more remarkably displayed than by Lord Beaconsfield during the few years I have had the honour of sitting opposite him. He has shoAvn me great friendliness and fairness in regard to foreign affairs. Your lordships have heard how kind and good- natured a man Lord Beaconsfield Avas in private Ufe. I believe that to be perfectly true, notwithstanding the singular power of destructiveness he sometimes possessed and exercised. I remember being told by one with whom constant devotion to Lord Beaconsfield during his life was one . of the characteristic traits of his character, that not only Avas he a kind and good- natured man, but that he Avas also singu larly sensitive of kindnesses shown to him by others. There is one reason why we should pay respect to the memory of Lord Beaconsfield in this House, not always of a disinterested character. The aristocracy of this country, sometimes in praise, sometimes in blame, has been described as proud, powerful, and Avealthy, and the democratic element, combined Avith this aristocratic institution, has certainly added to its wealth, and to its strength, and possibly to its life ; and I can conceive no brighter and no more brilliant example of the way in which the portals of this assembly smoothly roll back to admit eminent and distinguished men, and welcome them to the very first ranks in the assembly that they so entered, than the example of the late Lord Beaconsfield." The motion was seconded by Lord Salis- AND HIS TIMES. 583 bury in an appreciative and moving speech. Not many words, he said, were needed to commend such a motion to the acceptance of parliament. Not many words were needed, because one of the most striking phenomena attending that briUiant and remarkable career had been the deep inter est with which throughout his illness, and after his death, his fate was followed not only by his own friends and adherents, but by men of every class and every opinion in the countiy, and by men of the greatest influence and poAver in other countries also. Whatever else might be said of the deceased statesman, that at least could never be gainsaid — that Avhile his memory Avould ever be associated with many a controverted issue, the historian must ahvays add that when the fierce struggle was over, and the great career was closed, there was no doubt what the verdict of his countrymen was as to the services that had been rendered. Such unanimity of opinion Avith respect to one Avhose measures were necessarily much contested would suggest various expla nations. That his friends and colleagues should mourn his loss and revere his memory was only too natural. " I have not the same title to speak," continued Lord Salisbury, "that many of those beside me have, because my close political connection with him was com paratively recent; but it lasted through anxious and difficult times, when the char acter of men is plainly seen by those who Avork Avith them, and to me, as I believe to all others Avho have worked with him, his ,patience, his gentleness, his unswerving and unselfish loyalty to his coUeagues and fellow-labourers, have made an impression Avhich wUl never leave me so long as life endures. But tliese feelings could only affect a limited circle of his immediate adherents. The impression Avhich his career and his character have made upon the vast mass of his countrymen must be sought elsewhere. To some extent — to a great extent, no doubt — it is due to the peculiar character of his genius, to its varied nature, to the Avonderful combination of qualities Avhich he displayed, and which rarely reside in the same brain. To some extent, also, it is no doubt that the circumstance to which the noble earl has gracefully and eloquently alluded — the social difficulties which op posed themselves to his early rise, and the splendid perseverance by which they were overcome, have impressed. his countrymen avIio love to see exemphfied that open career to all persons, Avhatever their initial diffi culties may be, which is one of the characteristics of their institutions of which they are most proud. They saw in Lord Beaconsfield a proof that whatever diffi culties may attend the beginning of a man's fame, Avhatever he may have to struggle against, if the genius and perseverance are there, the most splendid position aud the Avidest influence are open to any subject of the queen. But, my lords, there was another cause. Lord Beaconsfield's feelings and principles Avith respect to the greatness of his country, more and more as life Avent on, made an impression on his countrymen. Zeal for the greatness of England was the passion of his life. Opinions might differ, and did differ deeply, as to the measures and the steps by Avhich expression was given to that dominant feeling; but more and more as his life went on and drew near its close, as the heat and turmoil of controversy were left behind, as the gratification of every possible ambition nega tived the suggestion of any inferior motive, and brought out into greater prominence the purity and the strength of this one intense feeling, the people of this countiy recognized the force with Avhich this desire dominated his actions, and they repaid it by an affection and reverence Avhich did not depend on and had no concern with opinions as to the particular policy pursued. This was his great title to their attachment, that above all things he Avished to see England united, and powerful, and great. As to questions of interior policy, Avhich divide classes, he had to consider them, to form his judgment upon them, and shape 584 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD his course accordingly ; but it seems to me that he treated them ahvays as of secondary interest, compared with this one great question — How the countiy to which he belonged might remain united and strong. 'The feeling which he showed was repaid to him abundantly, and it is because this conviction spread itself through all classes, both amongst those avIio were his friends and those who Avere his opponents, that this vote, Avhich has been moved by the noble earl and Avhich I have risen to second, is no expression of party or sectional feeling ¦ — it is no representation of any opinion on any controverted question, but is the homage and the recognition of an united people to the splendid genius and the magnificent service he rendered." In the lower House the praise passed upon the deceased statesman was equally generous. The speech delivered by Mr. Gladstone on the occasion Avas, though guarded in its terms, yet manly, sympa thetic, and in the best taste — a speech which Sir Stafford Northcote justly criticised as "nobly expressed, and still more nobly conceived." "Every one," Mr. Gladstone said, " avUI feel that this is not the occasion to attempt an historical portraiture of Lord Beaconsfield. Neither is it the occasion to attempt, especially upon this side of the House — but from no side of the House wiU I say — to attempt a political eulogy of Lord Beaconsfield. It will be mistaken. I avUI go a httle further and will admit that the position of the House is in some respects and in part peculiar. I do not know that it has ever happened that a parliament in sharp antagonism to the policy of a par ticular minister has been called upon to accept a proposal of this kind Avith respect to that minister Avhose policy it had opposed ; but at the same time, though there is no case exactly analogous to this, yet there are cases which make a material approximation to it in these respects. When Lord Eussell proposed, in 1850, in a speech of great good taste, a monument to the memory of Sir Eobert Peel, he very naturally looked back, not merely to the crisis of the anti-corn laAV movement which had brought them to gether, but to the long struggle of thirty years, and Lord Eussell said, in very be coming language, ' I will not enter into the nature of the crisis with which his name is associated,' and again, ' This is not the time to consider particular occasions and particular measures.' But he also quoted an earlier case, in which it happened that Colonel Barre proposed a public monument to Lord Chatham, Avith whom he had been, no very long time before, in the sharpest political opposition. And though the fea tures of this case are marked features, yet we are not without guidance in proceedings which have taken place before. This I will venture to say, that the present is an occa sion in which we, who form the majority of this House, should be on our guard against giving way to our narrower political sym pathies. It would be better that propositions of this kind were altogether abandoned and forgotten, than that they should degene rate into the occasion of issuing a manifesto of political alliances or of ordinary parti- zanship. "If I am asked, in endeavouring to look Avithout fear or favour upon this case, upou its merits and upon nothing else, and de siring to speak the truth without constraint and Avithout exaggeration, why I venture to recommend this proposition to the House, why I think that the same reasons which have led the House to give in the cases of other prime ministers of this country a testimony such as I now invite to the memory of Lord Beaconsfield, I say, in my judgment, we have to look to two questions and to two questions only ; and these are, Avhether the tribute which it is proposed to pay is proposed to be paid to one who, in the first place, has sustained a great his torical part, and done great deeds written on the page of parliamentary and national history; and the other, whether these deeds have been done with the full authority of the constituted organs of the nation and of the nation itself. I think an impartial AND HIS TIMES. 585 regard to what has happened will satisfy the House, that upon neither of these points is there the smallest room for doubt. It may seem to be a sharp mental transition for us to take when Ave pass from the balance of political opinion Avhich noAV pre vails in this House to the balance of opinion whicli subsisted here two, three, or four years ago ; but it is right, it is just, it is necessary that we should recollect that Avhat was done by the late ministry, Avhat Avas done, above all, by Lord Beaconsfield as the official head and as the guiding spirit of the late ministry, was done under pre cisely the same constitutional title, and with exactly the same charter and authority as that under which we iioav claim to act. Therefore, I cast behind me for the moment the question what I approve or what I dis approve — what I rejoice in, or what I regret. We are here to act on the part of the nation, and to maintain that description of action which is suitable to and Avhich is required by the nation's continuous life. " The career of Lord Beaconsfield is, in many respects, the most remarkable in our parliamentary history. For my oavii part, I know but one that can fairly be compared to it in regard to the emotion of surprise, and when viewed as a whole, the emotion I might almost say of wonder, Avhich it is calculated to excite; and that is the career, and especially the earlier career, of Mr. Pitt. Lord Beaconsfield's name is associated Avith great constitutional changes, at least with one great constitutional change, in regard to Avhich it will ever be admitted, at least I never can scruple to admit, that its arri val was hastened by his personal act. I will not dAvell upon that, but I will simply mention the close association of his name with that important change in the princi ples of the parliamentary franchise. It is also associated with great European trans actions and great European arrangements. I put myself in the position, not necessarily of a friend or admirer, who looks Avith sympathy on the character of the action of Lord Beaconsfield; but I look at the VOL. II. magnitude of the part Avhich he played on behalf of his countiy, and I say that one avIio was his political friend might fairly have said of him Avhen he came back from Berlin — ' Aspice, ut insignia spoliis Marcellus opimis Ingreditur victorque viros supereminct omncs.'' * " My duty is to look at these things in the magnitude of their national and historical character, and it is so looking at them that I have not a doubt that the man Avho for seven years sustained the office of prime minister, the man Avho for nearly thirty years led, either in one House or in both, a great party in this country, the man Avho so entwined himself in the interest of the general heart as was shown on the occasion of his illness, is a man in whom those features meet Avhich justify me in calling upon the House for this vote. I have said that, in my opinion, the magnitude of the part Avhich he played, and the authority with Avhich he played it, are the only matters to which we can look. I Avould press this point especially, for it is one many of us might forget or only feebly or ineffectually remember, viz., that he acted with the same authority as that Avhich Ave claim for our selves. The same Constitution, the same pop ular liberties, the same franchises, the same principle of the prevalence of the majority, placed him first at this box and then at the House of Lords to give effect to the policy which he believed to be for the benefit of his country, and which has iioav placed other men in his position to give effect to what they, Avith equal sincerity, desire to recommend to parliament. " I think that the someAvhat perhaps dry portion of my duty, which I have now per formed in directing the attention of the House to those two points which I deem to contain the whole estimate of the case, is noAV concluded ; and, as I have said, I will not attempt to give anything like a historical portrait. It would not be fair or just, even * Behold how adorned with triumphal spoils Marcellus stalks alone, and shines victor above the heroes all. — Virgil. 74 586 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD if it were appropriate in point of time, that I, avIio have been separated from Lord Beaconsfield by longer and larger differences than perhaps ever separated any two per sons brought into constant contact in the transaction of public business — it Avould not be fair to him,. it would not be fair to his friends, to draAv a picture wliich must be more faintly coloured, ay, and differently coloured if executed by my hand, than that Avhich they could fairly claim ; but yet, sir, I will allow myself some satisfaction in dwelling on matters on which I feel it is pleasurable to myself, and on which I also think it is useful for us all to dAvell. There were certain great qualities of the deceased statesman that I think it right to dwell upon. His ex traordinary intellectual powers are as well understood by others as by me, and they are not proper subjects for our present commendation; but there Avere other great qualities — qualities not merely intellectual in the sense of being disso ciated from conduct, but qualities immedi ately connected with conducts — Avith regard to whicli I should say, were I a younger man, that I should like to stamp the recol lection of them on myself for my oavii future guidance, and with regard to which I Avould confidently say to others who are younger than myself that I strongly recommend them for notice and imitation. They were qualities not only Avritten in a marked manner on his career, but possessed by him in a degree undoubtedly extraordinary. I speak, for example, of such as these — his strength of avUI ; his long-sighted persist ency of purpose, reaching from his first entrance upon the avenue of life to its very close; his remarkable power of self-govern ment; and last, but not least of all, his great parliamentary courage — a quality in Avhich I, who have been associated in the course of my life with some scores of minis ters, have, I think, never known but two whom I could pronounce his equal." Mr. Gladstone, after alluding to the loyalty Avith whicli Lord Beaconsfield ever upheld the interests of the JeAvs, and to the devotion Avhich Avas so marked a feature in the domestic life of the deceased states man* thus concluded: — " There is one slight matter on Avhich I desire to give myself the satisfaction of a brief reference to Lord Beaconsfield. The feeling I am about to express is not a novel feeling. It is one Avhich for many long- years, in the occasions of private life, has been made known to me by my friends. There is much error and misapprehension abroad as to the personal sentiments that prevail among men Avho are divided in politics. Their Avords must necessarily from time to time be sharp; their judgments may occasionally, may warrantably, may neces sarily be severe ; but the general idea of persons less informed than those within the parliamentary circle is that they are ac tuated towards one another by sentiments of intense antipathy and hatred. Now, I Avish to take this occasion, with the permis sion of the House, if for a moment I may degenerate into egoism upon a subject much too high for it — I wish to record in this place and at this hour my conviction, that in all the judgments ever delivered by the late Lord Beaconsfield on myself he never Avas actuated by sentiments of personal antipathy. It is a pleasure to me to make that acknowledgment. It is not neAV, although it is one wliich hardly Avith pro priety could be made on an earlier occasion, and I am sure the House will excuse me for having obtruded it now. I would again * " It may not be inappropriate here to refer to a few words spoken by Mr. Disraeli at the banquet given to him, in 1867, by the Conservatives of Scotland, at Edinburgh. Mr. Baillie Cochrane, now Lord Lamington (the ' Buckhurst ' of ' Coningsby"), in proposing the health of Mrs. Disraeli, said, that his friendship with that lady had lasted nearly half a century, and that he was sure Mr. Disraeli would admit how much of the success of his career was owing to the sympathy he always received from her. In returning thanks, Mr. Disraeli said that Mr. Baillie Cochrane certainly had every opportunity of studying the subject to which he had drawn attcnti'-n. AVhile speaking, his manner, so happily adapted to the occasion and the hour, became gradually very earnest, and in an almost solemn tone he said, looking towards the gallery where Lady Beaconsfield sat — 'I do owe to that lady all, I think, that I have ever accomplished, because she has supported ine by her counsel, and consoled me by the sweetness of her mind and disposition.'" — Lady John Manners. AND HIS TIMES. 587 call the attention of the House to the fact that Avhat we have here to look at is the greatness of the man, the greatness of the offices he sustained, the greatness of the part he played, the greatness of the transac tions associated with his name, and finally, the full and undisputed and constitutional authority which he possessed for those actions, Avhether they Avere gratifying to our sense or taste or not — the full, plenary, con stitutional authority which he possessed to authorize beforehand and to sanction after wards — these are the essential considera tions wliich ought to guide us ; and I feel convinced, unless it be my own grievous fault, and if so I can but regret it, that I have said enough to show this committee that they will do well and Avisely to accept in a kindly spirit the motion I have noAV the honour to submit on behalf of a public monument to Lord Beaconsfield." In the House of Lords the motion was carried without a dissentient voice. Un fortunately such unanimity did not prevail in the Commons. A Eadical minority opposed the erection of a national memorial in Westminster Abbey to Lord Beacons field ; and it pleased Mr. Labouchere to pursue the ungenerous course adopted under similar circumstances by Mr. Fox, avIio, when Mr. Lascelles had risen to move that a public memorial should be erected to the memory of William Pitt, strongly opposed the honour proposed to be conferred on his late rival — a proceed ing which history has branded as "not magnanimous." In like manner Mr. Labou chere objected to the Beaconsfield memorial. He admired, he said, the perseverance and energy wliich had enabled Lord Beacons field to attain the highest position in the state; they admired the tact and urbanity Avhich had characterized him as leader of a great party; and they even shared in the regret of his adherents for the loss of one so remarkable. When, however, they were asked to vote a national memorial to the late earl, they were obliged to determine Avhether a monument Avas merited, not by the personal qualities of the man, but by the policy of the minister. He was sur prised to hear the premier say that, in proposing such a resolution, he Avas acting in accordance with precedent. During the last 125 years there had been a vast num ber of prime ministers, but only five had received recognition of that sort from the country.* Mr. Labouchere reminded the House that it was not a question as to Avhether Lord Beaconsfield should have a monument in Westminster Abbey, but whether it should be a national or a volun tary one. He concluded by asking Liberals not to stultify themselves by voting for the resolution, considering the opinions they had expressed, both in the country and in the House, with regard to Lord Beaconsfield's policy. Mr. Labouchere was, hoAvever, no more successful than Mr. Fox. A majority of 169 voted in favour of a monument to William Pitt, and a majority of 326 voted in favour of a monument to Lord Beacons field. "The few detractors," comments Lord Macaulay, in passing judgment upon the employment of somewhat similar tactics on the occasion of the erection of a national memorial to the great Earl of Chatham, " who ventured to murmur, were silenced by the indignant clamours of a nation who remembered only the lofty genius, the unsullied probity, the undis puted services of him avIio Avas no more." Mourned by his friends, regretted by the nation, his memory held in special honour by the legislature, there remained only one tribute to be paid to the teaching and career of the departed statesman, and it was gracefully rendered by Her who, in this countiy, is the fountain of all distinc tion. Between the crown and its late adviser-in-chief, relations existed, Avhich it has seldom been the good fortune of any minister to inspire. On the side of the sovereign there was the fullest confidence in the control and discretion exercised by Lord Beaconsfield; whilst on the side of * Chatham, AVilliam Titt, Canning, Peel, and Palmerston. 588 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD the statesman zeal for the Avelfare of his countiy was so inseparably connected Avith a rigid maintenance of the prerogative, that it seemed to him impossible for the one to exist Avithout the other. To Lord Beacons field the power of England, the purity of religion, the dispensation of justice, the security of commerce, and the preserva tion of the lower classes from the counsels of the agitator, were all dependent upon a jealous upholding of the rights of the croAvn, and were instantly put in jeopardy if the lawful authority Avielded by the sovereign was once lessened. Under his administration Lord Beaconsfield Avas therefore ever the advocate of the pre rogative as against undue encroachments of the House of Commons, and the influ ence formerly exercised by an interested oligarchy. He did not re-create or extend the power of the prerogative, he but main tained it ; and the sovereign was grateful to her loyal and exacting servant. In his life-time the Earl of Beaconsfield had been honoured by attentions and marks of ap proval seldom conferred by the throne upon advisers however active and devoted. Nor were his services to be forgotten, now that he had passed out from the intrigues of courts and the strifes of cabinets. Against the walls of Hughenden Church, immediately above the seat habitually oc cupied by the late Tory chief, there stands a monument, especially ordered by her Majesty to be erected for the perpetuation of the memory of her trusted chancellor. Beneath the profile portrait of Lord Beaconsfield, which occupies the centre of the memorial, is a tablet bearing the following dedication, penned by the Queen herself : — • TO THE DEAR AND HONOURED MEMORY OF BENJAMIN, EARL OF BEACONSFIELD, THIS MEMORIAL IS PLACED BY HIS GRATEFUL AND AFFECTIONATE SOVEREIGN AND FRIEND, VICTORIA, R.T. " Kings love him that speaketh right." — Proverbs, xvi. 13. February 27, 1882. Never has history had occasion to preserve a more touching record of that friendship Avhich can so rarely exist between sove reign and subject. The counsels and actions of Lord Beacons field stand too close to contemporary history to be regarded in their true light, but posterity Avill at least endorse this verdict, that they were never proffered and per formed except that good might ensue to the country. The sole object whicli Lord Beaconsfield set before him throughout his long pohtical career, was that what he adAused and carried out should be instru mental in promoting the welfare of Eng land. No minister was ever more single- minded in the pursuit of this aim. If Lord Beaconsfield deemed a measure adverse to English interests he strenuously opposed it; but if the voice of the country Avas in its favour, though he did not withdraAv the opinions he entertained upon the subject, he never entered into factious opposition to thwart the measure, but, on the contrary, often exercised the authority he possessed to facilitate its progress through parlia ment. He was eminently — and the fact was frankly admitted by his enemies — a fair opponent. An opposition Avhich could never be effectual he did not sanction ; when he saw he could only hamper, but not defeat a measure, he unselfishly aban doned the contest. He struck the key-note of his opposition policy in his remarks upon the Burials Bill. " I support the bill," he said, "Avith great regret, and only because, from Avhat I have observed in this House, I am convinced that opposition would be fruitless, and fruitless opposition is a kind of opposition which I never care much to en courage." When men come to reflect upon the career of Lord Beaconsfield, and study the speeches and analyse the motives of the great Tory statesman, they avUI find that he owed the authority he exercised as much to his magnanimity when in Oppo sition as to his tact and prescience when in power. It has been said that Lord Beaconsfield AND HIS TIMES. 581) Avas an adventurer. Political history has brought before us men who, from humble surroundings, have attained to posts of dazzling splendour, who have pillaged freely for themselves from the possessions of the state, avIio have burdened the countiy with pensions for their relatives, who have grasped every honour and distinction Avithin their reach, who have looked upon patriot ism and self-advancement as synonymous terms, and avIio have retired after their period of service to enjoy all the luxury and magnificence Avhich their ill-gotten Avealth could offer. Yet not to this class did Lord Beaconsfield belong. If he was an adventurer, considering the length of his career and the opportunities he enjoyed, he was a singularly unfortunate one. He had been created a peer, and on his breast glittered the star of the proudest order in Europe ; but the adventurer is seldom con tent with honours, however distinguished their character, unless they assume a solid and more practical form. Beyond his official pay when in power — the pay of a partner in a second-rate commercial firm — Lord Beaconsfield drew no substantial ad vantages from his connection with the state. Unlike Walpole, the Hughenden he retired to was no palatial Houghton, furnished and embellished out of the guineas of the Treasury ; nor, as in the case of the second Pitt, was an admiring nation called upon to pay his debts. Lord Beaconsfield lived and died a comparatively poor man: Avhat Avealth he possessed he owed to private sources, and not to the public purse. A statesman who, after nearly half a century of active political life, was the leader of a great and united party, who ruled cabinets, Avho Avas the favoured adviser of his sovereign, yet Avho, on the day when he resigned the seals, went into retirement no richer than when he acceded to poAver, may perhaps be a noble and disinterested min ister, but he is certainly no adventurer. It was power for its own sake, and not for any meretricious advantages which might be derived from power, that Lord Beacons- Let us give heed to the field loved to wield. To be the head and responsible chief of an administration; to devote the activity and resources of his genius to the sacred cause of a pure and sensitive patriotism; to advise, since he was sure of his competence to advise, his countiy upon the course Avhich it was best for her interests to follow; to act, in all that he counselled and achieved, so as to merit the approval of his sovereign and the confi dence of parliament; to hold in supreme contempt the baser motives which so often influence an interested ambition; and to be, if not blameless, at least spotless — such Avas the authority Lord Beaconsfield Avished to SAvay, such Avas the aim he set before him to attain, such Avas the one reAvard he cared to receive. graceful words of a generous rival " It may be said that Lord Beaconsfield is ambitious," said Lord Harrington, Avhen speaking to his constituents at the time of the last general election. '' I should like to knoAV what man who has attained the posi tion which he has attained in the political life of his country is not actuated by feel ings of ambition. No one certainly can attribute any mean or unworthy feelings to Lord Beaconsfield. We disagree Avith his politics, but Ave must admire the genius and talent which the man has shown under the disadvantages he has had to contend with. I firmly believe that Lord Beaconsfield has had in view Avhat he believes to be the greatness of his country and the poAver of the sovereign whom he serves." Of the public work whicli Lord Beacons field performed, and of the reasons whicli led him to oppose or uphold the measures brought under his notice, we need here say nothing more. It has been the object of this work to trace the public life of Lord Beaconsfield from its very beginning to its final close; to comment upon the motives by which he was influenced in all that he undertook; to record the numerous speeches by which he maintained the arguments he advanced and the position he occupied. The man and his labours, it is hoped, stand 590 THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD AND HIS TIMES. revealed ; and it is for the reader to decide how far the man Avas deserving of the ap plause he evoked, and how far his labours have ministered to the good of the nation. Nor have we any fear as to the result of that decision. The closer the character of Lord Beaconsfield is investigated, the deeper his speeches are studied, the more will political history reverence his name and admire his achievements, as one of the few great statesmen who have been called upon to control the destinies of a people, and to create a policy which it should be for the future to preserve and develop. END OF VOL. II. TCINTED EY WILLIAM MACKENZIE. 43 4 45 HOWAED STKEET GLASGOW INDEX. Vol. Abercorn, Duke of, Lord-Lioutenant of Ireland, Vol. ii. 277 Aberdeen, The Ministry of Lord, 1853, . . Vol. i. 248 Abolition of Purchase in the Army, . . Vol. ii. 170 Abolition of Purchase Bill passed by the Commons, " 194 rejected by the Lords, " 195 " " results of, . . " 197 Abraham Lincoln, Vol. i. 465 Abyssinia, Military Expedition to, . . . Vol. ii. 71 Abyssinian War, ......" 120 Act of Settlement, ... . Vol. i. 91 Act of Union, Vol. ii. Ill Act of Union and the Irish Church, . . " 145 Adderley, Sir C, President of Board of Trade, Afghan War, Debate on the, . Afghanistan and the Liberal Policy, Massacre of the British Mission, , " AVar with, .... Agricultural Depression, .... " Distress, ..... Grievances, Mr. Disraeli on, " Holdings Act, .... Labourer, Improved condition of the, Alabama Claims. Alabama Award, ...... Alice, Affecting incident in the illness of Princess. Alice, Death of the Princess, .... Alma, Battle of, ..... Ameer of Afghanistan the British watch-dog, . America and the Gold Standard, . American Civil War, " Competition, Lord Beaconsfield on, . Andrassy Note, The, Anti-Corn Law League, .... Arctic Expedition of 1875, .... Argyle, Duke of, and the Treaty of Berlin, Arms Bill for Ireland, ..... Army in the East, Vote of thanks to, Articles of Union, Ashantee Expedition, Vote of thanks to, . " War Expenditure, .... Austria, Insurrection in, ... . " and Italy, Austrian Proposition as to terms of peace, Baines', Mr., Bill to extend the Franchise, Baker, Rev. Mr., and the Ritualists, Ballot Bill, " opposed by Mr. Disraeli, " rejected by the House of Lords, Ballot, Vote by, Mr. Hume's motion on, 1852, " unfavourable to Liberals in 1874, Bank Charter Act, Baring, Sir Francis, ..... Bass, Mr., on the Malt Tax, .... "Bath Letter," The, Beaconsfield, Lord, view of the Eastern Question, " speech at Aylesbury on Eastern Affairs, . . '' 381 •' at the Guildhall Banquet, 1876, " 384 « " " 1877, " 401 » " " 1878, " 451 " " " 1880, " 514 2S8 5134575G3523 455474 i. 173 " 109 Vol. ii. 495 292214240 464464 Vol. i. 297 Vol. ii. 457 " 276 Vol. i. 477 Vol. ii. 492 "343,508 Vol. i. 139 Vol. ii. 339 " 503570303 94 " 289 " 288 Vol. i. 101 " 364 " 340 " 584 Vol. ii. 109 " 170 ' 203 " 207 Vol. i. 143 Vol. ii. 288 Vol. i. 399 " 327 " 232267 376 Vol. i. Vol. ii. Vol. ii, PAGE Beaconsfield, Lord, Maiden Speech to the Lords, Vol. ii. 390 " on Ottoman Territorial In tegrity and Independence, " 391 " on the Appointment to the Stationery Office, . . " 396 " speech on the charge of Government Vacillation and Indecision, . . " 405 " Statement on the Resig nation of Lord Derby, . " 410 on the Berlin Congress, . " 412 on the San Stefano Treaty, " 415 " on calling out the Reserves, '' 418 " interest in, at Berlin, . . " 419 " invested with the Garter, . " 423 " on the Treaty of Berlin, . " 423 " at the zenith of his power, . " 436 u Banquet on Return from Berlin, . . . " 437 " London Corporation Banquet, " 444 " receives the Freedom of London, " 444 " on Earl Grey's Amendment concerning Afghan War, " 456 " on the Afghan War, , . " 458 " Address of Condolence on the death of Princess Alice, '' 464 " on South African Affairs, . " 469 " on Agricultural Depression, " 474 " against Reciprocity, . . " 481 " at Bucks, on Agricultural Depression, ..." 489 " on Peasant Proprietorship, . " 491 " on American Competition, " 492 * on the Proposal to open Museums on Sunday, . " 497 " on Afghan Policy of the Government, ..." 504 '• vindication of the Policy of the Government, " on the Government Policy in the Russo-Turkish War, ' " on the Foreign Policy of the Government in 1880, . ' " letter to the Duke of Marlborough, . . . ' " on the Duke of Rutland's Motion on Free Trade, . ' " criticism on the Speech from the Throne in 1880, ' '• against the Burials Bill, . ' '* on the Compensation for Disturbance Bill, . . ' " on the Liberal Policy in Ireland, " " on the state of Ireland, . ' " last speech to the Lords, . ( ' death, . " monument in AVestminster Abbey " " burial at Hughenden Church, " Belgians, The King of the, ....'' " Death of the King of the, . . ' Belgium and Luxembourg, " Bentinck, Lord G., leader of Protectionists, . Vol. "505,545 507 528531537544 550 554 566 5G7580581 587588233 2 172 89 592 INDEX. Vol. i, Vol. ii. Vol. i. Arol. ii. Vol. Bentinck, Lord George, Death of, . . . Vol. i Beresford Hope's Batavian Grace, Mr. . . Vol. ii Berlin, Revolution in, . . . . . Vol. i, " Memorandum, The, . . Vol. ii " Treaty of, ... . . " Berlin Plenipotentiaries, Conservative banquet to, " " " Freedom of London presented to, " Bill of Rights, Vol. ii. Birmingham, Great Radical meeting at, . . Vol. i Bismarck, Prince, and Mr. Disraeli, . . Vol. ii " " and Lord Beaconsfield, . " Black Sea, English fleet in the, Boers' Revolt, ..... Bolingbroke, Mr. Disraeli's culogium on Lord Bomarsund, Capture of, by the British, . Bosporus, English fleet anchored outside the, Bourke, Mr., and the Irish University Bill, Boycotting in Ireland, .... Bribery at Elections, Mr. Disraeli's measure. Bright, Mr., on the Franchise, " on the death of Mr. Cobden, . " " attack on Mr. Disraeli, . . *' " and the " Reformers" at Hyde Park, Vol. ii. " on the Irish Land question in 1870, " Bovvring, Sir J., British Plenipotentiary at Hong Kong, Vol. i. Buckingham, Duke of, Vice-president of Council, Vol. ii. Buckinghamshire, Mr. Disraeli's speech in, . " Budget of Sir Charles Wood in 1851, . Vol. i. " Mr. Disraeli's, 1852 " ' Mr. Disraeli's, under Lord Derby's second Administration, ..." " Mr. Gladstone in 1864, ..." Burials Bill, Vol. ii. 261, Cabul, Rejection of British Mission to, . . " " Russian Mission at, . . . " " General Roberts' formal entry into, " '• Murder of Sir Louis Cavagnari at, " Cairns, Sir Hugh, Vol. i. Cairns, Lord, Lord Chancellor, . . . Vol. ii. " intrusted with the Great Seal, . " Canada, Colonel Jervois' Report on the Defences of, Vol. i. Candahar, Retention of, by England, . . Vol. ii. Canning's Advice to a Young Politician, . . " Canton, Affair of the lorcha Arrow, . . Vol. i. Cai'dwell's, Mr., Scheme for Abolishing Pur chase in the Army, ..... Vol. ii. Carnarvon, Earl of, Colonial Secretary in 1866, " " '' Reasons for Secession from Lord Derby's Administration, " " " Colonial Secretary in 1874, '' 1 South African Policy of, ' Resigns Office in 1878, . " Catholic Emancipation Act, .... Vol. i. Cattle Plague of 1865, .... 1866, Vol. " Caucus" System and the Liberals, " Cave of Adullam " Coalition, Cavagnari, Sir Louis, Murder of, and his Associates, ' Cawuporc, Outbreak of Mutiny at, . . . Vol. i. Cecil, Lord Robert, on the Mutilation of the Reports of Her Majesty's Inspectors of Schools, " Cetchwayo, the Zulu King, . . . Vol. ii. Chmdos Clause of the Reform Bill of 1832, . Vol. i. Chartism, The Origin of, " Chelmsford, Lord, Lord Chancellor in 1866, . Arol. ii. China, Our Relations with, .... Vol. i. " Mr. Disraeli supports Mr. Cobden's Motion, " " Convention at Pekin, " " Conclusion of the war with, . . " Christian Subjects of the Porte, '• " Resti-ictions in Turkey agreed to, . " Church and State, Mr. Disraeli's Speech on, ' Church of England, Mr. Disraeli on the, . '• PAGE 96 59 101 377423437 444 9459 314 422 266 563 39 297268245 5G4 73 130 382591 26 156 376 2121 123 216 416550549448448 513513 437 78 28S576572233375 190 2137 288339407 115 594 2 541 21 513 385 548467 430 59 21 373 377466 469 283 361 460 478 Church- rate Bill, Sir John Trelawney's, PAGE Vol. ii. 121 Vol. i. 463 Church-rates, Mr. Disraeli on the Abolition of, " Cobden, Mr., on the Repeal of the Malt Tax, . " " on our Commercial Relations with China, " " his Commercial Treaty with France, " ' last Speech at Rochdale, . . . ' " his Death, ....." Cockburn, Sir Alexander, on Election Petitions, Vol. Vol. 461 235 376 452 517 580 ii. 73248669 551 251 71 " 370 Vol. ii. 218 Vol. i. 422 Vol. ii. Vol. Coercion Act, Renewal proposed by Earl Grey, Coercion Bill, Irish, of 1846, .... Commons, Mr. Disraeli's Last Speech in the, . Compensation for Disturbance Bill, Concurrent Endowment, " Coningsby " on Young England, . Conservatism v. Liberalism, Sir. Disraeli on, Conservative Reaction at Manchester, " Reform Bill, " Measures Enrolled in the Statute- Book, ..... Constantinople, British fleet anchoring off, Constitution of the United States, . " of the House of Lords, Corn Importation Bill, ..... Corn-Law League, The, ... Corn Laws, Debate on the, .... Corncvvall Lewis, Death of Sir George, Corry, Mr., First Lord of the Admiralty, County Franchise, The, .... " Mr. Locke-King's Motion Bill of 1874, Cowper-Temple's, Mr., Motion against Religious Teaching in the Educational Act, Cranbourne, Lord, Resigns office, . " on the Reform Bill of 1867, " and Mr. Disraeli, " Indian Secretary in 1866, . Cranbrook, Lord, on Afghan War Expenses, . Mr. Fawcett's Accusation, " and the Burials Bill, . Crimea, Cholera in the, .... " Inquiry into the State of the Army, . " Debate on Mismanagement in the, Crimean War, Courage of the British Soldiers, 1 • Mismanagement of the English Army tL Mr. Disraeli on, Mr. Gladstone's Proposal to issue £2,000,000 Exchequer Bonds, Cross, Mr., Home Secretary, .... Vol. ii. 288 " Defeats Mr. Gladstone in South- AVest Lancashire, his Measure for the Improvement of Artizans' Dwellings, Cumulative Voting, ..... Cyprus, Acquisition of, . . . Czar Nicholas, Sudden Death of, . Czar's Manifesto against the Sulta.i, Dano-German Question, The, ..." Conference in London on, " Mr. Disraeli on the Conduct of the Government, " Danube, Navigation of the, thrown open, Delhi, Seizure of, . Denison, Mr. Evelyn, appointed Speaker, . Derby Administration, Defeat of the Second, . Derby, Lord (Late), Cabinet of 1852, " Last Speech in the House of Lords, ' " and the Lord Mayor's Banquet in 1862, " British Authorities in China, . " Second Administration, . . ' ' on the Foreign Policy of the Government in 1863, . . ' " Administration of 1866, . . Vol. " and the Reform Bill of 1867, . " Vol. ii. 517 " 409 " 221 " 222 Vol. i. 67 " 78 " 82 " 516 Vol. ii. 78 Vol. i. 120 " 469 Vol. ii. 295 '' 169 36 61 95 11 21 •' 456 " 542 " 549 ¦' 297 317 308 298300302288 Vol. Vol. Vol. i. Vol. ii. Vol. Vol. 127 325 52 421322261 540 554559 354 385 1 i. 449 i. 135151 157 370 408 541 i. 2137 INDEX. 593 Derby, Lord (Late), Retires from Premiership, Vol. i " his death, " Statue to, in Parliament Square, . " Derby Lord, Speech on the Disestablishment of the Irish Church, ..." " Supports Abolition of Purchase Bill, Condemns the Conduct of the Foreign Secretary, . . . " " on the Crimean War, ..." '' Opposes sendingFleettoConstantinople, '' Resignation of, . . . . " " on the Burials Bill, . " Devon Commission, ..... l Devon Commissioners, the Report for Ireland, ' Disfranchisement by the Reform Bill of 1866, " Disraeli, Benjamin, Register of Birth, . . A'ol. ¦' baptism at St. Andrew's Church, " death of his father, early years, " entry into public life, . " publication of " Vivian Grey," " a well-known man of letters at twenty-six, " publication of " Revolution ary Epic," " publication of " Voyage of Captain Popanilla," " publication of " Contarini Fleming," " publication of " The Young Duke," .... " Publication of " Alroy," " first attempt to enter Parliament, . " speech on Mr. Hume's motion on the National Representation, 1848, to the electors of Wycombe and Chipping, " third attempt to enter Parliament, . " contests Wycombe as a Radical, ' " Taunton, '' " Maidstone, . " third Defeat at AVycombe, . " on the Condition of Ireland, " the O'ConneU Episode, •' defeated at Taunton, . " publication of " Vindication of the English Constitution," •' publication of "Henrietta Temple," " publication of " Venetia," . •' is returned for Maidstone, . " first appearance in the House of Commons, " maiden speech, . " on the Education Question, . " on the Working Classes, on Chartist Petition of 1839, " on the Melbourne Ministry, . " marriage with Lady Lewis, . ' contest at Shrewsbury, on Lord Palmerston, . speech in 1844 on the Condition of Ireland, . lecture at Manchester Athenaeum, attitude toward Sir R. Peel, " on Sir Robert Peel's Free- Trade Policy, _ . " on the Corn Laws in 1846, " on Sir Robert Peel, . VOL. II. i. 78 Disraeli, Benjamin, election for Buckinghamshire 151 in 1847, . . . Vol. i. 89 310 " on the admission of Jews into Parliament, . . " 93 151 '• onParliamentaryRcform(1849_) " u on Lord Palmerston's Foreign 18,129 195 Policy, . . . . " 101 " on the Budget of 1848, 106 288 " to the Agricultural Association 301 of Buckinghamshire, . " 108 ' 407 " motion on relief of agri 410 culturists, ..." 120 550 " on Lord Palmerston as 554 Foreign Secretary, . u 126 160 appeal to the country in 1868, " 128 53 appointed Chancellor of the i. 3 Exchequer in 1852, . " first speech as Chancellor 135 7 of the Exchequer, . 140 7 " on Reform Agitation in 1852, 142 11 •' first budget, 151 12 motion on the disfran 13 chisement of St. Alban's and Sudbury, ..." 158 14 speech at Newport-Pagnell in 1852, . . . ' 172 14 " on the Death of AVellington, " " on Mr. Villiers' Motion on 180 14 Free Trade, . . . •' 187 " budget of 1852, 216 14 " speech in defence of his budget, . . . " 238 14 " on our Relations with France, " 250 14 '• on Mr. Gladstone's Budget, 1853, " " on the Foreign Policy of the 257 17 Government, . . " '¦ on the position of England 263 with Russia, ..." 206 18 " on Lord John Russell's Re form Bill of 1854, . 270 20 " on the Queen's Message to Parliament regarding the 24 Rupture with Russia, . •' 281 27 •' on University Reform, . " 286 31 ' againstthe issue of £2,000,000 44 exchequer bonds, . . " 288 28 ' on the Parliamentary Oaths Bill, " 289 32 " vindication of the Jews, . " 290 33 " on the " Coalition Cabinet," " 295 37 " on the Crimean War, . . " " on the Vote of Thanks to the 302 38 Forces in the East, . " 303 '• on the Crimean War, . . " 309 43 on the appointment of Lord 44 Palmerston as Prime Minister, " 315 45 '¦ on Peace or War, . . ' ' on Lord John Russell's Foreign 323 47 Policy, " 341 48 ' on the Vienna Congress, . " 342 54 on the Congress at Paris, " 355 56 " on Lord Stafford's Ambassa 60 dorship at Constantinople, " 358 62 " on the Crimean Army, . " 362 63 '• on the Sardinian Loan, . ' 364 64 " speech on Italy, ..." 365 68 " on Secret Societies, . . " 366 " review of the session of 1856, " 367 69 " remarks on the Conservative 72 and Liberal policy, . . " 369 76 " reviews the Foreign Policy of the Session of 1866, . '' 371 76 " remarks on the "Little 82 Difficulties" of the hour, " 373 84 " on Palmerston's Foreign Policy, " 75 373 594 INDEX. Disraeli, Benjamin, motion on the Income Tax, Vol. " views on Parliamentary Reform, " " views on the Ballot, . . '' " speech on the Indian Mutiny, " " on the Royal Speech in 1857, " '• on the suspension of the Bank Act, ... " '' on Inquiry into the Opera tion of the Bank Act of 1844, " " on the Alliance between Eng land and France, . . " " on Lord Palmerston's Con spiracy Bill, ..." " Chancellor of the Exchequer in second Derby Cabinet, . " " introduces the India Bill, No. 2, " " on the Lords' Amendment to the India Bill, . . " " address to Electors of Slough, " '¦ budget under Lord Derby's second Administration, . " " reply to Lord Palmerston's attack on his speech at Slough, . . . " •' defence of the Conservative Reform Bill, ..." reply to the motion of want of confidence in the Derby Administration, " views on the War with France and Austria, . " " review of the position of affairs in 1860, . . " ' on Mr. Gladstone's budget, " criticises Mr. Cobden's Com mercial Treaty, " in opposition to Lord John Russell's Reform Bill, " on Church and State, . " on Mr. Locke-King's Motion on County Franchise, " speech at Aylesbury on the Church of England., " opinion on church rates, funeral oration on the death of Prince Consort, . on the financial policy of Mr. Gladstone, " speech in aid of the Ox ford Diocesan Society, on the policy of the Government in 1863, " remarks on the cotton famine in Lancashire, '' on Russian Outrage in Poland, " on the proposed Memorial to the Prince Consort, " on Mr. Gladstone's Proposal to Tax Charities, . " on the Prison Chaplain's Bill, " on Mr. Trelawney's Church- rates Bill in 1863, " speech on the Past and Future of the Conservative Party, " on Schleswig-Holstein Dispute, " discovers an Irregularity in the Distribution of Offices in both Houses, " motion on the Dano-German Question, " on the London Conference on the Dano-German War, . " moves a Vote of Censure on the Government in 1864, PAGE . 374381 382387 401 402 405 405 408410 411415 416 419 437 446 446 PAGE i. 573 576 581 583 586 586 " 452 456,486 " 453 " 458 " 460 " 469 " 478 " 481 " 483 " 492 496,567 505 506513517521524 527 532 543 551 554 558 559 Disraeli, Benjamin, on the theory of evolution, . Vol. " on the Defences of Canada, ' " pays a high Tribute to Mr. Cobden, ..." ' on the Assassination of Pre sident Lincoln, . . " on the Condition of India, . " " on Mr. Baines' Franchise Bill, " " on the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, 1866, Vol. ii. 4 " on the Parliamentary Oaths Bill of 1866, ..." 5 " on the Reform Bill of 1866, " 8 " criticism of Mr. Bright's letter on the Reform Bill of 1866, ..." 12 on Redistribution of Seats, . " 15 " Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1866, ..." 21 " on the closing of Hyde Park to the "Reformers," . " 26 " resolutions on the Extension of the Franchise, . . " 23 " introduces Reform Bill of 1867, "31-34 " on the Extension of the Franchise, " 32 " difference between, and Lord Cranbourne, . . . " 35 " speech on Bill for Extending Franchise, ..." 33 " speech on the Refonn Bill of 1867, ..." 55 " speech at the banquet in Edinburgh, . 68 " on the Abyssinian Expedition, " 71 introduces a Bill on Bribery, '¦ 74 '' Prime Minister in 1868, . ' 78 speech on being appointed Prime Minister, " 79 speech in the Debate on the Irish Grievances, . " 83 " speech in defence of the Irish Church, . . " 91 " his letter to Lord Dartmouth, " 107 " Government defeated on the Irish Church Question, . " 111 " on the Irish Church Suspen sory Bill, ..." 117 proposes a Vote of Thanks to the Forces engaged in the Abyssinian War, . " 120 " speech at the Mansion House in 1868, ..." 123 " resigns Premiership in 1868, " 128 " reply to Mr. Gladstone on the Irish Church, . . '• 134 speech on Irish Church Disestablishment, . . '• 145 " administers a sharp rebuke to Mr. Lowe, ..." 153 '• criticises the Policy of the Government in 1870, . " 153 " on the state of Ireland in 1870, . ..." 154 on the Irish Land Bill of 1870, " 160 '• on Ulster Tenant-right, . " 162 motion on the Compensation Clause in the Irish Land Bill, . ..." 165 on Religious Teaching and the Education Act,. . " leg " supports the Abolition of Purchase Bill, . . » 192 " on Government and Aboli tion of Purchase Bill, . » 193 INDEX. 595 PAGE Disraeli, Benjamin, on tho Government proposal for a Select Committee for Ireland, . . . Vol. ii. 197 " on Monarehism and Repub licanism, ..." 200 " on the Marriage Settlement of the Princess Louise, . '¦ 200 " speech on the Annuity to Prince Arthur " 201 " on the Ballot Bill, . . "203 " speech at the Hughenden Horticultural Society, . " 208 " review of the political situa tion in 1872, ..." 214 " speech on Conservatism at Manchester, . . . "218 " as an after-dinner speaker, . " 232 " speech at the Literary Fund Dinner, . . . " 233 " speech on the Irish Univer sity Bill, ..." 245 " reasons for declining office, . " 255 " on the Burials Bill, . . " 261 " speech on the Surplus pro posals, . . . " 263 " Bath letter," ..." 267 " address as lord rector of Glasgow University, . " 268 " public reception at Glasgow, " 268 " speech at the Glasgow Ban quet, . . . " 274 " Conservative Leader for a quarter- century, ..." 275 " receives the Freedom of the city of Glasgow, . . " 277 " speech to the Glasgow Con servative Association, . " 279 " speech against the County Franchise Bill, . . " 281 " return to power at general election of 1874, . . " 288 " compared with Mr. Gladstone in Opposition, . . " 296 " on Church of Scotland Patron age Abolition Bill, . . " 299 " on the Ritualists, . . " 303 " speech on the Public Worship Regulation Act, . . " 304 '¦ his counsel on the Lords' re jection of tho Commons' amendment, ..." 308 " reply to the Marquis of Salisbury's strictures, . " 309 " on Unveiling Statue of Lord Derby in Parliament Sq., " 310 « at the Guildhall Banquet, 1874, " 312 « « " 1875, " 334 " speech in the Debate on the Address, 1875, . . " 317 " speech in the Debate on the Tichborne Case, . . " 321 " on the Irish Peace Preserva tion Bill, 1875, . . " 326 " on Agricultural Holdings Bill, " 332 '• reply to Lord Hartington's criticism of the Guildhall speech, " 337 " on the Purchase of the Suez Canal Shares, . . " 344 " on the Royal Titles Bill, . " 348 " repels Mr. Lowe's objections to Royal Titles Bill, . " 350 '• refutes Mr. Lowe's assertions at Retford, ..." 361 Vol. i ii 369 375 I 375 54 Vol. ¦ i 118 260262203 Vol. ii 376 A'ol. i 411 119 Vol. ii 167 Vol. i 54 Vol. ii 77 167 Vol. i 413 Vol. ii 157561 Vol. i 305 ( 695 Vol. ii 24 V.J. i. 574 Vol. ii 229 Vol. i. 594 Disraeli, Benjamin, last speech in the House of Commons, . " created Earl of Beaconsfield, " parting address to his con stituents, Dual Voting, Durham Letter, Lord John Russell's, Eastern Question, tho, ..... " Excitement in England, " Lord Beaeonsfield's views. East India Company Dissolved, Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, .... Education Act of 1870, .... " Question, Election Petition Act, ..... Elementary Educational Act, .... Ellenborough 's, Lord, Despatch to the Governor- General of India on the Oude Proclamation, Encumbered Estates Act, The, " Endymion," . . ... Enlistment of Foreigners Bill, Eyre, Governor, of Jamaica, . " and the Jamaica Question, Federal Union of British North American Pro vinces, ....... Fenian Conspiracy, ..... " Disaffection in 18G6, . Fenianism in 1865, " inIrelandandtheUnitedStatesinl868, Vol. ii. 80 Foreign Policy of the Conservative Party, . " 503 Forster, Mr., introduces the Ballot Bill, . . Vol. ii. 203 " " the Elementary Education Act, " 167 France and Austria at War, .... Vol. i. 445 " and the Gold Standard, . . . Vol. ii. 276 " Commercial Treaty with, . . . Arol. i. 452 " Mr. Disraeli's speech on our commercial relations with, .... Franchise extension, .... " for Boroughs, " for Counties, .... " Lord John Russell's motion on, " Mr. Gladstone on, . Franco-English Alliance, Franco-Prussian War, Origin of the, French Invasion of England, Panic on the, Free Trade Agitation, .... " Mr. Villier's motion on, " Duke of Rutland on, Free Traders and Protectionists, Frere, Sir Bartle, and the Boer-Zulu Quarrels,. Vol. ii. 468 Garibaldi's Proclamations, .... Vol. i. 503 Germany United, Vol. ii. 24 Gladstone, Mr., on Mr. Disraeli's Budget of 1852, Vol. : " Chancellor cf Exchequer, 1853, ' proposal to tax Charities, •' Reform Bill of 1866, . " on the Redistribution of Seats, " Irish Church policy, elected Prime Minister in 1868, ' moves the Irish Land Bill in 1870, . " as Leader of the Opposition, . ' opposes Scotch Church Patronage Abolition Bill, .... " opposes the Public A\rorship Regula tion Act, " and the Austrian Ambassador, " Midlothian Campaign, . " on the death of Lord Beaconsfield, . Glasgow University, Mr. Disraeli's inaugural Address as Lord Rector of, . Gortschakoff, Prince, on Eastern Affairs, Graham, Sir James, on Mr. Disraeli's Budget of 1852, u 250 Vol.ii.28 ,293 u 47 " 50 . Arol. i 129 u 549 " 202 . Vol. ii 171 . Vol. i 144 " 75 " 185 . A'ol. ii 536 . Vol. i 111 227 u 256 H 519 Arol. ii. 7 U 15 U 81,86 u 129 11 158 *" 295 ' 298 u 303 u 543 u 543 u 584 « 2C8 " 399 Vol. i. 233 596 INDEX. Arol. Vol. Vol. Vol. Granville, Lord, moves the erection of a Monu ment to Lord Beaconsfield in Westminster, Greenwich, Mr. Gladstone's address at, . Grenville Act, ...... Grey Cabinet, The, .... Grey de Wilton, Lord, and the Bath Letter, Grey's, Sir George, Bill for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, 1866, . " Bill on the Cattle Disease, Prison Ministers Bill, Habeas Corpus Act suspended in Ireland, Hamilton, Lord George, on Mr. Lowe, . . " Hardy, Mr. Gathorne, created Viscount Cranbrook, " " on the Irish Land Bill of 1870, " " on the transfer of Irish Church property to the Commissioners, " and Dublin University, . " " defends the maintenance of the Irish Church, . " " in Lord Derby's Cabinet of 1856. " War Secretary, . . " Hartington, Lord, defeated in North Lancashire in 1868, . . . ' " elected Leader of the Liberal Party, " " on the death of Lord Beacons field Hayter, Captain, on the Reform Bill of 1866, " Henley, Mr., on the Irish Land Bill of 1870, . " " President of the Board of Trade, Vol. " in LordDerby'ssecondAdministration, " Hennessey, Mr. Pope, on outrages in Poland, . " Hicks-Beach, Sir M., Colonial Secretary, . . Arol " " Chief Secretary for Ireland, " " " introduces the Irish Peace Preservation Bill, 1875, " High Wycombe, Mr. Disraeli canvasses, . . Vol. " " speech at, . . " Home Rulers, ..... " and the Liberal Party, House of Lords, The Constitution of the, Hume's motion on Parliamentary Reform, " on Parliamentary Representation, Hunt, Mr. Ward, Chancellor of tlie Exchequer in Mr. Disraeli's Cabinet, First Lord of the Admiralty, . Hyde Park and the " Reformers," . " Imperialism " of Lord Beaconsfield, Income Tax, Mr. Disraeli's motion on the, " Proposal to increase, in 1848, Indian Army Commissions thrown open to competition, ...... Indian Mutiny, Mr. Disraeli's speech on the. . Indian Troops despatched to Malta, Ionian Islands, Cession to Greece of the, . Ireland, Agitation and Conspiracy in, in 1871, " Alarming condition of, in 1844, " and the Land League, " Disturbed state of, . " Select Committee on the state of, . " State of, in 1868 " Irish Church and the Disendowing Clause, . ¦' " Excitement in the country on, . " Mr. Gladstone's Bill, ..." " Disestablishment agitation, . " Disestablishment debate, . . " " Meeting in St. James' Hall, . " " Mr. Disraeli on the state of the, . " " Mr. Gladestone's resolutions upon, " " Suspensory Bill, ..." " Conservative views of Disestablishing, " Irish Land Act, " Irish Land Bill of 1870 becomes law, . . " Irish Municipal Corporations Bill, . . . Vol. Vol. ii. 581 " 284 74 24 267 Vol. Vol. 42 .523. 80 264411 159 146244 9121 288 128 315589 19 159 . 135 409 513 . 407 289325 17 496 530540222 . 98 142 ATol. ii. 78 " 288 26 " 502 .374 97 Vol. Vol. ii Vol. i. Vol. ii. Vol i. Vol. ii. 411 387 420 .510. 197 . 69 553 563 197 80 145124131 87 111 110 84 114 116 88 553 157 . 53 PAGE Vol. ii .242 A'ol. i . 5 " 5 " 5 ith, " 6 Vol ii 24 Vol. i 594 U 289 U 92 U 293 Vol. ii 266 Vol. i. 127 Vol. ii 543 li 78 Vol. i. 354 Vol. ii. 319 " 19 Irish University Bill, .... Isaac Disraeli, ..... " his marriage, . " date of birth of his children, " his abandonment of the Jewish faith, " Jamaica Insurrection and Governor Eyre, " Insurrection of Negroes in, Jewish Disabilities, .... Bill, Jews, Emancipation of the, . Judicature Bill, ..... Kaffir War, Karolyi-Gladstone episode, Karslake, Sir John, Attorney-General, . Kars, Surrender of, ... . Kenealy, Dr., and Stoke-upon-Trent, Knightley's, Sir Rainald, motion on Bribery. Labouchere, Mr., defeats Mr. Disraeli at Taunton, Vol. i. 37 Lancashire Cotton Famine, " 485 Land Leaguers and the state of Ireland, . Vol. ii. 553 Layard, Mr., on England and Russia, . . Vol. i. 266 "League" Meeting in 1866, .... Vol. ii. 27 Lennox, Lord Henry, Chief Commissioner of Works, " 288 Liberalism, Vol. i. 260 Liberation Society and the Burials Bill, . . Vol. ii. 550 Lincoln, Assassination of President, . . Vol. i. 582 L'Isle and Dudley, Lord de, and the Karolyi- Gladstone episode, ..... Vol. Lodger Franchise, The, . . . . ' Lowe, Mr., on Mr. Disraeli's Budget of 1852, . Arol. resigns Vice-Presidentship of the Educational Department, . . ' on the Franchise Bill of Mr. Baines and the Reform Bill of 1866, and Mr. Disraeli, .... Budget proposals of 1871, as " Poor Man's Friend," •' farthing philanthropy," " apology for his speech at Retford, Lucknow, Outbreak of Mutiny at, . Lyndhurst, Lord, Mr. Disraeli's letter to, " on the Melbourne Government, " motion on the Crimean AVar, Lytton, Lord, sends a mission to Afghanistan, . " declares war against Afghanistan, '' Terms of peace with Yakoub Khan, Lytton, Sir Bulwer, on the conduct of Lord John Russell at the Vienna Congress, . Malmesbury, Earl of, Foreign Secretary in Lord Derby's second Administration, , Malmesburv, Lord, holds privy seal, " ' Lord Privy Seal in 1866, . " moves a vote of censure on the Government in 1864, Vol. i. 559 Malmesbury's, Lord, answer to Count Walewski, " 409 Malt Tax, Increase of the, . . . . " 287 " Abolition of the, . . . . " 227 Manchester, Conservative reaction at, . . Vol. ii. 218 Manners, Lord John, First Commissioner of Works in the Derby Ministry, . . . Vol. i. 135 Manners, Lord John, office of Woods and Forests in 1866, . . . Vol. ii. 21 ' Postmaster-General, . " 288 Marlborough, Lord Beaconsfield's letter to the Duke of, . . . . . . " Mason and Slidell, Messrs., and the Trent, . Arol. i. 547 60 i. 252 548 585 8 153 187 263265364385 4143 " 306 \Tol. ii. 449 " 455 '• 465 Vol. i. 343 " 409 Vol. ii. 288 21 A'ol. i Vol. Maynooth Grant and the Regium IJonum, Vol. ii. Mayo, Lord, on the condition of Ireland, . " " appointed Governor-General of India, " Mazzini and the attempted assassination of Napoleon III., Vol. Melbourne Ministry resigns on the Jamaica Question, " Melbourne's Cabinet, Lord, " Merchant Shipping Act, Rapid passing of the, Vol. 531 i. 477 81,142 80 125 545 01 24 323 INDEX. 597 Merchant Tailors' Hall, Mr. Disraeli's speech at the, Vol. ii. 122 Midlothian Campaign of Mr. Gladstone, . . " 543 Militia Bill, Lord John Russell's, . . . Arol. i. 132 " Mr. AValpole's, . ..." 146 Milner-Gibson, Mr., on Palmerston's Conspiracy Bill, " 407 Missouri Compromise, ....." 465 Monarchy and Republicanism comparedfinancially,Vol. ii. 200 Morant Bay, Massacre of the whites at, . . AroI. i. 595 Morgan, Mr. Osborne, and the Burials Bill, . " 552 Mountmorres, Murder of Lord, . . . Vol. ii. 569 Museums on Sunday, Lord Thurlow's motion to open, " 497 Napier, Sir Robert, and the Abyssinian War, . " 121 Napoleon III., Louis Napoleon declared, . . Vol. i. 249 " Greco's attempt to assassinate, . " 545 Nihilism in Russia, ..... Arol. ii. 580 Nonconformists, The, and the Education Act, " 168 Northcote, Sir Stafford, appointed Indian Secretary, " 36 " Chancellor of the Exchequer, " 288 " President of the Board of Trade in 1866, . " 21 at the Guildhall Banquet, " 521 " budget proposals, 1875, " 325 Oath of Supremacy, Mr. Disraeli on the, . Vol. i. 291 Oaths Bill, "420 Oaths, Parliamentary, Bill, .... Vol. ii. 289 O'ConneU's attack on Mr. Disraeli, . . . Arol. i. 33 Odessa, Bombardment of, .... " 297 Orsini's attempt to assassinate French emperor, " 403 Osborne, Mr. Bernal, on the Government policy, " 564 Ottoman Constitution promulgated, . . Vol. ii. 389 Oude, Annexation of, Vol. i. 392 Oxford Diocesan Societies' Annual Meeting, Mr. Disraeli's Speech at the, . . . . "478 Oxford Diocesan Society, Mr. Disraeli's Speech in aid of the, " 496,507 Pakington, Sir J., First Lord of the Admiralty in Lord Derby's Second Administration, . " 409 Pakington, Sir John, First Lord of the Admiralty in 1866, . . . Vol ii. 21 " Secretary for War, " 78 PalmerstonAdininistration,AVantof Policy in the, Ar<>l. i. 450 appeals to the countrv, . . " 379 Cabinet, . . " . . • "314 Conspiracy Bill, . . . . " 404 " " Resignation of, . . "' 316 is brought before a Cabinet Council by order of the Queen, . . "121 " expresses approval of Napoleon's conduct without consulting the Premier, . . . ¦ • "125 " requested to resign office, . . 125 on Mr. Disraeli's address at Slough, " 418 " on Mr. Disraeli, . ..." 67 Government censured for its policy in China, "379 " Amendment on the Militia Bill, . " 132 Foreign Policy, . • " 101, 373 1 Second Administration, . 449 Death of Lord, . . . " 598 " Letters on the Treaty of Paris, . Vol. ii. 185 Papal Aggression, Lord John Russell's Durham Letter, " 116 Papal Bull appointing English Bishops, . 115 " discussion in Parliament, . . " 118 Paper Duty, Repeal of the, . . • " 476 Paris, Congress of, in 1856, .... 354 Parliamentary Oaths Bill in 1866, . 5 « " Lord John Russell's, Vol. i. 289 Parliamentary Reform, " 131 debate of 1866, . . . Vol. ii. 7 in 1852, .... Vol. i. 142 " monster meeting at Hyde Park, Vol. n. 25 " Mr. Disraeli's speech in 1854, . Vol. i. 273 " Mr. Hume's motion, . . " 98 Patronage Abolition Bill (Scotch Church), . Vol. ii. 296 PAGE Peace Preservation Act, in Ireland, . A'ol. ii. 545, 563 Peasant Proprietors, Lord Beaconsfield on, . " 491 Peel, General, War Secretary in 1866, 21 " resigns office in the Derby Administration, ..." 36 " Reasons for secession from Lord Derby's Administration, . . " 38 Peel Ministry defeated on the Coercion Bill, . A'ol. i. 88 Peel, Sir Robert, and Free Trade, ..." 75 appointed Prime Minister, . ' 67 ¦' his qualities as a statesman, . " GG i moves a vote of want of confidence in the Melbourne Ministry, " 62 " Mr. Disraeli's attack on, . " 84 " conversion from Protection to Free Trade, 80 last speech, " 108 death, .... -'108 " Respect paid to his memory, ' 213 " People's Charter," "59 Pitt,Mr.Disraeli'sspeechindefenceof hispoliev, 288 Plimsoll incident, The, . . . . ' . A'ol. ii. 323 " Plundering and blundering " of the Liberals, " 207 Polish Insurrection, Debate in the Commons, . Vol. i. 513 Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, 58 Prince Consort, Death of, .... " 483 " His high character, . . ' 483 " proposed grant for memorial, . ' 517 Prince Gortschakoff s Letter repudiating Black Sea Neutralization Clause of Treaty of Paris, Vol. ii. 177 Prince of AVales, Illness of the, ..." 209 " Marriage of, ... Vol. i. 504 " Tour through India, . . A'ol. ii. 340 Princess Helena's Marriage, . . 2 Princess Louisa, Marriage settlement of. . " 200 Princess Royal's Marriage, .... A'ol. i. 383 Prison Ministers Bill, Sir George Grey's, . " 523 Prisons Bill, The, Vol. ii. 397 Protection to Person and Property Bill for Ireland, " 570 Protection versus Free Trade, . . Vol. i. 172 Protectionist Ministry under Lord Derby. " 136 Protectionists, The, ... .76 ¦' and Free Traders, ..." Ill Prussia and the proposal of anew King for Spain, Vol. ii. 171 Public School Commissioners' Report, . . Vol i. 547 Public Worship Regulation Act, . . . A'ol. ii. 300 u " supported by Mr. Disraeli. " 304 Purchase in the Army, Abolition of, . 190 Queen, The, and Mr. Lowe's Retford Speech, 360 " Visit of, to Hughenden, . . ' 403 Queen's Memorandum to Lord John Russell about Lord Palmerston's action, . A'ol. i. 125 Raglan, Lord, Mr. Disraeli's culogium on, . " 338 Reciprocity, Vol. ii. 479 " Mr. Disraeli's speech on, A'ol. i. 109 Redistribution of Seats, A'ol. ii. 51 " and Franchise Extension, " 293 Bill of 1866, . " 15 Reform Bill, Mr. Disraeli introduces a, . A'ol. i. 422 of 1832. ... "17 of 1854, Lord John Russell's, . " 269 of 1866, .... Vol. ii. 7 " of 1867 receives Royal Assent, . 66 Reform Demonstration at Hyde Park, . . " 20 in 1866, . " 27 Religion of India, Mr. Disraeli's speech on, . A'ol. i. 390 Religious Toleration in the House of Commons, " 91 Richmond, Duke of, introduces the Agricultural Holdings Bill, . . Vol. ii. 420 ¦' Government Scotch Church Patronage Abolition Bill, " 297 Ritualism, "300 Ritualism and Rationalism, . . . Vol. i. 478 Roberts', General, A'ictory at Pciwar, . . A'ol ii. 455 598 INDEX. . Vol. ii. Vol. ii. Vol. ii. Vol. i. Vol 11. Vol. i. Vol. ii. Vol, l. Vol. n. Roebuck, Mr., moves a vote of censure on the Aberdeen Government, . . Vol. i. " on the defences of the country, . " Rome entered by Italian troops, . . . Vol. ii. Rothschild, Baron, elected member for London, Vol. i. Royal Commission on Agriculture, . . . Vol. ii. " Message to Parliament on the Death of Lord Raglan, Vol. i. " Titles Bill introduced by Mr. Disraeli, . Vol. ii. " AVarrantforAbolitionof Purchase in the Army, " ' Runnymede " Letters, Vol. i. Russell, Lord John, motion on the Irish Church, Vol. i, " on the Corn Laws, . . " '• Cabinet, . moves that Jews be admitted to Parliament, . . '• ' Reform Bill of 1854, " on University Reform, " Parliamentary Oaths Bill, . " def ence cf theVienna Congress, " " resigns his seat in the Cabinet, " " on Mr. Disraeli's Reform Bill, " Representation of the People's Bill, . . . . " " despatch to Russia regarding the Polish Insurrection, . " " Administration in 1866, Administration resigns, and the Irish Church, Russia and Afghanistan, .... " and Polish Insureection, '• declares war against the Porte, ¦' England prepares for hostilities against, " repudiates the Black Sea Neutralization Clause of Treaty of Paris, Russian Supremacy in the Black Sea, Russo-Turkish War, Mr. Disraeli on the, Salisbury. Lord, Secretary of State for India, . " and the House of Commons, . " succeeds Lord Derby at the Foreign Office, . 1 secret agreement between Count Schouvaloff and, " invested with the Order of the Garter, .... '¦ speech at Banquet on return from Berlin, '• Freedom of London presented to, on the Karolyi- Gladstone episode, '¦ on the death of Lord Beaconsfield, Sandhurst, Lord, supports Abolition of Pur chase Bill, Sandon, Lord, Alce-President of the Council on Education, ...... San Juan award, ...... San Stefano, Treaty of, . Schleswig-Holstein question, . Vol. i. 510, 537; Sclater-Booth, Mr., President of the Local Government Board, Scotch Church Patronage Abolition Bill, Scott, Sir Walter, and the younger Disraeli, Sebastopol, Bombardment of, " Capture of, . " Condition of the army before, " Secret Societies," .... Selwyn, Sir Charles, Solicitor-General, . Seymour, Fitzgerald, on the defences of Canada, Vol Shaftesbury, Lord, moves the rejection of the Ballot Bill, Shere Ali and Kaufman correspondence, . Sinclair, Sir George, on "Conservative Surrender Small Tenements Act, .... Smith, Mr. W. H., on the surplus proposals. " visits Cyprus, . Arol. . Vol. PAGE i. 350 146176 91 488 338 348195 42 30 798990 269285 289 328344 436 457 515 1 20 110 527513400 266 177 322507288307 411 421 423 442 444 547582 195 288 241 409 23 288296277297 354 308 365 78 385 . Vol. ii 207 a 575 r," " 69 il 47 " 263 It 456 Solferino, Battle of, Vol. i. South Africa Confederation Bill, The . . Vol. ii South African policy of Lord Carnarvon, . " Spain and Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern- Sigmaringen, ......" Stanley, Colonel, appointed Minister of War, . " " visits Cyprus, ..." Stansfeld, Mr., and Greco, the attempted assas sin of Napoleon III., ..... Vol. i. Stratford, Lord, ambassador at Constantinople, " " and the capitulation of Kars, . " Suez Canal shares, Purchase of, . . . Vol. ii. " Mr. Disraeli on the Purchase of, " Sugar Bounties, Vol. i. Tamworth Manifesto of 1834, ..." Taunton, Mr. Disraeli contests, ..." Telegraphs transferred to the State, . . Vol. ii. Three-cornered Constituencies, ..." Thurlow's, Lord, motion to open Museums on Sunday, . " Tichborne case, Debate on the, ..." Tien-Tsin Treaty ratified, .... A'ol. Toryism in 1832, " " Mr. Disraeli on, . . Transvaal, Annexation of the, . . . Vol. i Treaty of Alliance between Great Britain, France, and Turkey, .... Vol. " Berlin, A'ol. i " Paris Conference in London, . " " Vienna in 1870, . . " Trelawney's, Sir John, Church Rates Bill, . Vol. Turkey declares war against Russia in 1853, . " " independence guaranteed, . " refuses the demands of the Protocol, . Vol. ; Ulster Tenant-right Custom, The, ..." Ulundi, Battle of, United States and Slavery, .... Vol. " Our relations with the, . . " " Constitution of the, . . . A'ol. i University Reform, Lord John Russell on, . A'ol. Universities, Mr. Disraeli on English and German, " Victor Emmanuel proclaimed King of Italy, . " A'ienna, Conference at, on the Eastern question, " " Note, Mr. Disraeli on the, ..." " Congress, ....." Villafranca, Peace of, . . . . . '¦ ViUiers', Mr., motion on Free Trade, . . " Viscountess Beaconsfield, . . . . " Vote of censure against the Gladstone Government in the House of Lords, .... A'ol. i Walpole's, Mr., Militia Bill of 1852, . . Vol. " Home Secretary in Lord Derby's second Administration, . " " prohibits Reform meeting in Hyde Park, .... ' proposal on the County Franchise War declared against Russia, War with Prussia and Austria, Wellington's Cabinet, ..... " Death and funeral of the Duke of, " Mr. Disraeli's oration on, " Government tho most economical, . " opinion on the Eastern question, . Westbury, Scandal regarding Lord, Westminster, Cardinal Archbishop of, . . " Whiteside, Mr., on the capitulation of Kars, . " Wilkes, Captain, and tho Trent, ..." Williams, Colonel Fenwick, . . . . " AVood, Sir Charles, on Mr. Disraeli's Budget of 1 852, " Yakub Khan succeeds Ameer Shere Ali, . . Vol. Yeh, Commissioner, and the lorcha Arrow, . Vol. " Young England," " Zulu War, The, Vol. Zurich, Congress at Vol. Vol. i ' A'ol. Vol. i A7ol. ATol. . Vol. i PAGE , 450 .398 339170 411 450545 358358 .341 344 . 215 29 31 . 121 52 497321 .420 36 531 .466 . 280 . 503 178 172 . 403262 301 . 400 158 473465 371 . 221 , 285286 407 261 267 322 450 185 64 . 196 . 146 408 . 25 357 . 280 23 . 16 177 177 . 287393 589 115 350 477 354228465 376 70 468452 LIST OF PLATES. VOL. I. EARL OF BEACONSFIELD BENJAMIN DISRAELI (Fac-simile of Sketch by Maclise), Right Hon. SIR ROBERT PEEL, . EARL OF DERBY, KG. (the Late), . Right Hon. LORD JOHN MANNERS, Right Hon. SPENCER H. WALPOLE, EARL OF ABERDEEN, Right Hon. J. A. ROEBUCK, . EARL OF MALMESBURY, . Right Hon. SIR JOHN PAKINGTON, Right Hon. J. W. HENLEY, . EARL CAIRNS PAGE. To face Title. 14 . 10S . 133 . 135 23S 248 . 303 . 403 403 . 434 . 437 VOL. II. HUGHENDEN MANOR, ... EARL OF CARNARVON, . Right Hon. SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE, . Right Hon. G. WARD HUNT, . LORD MAYO, .... . . EARL OF DERBY, Right Hon. AV. H. SMITH, DUKE OF ABERCORN, K.G., . Right Hon. VISCOUNT SANDON, Right Hon. SIR RICHARD A. CROSS, . Right Hon. SIR MICHAEL HICKS BEACH, Baet., Right Hon. JAMES LOWTHEE, . .... DUKE OF RICHMOND, K.G., . MARQUIS OF SALISBURY, K.G., .... . . LORD LYTTON, DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH, K.G. LORD CRANBROOK, STATUE OF LORD BEACONSFIELD IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY To face Title. 2136 7S 125151263277 325 40740S420442 455 531 5405S7 2870