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MEMOIRS

OF
JOHN DUK]^ OF MARLBOROUGH,
¦WITH HIS
ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE:
COllECTED FRblll
THE FAMILY RECOUDS AT BLENHEIM,
AND
^ , OTHER AUTHENTIC SOURCES.
ILLUSIBATED WITH
PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND MILITARY PLANS.

By WILLIAM COXE, M.A. F.R.S. F.S.A.
ARCHDEACON OF WILTS.

SECOND EDITION.
IN SIX VOLUMES.

VOL. VI.

;\ ( LONDON: '\

I'lUNTED FOR LONGRfAN, hURST, BEES, ORME, AND BROWN,
PATERNOSTEK-ROW.
.^' 1820. ^ ^ >

Printed by Strahan and Spottiswoode,
Printers-Street, London.

CONTENTS

OF

THE SIXTH VOLUME.

CHAPTER 100.— 1711  Arrival of Marlborough at the Hague.
— His irksome and humiliating situation. — Progress of the secret
negotiation between France and England. — j Preparations for the
campaign. — Counter preparations of the french. — Domestic occur
rences in England. — Embarrassments and declining influence of the
ne'w ministry. — Harley and St. John court Marlborough..^ Corre
spondence with Harley. — Attacks against the financial administra
tion of Godolphin in parliament. — Statement^ the committee of
enquiry on the abuses in the disposal of public Daoney. — Attempt of
Guiscard to assassinate Harley. — Its effects in favour of the ministry.
— Illness and sudden ^leath of the emperor Joseph. — Charles becomes
head of the house of Austria, and candidate for the throne of the
empire. — Jealousies excited against the increasing power of the
house of Austria. — The allies support the cause of Charles. — Cor
respondence. — Opening of the campaign. — Lines of defence con
structed by marshal 'Villars. — Marlborough joins the army. — Military
movements, and correspondence. —Derangement in the plans of the
confederate generals, occasioned by the death of the emperor. — In
terview and separation of Eugene and Marlborough. — The german
forces drawn to the Rhine. — Military manoeuvres of the two armies.
— Camp of Marlborough on the plains of Lens  page I
CHAPTER 101. — 17 II..  Political affairs in England. — Progress
of the negotiation with France. — Preliminary proposals transmitted
to the british cabinet — Concealed from Marlborough  Harley lays
before the commons' his grand scheme of finance, which is approved
and applauded. — His political embarrassments. — Death of his rival,
lord Rochester. — Created earl of Oxford and Mortimer, and ap
pointed lord high treasurer. — Disposal of the other offices of state.
— His scheme to decry the late administration. — 'Votes in the house
A 3

iv CONTENTS.
of commons against abuses in the expenditure. — Report of the
house against the late administration.— Addi-ess to the queen an
nouncing a deficit of thirty-five millions unaccounted for. — Oxford
deceives the whigs, and, courts the duke of Marlborough.— Their
correspondence ....*..  ••¦  '  P''^^ ^^
CHAPTER 102. — 171 1.  Prosecution of Marlborough's grand
project.— Operations preparatory to the investment of Bouchain.—
Skilful movements and stratagems to delude 'Villars.— Rapid march,
and successful passage of the french lines. — Marlborough prudently
rejects the advice of the dutch deputies to attack the enemy in their
strong position before Cambray.— Extorts the consent of the council
of war for the siege of Bouchain. — Passes the Scheld. — Replies to
the censures on his conduct, and vindicates his operations, in a letter
to count Zinzendorf  page 52
CHAPTER 103. — iril.  Operations for the investment of Bou
chain. — Obstacles encountered in the progress and conclusion of the
line of circumvallation. — Correspondence. — Termination of the
siege. — Generous conduct of the british commander towards Fenelon,
archbishop of Cambray....  page 71
CHAPTER 1 04.— 1 7 1 1 .  Marlborough proposes to besiege Quesnoy,
and to make preparations for the winter cantonments of the army in
Flanders. — Continuation of the correspondence with lord treasurer
Oxford. — Sends lord Stair to London, to promote a more cordial
understanding with the minister, and to disclose his project for the
capture of Bouchain and Quesnoy, and the invasion of France in the
ensuing spring. — Return of lord Stair, and duplicity of Oxford. —
Progress and result of the secret negotiation with France. — Con
tinuation of the correspondence. — Marlborough deceived by the
ministers. — Compelled to abandon his project. — Close of the cam
paign. — Elevation of Charles to the throne of the empire. — State
of the war in Spain, on the Rhine, and on the side of the Alps
page 89
CHAPTER 105. — 17! 1.'  Marlborough complains to the ministers
of the lampoons and libels with which he was assailed..— .Is deeply
affected by the charges of fraud and peculation implied in the depo
sition of Sir Solomon Medina, one of the army contractors. — 'Vin
dication of his conduct to the commissioners of public accounts. —
Returns to England. — Opposes the ministry. — Idle rumours of pre
tended conspiracies. — Remonstrates with the queen ag^nst the
peace. — Expedients adopted by the opposition to annoy the Jnini-
stry. — Refutation of the charges advanced against the late admini-

CONTENTS. V
stration. — Union of Marlborough with the whigs and Nottingham.
— Remonstrances 6f foreign powers against the negotiation page 1I9
CHAPTER 106. — 1711... 12. — Ineffectual attempt of the ministry to
gain Marlborough and the whig chiefs. — Opening of the parliament.
— Debate on the address. — Speech of the duke of Marlborough. —
Amendment carried against the ministers in the house of peers. ^-
Adjonrnment. — Alarms of the ministry and the queen. — Advice of
Oxfor-d successful. — Charges of peculation brought forward against
Marlborough. — Report of the commissioners published. — Dismis
sion of the duke. — The ministers obtain a majority by the creation
of twelve new-peers  page 13"
CHAPTER 107. — 1712.  Disposal of the places held by Marl
borough. — Debates of the commons on the report of the commis
sioners of public accounts. — Decision of the house against Marl-
Ixirough, for accepting gratuities from the army contractors, and two
and a half per cent, from the pay of the foreign auxiliaries. — The
report presented to the queen, and an order issued to the attorney-
general, to institute a prosecution. — Refutation of the charges. —
Inconsistent conduct of the ministry. — Arrival and reception of
prince Eugene in England. — His memorials and remonstrances
treated with contempt, -r- Calumnious accusations of conspiracy and
assassination, circulated against Eugene, Marlborough, and the whigs.
— Departure of Eugene. — Charges against the house of Austria and
the dutch, for neglecting to supply their contingents. — Censure of
the barrier treaty in the house of commons  The memorial of the
dutch, in their own vindication, voted a libel  page 157
CHAPTER 108. — 1712.  Opening of the conferences at Utrecht.
— Treacherous conduct of England. — Divided situation and con
tradictory demands of the allies. — Extravagant proposals of France.
— Embarrassment of the british ministry. — Deaths of the dauphin,
his consort, and their eldest son. — Attempts to prevent the union of
France and Spain under the same head. — Continuation of the clan
destine intercourse between England and France. — Firmness and
address of Louis. — The british ministry accept the promise of a re
nunciation of the french crown by Philip, and agree to an eventual
cessation of arms, on the delivery of Dunkirk. — Preparations for the
campaign. — The duke of Ormond joins the army. — His mysterious
conduct and secret instructions from the british cabinet. — Refuses to
assist in attacking the enemy. — Debate in the house of lords on the
restrictive orders sent to the british generaL — Marlborough chal
lenges earl Poulett, for an injurious reflection uttered during the dis-
4:ussion. — Letter from prince Eugene on the conduct of Ormond
page 177

vi CONTENTS.
CHAPTER 109. — 1712.  The queen communicates to parliament
the outlines of the treaty with France. — General dissatisfaction at
the terms. — Motion for an address — Opposed by Marlborough and
the whigs. ^—Carried in favour of the ministiy. — Prorogation of par
liament. — Continuation of the clandestine intercourse with France.
— Secret arrangement for a susp^ston of arms. — The allies reject
the proposed conditions. — Refiisal of the auxiliaries to march. —
Separation of the british troops from the confederate army. —
Ormond takes possession of Ghent and Bruges. — Reluctant cession
of Dunkirk. — New misunderstanding with France. — St. John created
lord Bolingbroke. — His mission to Paris. — Arrangement relative to
the points in dispute, and prolongation of the armistice. — Prosecu
tion of the campaign. — Reverses of the confederates. — The siege of
Landrecies raised. — Loss of Quesnoy and Bouchain. — State of the
war in other quarters. — Death of lord Godolphin. — Motives of the
resolution adopted by Marlborough to withdraw from England. —
Obtains a passport through the agency of Maynwarjng and the in
terposition of Oxford. — Duel of the duke of Hamilton and lord
Mohun. — Marlborough calumniated  page 200
CHAPTER 110.— 1712.. .13.  Arrival of Marlborough at Ostend.
— Progress through Antwerp and Maestricht, to Aix-la-Chapelie. —
His distinguished reception by persons of all ranks. — Temporary
stay at Aix-la-Chapelle. — Joined by the duchess at Maestricht.—
Besidence at Frankfort on the Mayne. — Visit to Mindelhdio. —
Assailed by new charges from the commissioners of accounts. — His
¦vindication. — Continuation of the negotiations with France. — Re
marks on the peace of Utrecht. — Removal of Marlborough to
Antwerp. — Campaign on the Rhine. — Reverses of the imperial arms.
— Negotiations at Radstadt between France, the emperor, and the
empire. — Terms of pacification. — The emperor notifies to Marl
borough the restoration of Mindelheim to the elector of Bavaria, and
confirms him in the title of prince of the Roman empire. — Claims
of Marlborough for an indemnification. — Letters of prince Eugene.
••No indemnification granted  page 224
CHAPTER 111.— 1714.  Critical state of affairs in England. i—
Sentiments of the queen, and rivalry of Oxford and Bolingbroke. —
Meeting of parliament. — Heterogeneous composition of the new
house of -commons. — Division of parties. — Consequent vacillation
of counsels. — Struggles on the grand question, relative to the Pro
testant Succession. — Demand of a writ of summons to parliament
for the electoral prince — Reluctantly granted. — Alarms and indig
nation of the queen. — Prorogation of parliament. —. Conduct of
Mai-lborough during his residence on the continent. — Zeal in pro-

CONTENTS, vii
moting the Protestant Succession. — His correspondence -with the
court of Hanover. — Attempts of the queen and Oxford to counteract
the views of Marlborough and the hanoverian party. — Mission of
Mr. Harley to Hanover. — Letters from Mr. Molyneux, the agent of
Marlborough. — Death of the electress Sophia. — Consequences of
that event  page 252
CHAPTER 112. — 1714.  State of affairs in England. — Effects of
the rivalry between the two ministers. — Dismission of Oxford. —
Bolingbroke intrusted with the arrangement of a new administration.
— Proposed promotion of the Jacobites. — Alarming illness of the
queen. — Proceedings of Bolingbrc^e and his adherents — Baffled by
the whigs and the hanoverian party. — Appointment of Shrewsbury
as lord treasurer. — Measures adopted to ensure the accession of the
elector of Hanover. — Death of the queen. — Accession of George
the first. — Marlborough prepares to return to England. — Motives
for his conduct. — Letters from the duchess of Marlborough to Mrs.
Clayton  page 286
CHAPTER 113.— 17I4.,.15.  Departure of Marlborough from the
continent. — Apprised of the queen's decease, and the quiet accession
of George the first. — Lands at Dover. — Journey to London. — Dis
appointed at his exclusion from the regency. — Cavalcade on his
entrance into the capital. — Takes the oaths and appears in parlia
ment. — Retires to Holywell House. — Visits Bath. — Pays' his respects
to the king on his landing at Greenwich. — Arrangement of a new
administration. — Ascendancy of the whigs. — Marlborough made
Captain-general aind master of the ordnance. — Promotes the im
peachment of Oxford and Bolingbroke. — Combats a proposal in par
liament, for fixing the troops in particular stations, and dismisdng
foreign officers. — Pacifies the guards, who were dissatisfied with their
clothing  P''ge 305
CHAPTER 114.— 1715...16.  111 effects of tHe peace on the do
mestic affairs of England. — Mischiefs derived from the residence of
the Pretender in Loraine, — Rising disaffection towards the new go
vernment. — Projects and hopes of the Jacobites. — Evasion of the
earl of Mar. — Commencement of the rebellion in Scotland. — Com
motions and conspiracies in England. — Vigorous measures of the
ministry. — Judicious arrangements of MarlborQugh as commander-
in-chief: — Loyalty of Parliament. — Arrest of Sir 'William Wind
ham, and other suspected p^ersons. — Duke of Argyle entrusted with
the command in Scotland. — Operations against the rebels. — Battle
of Dumblain. — Capitulation of Preston. — Death of Louis the four-
teentli, —Appearance of the Pretender in Scotland. — His progress

viii CONTENTS:
and transactions at Scone and Perth. — Proclaimed king. — Luke-
warmnass of Argyle. — Junction of 6000 dutch auxiliaries, under
the command of general Cadogan. — Offensive operations. — Retreat
of the rebels — Escape of the Pretender, and dispersion of his fol
lowers. — Recall of Argyle. — Elevation of Cadogan to the peerage
page 321
CHAPTER 115. — 1716. ..22.  Deaths of lady BridgewateF and
lady Sunderland. —- Character of lady Sunderland.— Her ^prayer
and testamentary letter to her husband. — Correspondence on the
occasion, between the duchess and lord Sunderland. — Thp duke of
Marlborough attacked with the palsy. — State of his health and'facul-
ties. — Dissuaded from resigning his employments. — Conclusion of
the trial of lord Oxford. — Causes of his acquittal. — : South-Sea pro
ject. — Sagacity of the duchess of Marlborough, in the midst of the
public infatuation. — Her invectives against the ministry and the di
rectors of theCompany. — Accused by lord Sunderland of furnishing
money to the Pretender. — Justifies herself to the king. — Death of
lord Sunderland  page 338
,CHAPTERll6. — 1716. ..22.  Historical account of the com-
ifiencement and progress of the works at Blenheim. — Suit against
the duke of Marlborough for the arrears due at the suspension in 1712.
— decisions of the courts of exchequer and chancery, and the house
of lords. — Prosecution and completion of the building at the expence
of the duke  page 363
CHAPTER 117. — 1716...22.  Private life, habits, and amuse
ments of the duke of Marlborough, in his latter years. — Account of
his final testamentary arrangements in 1721. — New attack of his
paralytic disorder, and death. — Ceremonies of his fiineral at West
minster Abbey.— Removal of his body to Blenheim. — Disposal of
his property. — Account of his immediate descendants  page 374
CHAPTER 118.  Character of the duke of Mariborough page 394

MEMOIRS, &c.

CHAPTER 100.
1711.

Arrival of Marlborough at the Hague. — His irksome and
humiliating situation. — Progress of the secret negotiation
between France and England. — Preparations for the
campaign. — Counter preparations of the french. — Ho-
mestic occurrences in England. — Embarrassments and de
clining influence of the new ministry. — Harley and St.
John court Marlborough. — Correspondence with Harley. —
Attacks against thefnancial administration of Godolphin
in parliament. — Statement of the committee of inquiry on
the abuses in the disposal of public money. — Attempt of
Guiscard to assassinate Harley. — Its effects in favour of
the ministry. — Illness and sudden death of the emperor
Joseph. — Charles becomes head of the house of Austria,
and candidate for the throne of the empire. — Jealousies
excited against the increasing pcnaer of the house of Austria.
— The allies support the cause of Charles. — Correspond
ence. — Opening of the campaign. — Lines of defence corv-
striicted by marshal Villars. — Marlborough joins the army.
— Military movements and correspondence. — Derange-
ment in the plans qfths corfederate generals, occasioned by
the death of the emperor. — Interview and separation of
E/ug&ie and Marlborough. — The German forces drawn
to the Rhine. — Military manceuvres of the two armies.
'-^Camp of Marlborough on the plains of Lens.
Notwithstanding these multiplied causes of dis
gust and disquietude, Marlborough took leave of
Vol. VI. B

2 CHAPTER 100.
the queen, with every testimony of respect and
duty, and of the ministers with every external mark
of courtesy and complacency. He reached the
Hague on the 4th of March, and presented to the
States a letter from the queen, in which she re
newed her former professions of confidence in his
zeal and services, and expressed her resolution to
promote the interest of the common cause.
He was, however, now placed in a situation far
different from that in which he had appeared on
preceding occasions. Hitherto he was the organ of
government, and one of the plenipotentiaries, to
whom were confided the secrets of the negotiation;
and was considered as the prime mover of the po
litical machine. But at this time, he came only
to exhibit a phantom of his former authority, and
was oifficially excluded even from the slightest
glimpse of that clandestine intercourse, which was
passing between England and France ; thbugh ^e
could hot bdj Unacquainted with the gehefal tend
ency of such dishonourable dealings.
We have already hinted at tl^e overtures of Louis
to the secret counsellors of the queen, even before
they had ])een introduced into administration. The
first insinuation was made in July, through the
channel of Gualtier, an obscure priest, who had
formerly been chaplain to marshal Tallard, when
french ambassador in Lohdbrt, and who, after" his
departure, had offidated in 'the chapel of the im
perial minister. He privately made oral communi
cations to the earl of Jersey, whose Wife was a
roman catholic, and who was himself strongly at
tached to the tory interest. Harley and his calial
were, however, j;oo prudent to give any answer to

1711. 3
these proposals, until they were firmly established
in office ; but, in December, they acknowledged )
the overtures from the french court, and, through
the means of Gualtier, clandestinely established a
regular intercourse with the minister of Louis^
Thus cut off from all share in political transac
tions, Marlborough did not suffer his disgust to damp
his zeal ; but laboured more earnestly to complete
the military plans, which he had already concerted
with Eugene.
During the winter, the greatest exertions had
been made for the ensuing campaign, and the bri
tish ministers, in particular, had not spared the
most vigorous efforts. In Spain, the allied forces
had been considerably augmented ; large supplies
voted for this special service; and the duke of
Argyle appointed to the domriiand, instead of ge
neral Stanhope, who was still detained a prisoner.
It was, therefore, expected that the troops in Ca^^
talonia Would be able -to maintain <a defensive posi
tion, while the grand exertion was made on the
side of the Netherlands.
The fortunate circumstances which had occurred
in other quarters, justified a hope of the most au
spicious result. By the pressing instances of the
maritime powers, the courts of Vienna and Turin
had been reconciled; the duke of Savoy, gratified
by the concessions of the emperor, agreed to re
sume the command ; and a powerful army was to
assemble in Piemont eariy in the spring, for the
purpose of penetrating into Dauphin6, and accom
plishing the design which had been frustrated in
the preceding year. B 2

4 CHAPTER 100.
The emperor found greater facihty than hitherto,
in co-operating on the side of the Rhine, and in
the Netherlands. Having appeased the troubles
in Hungary, by the pacification of Zatmar, he was
enabled to transfer great part of the forces, which
had been employed against the insurgents, to a
more important field of action. Eugene was pre
paring to join his illustrious colleague in the Ne
therlands, with a considerable accession of strength;
and, if England continued steady to her engage
ments, the two great commanders hoped, by a
well-concerted and splendid achievement, to con
quer the monarchy of Spain in the heart of France.
The french monarch saw the storm gathering
round his frontier with anxiety, but with unshaken
firmness. Although his kingdom was exhausted
by the protracted duration of a ruinous war, he
found new resources in the loyalty of his subjects,
and obtained recruits for his armies, and, contri
butions for his immense expenditure. He was
also well aware, that if he could continue the con
test for another year, and prevent any fatal defeat,
by remaining on the defensive, he should wean Eng
land from the grand alliance. By that fortunate
event, he hoped to effect, what had long been the
object of his anxious wishes, a division among the
confederates, and to obtain terms of peace less re
volting to his feelings, more consonant to his dig
nity, and more advantageous to his family and
subjects, than had been hitherto proposed by their
united counsels. After making the necessary ef
forts for continuing the contest in -Spain, in Dau-
phine, and on the Rhine^ he directed, as before,

1711. 5
his principal attention to that frontier, which was
menaced with the most imminent danger.
While Marlborough was maturing his military
arrangements, a series of events occurred, which
contributed no less to damp his hopes, than to
encoui'age the enemy.
Th6 new ministry had fully succeeded in their
views : they had excluded their political opponents
from all share in the government, and degraded
every act of their glorious administration ;, they
had inflicted the deepest wounds on the feelings of
Marlborough, vilified his reputation, debased his
character, and rendered him the, object of public
execration.^ But like other victorious parties,, they
were not long allowed to exult in their success.
A schism was already begun, and a new opposition
reared its head against Harley and, his partisans,
composed of the violent tories andjacobites, under \
the guidance of Rochester.. To give union and effi^/
ciency to their efforts, a powerful, combination was
formed, under the name of the October Club,
which consisted of 130 members^ of whom the
majority were Jacobites, and. formed a body capable
of embarrassing, if not controlling,, the dehberations
of the legislature. At this period,. Swift justly
observed, in his emphatical language, "The king
dom is as certainly ruined as much as bankrupt
merchants. We must have peace, let it be a bad
or good one, though nobody dare talk of it. The
nearer I, look upon things, the worse I like them ;
the confederacy will soon break to pieces, and our
factions at home increase ; the ministry are upon a
narrow bottom, and stand like an isthmus, between
B 3

6 CHAPTER 100.
the whigs on one side, and the.violent tories on the
other. They are able seamen, but the tempest is
too great." *
s Not only Harley and St. John were alarmed at
their critical situation, but even the queen begaa to
dread, lest the throne should be shaken, in the con
flict of contending Actions. In this predicament,
therefore, both the sovereign and her ministers af
fected to court the countenance of those whom
they had so recently mortified and disgraced. The
queen invited lord Somers to^ long and confidential
audiences, and shewed him such marked attention,
as induced. Swift, and other dependants of the; mi
nistry, to suspect that the whigs, aided by the
duchess of Somerset, were playing the same game
against them, as they themselves had played
against the whigs, through the agency of, Mrs.
Masham. From the same motive also, we discover
a striking change in the conduct of Harley and
St. John towards Marlborough. Even; their poli
tical organ, Swift, who had before loaded him with
every species of obloquy and calumny, introduiced
his name into one of the Examiners, in a style of
the highest encomium, and indirectly invited him
to coalesce with the tories. ".Nobody that I
know of did ever dispute the duke of Marlborough's
courage, Conduct, or success ; they have always
been unquestionable, and wiH continue to be so,
in spite of the malice of his enemies, or what is
yet more, the weakness (tfhis advocates. The nation
only wishes to see him taken out of ill hands, and
put intb better." t
» Journal to Stella, March 4. 1710-11.
t Examiner, No, 28. Peh. 15- irio-ll.

1711. 7
The two ministers also repeatedly conferred with
the friends of the general, who yet remained ia
office ; in particular, they occasionally^ consulted
with Ci?aggs and Bridges, on the means of effect
ing a reconciliation, and, in their correspondence,
descended to the same fulsome professions, which
they had employed white they were merely humble
dependants. A single extract from a letter, of Mr.
St. John to the duke of Marlborough, will sufiice
to display the symptoms of this revolutioa in their
sentiments. "My lord; March ^.
" Your grace's letter of the 21st of this month*
N. S., > together with the postscript written after
you had seen Mr. Lumley, I read to the queep,
and it is a great pleasure to me, to tell your giace,
that I never saw her majesty better pleased on any
oceasionv She commanded me to let your grace
know, that nothing but her illness had hindered
her from writing to you ; that now she is better,
you shall very soon hear from hjer ; that she is
obliged to you for your concern for her health,
and .that she, desires to be, kindly . remembered to,
you. " Your grace, my lord, has fuHy answered all
the queen's , intentions relating to the five regi
ments, by the orders you bave been pleased to
give ; and I hope they are, by this time, embark
ing at Ostend, the convoy being gone, with a fair
wind and mild weather.
" Your grace may be assured of my sincere en
deavours to serve you, and I hope never to see
again the time when I shall be obliged to embark in
B 4

8 CHAPTER 100.
fa separate interest from you.. Craggs dined with
me to-day : we were, some time alone; and he will
inform you how easy we think it is to restore, and
confirm, that confidence which is to be desired^
among people who can, and who, for the public
good, should give the law. I dare say, and will
answer, that your grace wUl do your part for the
good of the ministry, and of the credit.
" Mr. Lumley will have been able to tell your
grace, how sincerely I wish you established on
that bottom, which alone suits the merit and the
character of a man like you. I do not. believe
there is any inclination wanting in the persons
mentioned by your grace, and confidence will soon
be restored." *
Marlborough received these professions from the
secretary, and similar overtures from Harley, with
no less appearance of cordiality, though he was too
discerning to give implicit credit to language,
which he knew to arise from fear, not inclination.
He was, indeed, deeply anxious not to offend those
whose hostilities he had experienced, and the
effects of whose enmity he had ample cause to
dread. In a letter to the duchess, he at once ex
plains the motives of his conduct, and deprecates
that violence, in which she was too prone to in
dulge herself, against those who had robbed her of
the royal favour.
" Hague, April l6. — The reason of my desir
ing you not to name any of the ministers in any of
your letters, is, from the certain assurances I have»
* Bolingbroke's, Correspondence, vol. i. p. 128.

1711. 9
of their opening all the letters which come to me.
I know you are very indifferent as to their opinion
of yourself; but the concern you have for me,
must in kindness oblige you never to say any thing
of them, which may give offence ; since whilst I
am in the service, I am in their power, especially
by the villainous way of printing, which stabs me
to the heart ; so that I beg of you, as for the quiet
of my life, that you will be careful never to write
any thing that may anger them ; and for your own
satisfaction, be assured that I know them so per
fectly well, that I shall always be upon my guard.
But whilst I serve, I must endeavour not to dis
please ; for they have it so much in their power to
vdx me, that I must beg you will, for my sake, be
carefiil in your discourse, as well as in your letters.
Be assured that I am very sensible, that I can have
no true happiness till I am out of all business, and
that I might have the remainder of my life quiet,
would endeavour to retain the good liking of every
body, which I hope may be compassed, if we could
have a tolerable peace. As I love you with all
my heart and soul, and could venture my life to
give you ease, I hope what I so earnestly desire
for my own quiet may not be uneasy to you. My
thoughts are, that you and I should endeavour all
we can not to have enemies ; for if we flatter our.-
selves with the having many friends, it is not to
be expected, when favour is lost, as ours is entirely.
I am desirous you would not communicate this
letter to any body but to lord Godolphin. >
" Our affairs abroad are in so bad a condition,
that I almost despair of having any good success

10 CHAPTER 100.
.this summer ; so that I fear I shall have no other
prospect, but that of torment and vexation. .: But
what may happen, or become of me, may God
Almighty bless you,, and make you happy, as
much as may be possible in this world."
At the veryjpaoment, however, when Harley and
St. John were thus courting the great general,
whom they had so deeply injured, they suffered
the same malicious attacks to be carried on against
[ his character, and the financial administratiion of
""Godolphin, either from inability to restrain the
zeal of their violent partisans, or from a wish to
raise their own reputation, on the ruins of that of
their predecessors.
Committees of inquiry had been appointed; by
the commons, at the commencement of the session,
to examine and state the debts of the nation, and
scrutinize the management of the revenue. In
the course of this inquiry, no effort was spared^ to
work on the public feelings ; the ^lost flagrant
abuses were charged on, the late administra,tion ;
and the national debts were exaggerated in the
highest degree ; that of the navy alone being re
presented as amouiiting to the enormous sum of
jg5,13Q,529. It. was even industriously whispered,
that the whole national obligations^ when exhibited,
would exceed all calculation and conjecture.
It was not deemed sufiicient to work on the
public apprehensioTjs alone ; but when the rumours
to which this inquiry gave birth, h^d produced
their effect, the prospect of a remedy was hel^
forth, and hints were mysteriously given^ of a
( grand scheme devised by the new minister of
IS*

1711. 11
finance, which was to discharge these enormous
obligations, to remedy the flagrant misconduct of
his predecessors, and to place the national credit
on a stable and efiicient basis.
Notwithstanding all these artifices, the credit of
Harley and St. John continued to decline, and it
was daily more dubious, whether even the favour
and confidence of the sovereign would enable them
to maintain their ground, without coalescing with ,>
the whigs, or assimilating with their covert anta- /
gonists of the October Club. The credit of
Harley was, however, saved by an unexpected in
cident, which revived his declining popularity, and
rendered him once more the object of general
interest. The reader will recollect the marquis of Guis
card, who made a prominent figure in the attempts
for exciting insurrections in the interior of France.
For some time the powerful recommendations of
the duke of Savoy and of Eugene, and the interest
of St. John, who had been the companion of his
pleasures, joined to unusual brilliancy of parts, a
spirit of enterprise, and fascinating manners, in
duced Marlborough to treat him with peculiar at
tention, and to employ him in various projects and
expeditions. But the fallacy and extravagance of
his. schemes, his incessant importunity and abun
dant , self-conceit, at length wearied the. british
general ; and, in a letter to Godolphin, he desires
to be troubled no longer with the endless projects
and memorials, of one whom he considered either
as an enthusiast or a madman. Soon afterwards,
he had reason even to doubt his fidelity, and im-

. 12 CHAPTER 100.
parted to the queen and Godolphin suspicions that
he was engaged in a treacherous correspondence,
with the ministers of his former sovereign. From
compassion, or want of proof, Guiscard was not
wholly discarded ; and when the regiment of
which he had been colonel was broken, afler the
battle of Almanza, he, by dint of importunity,,
aided by the influence of his friend St. John, pro
cured a pension of sB500 a year. This pension
being reduced by Harley to £4iOO, and all his
attempts to obtain employment repelled, he made
overtures to the french government, and offered to
purchase his pardon, by. betraying the secrets of
those by whom he had been trusted. His machi-
I nations being detected by Harley, he was arrested
for high treason, under a warrant from secretary
St. John.
On the 8th of March, Guiscard was brought to
the cockpit, to undergo the usual examination be
fore the great officers of state. He at first firmly
denied his guilt, but was confounded by the pro
duction of one of his own intercepted letters, and
an order was made to convey him to- Newgate.
Roused to fury by this discovery, he resisted the
messenger to whose custody he was delivered, and
rushed forward, with the apparent intention of
[ stabbing secretary St. John with a penknife, which
he had contrived to secrete. Unable to reach his
intended victim, who was on the opposite side of
the table, he suddenly turned to Harley, stooped
down, and exclaiming, " d toi done," struck him
on the breast. The knife breaking on the bone,
lie repeated the blow with the broken blade, and

1711. 13
while he was raising his hand to give a third stroke,
he was attacked by St. John and the other members
of the cabinet, with their drawn swords,' After
receiving several wounds, he was with difficulty
secured, and conveyed to Newgate, where he soon
died of the injury which he suffered in the struggle.
This horrid attempt produced the deepest sensa
tion, and conjecture was exhausted in endeavour
ing to trace the motives of the assassin. *
Amidst the interest which so barbarous an at
tempt excited, Harley became the object of
general sympathy. Public business was sus
pended ; his door was crowded with inquirers of
every class ; and the queen, the senate, and the
nation, vied in the testimonies of their regard, to
one who was considered as a victim devoted for
his public services. His wounds were slight,' and
* It is curious to observe the different versions of this attempt, as
given by Swift, in the Examiner.
" The mui-derer confessed in Newgate that his chief design was
against Mr. Secretary St. John, ¦who happened to change seats with
Mr. Harley, for more convenience of examining the criminal. Being
asked what provoked him to stab the chancellor, he said, that not being
able to come at the secretary as he intended, it was some satisfaction
to murder the person whom he thought Mr. St. John loved best."
This account was doubtless communicated by secretary St. John, but
as it was displeasing to Harley and bis friends, Swift, in a subsequent
number, confessed it to be a blunder.
« * * * xhe third is a blunder, that I say.Guiscard's design was
against Mr. Secretary St. John, and yet my reasonings upon it are, as if I
it were peirsonally against Mr. Harley. But I say no such thing, and
my reasonings are just. I relate only what Guiscard' said in Newgate."
— Examiner, No. 32, 33. ,
This subterfuge is remarkable, because we learn from Swift hirnself,
in a subsequent publication, that St. John disputed -with Harley the
honour of being the intended victim, and took umbrage that the whole
merit was ascribed to his colleague, — Swift's Account of the late
Change of Ministry.

14 CHAPTER 100.
he was soon declared out of danger ; but the im-
pulse which had been given to national feeling
cpntinued to operate, and it appeared as if the fate
of England depended on his recovery.
Marlborough was greatly shocked at the news
of this flagitious a;ttempt, and, in sympathy for
the sufferings of the minister, forgot his former
ingratitude. He writes with abhorrence of the
barbarous villainy of Guiscard, and, while he con
gratulates Harley on his escape, expresses the
utmost anxiety for his recovery. *
While the attention of all classes in England was
arrested by the struggles of contending factions,
and the hopes and fears of the public hung on the
life of the wounded minister, the military prepara
tions proceeded with unusual activity ; and the
views of Europe were agaiil turned to the events
of war and the campaign, which was expected to
exhibit the final effort of the french monarchy.'
Marlborough was on the point of quitting the
Hague, when intelligence arrived of stiU deeper
interest, which he thus communicates to Mr*.
Harley :
" Hague, April 22. — I have been unwilling to
trouble you during your illness, but do it now, in
hopes my letter may find you abroad, and perfectly
recovered. I sent off a packet-boat yesterday
morning, express, with letters to Mr. St, John, to
give an account of the emperor's being taken ill of
the small-pox. The effect that distemper has had
on the daUphin puts these people here under the
* Letter to Harley, March 24.

1711. 15
greatest consternation. They are sensible, if lie
should die at this juncture, it would put all the
affairs of the allies into such confusion, that they
can have no recourse, under God, but to England
for their safefty. I am obhged to leave this place
to-morrow morning early, in order to hasten to the
a,rmy, where my presence is the more necessary at
this critical time. I did not think, when I dis-'
patched my letters last night, to have troubled
Mr. St. John the following post ; but this matter
is of such consequence, that I shall be obliged to
write to him before I go to bed, or to-morrow
morning, before I take coach, being willing to stay
the last minute, to see whether we may have any
later news from Vienna, so shall desire leave to
refer you to him, and only add that the measures
that will be taken at this time, are, what may
bring the States to an entire dependance on her
majesty ahd the ministry, on which our common
safety must, in a great measure, depend. I am,
truly, kc."
While the general was hastening to the army,
and had already reached Tournay, fondly expect
ing the immediate presence of Eugene, and antici
pating a brilliant opening of the campaign, by the
commencement of offensive opei'ations, in con
formity with the assurances tecfehtly received from
his illustrious colleague *, he was shocked with in
telligence of the event which he had foreboded ;
an event which clouded all their prospects, and
changed, in an instant, the fate of the war, and the
* Letter from Eugene to Marlbovough, March 2,1. ;

16 CHAPTER 100.
destiny of Europe. This was the sudden death of
the emperor Joseph, who, by the malignity of his
disorder, was hurried to the grave in a few days,
in the thirty-fourth year of his age, and the seventh
of his reign. Marlborough immediately trans
mitted the disastrous intelligence to secretary
St. John, with an inclosure from prince Eugene,L
which characterises the feelings of his heroic mind
at this awful crisis.
" Tournay, April 29. — When I writ to you by
last post, I was pretty easy from what I had from
count Zinzendorf, in relation to the news from
Vienna; but yesterday noon I received the in
closed letter from him, with the account of the
I emperor's deaths which, you may beheve me, puts
our affairs here in no little confusion. You here
have what the prince of Savoy writes to me, and
a copy of his to count Zinzendorf, as also of the
count's to me, on this subject, and will observe
the apprehensions I entertain, of having the im
perial and palatine troops called away, which puts
us so much to a stand, that we shall not dare to
venture upon any siege, since, if we lose this corps,
though we had never so fine a prospect, it would
entirely break our measures."
From Prince Eugene to the Duke.
" Mentz, April 23. — Sir ; Your highness, I
doubt not, is apprized of what has retarded my
journey until now. It appears to be an absolute ,
fataUty. This turkish aga made us wait for him a
long time, notwithstanding all the expedients that
iiirere used to hasten his coming. I was setting
out, two days after having given him audiences,

1711. 17
and in this interval the emperor fell sick. I de
parted, however, on the l6th at day-break, by his
order, as he was believed to be out of * danger.
The same day, towards evening, his malady in
creased, and he died next morning at eleven.
Your highness knows what a blow this is to the
affairs of Europe ; but it is still more severe to
those who had the honour to serve him, and par
ticularly to me, who have always felt a strong
attachment- to his person. I received, in conse
quence, an express from the empress-mother, who
governs in the name of king Charles, to come and
confer with the elector of Mentz, and to take the
command of the empire, as marshal. I am, there
fore, going to-morrow. If the enemy inake no
great movements on this side, I think I shall re
ceive orders to go into Holland, and to confer, on
my route, with the electors of Treves and palatine;
but if, with a view to profit by this opportunity,
they reinforce themselves on the side of the em
pire, it will then be necessary to do the same. I
therefore send an order to count Felz, to obey
your highness in all things until my arrival, and
hold himself in readiness to march hither at the
first order. Your highness may be assured, that I
shall not send to him but in case of necessity ; but
you know that in these circumstances, and in an
interregnum like the present, affairs do not go on
without alarm, and a little confusion. I hope to
* It appears from a letter of count Zinzendorf, that the emperor
would not permit Eugene to pay his final visit, because the prince had
never had the small-pox.
VOL. VL 'C

m CHAPTER 100.
see your highness spon, though jthat is not wholly
certain. Believe me," &c. * , >
Mjafty fktal iconseiqaences flowed from this disr
.9;Strous event- The energies of the house of
Austria were palsied at the commencement of «
new reign, and the immediate exertions for secur
ing the elevation of Charles to the throne of the
empire, suspended the military operations in tlje
Netherlands, and frustrated the projects of the
two commanders; because it required the prcc
sence of the german troops, with their gre^t chief,
in the empire, and because many of the minor
princes of the germanic body were likaly to with-
<fraw their contingents, who had already Joined, or
withhold those who were on their march. Another
unfdrttinate result was, that it revived the ancient
jealousy agairmt the house of Austria, lest Charlesj
by uniting his hereditary dominions with ti^e
Spanish moB£a?chy and the crown of the ^vn^ire,
should -consolidate a power equal to that which,
under Charles V., had threatened the liljerties pf
Europe. This jealousy instantly manifested itself
in Englaaid; and the british ministers artiujjl^
availed themselves of it, to forward their negotia^
tions with F5?a«nce, by insinuating that th^e iater-^^
tf£ England and Europe would be less endangered
by a partition of the Spanish monarchy between
the bourbon and austrian families, provided the
crowns 6f Spain etnd France were separated, thaa
by sanctioning such an accumulation of territory
in the bfead of the house of Austria. InsinuatJOTP
so favottriable to the vifews of Louis, -Were aatura
* Translation from -the original in french.

lyii. W
countenanced by the fseaeh partis^s, and the
jnonsirch himself acted with con^mmate addrei^
by secretly promoting the eletatiorai of Charles,
Tvhjie he publicly .affected to suj^rt the elector of
JBavaria^ Thes^jfijcst otgect of the biiti«h amd dutch cabinets,
<on fthis alarming emergency, was to s^ute the
ilectiousof the austrian prince. Secretary St. Johw
sent immediate orders to the duke of Marib.cwou^,
to eo-operate with Eugene and the States, aad we
soon afterwards find the general announcing this
jesplution of the biitish cabinet to king Charles,
and presaging its accomplishment.
"Sire; June 3.
« I have received, with ^all due respect^ ilm
letter wtbidb yojitr maj'esty was ipleased to write to
me on the Qth of last month* on Id^wing the
maurnful intelligence of the tdieath of the emperor*
I can assure your majesty, that aU persons, both
in England ajadin these fpotwntries, have -been most
deeply affected by if, yet not a rnom^t hm been
lost in taking the requisite measures on so un
expected, an event. Your majesty will iiiave been
already informed of the resolutions, which ?fche
queen and the .Stetes dnstantly, and without jthe
snuUest .hesitation, adopted in favour -of yo^ir
majesty, for your (elevation to the throne of the
empire j ,and theiie .is no reason to doutbt that your
majesty will be elected without tJic least ^difeulty,
notwithstanding the intrigues df our pnetoies, 'vfjm
hG(ped?to -have taken advantage of ithis(©pportunity,
tothroiw the affairs -of the esmplfe ii^ confusion.
But the peacg with Hungwy, which vmrndisfkelf
c 2

20 CHAPTER 100.
ensued, has almost induced them to fbi-ego their
design. It is also a singular mark of the divine
protection over the august house, to have accom
plished that work, in a conjuncture when there
was little hope, and when, on the contrary, it was
to have been apprehended that the hungarians
would have assurtied a higher tone. We have
reason to augur, that Providence will cohtinue
moire and more to shed its precious blessings on
the reign of your majesty. Affairs in this country
are not in a very promising state. We have been
in the field more than a month, and the enemy
-gtill maintain themselves in an inaccessible camp,
having taken great care to fortify the fordable
parts of the rivers ; but T yet hope that God will
grant us a favourable opportunity for attacking
them, which is what we ought most earnestly
to desire, and to that object we direct all our
attention. " I intreat your majesty to be assured, that I
have nothing more at heart, than to prove my en
tire devotion by my actions, and that I shall ever
employ myself for your interests, being with all
respect," &c.
In the midst of the anxiety and suspense created
by this momentous 6vent, the contending armies
in the Netherlands again took the field. '-
The great object of the french monarch being
to prevent the irruption of the allied forces beyond
the interior line of fortresses, which covered the
frontier on the side of Arras and Cambray, Villars
had employed the latter part of the preceding cam
paign informing a series of lines, of considerable
S*

1711. , 21
strength, which had been greatly augmented during^
the winter. Early in the spring he quitted Paris,-
began to assemble his forces in the vicinity of
Cambray, and had the satisfaction to find his for
midable works completed.
This grand system of defence embraced a line
extending from Namur, on the Meuse, to the coast
of Picardy. It ran along the marshy banks of the
Canche, and was supported by the posts of Mon-
troueU, Hesdin, and Prevent, while the greater
fortresses of Ypres, Dunkirk, Gra^'elines, Calais,
and St. Omer, in front, contributed to render the
approach more difficult. Across the plain which
stretches between the Canche and the Gy, ran a
series of connected redans, beginning at Oppy,
near Rebreuve, and terminating at Montenancourt,
the two flanks of which were supported with strong
redoubts. The rivulet Gy, to its junction with
the Scarpe, and the Scarpe to Biache, were checked
by small dams which caused inundations. Along
the line of this natural defence were redoubts or
works, at Pont du Gy, and below Arras, at Atiiies,
Fampoux, and Biache; the three latter . places
served as tetes-de-pont. At Biache, a canal of
communication was opened from the Scarpe, by
Sailly, to the marshes and inundations of t,he
Sanzet, near L'Ecluse. At this plac^ as well as
at Pallue and Aubanchoeil-au-bac, were narrow
dams, sustaining causeways across the inundations,
and defended by a redoubt and fortified water-mill,
and a small garrison in the castle. The fire of
these posts protected a dam, which was laid across
the canal of communication with Douay, awi by

m CHAPTER 100.
retaining the supply of water, rendered the navi
gation almost useless. At Aubigny, opposite Au
banchoeil-au-bac, was a Jedoubt, and farther on
the fortress of Bouchain, while tetes-de-pont at
Neuville and Denain, covered the course of the
Scheld to Valenciennes. From hence ran a series
of intrenchments to the Sambre, supported by
Quesnoi and Landrecies ; and along that river,
Maubeuge and Charleroi completed the line of de.
fence, as far as Namur.
The armies had now begun to assemble, and,
with a heavy heart, Marlborough quitted Tournay
to assume the command, with little hopes of beijig
joined by his illustrious colleague, who was still
detained in the empire. On the 30th of April he
fixed his head quarters at Orchies, between liJle
and Douay, where the greater part of his troops
were collected. The imperialists were posted at
Pont a Marque ; while the forces under the british
general extended to Candus. Their total amount
was 184 battalions and 364 squadrons, of whiobii
65 battalions and 120 squadrons belonged to the
army of Eugene. *
* There is considerable discordance in the estimates of tlie relative
Etrehgth of the armies in the printed accounts of this campaign. M^ner
and Lediard compute them as follows : —
Batt. Squad.
Marlborough  119  ..22ff 111 field pieqes, 8.
Eugene...  65  ..120 howitzers, 40 poHr
-t.^- — — toons.
Total  184 346
' Deduct in garrison  43 .„  40
— — -'— — Brigadier Hill, bro-.
. Remains  141.  3O6 ther of Mrs. MasWam,
Brigadier Hill..,. 10 p obtained SOOO mejl
Eugene's detach- >•  22, SO for the conquest of
™ent  12) Quebec J these, all
T, , . , , , ~~~- —rr british, probaWs left
iotal in the field... ... 119 2S6 theduke in tlie plaiiis
of Lens*

1711. ^3
On the 1st of May, in the evening, the allies
again moved forward in two columns by the left,
crossing the marshes and bridge over the Scarpe,
at Lalain, and debouched by the: wood of Pecquen-
court. The imperialists forming the right, extended
from Ferin and Goeulzin to Lietard; while the
forces of Marlborough stretched from thence on
the left beyond Somain. Here they found them
selves in presence of the french, who were posted
behind the marshes bordering the Sanzet and the
Scheld. The head quarters of Villars were estab
lished at Oisy, while his right extended beyond
Bouchain, and his left to Monchy le Preux.
On the 4th of May, Marlborough thus writes to
Godolphin : —
" Whilst I thought you at Newmarket I have
not troubled you with any of my letters. Since
our being in the field, we have had, and have stiH,
very wet weather. The marshal de Villars was

But it appears that Eugene took, more than 50 squadrons, indeed all
his cavalry, which left Maalborough only 119 battalions, with 226 squa
drons. Quincy giyes Marlborough 94 battalions, 143 squadroji^ and
Eugene 4Y battalions. 111 squadrons, vfhich would make 141 battalion?,,
SS6 squadrons. Deducting 12 battalions, and 50 squadrons, as the
corps which Eugene took away, there would remain 129 battalions,.
206 squadrons. The french biographer makes the combined allied' fore?-
141 battalions, 246 squadrons, and this computation comes nearer the
truth. He estimates the army of Villars at 156 battalions, 227 squa-
^Ironsj from which having detached 23 battahons 41 squadrons, a total'
remained of 131 battalions 186 squadi-ons. This was the field force;.
for Milner and others estimate the whole at 192 battalions, o;48 squa
drons. The difference, if correct, arose probably from the forces sta
tioned in the garrisons, and the numerous posts the french lines re
quired. The french artillery, &c. were computed at 90 fiekl pieces^
12 hovyitzers, and 30 pontoons. C 4t

24 CHAPTER 100.
pleased to tell my trumpet yesterday, that the
death of the emperor would occasion great disor-
ders among the allies, and that he should be 30,000
stronger than we ; however, this does not hinder
him from doing all in his power for the strength
ening his camp, so that as yet we lie very quiet on
both sides.
" I know not what projects the emperor's death
may put them upon, on the side of Germany ; but
if their superiority be as great as he says it will be,
I should not apprehend much from them, but that
of their being able to hinder us from acting, which,
to my own particular, would be mortification
enough ; for since constant success has not met
with approbation, what may I not expect when
nothing is done ! As I rely very much on Provi
dence, so I shall be ready of approving all occa
sions that may offer."
Amidst all the anxiety of the crisis, his domestic
tenderness breaks forth to the duchess.
" May 7. — By yours of the 4th, I find that
you mean to be in your house * this winter.
My only design in building that house was, to
please you ; and I am afraid your going intait so
soon may prejudice your health, so that you must
be careful of having it well examined at the end
of September ; for should it not be thoroughly dry,
you ought to stay one year longer. * * *
" We have had miserable wet weather ever since
We: came into the field, and I pity the poor men so
much, that it makes me uneasy to the last degree ;
• He alludes to the new mansion- in Pall Mall, called Marlborough
House. ; *

mi- ^5
for it can't be otherwise, but great numbers must
be sick."
. By the same post, we find a sensible letter to
the duke of Shrewsbury, in reply to his request
for advice and information in the critical situation
pf affairs. " My lord ; Camp at Warde, May 7,
. " The mails of the 14th and 17th instant came to
h^nd together, and brought me the favour of your
grace's letter, wherein you desire my thoughts
upon the present posture of affairs, which is a
matter of such consequence, and so intricate, and
I am so conscious of my own incapacity, that,
were it not to comply with your grace's directions^:
and that I know it will no| be exposed, I should
hardly venture on so difficult a task. Your grace
will have heard already the steps the States took
upon the first notice of the emperor's death, and
how many of the electors have already declared in
favour of king Charles, for setting him upon the
throne of the' empire. This being entirely agree
able to her majesty's inclinations on this unfortu
nate occasion, I conclude it wUl meetwith no other
difficulty than the delay that must necessarily at
tend the usual formalities.
- " The next and main point to be considered is,
what relates to the Spanish monarchy ; and here, I
must own, I foresee so many, and such insuperable
difficulties, that I am very much at a loss how to
form, as yet, any scheme ; at least, till I hear what
steps the earl of Peterborough may have taken .with
the court (rf Vienna and the : duke of Savoy; for,
inmy opinion, we must avoid, with the gr®atest«care

26 CHAPTER 100.
imaginable,, giving the least jealousy or disgust to
either of these courts, till we can see clearly wliat
may be most for the public good. In all proba
bility, king Charles will be soon coming to Ge*-
laaany ; for some time at least, his absence must
very much encourage the duke of Anjou^s party,
and, 'tis to be feared, will alienate the affections
of the Spaniards and Catalans from him, so that
we may have a liarder game to play on that side
than ever. We must likewise manage matters
with the greatest caution with respect to the duke
of Savoy, who, 'tis not to be doubted, will lay in
his claim. His royal highness should have the
prospect of some considerable advantage to- his
family upon this great change, and should be shewn
that his whole reliance for it must be on the Man*
time Powers, and be excited, at the same time, to
exert himself to the ufanoat, in such manner as
shall be concerted together ; so that he may thereby
better deserve her majesty's and the States* friend
ship. In all cases, nothing can contribute, so much
to bring us out of our present difiieulties as a pers-
feet harmony between England and HoUand. This
is so evidently the interest of .bath,, that 1 have
reason to hope the States will readily come inta
such measures as her majesty shall judge' most con
ducive to our common good. It will influence, all
the allies, keep them steady, and give a greater
weight and lustre to all her majesty's councils,
which must weaken and discourage, at the same
time, our common enemy. I have given yoar
gracei here, my thoughts,, by which you wilL^ see
I hake, as yet,, but a very imperfect nation of the

1711. 27
present juncture of affairs. When I am better in
formed, and any thing farther occurs, I will take
the hberty of imparting it to you, and should be
glad likewise to have your opinion, when you have
heard what the earl of Peterborough has ; been
doing in Italy." *
Posted beyond the concave form of that part of
the line which extended from Bouchain to Monchy.
le Preux, Villars considered himself effectively
protected from an attack ; while the fortresses, pro
jecting like horns at the extremity of this crescent,,
concealed and facilitated the operations of his de-'
tachments against the convoys^ the flanks, or the
rear of his opponents.
. After passing nearly three weeks in a war of
leoimfoys, in which the enemy, from their position*
r.eaped occasional advantage, Marlborough had the
slatis&ction to hear that his illustrious colleague^
Eugene, had completed all his arrangements in the
empire, and was on his way to the Hague,, frotti
whence he purposed to join the artny. On the
liSth, he thus briefly announces their meeting to
ihe duchess.
, «' May 18. — At my return last night from
Pont a Marque, where I went to meet prince
Eugene, I found, myself so out of order, that L
have been obliged for some days ta keep at home;
but, thank God, I am this day so much better,
that I doubt not of being on horseback to-morrow.
I let you know this, fearing you might hear it from.
others, and think it worse than it is. My illness
L ^ f From a copy in» the Cardpn^l Pa^ers^

28 CHAPTER 100.
was giddiness, and swimmings in my head, which
gave me often sickness in my stomach."
His numerous vexations, indeed, continued to
produce a serious effect on his health and spiritSj
of which the preceding note affords an indication.
On receiving intelligence of the death of his for
mer colleague and friend, lord Rochester, he dwells
feelingly on his increasing infirmities, and antici
pates his own dissolution.
" Mccy 25. — I have received the favour of
yours of the 4th, by which I see lord Rochester is
gone where we must follow. I believe my journey
will be hastened by the many vexations I meet with.
I agree entirely with you, that men are never
wanted ; I am sure I wish well to my country,
and if I could do good, I should think no pains
too great; but I find myself decay so very fast,
that, from my heart and soul, I wish the queen and
my country a peace, by which I might have the ad
vantage of enjoying a little quiet, which is my
gteatest ambition.
" The peace of Hungary I should , hope might
be a good step towards peace, especially if the
king of Sweden should not sucfceed in his projects;
for I believe the king of France is in great expect
ation of what' may be done on that side. I hav^
already told you that we are very considerably
weaker, and the enemy much stronger than the'
last campaign ; so that God only knows how this
m,ay end."
In this interval, Marlborough had the satisfac
tion of hailing the presence of "his colleague, who
scaehed the camp of Lewarde on the 2Sd, ajnd

1711. 29
joined in the festival which the british commander
gave to his companions in arms*on,the anniversary
of the victory at Ramilies, the commemoration
of which, infused additional spirit and energy into
the whole army. * His head quarters, that even
ing, were fixed in the abbey of Auchin. The suc
ceeding days were devoted to pohtical and military
arrangements ; and, on the 2Sth, the two- generals
reviewed the whole army at the head of the camp.
Marlborough was anxious to detain his illustrious
colleague and the imperial troqps in the Nether
lands, for the purpose of prosecuting offensive
operations ; but the intelligence which arrived qf
the intended march of french detachments to the
Rhine, created such an alarm at Vienna, that
Eugene received positive orders to detach the
principal part of his forces to that quarter, in
order to repel the expected attempts of the enemy
to thwart the election. Accordingly, on the 13th
of June, general Cadogan, with the quarter-masters
of the army, repaired to Lens, to mark out a new
camp ; WhUe the prince of Hesse, with 30 squa
drons, occupied the heights of Sailly, in front of
Vitry, in order to cover the intended movement.
At two the ensuing morning, the whole army
broke up, and while the reinforcements for Ger
many filed off to the rear, the forces under the
british general marched by the right, in, six
columns. .They traversed the Scarpe between^
Vitry and Douay, and extended across the .plains
of Lens, placing their right ; at Lievin, on the
Sonchet, and the left tgwards Equerchin. The -"0.
• Milner,

30 CHAPTER 100.
baggage turned to the rear of Douay, andrgdbed
die army by crossing the canal at Aubyaad
Dourges, " '
On the same day, the two generals parted from
each other for the last time during the war, and
took leave wiitih the deepest sentiments ©f regret,
and anxious forebodings for the future. Eugene
pwjGeeded to Tournay, and afterwards repaired to
the Hague, to sooth the alarms of ik^ dutch, and
obtain libeiT consent to the intended march of the
imperialists towards the E;hine. Here he was iie-
tained till the middle of July, in concerting fi»e
military soperations in Germany, ^and making such
arrangements as were rendered necessary by a new
rupture between Sweden and Denmark, whitJh;
tiireatened to involve the princes of the ainrth.
From thence he hurried towards the Rhine, lin the
latter end of July, and passed the remainder of the
campaign in covering the diet jof election, and
watching the movements of the french army raider
marshal Harcourt.
Although Villars exulted in this diminution =tf
the forces to which he was opposed, and displayed
his -characteristic confidence, he also; 'like his great
antagonist, felt the irksomeness and insecurity <af
his own situation. The troops, discouraged %*he
tength and disasters of the war, -deserted in «ttm.
bers, and the officers were destitute of pay and re
sources ; while the scarcity of subsistence iOpged
him to scatter his cavailry towards the irear, .-an'A
Ms movements were cramped by the want tff
,feught horses for the conveyance of his artiltei^t
At the same time, to use his own words, his hands
^ere tied by his sovereign, who, intent on other

1711. SI
projects, broke his measures, by positive orders to
avoid an engagement. *
In this situation, however, he displayed as much
activity and energy as were consistent with his in
structions. On the 14th of June, when the allies
withdrew from their position, he made a corre
sponding movement with his left to join 60 squa^
drons advancing from their cantonments on the
Crinchon, and then halted, with his two flanks at
Montenancourt and Biache^ and bis centre at
Baiilii|)0«x ; while his liead "quarters were estab-
IMjfed i*i the suburbs of Arras.
The position of the allied army on the open
plains of Lens was an evident offer of battle, which
bis affected amdety to accept. For this purpose,
he threw ' 18 bridges over the Scarpe, ordered
several reconnoitrings, and gave every demonstra
tion of a design to engage; but ail his manoeuvres
terminated in a ifew trifling skirmishes, and an at
tempt tb surprise the castle «f Vimy, in wMchhe
vras tepulsfed.
Meanwhile a corps of 15 battalions and 15 squa
drons had been drawn from bis army to the Rhine;
and on the 2Sth of June, a still farther reduction
of his forces took place, by the march of a sectiind
detachment, of 10 'battalions and 26 squadrons, to
the same destination. He was thus left with an
arnly of ISI battalions, and 186^quadrans ; and
'though superior in infantry to his Opponents, be
"Was now too -Weak in cavalry, even had the orders
bf'Ms court pierniitted him, to measure liis strength
with 'His able antagonists on the open plains ^&f
¦* ^Ktei.^^illars, Wjh, ii. An . ,I 71 1,

32 CHAPTER 101.

CHAPTER 101.
1711.
Poliiical qffiiirs in England. — Progress of the negotiation
with France. — Preliminary proposals transmitted to the
british cabinet — Concealed from Marlborough. — Harley
lays before the commons his'gratid scheme of finance, which
is apprceoed and applauded. — His political embarrass
ments, — Death of his rival, lord Rochester. — Created
earl of Osford and Mortimer, and appointed lord U^
treasurer. — Disposal of the other offices of state. — His
scheme to decry the late administration. — Votes in the
house of commons against abuses in the expenditure. -^
Report of the house against the late administration, —
Address to the queen announces a deficit of thirtyfive mil-
lions "unaccounted far. — Oxford deceives the whigs, and
courts the duke of Marlborough. — Their correspondence.
In this position the two armies remained stationary
a month, and we therefore avail ourselves of the
interval of suspense, to resume our review of poli
tical affairs in England, as far as they regarded the
interests or feelings of the british commander.
We have already adverted to the commenceniail;
of the clandestine negotiation with France, aoi^
tiie mysterious secresy hitherto preserved tpward^
the duke of Marlborough. Since that period, the
negotiation had rapidly advanced, and Louis, dis^
covering daily new proofs of a favourable disposi
tion in the british ministry, accomplished his^pur';

1711. 33
pose of establishing a separate intercourse, by
declaring his resolution to make no farther direct
communication to the States. This proposal was
readily.accepted, and, on the 27th of April, secre-^
tary St. John transmitted to lord Raby *, the new
plenipotentiary at the Hague, a sketch of six pre
liminary articles offered by the french court, as
the foundation of a general treaty of peace. The
high tone of this overture sufficiently indicated.
the advantages which the enemy had reaped from
the recent changes in England.
No longer treating the possession of Spain as a
question in dispute, the king of France expatiated
on his own means to maintain the war with glory,
and offered terms. calculated to lure the commer
cial cupidity of England, to the detriment of her
better interests. He promised real security to the
british trade to Spain, the Indies, and the Medi
terranean, a sufficient barrier to the dutch, con
formably to the wish of the british nation, and
freedom of commerce to the subjects of the repiib-
lic. A reasonable satisfaction was also tendered
all the allies of England and Holland. He added,
that as the advantageous situation of Spain left
no room for difficulty, new expedients might be
devised to regulate the succession of that monarchy
to the satisfaction of all parties interested. On
the acceptance of these conditions, conferences
were to be opened ; and the british ministry
were flattered with the option of treating with
the french plenipotentiaries, in conjunction with
* Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol. i. p. 172.
VOL. VI. D

34> CHAPTER 101.
Holland alone, or jointly with the ministers of all
the allies. Liege,- or Aix^-la-Chapelle, was pro
posed as the place of congress; but the choice was
left to the queen.
Lord Raby*, on the receipt of theSe overturfes,
was ordered secretly to itn|)art them to the pen
sionary, with the resolution of her majesty to act
in concert with' the States in- making both' peace
and war ; but as a peculiar mark of slight and- re-
sferve to the generalj the secretary adds,-" the dukfe
of Marlborough has no communication' from hende
of this= affair ; I suppose he wUl have none frt)m
the HWgne." t
This negotiation had been pursued ¦ by Harleiy
with the evident' pnrpose of connecting the ar
rangements- for peace with' his new system of do
mestic policy and finance.
After a tedious confinement, he had gratififed'
the general expectation by appearing in public,
and resuming the functions of his office. He was.
hailed with all the exultation which could be in
spired by the interest taken in his safety, and re
ceived the congratulations of the commons, which'
were conveyed in a style of adulation seldom paid
even to sovereigns themselves. He availed himself
of the impression which his; re-appearanee prb>
duced, to bring forward his grand plan of finaneei
On the second of May, he disclosed to the com
mons his scheme for satisfying the national credi
tors, who had long and anxiously expected tM'
developement of his plan. It was doubtless' con'-
* Soon afterwards created iearl of Strafford.
t Bolingbroke's (Correspondence, vol. i. p, 17s. .

1711. 35
ceived with ^eat ingenuity, and calculated to
da2;zlfe the public mind, ever more intent oh dis
tant and splendid profits, than on immediate ahd
sblid advantages. The debts of the navy, ordnance,
and other branches of the public service, which /
aiiiouhted to between nine and' ten millions, were >
to be funded on this faith of parliament, and bear \
ah interest of 6 per cent., payable from the taxes /
granted for the service of the precedihg'year. As j
these supplies were, however, mortgaged till 171 6, j
adequate provision was to be made in the interval, /
for the' discharge of the irit'efest; and the impo
sitions theti appropriated -were to be rendered per
petual. To draw contributions to this fund, the
subscribers were incorporated into a company,
which was to enjoy the monopoly qf the lucrative
t^adfe to Mexico and Peru, and other parts of the
Spanish Indies.
Tiie attraction's of present interest and future
profit, joined to the actual popularity' of the pro
poser,' rep'r'essed the spirit of investigation ; and,
instead of adverting to the fundamental defects of
the scheme, or the chimerical contingencies on
wTi'i'^h it depended,' it was hailed as the highest
effort of financial' genius, and eagerly embraced
without the slightest consideration. It was also
re^rdecl' by'mahy, as the pledge of a peace with
Ftdfeci^ ; ' because the establishment of a trade to
the' Spatiish Indies could only be founded on a
secret 'understahding with the two Bourbon courts;
and, indeed, the conjecture so far rested on fact,
thai^ the first article of the french' proposals com
prised, as we'have alreadySeen, an engagement to
D 2

36 CHAPTER 101.
secure the engUsh in the enjoyment of a trade to
Spain, the Indies, and all the ports of the Medi
terranean. All things seemed to smile on the fortunate mi
nister ; for on the very day on which he developed
this popular scheme, the sudden death of the earl
of Rochester dehvered him from a colleague in
office, who was a powerful rival for the royal
favour, who gave energy and consistency to the
I efforts of the violent tories, and who waited only
(the developement of his plan to expose its defects.,
' Harley Was now paramount in the cabinet, enjoyed
the full confidence of the sovereign, guided the
house of commons, and was at once the dispenser
of royal favour, and the idol of the day- The na
tional voice already began to chide the tardiness of
the queen in delaying to invest him with honours
equal to his merits and services ; but the wishes of
the public were soon gratified, for before the end
of May he was raised to the peerage, by the royal
title of earl of Oxford and Mortimer, and consti
tuted lord high treasurer.
The changes which arose out of the death of
Rochester, were equally favourable to Harley and
his party; for the duke of Buckingham was ap-
I pointed to the vacant post of president of the
I council, lord Poulett was transferred from the
treasury board to the office of lord high steward,
and the chancellorship of the exchequer was given
to Mr. Benson, a mere cipher in office, and a de- ,
pendant on his principal.
As every step of Harley's political career had ,
evinced his anxiety to ground his reputation on the
9

1711. 37
ruin of that of his predecessor, so he did not dis
dain to suffer even his patent of peerage to convey
a cruel, though covert stigma on the late treasurer.
After a fulsome panegyric on his own merits as a
statesman, the new peer is described as the cham
pion of public credit, the deliverer of his country ')
from the pest qf peculation and plunder*, as well as .
the founder of a new system of domestic finance, '
and of foreign commerce to the western world.
With the same view he suffered a special com
mittee to be appointed for the purpose of continuing
the investigation of the public accounts. This
committee consisted of seven persons peculiarly
hostile to the late administration, being either vio
lent tories, or notorious Jacobites, t After a se
vere and scrutinizing investigation, they laid •
before the house a series of charges against the
late financial administration, for not having ac
counted for the sums voted by parliament, and for
flagrant embezzlements of the public revenue.
On the 15th of May the report of the committee
was taken into consideration, and certain reso
lutions were proposed.
1. That the increase of the expences beyond the
annual supplies had been the chief occasion of the
national debts. 2. That certain sums, issued for
the service of the navy, had been appropriated to
the use of the army. 3. That this transfer had
been injurious to the navy. 4. That the appli-
'* " Late grassanti peculatus pesti coercendse, novisque ad alterum.
orbem commerciis instituendis consulent."
t Among these were Shippen and Lockhart. — Chandler's Debatet
and Journals.
D 3

as CHAPTER 101.
cation of any unappropriated sums was a misappli
cation of the public rnoiiey.
These propositions were evidently leyellejl
against the late treasurer, and were supported ^y
the wbole -force of tjbie ministerial party. In the
course of the preparatory discussion, St. Jolm eni-
ployed all the arts 9f his splendid an^ plausible
eloquence in favour of the irjquiry ; boldly assfiiTt-
ing.'that npne but those who were enemies to t^eir
country, or who had themselves plunde;;ed the
treasury, could be so rash as to oppose it.
The friends of Gp(|.plphin, and the adherjepts of
the whigs, combated this inquisitorial scrutiny
with equal force ; and among the ablest of these
advocates, we fin^ the name of Walpole *, arguing
against such an indiscriminate censure, and such
a rancorous spirit of malicious persecut;ion. T]ip
resolutions, however, were carried by a very ^e^f
majority, and we subjpin a very sensilale letter to ijie
duchess from l^r. Maynwaring, ;who "was pre§gnt
on this occasion.
" Tuesday, past six o'plock. t — I am just jiow
come from the house of commons, wliere t^^| ^SJ
w^s set apart again to pass censureg on ^e late
treasury. Their j^st vote -was, that tjie e^c^^^^
the several sums granted l^y pariiaingjii|; h^s Ij^n
the chief occasion of the 4eVts of the navy] anj[a
violation of'the rghts of' parliame^i^it^ 'TJiiijs" ^f^-s
carried by above two to one, and three niore ques
tions,' depending upon it,' without a division ; one
' Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, ch. vi,— Cunningham, v, iiy.p.SW.
t ?lainj;y written on Tuesday the ISt^ of ]^ay, the% wben the re
solutions were proposed. — See Journals,

1711. S9
of which was moved by your friend, Mr. Bathurst,
who reflected on the land-service, and concluded
ihat the applying any part of the money given to
the navy to the payment of the troops, was a sad
mismanagement, &c. This has been done some
times, 'tis true, but never without an absolute
necessity, and the navy has always been repaid out
of the pay pf those troops. * *****
* * AU the great successes of the war have
been carried by these exceeding and extraordinary
payments that they have censured. And the par
liament always gives a discretionary allowance ;
and thtere was intimation in their debates, that if
the money did not answer the service of the cur
rent year, there could be no doubt but every thing
would be made good that was laid out upon great
and unforeseen services. And how is it possible
for a parliament to provide for things which may
be most necessary to be done within the year,
which perhaps the ministers know nothing of
when the supplies are granted, or if they should
know, would not be fit to be divulged ! Yet, now,
all this is mismanagement and misapplication."
On the 24th, the commons appointed another
epinmittee to draw up a general report of these
and other abuses, to be laid before the queen ; and
Auditor Harley, the brother of the treasurer, had
the principal share in preparing it. * The new
committee did not fail to discharge the functions
imposed upon them "with all the vindictive spirit
which actuated the ministers. Their representa-
* Beyer's Queen Anne, p. 497.
D 4

40 CHAPTER 101.
tion, after several votes and resolutions, was finally
embodied in a general address to the queen, which
was presented on the 4th of June. After applaud
ing the zeal of the legislature, in voting supplies,
and discharging the public debt, it stated, that in
tracing the causes of these debts, the commis
sioners had discovered notorious embezzlements
and mismanagements in public offices, misapplica
tion of parliamentary grants, and frauds and de
predations of the most flagrant kind. They
remarked, " from aU these evil practices and worse
designs of some persons, who had, by false profes
sions of love to their country, insinuated them
selves into your royal favour, irreparable mischief
had accrued to the public, had not your majesty,
in your wisdom, seasonably discovered the fatal
tendency of such measures, and out of your sin
gular goodness to your people, removed from the
administration of affairs, those who had so ill an
swered the favourable opinion your majesty had
conceived of them, and, in so many instances,
grossly abused the trust reposed in them."
The commissioners summed up the series of
their accusations with declaring that of the monies
granted by parliament for the pubhc ser-vice to
Christmas, I710, no less a sum than ^^35,302,107
remained unaccounted for, of a great part of which
no accounts had ever been so much as laid before
the auditor. *
This unjust and calumnious report produced an
almost electric effect. The people, accustomed to
• History of Europe for 1711, p. 2IS  Journals and Debates.

1711. 41
regard the decisions of the legislature with re
verence and respect, cPUld not conceive that the
solemn sanction of parliament would have been
given to a statement principally founded on erro
neous grounds. The whigs, therefore, became x
more than ever the objects of popular obloquy; '
and the late changes were not only hailed as the
salvation of the country, birt the new ministers
acquired additional confidence for the care and
vigilance which they had thus appeared to display
in the detection of abuses, and their ability in re
deeming the public credit. Under the impression
produced by this master-stroke of political craft,
the parliament was prorogued, and the members
dispersed, to extend its effects, and spread the
same malignant spirit among their respective con
stituents, 'ff' 'S»'
The ebullition of public favour was, however,
too violent to be durable; and Oxford soon found
that envy and rivalry are the constant associates of
favour and power. Even among his colleagues
and dependants, he experienced a change of senti
ment ; for St. John, who had hitherto acted a
subordinate part, began to repine at his paramount
ascendancy, and complained, of his coldness and
reserve, his monopoly of royal favour, and his dda.^
toriness in the conduct of public business. He
thus expresses his complaints in a confidential
letter to the earl of Orrery : " Mr. Harley, since
his recovery, has not appeared at the council,, or
at the treasury at all, and very seldom in the house
of commons. We, who are reputed to be in jiis
intimacy, have few opportunities of seeing him.

)

4^ CHAPTER 101.
and none of talking freely with him. As he is
the only true chanml through which the queen's
pleasure is conveyed, so there is, and must be, a
perfect stagnation, till he is pleased to open him
self, and set the water flowing." *
The new treasurer had now developed all his
designs, and the public having no longer novelties
to amuse, or hopes and fears to occupy their at
tention, began to cool in their attachment, and to
regard with indifference what they had so highly
applauded. St. John, who formed a just estunate
of his situation, observes, " He stands on slippery
gronnda, and envy is always near the great to fling
up their heels, on the least trip which they make.
* * * P * Many changes," he adds, " have
been made at the rising of the parliament, and
\ although they are such as ought to satisfy our
' friends ; yet the number of the discontented must
always exceed that of the contented, as the num
ber of pretenders does that of employments." t
Q^fprd himself was too discerning to be ignorant
of his precarious .situation. He well knew the un-
certpinty of puhUc opinion, and was aware that
when the burst of popplar enthusiasm was past, the
plenitude of royal favour would scarcely suffice to
shield him against the attacks of qpen enemies, the
insidious machinations of discontented adherents,
or the wiles of envious courtiers. He therefore
/ resumed his former policy of cajoling all parties,
and endeavoured to sustain his credit and power,
• Bplingljjcpk^'B Correspondence, v. i. p. 21.6.
t St. John to the earl of Orrery, June 12, nil. Bolingbroke's
Correspondence, vol, ,i. p, 242. ' ' •

1711. iS
by%ingt^eir cupidity, ov exciting thifeir miity^ ^
antipatliies. In .Ijbe midst of his perplexity ^nd forebodings,
the de^th of the 4^^^ ^^ N.e\ycastl,e, .wljp held the
ofl^ce pf -lord privy seal, prpduc^d a crisis in big
pohtical life. Fof the .V/acant pgst, njimerous can
didates ^tartjed from di;^^t parties, ^11 danger-
pus ^p disobUge. Among the,5e, "^^ distinguish
tl^e e^rl of Npttixtgham, head jf^ the violent tories,
an4 l^f^ Spfflgrs, ^i^p :^as ^tr^pngly rg^qomflo^de^
by the duke and duchess of Somerset, and f1jp§P
^fjipissidn into tlje ministry was expected to ensure
tl^e support of th^e vhigs, Godolphia, and IVIarl-
bpj;6ugh. Oxford, boisrever, /^.ould not associate .
J^ottingbam iiipffice, ^om a ,4^*g^d of j^is overbear- (
ing 1;emper, and the jii^nepce he ppssessed #Daong ,
the yiolejit tories ; npr c^H^d Jie a4mit l^piners, '
eyen if inclined to accept the ppst, without expps-
ing himself to the charge of incpnsistency, an4 to
the danger of being overborne by the whigs, whom
he had so grievously offended.* Finding that
* It is very difScult to ascertain the real intentions and motives of sk)
subtle a politician as Harley j but we learn from the cpnteipporary
evidence of Cunningham, as well as from the letters of Mr. Maynwaring
to the duchess, that he was again successful in luring and deceiving the
whigs. — See Cunningham, vol. ii. book 14. passim.
In one of his letters, dated May 4. Mr. Maynwaring observes to the
duchess, " He (Mi*. Harley) has taken care to inform the worid, that
^e,is to be treasurer, and m^de a peer, with , Sir S. HarcQjirt, of which
I Ijad a long, and I believe, true account, last night from an intimate
firi^ndi of the duke of Newcastle, who was always that to Mr. Harley.
Hetpld.me, that the queen was the most impatient in the world to
have Mr. Harley preferred. That the president's place had been
offered to ^very one of the cabinet round, and that the duke of Buck
ingham would have it at last, to make way for lord Poulett. That
there never had been any thought of lord fi^ottingham, but quite the

44 CHAPTER 101.
peace alone could secure his power, he promoted io
j the vacant office the earl of Jersey, who had been
the first channel of his negotiations with France ;
and, on his sudden death, he resorted to the un
usual expedient of conferring it on a churchman,
] Dr. Robinson, dean of Rochester, soon afterwards
raised to the see of Bristol, who had signalized
himself by his skUl in negotiation, and whom he
destined for the office of plenipotentiary at the
congress, for which arrangements were already
making. In this state of perplexity some mutual friends
attempted to form a coalition of parties, and pror
mote his reconciliation with the whigs and the
duke of Marlborough. * He himself either saw
the advantages of the proposal, or deemed it
. necessary to avert the hostilities of his political
! opponents, by continuing to flatter their hopes.
With this view, we find him in his correspondence

contrary. That Mr. Harley would think his power at an end if that
person were taken in, which would ouly give life and encouragement
to that party, which he intended to weaken. And that tliis man agreed
exactly with your grace. That although lord Halifax, lord Somers,
and lord Sunderland had endeavoured to be well with him, he cer
tainly fooled them who were the last men in the nation that he would
have any thing to do with; and that for lord Halifax, he was like the
fly uponthe wheel, that would always thrust himself upon people and
fancy he did great mattep, when, in truth, he only made himself ridi
culous, and would never bring the least thing about. I am pretty con
fident that all this was said by the duke of Newcastle. And I have
often wondered how lord Halifax's great spirit could ever bear to speak
again with Mr. Harley, when he had been so shamefully exposed last
yeai-, about his own going to Holland, and his compounding matters at
home." * Cunningham, vol. ii, p. 3 63.

1711. , 45
with the general, resuming his former tone pf
devotion and respect; and affecting as much in
terest in his plans, and as warm an attachment to
liis person, as are displayed even in the letters of
Godolphin himself.
- ' From the Earl of Oxford.
" My lord ; Kensington, June %(i.-July 7.
" I received the honour of your grace's letter by
the last mail, and I beg you will be assured, that
as I receive the obliging expressions therein as
marks of your grace's favour, so I shall study to
deserve it, and never give any just occasion to
alter your opinion. I have sent a hundred thou
sand pounds for the service of the army, and did
intend to have settled the remittance for the whole
campaign, but thatT have a prospect of making a
better bargain for the public. I have got one
stiver in the last 100 thousand pounds, it bemg at
eleven stivers. I hope to present your grace,
next week, with the state of the payments thus
far, and a scheme for the rest of the year.
" As to Woodstock, I have got from Mr. Van-
brugh an estimate of the works, which are yet to
be performed; and I wiU lay before the queen a
scheme for weekly payments, though the debt on
the family grows very clamorpus; the whole, upon
the present civil list, being about four hundred
thousand pounds, during the queen's reign.
" I do not doubt but Mr. Secretary gives your
grace an account that, lord Peterborough arrived
here on Sunday. For my own part, I have not
had an Ppportunity of hearing the detail of his
proceedings; but the secretary has, andj I pie-

46 CHAPTER- 101.
stiniei WiU give your grace nbtice" of what is' r'e-
m'arkaljle. The' qii^etf is gone tliik afternooii to
reside at Windsor. I think" to' stay here ^6t some
ti'mei arid only gp' to attend the qtieen oil Satur
days and Sundays. I beseech yOii' to'belieVe, that
I will do evdiyt^iiig',' wHieh riiay sKfew with how
real' arid' great rfes^^ddt'atiddefereride^^T am, &c."
I T^He driconraging styid' of the letters fronf the
new lord treas'iire'r, and his arde'lit pfofessibhs of
zSal, iridiiced J^arlborough to adopt a siintlar toiife'
of cordiality, aitdtb doinrtiuriicatc to him a^foje'ct
fPr the putpose of adcderatiti^nhe terminatidn^of
tli^' war; Finding' frpth* the diminutiotH df liik
ai-my^ t^/the ' separation" of the imperialists, that he
cPtild npt' dohduct' liis oi)eratibns on the scalfe'- ori
ginally' cdndertedi he formed Vplte coinmenstiiite
With His meahs, and likely to be no less effecti^l!;
'A^' sdheme is " only partially explained in tlife^
letters still' extaiit ; Ibut f rorii the corresptindeiic^^,^
Wbidh pa^ssed' ori the subject, it appfeal^ to have'
comprised'the daptiire of BPuchaih and' Quesiho)^;
before the close of -the c^ihpafgri:. Thte alrrtty was
then tb continue oh the frontier dtffing winter;' a'od'
being rejoitfed by the imperialists; to aTittbp&thfe^
erieitty^in'the'field, in the ehSui% spring. The';
speedy fall df Arras or Cambray Wag- eipectea'
fro'm these early opefatidhs; and the" comblne^d^
armies, hating no logger arty fortress to withst^ii^
their prOg^efes; might penetrate into the heart of
Fratfce," and dictate terms of peace under the Walis'
ofPari^: TotheLor-d Tredsufer.
" JM?i'4.— Ybur lordship'S'last letters,' which I'

1711'. 47
have already acknowledged, give me so much en
couragement to cdrrespond with you for tiie future
ih terms of confidence and friendship, that I cannot
but offer tb you such thoughts relating to the
service, as occur to me in looking forward at this
time of inaction.
" The enemy have brought forward a large
train of artillery, with all sorts of ammunition and
other necessaries for a siege, to Cambray, and are
actually erecting magazines there^ and at Valen-
cierines and Bouchain. This can be to no Other
end than to have it in their power to attack Douay,
at the time we shall be obliged to leave the field
for want of forage.
" rt has cost me some time to consider of the
means effectually to prevent this design, and tb
annoy the enemy at the same timcj which I think'
is only tb be done, by keeping the greatest part of
the army in this country all the winter, which will
oblige the eneniy to do the same at an infinitely
greater eXpence; and we shall be in a condition
to take the fiield so early; that they will not be able
to hinder our' attacking either Arras or Cambray,
as may be thought for the good of the common
cause. If the project I an! framing upon this
foiindation shall be approved by the queen and
the States, I cannot but hope it- may prove thd
means of obliging the french king to think of
rnaking fresh offers of peace this winter. But as
tWere will be many points in it, which' require to
bef explained 4n a more ample manner than can
wiell be done by writing ; if you think it deserves
your attention, I wiU, as soon as I receive ycMr

48 CHAPTER 101.
answer, send over lord Stair, as fully instructed in
every thing that concerns the project, as he is
already acquainted with my sincere desire to live
with you in the strictest friendship that may be. .
In the mean time, I shall not mention a word of
this matter to any other person living, the secresy
of the project being of the greatest importance."
Reply of the Treasurer.
" July 6. — My lord ; I received from the hands
of lord Mar, just as I came froni Windsor^ the
honour of your grace's letter, and I am not willing
to let a post pass, without making your grace my
acknowledgments. It is most certain, that you
can best judge what is fit to be proposed upon the
subject you are pleased to mention, arid you are
extremely in the right to send a person, who may
be able to explain, by word of mouth, your grace's
thoughts. You give the necessary caution, that it
be kept secret, and I doubt not but your grace
will find a sufficient excuse for that lord's coming
over, which may amuse the world. I do assure
your grace, that I shall not communicate this to
any person, but whom the queen shall direct me
to tell it to. I hope those who must know it,
amongst the States, may observe the same caution.
" I hope it will be needless to renew the assur
ances to your grace, that I will not omit any thing
inmy power, which may testify my zeal for the
public, and my particular honour and esteem for .
your grace; and I doubt not, but when the lord
you mention comes, I shall satisfy him of the sm- ,
cerity of my intentions towards your grace. I
believe you are well informed of the address of the

1711. 49
house of commons to the queen, to send commis
sioners to Spain, Portugal, &c., to examine the
condition of the army. Flanders was left out of /
the address by your well-wishers, and, though I
will not trouble you with long accounts, I cannot
forbear telling your grace, that there is already
actually issued to June 26th, out of this year's
funds, to Mr. Bridges, for all the forces under his
pay, two millions six hundred thirty-six thousand
seven hundred thirty-seven pounds, five shillings,
and three pence, which will still make it more rea
sonable to have the remainder applied to the most
important services. Your grace will have heard
that Mr. Vryberg is dead; I hope the States will
find a proper person to succeed him. This morn
ing the duke of Queensberry died ; a third secre
tary is so new a thing in England, and so much |
out of the way of doing business here, that it /
ought to be put upon some other foot, if the
queen shall think fit to have any one succeed him.
I beseech your grace to accept the assurance that
I am," &c.
On receiving a letter so replete with expressions
of confidence and ^eal, the general repaired to the
quarters of lord Stair, who was confined with an
ague. To this zealous friend he imparted his
design in a long conversation. He dwelt with
regret on the unfortunate situation of the grand
confederacy, and expressed his apprehensions, lest
the blood and treasure which had been expended
to reduce the exorbitant power of France, should
be sacrificed in vain, if he continued to command
the army, after having lost the favour of the
VOL, VI. E

50 CHAPTER 101.
sovereign, and the confidence of her mirii&te:^s.
Two expedidhts, he added, only remained, tb
' remedy this misfortune. The first, ' that he should
be permitted to resign his command, to one mbre
agreeable to the queen and ministry, who might
pursue the objects of the grand alliance, till the
war was ended. With equal advantage and glory.
He declared' he should then return with cheerful
ness to a private station, and employ his prayers
and influence in behalf of his successor. The
second expedient was, to offer to continue at the
head of the army, provided he could regain the
confidence of the queen, and live with the Ited
treasurer on the same friendly terms as he had
done with lord' Godolphin. With these offers W^s
connected a more petfect developement of his
project, w-hich lord Stair was commissioned to
' communicate in person. *
The answer of the treai^urer will exhibit the
manner in which this communication' was received.
" My'lPrd; July 9,4s.- Aiig. At.
" Saturday morning I received the honour of ydur
grace's letter from my lord Stair, and I do assure
your giraCd, that I will never do arty thing WM<£;h
shall forfeit your good opinion ; ahdT hope' to haVe
an opportunity of a farther conversation with ^tty
'ibrd Stair on that hdad, that he may retuttl '^SiBi-
ciently instructed to give your gi'aCe satisfactifen
onanpl(Sirits. On Sunday ldr<i Stair attended "^^ the
* This iiiteresting'hnefidote is related' in a curirtus lettfer frdm'ldrd
I Stair to lord Marchmont, dated Edinburgh, Dec. lo. 1734, and cdm-
\ municated to me by the late right honourable G. Rose. It is likewise
printed in hisiKemarks on Mr. Fox's History ofJaites II.

1711. 51
queen, and delivered your grace's letter and the
other papers yesterday morning, by the queen's com
mand. The duke of Shrewsbury, Mr. Secretary,
and myself, had a conference with my lord, who
fully explained all the particulars ; and we have
agreed to make as good an estimate as we can, by
the rule of the present contracts, tho' that will
be far 1 from being exact, and by Sunday next to
lay it before the queen for her approbation. One
great point we debated was, how to preserve the
secret, and particularly when it comes to be asked
of the elector of Hanover about his troops ; but
that is not what is first to be done. I shall have
the honour to acquaint your grace with the steps
taken herein from time to time. I hope the pen
sionary will find some proper expedient to prevent
the dangers threatened from the north ; and now
that we hear the king of Prussia is like to accom
modate matters, certainly it were w.orth trying to
.soften the king of Denmark. I believe lord Pe
terborough wiU go in a few days, to be .at the
election of the emperor. The queen will also
speedily name an arbitrator to go to Milan, to
settle matters between the duke of Savoy and the
court of Vienna. I am told, just now, that there
is some alteration in the distribution of the money
to pay the army, that Mr. Sweet * is not upon the ^
iSame foot he was ; I do assure your grace, I never
¦heard a word of it until this moment ; and I shall ,
send for Mr. Bridges to-smorrow to know the mean-
jing of it. I beseech your grace to believe me to
be with the greatest respect," &c.
¦ * Agent for the duke of Marlborough, and for the peymasteir of the
forces, residing in Holland.
E 2

52 CHAPTER 102.

CHAPTER 102.
1711.
Prosecution of Marlborough's grand project, — Operations
preparatory to the investment of Bouchain. — Skilful maoe-
ments and stratagems to delude Villars. — Rapid march,
and successful passage of the french lines.-^ Marlborough
prudently rejects the advice of the dutch deputies to attack
the enemy in their strong position before Cambray, — Ex
torts the consent of the council of war far the siege of Boa-
chain. — Passes the Scheld. — Replies to the censures on his
conduct, and vindicates his operations, in a letter to count
Zinzendorf.
Impkessed with the importance of his project,
and encouraged by the approbation of the queen
and minister, Marlborough prepared to avail him
self of his central situation and resources, by
effecting the primary object in view, the invest
ment of Bouchain.
This, however, was an enterprise of no small
difiiculty; for he must previously break through
the boasted lines of Villars, and traverse the Scarpe
and the Sanzet, with such secresy and promptitude,
as again to elude the vigilance and activity of his
enterprising antagonist. This undertaking, how
ever, he could not venture to propose in a council
of war, from a conviction that he should never
obtain the consent of the generals and dutch de
puties, to make an attempt of so much difficulty and

1711. ^3
^nger. But he was not deterred by these consi
derations, and he hoped, in the course of its
gradual accomplishment, to place his army in a
situation, where retreat would be perilous, and
attack impracticable, and thus to extort from the
cautious council their sanction for his ultimate
operations. In the execution of this design he de
veloped that sublimity of military talent which has
justly stamped this campaign as not the least
scientific and glorious in his whole career.
During his encartipment at Lewarde, he had
observed that the triangular portion of ground,
comprised between Cambray, Aubanchoeil-au-bac,
and the confluence of the Sanzet and Scheld, of
fered a position so strong, that a small force could
maintain it against a superior enemy. As long,
however, as the french held the redoubt at Au
bigny, and the works about Arleux, this object
could not be accomplished; and, therefore, as a
preliminary operation, these posts were immedi
ately attacked. Aubigny was carried without
much difficulty, and its loss appeared to create no
alarm among the enemy, as their attention was
principally fixed on Arleux. To prevent their
permanent occupation of this important post,
Marlborough recurred to a masterly stratagem.
He was aware, that if he took it, the enemy would
recapture it, as soon as his army should remove to
a distance, and that they would be more intent on
its preservation, because it commanded the current
of the Waters, and enabled them to impede the ar
rival of supplies. He therefore resolved to play
on the impatient and lively imagination of the
E 3

54 CHAPTER 102.
french marshal ; first, by taking the post, to shew
that he could capture it when he pleased ; and, se
condly, by enlarging and fortifying it, to delude
him into the belief that, he considered it of im-
poi'tance in a defensive view. These measures he
expected would impel Villars to retake it, as soon
as the allied army withdrew, and then finding the
WoAs extensive, and the allies menacing an attack
with all their forces, in another quarter, that he
would recall his troops to meet the attempt, and
demolish a post, which his antagonist appeared to
value. *
For the execution of this stratagem, a detach^
ment of 700 men, with cannon, marched from
Douay ; and, at night, the duke suddenly turned
out the piquet of the army, and moved to the
heights in front of Sailly and L'Ecluse, to* mask
the attack, which was conducted with such spirit,
that the redoubt and water-mill were forced^, and
120 prisoners taken, before Villars, who hastened
to the relief, could arrive. No time was lost in
strengthening the redoubt, by a double ditch and
pallisades, and by mounting eight pieces of cannon
and two mortars. Rantzau, who had been left
with 12 battalions and 10 squadrons, to cover the
working party, deeming the post sufficiently se-
cure, retired with his principal officers to Douay ;
and Villars, having personally reconnoitred the
camp, seized this favourable moment to surprise it,
by the circuitous route of Bouchain. On the night
of the 9th, the attempt was made in considerable
* Kane's Memoirs, p. 89. This experienced tactician has ably
developed the views of the great commander in this stratagem.

171 1- 55
force, by a qoiflbiped attafik on the side of Bou
chain, and. on that of the french camp, directed
by Villars in person; and, thpugh.itfailed in the
m^in object, it spread alarm tbrpugh the allied
lineSj by the slaughter of some sleeping troppers,
the capture of 200 prisp^qrs, several hundred
hprses, a considerable booty, and tjiip disgrace in
separable from a nigh|:ly surprise. The allied gar
rison still retained, possession of Aj'leuj^, and the
covering army reinained in its. general position, al
tering only the fprrn of the encampment.
Marlborough appeared to evinpe great mortifi-
Catipn at this dishonour to his arms ; but as bis
stratagem was now matured, he soon afterwards
called; in the detachment, and, on the 20th, broke
up from his position. Thus adroitly leaving Arleux
to its fpipe, he matched by his right in the direction
pf Bethune, placing his, troops between Gosnay
and Mezengarde, and establishing his head quar
ters at the Chartreuse. The next day he resumed
his march to Cotenes, his right occupying Etree
Blanche, on the Quelle, his centre being posted-
at Auchin, and his le^ at Bonvriere, on the
Clairance. This change of position induced Villars to niake
a parallel movement. He brought his left, on
th.e 21st, beyond Sambrin ; his right was, a,t La
Cpur des Bois, near Arras; and his front extended
behind his formidable lines, with a detached corps
at the abbey of Cercamp, on the left bank of the
Canche. But he^ve he took his departure, he d^-
tached a corps of 16 battalions, and as many squa
drons, tp carry Arleux, and, after the capture, to
E 4i

56 CHAPTER 102.
join D'Estaing, who was left on the lines near the
Sambre, for the purpose of making a diversion on
the side of Brabant. Marshal Montesquiou, at
the head of the attacking corps, appeared before
Arleux, at day-break on the 23d, and, after a short
cannonade, his grenadiers took it by storm, cap
turing 500 prisoners, with the loss of 80 men killed
and wounded. He garrisoned it with 800 men, and '
stationed six battalions at Pallue to sustain them.
Villars was greatly elated with these trifling ad
vantages ; while Marlborough concealed his hopes,
by an affected display of chagrin and mortification,
under the pretence that his enemies wohld impute
his Want of success to his variance with tiie mi
nisters, to the absence of Eugene, or to inability of
coping singly with his able antagonist. He sud
denly changed his usual demeanour of courtesy
and affability, assumed the appearance of spleen
and moroseness, and secluded himself in his tent.
He declared to those who had access to his person,
that he would attack the enemy at all hazards, and
revenge the insult which his army had recently
sustained. At this moment he had the satisfaction to
learn that Villars had ordered his troops to evacuate
Arieux, and demolish the fortifications. He still
affected, however, to entertain great apprehensidns
lest D'Estaing should make an irruption into Bra
bant, and declared that he must advance to cover
that province. He therefore sent lord Albemarle,
with 12 battahons and 26 squadrons, to Bethune,
and went in person to reconnoitre the position of
the hostile army towards Villdrs Brulin and Au
bigny. Oru learning that D'Estaing had moved
IO*

1711. 57
towards Brabant, he made no change in his dispo
sitions, but dispatched generals Ammama and
Chanclos to Brussels, and, on the SOth, gave or
ders to lord Albemarle to be in readiness to join
hifti on his intended march.
We find two letters to lord Godolphin, written
during these movements, in which he announces
his resolution of engaging the enemy, provided a
favourable opportunity should occur ; and refers
for particulars to Dr. Garth, who had paid him a
visit in the camp, on account of his precarious
state of health.
" July 26. — This day, on our march, I received
the favour of your two letters of the 29th of the
last month and the 3d of this. You may be very
well assured that my inclinations are, at this time,
for a battle, believing it to be the interest of the
common cause, as well as for mine own honour, to
be at this time ventured; for tho' the enemy be
stronger than we, yet as the humours of the
northern powers are, God knows how long we
may be able to keep the troops we have now with
us. This, I fear, is so well known to the french,
that I apprehend they will not be willing to ven
ture on this side of their lines ; and if they had
any intention of fighting, our last camp was a very
proper place, and we continued in it five weeks,
which is very near a demonstration, that their in
tention is not to make use of their superiority, by
venturing a battle, at least not till towards the end
of the campaign ; so that the consequences then
may not be so great as they might otherwise be
when there might be time to act in."

58 CHAPTER 102.
" July 30. — Doctor Garth intending to leave
us to-morrow, I shall not give you any trouble by
this night's post. He will acquaint you with our
situation, as also of my own health, which, if I
could have a littie quiet, I might hope to live some
few years longer.
" The marshal de Villars ha«. sent 20 squadrons
and 17 battalions into Brabant. On the first noT
tice, I have reinforced the garrisons of Bruxelles
and Mons, for those people are ill inclined^ to us. I
shaH march the army on Saturday, and if I can, see
any hopes of success, I shall attack them. As to
the lending of money, the doctor willlet you know
that whatever you think right, I shall agree to, it,"
Meanwhile Villars continued to inci:ease the de
fences on the plain in his front ; and confiding in
the strength of his position, and of his forces, he
wrote to the king of France the qelebrated letter,
for which he was so much ridiculed, boastings thai
at length he had brought Marlborough to his ne
phis uMra.
The heavy baggage of the allies having already
been sent off on the 28th, under the escort of ge
neral Wood, with four battalions and twelve squa
drons, in the direction of Douay ; bread for six
days was clandestinely baked:, and forwarded from
Lille, and the train of artillery was removed from
the camp, under a proper guard. Thus disen
cumbered, Marlborough broke up, at four in the
morning of the 1st of August, and marched in
eight columns to the front, by rpads and bridges
previously prepared. His left halted at Poflt de
Eebreuve, in front of Houdain, his centre at
*i7

1711. 59
Dieval, and the right near Belval, behind the
woods of St. Pol,, where he was rejoined by lord
Albemarle. Detachments were again ostentatiously
ordered &)rward,. to clear the roads in the direction
of the hostile left. Although several corps had
quitted the camp, the object of these marches and
counter-marches had not been ascertained by Vil
lars ; and it had' been industriously divulged, that
the british general had called in all his detach
ments. After these menacing manoeuvres, Villars,
no longer doubting that he was about to be at
tacked in his strong post, concentrated, all his
forces, recalling his distant garrisons, and even,
among others, the troops that had been left at
PaUue, in the vicinity of Arleux.
Early next morning, Marlborough againt moved
to the front, and halted between Villers Bruhn and
Betonsart, his left encamping near the wood of
VUlers aux Bois, and -the right about BailleuL
The cavalry were instantly ordered to collect fas
cines,, ©f smaU dimensions, so as not to fatigue the
infantry when marching to the attack. On the
evening of the 3d,, brigadier Sutton, at ths head
of a strong detachment, left the camp with all
the field-artillery, excepting four pieces,, and with
the pontoons and remaining baggage, including
even the last carriage of the general. At day-light
of the 4th, Marlborough, attended by most of
the general officers, went out to reconnoitre, es
corted by the grenadiers of the army, under bri
gadier Durell, and 80 squadrons of cavalry, the
whole camp remaining under arms in front of the
position. He rode along the lines, within range

60 CHAPTER 102.
of cannon-shot, and in full view of the anxious
enemy, stopping at intervals, and pointing with
his cane to different parts of their front ; while he
explained to the several commanders the direction,
of the columns which each w^as to lead to the pre
tended attack. " This," to use the expression of
an eye-witness, " he spoke openly in the hearings
of all about him, and, as it were, with a confi-.
dence of success ; when, at the same- time, every
one with him was surprised at this rash and dan-.
gerous undertaking, and believed it proceeded
from the afiront which Villars had put upon him,.
and the ill-treatment he had of late received from
the queen and the ministry, which had now made.
him desperate." * Marlborough then returned to
camp, and gave orders to prepare for battle.
The deep-laid plan was now ripe for execution.
Villars was in the tods, and the state of the weather
promised the advantage of a full moon and cloud
less sky for the intended march. While aU were
in anxious expectation, Cadogan privately quitted
the camp, attended only by 40 hussars. In the
french lines, hope was raised to. the highest pitch,
and the disgraces of many campaigns were at last
expected to be obliterated by a splendid victory.
Among the allies, gloom hung on every counte
nance : reduced by various detachments, and desti
tute of artillery, it appeared madness to attack an
enemy superior in numbers, and intrenched be
hind lines bristling with cannon. Yet the long-
tried confidence of the troops in the skill of their
* This interesting detail is taken from general Kane, Vfho v^as pre
sent in the army. — Kane's Memoirs, p. 92.

1711. 61
great chief, still excited hopes that he had mea
sures in reserve of which they could not penetrate
the plan. At length the dusk of evening began
to spread, the tattoo beat, and, before the ruffle of
the drums had ceased, orders passed along the line
to strike the tents. At the same time, instruc
tions were issued, that officers would be sent to
conduct the columns to their destination. Mean
while, a corps of light cavalry engaged the atten
tion of the enemy on their left, by sweeping rapidly
round Sart-le-bois-Sace and Houvigneul, and then
returning towards the camp. A little 'before nine,
the lines facing to the left silently filed off, in
four columns, through the woods of Villers aux
Bois, Neuville, Theluche, and Gaverelle, with
such expedition, that before five in the morning of
the 5th, they reached the bank of the Scarpe, near
Vitry, where they found pontoons already prepared
for their passage, and the field-artdlery, which had
been conducted by brigadier Sutton. During the
march, the duke led the van, at the head of 50
squadrons of the left wing. At break of day an
express, dispatched by Cadogan, reached him, with
intelligence, that he arid general Hompesch had
crossed the causeway without opposition, at Au
banchoeil-au-bac, about three in the morning, and
iwere in actual possession of the enemy's lines, with
22 battalions and 2000 horse, composed partly of
the detachments previously sent from the camp,
and partly from garrisons in the rear. The general
received the welcome inteUigence while in the act
of leading the van of the horse, in anxious expect
ation. Hje instantly sent orders to every regi-

62 CHAPTER 102,
ment of infantry to accelerate their march, and tt
the right wing of horse. Which closed the rear, to
bring up the fatigued and stragglers, and pushed
on at a trot with his 50 squadrons to join Cadogan,
Thenews spreading rapidly through 'the columns,
all were animated with fresh ardour ; and even the
lukewarm and envious could not restrain their
admiration. About eleven at night, Villars -received the first
intelligence of their rapid march, but was so com*
pletely confused by the complicated movements of
his great antagonist, that he still confidently anti
cipated an immediate engagement. Be considered
the march only as a ma;ncEuvre preparatory to a
vigorous attack, either upon his lines at Avesne'le
Compte, or on his left, where the alarm excited 4>y
the corps of light cavalry that had swept -rou>Hd
Sace in the evening, had inc^uced jmarshal Mon
tesquiou, who commanded that wing, -to send
(notice that he was menaced with an -attack in the
morning. Uncertain what to expect, he kept his
troops under arms, in readiness for marching. At
two in the morning, more specific* inteUigence-ar-
riving, the french marshal put himself at the heafd
of the household troops, who were with him on
the right, and pushing on at; full speed, ordered
the infantry to foiloW' without delay.
In the mean time, Marlborough had reached the
important post, Aubanchoeil-au-bac, before eight
in the morning, where his field-train had arrived ;
and as his cavalry rapidly passed the Sanzet, he
placed them in order ^of ' battle, on ^ the opposite
«ide of the river. When sufficient numbers had

1711. 63
formed, he extended his right towards the abbey
du Verger. Other bridges were laid across the
river at Pallue, by means of which,' the right wing
of infantry and cavalry had a shorter route to the
new position. The outposts advanced to the
morass of Marquion, and masked the defile of
Saulchy. During these arrangements, Villars advanced
With such rapidity that he gradually dropt his
corps of Cavalry, till scarcely one hundred of the
best-mounted remained. Mprtified by disappoint
ment, and impatient to know the real state of
affairs, he pushed through the defile of Saulchy,
without the necessary precautions, and was soon
surrounded by the allied outposts. Perceiving
their intention to charge, he directed the dragoons
to fly to the castle of Oisy, and while the allies
.pursued them, he, with two attendants only,
escaped through an opening unheeded. The
escort surrendef ed without firing a shot. In this
extremity, he met 20 squadrons coming up to the
defile. Itwas now ten in the morning, and the
head of his right wing of cavalry was approaching;
but by this time the columns of the allied' infantry
were perceived mat-cbing in a parallel direction, on
the 6ther side of the 'Sanzet, and soon afterwards
turning into the pass of Arleux, and crossing the
river at Pallue. At eleven, a considerable body
bad formed line, stretching from Oisy towards
Espinoy. Notwithstanding the numbers vrho-Sunk
from fatigue, in a forced march of sixteen hours,
over an extent of thirty^six miles, intersected by
several rivers, the right wing of the allied infantry

€4 CHAPTER 102.
had entered the new ground, by four in the afte^
noon ; and, before dark, the whole position was
occupied, from Oisy to beyond the mill of Aban-
court, towards the Scheld.
About this period,, the first infantry of the
french army, in five columns, approaching, Villars
halted them in^ear of the defile, and, on the
morning of the 6th, turned off the great road
towards Bourlon, and began likewise to place his
troops in order of battle, with the right on the
Scheld, behind Cambray, the centre in the Wood
of Bourlon, and the left at the marsh of Sains sur
MM:quion. By his masterly movements, Marlborough, had
now accomphshed his great design. Villars was
severely mortified ; he could not prevent the siege
of either Cambray, BouChain, or Valenciennes,
unless he took post behind the right bank of the
Scheld, towards Bouchain, from whence he could
succour the one or the other ; but by this move
ment he uncovered Arras, a place of stdl greater
importance. Over-reached in military skill, he
endeavoured to foil one stratagem by another, and
lure Marlborough to a battle, by drawing him
round the cannon of Cambray. But his opponent,-
would not fall into the snare ; for as he had gained g
his object without a battle, a ,victory could bring ,
Mttle advantage, and he was enabled to carry into
effectthe remainder of his plan without* obstruction.
The dutch deputies, who had hitherto always
deprecated a battle, were now urgent for an at
tack, and the disaffected were, or pretended to be,
* Hist, des Guerres de la Revolution, torn. i.

1711. 65
alarmed, at the consequences of so bold and rapid
a movement; but Marlborough was not to be
diverted by clamours or importunities, and firmly
waited the arrival of the fatigued troops and rear
guard. Being appised that the enemy were
mpving from their first position to that of Bourlon,
he conjectured that Villars would cross the
Scheld, in order to frustrate his ulterior operation.
He therefore summoned a council of war, and un
folded the remainder of his plan ; he composed
the alarms of the timid, and restrained the rashness
of those who advised an immediate attack in the
exhausted state of the army. Villars, he urged,
was moved to a field so contracted and covered,
that no attempt could be made either on his flanks
or centre. Without the risk of utter defeat. He
added, should he withdraw behind the Scheld, the
only operation, which could be undertaken, would
be the siege of Arras, a fortress too strong and
extensive to be reduced with a limited force ; and,
therefore, he proposed the* investment of Bouchain,
pledging himself to pass the Scheld, and accom
plish the enterprise. The same persons, indeed,
who wished to risk a hazardous battle, combated
this prudent resolution; but he had given so many
and such recent proofs of his superiority in skill
and judgment, that the whole council acquiesced
in his opinion.
At the rising of the council, tljerefore, the army
advanced almost within cannon-shot in front of
Cambray, and halted about noon ; and this move
ment had the effect of preventing Villars from
atterhpting, as he had meditated, the passage of
VOL. vj. F

66 CHAPTER 102.
the Scheld. While the enemy were held in check,
eight pontoon bridges were expeditiously thrown
across the river below Etrun, and the whole army
facing to the left, occasionally saluted by the
cannon of Cattibray, marched by lines along the
heights, their rear being covered with all the
grenadiers, and 40 squadrons, under general Ross.
At six, the left wing began to cross the river ; the
rear guard, which occupied the heights, and the
grenadiers, posted in Etrun and the roman cafflp,
near the vUlage, frustrated the attempts of tbc
enemy to obstruct the movement. Craivinced that
the allied forces would have crossed the river be
fore the morning, Villars remained quietly in his
oamp, and suffered them, without molestation, to
proceed to the investment of Bouchain, which he
hoped to be able to relieve.
These masterly manoeuvres excited the admira^
tion of all candid and competent judges^ and we
find a few lines of congratulation from Eu^ne.
" Muhlberg, Aug, I7. — I received yesterday
evening your highness's letter of the 6th instant..
' You are fully convinced, I trust, that no person
takes a greater interest in your concerns than
myself. Your highness has penetrated into the
non plus ultra. 1 sincerely hope that the siege of
Bouchain, contrary to the custom of our engineers,
will not last long. If marshal Villars has the con
sent of his cpurt, perhaps he vrill make his ap-
jpearance jn the field ; but as he has taken his
position, I do not think he will attack you. If he
can make any diversion, he will not fail to attempt
it ; but it wiU be difficult. From hence I haVte

1711. 67
nothing to communicate, except that the rains
and inundations detain me in this camp without
forage." Notwithstanding the extraordinary success which
the great commander had obtained with such
limited means, his conduct did not escape censure,
not merely from his enemies and detractors, but
even from some of his well-wishers, who were in
competent judges of the art of war. The pen
sionary, deceived by the reports of the dutch
deputies, blamed his timidity, in not risking an
engagement; andfi:omthe court of Vienna similar
-complaints were heard.
It could not be expected that among the british
ministers, who were interested to decry his ex
ploits, such an opportunity for cavil should be
lost; and, therefore, we find St. John enquiring of
Cadogan the reasons which induced the general to
decline an engagement, and, in his correspondence
with Drummond, peevishly observing, " -My spirit
is not damped by this contre-tems, if such it was ; I
only apprehend that before the siege of Bouchain
is over, we njiay be obliged to fight at greater dis
advantage, than we might have done in the course
of the late event." *
, Marlborough, vexed at these unjust imputations,
findicated his conduct in a letter to the secretary,
which is preserved in the State Paper Office, and
printed in Somerville. t At the same time, he
• Aug. r. 1711, vol. i. p. 298.
t Somerville's Queen Anne, p. 646. We have not deemedjit lieees-
sary to print this letter, because the arguments are exactly similar to
those in his epistle to count Zinzendorf.
F 2

68 CHAPTER 102.
sent a similar justification to his friend, oouttt
Zinzendorf, for the satisfaction of the court of
Vienna. " Camp before Bouchain, Aug. 20. — In reply,
sir, to your enquiry into the motives which in
duced me not to engage the enemy, I could
answer in one word, impossibility. But, in com
pliance with your wishes, I have the honour to
inform you, that the same day in which we passed
the lines, marshal Villars appeared at the head of
his army, behind the morass of Marquion. He
encamped there that night, and the next day con
tinued his march, in four columns, towards Cam
bray, covered by the marsh which extends to the
village of Inchy, a league and a half from Cam
bray ; so that his troops, passing the village,
formed on the right towards that town, behind the
villages of Sailly and Rolencourt, and the hollow,
roads and ravines with which the country abounds.
His right thus rested on Cambray, his centre was
covered by those two villages, with the, hollow
,roads, and his left by the marsh of Inchy. Hence,
you see, that in this situation it was impracticable
for us to attack him, and we had no other measures
to take, than first to pass, the Scheld, lest he should'
anticipate us, by crossing and taking post on the
other side, in our front, by which movement we
should have been deprived of all the advantage of
our passage of the lines, and should have been
obliged to retrograde by the way we came, after
consuming the littie forage which that corner af
forded. I might add to what is stated in the Paris
Gazette of the 14th, under the head of Cambray,'

1711. 69
in which it is pretended that a heavy rain pre
vented the battle on the 6th, that We profited by
the darkness- of the ensuing night to pass the
Scheld, and that count Broglio was detached to
occupy the post of Denain ; — I say in answer to
these fictions, that not a drop of rain fell on the
army during the whole day, nor until night ; that
our bridges were made over the Scheld at eleven
in the morning, and the army was on tlie march
by two in the afternoon, the greater part having
passed before dark. With regard to the post of
Denain, we occupied it in the first instance, and
have since kept it, nor have the enemy made the
slightest attempt to dislodge us. You thus see
what credit is to be given to this common rumour,
and if any one among us has given rise to it, this
must have been for want of being better informed.
" God be thanked, we have succeeded in clos
ing the communication between the army of
M. Villars and the town of Bouchain, and in two
or three days we shall open the trenches." *
Marlborough had the satisfaction to find that his
arguments weighed with the court of Vienna, and
drew from Zinzendorf a candid avowal that he had
been misled by erroneous statements. He was no
less gratified to learn, that his explanation had re
moved the unfavourable impressions entertained
by secretary St. John, who paid a candid and
honourable tribute to the merit of the great com
mander, in a letter to his friend, Mr. Drummond :
" I look upon the progress which the duke of
* Translation from the french original, in the possession of count
Zinzendorf, communicated by the archduke John.
F 3

TO CHAPTER 102.
Marlborough has lately made, to be really honour
able to him, and mortifying to the enemy. The
event cannot be ascribed to superior numbers, or
to any accident; it is owing to genius and conduct.
The present situation of the army seems to promise
a decisive action." *
* For the account of these military operations have been consulted
and Compared, the MS. Correspondence; — The accounts in the
Gazettes ; — The Lives of Marlborough and Eugene ; — Boyer's Ofe
of Queen Anne ; — The History of Europe ; — Brodrick ; — Kane j —
and Milner; also, the french writers, particulai-ly Villars; — Quincy;
— Rousset ; — Traite de Fortification de St. Paul ; — Histoire des
Guerres de la Revolution,

1711. ^1

CHAPTER 103.
mi.
Operations for the investment of Bouchain. — Obstacles en
countered in the progress and conclusion of the line of cir
cumvallation. — Correspondence. — Termination qf the
siege, — Generous conduct of the british commander towards
Fenelon, archbishop qf Cambray.
Having thus baffled the defensive combinations
of the enemy, and anticipated them in the passage
of the Scheld, the next object was, to complete
the investment of Bouchain ; an enterprise of no
less difficulty than the preceding movements, as it
was to be accomplished, amidst local obstacles of
no ordinary kind, and in face of an army superior
in force.
At ten at night, the left wing of infantry, which
closed the line of march, crossed the Scheld, over
pontoons taken from the enemy by surprise. The
weather changing in the evening, the troops were
drenched in rain, but, soon after midnight, reached
the plain of Avesnes le Sec, and lay under arms
tiU morning ; while a strong piquet was posted at
the mill of Ivry, to watch the motions of the
enemy. About eight, the active general roused
his benumbed and shivering soldiers ; and conti
nuing his march by the left, formed in order of
battle on the plain stretching from Douchy to
Haspres, the left and centre covered by the Selle,
F 4

72 CHAPTER 103.
and the right thrown back in rear of Houdain. All
the posts on the Sanzet were recalled, and a body of
grenadiers alone left in the camp of Caesar, on the
left of the Scheld, to cover three bridges which
still remained. At six in the evening, being
threatened by a strong detachment of hostile cavalry,
this force was also withdrawn, and a body of in
fantry advancing on the opposite side of the river,
amused the enemy with a heavy cannonade, while
the pontoons were removed.
In this manner was Bouchain invested ; yet ob
stacles of no trivial nature were still to be overcome.
The Sanzet divides the town into two parts, and,
in conjunction with the Scheld, which skirts . a
large hornwork towards the east, produces a copi
ous inundation, fiUing the ditches, which are both
broad and deep. The enemy, posted between .the
Sanzet and Scheld, could either introduce sup
plies through the inundation, or, by traversing
the Sanzet, could maintain a communication with
the place on the west. The original garrison
of eight battalions, commanded by M. de Selye,
was reinforced by 600 swiss, who, under count
d'Affry, traversed the inundation in the night,
and by a second body of 500 grenadiers, under
M. de Ravignon. Money and ammunition suffi
cient for the defence were also introduced. ' On the
6th, preparations were made by Villars for throw
ing bridges across the Sanzet at Aubanchoeil and
Wannes ; and, having called reinforcements from
St. Omer, Ypres, and other quarters, he moved to
the very ground which the allies had just quitted.
Here he pitched camp in the angle between the

1711. 7S
Sanzet and the Scheld ; his centre was placed at
Etrun, while his left extended along the Sanzet
to Tressies, and his right along the Scheld, to
Neuville St. Remy, on the glacis of Cambray.
Marlborough did not allow the enemy time to
profit by the advantages of their situation ; for he
had.no sooner reached Avesnes le Sec, than he or
dered bridges to be thrown across the Scheld at
NeuviUe, below Bouchain ;¦ and passing over with
60 squadrons, took post on the hill of Vignonette,
near Wannes-au-bac. He thus covered the convoy
of baggage and bread waggons, which, under au
escort of 2000 horse, commanded by general
Wood, was safely conducted from Douay ; and
anticipated the preparations of the enemy to estab
lish themselves on the farther bank of the Sanzet.
VUlars, however, appreciated too well the ad
vantage of a double communication with the town,
to. desist from his purpose. Before day-light of
the 9th, he detached 30 battalions across the
Sanzet, under the command of general Albergotti,
who immediately began to construct an intrench-
ment, which was to commence from the inundation
at Wavrechin, and forming an angle on the top of
the hill abpve Marquette, to be carried back to the
Sanzet at Wannes-au-bac. This work and the
batteries of Bouchain would sweep the interme
diate ground with a cross-fire.
. JMarlbprough was fully aware that the enemy, if
suffered to accomplish their undertaking, would
effectually mar his design. He therefore selected
31 battalions and 12 squadrons to complete the
investment, under general Fagel ; and detached

74 CHAPTER 103.
general CoUier, and lord North and Grey, with 42
squadrons and 30 battalions, across the Scheld in
the night, to interrupt the operations of the enemy.
A thick fog covered the advance of this body till
near seven in the morning, when they bad -ap
proached within cannon-shot of the hostile in
trenchments. A signal of three guns was then
fired upon an outpost in the village of Marquette,
which immediately retired, and the allies ap
proached the works. Lord North and Grey, who
led the van, was on the point of advancing to
the attack; when the commandef-in-chief, who
had himself traversed the Scheld before daydight,
rode forward, and ordered a halt. He had for
tunately discovered a large body of infantry con
cealed behind the height, and soon ascertained
that Montesquiou, with 60 battalions, had been
secretly detached by Vdlars to sustain Albergotti,
who was acquainted with the intended enterprise.
, At this moment, an alarm of another kind was
given, by signal guns fired from the great camp at
Avesnes le Sec ; for Villars adroitly profiting by
the division of the allied forces, had crossed the
Scheld, with the rest of his army, near Ramilies,
and advancing to the ravine of Naves, began to
extend his line along the rivulet near Ivry. Thus
menaced, and baffled on both points, the british
general was compelled to rehnquish his purpose ;
and ordering the troops to withdraw, with all speed,
from the fire of the intrerichment, which now
opened, he retmnad in haste to the camp beyond
the Scheld. Villars having foiled his antagonist,
resumed likewise his former position.

1711. 75
Marlborough was sensible that he could not ac-
CompUsh his purpose, while his camp beyond the
Scheld was exposed. He therefore ordered the
front from Haspres to Ivry to be covered by a line
of redoubts and lunettes, which were mounted with
cannon. This work being completed in two days,
he again crossed the Scheld with 50 battalions and
52 squadrons. Perceiving that the enemy were
rapidly improving and extending their works, he
ordered the line of circumvallation to be imme
diately commenced in the middle space between
their intrenchments and the town. Accordingly,
4000 workmen were employed during the night of
the 11th, in constructing a line which began at
Mastaigne, and stretched to the right, across the
f oad from Valenciennes towards the Lower Scheld.
Behind, a competent force, under general Collier,
€ind lord North and Grey, encamped for their
protection. Having prescribed the direction of the lines,
Marlborough left the superintendence to general
Cadogan, under whose inspection it was carried on
by colonel Armstrong, deputy quarter-master, with
equal ability and success. The ensuing morning
was marked by a memorable occurrence. Cadogan
riding to reconnoitre at the head of a fe,w squa
drons, perceived marshal Villars, who, with an
escort of four squadrons of carabineers, and one of
hussars, was advancing for the same purpose. A
warm skirmish ensuing between the two parties,
the carabineers were routed vsith the loss of a bri
gadier, the major, and above 50 troopers, and the.
marslial himself with difficulty escaped.

76 CHAPTER 103.
The day was employed in completing and carry
ing the line of circumvallation on the right, to
wards Lorche, on the Lower Scheld. At night,
colonel Armstrong silently advanced with a strong
escort to the height above Marquette, and com
menced a new work across the road from Bouchain
to Douay, intending to continue it to the Upper
Scheld, between the enemy's post and Bouchain.
He proceeded without interruption ; but at day
light he discovered that Albergotti had endea
voured to , anticipate him by commencing three
redoubts between Wavrechin and the town. The
duke, who was apprised of the circumstance, in
stantly ordered a detachment of infantry, with
twenty pieces of cannon, to dislodge the enemy,
and, to prevent farther interruption, reinforced
the trpops beyond the Scheld to 70 battalions and
100 squadrons. At night, notwithstanding a heavy
fire, both from the town and the hostile intrench
ments, the circumvallation was continued to the
inundation of the Sanzet, including the unfinished
redoubts taken from the enemy. The obstructions
encountered in these preliminary operations alarmed
the dutch deputies, and they now pressed for the
relinquishment of the siege with as much earnest
ness as they had recentiy displayed for an ill-tuned
engagement. To their appeal we find an allusion
in a letter to Godolphin. ?
" ^M^. 13. — I desued lady Marlborough to
make my excuses for not writing by the last post
to thank you for yoyrs of the 23d. The increase
of ^he enemy's army, by their draining their gar^
risons from all places, as also recalling the troops

1711. 77
they had sent under the command of the count
D'Estaing into Brabant, gives them so great a su-
penority, that the deputies thought it proper to
advise with their general how far it might be prac
ticable to persist in the attempting the siege of
Bouchain. The greatest number of them thought
the difficulties, we should meet with could hardly.
be overcome. However, we are taking the ne
cessary steps for the siege ; we are intrenching
ourselves, as the enemy do on their side, so that
should we, as I hope in God we shall, succeed, it
still will be a very tedious work, if we can be so
happy as to be masters of this place.
" 14ith. — Having wrote thus far, I was informed
of the marshal de Villars being come out of his
intrenchments with a considerable body of horse
and foot, and that he was working at three re
doubts, in order to have communication with
Bouchain from his retrenchment. It was dark
before I could get near him, so that he had the
advantage of working all night ; but as soon as
day broke, and he saw we were in earnest to attack
him, he quitted his three redoubts, and retired
into his retrenchments. I think he may again at
tempt the same thing this night, so that I am
going to bed in hopes of getting some sleep."
EoUed in the struggle beyond the Sanzet, Villars
became doubly anxious to maintain his communi
cation with the garrison, through the inundation.
For this purpose, he had raised a battery at Etrun,
to command a part of the adjoining morass. On.
tlie 10th, he introduced a reinforcement of 200
fusileers, who filed along a small dam between the

78 CHAPTER 103.
two rivers, and, during the night, 400 sacks pf
flour, and a quantity of ammunition, were thrown
into the town by the same channel. He now
endeavoured to fortify this communication by
means of fascines laid in the form of a breast- work,
attached to an avenue of willow-trees which
skirted the dam, although the water was in many
places four feet deep.
On the morning of the 15th the enemy were still
discovered at work, and, notwithstanding a heavy
cross-fire from both banks, they persevered in their
labours. Behind the dam was a cattle track,
called he Sentier aux Vaches, which was raised with
fascines wherever the water was deep, and barred
by a small traverse in the centre. To protect this
work, a corps of troops was posted on the vefge
of the morass.
The persevering activity of the britisb general •
did not long leave even this resource to his oppd-
lient. On the l6th a fascine road was commenced
across the morass, by the joint labours of the
troops on both sides of the two rivers ; and, in the
evening, 600 british and dutch grenadiers, sus
tained by eight battalions of infantry, under the di
rection of Cadogan, resolutely advanced against
four companies of french grenadiers, who were
stationed on the Cow-path, and supported by the
brigade Du Roi. This daring band waded several
hundred yards up to the middle, and sometimes to
the shoulders in water, without firing a shot ; and,
after receiving a volley from the enemy, carried
the post with the loss of only six men. On this oc
casion a young ensign of the regiment of Ingold^by

1711. 79
distinguished himself; for being short of stature,
and unable to ford the water, he mounted on
the shoulders of a grenadier, and,, with his gallant
supporter, was among the first to reach the
traverse. Two companies of french grenadiers
were intercepted and driven into Bouchain, and
the allies secured their advantage by carrying a
breast-work, and completing the road, about a
mile in length, across the inundation, from camp
to camp.
• On the 19th, several sallies made by the besieged
were repulsed, and the next day the investment
was completed. On the 21st, the heavy battering
train and stores arrived from Tournay, under a
strong escort, after repelling a spirited attack
near St. Amand from the garrisons of Conde and
Valenciennes. These operations, together with the proceedings
of the siege, are specified in several letters to
Godolphin. " Aug, 17. — I have this day received the fa^
vour of yours of the 30th of the last month. I
do wi^, with all my heart, that the malicious re
port of our having beaten the enemy could have
been true.
" We were on Thursday near enough for igno
rant people to have judged that we might have
fought ; but the ground made it impossible. We
have not yet quite overcome our difficulties, though
we have forced them from several posts; they
have none left but a path called the Cow-path,
through a great bog, at which they can pass only
one in front. We have several pieces of cannon

86 CHAPTER 103.
thatfireon the passage, and we are also endeavouring
to make ourselves masters of it, and then we shall
shut the town up on all sides. It is most certain
that if we had now the german troops we might
make them very uneasy, and, I fear, they will not
be able to do much on the Rhine, though the
french have been obliged to send both horse and
foot from thence to the duke of Berwick. If we
can succeed in this siege, we shall have the honour
of having done it in the face of an army many
thousand men stronger than we are. The con
stant fatigues, and the having got cold in my head
gives me great uneasiness all about my left ear, for
which I am advised to make a blister ; but as I
intend to sweat this night, and not stir out to
morrow, I hope that may carry the pain off, which
has been for these ten last days very uneasy."
" Aug. 20. — I think I may now assure you,
that our greatest difficulties for the siege of Bou
chain are over, we having obliged- the french to
quit their posts which hindered our investing the
place. They are now shut up on aU sides ; and
as soon as we can get our cannon and ammunition,
we shall open the trenches, which will be at three
several attacks, hoping by that to reduce the place'
much sooner!, We are informed of the enemy's
making magazines at Maubeuge, so that they may
be able to act by diversion. As soon as they shall
march that way, I Shall reinforce the garrisons of
Mons and Bruxelles. My head is far from being
well* but I thank God I am more at ease than
when I wrote my last."
" Aug. 27. — We continue our application fo

1711. 81
the bringing every thing that we may want during
this siege ; so that the body of foot which are em
ployed at the three attacks, and the horse which
We are yet obliged to send out to secure our con
voys, makes the whole in perpetual motion ; but t
hope in four or five days we shall have all in our
camp, and about the same time our batteries will
'be ready to fire. We have now, I thank God,
very fine weather, which will be a great blessing
if it continues. By my letters from Mr. Chetwood,
1 fear there wiU not be much more done on that
side ; and prince Eugene complains of their wants ;
so that though his army is strong, he gives no
hopes of being able to do any thing; however, I
have desirefi him so to act, as that they might
not be able to send any detachments into this
country." " Sept. 3. — Since my last the marshal de Villars
attempted two of our quarters, but miscarried in
both. His whole army is now employed in making
and carrying of * and by the batteries he has raised
against us, it looks as if his thoughts were wholly
employed for the forcing our communication over
the morass. We are hard at work to prevent it.
As long as the siege lasts, we must expect he will
use his best endeavours to trouble us. The comte
d'Arback, a lieut.-general of the dutch, was taken
at ,their last forage ; he is the first lieut.'general
that has been taken of this army during this war.
The situation of both armies is so extraordinary^
that our array which attacks the town is bombarded
* A word omitted, or illegible.
vol. VI. ff "*

82 CHAPti^R 103.
JBy fhfe ^hfefriy ; and We kavfe' fe'dv^M p#^f SO rfe^
ta each othet that M sdritinels hav6 ^'6rfv'6rsati&m
"fhe whole french ariny being kd ickm|)'6d that the^
:a're seen by the gaWi^oIti bf :^oti^iirl, m'aiei the
defericfe the fri'ore bb^tinate; but, Mth thfe' ble§siri^
6f G^d, I hope We shall geft thfe' b^ttei- of tUih,
and, if they opiniatre beyottd tfea^bfi, riiay b'6 a-fi
ar^uriafeftt for theii- beihg ftiade |)riso'fter& pf wa':^.
The Sp'a Waters, Mitii t am persuaded WotM do
flie gPbd, t find 1 ihust not thirik of takirig till the
^iege bfe b%r. I hope itt my rieit ^le ihaf be Sfclfe
td guefes hd^ Ibrig this Sifege may Ik^t."
Amdng the lettets addre^^ed to the duke dtltirig
the siege, Ve flhd one froiri jif ince Eugfefie, ih reply
id Hi§ request fbt advifc^.
" MnhWerg, Aug. 24. — I received yesfferd^jr
your highness's letter of the 15th, and I r'^tdrii
fM many tHEriy M the detail ydii have been so
kind as to ;ierid me of your dpefatlpris feiriee the
^Uii^i bf the lilies. I doubt hot but yattr fatigri^
iritist haVfe bfe^ii excessive dbring tUfe riiarch; ahd
^btfiB ref)b^e is absdlutdly neCGssai^ for the U-
coVery of your health. If the lind bf drbiittiVkl-
latiori is riow finished, (as ybur highness infbfms ilie
it was nearly dpiife,) and, cbriseqtietttiy, all odritT
riitinication intercepted betweet the towrt arid th6
hew intrenchmeht bf the erietriy, I flatter myself
that marshal Villars S^^ill haVe the! inortificatltiri to
vritness the capture df this iliijjbrtant foftf^^s,
which will increase the glory of thfe ehtef jirise.
" Your highness has acted judifciously in iplacitlg
your intrenched camp on the other side of the
Scheld, and to be prepared agairist arty movements

171 f. S3
i^ycb the enemy aaay make in the course of the
siege. I am of opinion that your highness ought
ta spare no pains to strengthen your intrench
ments on both sides of the river as much a« possible,
so that they may be defended with fewer troops,;
and that the remainder may be employed wherever
it may be necessary. This being executed, nothing
more remains to be done than to press the siege,
coUect forage, and secure the convoy ; and, from
what I know of yours and the enemy's situation,
this appears to- be practicable.. Your highness wiU
please t& excuse this liberty, which I have' only
taken in obedience to your commands, and to the
de^re you have been pleased to express of knowing
my sentiments. I truSt I need not repeat that no
one is more interested than I am, in what concerns
you, or wishes y&a. more success in the remainder
of ikse campaign, which may contribute to a good
|>eace. " From hence I can , only repeat that the inun
dations s^ill detain us in this camp, and that our
cavalry is in danger of perishing for want of
forig'e. *****
" As to the proceedings at Frankfort, with
which you. are desirous to be acquainted,' the
sessions will not assemble till to-morrow, under
various pretexts. It is, however, asserted that the
election will take place on the 20th of September j
bat I suspend my beHef until I see how the first
meetings have passed ; for, to say the truth, it ^-
pears to me that the vicars and the grand chan
cellor of the empire are endeavouring to prolong
|he interregnum. But I say this confidentially,"
G 2

84 CHAPTER 103.
In the midst of these military operations, bis
heart yearned towards his native country ; and we
find him anxiously expressing his sanguine wishes
for the completion of the building at Blenheim,
and his hopes that government would not fail to
accomplish the works, m conformity with the pro
mise of the queen. To Eord Godolphin.
^' Aug. 30. — Lady Marlborough has let me
know that my friends are of opinion, I suppose she
means you, that I should let the court govern the
finishing of Blenheim. It has been always my
opinion; however, I should be glad if lord Rialton
would go down thither for three or four days, and
incline them to do aU that ispossible without doors
as long as the season continues good; but after
that is done, they should lose no time in employing
the remainder of the money in finishing within
doors, which may be done in the winter. I have
had very great expressions and assurances from
lord Oxford. The finishing this building is the
favour I shall, at my coming home, desire of him ;
for I have no ambition left, nor desire, indeed, but
that of seeing this house finished, and that I might
live quietly some few years in it with my friends.
I think you have taken a right resolution in not
advancing any money on this twenty thousand
pounds, and in the winter I may have time to take
measures with you what may be the most reason
able method for the carrying on this work, it being
the only favpur I shall ask or expect from the
government. The enemy's superiority makes us
almost every day meet with difficultjesj but I

1711. 85
have good reason to hope the siege will end
to my satisfaction. I am; ever, most faithfully,
yours." The grand obstacle to the prosecution of the
siege being removed by the occupation of the dyke
and the works in the inundation, as well as by the
safe arrival of the heavy artillery, no events of im
portance occurred, except the surprise of an" allied
detachment at Houdain, in which four battalions,
suffered severely, and the prussian minister, Bourke,
was taken prisoner, and the dispersion of some
foragers, under an escort of seven squadrons^ with
the loss of a general and some officers, and the
capture of twelve standards. Nor is it necessary
to dwell on an unsuccessful attempt of Albergotti
to surprise Douay. " '¦¦'¦¦
These inconsiderable incidents had no effect Pn
the operations of the siege. By the 8th of'
September the allies had carried on their ap
proaches so far as to occupy the first counterscarp ;
and, by the 11th, two of the principal bastions
were abandoned, and the breaches rendered prac
ticable. On the 14th, after some ineffectual at
tempts to obtain a more honourable capitulation,
the garrison, reduced to 3100 men, including sick
and wounded, surrendered prisoners of war, the
officers preserving their swords and baggage.
Marlborough announces this event in a letter to
Godolphin, dated Sept. 14.
" I am sure you will be very well pleased with
the good news I send by Collins, of our being
masters of Bouchain, and that the riiarshal de
Villars has done us the honour of being witness of
G 3

86 CHAPTER 103.
the garrisons being made prisoners of war. Th«y
consist of eight battalions and 500 swiss. I was
in hopes lord Stair might have been here before
this, so that I might, by this messenger, have
answered your letter by him. The french, not-
withstanding their superiority, iburn aU ^beir
ibrage in their power, in order to maike our «yb-
»sistence difficult. I intend to go out witii a body
of {horse, to see if subsistence can be had aiboat
Quesnoy; for that place would be of great ad
vantage to us ; for, if it be practicable, I would
yet, this campaign, attack that place, I find^by^a
letter frpm Mr. Craggs, that the earl of Oxford
does not think the clerks of the Treasury are
proper persons for the passing the accounts of
Blenheim. I could wish they were of the com
mission ; but if that can't be, I beg you wiU in-
istruct Mr. Craggs those that may be the next best,
for I would be glad to have that matter settled. I
.fear the duke of Savoy's army is by this time re
turned to Piedmont, and prince Eugene has ac
quainted me with the impossibility of his being
able to do any thing on the Rhine, so that Ido
not doubt of the french bringing troops from
thence hither. I have directed CoUins to give
you notice before he leaves London.*'
After filling up the ditches, and repairing the
breaches, a fort was constructed, by order of the
general, at the angle formed by the junction of
the Sanzet and Scheld, as wed to secure the com
munication between Bouchain and Douay, as to
obstruct the investment of Bouchain, -should the
marshal attempt .to retake it..

I7lh §7
The t^o arniKes reitnaine^ in their respective
^psitions ; thj^t Oif the .^Uiess to preserve ^ foftress
which broke the connection of their formidable
lines; while t|ie enemy, tp pppose the further
enterpo-^^es of j)bye british general, y^^ained their
posts with the bridges over the Sanzet and
Scheld. *
We are gratified in laying before the reader an
anecdote of our great commander, which shews
that his respect for men of piety and learning was
not lost in his ardour for military glory.
The character of Fenelon, archbishop of Cam
bray, is too well known to need any delineation..
The estates of his see being exposed to the plunder
of the troops, Marlborough ordered a detachment
to guard the magazines of corn at Chateau; Cam-
bresis, and gave a safe-conduct for their convey-.
ance to Cambray ; and when even this protection,,,
inconsequence of the scarcity of bread, was not
hkely to be respected by the soldiery, he sent a
corps of dragoons, with waggons, to transport the
grain, and escort it to the precincts of the town..
Thus did our illustrious general pay homage to the
christian philosopher, who honoured letters by his
genius, religion by his piety, France by his re
nown, and human nature by his amiable virtues t ;
and thus did he, in his conduct towards the author
* For the operations of the investment and siege of Bouchain have^
been consulted, besides the Correspondence and the articles in the Ga
zette, the principal authorities enumerated in the preceding chapter,
particularly the different lives of Marlborough i. — Memoiree de Vilfars;
— Kane and Milner.
f Vie de Marlborough, vol. iii. p. 322»
G 4

88 CHAPTER 103.
of Telemachrfs, imitate Alexander, at the capture
of Thebes, when, in the language of our sublime
poet,
" The great Emathian conqueror bid spare
" The house of Findarus, when temple and tower
« Went to the ground."  Milton, Sonnet VIII..

• 'i i'fii'' ¦¦¦;

1711.

CHAPTER 104.
1711.
Marlborough proposes to besiege Qjiesnoy, and to make pre
parations for the winter cantonments of the army in
Flanders. — Continuation qf the correspondence with lord
treasurer Oxford. — Sends lord Stair to London, to pro
mote a more cordial understanding with the minister, and
to disclose his project for the capture qf Bouchain and
Quesnoy, and the invasion qf France in the ensuing spring.
— Return qf lord Stair, and duplicity qf Oxford. — Pro
gress and result qf the secret negotiation with France. —
Continuation qf the correspondence, •— Marlborough de
ceived by the ministers. — Compelled to abandon hisprqject.
— Close qf the campaign. — Elevation qf Charles to the
throne qf the empire. — State qf the war in Spain, on the
Rhine, and on the side qf the Alps.
After the capture of Bouchain, Marlborough was
anxious to commence, without delay, the siege of
Quesnoy, which was the next operation in the in
tended project. With this view, he had sent pro
posals to the dutch government, for the purpose
of pressing them to co-operate vigorously in the
necessary preparations, and to contribute their pro
portion of the expence.
This project continues to be the prominent fea
ture in the interesting correspondence, which we
now resume ; and we find the treasurer entering
into every detail, for the supply of the necessary

90 CHAPfER 104.
charges attendant on the siege, as well as of forage
and magazines, for the winter subsistence of the
troops in Flanders. FfOfn J^ofd Q^ofd.
« My lord ; July 31,-August 11.
" On Saturday night ]^r. Sutton arrived at Wind-
sor, and gave me the honour of your grace's letter,
ffUd also the fi\Q^ jsgreeabte news of ypujr grace's
haying pass^ tiie liaes,. upon which I ^iiost hearjiily
.congratulate you ; and I no way doubt but as
yojur grace has signalised your conduct in obtain
ing this advantage, so you wUl improve it to the
utmost for the commp^ good. Mr. Secretary St.
John has orders to wril^ to Ipr^ Orrery, a^c^^oifding
to lord Stair's pi^ppps^l, for facilit^afj^g 1^ PJ^=!#ct,
but it ^ in such a jastffi^ ^l^t Jjjls joj-^sfeif' wM iiot.
jl;^,able tp guess at itiie prpj^t ; ^t the prjetence
is .taken irogi your grace investing pf Bouchain*
As to the provision for the magazines, I desire
your grace wiU let me know how much money
must be advanced, and I will immediately take
care to liave it remitted. I will consult my lord
<Stag-, and wbat farther be thinks necessary to ibe
jdone, in pursuance of your grace's direotionsi/d
avill not fail to do my utmost io expedite Jthe same.
I can make your grace no return of news froji
)hence, for the good news you sent us. The queen
4ias aot pitched upon a person to have the privy
seal, and, I believe, is not determined in her own
mind as yet. On Sunday colonel EiUigrew arriyed
here from Spain, with letters from the duke of
Ai-gyle, who seems to be very ameasy there ; and
there are -complajnts that money is wanting, not-
4

171L :^1
with3tandijng the very gi^eat sutig^.^hijch b^^ie been
remitted fpr that service, which I fear ba^? fee/en
applied to pay old debts which were never allowed ;
and, in the mean Xijm, ,tbe soldiers latere Jeft to
shift for themselves. But the truth ojf this wi)l
best appear, when .tbe comnuss^jpners are there,
who are to ir^^f; the state of that^r^ny. I knpw
your grace is in a great hwry at Jibis time, tiigre-
fpre I will interrupt you no Ipngff > than ,|;o assure
yo\i that I ,do most heartily wj^ ypuaU imaginable
snccessj and am," ,§cc.
M^P^y pfthe Jf),yJc^,
-" AjJig- 20. — J._ was yerj weU assured tbe good
news I sent your Iprdship by Mr- Sutton would
^ive you a great deal pf satisfactipn, and 'tis no
less to me> to understand by tbp honpw of your
letter of the 31st past, that yovi do me the jystice
to believe, I shall u^e my .,utmQ^t endeayours tp
improve the advantage we .lia;ve gained, for the
service of her m>ajesty and ^e cpmnjion jgppd. I
cannot yet give your lof dsbip a .ftn^l answer about
the sum to be advanced for providing ^^gazines.
You will see ])y^ tbc memorial df the cpuncU of
state at the Hagn.e, and my answer .to it, which i
send by this post to Mr. Secretary St. John, ,1^
difficulties that stiU .reiwain .on that side, ^care
not yet agreed what number of tropps rf hft|l jbe
kept on this frontier; but as J .am |^^^^tlyj?f
opinion, following the coercive project ijS the iinp^t
likely means of bringing the eneipy to reason, ,it
will, consequently, be necessary to have as many
trpops together as possibly we can, to assure the
execution , of it. Howcivesr* tbe nioney to be

92 CHAPTER 104.
advanced, at the largest coniputation, wiU not
amount to more than double the sum that was
paid last for the like service.
" We have met with many "difficulties in the in
vesting of Bouchain, which, however, is at last
effected. We have cut off the enemy's last hopes
of keeping a communication with the town, and
are now preparing to carry on the, siege, in form.
I hope we shall be ready to break ground in three
days. Your lordship knows the taking this
place is a considerable article in the project. The
siege, a.s far as it depends upon me, shall be pushed
on with all possible vigour ; and I do not altogether
despair, but that from the' success of this campaign
we may hear of some advances made towards what
we so much desire ; and I shaU esteem it much
the happiest part of my life, if I can be instru
mental in putting a good end to the war, which
grows so burthensome to our country, as well as to
our allies. I am, with truth," &c.
From Lord Oxford.
« My lord; Aug. U,-25.
" I received last night the honour of your grace's
letter of the 20th instant, and do heartily rejoice
that you are like to meet with so good success, in
the siege. WiU not the enemy make some guess
at the intended project by this siege ? I suppose
lord Stair wUl think of returning the beginning of
the next week, and by him I shaU do myself the
honour to Write largely to your grace, as.weU as.to
speak freely to him. I" am very desirous to settle
the whole remittance for the cahipaign in Flanders
this week, if it be possible, that I may have leisure

1711. 93
for other affairs. I find the town is full of com
plaints from the army, about Mr. Sweet's * not
continuing the payment as formerly. If I was not
sure that your grace is too full of business, I would
write at large about Spain ; if that war be not put
upon another foot, it wUl entirely consume us, and
the success answer nothing. They do nothing
but make loud complaints, and yet have re
ceived their full money to Christmas next, within
a hundred and odd thousand pounds. And as to
Portugal, lord Portmore says, he is assured, that
the last fruitless campaign was concerted between
the french and the portuguese, who, notwithstand
ing all their clamour, about their sufferings on the
frontier of El vas, the french did them not the least
damage. I wUl add no more, but to beseech your
grace to accept the assurance, that I am, with the
most perfect respect," &c.
On reviewing the preceding correspondence,
the reader will scarcely believe, that the minister
who could manifest such zeal for the prosecution
of the war, was deliberately deceiving the general,
and had, at this moment, brought the secret
negotiation with France nearly to a conclusion.
Such, however, is the fact ; and it is impossible
to conceive how much farther he might have
carried his duplicity, had not an unexpected inci
dent excited suspicions of his double dealing.
To answer the amicable overtures from the
french moriarch. Prior had been sent in secrecy
and disguise, for the purpose of establishing a
* Deputy to the paymaster of the british forces, resident at Amsterr
dam, and the duke of Marlborough's confidential agent.

94 CHAPTER 104.
direct comtnunication betWieft the two cOuftS*
During a stay of six weeks, he had brought the
preliminaries to congistence, and was returning.
With the same seci'ecy as he departedj in company
with Mesriager, and the secretary of Torcy, when
he was arrested by the miayaf of Deal ; and, for
want of regular passports, he and his companions
were detained as spies* The disclosure of his
name, and the delivery of the secretary's warrant,
prociired his liberation ; but the transaction could
not be concealed, and the information which was
conveyed from England, appears td have induced
^Marlborough to request some information of what
Was passing; The ensuing letter shews the affect
ation of candour, with which the wily treatsurer
endeavoured to lull his suspicions. It needs no
farther comment.
« My lord ; Sept* 5.-16.
" Before this comes to your grace's hands, I hope
you will be master of Bouchain, and I no ways
doubt but that your grace will make the best use
df that little which remains of the campaign, for
tbe prosecuting what you have so wisely projected
and so much to your own honour carried on thus
fat* Lord Stair will inform your grace of the little
accidents which have detained him for some days,
and since that, the last week the queen's gout has
obhged his waiting for her majesty's letters to
your grace. This has been the most regular fit
her majesty has had for some years ; it is neither
attended with pain in her stomach, nor any of those
weaknesses which her majesty has been liable to on
tbe likte occasion. She is got weU enough to be

1711. 93
able to walk witn a stici:,- alid is very cheerful and
hearty. As to the pi'bj'ect lord Stair brought bvery
fdttt grace knows that it hdd the queen's apprO-
Mtibn, and Idrd ch^fffbdi-lairti writer' to' you his
opiriibn. As to fny part, I desire my actibtis" may
shew my approbatiori, a;rid I wUl hn'mediately isSue
such stiriis of m'bney as yOti shall judge Aece^sary,
for riiaking the requisite ffiag'a^ne's.
*' Arid riOw, my lord, sihde I must speak 6f rhy^
self, I can say no mbf e ttikrt this, that I shall leSve
it to my actions to speak for fflfe, and ^P give y6tt#
grace demonstration that t am the sattdC itistn. to^
watds you, as I waS tit^ first day I had the honour
•of your acquaifftaricg; arid I shall a^ heattilypnJttfetd
every thing under yOur care, as I did, 6i WbifM
have dbne, iri any time iihte I have beeri knoWii
id you. I ahi nOwto acquaint your grade %ith a
letter I have received this day from Mt. Secret^
St. cfbhn, MoSe Wdek it is to Stay at WiMsbr. H^
says that he has received a letter fvottt Mr. Bothniar,
that the elidctOr is apprehensive thfe daneS will take!
<jriarters in Bretnen j and> he feai**, by thalj md
inarching 6idsi hr^ Coiintfy, they may Spread the
plague itt his ibMidtf. Tp pfetebt this, the
eiefctbf-tlesir'^s that soine of the hofse and dragoons
iiiay be allbwed td winter in his country. TTiis is
id cfettltrafy tP what ybiif grace projects, that some
xvay liiUst be fbrind to prevent the inconvenience,
ot to replace what fehall be so dratvn a^ay ; but
having ^pdke dt large to lord Stait oh that subject,
I wUl trouble yoti no farther to repeat ihy discourse,
having read thus far of this letter to his lordship.
" I have this moment received the henoufi*^ of

96 CHAPTER 104.
your grace's letter of Sept. 9.» My view in prd*
posing the taking an account was only for youi',
grace's service*; and all the money being issued
without account, except such as should be ren
dered to your grace, it wUl be only proper for you
to name those who shaU take that account.
", I have spoke this night so freely to lord Stan:
on the affairs of Spain and Portugal, and the me
thod of putting that war on a better foot, that I
shaU not trouble your grace to write what his lord-
ship wUl better declare by word of mouth.
" Now, as to the affair of peace, which I men
tioned in my last, the sum of what is hitherto done,
is this. Some in Holland having this summer, by
divers ways, endeavoured to set on foot a negoti
ation for peace, and France not being prevailed
with to begin with them, sent a propositipn di
rectly to England. The queen declared she
would enter into no separate treaty, nor would
receive any thing she would not transmit to the.
States. Upon this, they sent a general offer of
giving satisfaction to England, to Holland, to the-
emperor and all the allies, and to give , a suret^;
reel for our commerce ; but this being only in ge
nerals, it was insisted upon that it should be ex
plained, which they sent one to do, and he is
ordered to prepare such a proposition, as may ber
fit to be transmitted to Holland, which is not yet
done. This is the substance of every thing which^
bath passed. I suppose a very few days wUl shew,
whether they are in earnest. This is kept as se-.
* This paragraph relates to the appomtment of comijiIssioijerS, for
examining the accounts of the expe^diturcTat Blenheim.

1711. 97
cret as it can be, tho' there is not one step taken,
which wUlnot speedUy be laid open in HoUand,
when lord Strafford goes over, who is to be married
to-morrow to Sir Henry Johnson's daughter. I be
seech your grace to believe, that I am, with the
most perfect respect," &c.
Reply of the Duke.
" Camp before Bouchain, Sept. Vj[. — Soon after
I had dispatched away Collins, with an account of
the surrender of Bouchain, I received the honour
of your lordship's letter of Aug. 28.-Sept. 8, and
am very much obliged to you for the good news
you send me of the queen's being so well recovered
from her last fit of the gout. As the continuance
of her majesty's health is the foundation of all our
happiness, 'tis the constant subject of my prayers,
and perfect obedience to her commands is the
business of my hfe. I return your lordship many
thanks for the advice you are pleased to give me,
of the overture made from the french court for a
general peace, upon which, till I receive your
farther instructions by lord Stair, I can only give
you assurance, that, besides the discharge of my
duty, nothing in the world can be more agreeable
to my inclinations, than to be any way instrumental
in the. concluding, as soon as possible, such a peace
as may be to the satisfaction of her majesty, and
the good of my country. And wherever I may be
thought serviceable in that important affair, I shall
be glad to shew as much zeal as I have endea
voured to do in the prosecution of the war.
" The death of lord Jersey gives me fresh occa
sion to wish for' a speedy end of the war, that I
VOL. VI. H

98 CHAPTER 104.
may enjoy a littie repose before my own time
comes. I do not doubt but the queen wUl have
aU reason to be satisfied with the choice she has
made of the bishop of Bristol, who has shewn
abroad how fitly he is qualified to do her majesty
service at home. I am, with truth, my lord," &c.
WhUe the british general was revolving in his
mind the accomplishment of his project, and acce
lerating the preparations for the siege of Quesnoy,
his curiosity could not fail to be excited by the
discovery of the mysterious negotiations, as well
as by the evasive explanation of the treasurer.
He waited with impatience the return of lord Stair,
for an explicit description of the state of the
cabinet, the progress of the negotiation, and the
views of the minister. That nobleman, indeed,
returned at this momentj after a stay of more than
a month in England. His own honest and indig
nant language will best describe his reception,' and
the success of his journey.
" I went to London, and delivered my lord
Marlborough's letter to lord Oxford. After many
delays, I had at last a very free conference with his
lordship, in which he spoke -^ith great freedofli
and plainness to me. I thought, by all my lord
said, our conversation was to have ended in esta
blishing a very good understanding between my
lord treasurer and the duke of Marlborough ; but
his lordship in the end thought fit to say, that he
must defer declaring his final resolution upon the
whole matter, till our next conversation, which
, he faithfully promised me should happen in a very
few days. The detaU of his conversation was ex-
15*

1711. W
tremely curious, and very well worth your know
ledge ; but I must delay giving it you at present.
If ever we happen to meet, I shall give you a fuU
account of it. From day to day I put my lord
Oxford in mind of finishing our conversation, but
to no purpose. In the interval Mr. Prior was sent\
them back from France, which they took to be a I
carte blanche for settling all the differences of
Europe ; and, in the end, I was allowed to go \
back to the siege of Bouchain, with a bam- !
boozling letter from my lord Oxford to the duke '
of Marlborough." *
From Lord Oxford,
" My lord; Sept. 11.-22.
*' I have just now received the honour of your
grace's letter from Mr. Collins of Sept. 14. I do
most heartily congratulate your grace's success in
the reduction of Bouchain, and I do most sincerely
wish your succeeding undertakings may be crowned
with the like success. I am sorry to find that the
States are so backward to comply with what is ne
cessary for carrying on your grace's project ; but I
hope lord Albemarle will prevaU with them. Lord
Stair will have informed your grace of the elector
of Hanover's demands, about some part of his
troops. Your grace knows the regard which is
paid to his electoral highness here, and he haying
wrote to your grace upon that subject, the secre
tary is to write to you to manage that affair in the
best way not to disoblige the elector, and at the
same time not to let it be an example to other
* Continuation of lord Stair's letter to lord Marchmont, Edinburgh;
Dec. 10. 1754.
H 2

100 CHAPTER 104.
princes, to recaU their troops. Nothing farther
hath passed in the great affair mentioned in my
letter by my lord Stair. I suppose the contrary
wind hath kept back the answer expected. * I do
again most sincerely congratulate your grace on
your good success, and beseech you to accept the
assurance, that I am, with the greatest sincerity
and most perfect esteem and respect," &c.
The Duke of Marlborough to Lord Oxford.
« My lord ; Sept. 24.
" In^my last I had not time so much as to men
tion a very material article in the letter lord Stair
brought me from your lordship. I have since dis
coursed very largely upon the subject of it, an4
am so fully apprised of your opinion of the affairs
in Spain and Portugal, and your method of put
ting that war on a better foot, that there is very
little room left for me to add any thing. There
-might doubtless be many inconveniences removed,
by converting that whole expence into subsidies,
which would bring it to certainty, save a great
number of the queen's subjects, and such troops
might be employed as have constitutions better
fitted fpr those climates. The great difficulty will
be to find sufficient assurance that the money shall
be duly employed to the use for which it is given,
in which, however, I should sooner hope for an
exact compliance from king Charles, than from the
king of Portugal. The former being now become
* Probably alluding to the state of the iiegotiatio-n, which he still
concealed from the duke, although the articles had been arranged, and
were on the point of being signed.

1711. 101
head of the councUs at Vienna, and master of the
revenues, will not be under such pressing neces
sities as he has been hitherto, and, in all proba
bility, may not want inclination, when he has it
in his power, as well to pursue his own point, as
to testify some gratitude for what her majesty has
done for him ; but your lordship is already too
well acquainted with the present spirit of the Por
tuguese court, to expect any great good from
thence, whatever methods we may take to deserve
it from them. After all, your lordship will give
me leave to offer my opinion, that whatever is
determined, the States should at the same time be
pressed not to be any way wanting on their part ;
for if, when we have done all that can be re
quired of us, there remains the least ground of
complaint, tho' the fault should lie at others'
doors, we shall be equal sufferers. This letter is
longer than I thought when I began it, and is not
so much intended for your information as to con
vince you, that I shall be always ready to give you
my thoughts on any subject, when they may be of
use ; and my actions shaU always confirm the truth
with which I profess myself to be, my lord,'^ &c.
Strange as it may seem to the candid mind, to
observe the duplicity practised by the treasurer,
while his schemes were in progress ; it must excite
stUl deeper indignation to find him, even after he
had sanctioned these fatal preliminaries, assuming
the same hypocritical professions, encouraging the
general to prosecute his project, and affecting to
chide the dutch for their lukewarm and selfish
conduct.
H 3

102 CHAPTER 104,
From Lord Oaford.-
" My lord ; Sept. 25. -Oct, Q,
" Mr. Drummond being arrived from Holland,
I carried him to Windsor, to wait upon the queen,
where he had an opportunity of laying before her
majesty the opinion of lord Albemarle and the
grand pensionary, on the affair of providing forage
for the troops, and the additional charge of stables
and cazerns, &e. He was not able to name what
sum would fall to the share of England ; and, in
deed, I do believe it would be almost impossible to
fix any sum at present. But tbe queen ordered
me to communicate it to the lords, and they being
of opinion, that the whole project depends upon
the providing of the forage, I am directed to let
your grace know, that- it is left to your grace
to make the best bargain you can, for the queen's
proportion, both of the forage and the stabling, &c.
In the latter it is to be observed, that the utensUs,
after the service is over, will remain to the States,
which will be considered in the proportion they
are to bear in that expence. Being kept late at
Windsor, I have not time to enlarge ; but I was
not wiUing this post should go, without giving
your grace this account, and assuring you, that I
am, with the greatest respect," &c.
" My lord ; Sept. 28.-Oct. 9.
" The next day after I wrote last to your grace,
I received the honour of your letter of Oct. 2. I
am much concerned that lord Albemarie finds so
much difficulty at the Hague. I signified in my
last, the queen's readiness to come into her share;
and the lords have met again upon it, and after,

1711. 103
had a conference with my lord Strafford, who goes
over fuUy instructed to press the States very
warmly upon this head. On Sunday it wUl be
considered what farther measures can be taken to
prevail with the States. I believe my lord Straf
ford will be over as soon as this letter; for the
yachts are ready to carry him over. As to what
your grace is pleased to write, about the advance
on the contracts for the winter magazines, I have
directed Mr. Bridges to deliver in a demand for
what is necessary for that service, on Tuesday
next. Mr. HUl being again fallen iU, and Mr.
Methuen's domestic affairs not permitting him to
leave .England, the queen, for dispatch, wiU be
obliged to make use of one of her ministers, who
is near there, to be arbitrator at Milan. I beseech
your grace to accept the assurance, that I am, with
the utmost respect," &c.
The Duke of Marlborough to Lord Oxford.
" My lord ; Camp near Bouchain, Oct. 15.
" By my last to Mr. Secretary, your lordship
will have seen the utmost of what we are to expect
from the States, towards the execution of our pro
ject. The remarks I have made upon their last
resolution may serve to set the matter in its true
light; but I can scarce expect any other effect
from it. Your lordship will see, by the disposition
of the winter quarters, that we shall want near
threescore squadrons of the number proposed for
the frontiers ; but I hope what we have, may, by
tbe care and diligence of the commanders, be em
ployed to very good use. M. Villars is doing part
of our work for us, by continuing so long in his
H 4

104 CHAPTER 1D4.
camp, and consuming whatever could be expected
from the neighbouring country, for the subsistence
of his troops in the winter.
" Mr. Cardonel sends now to Mr. Lowndes a
state of the pay of, the general officers for this
year, to be laid before your lordship, in which he
has, comprehended all such as have any relation to
this army, whether they serve or not. For the
former, I presume yom- lordship wUl not disap
prove my giving the usual warrant ; but for the
others, I must pray your directions, what answers
I may give upon their applications. My lord, this
is a matter in which I apply to your friendship.
You know my single word will scarce pass current,
and I should be sorry any reproach should lie at
my door, for not being able to gratify such persons
as may have merit beyond the extent of the estab
lishment. I have hitherto been so impartial in
my distributions, that for three years past, that my
brother has not served, I have left hini out of the
warrants, tho' he has been continued upon the
establishment. I wUl only observe to your lord.i
ship, that my lord Orrery and brigadier Hamilton,
who have been on this side during the campaign,
will probably think their pretensions the best
grounded. " My lord Orrery has sent hither one Mr. Beau
mont, who furnishes bread to the troops of the
States, with proposals for furnishing the forage
this winter. They are the fairest of any that have
been yet made, and near a penny a ration cheaper
than what the dutch pay ; so that I have con
cluded to contract with him, and the articles of

1711. 105
agreement shall be sent to Mr. Lowndes as soon
as they are settled and signed."
" Oct. 22. — In my last I acknowledged the
honour of your lordship's letter of the 25th past,
but had not time to express my sense of the
gracious manner in which the queen is pleased to
encourage the prosecution of the project, which,
with the confidence her majesty thought fit to re
pose in me, for making bargains for the forage and
stabling, I look upon as a particular mark of her
satisfaction in my zeal for her service ; and I know,
my lord, I have no small obligations to you for
your good offices on this occasion.
" I have thought fit for the service to com
municate your letter of the 28th to my lord Albe
marle, who is now with me. He has writ largely
to the Hague upon the subject of it. The justice
he has done to her majesty's generosity, and the
zeal of her ministers, and your lordship in parti
cular, is a reproach to those in HoUand ; but as
the loss of time on their part has made it imprac
ticable to provide what they proposed, I think
they cannot reasonably expect her majesty should
bear any part of the extraordinary charge, except
that of the forage for the troops in her own pay.
And as it has been, from the beginning of theiwar,
my particular care to keep them from breaking in
upon us in expenses- of this nature, I shaU be no
less vigUant, now that I think they have no colour
for niaking any demands from us, since they have
not complied with the whole.
" I send now to Mr. Bridges a contract I have
signed with Beaumont for fprage. He wUl have

106 CHAPTER 104.
the honour to lay it before your lordship. This
contract has been made with the best husbandry
that could be, and you will please to observe, that
we have the advantage of giving a month's warn
ing for the forage for the spring. This was done
with a particular view to the overtures from
France, your lordship was pleased to communicate
to me some time since ; and I pray God we may
not have occasion to put her majesty to that
expense. I am, with much truth."
During this period, secretary St. John wrote in
the same style of cordiality, approving the project,
in his own behalf, as weU as in the name of the
queen, and reiterating the assurances, that the
strongest representations had been made to the
dutch, for the purpose of engaging their hearty
concurrence. At the same time, both the mini
sters were mocking the duke of Marlborough with
this affectation orhearty support, being well aware
that the States, who were acquainted with the
pending negotiations, would not agree to the siege
of Quesnoy, or enter into any unnecessary expen
diture, for a design, which they knew was not
likely to be carried into execution.
In fact, notwithstanding the promise of the
queen, that she would carry on the negotiation,
in concurrence with the States, no official commu
nications were made to the repubUc, for several
months after the delivery of the preliminary articles
proposed by the french court. The whole trans
action was clandestinely managed, between Torcy
and the british ministers, through the agency of
Mesriager, who accompanied Prior on his return

1711. 107
to England. On the 27th of September, O. S., \
the preliminaries, founded on the basis of the '
seven articles, were signed by Mesnager, on the
part of France, and by the two ^secretaries of state,
in virtue of a warrant from the queen. In this
dishonourable instrument, the only specific propo
sitions were, the acknowledgment of the queen's
title and the protestant succession, by the king of
France, and his engagement to take all just and
reasonable measures, that the crowns of France
and Spain should never be united on the head of
the same prince, from a persuasion that this excess
of power would be contrary to the good and quiet
of Europe. Thus, with a single stroke of the pen,
was overturned the leading principle of the grand
aUiance, that no bourbon prince should ever fill
the throne of Spain. A secure and convenient
barrier was, indeed, prpmised to the States, the
empire, and the house of Austiia, but without the
mention of any precise cession. Dunkirk was to
be demolished, but a proper equivalent was to be
settled on in the conferences ; the pretensions of
the allies were to be discussed bond fide and ami
cably, and nothing omitted to terminate them to
the satisfaction of all parties. >
With an affectation of good faith and sincerity,
a copy of these preliminaries was transmitted to
count Gallas, the imperial minister ; and, by him,
a translation was inserted, without a moment's
delay, in a newspaper called the Post Boy, by
which means they were prematurely made public.
An official copy was Uke'wise communicated to
the States, andn their concurrence peremptorily

108 CHAPTER 104.
demanded. These preliminaries were received in:
Holland with universal indignation. They dis
gusted even Buys himself, and his adherents, who
had been so eager for peace, that to procure it
they would have ceded Naples and Sicily to Philip,
provided Spain and the Indies were withheld from
a Bourbon prince, and a specific barrier assigned.
The States accordingly dispatched Buys into Eng
land, to join with the ministers of the other allies,
in remonstrating against such unwarrantable con
cessions. Meanwhile, Gallas had been ignomi-
( niously dismissed ; and the ministers not only
bitterly complained of the interference of the
States, but positively warned them, that if they
did not concur in the acceptance of these preli
minaries, England would consider the smallest
delay as a refusal, carry on the negotiations with
out them, and enter into no concert for the future
prosecution of the war. *
WhUe this affair was yet in agitation, the trea
surer thus wrote to the general : —
« My lord ; Oct, 19.-30.
" I received the honour on Wednesday last of
three letters together from your grace, dated Oct.
15th, 19th, and 22d. I am not in a condition to
answer the several particulars by this post ; but I
hope to be well enough to do it by the next. As
to the general officers, your grace is the best judge
of their services, and, I know, wiU be desirous to
make the public money go as far as is possible. As
*Memoires de Torcy; — Mesnager's Negotiations ; — St. John's
Letters to the earl of Strafford, in Bolingbroke's Correspondence,
together with the account of this clandestine negotiation in the publi
cations of the times, and the english historians.

1711. 109
to the forage, of the seventy thousand pounds,
which were remitted last week, twenty thousand
are designed for that service, in case your grace
thinks so much necessary to be advanced at pre
sent. If I mistake not, there was not above fifteen
thousand advanced last year ; but it is left to your
grace to apportion that sum, and to regulate it as
you shall see best for the service. As to the
project for winter quarters, which had so general
an approbation, and to the extraordinary expence
of which, her majesty, upon your grace's recom
mendation, did so heartily concur, I am sorry those
who are most concerned to support it, are so
wUling to let it drop. Ours is a very unlucky situ
ation, that every one is shrinking from the war, and
at the same tiine casting the burthen upon Britain,
and yet unwilling to let her have the least advan
tage. I would to God that our allies would resolve
either to make a good war or a good peace. *
" M. Buys came to town' yesterday ; I have not
yet seen him, not being able to go abroad. I sup
pose he will go to Windsor on Sunday. Some of
his countrymen have been so kind to him as to
write to their correspondents here, that he is come
to demand more troops, and to put an end to the
beginning of a negotiation for peace. This will
not render him very agreeable to the bulk of this
nation ; but I believe these are rumours spread by
some who are no very good friends to M. Buys.
Count Gallas has ordered some of those heads
(for they are not preliminaries) to be printed, by
some of our news scribblers, which, I believe,, is
* There is a clause here omitted, which will appear in p. 122; &c.

110 CHAPTER 104.
the first iristance of that kind, but not of the
count's indiscretions, or passions, at the least. I
cannot but think the States and aU the aUies may
have these heads explained and extended to rea
sonable satisfaction ; but if they cast away the op
portunity, they themselves must bear the blame.
I will end your grace's trouble at this time, with
beseeching you to believe me to be^ with tbe
utmost respect and sincerity," &c.
In consequence of the demurs on the part of
the dutch, it is not to be wondered that the duke
of Marlborough should relinquish the siege of
Quesnoy, and the farther prosecution of the pro
ject. But we cannot sufficiently abhor the machi-
avelian policy of the ministers, when secretary
St. John could, with cool and malicious effrontery,
observe to the queen : —
" Sept. 25. 0. S. — I take the liberty, besides the
extract of what our office letters bring, to trouble
your majesty with a private letter from the- duke
of Marlborough, and the papers which came in
closed in it. If the project has been disappointed,
it has not been so by your majesty, who gave
orders for readily entering into the necessary mea
sures on your part. However, it is of some use to
have my lord Marlborough's confession, that we
may be disabled from doing, any thing the next
year, and that the enemy may, perhaps, be in a
condition to act offensively."
After continuing three weeks with the army, tb
put Bouchain in a posture of defence, and secure
the navigation of the Scarpe to Douay, Marl
borough made preparations to close the campaign.

1711. Ill
by sending his troops into winter quarters. On
the point of his departure, he appears to have
been affected by the renewal of the accusations,
with which he had been assailed, for prolonging
the war ; and no less mortified by the prospect of
the humiliating part, which he was likely to per
form at the Hague, deprived of the confidence of
the government, and excluded from all official
knowledge of political transactions. Under this
impression, he appears to have written to the
treasurer, in a tone of unusual querulousness and
disappointment. " I took it for a singular mark of your lordship's.
friendship, that you were pleased some time ago
to communicate to me the overtures that were
made from France towards a peace ; and tho'
I am no way curious to know what passes on that
subject, yet I cannot conceal from you the concern
I am under, lest you should have taken some im
pressions, from the writings and discourses of such
as pretend, either out of friendship to me, or by my
encouragement, to promote the continuance of the
war. I protest to you, my lord, they do not utter
my sentiments ; there is nothing upon earth 1 1
wish more than an end of the war. Her majesty
has not a subject who desires it more heartily than
I do. I am perfectly convinced that, besides the
draining our nation both of men and money,
almost to the -last extremity, our aUies do, hy
degrees, so shift the burthen of the war upon us,
that, at the rate they go on, the whole charge
must at last faU on England. I assure you, I
should never have had the confidence to prppose

112 CHAPTER 104.
the least expence, were it not out of hopes, that
such an extraordinary effort would have as good
an effect, and induce the enemy to think seriously:
of peace, when they found the war so coming
home to them ; and 'tis possible the apprehensions
of the execution of our project may have had some
influence that way. But, my lord, as you haVe
given me encouragement to enter into the strictest
friendship with you, and I have done nothing to
forfeit it, I beg your friendly advice in what
manner I am to govern myself. You cannot but
imagine 'twould be a terrible mortification to pass
by the Hague, with our pleriipotentiaries there,
and myself a stranger to their transactions ; and
what hopes can I have of any countenance at
home, if I am not thought fit to be trusted abroad.
I could have been contented to have passed the
winter on the frontier, if the States had done their
part ; but, under my present circumstances, I am
really at a loss what part to take. My lord, I
have put myself wholly into your hands, and shall
be entirely guided by your advice, if you will be
so kind as to favour me with it. We shaU scarce
be able to move from hence before the end of the
month; for, besides the continuance of M. Villars
in the neighbourhood, we shall be obliged to stay
here tUl our frontier towns are sufficiently provided
vnth forage. My writing in this manner is a free
dom I should not take with your lordship, if I
were capable of making an ill use, or a bad return '
for your friendship ; and I demand of you, as a
piece of justice, that you wdU believe me, with the
greatest truth," &c.

1711. 113
Marlborough quitted Bouchain on the 25th, and
repaired to Marchiennes. We find a letter dated
from this place. Which evinces a strong anxiety to
cultivate the good will of the treasurer, with whom,
as a servant of the queen, he was under the ne
cessity of acting.
" Marchiennes, Oct, 26. — This is the last I shall
trouble your lordship with from these parts. 'Tis
chiefly to acquaint you that I now send to Mr.
(Secretary a resolution of the States, which their
¦deputies communicated to me the 23d in the
evening, with the answer I returned them. By
the former it is insinuated the States expect the
queen should come into a part of the extraordinary
charge, occasioned by quartering on the frontiers
the number of troops specified in the last distri
bution. This I think so unreasonable, that I do
not give them the least encouragement to hope for
any manner of compliance, beyond the forage for
her majesty's own troops, and I shall continue to
use the same language to them, unless you shall
instruct me otherwise ; for I understand the direc
tions in your lordship's letter of the 28th past,
relate only to what her majesty was inclined to do,
if the States had wholly complied with the first
project. What they now propose is altogether
impracticable : it would keep us a month longer
in the field, to make all their enquiries, and, besides
that, several of our troops are already gone to
^eir quarters. We have not forage for two days
more, so that the marshal de VUlars being marched
on Friday last, I design this army shall do the
same to-morrow, in order to separate ; and I shall
VOL.. VI. I

114 CHAPTER 104.
be the same night at Tournay, where I intend id
stay the rest of the Week, to give such direction^
as may be necessary during the winter. The number
of troops on this frontier does not require aiiy other
generals than the governors of the towns ; and my
lord Albemarle being the eldest of them, I have
ordered the rest to meet me with him at Tournay,
to settle every thing ; so that, if it be possible, what
is left here may not be altogether useless, bnt
contribute, in some measure, to the great end I
have so much at heart, and facilitate the advances
France makes towards peace. It wUl take me i^
another week to get to the Hague, where I propose
to make but a very short stay, if I find the yachts
ready to carry me over ; and I entreat your lord
ship wUl please to direct Mr. Lowndes to send
orders to the Custom-house, that my baggage, and
some small remains of my camp provisions, may
pass directly to WhitehaU, and be visited there, as
has been practised in former years. I flatter my*
self your lordship wUl believe me, when I promise
you I will make no Ul use of this indulgence. In
fine, ray lord, I desire this may serve to prepare
you to receive me, such as you would desire to
find me, full of gratitude for the several marks of
your friendship this campaign, and of resolution to
•do all that lies in my power to cultivate it ; an4 to
convince not only yourself, but aU the world, that
nothing can be more sincere than the profession I
make of being ever, with truth, my lord," &C. "
The unfortunate revolution in the british mi
nistry, and the consequent change of measures,

1711. 115
pit)duced a disastrous effect in every part of the
theatte of war.
In Sps.in the consequences were peculiarly fatal.
Philip, apprised of the favourable result likely to
iarise from the pending negotiations between France
and England, justly deemed himself secure of
retaining the spariish crown. He sent full powers
to Louis, to make any reasoriable concession whic)i
ihight accelerate a peace, and acquiesced in the
defensive system, to which the french monarch
prudently confined his mUitary operations on tbe
side of Catalonia.
Charles becomirig, by the death of his bi;other,
bead of the house of Austria, and candidate for
the throne of the empire, was anxious to exchange
a scanty and precarious sovereignty, for an exten
sive and hereditary dominion, and to enjoy, with
out delay, the expedted honours of the imperial
dignity. He continued, therefore, at Barcelona,
only to quiet the alarms of his faithful Catalans,
and to supei^uitend the military operations. After
consigning tP marshal Staremberg the supreme
cbtnttiand of the army, which had been reinforced
by 7000 meri, he took his departure in the month
of September. In an a,ffecfionate letter to his
Spanish subjects, he stated the causes of his absence,
praised their loyalty, anriounced his speedy return,
arid confided the government to his consort, whom
he fecoininended as the most precious pledge which
he cbiild entrust to their fidelity.
On the 27th of Septeriiber, Charles embarked
on board the eriglish fleet, and landed at Vado on
the 8th of October. The genoese government
.12

116 CHAPTER 104.
having declined to receive him as king of Spaii]^
he scornfully rejected the offer of a convoy, and
proceeded on his journey to his Italian dpminipns,
without halting in the territories of the republic.
At Pavia, he had an interview with the duke of
Savoy, and entered Milan with all the pomp of
sovereignty. In this city he was hailed with thp
joyful intelligence of his election to the imperial
throne, which took place at Frankfort on the 8th
of October. After receiving the homage of his
new subjects, and congratulations from the ministers
of Venice, Tuscany, and Parma, in his joint capa
city of emperor and king of Spain, he was gratified
with the tardy, though respectful acknowledgments
of the republic of Genoa. Departing from Italy,
the emperor elect was crowned at Frankfort, with
unusual pomp, on the 22d of December. In
addition to his other titles, he assumed that of
Tting of Spain, and in that quality created several
knights of the Golden Fleece. Repairing to Vienna,
he took quiet possession of all his hereditary do
minions, confirmed the pacification of Hungary,
directed the niost vigorous preparations for conti
nuing the war against the house of Bourbon, and
exerted his strenuous efforts to trav<ej:se the penduig
negotiations. It seemed as if the war in Spain had been
¦suffered to languish by the mutual consent of the
engbsh and french cabinets. Although the com
mons had granted ^1,500,000 for that service,
.and the ministers had expressed great solicitude
to remedy the neghgence of their predecessors, by
prosecuting hostUities in the peninsula with in-

' 1711. 117
creasing Vigour, they yet contrived to restrain the
miUtary inovements within the limits adapted to
their pacific views.
The duke of Argyle, indeed, reached Barcelona
on the 29th of May, in the quality of embassador
and commander of the british forces ; but he came
without remittances, and unprovided with funds,
except £ 10,000 which he raised at Genoa on his
own personal credit. This scandalous neglect,
and the trifling reinforcements which he received,
palsied the military operations ; and the whole
campaign passed in desultory skirmishes, without
any affair of importance, except the investment of
Cardona, by the duke of Vendome, and its relief
by marshal Staremberg, after defeating the enemy,
and capturing their artiUery, ammunition, and bag
gage. At the close of the campaign, both armies
resumed nearly the same positions as they had
occupied in the commencement. *
The reader has already anticipated the inactive
position of the armies in the empire ; for as the
election of Charles had the private concurrence of
the french and british cabinets, the hostUe troops
on the Rhine remained on the defensive, and several
detachments were even forwarded, to reinforce the
army of the duke of Berwick in Dauphine. The
chief object of prince Eugene was, to maintain the
tranquillity of Germany, to watch the motions of
the enemy, and cover the diet of election. As
soon, therefore, as the inauguration of Charles had
* House of Austria, chap. 80. — Memoirs of the Kings of Spain,
?hap. 19. — Memoires de St. Philippe, vol. iii. p. 7.
I 3

lis CHAPTER 104,
taken place, he distributed his army into wints^^
quarters, and the french followed his example.
On the side of the Alps, the mUitary operations
were as little (Jecisive as in other quarters. Although
the duke of Savoy was induced to resume the
command of the combined army, his presenqe was
attend,ed with no effectual advantage. After forcing
his ^yay into Savoy, and. penetrating towards the
frontiers of Provence, hia progress was arrested by,
the able dispositions of the duke of Berwick^ who
posted his army so advantageojisly in, the vicinity
of Barreaux, as to repel the allies on whatever
point they advanced. As the autumnal season
approachedl, Victor Amadeus retraced bis steps j
and the only beneficial result of his movements,
was, as before^ to weaken, by draughts, the aimy
on the Rhine, and prevei^l; the march of reinforce
ments into Catalonia.
In Portugal, no military operations of conse
quence occurred. The combined forceSj under the
earl of Portmore, re-captured Miranda de Douro,
but were prevented from undertaking the siege of
^Padajoz, by an incursion of the bourbon troops,
under the marquis de Bay; and both ai;miesj as,
if by mutual consent, retired early intp winter
quarters.

1711. H9

CHAPTER 105..
1711.
Marlborough complains to the ministers (f the lampoons and.;
libels with which he was assailed.-^ Is deeply ejected by tfie
charges qf fraud and peculation^ implied in the deposition
qf Sir Solomon Medina, one qf the Army contractors. —
Vindication qf his condtict to the commissioners qf public -
accounts. — Returns to England,-'- Opposes the ministry, — ^ .
Idle rumours qf pretended conspiracies, — Remonstrates
with the queen against the peape. — Expedients adopted by,
the opposition to annoy the ministry. — Refutation of the -
charges advanced against the late administration,—- Union
qf Marlborough with the whigs and Nottingham, — ^emon-^ .
strances of foreign powers aga.ins.t the negotiation.
The successes of Marlborough were npw decried,
by his party opponents with more asperity than
usual. The passage of the french lines was con
temptuously called the crossing of the kennel ; and,
whatever honour might attach to the enterprise
was ascribed to, the count of Hompesch, by whom
the vanguard was led. The investment of Bouchain
was stigmatised as futUe, and he was censured for
having sacrificed l6,0QP, men in the capture of a
dove-cote. From these specimens of political ob
loquy, we may estimate the calumnies lavished on
the british commander^ and spare the reader a
detail which disgraces the pages- pf our annals.
Unfortunately, these libellons attacks, were not
I 4

120 CHAPTER 105.
unprovoked ; for, without his participation or pri
vity, the duchess, by means of Maynwaring and
other agents, had deluged the press with the
grossest libels against the queen and * ministry,
and thus furnished too much excuse for retaliation
on the duke himself. On the 19th of October,
however, , he wrote two affecting letters to the
treasurer and the secretary, bitterly lamenting
the cruelty of such unmerited scurrilities, and re
questing their suppression. The letter to St. John
is not extant ; but we learn by a note from him
to the queen, how little impression was made by
the appeal of Marlborough.
" I have several letters from lord Marlborough;
One of the 15th mentions the ill state of his health,
and desires that your majesty will please to order
a convoy and the yachts for him. Another of the
19th is very extraordinary. I had taken notice in
a letter, which I knew would be shewn him again,
of the impertinence of his chaplain, who published
libels against your majesty's government. He
denies that the person suspected had wrote the
book complained of, and then finds fault with the
answer to it, forgetting that the sermon preached
before himself, and since printed, was still worse,'
and more seditious than the other paper." t
* In several of Mr. Maynwaring's letters we find numerous allusions"
to various satirical ballads apd lampoons, which he and her other agents
were daily fabricating. Among these was a severe caricature of Harley,
under the name of Polypragmon, which was introduced in No. 190. of
theTatler, and must have highly provoked his resentment.
t Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol. i. p. 413. He here alludes to •
a sermon preached by Dr. Hare, before, the duke, in the camp, on ther,
nth of September, which contains no other libellous matter, than a
severe reprehension of a precipitate and dishonourable peace.

1711. 121
T'he letter to the treasurer conveys a proof of
tiiat excessive sensibility, which we are coricerned
to observe in so great a mind.
" My lord ; Oct. 19.
" I have had so many marks of your lordship's
friendship, and have so sincerely endeavoured to
deserve a continuance of it, that I apply myself to
you in the tenderest part of it, and lay open my
private griefs to you, with the same freedom you
allow me in what regards the public. There are
two papers lately published, on your side, and
some copies are already got here ; the title of one
is " Bouchain," and the other an answer to it. I
do not know whether your lordship looks into such
papers, and I heartily wish they had been kept
from me. I am sure you cannot hear of one with
out the other ; and when I protest to you I am no
way concerned in the former, I doubt not but you
wUl have some feeling of what I suffer from the
latter. As I have had aU the reason in the world
to be satisfied with every thing your lordship has
done, in regard to myself, ever since I left you,
and particularly your punctual remittances for the
troops, I have taken all occasions to make my
satisfaction as publicly known, as all the officers
of the army can bear me witness ; and it is so
much the more mortifying to find myself and
famUy treated in such a manner, when I had so
much reason to hope the spirit from whence it
proceeds was quite suppressed. I find it is in
sinuated that the provocation came from that side,
and from the pen pf one that has been long near

122 CHAPTER 105.
me * ; but, upon examination, he hais so fu%
deared himself, that I am perfectly satisfied of his*
innocence, and nobody can wish more than I dft
that such writings could be suppressed; but if
they can't be, it is very hard that wben any body
wUl use my name, I should be revUed in such a
manner. The authors, of these papers, as well the,
one as the other, are not only my enemies, they
are yours too, my lord; they are enemies to thft
queen, and poison to her subjects ; and it would
be worth the whUe to make a strict search aftei:
them, that the punishment they deserve may be
inflicted upon them. But all the remedy, all the
ease I can at present expect, under this mortift*
cation is, that you; my lord, would do me the
justice to believe me in no way an abettor oir
encourager of what h^ givenime a, mortal wound j
but I will endeavour to bear up under it. I have
that consolation from you; and as eveicy thing else
Ii could desire from you has been hitherto granted*
before. Ii could a^.it, I flatter myself you wUl not.
deny me this satisfaction, no more than that of
beMeving me, ever, with the greatest truthj" &Cnt.
Reply cfLord Oxford, t
" My lord; Oct. 19.-S0.
" As to the contents- of youi" grace's letter, of
the 19th, I bopci my sentiments are so. fully known.
of -that villainous way. of libelling, I need say little,
tQiypur ^ace upon, that subject. When I hadthei
hpnour to be secretary of state, I did, by an impar,-
* Alluding to his chaplain. Dr. Hare..
•t' Hardvvicke Papers; Printed in Somervillfe's Queen Anne.
^ The rest of this letter is printed in the preceding chapter,'pag^e 108^

1711, 12S
tial prosecution, sUence most of them* untU a party
of men, for their own ends, supported them against
the laws and my prosecution. I do assure your
grace I abhor the practice, as mean and dis
ingenuous. I have made if so famUiar to myself,
by some years' experience, that as I know I am
every week, if not every day, in some libel or
other, so I would willingly compound that all the
ill-natured scribblers should have Ucence to write
ten times more against me, upon condition they
would write against npbody else* I do assure
your grace I neither know nor desire to know any
of the authors ; and, as I heartily wish this barbarous
war was at an end, I shall be very ready ^o take
my part in suppressing them,''
If the sensitive mind of Maribprough was thus
affected by the ministerial lampoons of the day,
which principally assailed his poUtical life and
military talents, it is not diffcult to imagine how
deeply his feelings yere wounded, when, on his
arrival at the Hague, his moral conduct was
arraigned, and he was accused of fraud, extortion,
and embezzlement of the public money.
The commissioners appointed to enquire into
the abuses of the expenc^ture, examinedj among
others, Sir Solomon Medina,j contractor for the
supply of bread and bread-waggons for the forces
in, the Netherlands, in the pay of the queen. He
deposed, that he baci privately paid into the handis
qf the duke of Marlborough, for his,- own use,
an annual sum, from 1707 to 1710, inclusive, which,
added tpithe-daiin for the current year, amounifeed
in the aggregat^^ to £63M9t This depo^sitian

124 CHAPTER 105.
beirig mysteriously whispered, and industriously
circulated, as a state secret, soon became generaUy
known, both at home and abroad ; and, on such
slender evidence,- he was held up to the indignation
of the world, as a public defaulter.
Without a moment's delay the insulted general
drew up a brief^ but masterly vindication of his
conduct, and transmitted if to the commissioners,
through the channel of Mr. Craggs.
" Gentlemen ; — Having been informed on my
arrival here, that Sir Solomon de Medina has
acquainted you with my having received several
sums of money from him, that it might make the
less impression on you, I would lose no time in
letting you know, that this is no more than what
has been' allowed as a perquisite to the general,
or commander-in-chief of the army in the Low
Countries, even before the Revolution, and since ;
and I do assure you, at the same time, that what
ever sums I have received on that account have
been constantly employed for the service of the
pubUc, in keeping secret correspondence, and
getting inteUigence of the enemy's motions and
designs." He then candidly mentioned another species of
payment, to which they had not even adverted,
and which did not, properly, relate to the public
accounts, being a free gift from the foreign con
tingents. He stated that in the former war in the
Netheriands, parliament had voted ^10,000 a-year
to the king for secret service, without account.
This being found insufficient, the king, ^instead of
applying to pariiament, had obtained from the

1711. 125
spvereigris of the foreign auxUiaries, -a deduction
of 24. per cent, on their pay, instead of all other
stoppages appropriated to the same purpose.
Marlborough observed that he had negotiated this
agreement, in the capacity of plenipotentiary, and
that when he had succeeded to the command, the
queen had continued the same privUege to him, to
receive and employ this sum, without account, by
her royal warrant, dated the 6th of July, I702.
This sum, he adds, has been applied from time to
time for intelligence and secret service, and with
such success, that, next to the blessing of God,
and the bravery of the troops, we may, in a great
measure, attribute most of the advantages of the
war in this country, to the timely and good advices
procured with the help of this money.
" And now, gentlemen," he continued, " as I
have laid the whole matter fairly before you, and
I hope you will allow I have served my queen and
country, with that faithfulness and zeal which
becomes an honest man, the favour that I intreat
of you is, that when you make your report to the
parliament, you wUl lay this part before them in
its true light, so that they may see this necessary
and important part of the war has been provided
for, and carried on, without any other expence to
the public, than ten thpusand ppunds a-year. And
I flatter myself that when the accounts of the army
in Flanders come under your consideration, you
wUl be sensible the service on this side has been
carried on with all the economy and good hus
bandry to the public that was possible." *
* This letter was printed in the Repoist to^the House of Comrnonj,
and is to be found in ^11 our historical publications.

ISB CHAPTEk 10^.
Td this addrefe was annexed a Copy of the S'dyal
warrant, signed by the queen, and countCrsignefd
by Sir Charles Hedges, as secretary of state.
At the same time he sent a copy of this justJfc.
cation, accompanied with a manly letter, to the
treasurer. « My lord ; Hagite, Nov. 10.
" The friendly part your lordship took in the
grievance I lately laid before you, gives me en
couragement to have recourse once more to your
friendship, in a matter, differing from the foririer
in its circumstances, but such as, nevertheless,
gives me a Very sensible concern. Upon iny
arrival hlSre, I had notice that my name was
brought before the commissioners of accounts,
possibly withPut any design to do me a prejudice.
However, to prevent any ill impression it "might
inake, I have writ a letter to those gentleriieri,
setting the matter in its true light, which Mr.
Craggs wUl deliver ; and when you have taken
the pains to read theiriclosed copy, pi-ay be so kind
as to employ your good offices, so as that it may
be known I have the advantage of your friendshipw
No one knows better than ybur lordship the great
use and expence of iritelligerice, and no one can
better explain it ; arid 'tis for that reason I tak,e
the liberty to add a farther request, that you worild
be so kind to lay the whple, on some fitting oppor.<
tuttity, before the queen^ beirig very weU persiiaded
her majesty, who has so far approved, attd so weU
rewarded my services, would not be willing they
should now be reflected on.
" My lord, ypu see I make no scruple to giYe
4

1711. 127
^ou a little trodble, which to a temper like yours,
rather increases than diminishes the pleasure of
doing a good office. I do, therefore, boldly claim
the benefit of your friendship, and am so sanguine
as to expect the good effects of it, which I shall
make it my constant business to deserve. The
endeavours of our enemies to destroy the friend
ship between us, wUr double mine to continue and
improve it ; and I have now the greater desire to
be at home, that I may explain to you, what I
cannot so well write, I mean the true sincerity
wherewith I am," &c.
By the same post he forwarded another copy to
his friend'Godolphin, announcing his speedy return
to England, and his vexation at the malignity of
the libels with which he was assailed.
" Nov. 10. — I am to thank you for yours of
the 25th from Newmarket, and I hope, with aU
my heart, you may be returned by the time I may
get to Laridbn. I am resolved to take the very
first c^portunity, as soon as the convoy comes,
which I expect every day, the wirid being fair to
bring them. I wish I had your good temper and
judgment, for then I should not be vexed, as I
now am, at the vUlainous libels which appear every
day ; but of this more when I have the happiness
of being with you. ^
" Mr. Craggs will shew you a copy of' a letter
I have Written to the commissioners of accounts.
You shall know, and, I hope, will approve of iriy
leasons when we riieet, which, I hope, will be
quickly." Soon after this letter was written, Marlborough

128 CHAPTER 105.
gladly took his departure from the Hague, where,
instead of his former distinction and consequence,
he exhibited a spectacle of declining favour. Pro
ceeding to the BrUl, he embarked in company
with baron Bothmar, the harioverian envoy, and
on the 17th of November landed at Greenwich, to
encounter new disgusts and aggravated indignities.
That day being the anniversary of the inaugura
tion of queen Elizabeth, when, according to annual
custom, the effigies of the pope, the devil, and the
pretender, were burnt by the mob, he prudently
continued at Greenwich, that he might not appear
to countenance any disturbance, which might arise
from the tumultuous proceedings likely fo occur
at this critical juncture.
Early on the morning" of the 18th, he passed
through the city, and proceeded to Hampton Court,
to pay his respects to the queen. To avoid any
imputation of neglect, he was assiduous in his
attention to the ministers. In this instance, he
^cted with his usual caution ; for on his arrival in
London, he found a general alarm pervading the
metropolis, and. the most injurious reflections c^st
on his friend Godolphin, and the whig leaders.
These charges arose from the measures adopted by
the government. Fearful of some tumult, from the
religious zeal which this procession had generally
awakened, and which might produce dangerous
consequences, in the actual ferment of party, the
ministry had sent the messengers, with a detach
ment of guards, who siezed the effigies prepared
for the occasion, which were deposited in an empty
house in Angel Court, Drury Lane, on the night

1711. 129
of the I6th, and carried them to the office of the
secretary of state, lord Dartmouth. At the same
time, either from real or from feigned appre
hensions, the most serious precautions were taken
to prevent a tumult, which was not unUkely to
happen, from the disappointment of the popidace
in their usual diversion. The trained bands were
called out, and kept three days under arms, and
regular troops were posted, in different places, to
prevent unlawful assemblies. The ministerial
writers of the day did not fail to profit by this
ridiculous affair, to impute to the whigs a regular
design of producing a tumult, in order to render
the peace unpopular. They published an ex
aggerated account of the intended processions,
and, reflecting on the Kit Cat Club, a whig asso
ciation, as instigators or authors of the design, gave
the initials of several of the most respectable
noblemen and gentlemen *, as furnishing subscrip-
* Bowyer's Queen Anne. These initials were intended to designate
Godolphin, Somers, Sunderland, Wharton, Halifax, and other principal
leaders of the party. Some modern writers have strangely misunder
stood and misrepresented the time and nature of these pretended con-
s^acies. Misconceiving the confused and garbled stories given by
Macpherson from Carte, they have mixed these and other reports
together, to furnish a reason for the dismission of the duke of Marl
borough. One of our writers has gravely asserted, that tbe duke was to profit
by the confusion at the anniversary of the gunpowder plot, to assemble .
a select body of troops, and seize the person of the queen. It is a pity
he did not recollect, that on the 5th of November the duke of Marl
borough jwas still in Holland; that on the 16th of November, when the
ridiculous farce of seizing the effigies of the pope, the devil, and the
pretender, which were to have been burnt on the morrow, he had not
landed; that on the 17th, he purposely remained at. Greenwich; and,
above all, that his dismission, which was said to be the- effect of these
plots and conspiracies, did not take place till the 3l5t of December.
VOL. VI. K

130 CHAPtJ^R 105.
fidris for this p^e^rit, arid as iritehdirig tb aggfivate
thfe tumult, by spreading a rtejpoft that the queen
Wk^ either dyittg or de'M. No disturbance took
]()liee, itt consequence pf the precautions of gbverh-
ment, and the figui-es were destt-oyed, kfter remain
ing three days in durance at the secretary's office,
a source of real, or pretended ala.rm tb one party,
tiM of ridicufe t6 the other.
Mariborough ^^s now ptddtd in a eritical sittia-
tibn. He had hitherto received the overtrires of
Oiford and St. John, with siriiilar returns of courtesy
and cordiality ; first, with the View of screening
Mttifeelf from the accusations which the committee
of inquiry had already prepared against him, and,
secondly, to obtain frbmthe queen the warrants
for continuing the works at Blenheim, in which he
Was deeply interested, and which, he declared to
Godolphin, should be the only favour he would ask
from ^PVernriient. But the time was now arrived,
when he could no longer dissemble with those who
dissembled, nor trust to the insidious smiles of
those who courted him from interest or fear. He
had now no alternative but to join cordiaUy with
the government, to the sacrifice of his principles,
Pr by adhering to the whigs,' to encounter mini
sterial enpity, by a public opposition. Reduced

Others make up a new version of the same idle and defamatof y tiile,
for the eve of his dismission.
It is singular that Swift in his go^iping, thoagh interesting i^ttcit's to
Stella, in relating all the rumours of the day, never adverts to this stoi^y
of a conspiracy in this correspondence until February 9.— ^See CKsi^i^
107, in which an atseount js' given of Other imaginary colispii^ikOies,
similar to thi^ ridiculous fiction.

1711. 131
to th^s alternative, he did not hesitatq tp follow
tbe dictates of conscience ; and, though fi;Uy
aware of the fate which awaited him, he disd^ibfid
to give even his .tacit approbation to the degrading
.sacrifice, which they had offered of the national
honour. He therefore boldly remonstrated with
.the queen against the disgraceful conditions of the
preliminaries^ and absented himself from 1;be ca
binet councils, which were held on the pending
negotiations. His cpndupt naturally exci,ted the
animadversions of the ministers; and St. John ob
serves, " I hear that in ,his conversation with the
queen, the du|se,of Marlborough has spoken against
what we are doing,; in shpft, his fate hangs heavy
upon him, and he has of late pursued every counsel
which was the worst for him." *
The adherence of Marlborough to the w;higs, in
:^hich he was fpllowed by Godplphin, and his
decided opposition to the proposed conditipns of
peace, filled the party with sanguine hopes of
,S,uccess; and these hopes were increased, by a
eoncurrejace pf circumstances, which seemed to
fopebpde the disgrace of the tory ministry.
We have already noticed the malicious cavUs
levelled against the financial administratipp of
...ppdolphan, in the report of the commons. The
•4infavourable impression which they jnade pn the
public mind |jega,n to abate ; for the infamous mis
representations and .exaggerated ;ab,uses were so
jably refuted, that ftey found credit only with the
partisans of the ministers. Among, those who
*.9olingbroke's CoiTespondejice, vol. i, p. tso.
K 2

132 CHAPTER 105.
advocated the cause of t^e late administration,
Walpole was the principal champion. In a masterly
piiblication, entitled, " The Thirty-five Millions
accounted for " * he concisely and ably exposed
the faUacy of the charge, which imputed to the
late administration so enormous a deficit. Some
of the unsettled accounts. comprehended in this
,Staterhent, he proved to belong even to the reigns
of Charles IL James II. and WiUiam ; and those
which bpncerned the late ministers, when separately
examined^ left a balance of only £7,557,513.
Even from this balance were to be deducted
many.disbursement§, for extraordinaries during the
pressure of war, , which could not admit of regular
vouchers, and these reduced it to four miUions,
. for a great part of which balance, accounts were
brought in after the report, t
To the same pen we likewise owe a very able
tract, entitled, " The History of the last Par
liament," in which the author fuUy justified the
proceedings of the late administration, and deli
neated in glowing colours the portrait of the, great
general, who was exposed to so much unmerited
obloquy. These and other writings served to counteract
the abuses heaped upon the former administration,
by their successors ; and though they did not
reinstate the whigs in the favour of the publiq, yet
they essentially contributed to detract frop.the
* This pamphlet was certainly written by Sir Robert Walpole, though
it has been attributed to Ai'thur Maynwaring, — Memoirs of Sir Robeit
Walpole, chap. 6.
f In Somerville's Queen Anne is a sensible note on thissubject, p.418.

1711. 133
popularity of their opponents, whose measures had
no longer the grace of povelty.
The accession of lord Nottinghairi to- their party
was another source of strength.
In the last session of parliament, the new rninistry
had a very considerable majority in the house of
commons, and sufficient weight in the upper house,
to ensure the approval of their measures. The
whigs, therefore, had no hopes of making a suc
cessful opposition, and acquiesced without much
struggle in the decision of the majority. But in
the session, which assembled soon after the arrival
of the duke from the continent, the defection of
the earl of Nottingham from the tories, of which
party he had been hitherto invariably the champion,
deprived the ministry of their former preponderance.
Disgusted because he did not receive those honours
and rewards, which he deemed his due, Notting
ham made overtures for an union with the whigs,
and a compromise was effected. Each party
agreed, by sacrificing sorriething of their principles,
to gratify the other, in order to turn their united
strength against the ministry. The whigs promised
to support a bill of occasional conformity, which
they had hitherto uniformly resisted ; and the inde
fatigable adversary of offensive war, agreed to oppose
the conclusion of peace, except on the principles of
the whigs, that Spain and the Indies should be
wrested from the house of Bourbon.
To give effect to these united efforts, the oppo
sition resorted to every measure, which was calcu
lated to prevent or retard a peace. They even
K 3

134 CHAPTER 105.
caUed in the aid oJFthe States^Cortiposing the grand
^liance, to awaken the british court and people to
a sense of their honour and interests.
In conformity with this plan, the dutch, through
the agency of their minister. Buys, made strong
arid repeated remonstrances to the queeri. The
new emperor followed their example, by employ
ing both public and private' exhortation, to retain
her in the bands of the grand alliance, and was
even preparing to send prince Eugene into
England, to give additional effect to his represerit-
ations. But the deepest impression was produced by the
remonstrances of the elector of Hanover, whom
the queen had vainly endeavoured to lure, by Warm
professions Pf regard, and even by offering him thfe'
command of the army in the Netherlands. Baron
Bothmar, his minister, presented a memorial,
which was drawn up with the approbation of Marl-
bbrPugh and the Whigs. If enforced the necessilJy
of preserving a good understanding among thfe
allies, and of mutually guarantying their respective
interest's, and concluded with detaUing the peti
nicious consequences, which would ensue, fr-om
Stlffering a prince of the house of Bourbon to retairi
Spain and the Indies.
Among other strong expressions, the hanoveriati
minister observed, " The setttunents of his electoral
highness on the peace, and on the preparatoi*^
negotiation are, that the allies require hot bnly
positive declarations, but real securities, especiaUy
against an ettettiy whose methods of acting are

1711. WP
weU known. This was prpvided for in the former
prieliminaries, by obliging France tp yiMd previously
certain cautionary towns, in the presf pt articles, pn
t^e contrary, there js neither any feal security, nor
any clear and distinct declaration. Al^ is <<PW^fid
in indefinite, general terms, which, in reality,
express nothing, aaid, upon which,, years might be
consumed in negotiating. It is left to be con
sidered which is the surest way, to put a speedy
end to the war ; whether by previously exacting
such conditions from France, that nothing may
remain to be done in a general congress, but to
give them the form of a treaty, or to open that
congress, on terms which are captious and obscure,
and which leave full scope for France to practise
her usual intrigues and chicanes,"
Nor is the conclusion less emphatic and forcible.
'' There is ground to hope, that by remaining firmly
united, the aUies may soon oblige France (with the
blessing of God) to agree to reasonable conditions,
her extreme indigence, and need of peace, being
very certain, and confirmed from aU parts. The
Almighty has blessed the arms of the queen and
9f her aUies with so many triumphs over their
powerful enemy, to the end they may secure them
selves by a safe and advantageous peace, from aU
their apprehensions ; and it cannot be his pleasure,
that an enemy so exhausted and vanquished, as
the king of France has been on all occasions, should
at last accomplish his designs by this war, and
vconclude it by a peace, glorious to himself, ruinous
to the victorious allies, and destructive to the
15^ 4

136 CHAPTER 105.
liberties of aU Europe, in acquiring tbe power of
giving a monarch to Spain, of imposing another
upon Great Britain, and of making the validity of
the election to the crown of the empire depend on
his approbation." *
" History of Europe, 1711, p.398.

1711—1712. 137

CHAPTER 106.
1711—1712.
Ineffectual attempt qf the ministry to gain Marlborough and
the whig chiefs. — Opening qf the parliament. — Debate on
the address. — Speech of the duke of Marlborough. —
Amendment carried against the ministers in the house qf
peers. — Adjournment. — Alarms of the ministry. — Appre
hensions of the queen. — Advice of Oxford successful. —
Charges qf pectdation brought forward against Marl
borough. — Report of the commissioners pvblished, — Dis
mission qfthe duke, — The ministers obtain a majority hy
the creation qf twelve ndw peers.
As the meeting of parliament drew near, the queen
and ministry were considerably alarmed ai the
strength of opposition, and the well-concerted
efforts of the allies to obstruct the negotiations.
After many ineffectual endeavours of the treasurer
to gain several of the peers, the sovereign herself
closeted some of the lords in opposition, and parti
cularly the duke of Marlborough, lord Somers, and
lord Cowper; but aU her expostulations had no more
effect than the conciliatory advances of her mini
sters. In this alarming crisis, itwas proposed to
extend the prorogation of parliament for a few days,
in order to gain time for counteracting the eflfects
of the threatened resistance; but this expedient
.being considered as indicative of degrading appre-

138 CHAPTER 106.
hensions, was abandoned, and parliament assem
bled on the 6th of the December, the appointed
day of meeting.
The ministry contemplated with firmness the
storms of the approaching session. Confident in
the support of their sovereign, and the favour
of the public, they openly proclaimed their
sentiments. In the speech from the throne, the queen ob
served, " I have called you together, as soon as the
public affairs would permit, and I am glad to" teU
you, that notwithstanding the arts of those who de
light in war, both place and time are appointed
ibr opening the treaty of a general peace." After
this indirect reflection on the general and the
whigs, she did not hesitate to add, what was cpn-
trary to fact, " The allies, and especially the States
General, have, by their ready concurrence, ex
pressed their entire confidence in me." HaWg
asked the customary supplies for carrying on the
war with vigour, as the surest means pf rendering
the treaty effectual, she avowed that her chief
concern was for securing the prptestant religion,
'and the succession to the crpwn, as limited hy
parliament to , the house of Hanpver. She then
expressed her assurance, that no true protestaajt
or good subject would envy her the glory of end- '
ing a tedious and expensive war, by a just a.nd
honourable peace. She anticipated the oppositioB,
which was expected from the whigs, hy recom
mending unanimity, adding, " that our enemies
may not think us a people divided amongst our
selves, and, consequently, :^EeFe».t our obtaining
ID*

. 1711—1712. isg
that good peace, of which we have such reasonable
hopes, and so near a view."
On descending from the throne, and divesting
herself of her royal robes, the queen returned in
cognita into the house. With the expectation that
her preserice would restrain the heats of debate j
biit the expedient proved ineffectual.
The earl of Ferrars having made the usual mo-
tio'n for an address, Nottingham suddenly rose,
arid opened the attack against the ministry. He^
censured the preliminaries as insufficient and cap-'
tious, urged the express engagements, which Great
Britain had contracted by the grand alliance, and
concluded with moving a clause, declaring, that
no peace could be safe or hpnourable, if Spain and
the West Indies were to be allotted to any branch
of the house of Bourbon.
So direct a censure of their recent conduct, and
so complete an obstacle to the pending negoti
ations, roused the ministerial party ; but they were
overwhelrined by the united force of the whigs and
discontented tories. In the course of the debate,
lotd Anglesea did not refrain from uttering a co
vert censure on the Conduct of the duke of Marl
borough, by observing that the country might
have enjoyed the blessing of peace, soon after the
battle of RamUies, if it had not been deferred by
sori:ie persbris whose interest it Was to prolong the
War.
r This acrimonious reflection dreW forth a manly
f eply from the general. Itising with dignity and
'4armth, and bowing to' the place where the queen
vk>& sitting, he made that pubHc and manly appeial,

140 CHAPTER 106.
which, at the present moment, when the petty
passions of the time have ceased to operate, cannot
be read without mingled sensations of shame, sym
pathy, and indignation.
« I appeal to the queen," he said, " whether
I did not constantly, while I was plenipoteritiary,
give her majesty and her councU an account of aU
the propositions that were made, and whether I did
not desire instructions for my conduct on this subject.
I can declare, with a good conscience, in the pre
sence of her majesty, of this Ulustrious assembly,
and of God himself, who is infinitely superior to
all the powers of the earth, and Ijefore whom, by
the ordinary course of nature, I shall soon appeai",
to render an account of my actions, that I was
very desirous of a safe, honourable, and lasting
peace, and was always very far from prolonging
the war for my own private advantage ; as several
libels and discourses have most falsely insinuated.
My great age, and my numerous fatigyes in war,
make me ardently wish i jr the power to enjoy a
quiet repose, in order to think of eternity. As to
other matters, I had not the least inducement, bn
any account, to desire the continuance of the war
for my own particular interest ; since my services
have been so generously rewarded by her majesty
and her parliament ; but I think myself obliged to
make such an acknowledgment to her majesty and
my country,"that I am always ready to serve them,
whenever' my duty may require, to obtain an hoi
nourable and a lasting peace. Yet I can by nf
means acquiesce in the measures that have been
taken, to enter into a negotiation of peace w^H

1711—1712. 141
France, upon the foot of some pretended prelimi
naries, which are now circulated ; since my
opinion is the same as that of most of the aUies,
that to leave Spain and the West Indies to the
house of Bourbon, wUl be the entire ruin of Eu
rope, which I have, with all fidelity and humUity,
declared to her majesty, when I had the honour
to wait on her after my arrival from HoUand. I
therefore support the motion for inserting the
proposed clause in the address."
The pathos and solemnity with which he deli
vered this manly appeal, produced a great sen
sation in the house ; and it was warmly seconded
by CoWper, Halifax, and bishop Burnet, and only
feebly opposed by the subordinate members of go
vernment. A motion for the previous question
was lost by the single casting vote of Nottingham,
and the clause itself carried by a majority of 64
to 52.
The address, thus altered, being presented, the
queen drily answered, " I take your thanks kindly,
but should be sorry that any one should think I
would not do my utmost to recover Spain and the
West Indies from the house of Bourbon."
To obviate the effect of this pointed and public
^ censure, the ministerial party exerted themselves
in the house of commons, where they possessed an
overwhelming majority. A similar clause was re
jected with disdain, by a majority of 232 voices
against 106, and a loyal address voted, expressing
their satisfaction at the declaration made by her
majesty, relative to the negotiations for peace, and
the higliest confidence in her wisdom. A phrase

14^ CHAPTER 106.
was inserted in this address, conveying an oblique
censure on the duke of Marlborough, in word^ al
most simUar to those used by the earl of Anglesea
in the upper house ; namely, that " they would
^cert their utmost endeavours to disappoinjt, as
<well the arts and designs of those who, for prkggf^
mel^s, might delight in war, as the hopes the enemif^
might have vainly entertained of receiving any
advantage from any division among them." *
Notwithstanding this repulse in the commons,
the party in opposition, confident of their strength
in the upper house, continued their hostilities
gainst the ministers with redoubled energy.
Conscious that they could not at once stem this
torrent of opposition in tbe house of lords, the
ministers hoped to obtain time and means for dis
uniting this formidable phalanx. With this vie^,
they proposed to move for an adjournment tUl the
14th of January^ but their intentions could not jpe
concealed from their opponents, who had sufficient
influence to limit it to the .second.
This victory was ac^pompanied by another prppf
of ascendancy. On the day preceding the recess,
Nottingham, with an evident intention of refnting
the assertion in the speech, that all the allies placed
entire confidence in the queen, moved an address.
It prayed ** that her majesty would be pleased to
give instructions to her plenipotentiaries, to con
sult with the ministers of the allies in Holland,
before the opening of the congress, that.they might
concert the uecessary measures, to preserve a strict
* Journals — Chandler -- Tindal — Lediard, „

1711—1712. 143
uniori amongst them aU, the better to obtain the
great end proj)osed by her majesty, for procuring
to them all just and reasonable satisfaction, atid
for rendering the ptsace more secure and lasting^
whigh could only be effected, by a general guaranty
bf the terms of the peace to aU the allies, and of
the protestant sriccession to these kingdoms, as
settled by act of pariiariient."
The treasurer did not venture directly to oppose
the principle of this motion, which he characterised
as needless, becaiise such orders had been already
issued ; and, if any doubt existed of the fact, the
lords themselves, he said, might appoint a Coffl-
ittittee to examine the instructions of the plenipo
tentiaries. The house was satisfied with this
answer, and the address was agreed to, with the
introduction of a clause, " in case her majesty
had not already given such orders." On the 21st
the house adjourned to the 2d of January, and, on
the 2^th, the address was presented, to the sur
prise and mortification of the queen.
From the return of Marlborough to the meeting
of the peers, after the reCess, an awful suspense
had prevailed, and the minds of the two great
parties were agitated with the conflicting passions
Of fear and hope.
Pi'eparatory to the intended attack on the mi
nistry, a bill bf occasional conformity, which was
the cement bf their union, was brought into the
house on the motion of Nottingham, wdth some
modifications to satisfy his whig allies. This bUl
naturaUy received the concurrence, even of the
tories who were identified with gbvermment, and.

144 CHAPTER 106.
consequently, encountered Uttle opposition ; though
it was mortifying to the minister, who had always
manifested a strong attachment to the dissenters,
and was warmly urged by that body to oppose its
enactment. The hopes of the opposition were strengthened
by the dubious conduct and timid character of
the queen. Her aversion to the whigs, her dislike
of the duchess of Marlborough, and the opposition
she had encountered in the disposal of civil and
miUtary offices, together with the revived attach
ment to her family, had induced her to dismiss the
late ministers, and to appoint an administration,
nominally composed of tories. But the difficulties
which occurred in the negotiations abroad, the
shame of deserting the principles of the grand
alliance, and the checks she experienced, even
from the ministers of her choice, in the nomination
to the offices of her own household, excited fre
quent fits of discontent. This feeling was parti
cularly Called forth, by the importunities of the
ministry for the removal of the duke and duchess
of Somerset, who had provoked their enmity ; for
the duke had recently acted the same part as on
the trial of Sacheverell, by exerting aU his influence
against the ministry, and particularly in the recent
discussion relative to the peace, had even em
ployed the queen's name, to obtain votes in sup
port of the clause introduced by Nottingham. The
ministers justly considered this defection as a mark
of decided hostility; and not only solicited the
queen for his removal, but even pressed for that of
his duchess, who was zealously devoted, to .the

1711—1712. 145
"wbigs, and had recentiy imparted to her majesty
some papers and memorials which her servants
had ventured to suppress. But the indiscreejt zeal
with which they urged their request offended a
princess, who was jealous of her authority, and
who had been told , by themselves, that she had
submitted to a, degradation of her crown, in yield
ing to the represenflations of her former servants.
Indignant at restraint from those whom she con
sidered as herj liberators, she did not conceal her
displeasure, and was heard to declare, that if she
was to bejcept in bondage, she might as well have
retained herKft)rmer guardians as the present. She
also evinced thj^i pertinacity at a moment when it
appeared decisive, as indicating a change of her
sentiments.. At the close, of the debate on the
15th of December, in the house of lords, in which
the, duke of Somerset so essentially contributed to
mortify the ministry, as she was preparing to re
tire, the duke of Shrewsbury asked hef, whom she
would chuse to lead her out, whether himself, as
lord chamberlain, or lord Lindsay, who was here
ditary great chamberlain. She peevishly and em
phatically replied, " neither," and gave her hand
to the duke of Somerset. Such a' mark of distinc
tion, which could not escape public and genei^J
notice, caught the vigilant attention of thpsfi, who
anxiously watched the appearances of the, mp^nent,
and gave rise to innumerable conjectures, all to
the disadvantage of the ministry. Some supposed
that she began to feel reviving regard for the duke
of Marlborough; some, that his representations,
backed by those of the einperor, the elector, and
VOL. VI. L

146 CHAPTER 106.
the dutch, had made an impression ; some, that she
felt her present administration too weak to sup
port their system, and was holding out a lure to
the opposition. AU these circumstances were not
lost on the timid, self-interested, and wavering, and
did not fail to raise the hopes of Marlborough and
his friends, as much as they depressed those of the
new ministry. *
The whigs were highly elated- with, their suc
cess, and anticipated their immediate restoration
to power. It was even apprehended by the tories,
that a new ministry was in contemplation, of which
lord Somers was to be the head, as lord treasurer,
and in which Walpole, who is designated by Swift
as one of the ablest of the whig speakers, was to
be secretary of state. Lord Dartttiouth was in
despair; Mrs, Masham did not conceal her ap
prehensions, but allowed that the sentiments of
the queen were changed ; secretary St. John de
clared that her majesty was false t ; and even the
treasurer himself, though he affected to appear
cheerful, yet displayed such occasional symptoms
of alarm and despondency, as induced Swift to say
to him, in his usual style of sarcastic irony ; " If
there is no remedy, your lordship will lose your
head, but I shall only be hung, and so carry my
body entire to the grave." t
* See Swift's Journal to Stella, from 1st December 1711, to 26th of
January 1711-12, passim j — Four last Years of Queen Anne; — Boling
broke's Correspondence ; — Tindal, &c.
t On the 9th, St. John used this expression to Swift, but, on the 12th,
we find him re-assured, and writing to lord Strafford that all was
secure. J Swift's Journal to Stella, Dec. 8.

1711—1712. 147
Such being the feelings of the favourite and the
ministers, their timid or lukewarm adherents were
naturally alarmed, and displayed symptoms of de
fection. The duke of Somerset, as we have already
observed, had seceded from his new friends, and
was exerting his great influence in decrying their
measures. The duke of Buckingham appeared
lukewarm, and scarcely shewed an inclination to
defend that ministry with which he was identified.
Finally, the duke of Shrewsbury gave way to his
characteristic timidity, declined accepting the re
sponsible post of plenipotentiary at the congress,
and began to make advances for the renewal of
his friendship with the duke of * Marlborough.
The whole tory party, disconcerted by this division
of their chiefs, and the successful progress of the
whigs, were agitated with doubt and despondency.
Even the queen herself seemed to feel the multi
plied embarrassments into which she had been
plunged by personal pique and party attachment.
Nothing but a decisive and vigorous exertion of
power could have saved the ministry ; and tlie
treasurer, sensible of the critical situation in which
he was placed, did not hesitate to recur to the
only expedient capable of ensuring his safety. He
wrought on the jealousy and irritated feelings of
the sovereign, and convinced her that nothing but
a zealous support of her actual servants could rescue
her from the bondage of the whigs, now doubly
offended by their disgrace, or from the humUiation
of re-admitting to her presence an imperious
* Fronj a narrative of the duchess.
L 2 '

14S CHAPTER 106.
favourite, whom she had loaded with scorn, and
dismissed with contempt : be even desisted from
requiring the removal of tbe duchess of Somerset,
and permitted the duke to remain some time
longer in office. *
The ministers were convinced that the accession
of Marlborough to the coalition of the whigs and
Nottingham, had principally occasioned their de
feat in the house of peers, and endangered their
safety. As he had thus thrown away the scabbard,^
he could not expect them to moderate their poli
tical hostility. Indeed, from the favourable state
of their intercourse with France, they no longer
contemplated the necessity of his services in
another campaign, and, at least, regarded with in
difference, if they did not anticipate with satisfac
tion, the prospect of a schism in the grand alliance,
which must be the consequence of his resignation.
They, therefore, resolved to give full scope to
their vengeance, and, at the same time, to wound,
through him, the coalition of which he was the
principal bulwark. This attack was carried into
execution, by suffering the commissioners of ac
counts to bring forward their charges of fraud and
peculation, which had been first made known, by
circulating the deposition of Sir Solomon Medina.
No accusation is more popular, or obtains a more
ready credence, than a charge founded on the mis
management of public money. An accusation of
this kind had already been leveUed against Godol
phin, relating to the thirty-five mUUons unac
counted for, and had produced a temporary effect
* SwifV^s Journal to Stella, from Dec. 1. to Dec. SO.

1711—1712. 149
on the minds of the nation; though it was
not only afterwards disproved, but the deficit of
his administration^ reduced, by the acknowledg
ment of the commons themselves, to jg20,000. *
A similar attack was now made against Marl
borough. His reply from the Hague was not
deemed satisfactory by the commissioners, who
continued to prosecute their inquiry, and, with the
connivance of the ministry, to bring forward their
charges in a more public and definite shape*"
On the 15th of December an order passed the-
commons, for the commissioners of public accounts
to report their proceedings. Accordingly, on the
21st, Mr. Lockhart, in their behalf, presented
their report, which was brought up) and taken
into consideration, on the 17th of January, and
another order was passed, requiring the production
of the documents on which their statement was
founded. On the ensuing day, Shippen t,. another
of the commissioners, presented the deposition of
Sir Solomon Medina, the contractor for bread to
the allied army, accompanied by other papers of
the same kind. To give the charges more effect,
by clothing them with an air of mystery, the depo
sitions were ordered to be kept private, and copies
to be delivered by the clerk to the members only.
* This sum was employed in secret service, for the promotion of the
union. Proper vouchers were, however, produced for jgsooo, and the
distribution of the remainder, which could not be safely divulged, was
justified by a warrant from the queen. Cunningham, vol. ii. p. 352, and
Somerville's Queen Anne, p. 463, chap. lO, where we find an able and
candid vindication of the integrity of the minister, as well as of the po
licy by which he was guided in the disposal of this money.
t The reader will recollect that Shippen and Lockhart were knowji
to be Jacobites.
L 3

150 CHAPTER 106.
Immediately afterwards an adjournment of the
commons took place to the 14th of January.
The leading feature in this memorable report
was, the deposition of Sir Solomon Medina, which
consisted pf several heads. He stated, that from
1707 to 1711, he had paid to the duke of Marl
borough, for his own use, on the different con
tracts for the army, .the sum of 332,425 guUders.
That he was obliged to supply yearly twelve or
fourteen waggons gratis, for the use of the duke
himseU* That on each contract he had presented
Cardonel, secretary tb the duke, with a gratuity
of 500 ducats. Lastly, that he had paid Mr.
Sweet, deputy paymaster at Amsterdam, the fartner
allowance of 1 per cent, on all the monies he
received. He likewise deposed that Antonio Alvarez Ma-
chado, the preceding contractor, had advanced the
like sums, in the same manner, from 1702 to I7O6.
From these data the commissioners computed
that the duke of Marlborough had received and
appropriated, in the space of ten years, the sum of
664,851 guilders and 4 stivers, making in sterling
money, ^63,319 : 3s : 7d.
They then introduced the letter which the
duke had addressed to them from the Hague, and
concluded their report with some remarks and
deductions which were flagrantly unjust, false, and
erroneous. They denied that the suras, of which he had
there acknowledged the receipt, ' were either legal
or warrantable perquisites. They asserted that
they could not find proofs that any english genei'al.

1711—1712. 151
either in the Low Countries, or elsewhere, had ever
received such perquisites ; but, even in that case,
the precedent did not furnish a justification, because
the public must necessarily suffer for every such
deduction. They even proceeded to argue, that
the caution with which it was taken, was of itself
an indication that it was not justifiable, and declared
that Mr. Cardonel, the duke's secretary, and au
ditor of the bread account, bad testified on oath,
that he had never heard of this perquisite, till the
deposition of Medina was made public. They did
not even refrain from the malicious insinuation,
that this was not the only illegal perquisite which
the general had appropriated.
Adverting then particularly to the gratuity of 24
per cent, from the foreign auxiliaries, they observed,
that the warrant for this allowance had been con
cealed without due reason. That it could not be
a free gift, because the general himself had stipu
lated for it, by order of the late king, in the
subsidiary treaties with the foreign powers. For
these and other causes, too long to detail, they
denounced the duke of Marlborough as having
illegaUy appropriated to his own use the sum of
£ 282,366, computing the deduction of 2^ per cent.
on the .3^11,294,659 paidto all the foreign troops
in the british service, or £ 177,695, computing the
same per centage on the a€ 7*107,873 paid to the
foreign auxUiaries, exclusive of those employed in
Spain, Portugal, and Italy. • This sum they de-
.
* Some of the enemies of the duke even joined these two sums
together, to make a total of £ 460,366, and the error is repeated by
Torcy, vol. iii. p. 25-1.
L 4

152 CHAPTER 106.
clared to be public money, for which, as receiver,
he was accountable, *
To repel the accusations contained in this report,
the letter written by the duke, from the Hague,
was pubhshed in the daily Courant of the 27th of
December ; and as that reply seemed to make con
siderable impression, the report itself was printed
on the 29th, in the same paper, by order of the
ministers. The publication of this document was the imme
diate prelude to his dismission. On the same or
the following day he appeared at court, but was
treated with marked symptoms of coldness and
contempt, t Without waiting for farther inves
tigation of a charge, which was afterwards proved,
in the most material parts, to be false, the ministry
profited by the impression which they conceived
the report had made on the public mind. By their
representations, the queen was induced to appear
at the cabinet councU on the 31st of December,
and -order this entry to be made in the books : —
" Being informed that an information against
the duke of Marlborough was laid before the house
of commons, by the. commissioners of the pubUc
accounts, her majesty thpught fit to dismiss him
from aU his employments, that the matter might
undergo an impartial investigation."
The ensuing day her majesty communicated this
resolution to the duke of Marlborough, in a note
* Journals and Debates of the Commons; — Lockhart's Papers,
vol. i. 351 — 362.
t « The duke of Marlborough appeared at court, and no one spoke
to him." — Swift's Journal to Stella.

1711—1712. 153
written in her own hand, which is not extant,
because, in a transport of indignation, he threAv it
into the fire. * We, however, learn the substance,
from his manly and feeling answer.
" Madam ; I am very sensible of the honour
your majesty does me, in dismissing me from your
service, by a letter of your own hand, though I
find by it that my enemies have been able to pre
vail with your majesty, to do it in the manner that
is most injurious to me. And if their maUce and
inveteracy against me had not been more powerful
with them than the consideration of your majesty's
honour and justice, they would not have influenced
you to impute the occasion of my dismission, to a
false and malicious insinuation contrived by them
selves, and made public, when there was no oppor
tunity for me to give in my answer, which they
must needs be conscious would fully detect the
falsehood and malice of their aspersions, and not
leave them that handle for bringing your majesty
to such extremities against me.
" But I am much more concerned at an expres
sion in your majesty's letter, which seems to com
plain of the treatment you had met with. I know
not how to understand that word, nor what con
struction to make of it. I know I have always
endeavoured to serve your majesty faithfully, and
zealously, through a great many undeserved mor
tifications. But if your majesty does intend by
that expression to find fault with my not coming
to the cabinet councU, I am very free to acknow-
* MS. Narrative of the duchess.

154 CHAPTER 106.
ledge, that my duty to your majesty and country
would not give me leave to join in the counsel of
a man, who, in my opinion, puts your majesty
upon all manner of extremities. And it is not my
opinion only, but the opinion of all mankind, that
the friendship of France must needs be destructive
to your majesty, there being in that court a root
of enmity, irreconcileable to your majesty's govern
ment, and the religion of these kingdoms. I wish
your majesty may never find the want of so faithful
a servant, as I have always endeavoured to approve
myself to you. I am, with the greatest duty and
submission," &c. *
The faUacy of the attempts, which have often
been made to inculpate the duke of Marlborough,
in a criminal design to restore the Stuart race,
from a few garbled letters and vague conversa
tions, exaggerated by Jacobite spies and jacobite
writers, was fully proved by the exultation with
which the exiled famUy contemplated his faU, and
the hopes they conceived of a speedy restoration.
His fidelity and zeal, in the service of bis country,
was no less strikingly evinced by the joy with
which the french beheld his disgrace. Though
confident in the devotion of the british ministry,
Louis the fourteenth felt himself insecure, while
the sword was in the hands of a general, who had
made the crown totter on his head; but on hearing
the intelligence of his fate, he triumphantly ex
claimed, " the dismission of Marlborough wUl do
all we can desire !" t
* Conduct, p. 311. \ Somerville's Queen Anne, p. 497.

1711—1712. 155
It was impossible to support so violent, hareh,
and unjustifiable a measure, as the disgrace of a
great and successfiil commander, on a vague and
unfounded charge ; while his cause was espoused
by a majority of the lords ; and so large a
portion of the people were indignant at the dis
honourable conditions on which the. ministry were
endeavouring to purchase a peace, after a war of
unparalleled success. Another exertion of power
was therefore necessary, to obviate the conse
quences of the proceeding ; and for this purpose,
the ministers did not hesitate to stretch the pre
rogative tb its utmost limit. On the day follow
ing the dis^ace of the general, patents were issued
for calUng twelve new peers to the upper house.
On the second of January, when the lords
resumed their deliberations, the new peers were
introduced, without opposition ; ; but, to use the
words of a contemporary historian, amidst the
groans of the house. The tories, indeed, exulted;
but the sober whigs cast their eyes to the ground,
as if they had been invited to the funeral of the
peerage. •
With this reinforcement the ministry obtained
a majority sufficient for the prosecution of their
plans ; " and from this period," to continue the
expressions of the same writer, " when the rights
of the peers were violated, aU things succeeded in
parliament, as her majesty, or rather the french
monarch, pleased." In consequence of this as
cendancy, the lords were inducpd to acquiesce in
* Cunningham, vol. ii. p. 399.

1^6 CHAPTER 106.
the brief and sullen reply of the queen to their late
address, " that her majesty thought her speech to
both houses would have given satisfaction to every
body, and that she had given instructions to her
plenipotentiaries to act according to the desire of
that address."
After the ceremony attending the introduction
of the new peers, a message was delivered from the
queen, desiring the house to adjourn to the 14th,
the day appointed for the meeting of the commons.
So unusual a measure as a message of adjournment
to one house only, created a warm debate ; and
the resolution was carried by a majority of no
more than thirteen, including the votes of the new
members. * On this occasion, historians have re
corded a keen sarcasm, uttered by the marquess
of Wharton, who, when the question was put to
the new peers, treated them as a petty jury, and
asked whether they purposed to vote individuaUy,
or to convey their decision by their foreman.
* One of the proxies against the adjournment was omitted by
mistake, and, consequently, the question was carried solely by the aid
of the new auxiliaries to the ministry.

1712. 157

CHAPTER 107.
1712.
Disposal qfthe places held by Marlborough, — Debates qfthe
commons on the report qf the commissioners qf public
accounts, — Decision qfthe house against Marlborough fw
accepting gratuities from the army contractors, and two
and a half per cent, from the pay qfthe foreign auxiliaries.
— The report presented to the queen, and an order issued
to the attorney-general, to institute a prosecution, -r-
Refutation of the charges. — Inconsistent conduct of the
ministry. — Arrival and reception, of prince Eugene in
England. — ^His memorials and remonstrances treated with
contempt, — Calumnious accusattbns of conspiracy avfi assas
sination, circulated against Eugene, MarUxPrough, and the
whigs. — Departure qf Eugene. — Charges against the house '
qf Austria and the dutch, for neglecting to supply their
Contingents. — Censure qfthe barrier treaty in the house of
commons. — The memorial qfthe dutch in their own vindi
cation, voted a libel.
On the 24th of January, the report of the commis
sioners against the duke of Marlborough was taken
into consideration by the commons, and a violent
debate ensued. The charges were supported with
great ability, and equal sophistry, by the Jacobites
and high tories ; among whom we distinguish the
names of St. Jbhn, Sir WUliam Windham, Sir
Thomas Hanmer, and Mr. Edward Harley. The

158 CHAPTER IO7.
duke was defended by the best speakers among the
whigs and moderate tories. Sir Peter King, Sir
Richard Onslow, Mr. Brydges, Mr. WiUiam Pult-
eney, and Sir Charles Hedges, who had counter
signed the queen's warrant, as secretary of state.
The arguments were principally drawn, on one
side from the report itself, and, on the other, from
the letter written by the duke at the Hague, as
weU as from his private communications.
Nor was other satisfactory evidence wanting.
Sir John Germaine, who had served as aid-de-camp
to the prince of Waldeck in 1689, declared that
the present received from the contractors of bread,
was a customary perquisite of the commander-in-
chief of the british forces in the Netherlands, and
that the privUege was equally extended to the
general of the dutch army. With regard to the
2^ per cent., it was proved to have been a voluntary
gift, by the signatures of the foreign princes, who
had furnished auxUiary troops, and their consent
was confirmed by warrants from the queen. It
was likewise shewn, that the commissioners had
swelled the sum to the utmost, and that they had
invidiously brought forward the aggregate of
£ 260,000, to make the greater impression, though
the yearly receipt from all the items did not ex
ceed £ 30,000 ; whUe king WiUiam had expended
annually £ 50,000, and often more, for the same
purpose, and, to judge from effects, had been less
faithfully served. In fact, the ministers had
frequently declared, that the accounts from the
duke of Marlborough were the principal sources
of information on whidi they depended.

1712> 159
These plain facts were opposed, not by negative
proofs, but by mere assertions, and by declamations
on the abstract principle of right and public wel
fare ; though no evidence was adduced, that the
service had suffered the detriment, which was
contended to have been the consequence of the
contracts and deductions. Those who are ac
quainted with the nature and spirit of party wUl
not be surprised to find that, even after this com
plete exculpation, the commons, by a majority of
270 against 165, should have resolved ; " That the
taking several sums of money, annually, by the
duke of Marlborough from the contractors for
furnishing the brqad and bread waggons, in the
Low Countries, was unwarrantable and illegal."
An attempt was here made by the duke's friends
to suspend farther proceedings. But their motion
of adjournment was negatived by a considerable
majority; and a second resolution was passed,
declaring, " that the deduction of 24. per cent.,
from the pay of the foreign troops in her majesty's
service, is public money, and ought to be ac
counted for." These resolutions were communi
cated, in an address to the queen, who replied,
" I have a great regard for whatever is presented
to me by my commons, and will do my part to
redress whatever you complain of."
These violent prosecutors, and zealous stewards
of the public, seem, however, rather to have
regarded effect, than the regular course of justice ;
for they contented themselves with this resolution,
which obtained an order from the queen for the
attorney-general to prosecute the duke ; although

160 CHAPTER 107.
they did not proceed to an impeachment, or desire
the concurrence of the lords. And if we may
credit the assertions of a contemporary historian,
their forbearance did not originate in any com
punctious feeling, but from a resolution to continue.
the very perquisites, which they had so severely
reprobated, to their creature, the new commander-
in-chief. *
To give additional effect to this prosecution,
they next descended to the secretary and agent of
the duke ; and, after a long debate, declared the
petty gratuity of 500 ducats, given by the con
tractor for bread to Mr. Cardonel, unwarrantable
and illegal, and expeUed him from the house.
They at the same time decreed the, prosecution of
Mr. Sweet, for the annual deduction of one per
cent., though it was proved to be a customary fee
to the paymaster of the forces.
In consequence of the malignity and violence
with which the charges had been advanced in the
report of the commissioners, and the imddious and
shameful suppression of the proofs in his defence,
Marlborough was urged to appear in the house of
commons, like lord Somers, and enter into a full
refutation of the calumnies contained in the
report.! But he disdained to submit to a measure,
which he considered as an act of degradation, and
as a tacit acknowledgment of the crimes of which
he was accused. He, however, consented to allpw
a vindication of himself to be drawn up in a
* Cunningham, vol. ii. book 14.
t A speech on the occasion, drawn up in the hand-writing of lord,
Oodolphin, is preserved in the Marlborough Papers.
^5*

1712. 161
regular form, and publicly circulated. This able
composition wiU spare us the labour of refuting
the charges of the commissioners, and the arguments
with which they were supported ; and, therefore,
we refer the reader to the document itself, which
is printed in all our historical publications. We
shall merely observe, that it proved both the par
tiality and the negligence with which the report
had been drawn. First, it contradicted the false
assertion, that Cardonel had attested on oath, his
ignorance that the duke had received any perquisite
from Medina; secondly, it exposed the shameful
equivocation of the commissioners, in stating, that
no english general in the Low Countries, before
the duke of Marlborough, had received the per
quisite ; for he was the first english general who
had commanded in the Low Countries.
This vindication made a deep impression on the
public, and even on many of those members who
had voted against him. Indeed, his prosecutors
meanly shrunk from the controversy ; for, instead
of declaring it a libel, which was a measure due
to their own dignity, if it was false, they suffered
it to remain unanswered.
They afterwards adopted one of those incon
sistent measures, into which persons who are not
perfectly satisfied with the soundness and regularity
of their proceedings, generally fall. In gi-anting
the vote of supply, they added the resolution, that
the two and a half per cent., which ought to be
deducted, or had been deducted from the pay of
the foreign troops, should be applied to the public
service ; a resolution totally unnecessary, if the
VOL. VI. - M

162 CHAPTER 107.
transaction was unprecedented, unwarrantable, or
iUegal. But they felt a stiU greater degree of embarrass
ment, when several of the foreign princes spon
taneously treated the resolution of the house of
commons as an infringement of their sovereign
rights, and represented, by their ministers, that
they offered this contribution, as their own free
gift, to the duke of Ormond, the new commander-
in-chief. It was accepted on his part, without any
scruple of conscience, and not marked by any
disapprobation from parliament.
Marlborough had continued so firm in his oppo
sition to the peace, that the new ministers exerted
their ingenuity to carry their prosecution against
him to the utmost extremity. They made the
minutest inquiry into the disposal of commissions,
with the hope of fixing an additional stigma on his
character. But though abuses had existed in this
branch of the service during the reign of William,
and had even been considered as a justifiable perqui
site, all the vigilance of enmity and party spleen could
not discover a single instance on which to found
an accusation. This failure seems to have excited
no small d^ree of surprise and disappointment,
and tended to weaken the charge of peculation,
in which the ministry had laboured to involve him.
In the midst of the ferment created by this
prosecution, prince Eugene arrived in England,
charged with prpposals from the emperor, which
were calculated to disconcert the schemes of the
ministry, and to turn the tide of public opinion,
We have already seen, that in I7IO both Maii-

1712. 163
borough and Godolphin had flattered themselves
with the hope of drawing great advantage from the
personal interposition of Eugene ; and had he vi
sited England at that period, his presence might
doubtless have especiaUy contributed to remove
their embarrassments, and suspend the overtures
to France. Being, however, then detained at
Vienna, by the pressure of military and political
business, Ijie design of his journey was resumed
at the present crisis, with the expectation that his
mediation might yet produce the same effect;
and that propositions from the emperor, to con
tinue the war, when urged by the weight of his
splicitations, might perhaps interrupt the negoti
ations for peace, and turn the balance in favour of
the whigs. Both parties, therefore, contemplated
the prospect of his arrival with equal artxiety,
though with opposite sentiments of fear and hope.
To prevent or retard it, the ministers exerted every
effort in their power. Finding, however, all their
attempts ineffectual, they sullenly acquiesced ; but
intimated to him, that measures would be taken to
frustrate any intrigue with the opposition, and that
the less attention he paid to the duke of Marl
borough, the more satisfactory would his conduct
be deemed by the queen. *
On the 5th of January, the prince landed at
Gravesend, and the first inteUigence which met his
ear was, the dismission of the duke of Marl
borough, and the creation of twelve peers,
which restored the ascendancy of the ministerial
* Bolingbroke's Correspondence, jaassim.
M 2

164 CHAPTER 107.
party in the house of lords. Drummond, the de
pendant of St. John, who was sent to receive him,
presumed to give the same caution, as had before
been intimated, respecting his conduct to his for-
' mer associate in glory ; but he repeUed the insi
nuation with proper ' dignity : "It is a mistake,"
he observed, " to suppose that I came to England
with an intention to give the least disturbance to
the ministry ; but it is wholly inconsistent with my
honour and temper, to be wanting in respect to a
friend, in his adverse fortune, for whom I always
professed so much regard in the time of his prp-
sperity." On reaching London he took up his
abode in Leicester House, which was prepared fbr
his reception. He was welcomed in the customary
forms, by the ministers of all denominations, and
received a visit from the duke of Marlborough,
whom he treated with peculiar marks of friendship
and regard. Frpm the court, he experienced every
external mark of respect ; but without the slightest
token of confidence and esteem.
Eugene was admitted to an audience of the
queen On the ensuing evening, at which, only the
treasurer and secretary St. John were preserit.
With a short and appropriate compliment, he deli
vered a letter from the emperor, requestirig her
majesty to peru,^e it, as explaining the object of
his mission. After slightly glancing over the paper,
she said ; " I am sorry that the state of my health
does not permit me to speak with your highness as
often as I wish ; but," (pointing to the ministers,)
she added, " I have ordered these two gentlemen
to receive your proposals, whenever you think

1712. 165
proper." At a future audience, she honoured him
with the present of a sword, richly set with dia
monds, to the value of .^4500.
AU ranks vied in their attentions to so distin
guished a guest, and he was welcomed by a series
of splendid entertainments from persons of every
party. There is no proof 'that the prince descended to
any cabal inconsistent with the dignity of his cha
racter ; on the contrary, he laboured to gain the
leading men of aU denominations, and to animate
the court and country to a vigorous prosecution of
hostilities. He visited both parties with equal
attention, and treated those the most opposed to
him, in principle and views, with the same out
ward regard and consideration, as the partisans
of the war. But he gave his confidence to the
whigs, and did not hesitate to assist at their meet
ings. In his conduct to the duke of Marlborough,
he consulted only the sentiments of that friend
ship, by which they had been so long united;
and, by his behaviour, endeavoured to shew that
the respect he entertained for his talents and ser
vices was increased, instead of being diminished,
by disgrace. He treated the libels, which were
published against himself, with dignified contempt,
but did not conceal his indignation at the defam
ation which was hourly heaped on his former col
league, and omitted no opportunity to do justice
to his merits. At a dinner with the lord treasurer,
his host observed, " I consider this day as the hap
piest of my life, since I have the honour to see in
my house the greatest captain of the age." The
M 3

166 CHAPTER 107-
prince, alluding to the dismission of his friend,
replied, "If it be so, I owe it to your lordship."
Bishop Burnet also, having explained to . him a
passage in one of the libellous pamphlets of the
day, stating that the duke of Marlborough was
perhaps once fortunate^ he rejoined, " It is the
greatest commendation which can be given ; for
he was always successful, and this must imply, that
if in one single instance he was fortunate, aU his
other successes were owing to his conduct." *
The prince made many attempts to open a ne
gotiation on the subject of his mission, though
without effect. Aware of the prejudices which
the ministers fostered against the house of Austria,
and the confident assertions of their numerous
pamphleteers, that the emperor had never supplied
his contingents in men or money, but had thrown
the whole burthen of the war on England, he pre
sented a spirited ' memorial in vindication of his
sovereign. In this paper, he declared that the
©hiperor Would double his contingents, if neces
sary; would maintain 103,920 men in the field;
wOiild augment his forces in Spain to the number
of 30,000, and supply one million of crowns to
wards the expences of the war in that country;
Receiving, however, an equivocal answer from the
secretary, he presented a second memorial, on the
18th of February, which soon afterwards appeared
in the public papers, and was followed by others,
addressed to the ministry, requesting a categorical
answer.
* Burnet's History of his Own Time, vol. vi. p. 116. svo. edition.

1712. 167
Finding that delays and equivocations were
fruitless, the ministry adopted a different method
to evade his appeals. On the 26th of February,
the secretary imparted the proposals of the em
peror, in a message from the queen to the house
of commons, and Eugene had the mortification of
hearing that the communication was received with
out the slightest notice. *
The presence of the prince of Savoy, and his
strong and urgent representations, together with
his intimate connection with Marlborough and the
whigs, greatly embarrassed the ministry. Knowing
that the articles of the peace, on the conclusion of
which their existence depended, would, when pub
lished, excite a general ferment, they resorted .to
the most degrading expedients, to work on the
feelings of the queen, and the fears of the public.
For this purpose, they employed the communi
cations of a miscreant Jesuit spy, named Plunket,
who had officiously furnished them with tales of
pretended plots, in which Eugene, Marlborough,
Bothmar, and the principal whigs, were to act the
part of traitors and assassins, to set fire to the ea-
pvtal, to seize the person of the queen, to murder
Oxford and his chief associates, and to place the
elector of Hanover on the throne. At the same
time, the drunken frolics of some persons of rank,
who mixed with the rabble, and, under the name
of mohocks, scoured the streets at night, and oc
casionally mangled unprotected passengers, were
brought forward as the first overt acts of treason^
* Chandler's Commons' Debates, vol. iv. p. 461. — History of Europe
for 1712, p. 104— 108.
M 4

168 CHAPTER 107-
and identified with the pretended conspiracy of
Eugene and Marlborough.
Oxford and St. John were too prudent to make
these ridiculous tales a matter of state deliberation ;
but the officious Jesuit, who was disappointed by
their neglect, found more credulous auditors in
the duke of Buckingham, president of the councU,
and lord keeper Harcourt. To them he forwarded
the same accounts which he had delivered to the
treasurer, enriched doubtless with additional de
tails. These noblemen, duped by his confident
assertions, and plausible reports, submitted the in
telligence to the cabinet council. But Oxford,
however wiUing to affix a stigma on his political
opponents, was conscious that such an idle and
exaggerated tale, supported by so slender a found
ation, would, if made public, produce a contrary
effect, and involve the ministry in the charge of
credulity and defamation. He, therefore, dis
suaded his credulous and terrified colleagues from
imparting it to the parliament, or making it
public ; but he could not prevent the examination
of Plunket before the cabinet councU. Here the
Jesuit repeated the same story, with such observ
ations as were likely to give it additional weight,
and received the promise of a provision, and an
-order to reduce his intelligence to writing. * At
his own suggestion he was sent to HoUand,' to
gain additional information from count Gallas,
into whose confidence he pretended to have insi
nuated himself, and to bring the person from whom
• The communications of Plunket are printed in their original shape
in Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. i46. note.

1712. 169
he affected to have received the oiiginal intelli
gence. Before his departure, he furnished an ab
stract of his communications ; but on his arrival in
Holland, he evaded his pledge to produce his pre
tended colleague, under the plea that he would
not repair to England, without the promise of a
maintenance. According to his own confession,
he busied himself with forming plans for promoting
the interest of the pretender, and was admitted,
not only into the confidence of the french pleni
potentiaries, D'UxeUes and Polignac, and of the
marquis of Torcy, but even of the leading members
in the dutch republic ; and was intrusted with
the secret coiTespondence of the whigs and the
court of Hanover. After a short period, however,
he seems to have been abandoned by all, and
finally neglected by Oxford, who, as he complains,
ceased to listen to his advices.
We have paid more attention to this supposed
conspiracy, a story at once infamous and ridicu
lous, because it had been made the basis of an
accusation of the most horrid kiqd, against Eugene,
Marlborough,. Bothmar, and the leaders of the
whigs, and gravely detailed by some of our sub
sequent historians. Fortunately, however, we can
trace the origin and progress of this base fabrica
tion, which was unknown to the writers of the
time. It was first disclosed in' the Memoirs of
Torcy, printed in 1756 ; but, in justice to the
french secretary, we must observe, that it is de
scribed as a mere rumour, and coupled with marks
of disbelief. * The tale was treated as it deserved
* On a fait honneur au prince Eugene d'avoir rejette un projet si
odieux; mais la proposition plus bardie qu'on hi alfribue, etoit encore

170 CHAPTER 107.
in the Continuation of Rapin, published by Dr.
Birch, in 1756 * ; but it was again offered to the
notice of the public in 1758, in Swift's posthumous
History of the Four last Years of Queen Anne, a
work of which it is needless to give any other
character, than that his friend Bolingbroke pre
vented its publication, calling it a mere party
pamphlet. Here the hearsay of Torcy assumes a
regular and formidable shape, and the malignity
of Swift is shewn in the description. He insi
nuates that the duke of Marlborough had fixed his
airival in London on the 17th of November, the
day of the intended exhibition, which he states to
have been cpntrived, for the purpose of raising a
commotion, by his friends and admirers!. He
adverts to the pretended report of the queen's
Ulness.or death, and gravely adds, "if it were true,
no man could tell what might have been the
event." With this he couples the account of the
supposititious conspiracy. He describes Eugene
as one who had a natural tincture qfitalian cruelty
in his disposition, and in whom the occupation of
arms had extinguished all pity and remorse. He
mentions his meetings with Marlborough and the

plus a detester. EUe consietoit, si I'on en croyoit des gens pent etre mal
informes, a mettre le feu en differens quartiers de la ville de Londres,
&c. Marlborough, a la tete d'un nombre de gens armes, devoit sur-
venir dans le moment que I'incendie cai\seroit le plus de desordre, et
se saisir de la Tour, enfin de la personne de la reine, qu'on auroit
obligee alors de cesser le parlement, d'en convoquer un nouveau, pour
examiner librement les correspondences et negotiations avec la France,
et'punir a la derniere rigueur ceux qui les auroient entretenues. — Mem.
de Torci, t. iii. p. 268, 269.
* Vol. xvii. p. 468. note, Svo.

1712. 171
whigs, and then gives the account of the treasons
and assassinations which they projected, after the
preparatory excesses and cruelties of the mohocks.
This, he tells us, is not founded on slight grounds,
or doubtful surmises, but is derived from the inform
ation of more than one person, who was present,
and confirmed, past all contradiction, by several
intercepted letters. To complete the atrocious
picture, he adds, " the rage of the defeated party
was so far inflamed as to make them capable of
some counsels, yet more violent and desperate
than this." *
We shall merely apply to this malignant writer
an expression corresponding with that which he
has himself applied to prince Eugene ; namely,
that he was one in whom the feelings of party had
extinguished all regard for candour, and all re
spect to truth.
Next, the public was regaled with the full and
complete detail of this fabricated plot, by Mac-
phersbn, who, in 1775, published the narrative of
the spy himself, under the title of Rogers's or
Plunket's Dream, and in 1776, interwove it in his
history, with as much credulity and malice as
Swift himself, t
We cannot quit this unpleasant subject, without
a few more remarks. The whole foundation of
this atrocious calumny is derived from so polluted
a source, as the obscure Jesuit and jacobite spy,
who afterwards followed the trade of an informer
* Swift's Fovir last Years of Queen Anne, p. 59.
f Macpherson's Papers, vol. ii. p. 451. — History, voL ii. p. £S\.

172 CHAPTER IO7.
and propagator of falsehood, in the reign of George
the first. To his information Torcy was indebted,
as is clear by the words he employs ; and from
the same despicable authority. Swift obtained his
statements, notwithstanding "his additional notices
drawn from subsequent testimonies and intercepted
letters ;" for he adopts the very words of Plunket's
abstract, which he probably derived from secretary
St. John.
With regard to the correspondence and docu
ments of Plunket, published by Macpherson, they
furnish sufficient evidence to form a proper esti
mate of his character and views, and enable us to
judge how unworthy his reports are of the slightest
credit. It is, however, lamentable that the repu
tation of great men should thus lie at the mercy
of obscure and mercenary spies, who make a trade
of falsehood and mischief; and it is the duty of an;
historian to hold up the authors and propagators
of such reports to the contempt and infamy they
deserve. This motive, alone, could have induced
us to devote a page to the refutation of calumnies
so contemptible.
The accounts, however incredible and infamous,.
produced all the effect which the treasurer desired,
by increasing the panic of the queen, aggravating
her displeasure against the duke of Marlborough,
and exciting her anxiety for the departure of
Eugene, and the conclusion of peace.
Eugene, in the mean time, felt the iU effects of
the prejudice which had ^^een raised against him,
and finding aU his proposals treated with neglect
by the queen and ministers, retired with disgust
15*

1712. 173
from a country, distracted with party feuds, ne
glectful of its best interests, and hastening to ac
complish its own dishonour. He embarked at
Greenwich on the 17th of March, and returned
to Holland^ to deplore the farther result of the
disgraceful policy which he had witnessed in
England. Having thus contemptuously treated the em
peror, as head of the grand alliance, and rejected
the proposals of Eugene, the ministers loaded with
no less indignity the dutch, with whom England
had been long identified in bands of interest and
amity. The reader will have perceived from the corre
spondence of Marlborough, during the whole
course of the war, his extreme anxiety to retain in
strict union the members of the grand alliance.
Knowing well the embarrassed situation of the
austrian finances, the struggle of contending fac
tions in Holland, the spirit of commercial jealousy,
which existed between England and the republic,
and the constant bickerings between the courts of
Vienna and Turin, he laboured to restrain the
murmurs of the english cabinet, and to excuse the
deficiency of the supplies and contingents, which
the allies had promiised to furnish. He overlooked
also the endless disappointments to which he was
himself exposed. In his zeal to attain the great
end of the confederacy, the reduction of french
preponderance, he incessantly endeavoured to con
ciliate those jarring interests and interminable
jealousies, which are inseparable from an extensive
coalition of different powers, embarked in a common

174 CHAPTER 107.
cause. The effect of this policy was, the progres
sive decline of France, and the gradual ascendancy
of the allies ; and if his views had not been coun
teracted by the change of ministry, and the court
of France had not been encouraged to persevere,
by the divisions in England, the consequence must
inevitably have been, the attainment of an honour
able and secure peace, on the terms dictated by
tjhe allies. It was, indeed, the conviction of Marl
borough, that the humUiation of France had been
delayed by the domestic feuds in England, and his
opinion is corroborated by the avowal of Torcy
and the french writers, that France was saved by
our disgraceful party contests.
The views and policy of the new ministers were
totally different. Sensible that they could not
support themselves, without the assistance of the
french cabinet, and the co-operation of the court
of St. Germain, they determined to sacrifice every
object for the attainment of a speedy peace.
Hence they were anxious to divide the members
of tbe grand alliance, and to break that connec
tion which subsisted between HoUand, England,
and Austiia. With this view, they eagerly profited
by those defections in furnishing their quota, of
which the dutch and austrians had exhibited fre
quent instances. They laboured also to excite
that commercial jealousy, which they knew was
fiistered in England against the trade and re
sources of the republic. Their dependent writers
were encouraged to make tiiese subjects the theme
of invective, and the able, though sophistical pen

1712. 175
of Swift was employed with effect in deluding the
public mind. *
When these misrepresentations had made tbe
eXipected impression, the ministay themselves came
forward to give it the sanction of public authority.
Indeed, we trace in the earliest correspondence of
St. John, the -germ of those complaints, which
were afterwards expanded into a solemn and na
tional charge.
In the commencement of February the attack
was formaUy begnn in the house of commons, by
censuring the conduct of the dutch, in failing to
supply their stipulated quotas of troops and money,
and by greatly exaggerating the real deficiency.
The barrier treaty was also stigmatized as an in
famous compact, and as a total dereliction of the
british interest for the sake of Holland. These
complaints were embodied in a series of resolu
tions, which were presented to the sovereign, and
terminated with the declaration, " that lord ToAvn-
shend was unauthorized to conclude several of the
articles of the barrier treaty, and that all who ad
vised its ratification, were enemies to the queen
and kingdom."
So severe an invective drew from the States a
spirited, but respectful letter to the queen, which
was followed by a long memorial, in refutation of
the charges, and in vindication of the barrier
treaty. The english commons did not, however,
chuse to meet the refutation ; but maintained their
resolutions, by voting the memorial itself a false,
* The most celebrated of his productions on this head were, the
¦" Conduct of the Allies," and the " Account of the Barrier Treaty."

176 CHAPTER 107.
scandalous and malicious libel, and ordering those
by whom it was printed and published in England,
to be taken into custody for a breach of privilege.
Such a solemn decisipn of the. le^slature increased
the impression, which had been already made on
the public mind; and the house of Austria and
the dutch became the objects of that odium, which
had hitherto been solely, directed against the com
mon -enemyi * " ^ -
•¦.¦ i . . "< ".- "•- ' 'i' ¦¦¦¦'¦ "'"^
1.1': . ,* Journals and Debates ; — Historians of the "time. ¦*

1712. 177

CHAPTER 108.
1712.
Opening of the conferences at Utrecht. — Treacherous conduct
of England. — Divided situation and contradictory demands
qfthe allies. — Extravagant proposals of Prance. — Em
barrassment of the british ministry, — Deaths qfthe dauphin,
his consort, and their eldest son. — Attempts to prevent the
union qf France and Spain under the same head, — Con
tinuation qf the clandestine intercourse between England
and France. — Firmness and address qf Louis, — The
british ministry accept the promise of a renunciation of the
French crofwn, hy Philip, and agree to an eventtial cessation
of arms, on the delivery qf Dunkirk. — Preparations for
the campaign. The duke qf Orm,ond joins the army,-—
His mysterious conduct and secret instructions from the
british cabinet, — Refuses to join in attacking the enemy. —
Debctte in the house qf lords on the restrictive orders sent
tothe british general. — Marlborough challenges\earl Poulett,
for an injurious reflection uttered during the discussion. —
Letter from prince Eugene on the conduct of Ormond.
DuEiNo these transactions the conferences fbr the
negotiations of peace were opened at Utrecht;
and the result was such as was naturally to be
anticipated from the conduct of England. The
grand principle of the aUiance had already been
abandoned, by the separate preKminaries clan
destinely signed with Mesnager, on the 23d of
'October; and the proceedings of the british cabinet
reduced all the aUies to the necessity of ptes^nting
VOL. VI. N

178 CHAPTER 108.
their claims individually, instead of embodying in
one series of articles, the united interests of the
whole confederacy. Besides, the example of Ul
faith, which they bad recently manifested, had
sown the germs of jealousy, suspicion, and discord;
for each member of the alliance, instead of promot
ing the common interest, was anxious to attain its
own particular object, at the expence of the rest;
WhUe the british plenipotentiaries Were embar
rassed by the contradictory or equivocal orders,pf
their own govemriient .*, the members of the con
federacy presented extravagant and inadmissible
* As a specimen of these equivocal orders, we shall here insert an
article in the instructions to the british plenipotentiary. .
" If it shall be thought proper to begin by the disposition of the
Spanish monarchy, you are to insist that the security andthe reaSon^le
satisfaction which ' the allies expect, and \4rhicb his most chri^n
majesty has promisedj cannot be obtained, if Spain and the West Indies
be allotted to any branch of the house of BourboH. And in case the
en^my should object, as the imperial ministers have don^^ that the
second article of the seveii, signed by the sieur Mesnager, implies' that
the duke of Anjou shall continue on the throne of Spain, you are to
insist that those articles, as far as they extend, are, indeed, binditag to
Prance ;- but that they lay neither us, nor our allies, under any positive
obligation. That they were received only as inducements for opening
of the conferences,, and that an agreement to take measures for prevent
ing the crowns of France and Spain from being ever united upon one
head, cannot be construed, by any means, to imply that the latter should
remain to the present possessor; since, by the sixth article of the
preliminaries made in 1709, this Very point was insisted upon, although,
in tlie same preliminaries, it was agreed that the duke of Anjou should
abandon the throne in Spain. In treating, therefore, upon this head,
you are to consider, and settle, in conjunction with our allies, the most
effectual measures for preventing the crowiis of FrahCe arid Spain froin
being ever united o» one head; and the conditions, which shall be
agreed as necessary to this effect, you are peremptorily to insist upon."
— injtruotions, to the lord privy seal, viz. the bishop of Bristol, cbn-
tmned ih'secretary St. John's letter, Dec. 28. 1711.— Bolingbroke's'
Coixeep>n;4ence« vol. ii. p. 93. ^

1712. 179
demands, with a view to obstruct the progress of
the negotiation. Louis was thus enabled to play
on the hopes and fears of aU, and encouraged even
to rise in his pretensions; for, on the 11th of
February, the french plenipotentiaries delivered a
new series of proposals.
Spain and the Indies were to remain in the
possession of PhUip ; of the exterior provinces, the
Netherlands were to be consigned to the elector of
Ba»varia; and all the Italian dominions, except
Sicily, which was reserved for future discussion,
were to be yielded to the emperor. In return for'
this arrangement, the title of the queen and the
protestant succession were to be acknowledged, on
the signature of peace ; and the Spanish Nether
lands, as transferred to the elector of Bavaria, were
to be considered as a barrier for the dutch, who
were allowed to gartison such of the towns, as they
might deeni proper, at the expenCe of the country.
Under the plea of augmenting this barrier, Furhes,
Knoque, Ypres, and Menin, were to be ceded by
the french, in exchange for Aire, St. Venant,
Bethune, and Douay; and for the rasure of Dun
kirk, which had been so peremptorily demanded
by En^and, the restoration of LUle and Tournay
was required. Towards the empire and Italy, the
frontier was to remain the sarhe as at the com
mencement of the war, by which France would
retain, on the side of the Rhine, Landau and
Friburg ; and on that of the Alps, Exilles and
FenestreUes. Proposals so contradictory, not only to the prin
ciples of the grand aUiance, but to the clandestine
N 2

180 CHAPTER 108.
preliminaries already signed by the british ministry,
awakened the deepest feehngs of surprise and
indignation. The whigs were roused, and even
the warmest adherents of the government could
not conceal their chagrin and mortification, at a
result so different from the hopes they had been
suffered to entertain.
The consequence of the prevailing sentiment
was an animated address, moved in the house of
peers by lord Halifax, on the 15th of February.
It., expressed surprise and indignation at the terms
r offered by France to the queen and her allies, and
testified their readiness to support her majesty,
with zeal and affection, and with their lives and
fortunes, in carrying on the war in conjunction
with her allies, till a safe and honourable peace
could-^be secured. The ministers shrunk from a
question, which involved an investigation of their
own conduct, and suffered the address to be carried
without a division. Even the answer from the
throne = manifested their embarrassment; for the
¦- queen delivered a dry and formal reply, merely
thanking the house. for their. Zealand, assurances of
; support. Oxford and St. John felt that they could not
(Connive at the encroacliing spirit of France, or
submit to demands .which were to be expected only
ifrom a victorious enemy. The secretary laboured,
therefore, to infuse his own fears into the french
cabinet, and to convince them, that any farther
attempt to trifle with a high-spirited nation, might
again. produce ,the mischiefs from which they had
recentiy escaped. In communicating the instruc-

1712. 181
tions arising out of this event to the british pleni
potentiaries, he observes ; " The french will see
that there is a possibility of reviving the love of
war in our people, by the indignation which has
been expressed at the plan given in at Utrecht."
A continuance of the negotiation in the same
mode, was evidentiy too dangerous to be risked ';
and, therefore, no alternative remained, but to
accept the overtures of Torcy, for the establishment
of a private and entire correspondence, between' /
the plenipotentiaries of the two crowns, in order
to settle the conditions of peace, without the inter
vention of others, and then to dictate terms to the
other allies.
At the moment when this arrangement was made
to suspend the public negotiations, a melancholy
catastrophe in the royal famUy of France produced
new and unexpected embarrassments..
Louis XIV. had now reached his 73d yearj 'and
at the close of a long and disastrous war, had seen
the divisions of his enemies tumedto his advantage ;
and, instead of receiving the law of the conqueror,
had been nearly enabled to dictate his own con
ditions. Suffering under the bodily infirmities
incident to advanced age, he was anxious to hasten
the conclusion of a negotiation, which was to give
peace to his distracted country, and to fix the
crown of Spain in his famUy. In the preceding \
year he had lost his only son, the dauphin ; but in
his grandson, tiie duke^of Burgundy, he beheld the
solace of his old age, and the future blessing of his
subjects. This pious aud ainiable prince, who was
now in the bloom of youth and healthi was united
N 3

182 CHAPTER 108.
with a young an^ beautiful wife, who -had borne
him two sons, and was likely to be the fruitful
mother of a numerous offspring. In the midst of
these auspicious appearances, the monarch was
suddenly involved in the deepest affliction: he was
doomed, in the decline of life, to behold his
descendants swept away, and that peace, which
was so necessary for himself, his kingdoms, and
his family, in danger of being wrested from his
grasp. \ On the 12th of February the young dauphiness
was hurried to the grave, by a mahgnant fever, in
the 27th year of her age; pn the 18th, her dis
consolate husband feU a victim to the same disorder.
In a few days the elder of -their t^^o sons was
entombed with his parents, and the survivor, a
sickly infant in the cradle, was in the most immi
nent danger.
The aged monarch supported these accumulated
losses with the firmness of a man, and the piety of
a christian : he did npt sUjIEer his grief to vanquish
his judgment, or snppress his zeal for the safety of
his kingdom. Without a moment's delay, he pro
ceeded to regulate tljie succession, now become a
matter of difficult arrangement, apd labpured to
tranquUUse the alarms of his friends in England,
who saw in the sickly infant, the only bar to tiie
union of the crowns of France and Spain, on the
head of PhUip, the presumptive heir.
In this unexpected predicanient, additional
mO|tives impeUed the british ministry to continue
their clandestme negptiajtion. The general con
ferences at Utrecht were imnaediat^y suspended,

1712. 183
and an amicable discussion took place between the
two cabinets, on the impoitant question connected
with these melancholy events. To prevent the
union of the two crowns in the same person, the
queen demanded that PhUip should renounce either
Spain or France. Louis himself was no less anxious)
to avert from his country the evils of a disputed
succession, and the renewal of that war, which had
been so disastrous to himself and to his subjects.
After many difficulties and discussions, Philip
refused to relinquish "the crown of Spain ; and
Louis and his ministers unequivocaUy declared,
that, by the french law, he could not abandon his
title to the succession of France. In this dilemma,
the ministers had no alternative, but to continue
the war with accumulated risk, or to accept a
conditibn, which the french court frankly pro
nounced to be nugatory. * They obtained, how
ever, a promise that such a renunciation should
he iformally made and guarantied in France and
Spain ; and, on this fraU security, prepared to lay
the basis of peace, and the future tranquillity of
Europe. They even entered into a private stipu
lation to desert their allies, if they could not
alarm or allure them into the acceptance of these
conditioAs. To obviate the effect of their oppo
sition, they agreed to a future suspension of arms
for two months, and in return for the temporary
cession of Dunkirk, promised that the british
troops, and their auxUiaries, should withdraw from
the contest. To tempt the dutch to foUow their
* See this subject fully treated i|i the Memoir* of the Bourbon
Kings of Spain, chap. 19.
N 4

184 CHAPTER 108.
example, lYprep Was ofJered to the republic^ on the
same terms'as Dunkirk to England*
This dishonourable compromise at once rendered
nuU all the mighty preparations, which had been
cpncerted by the allies to carry on the war with
increasing vigour ; but it was managed with so
much address and mystery, as not even to.be
communicated to the duke of Ormond, the new
commander of the british forces ; for on his arrival
at tbe ^ague, he gave the strongest assurances
that he was empowered to co-operate, to the fullest
(Extent, with the confederate army; and that, his
royal mistress was resolved to prosecute the war
with redoubled energy. >
The conduct of England, however, had awakened
such suspicions in the dutch gpvernment, that they
r appointed prince Eugene their generalissimo,, in
preference to Ormond, and withheld from him.aU
communication on the plans of the campaign,
referring him to the prince and their field deputies.
Eugene had, in April, already assembled a larger
force than he had ever before ranged under his
banners; and the dutch had foUowed this spirited
example, in the fuU supply of their contingenti
The imperial general had also concerted with the
deputies arrangements for carrying into execution
the plan so ably conceived by his disgraced coUeague
in the preceding campaign, in which be trusted
the duke of Ormond would concur. Leaving the
larger places of Cambray and Arras, he purposed
to besiege Quesnoy and Landrecies at the same
time, an enterprise which he hoped to bring to a
speedy^termination. This conquest having broken

171^; 185
the last link in the french barrier, he intendtedtb
pour his victorious force intd the bpeh' prbvin&es,
and speedUy reduce the enemy to accept the terms
which they had repeatedly rejected. ^^
At this critical period, he had the satisfactioii
to hail the arrival of Ormond, and to ascertain that
the collective force of the confederate troops did
not amount to less than 145 battalions, and 295
isquadrons; forming an aggregate of 122,000 ef*
fective men, with 120 cannon, 16 howitzers, and
40 pontoons. '
Such an accumulation bf force had already car*-
ried dismay into the court and cabinet of Louisi
Notwithstanding the servility which the french
mlonarch had experienced from the british ministry,
he could not contemplate the movements of this
mighty host without alarm. The army of VillarS,
thelast hope. of France, amounted only to lOOiOOO
Jtnen, Ul equipped, scantily supplied with artillery,
and bereft of confidence by a series of unparalleled
defeats. It was to be dreaded that one of those
accidents, which are above aU human controul,
might produce a conflict, which could not feU to
prove disastrous, with forces so unequally opposed ;
and tbc' immediate and least dangerous consequence
was, the fall of the capital, and all the provinces
north of the Loire. Some of the courtiers even
urged their aged monarch to withdraw to Blois ;
but though borne down by grief and infirmity,
Louis was not depressed by misfortune. In taking
leave of ViUars, he observed, " Behold my situation.
Few instances have occurred of calamities like
mine, to lose, in so short a space of time, my grand-

186 CHAPTER 108.
son, his consort, and their eldest son ; .aUbopefulj
and tenderly beloved." Siippressing his sorrows,
he then adverted to the state of his army, and the
representations which had been made to abandcaa
his capital, in order to avoid the danger attending
a defeat. He added, " Armies so considerable
as mine are seldom completely routed; and the
greater part may retire to the Somme. I know
that river; it is difficult to pass, and there are
stUl fortresses which may be rendered defensible.
Should such a misfortune occur, I wUl instantly ge
to Peronne or St. Quintui,< coUect aU my troops,
and with you wiU risk a last effort, determined to
perish or save Aie state."* Such, indeed, must
have been the. fatal alternative, to which all the
intrigues, encroachments, and usurpations of Louis
'must have led, had he not drawn greater advantage
from the divisions and misconduct of his enemies,
than from the colossal power which had once over
shadowed Europe.
Unfortunately, the measures of the queen and
ministry, frustrated the lingering hopes whidi
,the lovers of their country stiU ventured to enter.
tain. For, at the very moment when the british
general joined Eugene at Tournay, he received a
communication from St. John, dated April 25,
enjoining him to be jealous of his coUeague, and
directing him, in the name of the queen, to be
cautious in engaging" in an action, -unless in tbe
case of a very apparent and considerable advantage,
under the plea that he should wait tiU he was
* Memoires de Villars, t. ii. p. 197.

1712. 187
strengthened by the arrival of all the imperial
tropps. * But even now, Ormond probably did
not suspect the scheme of treachery of which this
was the commencement; for be appeared eager to
signalise his mUitary command. To the anxious
enquiries of Eugene, whether he had authority to
co-operate vigorously in the campaign, he replied,
that he was invested with the same powers as the
duke .qf Marlborough, and was ready to join in
attacking the enemy. In consequence of this
reply, arrangements were made for forcing the
hostile camp, and besieging Quesnoy.
But these operations were suspended by subse
quent instructions from the british cabinet. The
critical points of the negotiation having been partly
settled, and the renunciation by Philip of either
France or Spain solemnly promised, and that
promise guarantied by Louis, mystery was no longer
necessary. Secretary St^ John, therefore, on the
10th of ]^iay» communicated these specific orders
to tbe duke of Ormond : —
" Her majesty, my lord, has reason to believe,
that we shall come to an agreement upon the great
article of the union of the two monarchies, as soon
as a courier, sent from VersaiUes to Madrid, can
return. It is, therefore, the queen's positive com
mand to your grace, that you avoid engaging in
any siege, or hazarding a battle, tiU you have
farther orders frpm her majesty. I am, at the
same time, directed to let your grace laiow, that
the queen would have you disguise the receipt of
* Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 31 9,

188 CHAPTER 108.
this order ; and her majesty thinks that you cannot
Want pretences for conducting yourself, so as to
answer her ends, without owning that, which
might at present have an ill effect, if it was publicly
known. The queen cannot think with patience of
sacrificing men, when there is a fair prospect of at
taining her puipose another way ; and, besides, she
will not suffer herself to be exposed to the reproach
of having retarded, by the events of the campaign,
a negotiation which might otherwise have been as
good as concluded, in a few days. I shall very
soon dispatch another express to your grace, and
am, &c.
" P. S. I had almost forgot to tell your grace,
that communication is made of this order to the
court of France ; so that if the marechal de Villars
takes, in any private way, notice of it to you, your
grace will answer accordingly." *
In consequence of these instructions, Ormond
soon afterwards entered into a secret correspond
ence with ViUars, and declaring that they were no
longer enemies, obviated the alarms which the
french general might have conceived, at the ap
proach of the confederates, by announcing' that
the future movements of the troops under his own
command, were intended merely for forage and
subsistence, not for offensive operations.
In the midst of this clandestine intercourse, the
aUied forces had passed the Scfifeld, and took post
between Noyelles and the Briase, the quarters of
Ormond being at Solenne, and those of Eugene at
* Bolinghroke's Correspondence, vol. ii. p.i 320.

1712. 189
Haspre, with the apparent purpose of approaching
the enemy, who were posted between Catelet and
Cambray, on the other side of the Scheld.
Suspecting, however, the treachery of his col
league, Eugene took an immediate opportunity to
put his sincerity to the test. The reconnoitring
parties having reported that the situation of the
enemy was open and exposed, the imperial
commander made the requisite preparations ; and
on the morning of the 28th of May solicited Or
mond to concur in an attack of the hostile camp.
This proposal at once disclosed the disgraceful
situation in which the british commander was
placed. He was confounded by the summons :
and after making a futile excuse till noon, sent an
evasive answer, requesting that the design might
be postponed for some days. His reply exhibited
all the treachery practised by the british ministry.
Eugene and the dutch deputies warmly protested
against such dishonourable conduct ; but, anxious
to draw the utmost advantage from the presence
of the british troops, he proposed to besiege Ques
noy. Ormond felt too much humbled to object to
this solicitation ; and, as Villars had made a retro
grade movement, the investment took place the
same day.
This proceeding exciting universal indignation,
complaints and remonstrances were preparing
from every quarter ; while the intelligence being
speedily conveyed to England, by the expostu-
latory letters of prince Eugene, the sensation was
scarcely less deeply felt than at the army.
Hitherto Marlborough had contented himself

190 CHAPTER 108.
with a silent opposition to the measures of the new
ministry; but he could not tamely acquiesce in
this degradation of the national honour, and, there
fore, heartily concurred in the determination of
the whigs to arraign so flagrant a breach of faithj
The public indignation was not suffered to cool ;
for, on the 28th of May, J;hc question was Sub
mitted to the cognisance of parliament.
I Lord Halifax opened the debate : after repre
senting the necessity and occasion of the war, he
enumerated the glorious successes which had sig
nalised the arms of the allies, and which had
brought the common enemy of Christendom to
such extremities. " But," he added, " this plea
sant prospect is totaUy defaced, by the orders
given to the queen's general, not to act offensively
against the enemy. I pity that heroic and gallant
general, who, on other occasions, took delight to
charge the most formidable corps, and strongest'
squadrons, and cannot but be uneasy at his being-
fettered with shackles, and thereby prevented from
reaping the glory he might well expect froni lead^
ing on troops so accustomed to conquer. I pity
the allies, who haye relied upon the aid and friend
ship of the british nation, perceiving that what
they have done, at so great an expence of blood
and treasure, is df no effect, as they wiU be ex-
posed to the revenge of that power against whom
they have been so active. I pity the queen, her royal
successors, and the present and future generations
of Britain, when they shaU find the nation deeply
involved in debt, and that the common enemy,-
who occasioned it, tho' once near being suffi-

1712. 191
cientiy humbled, does stiU triumph and design
their ruin, and are informed that this proceeds
from the conduct of the british cabinet, in neglect
ing to make a right use of those advantages and
happy occasions, which their own courage, with
God's blessing, had gained, and put into their
hands. I do npt pretend to blame the queen, but
the counsels and representations of those evil
counsellors, who being confided in by her, mani
fested so little concern for her majesty and her
people's honour, prosperity, and security, that they
persuaded her to approve such measures, and emif
such orders, as were attended with these, and a
great many other disgraceful and pernicious conse
quences. And as I- am fully apprised of her ma
jesty's good intentions to rectify every thing that
is amiss, and of her great regard for your lordships'
opinions in this weighty affair, I presume to move
that an humble address be presented to her ma
jesty, setting forth the bad and dishonourable ef^
fects of the restrictive order to her general ; and
beseeching her to recall the same, and direct him
to act offensively, in conjunction with the other
allies, against the common enemy."
At the conclusion of this speech, Marlborough
rose, and with peculiar energy, observed : " After
what has been said by the noble lord, nothing re
mains for me or any other person, but to second
the motion ; yet I will venture to trouble your
lordships with a few observations on this subject.
Altho' the negotiations for peace may be far ad
vanced, yet I can see no reason, which should
induce the allies or ourselves to remain inactive.

192 CHAPTER 108.
and not push on the war with the utmost vigour,'
as we have incurred the expence of recruiting the
army for the service of another year. That army
is now in the field, and it has often occurred; that
a victory or a siege produced good effects and ma
nifold advantages, when treaties were stUl farther
advanced than is the present negotiation. And as
I am of opinion, that we should make the most we
can for ourselves, the only infallible way to force
France to an entire submission, is, to besiege and
occupy Cambray or Arras *, and to carry the war
into the heart of that kingdom. But as the troops
of the enemy are now encamped, it is impMsible
to execute this design, unless they are withdrawn
from their position ; and as they cannot be reduced
to retire, for want of provision, they must be at
tacked and forced. For the truth of what I say, I
appeal to a noble duke (looking at the duke of Ar-:
gyle), whorti I rejoice to see in the house, because
he knows the country, and is as good a judge of
these matters as any person now alive. These
observations I have deemed fit to represent to your
lordships, and hope they will induce your lord
ships to agree to the motion, which I second very
heartily." This appeal drew forth a reply from the duke of
Argyle, whose enmity to his former patron was
unbounded. " Not being apprized of this mo-
* In Lockhart, it is Cambray or Valenciennes ; but this is probably
a mistake, because in the other accounts of the debates, the place^al*
luded to by the duke of Argyle in bis reply, are Cambray and Arras;
and this alteration is justified by the operations in the campaign of
1 7 1 0. — See chapter 93.

1712. 19S
tion," he said, " I confess that I am unprepared
for the question, and, therefore, should not have
troubled your lordships, had not the noble duke,
who spoke last, appealed to me fbr my opinion. I
will declare it with my usual openness and candour.
I do indeed perfectly know the country, and the
situation of the enemy, in their present camp ; and
I agree with the noble duke, that it is impossible
to remove them, except by attacking and driving
them away, and until that is effected, neither of
the two sieges aUuded to can be undertaken. I
likewise agree, that the capture of these towns is
the most effectual way to carry on the war with ad
vantage, and would be a fatal blow to France."
He then captiously and unjustly censured the
military conduct of the great commander in the
campaign of 1710.
" I wonder, indeed," he added, " that the
noble duke should now have formed this opinion,
after maintaining another opinion, when he had it
in his power to carry into effect the same operation
in a former campaign. For I then pressed his
gf-ace, as the most effectual and speedy method of
procuring a safe and honourable peace, to besiege
Arras and Cambray, and march into France. But
he had then other sentiments ; and, instead of
besieging these fortresses, made a retrograde move
ment, losing much time,; and exhausting much
blood and treasure, in reducing Bethune, Aire,
and St. Venant, towns of comparatively little im
portance. But as for his advice to attack the
enemy, I must be so bold as to teU the noble duke
that he knows the camp and hostUe army to be
Vol. vr. o

194 CHAPTER 108.
much stronger than when he last attacked them * ;
and he need not be reminded with how much dif
ficulty he then gained that camp, and how much
blood was sacrificed, even so much that another or
two such victories would undo us. Should the
allies now fail in the attempt, and be defeated, the
consequences would redound to the advantage' of
France." He concluded by expatiating on the
perils of war, and argued against any hazardous
operation, as the very conquests which might
be ^fected, might be rendered nugatcMy by
the terms of the peace which was now nearly
concluded. The speech of the duke of Argyle, which was
delivered with his usual warmth and energy, made
a deep impression, and produced the greater effect,
because he was known to have been offended by
the ministry, and had bitterly censured their nar
row and impolitic views. By those who knew his
temper, or were unacquainted with his rooted an
tipathy to Marlborough, it was concluded that
nothing but absolute conviction could have ex..
torted so cruel an invective against his fprmer
commander, and that so vehement a defence of
the ministry, could only be prompted by a con
sciousness, that the terms of the intended peace
were neither dishonourable nor injurious. Tim
impression gave weight to the arguments of th®
ministerial party. In the course of tbe debate,
some of the whig lords having pressed the minister
to inform the house, whether any orders of re-
* Meaning at Malplaquet.

1712. 195
straint had been sent to the british commander,
he rephed, that they who had the honour to serve
the queen could not reveal the orders given to the
general, without particular directions, and, in his
opinion, they were not proper to be divulged.
But he would venture to say, that if the duke
of Ormond had refused to act offensively^ he
doubtless followed his instructions ; and it was
prudent not to hazard a battle, upon the point of
concluding a good peace, considering that the
enemy was apt to break his word.
Wharton adroitly profited by this avowal, ob
serving, that he rejoiced in finding that noble lord
so candid in acknowledging the insincerity of
France ; but that was, in his opinion, a strong
reason for not only not keepii^ measures with
such an enemy, but even for pushing him with the
utmost vigour, tiU he was reduced to the necessity
of acting honestly. To this sarcasm the treasurer
replied, " Although the duke of Ormond might
have refused to hazard a general action, he could
positively ^declare that he would not decline joining
with the allies in a sipge, and that orders had been
S^t to him for that purpose*"
This remark again roused the duke of Mari
borough, who observed that he could not reconcile
the orders, said to be given to the general^ with
the rules of war ; for it was impossible, he said, to
carry on a siege without ^zarcUng a battle, or
niaking a shameful retreat, if the enemy attempted
a reUef Tbe duke of Devonshire then declare4 that by
the proximity of blood, he was more concerned
0 2

196 CHAPTER 108.
for the duke of Ormond's reputation than any
other; and, therefore, he could not forbear observ
ing, that he was surprised to hear any one dare
make use of a nobleman of the first rank, and of
so distinguished a character, as an instrument of
so disgraceful a proceeding.
This observation drew from tbe ministerial ad
vocates the customary reflections on the conduct
of Marlborough, who appears to have been the
object to which they directed their shafts on all
occasions. Earl Poulett replied, " No one can
doubt the duke of Ormond's bravery ; but he
does not resemble a certain general, who led troops
to the slaughtei", to cause a great number of
officers to be knocked on the head, in a battle, or
against stone walls, in order to fill his pocket, by
digjosing of their commissions." This imputatipn,'
perhaps the most vulgar and opprobrious which
had ever been uttered ih the house of peers, was
heard by Marlborough with the aspect of silent
contempt, and the debate proceeded with renewed
warmth. The whigs strenuously exerted them
selves to remove the impression occasioned by the
speech of Argyle, and assailed the ministers with
complaints of the mystery observed in the negoti
ation, surmising that such caution could be used,
only to conceal dishonourable proceedings. A
strong appeal being particularly made to lord
Strafford, to afford some information on the trans
actions in which he had been engaged, as one bf
the plenipotentiaries, the treasurer found it neces
sary tp pledge himself^ that in a few days he would
lay before parliament the terms which had been.

1712. 197
concluded, and which, he doubted not, would give
entire satisfaction to every member of that house,
as well as to all true englishmen. In reply to the
farther insinuation, that the british government
had so far forgot its honour as to engage in a
separate peace, he rejoined, without hesitation,
" Nothing of that nature lias ever been intended;
for such a peace would be so foolish, villainous, \
and knavish, that every servant of the queen must 1
answer for it with his head to the nation. The
allies," he added, " are acquainted with our pro
ceedings, and satisfied with fhe terms."
So solemn a pledge from the principal servant
of the crown, admitted no farther debate ; and
Halifax, perceiving the effect it had produced,
made au effort to withdraw his motion. The
ministry, however, were determined tp complete
their triumph ; and, on a division, the question
was lost by 68 voices against 40. This decision
was combated in a severe protest signed by twenty-
seven peers, among whom we distinguish the name
of Marlborough. The protest was afterwards ex
punged by order of the house ; but no precaution
could prevent its diffusion, by means of the press,
and all attempts to discover the printer and pub
lisher were ineffectual. *

» This debate is given in a very confused and unsatisfactory manner
in the parliamentary records of the times. A more detailed and ani
mated account is preserved by Lockhart, who was probably present on
the occasion. He has, however, recorded only the speeches of Halifax,
Marlborough, and Ai'gylc. The two first we have exactly copied, but
have omitted several passages in the speech of Argyle; because Lock
hart has evidently attributed to him. many expressions which fell from
o 3

198 CHAPTER 108.
The cruel reflection of earl Poulett made a deeper
impression on. the feelings of the duke of Mari
borough than all the indignities to- which he had
before been exposed ; although it would have been
more becoming his magnanimous spirit to have
l>uried it in oblivion, and left it to the contempt it
deserved. But on the rising of the house, he sent
a message by lord Mohun to the earl, with an in
vitation to take the air in the country. The eajl
demanding, whether this was meant as a chaUenge,
received fbr answer, that the message required no
explanation. Lord Mohun added, " I shall ac
company the duke of Marlborough, and your
Ibrdship would do well to provide a second."
This unexpected summons awakened an emotion
in Icrd Poulett^ which he could not conceal from
his lady on his return. A hint being instantiy
conveyed to lord Dartmouth, he placed lord Poulett
under arrest, and was soon afterwards charged
with an order by the queen, enjoining the duke of
Marlborough to proceed no farther in the affair.
The duke complied, and by the intervention of the
lordtreasurer, an apparent reconciliation tookplace;
but the transaction ex.posed Marlborough to much
invective from the writers .of the day, and he was
bitterly censured by the Examiner, for setting the
example of party duels.
other members of the opposition. In particular, he has imputed to
him the criielaspersion pronounced by earl Poulett against the duke, of
Jiferlborough. — See Lockhart's Papers, vol. i. p. 592.
The other parts of the debate we Ivaye drawn from. a collation of the
respective accounts in.the History of Europe for 1712; Boyer's Bdgn
of Queen Anne; and Political State; Cunninghais ; Chandler's De
bates-; Continuation of Rapin ; and Lediard.

171S. 199
We close the account of these impolitic restric
tions on the british commander, with an indignant
letter from prince Eugene to the duke of Marl
borough, which displays their injurious effect, in
checking the triumphant career of the confederate
army. " Hayn, June 9- ¦ — I am gratified with this safe
opportunity of writing to your highness* You are
doubtless informed of what has passed here and at
Utrecht. There is surely no example of such pro
ceedings, at the time When conti'aiy assurances
were solemnly given. Your highness is sufficiently
acquainted with me, to be convinced that I am
not accustomed to boast, and I do not easily form
flattering hopes ; but I do not hesitate in declar
ing to you', ffiat it was entirely in oUr power to
force tile enemy to risk a battle to their disadvan
tage, or repass the Somme ; and even had this
operation been objected to, we might, at all events,
have besieged Qiiesnoy and Landrecies, at the
same time. But the orders given to the duke of
Ormond having prevented it, the siege of Quesnoy
is now c^rying on with the troops of my army,
and' with those in the pay of the States. I refer
you, as to the rest, to general Cadogan, who will
inform you of all the particulars; as I have com
municated them to him. I cannot sufficiently
commend his conduct and activity." *
*¦ Translation from the french orisiha}."

o 4

200 CHAPTER 109.

CHAPTER 109.
17121
The queen communicates to parliament the outlines cf the
treaty with France. — General dissatisfaction at the terms,
-^Motion for an address — Opposed by Marlborough and
- the whigs. — Carried in favour of the ministry. — Prorog
ation of parliament, — Continuation cf the clandestine
intei'C(hrse with France, — Secret arrangement for a sus
pension qf arms. — The allies reject the proposed condi
tions. — Refusal qf the auxiliaries to march. — Separation
" of the british troops from the confederate army. ^-Ormond
' takes possession qf Ghent and Bruges. — Reluctant cession
qf Dunkirk. — New misunderstanding with France. —
St. John created lord Bolingbroke. — His mission to Paris.
— Arrangement relative to the points in dispute, and pro
longation cf tlie armistice, — Prosecution qf the campaign,
— Reverses qf the confederates. — The siege qf Landrecies
raised. — Loss of Quesnoy and Bouchain. — '¦ State of the
War i?i other quarters, — Death qf lord Godolphi7i. —
Motives of the resolution adopted by Marlborough to with
draw from f!,ngland, — Obtains a passport through the
agency of Maynwaring and the interposition of Oxford, —
. Duel of the^duke of Hamilton and loi-d Mohun. — Marl
borough calumniated.
After the confident assertions of the treasurer in
the house qf lords, and similar assurances given by
the secretary in the house commons, the public im
patiently waited the communication of the treaty,
which had created the most sanguine expectations.
Great, therefore, were the ^sprise, indignation, and

1712. 201
disappointment, which pervaded every patriotic
bosom, when the outlines of the intended peace
were officially disclosed.
On the 6th of June, the queen, in a longer and
more laboured speech than usual, imparted the
substance of certain preliminaries, which were to
form the basis of a general peace. After touching
on the difficulties which had occurred in maturing
tills arrangement, her majesty dwelt on the mea
sures adopted for securing the protestant succes
sion in the house of Hanover, as the object nearest
her heart ; and stated that additional security had
been given to this provision, by the removal of
that person out of the dominions of France, who
had pretended to disturb this settlement. *
She then adverted to that article, which she
incorrectly characterised as containing the grand
principle of the alliance ; viz. the separation of the
crowns of France and Spain, for accomplishing
which, she affected the utmpst solicitude.
The. duke of Anjou was to renounce for ever, for
himself and his issue, all title to the french monarchy ;
and the crown was to descend, after the death of the
dauphin and the extinction of his heirs, by lineal
order of affinity in the male line, to the duke of
Berri, the house of Orleans, and successively to all
the remaining branches of the Bourbon family.
To prevent, as much as possible, the future union
of the two kingdoms, Spain, on the extinction of
* The reader will perceive the difference between the denomination
adopted in this place and that employed by the queen, in her speech
during the whig administration, in which the person here designated is
called, without reserve, a popish pretender, &(.

202 CHAPTER 109.
Philip's line, was never to revert tp any member
of the house of Bourbon, but was to be entaUed on
such prince as should be designated in the treaty
of peace. ^ These ^rangements were to be ratified
in the most solemn manner, not only by France
and Spain, but also by the guaranty of the powers
engaged in the war. The queen spoke of this
arrangement in a high strain of exultation. " The
nature of this proposal is suchi, that it executes
itself. The interest of Spain is to support it ; and,
in France, the persons to whom tiiat succession is
to belong, will be ready and powerful enough to
vindicate their own right. France and Spain are
now more effectually divided than ever. And
thus, by the blessing of God, wiU a real balance of
po.wej? be fixed in Europe, and remain liable to as
few accidents, as human al^irs can be exempted
from." Gibraltar aaid Minorca were to remain in the
possession of England, together with commerdial
advantages in the trade to Spain and the Indies,
including the assiento contract for thirty yeara.
France also consented to the demolition of DunkiA.
Her majesty tlieu specified the arrangementte
made in favour of the allies, subject to the ultimate
determination of the congress. The Rhine was to
be the barrier of the empire; the protestant interest
in Germany was to be established on the footing
of the treaty of Westphalia. The ^anish Nethea;-
lands, Naples, Milan, and Sardinia, with the places
on the coast of Tuscany, were to be transferred to
the emperor, as chief of the house of Austria; for
which purpose, the duke of Anjou had removed aU

1712. 20S
difficulties, by relinquishing his claim to the island.
The possession of SicUy was reserved for future
discussion. The States were to be gratified in their own
demands relative to commerce, with the exclusion
of some few articles of merchandise, and with the
entire barrier which they required in I709 from
France, with the exception of two or three places
at most. The queen expressed her hope, that by
the adoption of some expedients then in discussion,
this barrier might be so settled* as to secure the
repubUc from any aggression of France, which was
the feuaadationi of aU her engagements on that head
with the States.
The demands of Portugal were stated to be yet
unsettled ; those of Russia to admit of little diffi
culty ; and those of Savoy to be nearly met by the
offers of France, though she was exerting her
influence to. procure farther advantages for so use
ful an aUy.
France, she added, had consented to acknowledge
the actual rank of the elector palatine, and the
electoral dignity in the house of Hanover, inserted
in her demands, at that prince's desire.
She concluded with expressing her conviction
that she should "be able to secure the several
interests of the other allies.
To the reader who conceives the impression
inade- on the public mind, by a long series of
unexampled successes, it would be needless to
describe the feelings with which this speech was
heard. Not merely the opposers of the government,
bvit even some who, from principle, had supported

204 CHAPTER 109.
the ministry, and relied on their solemn declaration
to the legislature, shrunk with shame and horror
from the contemplation of a peace, which involved
the sacrifice of public honour, and the dereliction
of public principle. Three obvious mis-statements
could not escape the most common observation.
1. That the main principle of the grand alliance
was not the separation of the twP kingdoms, but
the exclusion of a Bourbon prince from the crown
of Spain. 2. That no renunciation by Philip'
could invalidate his or his son's pretensions to the
french crown; and, therefore, that no precautions
could prevent the probability of a civil convulsion
in France, or the renewal of war in Europe, should
the infant dauphin die. S. That these articles had
been clandestinely arranged between England and
France, without either the consent or participation
of the allies.
These obvious defects, however, were overlooked
in the house of commons, where the tory and
jacobite influence was too powerful to be stemmed.
An address was accordingly carried by acclamation,
sanctioning the terms of peace already commu
nicated in the speech, and expressing the fullest
confidence in the wisdom and justice of the queen,
to mature the future arrangements.
But notwithstanding the exertion of the prero
gative, which had recently been made, to obtain a
majority in the upper house, the peers in opposition
made a vigorous stand. The arrangement relative
to the protestant succession was the only article
which was received with approbation: the other
conditions underwent a scrutiny of the severest

1712. :.205
kind, and the dishonourable transaction itself was
stigmatised in the terms it deserved. It was by
none more arraigned than by the duke of Marl
borough himself, whose plans it had foiled ; whose
hopes it had frustrated, and whose victories it had
rendered vain. In a strain of manly invective, he
observed, with a foreboding which the event has
justified : " The measures pursued in England
for the last year, are directly contrary to her
majesty's engagements with the allies, sully the
triumphs and glories of her reign, and will render
the english name odious to all other -nations."
Lord Strafford attempted to retort, not by argu
ment but by invective. He accused the duke of
Marlborough of rendering the allies, particularly
the dutch, backward in consenting to the peace,
by maintaining with them a secret correspondence,
and encouraging them to prolong the war, in the
hope bf deriving support from a strong party in
this country. This captious accusation met with
due reproof from lord Coviper, who observed, the
¦noble lord had spent so much time abroad, that he
had almost forgotten, not only the language, but
the constitution of his country. " It was a new
crime," he added, " to be charged with holding
a correspbndence with allies, whose interest the
queen had declared to be inseparable from her
own^ whereas, it was difficult to reconcile, either
with our own laws or with the laws of honour and
justice, the conduct of those who had treated
clandestinely with the common enemy, without
the participation of our allies."
After exceptions made to some parts of the pror

206 CHAPTER 109.
posed address of thanks, Nottingham and Cowper,
with great energy, supported the introduction of a
-clause, requesting her majesty to take such measures
with her allies^ as might induce them to join in a
mutual guaranty of the protestant succession ; but
this clause being ably opposed by Oxford and
Poulett, was rejected by a large majority. The
original address was then carried, by 81 voices
against 36.
The whigs and their tory allies were not, however,
discouraged ; but repeated and embodied all thdr
objections to the preliminaries in a protest of pecu
liar energy and argument, which was signed by
24 peers, among whom we again find the nam^es of
Maiibprough and Godolphin. The freedom, bold
ness, and truth of this protest, irritated the riiinis-
terial party ; and, as in the fornier instance, they
voted its erasure from the Journals. Notwithstand
ing all the tbreats of parliamentary punishment,
and the precautions of the government, this irti-
portant document could not be suppressed, but
was circulated in print throughout the country.
Rewards were in vain oflfered, and penalties de
nounced against the printers and publishers ; but
no discovery was ever made.
This was the last eflfert of the whigs to awaken
the nation to a sense of its honour ahd interest.
The parliament was soon after prorogued; and
here terminated the political career of Marl
borough, during the remaining years of the reigh
of queen Anne.
The sanction of parliattient to the offers irf Louis,
confuted the resolution of the queen to execute

1712. 207
the clandestine agreement with France, for a
cessation of hostilities, and to accomplish her pro
mise of ordering the british troops, as weU as the
auxUiaries in her pay, to withdraw from the con
federate army, on- the delivery of Dunkirk, should
the other allies refuse to imitate her example.
With this wew, the british plenipotentiary at
Utrecht proposed to those of the emperor, tbe
States, and the other members of the confederacy,
to accept the conditions offered by France, and to
concur with England in consenting to an armistice.
But the proposal was either peremptorily rejected
or' evaded, untU reference was made to their re
spective principals. Deputies were sent from the
Hague, witb orders that the dutch tioops should
not agree to the armistice, untU they received
explicit instructions. This disappointment, how
ever, did not alter the resolution of the english
cabinet ; and special directions were transmitted
to the duke of Ormond, to cease from assisting in
the operations of the campaign. As soon as be
received the requisite information from Torcy,
that the king of France had signed tbe articles of
agreement, he was instructed to take a proper
occasion of acquainting Eugene and the deputies,
with his orders to publish a suspeiasion of arms ^
two months, in virtue of the conditions settled with
France, and the consent to deliver Dunkirk as a
ple%e of her sincerity.
WhUe he was hesitating to communicate these
dishonourable instructions, he was involved in a
new dilemma, hy^ a message from ViUars *, request-
* Mem. de Villars, vol. ii. p. 207.

208 CHAPTER 109-
ing to be informed, whether the troops of Englaijd
were employed in the siege of Quesnpy ? Having,
replied in the negative, Villars imperiously requii;ed
a farther explanatibn, whether the troops und^
his orders would oppose any attempt of the frencji
to relieve the place, supposing Eugene should
Continue the siege? his sovereign having bepn
assured that the british troops, and the auxiliarijes
in british pay, were not to act directly or indirectly
against his army. In consequence of this cat^ert
gorical demand, Ormond did not hesitate tocpnfqrra|
to the instructions which he had received from the ,
secretary* ^
He apprised prince Eugene of his orders, and
then addressing himself to the generals of the
auxiliaries in british pay, acquainted them, that a,
suspension of arms had been concluded for two
months, between England and France, and re
quired them to conform to this arrangement. He
added, that the queen would consider herself as
acquitted from aU obligation to liquidate the
arrears of subsidies, due to any prince whose,
troops should refuse to obey his orders. A similar
communication was made to the dutch deputies,
with an intimation that the british troops and their
auxUiariies would separate from the confederate
army, if they withheld their assent.
After many remonstrances on the part of the
other generals, Ormond was persuaded to defer thp
promulgation of the armistice for three days. On
the expiration of that term, he prepared to march
towards Dunkirk ; but he had the mortification to
find, that neither promises nor threats could induce
7

1712. 209
the generals and auxUiaries under their command,
to follow so shameful an example. The hereditary
prince of Hesse Cassel, who spake the language of
all, bade the duke's adjutant to tell his general,
that " the hessians would gladly march if it were
to fight the french ;" and another commander said,
" We do not serve for pay, but for fame."
On the 16th of July, Ormond, with the british
troops, amounting to 12,000 men, separated from
the confederate army, by quitting his camp of
Cambresis. He was accompanied only by four
sqiiadrons and one battalion of the Holstein subsi
diaries, and a regiment of dragoons from the con
tingent of Liege. The march of the troops
presented a spectacle no less melancholy than
imposing. As they had so often fought under the
same banners, and so often emulated each other
in the career of victory, this inglorious separation
conveyed a pang to the bosom of the meanest
soldier. To borrow the unadorned language of
Serjeant Milner, " As they marched off that day,
both sides looked very dejectfully on each other,
neither being permitted to speak to the other, to
prevent reflections that might thereby arise, being
there was then made a strange revolution between
us and our allies, by our cessation of arms, or
entrance on an odd peace with France." *
Nor were these precautions unnecessary, for the
threat of withholding the arrears of the auxibaries
had roused them to such a pitch of fury, that fears
were entertained, lest they should seize the person
* Milner, p. 356.
VOL. vr. p

210 CHAPTER 109.
of the british general, and prevent the retreat of
his troops, as a pledge for the liquidation.
In the midst of this mortification, Ormond relied
on the grateful fidelity of his oWn countrymen; for
delivering them from the hardships of war ; but
-great was his disappointment, when, at the close
of his first march, the suspension of arms was pro-'
claimed at the head of each regiment. A burst of
indignation and abhorrence accompanied this proof
of national dishonour. Instead of huzzas and
acclamations, he heard nothing but a " general
hiss and murmur throughout the camp." To
adopt the words of a contemporary historian, *' The
british soldiers were so enraged at this unworthy
conduct, that they were observed tearing their
hair, and rending their clothes, with furious excla
mations and execrable curses against the duke of
Ormond, as a stupid tool, and general of straw.
The colonels, captains, and other brave officers^
were so overwhelmed with vexation, that they sat
apart in their tents, looking on the ground through
,very shame,, with downcast eyes; and for several
days shrunk from the sight even of their fellow
soldiers. For it grieved them to the heart, to
submit to the disgrace of laying down their arms
after so many splendid victories. Some left their
colpurs to serve among the allies, and others after*
wards withdrew; and whenever they recollected
the duke of Marlborough, and the late glorious
times, their eyes flowed with tears." *
Accompanied thus by mai'ks of public detestation,
* Cunningham, vol. ii. p. 432.

1712. 211
Ormond continued his march ; but the treachery
which the british cabinet had practised towards the
allies, nearly recoUed on themselves. At Bouchain,
Tournay, and Douay, the dutch governors refused
tb open their gates, for the passage of the retro
grading army ; and, at the same moment, the king
of France, profiting by the inability of the british
commander to prevail over the auxiliary troops,
declared that after such a breach of promise, he
could not relinquish the possession of Dunkirk.
Without shelter or support, dreading the resent
ment of the confederates, distrustful of the enemy,
and unable even to rely on his own troops, Ormond
had no other resource to secure his retreat, than
by seizing Ghent and Bruges, and soliciting the
direction of his own government.
In the first moment of success, the british
ministry had exulted in the disappointment of the
confederates ; they boasted that their royal mistress,
instead of receiving, was giving the law, and carried
the fate of Europe in her hands, obliging France
to enter into engagements, and give pledges to
her, who was herself under none to France. *
But this unexpected dUemma soon reduced them
to a more humble tone. They reproached the
french, monarch with a violation of faith, appealed
to his gratitude, and endeavoured to work on his
apprehensions, by expatiating on the consequences
which might ensue, from a revulsion of the public
sentiment. Fortunately, a sense of his own weak
ness, and a prospect of the evUs attendant on an

Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. .378'.
P 2

212 CHAPTER 109.
unsettled succession, prevailed more powerfully
with Louis, than the expostulations of thpse whom
he had learnt to despise. He affected to yield to
their remonstrances, and delivered up Dunkirk to
a body of troops detached from the coast of
England. By this cession, the position of Ormond
was secured, and he remained in his post, waiting
the issue of the pending negotiation.
The cession of Dunkirk, however, did not com
pletely restore harmony between the cabinets of
England and France. Warm disputes arising in
the complicated negotiations, Louis was encouraged
by the increasing divisions between England arid
the other aUies, to resume his haughty tone ; and
it was to be apprehended that the renewal of the
armistice would encounter much difficulty. In
vain the british plenipotentiaries continued to press
the dutch and the other allies to accede to the
cessation of hostilities, and admit a minister from
PhiUp to the congress. As they persevered in the
prosecution of the war, the british cabinet had no
alternative but to sue France to moderiate her
pretensions. With this view, secretary St. John,
who had been recently created viscount Boling
broke, was sent incognito to the court of VersaiUes,
and was accompanied in his mission by Gualtfer
and Prior, the original agents of the clandestine
intercourse. The secretary accomplished the ob
jects of his mission with great address; and, as
Louis dreaded even the remotest chance of a new
revolution of parties in England, he consented to
compromise the disputed points. He agreed that
Sicily should be ceded to the duke of Savoy, and
i8

1712.. 213
Bolingbroke acquiesced in the restoration of the
elector of Bavaria. The time and mode fbr tbe
renunciation of the crowns of France and Spain
were also settled ; several minor points mutually
adjusted ; and the suspension of arms between tbe
two kingdoms prolonged for four months.
After a stay of only a few days, Bolingbroke
returned, exulting that his mission had removed
the mutual embarrassments of the two governments.
Prior remained at Paris, as charge d'affaires, and
being soon after joined by the duke of Shrewsbury,
in the quaUty of ambassador, the most sanguine
hopes were entertained, that through their inter
vention, the negotiation would be brought to a
successful issue.
The formal secession of England from the grand
alliance, damped the spirit, and dissolved the union
of the confederates. The surrender of Quesnoy,
which took place on the very day of Ormond's
retreat, was the last triumph of this hitherto
glorious contest ; for although Eugene was still at
the head of an army not inferior to the enemy,
the example of defection spread distrust and alarm.
With mingled sentiments of desperation and cha-
grin, he hastened to invest Landrecies, and seems
to have forgotten his usual caution, by not calcu
lating on the reinforcements which his antagonist
was enabled to draw from the garrisons now
relieved from danger, by the declaration of the
armistice. With this accession of strength, VUlars conducted
bis moyements with consummate skUl, and over-.
p 3

214 CHAPTER 109.
whelmed the allied forces. He surprised a corps
of 8000 men, under the earl of Albemarle, en
camped at Denain, for the purpose of facUitatihg
the passage of convoys to the besieging army before
Landrecies. Having forced their intrenchments,
he killed, captured, or dispersed seventeen bat
talions ; and among the prisoners were, besides the
earl of Albemarle, four lieutenant-generals, five
colonels, and no less than 300 other officers. He
seized also a great quantity of ammunition and
provisions, and made a considerable booty. What
rendered this defeat more unfortunate and dis
graceful was, that it was witnessed by Eugene
himself, who advancing rapidly on the other side
of the Scheld, to the relief of Albemarle, was
prevented from passing, by the destruction of the
bridge communicating with Denain.
In consequence of this disaster, the siege was
raised, and the french marshal continued, with
little interruption, his career of success. Having
recovered the small posts of Mortaigne, St. Araand,
and Marchiennes, he invested Douay ; and, after
a fruitless attempt of Eugene to reUeve it, reduced
him to the mortification of witnessing its surrender.
Quesnoy shared the same fate ; and this disastrous
campaign, which was expected to have been dis
tinguished by the invasion of France, and the
signature of peace under the waUs of Paris, was
fataUy closed on the 10th of October, by the loss
of Bouchain ; the last great conquest which had
sweUed the triumphs of the hero of Blenheim.
The only compensation for these losses in the

1712. 215
Netherla,nds, . was the petty capture of fort
Knoque.' *
It is needless to detail the military operations in
the other parts of the theatre of war ; because the
defection of England rendered all the exertions of
the confederates equally languid and useless.
On the Rhine and in Italy, the allied forces
awaited in suspense the result pf the campaign in
Flanders, and the progress of the pending negoti-
ationsi In Germany, the operations of the impe
rial general, the duke of Wirtemberg, terminated
in a fruitless attempt to force the lines of Weissem-
burg ; his antagonist, marshal d' Harcourt,' satisfied
with the repulse, made no offensive movement,
and, in the ^ month of November, the two armies
retired into winter quarters.
On the side of Italy, notwithstanding the early
efforts of the germans to give effect to the oper
ations of the campaign, by the capture of Porto-
Ercole, their success was followed by no important
consequences. The duke of Savoy was lured by
, the secret offer of England, to secure to him the
possession of Sicily ; and, though he declined ac
ceding to the armistice when it was first proposed,
he observed a cautious line of conduct, and re
mained on the defensive. Marshal Berwick, on
the other hand, was too prudent to disturb the pa
cific disposition of a prince, who was evidently
wavering between his interest and love of glory.
At the close of the campaign, Victor Amadeus
* Accounts in the Gazettes; — Vie du Prince Eugene; — Memoures
de Villars ; — Narratives of the campaign in the History of Europe; —
Boyer's Reigri of Queen Anne; — Brodrick; &c. &c.
P 4

216 CHAPTER 109.
recaUed' his troops into Piemont ; and, relying oa
the kind intentions of the queen in his favour, ac-i
cepted the armistice, and thus terminated * shis
co-operation with the court of Vienna. • •
In. the peninsula the same causes produced the
same effects. At the ratification of the general
armistice, the remnant of the english troops em
barked at Barcelona, amidst the murmurs and exe
crations of the Catalans ; and count Staremberg,
deprived of his brave auxiliaries, passed the cam
paign in the unsuccessful siege of Gerona, which
was protracted to the unusual term of nine months.
Philip, conscious that he should reap more advan
tage from the negotiations, than from active hos-
tiUties, waited in confident security the termin
ation of that treaty, which was to preserve to him
Spain and the Indies, without farther effusion of
blood, t On the side of Portugal, the campaign
was equally abortive, as the king was preparing
to accede tp the suspension of arms.
Marlborough viewed with an anxious eye the
disastrous events of the war, and the no less fatal
tendency of the public negotiations at Utrecht, as
well as of the clandestine intercourse with that
enemy, whofti it had been the great object of his
military career to reduce. The, gloom of these
forebodings was increased by a melancholy event,
the death of lord Godolphin, which deeply affected
hM feelings, and, revived, in his memory the splen
did acllievements of that glorious administration,
in which he and his coUeague had taken so promi-
= Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, ftnno 17f2;— Targe, torn. vL chap.S.
t St. Philippe ;— Memoirs of the Kings' of S^Sin, thap.^l .

1712. 217
neiit a share, associates in glory, and now com
panions in disgrace.
This great and upright statesman, after a long
and excruciating illness, terminated his days in the
house of the duke at St. Alban's, giving a memo
rable example of disinterestedness and integrity in
office, which shone clearer after the ordeal of per
secution and vengeance he had undergone. ¦
By an indorsement on the queen's letter of dis
mission, the duchess observes, that what he left
behind him scarcely sufficed for the expences of
his funeral; and records as a singular circumstance,
Xfw^ti several government and other securities were
¦found by his executors to the amount of about
.^14j000, which belonged to her and some other
friends and dependants, whose money he kindly
put out to interest. * The title and scanty fortune
of the veteran statesman devolved on his son
Francis, who had given a new lustre to his house
by his marriage vrith Henrietta, eldest daughter of
the duke of Marlborough.
This melancholy event tended to confirm Marl
borough in the resolution he had fbrmed, of
• " Had not his elder brother happened to die, he had been in very
low circumstances after having been in several reigns more than twenty
• years, though he was a man that never made any great expences, for
he won at.plajy, and mortally hated all kinds of show and grandeur, but
he was very charjtable, and generous; and though he had lived so long
siti^iiad great employments when he died, he had not in the world but
-about fouteen thousand pounds in tallies, of which sum seven was mine,
three Mrs.Rundue's, .a thousand Mrs. Curtis's, a woman that looked
after my two elder children, and many other small sums that he took of
¦ helpless people -who thought themselves safe in his hands; and when all
his debts were paid there could hardly be enough to bury him."
Indorsement, of th^ (iuchess to tilts, letter written by the queen when
she dismissed jord Godolphin. ¦¦¦ ...¦¦- .

218 CHAPTER 109.
retiring from his ungrateful country, which he
had only suspended from his unwUlingness to quit
a friend, who was labouring under the severest
sufferings of bodUy illness. Many circumstances,
indeed, concurred in inducing him to tear himself
from his family and connections, at the advanced
age of sixty-two, when he began to feel the in
creasing infirmities incident to the decline of life.
His strenuous opposition to the measures of go
vernment, and particularly to the terms of the
projected treaty, could not fail to increase the ani
mosity of the queen, and draw on him the ven
geance of an offended party. He was aware that
he would not be suffered to enjoy that tranquUbty
which his age and infirmities rendered necessary.
He was convinced that a house of commons, a mi
nistry, and a sovereign, who had already construed
his former services into crimes, would pursue him
with additional acrimony, and be contented with
nothing less than his ruin. He, therefore, could
no longer hesitate on securing that asylum abroad,
which was denied to him in his native land.
Many idle conjectures have been advanced, and
many ridiculous stories propagated, relative to the
causes and circumstances of his voluntary exUe.
Instead, however, of entering into a frivolous and
unsatisfactory inquiry, on the subject, we shall
briefly relate those facts which we have traced
from indisputable documents.
If during the session of parliament, when the
ministry were scarcely established in their employ
ments, neither a sense of national gratitude, nor a
consciousness of their own dignity, could screen

1712. 219
Marlborough from malicious invectives and personal
insults, even in the house of peers ; we may judge
of the torrent of obloquy to which he was exposed,
at the close of the session, when a triumphant ma
jority had borne the government through every diffi
culty, and silenced all opposition. Every agent of
political intrigue was then employed ; every ma
lignant passion roused ; every mercenary underling
of the press encouraged, by the largesses and
example of Oxford and Bolingbroke to throw odium
on the general and statesman who had saved the
country. Every previous act of his life was brought
in review, and perverted to his dishonour ; the
irregularities of his early youth in the corrupt
court of Charles the second, were blazoned in the
most hateful colours ; the scurrUous pen which
produced the New Atalantis, was stimulated and
rewarded ; even his domestic retirement was vio
lated ; and the harmless enjoyments of social life,
as well as the attentions of friendship and intimacy,
were construed into poUtical intrigues, or stigma
tised as crimes. The annals and periodical papers
of the times abound with narratives and satirical
aUusions, which it would now be indecorous even
to repeat, and which cannot be perused without
horror and disgust.
While these misrepresentations were producing
their effect,^ the ministry were not idle in pushing
those prosecutions, which had been instituted
against him in his public capacity. The first of
these was, the suit for the recovery of ^15,000
a year derived from the contribution of 2|^ per
cent., which was brought forward in the court of
Queen's bench. The manner in which this pro-

220 CHAPTER 109.
cess was conducted, evidently proved that his plea
of justification would be disallowed, and that. he
could not expect that equity to which the meanest
of his fellow-subjects was entitled.
The other suit was still more galling to his feel
ings, stUl more unjust in itself, and still more dis
honourable to the nation.
We have already perceived from the letters^
which passed between Marlborough and Oxford;
that four commissioners had been appointed to-
examine the accounts relative to the building of
Blenheim; but notwithstanding the promises of
the treasurer to obtain warrants from the queen,
and to expedite the completion of the structure,
considerable arrears were due to the workmen, and
large sums were claimed, by those who had ad
vanced loans for the same purpose, amounting in
the whole to ^30,000.
Although both the duke and duchess of Marl
borough refused to pay the workmen, or guaranty
the loans, and justly considered it as the concern
of government, in conformity with the promise of
the queen, formaUy recorded in the acts of parlia
ment ; yet no money was issued, excepting a small
advance in I7II, barely adequate to the expence
of covering in the works. The budding was ac
cordingly suspended, and the workmen and other
creditors were encouraged to sue the duke for the
liquidation of their claims. This suit was another
instance of unrelenting persecution, as well as a
forfeiture of national honour ; but there was little
doubt that, if brought into the exchequer, it would
be decided against him.

1712. 221
Having therefore the design of withdrawing from
England, he applied to the treasurer, through the
medium of Mr. Maynwaring. * Oxford received
this application with a degree of attention, which
marks his gratitude for past favours, and a due
sense of the consideration to which the duke of
Marlborough was entitled. On this occasion, we
find two of his letters which plainly prove that, he
obtained the passport, notwithstanding consi-
(derable opposition from someothermembers of the
cabinet. " October 30. — Sir ; I received the favour of
yours, and wUl be ready to meet the gentleman
any time he thinks good ; but I believe it will be
difficult to do it this week ; any day the next he
will. please to appoint. I beg you will make my
compliments. I am, with great truth. Sir, your
most humble and obedient servant. Oxford."
" October 31. — Sir ; I desire you will,, with
my most humble service, assure our friend, ^that
there have been endeavours from both sides to ob-
'struct granting the pass desired, yet I shall have
.the honour to put it into his hands. I did not think
it worth while to trouble you with the obstruction
one meets with; for when I undertook it, I was
resolved not to be deterred from finishing it. I am,
with great sincerity," &c.
We shall not attempt to detail any farther , cir
cumstances of this mysterious transaction, which
; .% This was tlie last act of devotion and friendship which Maynwaring
, was enabled to manifest towards his noble patron ; for, soon afterwards,
' he fell a victim to a fluxion caused by walking late in the gardens of St .
Alban's, where he was on a visit to the duchess.

222 CHAPTER 109.
we have no clue to unravel, but merely observe,
that it received the entire approbation of the
queen : for, in a conversation with the duchess of
Hamilton, she said, " The duke of Marlborough
has acted wisely in going abroad." *
The terms of the passport have given rise to no
less variety of conjectures than the mode in which
it was obtained. Some have confidently asserted,
that the residence of the duke was limited to a cer
tain place or places ; others, that he was furnished
with a general letter of recommendation from the
queen. To these idle suppositions, the contents
of the instrument itself will be the best answer.
The pass permits his grace the duke of Marl
borough to go into foreign parts, whithersoever he
may think fit, together with his suite, and recom
mends him to the good offices of all kings, princes,
republics, and her majesty's aUies, as well as to
commanders, &c. her own subjects ; allows to go
freely and commodiously wherever his need re
quires ; and states that such good offices shall be
acknowledged and returned, when opportunity
serves. Dated Windsor Castie, 30th October, 1712,
and countersigned Bolingbroke. t
His retinue, as enumerated in the pass, consisted
of two gentlemen ; three valets de charabre ; one
* Lord Cowper's Diary.
f Bolingbroke having, as secretary of state, officially signed the pass,
some writers have erroneously stated that it was obtained through his
influence. The letter of Oxford sufficiently contradicts this assertion ;
and the secretary, as the author of the Life of Maynwaring observes,
vol. iii. was one of the persons who opposed the grant of it.

1712. 223
cook ; three footmen ; coachman ; postillion ;
helper ; two grooms.
With this permission, the duke was preparing
for his departure, when a melancholy catastrophe
occurred, which afforded his enemies a new subject
for calumny.
The duke of Hamilton, who had been appointed
ambassador to France, and was in high favour with
the queen and ministry, had been engaged in a
private quarrel with lord Mohun. The conse
quence was a duel, in which the latter was kUled
on the spot, and his antagonist soon afterwards
expired. As this peer had taken so prominent a part in
the recent quarrel with lord Poulett, and as general
Macartney, his second, was a devoted partisan of
Marlborough, it was represented as political, and
malignantly attributed to the instigation of the dis
graced commander, who was accused by the Exa
miner of setting the example of party duels, and
making lord Mohun the bully of his faction.
Marlborough was now more anxious to hasten
his departure from a country, where he was ex
posed to such cruel detraction.

224 CHAPTER 110.

CHAPTER 110.
1712—1713.
Arrival of Marlborough at Ostend. — Progress througfi
Antwerp and Maestricht, to Aix-la-Chapelle. — His dis
tinguished reception hy persons of all ranks. — Temporary
stay at Aix-la-Chapelle. — Joined by the duchess at
Maestricht. — Residence at Frankfort on the Mayne.
— Visit to Mindelheim. — Assailed by new charges from
the commissioners qf accounts. — His vindication. — Con
tinuation qf the negotiations with France. — Remarks on
the peace qf Utrecht. — Removal qf Marlborough to
Antwerp. — Campaign on the Rhine. — Reverses qf the
imperial arms. — Negotiations at Radstadt between France,
the emperor, and the empire. — Terms qf pacification. —
The emperor notifies to Marlborough the restoration qf
Mindelheim to the elector qf Bavaria, and confirms him in
the title of prince qfthe Roman empire. — Claims qf Marl
borough for an indemnification. — Letters qf prince Eugene.
— No indemnification granted.
JJEFORE his departure, the duke of Marlborough
vested his estates in the hands of his sons in law,
as trustees. He also consigned a& 50,000 to the
care of his friend Cadogan, to be lodged in the
dutch funds, in order to supply theiji, as the duchess
observes, with the means of subsistence, should
the Stuart line be restored.
After taking an affectionate leave of his family
and wife, who continued in England to settle his

1712—1713, 225
affairs, he repaired tp Dover, where he arrived on
the 24th of November. The wind being contrary,
he remained at the neighbouring seat of his friend.
Sir Henry Furnese, tiU the .Sunday foUowing, the
28th, when he embarked in the North Briton
packet, as a private passenger, without receiving
any other honour than the voluntary salute of the
captain of the vessel. But this neglect of his
cotintry was amply compensated by the cordial
reception which he experienced on reaching the
continent. At his entrance into the harbour of Ostend, a
salute of artillery from the town, forts,, and shipping,
welcomed his arrival. The garrison was under
arms ; and he was conducted by the governor and
general Cadogan, through a vast concourse of
people, to the house of captain Brown, where he
was sumptuously entertained, and at the same
time gratified with an account of the captbre of
fort Knoque ; a success which, however trifling,
awakened his patriotic feelings. On the following
morning he departed under a triple discharge of
artiUery ; and, on approaching Antwerp, was met
without the walls by the governor, the marquis of
Terracina, whom he recognised with pleasure, as
having delivered up the citadel, and joined the
cause of the allies, after the splendid day of,
Ramilies. In the name of his imperial master,
the marquis offered his noble guest all the honours
usually paid to sovereigns, which the duke declined;
but could not prevent the discharge of the artil
lery, or suppress the acclamations of the peopfe,
on beholding the great general whp had delivered
VPL. VI. Q

226 CHAPTER 110.
them from the yoke of France. Aftef accepting
a coUation, he proceeded towards Mitestricht,
hoping to pass unheeded, by deviating into tbe
most private roads; but all his endeavours to
seclude himself from observation were unaA ailing ;
for parties of horse paraded the country between
Antwerp and Maestricht, to offer their attendance;
and, on entering the town, at seven in the evening,
he found the whole garrison drawn up under arms,
from the gate to the house of the governor. Here
he alighted amidst repeated salutations from the
bulwarks; a guard of honour distinguished his
residence ; and, on the ensuing morning, he was
compliinented by the magistrates, ih a full body,
and with as great tokens of respect as if he still
retained the command of the confederate army.
Nor were less honours paid to him on his departure
from the territories of the States General ; for, on
his journey to Aix-la-Chapelle, persons of all ranks
and nations flocked to hail the preserver of the
empire, bestowing their blessibgs on him as their
great deliverer. They were struck with his noble
demeanour, and testified their admiration, by de
claring that his looks, his air, and his address, were
no less conquering than his sword. Many mingled
exclamations of pity with their cheering huzzas;
many burst into tears, exclaiming that they deemed
it a greater honour to be born in Lapland than in
England, and that no nation ever fell so un
accountably from such a height of glory and esteem,
into such contempt and degradation. " In a word,"
to usa the animated expressions of his earliest
bi6gra|)her, " all ages and sexes both adored and

1712—1713. 227
bewailed him, whilst the duke himself shewed that
the greatness of his sufferings was only to be sur
mounted by the greatness of his courage, and went
through the town of Aix-la-Chapelle to the house
that was prepared for his reception, in such a
manner, as if he bore at heart the pressure of other
people's misfortunes, not the remembrance of his
own. The next day his levee was crowded by all
persons of rank and distinction in the town, who,
though of different interests and nations, were
unanimous in their respect for his great merits.
In particular, the duke de Lesdiguieres, speaking
of him at his return, observed to the abbot de
Guilestre, ' I can now say that I have seen the
man, who is equal to the marshal de Turenne
in conduct, to the prince of Conde in courage,
and superior to the marshal de Luxembourg in
success.' " *
Arriving at Aix-la-ChapeUe, he seems to have
been disappointed by a delay in the departure of
the duchess from England ; and expre'sses his
regret in an affectionate letter, dated Jan. 18.
" I writ to you by the last post, to inform you
that the port of Ostend is never shut by the frost,
and that of the BrUl very rarely; but, by the
printed papers, I see you have no thoughts of
leaving England till the middle of this month, old
style ; so that I am afraid this may still find you
at London, which I am sorry for. For besides the
impatience I am in of having you with me, this
frosty weather makes the sea calm, and the roads
• Life of Marlborough, p. 173.
Q 2

228 CHAFPER 110.
as good as in summer ; so that I could have .wished
we might have got to Frankfort before the thavj'^,
of which I now despair. But you may be sure
that when I have the happiness of your company,
?nothing shaU be neglected to make your journey
easy." He continued some time incognito at Aix'Tia-
Chapelle, where he was peculiarly careful in with
drawing, as much as possible, from public observ
ation, and in giving no cause for that jealousy,
with which his numerous enemies watched his
conduct. In this situation he received the con
dolence and friendly counsel of Eugene, whose
affection was superior to any change of circum
stances, notwithstanding his imperial master cau
tiously abstained from any direct communication
with the noble exile.
" Vienna, Jan. 25. — Sir ; I received only four
days ago the letter your highness did me the
honour to write to me the 17th of December, by
the baron de Fessel. I wished much to take leave
of you before my departure from Holland ; but I
was in a state of anxiety till I was apprised that
you were on this side of the water, knowing the
people with whom you have to deal. I did not
fail to shew your letter to his imperial majesty,
when I gave him that which you addressed to him.
He does not reply to it for want of a safe convey
ance ; but he has ordered me to assure yob of his
esteem and friendship, and to say, that hewiU-lpSe
no opportunity to give you proofs of them. He
begs you to communicate the same thing to the
person who has written to him, and the reasons
i8 -

1712—1713. 229
why he does not answer. I think your highness
will do well to remain as long as possible at Aix-
larChapelle, without causing suspicion ; for I know
you are watched. Nothing can be more just than
the thoughts of your highness, touching affairs in
general, and those of England in particular. You
know his imperial majesty alone has held firm
hitherto, making 'every possible effort, and having
even persuaded the empire to do the same ;
but this cannot last ; and if the dutch and the
other allies, through fear or bad government,
will ruin themselves, and Europe with them, it
cannot be prevented. They will be the first.
What I can assure your highness is, that his
imperial majesty will forget nothing that depends
on him, to remedy the bad state of affairs, if oppor
tunity offers, although the conduct of the allies
gives him cause to fear embarking himself with
them. " He commands me to make this known to
your highness, that you may have no cause of fear
relative to your letter."
After lingering some time at Aix-la-Chapelle, in
constant expectation of his wife's arrival, he quitted
that city, from a suspicion of a conspiracy to seize
his person*, and returned to Maestricht, from
whence he thus affectionately writes : —
To the Duchess.
" Maestricht, Feb. 5, — If you have observed by
my letters that I thought you would have left
England sooneir than you have beeh able to do, I
, * Boyej^s Political State.
a 3

230 CHAPTER 110.
hope you will be so kind and just to me, to impute
it to the great desire I had of having the satisfac
tion of your company. For I am extremely sen
sible of the obligation I have to you, for the
resolution you have taken of leaving your friends
and country for my sake. I am very sure, if there
be any thing in my power that may make it easy
to you, I should do it with all imaginable pleasure.
In this place you will have little conveniences j so
that we must get to Frankfort as soon as we can.
I wish we may be better there ; but I fear you
will not be easy till we get to some place, where
we may settle for some time ; so that we may be
in a method, and orderly way of living ; and if
you are then contented, I shall have nothing to
trouble me.
" When you go to Brussels, I desire you would
give yourself the trouble of going to see the hang
ings at M. de Vost's ; you may do it in half an
hour, whilst they get the dinner ready. Cadogan
has promised to send me an express, as soon as
you land, by which you may give me the pleasure
of two lines. I am ever yours. M."
He had soon the satisfaction of being joined by
his partner in exile ; and, after a short stay, con
veyed her to Frankfort on the Maine, where he
resided several months. In May he made an ex
cursion to his principality of Mindelheim, where
he was received by the inhabitants with the
honours due to him as sbVereign, and as a "prince
of the holy empire.
On his return, he had tiie mortification to re
ceive intelligence from England, that the commis-

1712—1713. 231
sioners appointed by the commons to examine and
state the debts due to the army, had reported some
farther charges against him. . They had accused
him of " directing the deputy commissary to
muster the troops as complete, when defective, for
which he receiAcd a pistole per troop, and ten
shillings per company, as a gratuity or perquisite
on every muster irom the subject-troops ; although
he never mustered the foreigners, except some
corps, without having any treaty or establishment
for his guide." *
Without a moratmt's delay, he drew up a manly
refutation of these malicious charges, and sent it
to one of the peers t, for the purpose of being
submitted to the upper house. At the same time,
he transmitted a duplicate to Mr. Craggs, to be
laid before the commons.
" My lord ; Frankfort, June 2.
" I was extremely surprised to find myself
charged with mismanagement of the public money
in the report pf the c(>mmissioners of accounts, on
pretence of the subject-troops having been mus
tered complete during the war, and the foreignera
not being mustered a1 aU. It' is easy to misre
present the best things, and give the greatest false
hoods an air of truth, by suppressing of circum
stances ; by relating fai;ts by halves; by repprtipg
only parts of answ^s ; by confounding of times,
and drawing condusipns frp^a innuendos and sup
positions, which I shiiU dempnsti'ate to be the
* Boyer's Queen Anne, p. 630; — Journals.
f This letter' is without address, but was probably written to the
Jord treasurer Oxfbrd.
•Q 4

232 CHAPTER 110.
manner I am treated on this occasion, I am
charged first with the want of authority for passing
the troops complete ; and it is insinuated, in the
next place, that the doing it was a detriment and
prejudice to the public. As to the want of autho
rity, this objection is, in fact, false ; for the late
high treasurer, lord Godolphin, and myself, were
empowered by parliament to take off respites, to
pass musters complete, and to act as we should find
most for her majesty's service in those matters; as
appears by a clause in an act of parliament, passed
in the year 1702 or 1703, of which Mr. Cardonel
can give an exact and particular account : and I
appeal to the testimony of my lord Bolingbroke,
who was then secretary of war, for a confinnation
of what I allege in this affair. As to the pre
tending it has increased the public expence, the
contrary is so manifestly known, that had the
commissioners examined any one officer of the
army on that point, or taken the trouble to com
pute how little the non-effective money amounted
to, and how much the recruits cost, it would have
appeared as plain as a mathematical demonstration,
that very great suras had been saved to the public
by this way of recruiting. I am certain no officer
will refuse to attest on oath, that this fund was
seldom or ever sufficient to" complete their com
panies ; and I appeal to all those who sit in the
house, whether my obUging the captains to recruit
out of the non-effective money, was not com
plained of as a hardship on them, since they were
very often forced to apply part of their personal
pay to complete then companies ; for'whic'h reason*

1712—1713. 233
frequent applications were made tp me by all the
general officers of the foot, to obtain some con
sideration for the captains, on account of this
extraordinary expence. I, however, always with
stood it, to prevent increasing the charge of the
army in Flanders, which would hav<e been the un
avoidable consequence of giving any thing like
recruit-money by parliament. That the public has
gained very considerably by the method I put this
matter in, is a truth, not only proved by facts, and
witnessed by all the officers in the army, but of a
nature, that it carries self-evidence along with it ;
for upon reckoning the recruits to cost four or five
pounds a man, and the vacancy from whence that
sum is to arise at sixpence a day, and considering
the regiments came complete into the field, and
that several of the men died, and were killed at
the latter end of the campaign, it wUl appear that
the fund of non-effective money was not sufficient
for the recruiting, and the captains, consequently,
under a necessity of supplying what was wanting
out of their personal pay ; for a particular state of
which, I refer to any one colonel it may be thought
fit to examine. As for any directions 'that might
have been given Mr. Marshal, the deputy com
missary, concerning the musters, I am certain they
are exactly conformable to the power vested in me
for that end by parliament, which may be verified
by Mr. Cardonel's book of entries. Concerning
their second charge, of the foreigners not being
mustered, it is as groundless as if they had said
those troops bad never been in the field, or ever
existed but irf imagination. Since the commissary

CHAPTER 110.
Marshal, who mustered them, is at London, and
the rolls by which they were paid, are in the com
missary general's office ; besides that, the musters
were usually made in the presence of the rest pf
the army, so I think it is unnecessary to say any
thing more to disprove this fact, however positively
asserted. I shall only take notice that these
foreign troops were in the joint pay of England
and Holland, and always reviewed at the begin
ning of the campaign, by the dutch deputies and
myself; and as the States paid half those troops, it
is a contradiction to imagine, that out of com
plaisance to any body, they would have passed
them complete, had they not been really so. For
the insinuation of two and a half per cent, being
given for not mustering the said troops, it is not
only a reflection on me, as malicious as 'tis false,
but is likewise so on all those kings and princes
who furnished these troops, since they conse
quently must be thought parties in this supppsed
fraud. As for the allowing the strangers their
extraordinaries, according to M. Slingelandt's cer
tificates, it was done on account of the very great
exactness 'and severity the States General pro
ceeded Avith in these matters ; they requiring all
officers concerned in them to take oaths that, ^y
the strictness of the treaties, they were not obliged
to. By this means, we had the beneEt of their
extraordinary .good husbandry, without drawing on
clamour or any application to her majesty, J^rpm
the princes to whom those troops belonged ; not
withstanding which, I always appointed Mr. Car
donel, or some other person duly qujalified, to

1712—1713. 235
make the necessary enquiries into these things ;
and upon their report, and my own observation,
found a better method could not be established
than following the example of the States, for
which, M. Slingelandt's certificates were the best
guide. Though I have a great deal more to offer
on this subject; yet I think what I have already
said, is not only sufficient to clear me from the
aspersions the commissioners have vouchsafed in
their great goodness to throw on me, but also to
be thought, by all impartial persons, to have
deserved thanks, instead of the return I meet with.
As these representations have been laid before
both houses, it is necessary my justification should
be so too. I must, therefore, desire you to take a
proper occasion of satisfying their lordships how
groundless these reflections are. I am too much
persuaded of their justice to doubt of their doing
me aU the right I can desire. I am ever yours.
" Marlborough."
This able reply sUenced the charges of the com
missioners ; and, from this time, the public were
no longer deluded and insulted by their malicious
and ungrounded accusations.
The private griefs of our illustrious exile, were,
however, soon absorbed in his public regrets for
the dishonour of England, which was consummated
in the peace of Utrecht. Notwithstanding the
boasted embassy of Bolingbroke, and the sanguine
expe'ctations which were entertained, that the
differences between the two crowns were finally
adjusted, new sources of controversy arose, from
the chicanes of the french cabinet, which Swift

^36 CHAPTER 110.
softly denominates refined mistakes in their policy.
The cession of SicUy to the duke of Savoy, though
conceded by Louis, was now strenuously resisted.
The commercial arrangements, promised in favour
of England, were retracted, and the french minis
try had even the effrontery to require, that if
HoUand would not accept the proffered conditions
of peace, England should join France in extort^-
ing their consent by force of arms.
It was now that the new ministers recognised
the errors which they had blindly committed, and
felt the heavy responsibility they had wantonly
incurred. The shameful tergiversation of the
french cabinet extorted a reluctant reproach of ill
faith from Bolingbroke; and, with a mixture of
vexation and irony, he denounced to Torcy the
mischief his sovereign was drawing on himself, by
his delusion of those who had confided in his
integrity. To Prior he observes, " I have exhausted all
my stock of argument, in the long letter which,
by the queen's order, I wrote to the duke of
Shrewsbury. To you I shall only add, that we
stand indeed on the brink of a precipice ; but the
french stand there too. Pray tell M. de Torcy
from me, that, he may get Robin and Harry
hanged*, but affairs will soon run back into so
much confusion, that he wUl wish us alive again.
To speak seriously, unless the queen can talk of
her interest as determined with France, and unless
your court wiU keep our aUies in the wrong,, as
» Meaning himself and lord Oxford.

1712—1713- 237
they are sufficiently at this time, I foresee inex
tricable difficulties." He concludes with observ
ing, " M. de Torcy has a confidence in you.
Make use of it once for all on this occasion, and
convince him thoroughly, that we must give a
different turn to pur parliament and people, accord
ing to their resolution at this crisis." *
The queen was even under the necessity of aid
ing the private instances pf her ministers, by an
official threat of the resumption of hostilities ; for
the duke of Shrewsbury was at the same time
charged to declare, " that she had farther pro-
-rpgued her parliament to the third of March, in
hopes to assure them by that time of her peace
beihg agreed on ; for should the two houses meet
while any uncertainty remained, supplies must be
asked as for a war."t
Louis at length found that he had pushed the ser
vility of his friends to the utmost, and, therefore,
announced his tardy acquiescence in the terms,
which he had so long and repeatedly expressed his
readiness to accept. The british plenipotentiaries
were accordingly authorised to sign a separate
treaty pf peace; and the dutch, the duke of Savoy,
and the kings of Prussia and Portugal were, by
lures, promises, and threats, induced to follow
the example. The emperor, however, with more
spirit than prudence, indignantly refused to submit
to the dictation either of his friends or enemies ; and
* January 19. 1712-1713; — Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol. iii.
p. 298.' '
f Swift's Four last Years of Queen Anne ; — WorLs, vol. xvii. p. 335,

238 CHAPTER 110.
being supported by the princes of the empire, pre
pared for the prosecution of the war.
We shall not sully our pages with a more spe
cific account of the negotiation, or the terms » of
that treaty, which one of our great statesmen
justly calls the indelible reproach of the * age,
Suffice it to observe, that all the articles of the
grand aUiance, which related to the security of
Europe, or the welfare of England, the great
objects of this just and succes.sful war, were either
violated or abandoned. A prince of the house of
Bourbon was suffered to retain Spain and the
Indies ; Sicily was separated from the kingdom of
Naples, and granted to the duke of Savoy, as an
indemnity, though insufficient, for his services.
The barrier yielded to the dutch was, by successive
curtailments, rendered little better than an empty
name, and held oii a tenure calculated to keep up
a perpetual irritation with the house of Austria,
Bethune, Aire, St. Venant, and, above aU, Lisle,
the most important point on the frontier, the key
of Flanders, and the conquest on which Marl
borough most prided himself, were restored to
France. The measures adopted to prevent the
union of the two monarchies, under the same
sovereign, would have proved as futile as they
were represented by the french themselves, had
the expected death of the puny heir opened a way
for tiie pretensions of PhUip to the. french crown.
To England no real security was given for the
preservation of internal peace and tranquillity;
* Mr. Piit's dispatch lo Sir Benjamin Keene; — Memoirs of the Kiiigs-
oif Sjiaiii, diap. 57.

1712—1718. 239
the title of the queen was, indeed, acknowledged;
and the succession in the protestant line sanctioned
in "Words ; but the pretender was suffered to remain
in Loraine, to the continual agitation of the public
mind, and with an evident view of taking the first
opportunity to vindicate his claims to the thrOne,>
under the auspices of France.
Finally, the important branch of commerce with
Spain, and the arrangement relative to the West
Indies and America, were left on so uncertain and
equivocal foundation, as to occasion perpetual dis
putes, and ultimately provoke subsequent wars.
The dutch, irritated by the shameful desertion of
their cause, and the sacrifice of their future safety,
conceived an aversion to England, which the
accession of a nevv^ dynasty, and the interval of a
century could scarcely obliterate.
Above all, the house of Austria, the only power
then capable of balancing France, and the natural
ally of England, was treated with still more neglect
and indignity. Besides the loss of Spain, the
Indies, and SicUy, which had long been identified
with Naples, the Netherlands were granted on a
tenure, which rendered the sovereignty almost
nominal ; and the emperor Charles was compelled to
expose, to the indignation of a Bourbon prince,
those brave and faithful Catalans, whose fidelity
and sufferings endeared them to his heart, and
whose zeal and services merited from England a
better fate.
We might fill pages with reflections on the dis
honour and infamy of this inglorious peace, which
may be regarded as the principal cause of the.

240 CHAPTER 110.
miseries that for more than a century have prevailed
in Europe ; but we shall curtail our remarks With
the energetic expression of bishop Fleetwood, in
the celebrated preface to his sermons, " our enemies
wUl tell the rest with pleasure."
On the 9th of April, when parliament' re
assembled, the queen communicated to both houses
the satisfactory information, that the treaty of
peace was signed, and the ratifications would be
speedily exchanged. She then dwelt with parti
cular emphasis on her success, in securing the
protestant succession, and added, " the perfect
friendship between me and the house of Hanover,
may convince such who wish well to both, and
desire the quiet and safety of their country, how
vain all attempts are to divide us ! and those who
would make a merit, by separating our interests,
wUl never attain their ill ends."
The customary motion being made by the duke
of Beaufort, for an address of thanks and con
gratulation to her majesty, upon the success of her
measures for a general peace, an attempt of the
opposition to exclude the word ' general' was
rejected ; as was likewise the insertion of a clause,
that her majesty- would be pleased to lay before
the house the treaties of peace and commerce.
On the same day, the commons also unanimously
voted an address of thanks, and negatived a motion
for the communication of the treaties. Hence it
was justly remarked, that the two houses concurred
in addresses of thanks and congratulation, before
they knew the specific conditions which they thus
prematurely approved.

1712—1713. 241
On the 5th of May, the peace was announced
hy proclamation, amidst the shouts of the populace,
mingled with the murmurs of all true patriots.
The commons, hpwever, evinced in one instance
a recovered sense of their dignity, when the treaties
of peace and commerce were communicated to
parliament. Strong objections were advanced against the 8th
and 9th articles of the treaty of commerce, as
highly favourable to, the trade of France, and
equally detrimental to that of England. The
opposition was even headed by the speaker, Sir
Thomas Hanmer, who had hitherto supported all
the measures of government ; and the able speech
which he made on this occasion, caused the re
jection of the bill for confirming the articles, by a
majority of 194 against .185. *
A trifling compensation, however, was procured
by the ministry, through a motion from the speaker,
for an address of thanks to the queen, for the
treaties of peace and commerce, which, though
inconsistent with the former resolution, was carried
by a majority of 156 against 72. This was the
only specific proof of approbation, which could be
obtained from the existing parliament ; for the
ministers could not venture to propose a farther
address of congratulation, and all the indirect
attempts of their adherents for that purpose were
eluded and frustrated.
Notwithstanding the declaration made by the
queen, of her anxiety to maintain the protestant suc-
** Journals of the Commons, and Boyer's Queen Anne,, p. 657.
VOL. VI. R

2|^ C]HAPT;pRaio.
cession, suspicions were entertained of her sincerity,
apd th,e ministers were implicated in.the sameimpu-
^atipns. Accordingly on the. SOth of June,, tlip
earl of Wharton moved an address to the queeq,
thatfshe would use her most pressing instanceSr tO
procure the removal of the pretender from Loraine,
and his exclusion from the territories of all princes
and states in amity with her majesty. On this
j unexpected motion, a solemn pause prevailed; but
I being supported by Peterborough and other par
tisans of government, it was carried without; a
division, notwithstanding some objections, which
the treasurer expressed with great earnestness, and
warmth. ! ,
The house appeared surprised at the equivpp^l
answer given by the queen : " I take kindly your
address, and your thanks for what I have done, to
establish the p,rotestant succession. I shall repeat
my instances to have that person removed ; and I
promise myself you will concur with me, that if we
could cure our animosities and divisions at home,-
it would be the most effectual method to secure
the protestant succession."
When the chancellor reported this answer, many
of the peers, however ' favourable to government,
could not suppress their concern ; for even the
duke of Buckingham, lord president of the councU,
frankly observed, that he had never heard of any
instances made to the duke of Loraine, for re
moving the pretender out of his dominions. The
I absence of the two ministers on this critical occasion
did not escape notice ; and it was sarcastically
Observed, that had they been present, they might

1712—1713. 243
have explained the queen's answer. But as they
were then at dinner with the duke of Aumont,
the french ambassador, lord Sunderland proposed
another address, which was seconded by lord
Nottingham, and carried without opposition. After
returning thanks for the reply of the queen to the
preceding address, it expressed their surprise, that
her instances had not been effectual, and concluded
with assurances of supporting her majesty, in a
demand so necessary for her own honour and
safety, and for the present and future peace and
quiet of her people.
The queen giving no answer to this second
address, on the 1st of July, general Stanhope ;
made a similar motion in the house of cpmmons,
in still stronger terms, designating the pretender as
the person who, in defiance of her majesty's most
undoubted title to the crown, and the settlement
in the illustrious house of Hanover, had assumed
the title of king of these realms. To this address
the queen briefly replied, that she thanked them
for it, and would give directions according as they
desired. On the 7th of July, the public thanksgiving for
the peace was celebrated at St. Paul's, attended with
the usual state, exceptthepresence of her majesty,
who, from indisposition, could not assist at the
solemnity. On the l6th of July, the queen prorogued the
parliament in person, to the 8th of August, and it
was on that day dissolved. *
?Journals of the lords and commons; — Chandler's Debates; —
Boyer's History of the Reign of Queen Anne ; — and Political State.
R 2

244 CHAP^EjR. 110,
Mariborough received regulaf, ip^ell|g^pce,,,.pf
these proceedings in England d\i]^ng; his residency
at Frankfprt. Spon after j the pi^orpgatipn of parr
Uament, he removed fo Antwerp,,aiS a n^prcsecur^
asylum during the hostilities in,.the empire. .;q.j,..
His feeling heart always sympathised in the
sprrpwof his friends; and w^e find abetter of con
dolence, written befpre his departure frpm Fraiik-
fort, to his. faithful secretary, Cardonel, on the
loss of his wife. : ,;
" iJuly 24. 1713. -T- 1 would have written ,tp yon
sooner, dear Cardonel,, if I had believed it possible
to say any thing to lessen your grief; but, ,1 think,
of all worldly misfortunes, the losing ,wh^fi.,09^
loves is the greatest, and nothing h"t time.qas'^
ease you. However, I could not deny myself , any
longer the satisfaction of writing, to assure you,
that I shall always be very sorry for any thing that
is a trouble to you, and that I Ipng for the. oppor
tunity of assuring you myself, that I am your
humble servant and faithful friend. , j . ¦ m
" P. S. The duchess of Marlborough dgsjres
n»e to assure you of her true friendship and concern
for you upon all occasions, and she would have
wrote herself, but she thinks this will be the least
troublesome to you," * f
In consequence of the defection of England,, apd
the secession of the other confederates, the emperor
Charles was left to prosecute the war, with , no
other support than the germanic body. The
imperial army, though headed by Eugene;' aud
though more effective and better equipped ,ttian
* Cardonel Papers. ^> ¦>-;

r/l^— ifis!'-'^' ^ 245
ufeual,' could not resistthe superior forces of France,
commanded by Villars *, a general equally enter
prising and skilful, and always fortunate, except
when opposed to the transcendant genius of Marl
borough. The progress of the gallic marshal was
rapid and irresistible ; the imperial troops, after a
trifling opposition, retired before him ; and Eugene
had the rtiortification to witness the surprise bf
Kaiserslaiitern, and the surrender of Landau, one
of the keys" of the eppire. After these disasters,
the imperial lines were forced; and the campaign
closed by the capture of Friburg. The gbri'nab
states being impatient to be delivered from the
horrors of an unsuccessful war, Charles, in con
formity with the prudent advice of Eugene,
entered into a negotiation with France. On the
^6th of November, conferences were opened at
Rastadt, and the two rival generals, mutually
absiibus for peace, made expeditious arrangements
for a pacification, independent of England and the
other allies.
The duke of Marlborough watched the con
ferences at Rastadt with an anxious eye. He wis
conscious that the emperor had sufficient reason to b&
dissatisfied with the faithless defection of the queen,
and was not without alarm, lest he should support
thie cause of the exiled family, and give one of his ,
liieces in marriage to the pretender, according to /
a prevalent rumour, t ' He was, however, speedUy
l ... . . ¦ ;. .*, •¦ ¦
* Voltaire Jjas well depicted the character of this gasconading but
gallant general : " Heureux Villars; fanfaron, plein de coeur!"
j- It is singular that the treasurer, in a conversation with lord Cowpei-,
unjustly accused the duke of Marlborough of being accessary in pro-'
moting this supposed marriage. Lord Cowper's Diary.
R 3 ,

246 CHAPTER 110.
gratified with information from Eugene, <that this
report was whoUy unfounded, and that the emperor
would not interfere in the internal concerns of
England. " Rastadt, March 7. 1714. — I did not write to
your highness sooner, because I was uncertain, in
what manner the present negotiation would ter
minate. At length I have just concluded with
marshal de Villars, such a peace as the situation
of affairs permits. The restoration of the two
electors * was, inevitable.
" I am ordered by the emperor to assure your
highness, that he stUl entertains for you the same
sentiments of regard, and that he will eagerly
seize all opportunities of serving you, should any
change take place in England, as there is too much
reason to expect. His imperial majesty wUl always
readily concur in all the measures, which the good
party in England may desire ; and I can sincerely
assure you, that in the whole of this negotiation,
there is not a single word that regards either the
pretender or England.
" I intreat you to present my humble respects
to the duchess of Marlborough, and to be con
vinced, that wherever I am, you have not a more
sincere friend, on whom you may entirely rely;
being, with great veneration," &c. t
Soon after the signature of the preliminaries, the
conferences were adjourned to Baden, in Switzer
land ; and, before the close of the year, the de-
* Bavaria and Cblogne.
f Translation from the french original.

1712^1713. 247
finitive treaty was signed between France, the
emperor, and the empire. .
The observation of Eugene, that England was
not mentioned in the treaty, was strictly true; and
Charles consulted his dignity, by excluding the
plenipotentiaries of his treacherous ally from' any
share in the conferences. The treaty of Ryswic
was made the basis of the peace. France secured
the possession of Landau, and restored Brisac,
Friburg, and Kehl. Charles retained the Low
Countries, under the condition of ratifying the
barrier treaty ; and, by connivance, all the Spanish
territories in Italy, excepting Sicily, together with
the island of Sardinia. As he still, ' however,
refused to acknowledge the title of Philip to the
crown of Spain, the claims on that monarchy were
left for' future discussion, or to be decided by
future warsw
But the hero who had saved the empire and the
house of Austria from ruin, suffered by the restor
ation of the elector of Bavaria. It was not to be
expected that the british ministry would interpose
in favour of a general, whom they had so cruelly
persecuted; and, thereforcj the principality of
Mindelheim was not excepted from the territories
which were^resumed by the elector.
- Marlborough could not anticipate, without re
gret, the deprivation of a principality, which had
been so honourably conferred upon him by Joseph,
and which yielded a clear revenue of j^ 2000 per
annum. He therefore transmitted, through prince
Eugene, a memorial, claiming from the gratitude
of the emperor, an indemnity for the loss of so
R 4

2^8 CHAPTER 110.
distinguished ( and .valuable a sovereignty. ¦ . Friom
the answer of the prince, we find that the court. of
Vienna retained, at least, the semblance of gratitude
for his eminent services. '
,.i//f Vienna, May ^5, 17 14.-^ As soon as I received
your highness'si, letter, I did not fail to, give the
memorial to his imperial and catholic majesty, who
ordered me to assure you, that he wiU never iforgelj
th,e good services you have rendered him and his
family, and that he will contrive that your highness
shall keep your sitting, and, in case the restitution
of Mindelheim takes place, will indemnify you.
You may be' assured that I will omit nothing which
may be serviceable to you. Of this, the friendship
which has always existed between us may convince
you. May your highness keep me in yours, and
be persuaded of the veneration, &c.
" I beg you to assure the duchess of my profound
respect. I do not yet know when I shall depart
for Baden."
We soon afterwards find a still stronger assurance
from the emperor himself, conveyed through count
Bonneval, to the duchess. - [
" Vienna, Augusts, — At the future congress,
his imperial majesty wUl do all that is possibleto
sustain my lord duke in the possession of the prin-
cipalijty of Mindelheim ; but if it should so happen,
that any invincible difficulty should occur in that
affair, his imperial majesty wUl give his highness,
an equivalent principality out of his own hereditarj)!.
dominions." r
But aU intercession was ineffectual. On the
24th of November, the emperor himself, aftec

1712—1713. 249
formally announcing the reluctant restitution of
the 'bavarian territories, informed the duke that
Mindelheim, so justly and deservedly the reward
of his valour, was necessarily included in that
f'estitution ; and expressed his hope that he would
readily submit to this unavoidable arrangement.
His imperial majesty at the same time confirmed
his title to the rights and dignity of a prince of
the. holy empire, and to a seat in the college of
princes ; and concluded with assurances of his
especial friendship and protection. *
Marlborough was not satisfied with these empty
honours, and while he respectfully acquiesced in
the loss of Mindelheim t, and testified his entire
submission to the will of his imperial majesty, he
made repeated applications for that indemnity
which was justly his due. His illustrious friend,
prince Eugene, supported his pretensions, and was
empowered to repeat the assurance of a future
indemnity. " Sir ; Vienna, March 26. 1715.
" I send you a letter written three months ago,
not having been able to send it by Mr. Stanhope.
I waited for a safe opportunity, and, therefore,
I chose to make use of Mr. Cadogan 1^, who will
give your highness an account of his commission,
and that his imperial and catholic majesty thinks
seriously of a just satisfaction to your highness.
* From the official translation of the latin original.
f Reply of Marlborough to the emperor's letter, Dec. 21. 1714.
J General Stanhope and Cadogan were successively sent to Vienna,
for the purpose of obtaining the consent of the emperor to the bayrier
treaty.

^50 CHAPTER 110.
This has also made me delay forwarding my first
letter, wishing to send you some ppsitive intel
ligence. We expect a project relative to the
Tyrol, and Mr. Cadogan has spoken to me of
another place ; so that his imperial majesty will
determine for one or the other, as soon as he has
all proper information. Moreover, I hope the
king of England wUl be aware of the confidence
which his majesty reposes in him, and that every
thing he does, in regard to the barrier, is in con
sideration for him. I will say nothing on the
present conjuncture. Where you are, you will
judge better than us of the business of France,
HoUand, and your own country. Here we have
that of the north and east, which does not fail to
employ us.
" I refer myself to Mr. Cadogan, and beg your
highness to believe, that no one can be with more
sincere friendship, and greater veneration," &C.
Other applications were occasionally made to
counts Zinzendorf and Wratislaw, in the strongest
terms, and both the duke and duchess received
continual promises of an indemnity from the im
perial ministers, in the name of their master. The
only difficulty, indeed, seemed to consist in finding
a suitable sovereignty, which the emperor had
the 'power of dismembering from his hereditary
countries, and a lordship in the Tyrol was re
peatedly and specifically indicated, but a final
decision was as repeatedly deferred, under the plea
of waiting for farther information. * After miieh
* Letter from count Zinzendorf to the duke, Vienna, May TS. 1716.

1712—1713. 251
delay and many fruitless appeals, Marlborough
had, at length, the mortification to experience the
futility of these assurances. Notwithstanding the
repeated promises of the emperor, we cannot dis
cover that he ever received the slightest equivalent,
although some misinformed writers have declared
the contrary ; for as late as 1717, we find him still
soliciting a recompense in vain. *
He still retained his rank of prince of the empire,
and his representative assisted at the diet, the
expences and charges being defrayed by tbe austrian
treasury. The title of prince, as granted by Joseph,
and extending to the female line, was confirmed
by Charles ; and his illustrious descendant stUl
unites with the possession of Blenheim, the duke
dom of Marlborough, and his other honours, the
title and bearings of a prince of the holy Roman
empire. To avoid interruption in the subsequent narra
tive, we have thus terminated the account of this
claim on the imperial court. We may conclude
with the obvious remark, that the most eminent
services are but too often Ul requited, when they
cease to be necessary or useful, t
* Draught of a letter in french from the duke of Marlborough to the
emperor, preserved in the Cardonel Papers.
f Sopie authors have erroneously asserted that the duke was
gratified with the landgraviate of Nellenburg, and others, with a lord
ship in the Tyrol ; but no trace of such cessions exists in the archives
of Austria, Bavaria, the Tyrol, or the Empire, nor can any evidence be
found, that he received any equivalent in nioney.
Before I quit this subject, I must repeat my obligations to the ba
varian minister, M. de Pfeffel, for procuring me information from the
archives of Bavaria and the Tyrol, and to the earl of Normanton, for
his assistance in obtaining an examination of the archives at Vienna.

252 CHAPTER 111.

CHAPTER 111.
1714.
Critical state qf affairs in England. — Sentiments qfthe queen,
.. an^ rivalry qf Oxford and Bolingbroke.- — Meeting qfpek^
I lianfient,-— Heterogeneous composition (f the new house- of
commcms.-r-Division, qf parties, — Consequent vadUaiimi of
counsels, — Struggles^ on the grand question, relative to the
Protestant Succession. — Demand qf a writ of summons to
parliament, for the eUct oral prince — Reluctantly granted.
— Alarms 'and indignation of the queen, — Prorogation qf
parliament. — Conduct of Marlborough during his resi
dence on the continent. — Zeal in promoting ihe Pro-
.testant Succession. — His correspondence with the court of
Hancwer. — Attempts qfthe queen and Oxford toccktrkeraht
the views qf Marlborough and the harwn^ia'k' party. —
Mission qf Mr. Pfarley to Hanover. — Letters from; Mr.
¦ Molyneux, th^ agent qf Marlborough, — Death of the elec
tress Sophia, — Consequerwes of that event.
During his residence at Antwerp, Marlboroiigh
was held in a perpetual state of suspense,, anxiety,
and alarm ; for England stood on the perilous edge
of civil convulsion. .> -^
From the repeated illnesses of the queen, the,
time seemed rapidly approaching, when the crown i
might be contended for on british ground, by ^he^
rivaf candidates, the son of James IL, the lineal,
but attainted heir, and a member of the ho.ifse
of Hanover, appointed by parliament, andacknow-

1'714. 253
ledged by the sovereign, as the consitutional
successor. In the struggle of contending parties, we ob- >
serve a queen anxious for the welfare of her)
subjects, but weak and misguided ; agitated by
conscientious scruples, in possessing a sovereignty
to the exclusion of the legitimate heir, and solicitous
to make compensation, by securing to him the re
version of her crown. At the same time we find (
hpr, so timid and jealous of her authority, as to be ,
no less repugnant to the preparatory measures in {
favour of a brother, whom she loved, than to those ."
for the elevation of the electoral family, whom she
detested. Her vacillation was aggravated by the
efforts of the persons in whom she place^^her
greatest confidence. On one hand, lady Ma^h^m /
wrf^ught on, all her family partiaUties, and was the
agent of continual representations from the courts
of St, Germain and VersaUles ; on the other, she
was assailed by the duchess of Somerset, who, like )
the duchess of Marlborough, no less artfilUy
wrought on her dread of popery, and zeal for the
protestant faith.
Her two principal ministers were al^o utterly
opposed in character, principle," and manners.
Oxford possessed integrity, disinterestedness, and i
morals, united with plausibility, subtlety, and
dissimulation. He was sincerely devoted to the
protestant succession ; yet, for the preservation of
his power, did > not hesitate to flatter the courts of
St. Germain arid Versailles, and to assimilate him
self with the Jacobites, for the purposeof pbtaining
their san'dtlon to the peace. He also affected to

254 CHAPTER 111.
court the whigs, and spared no effbrts to' con
ciliate the electoral family. Bolingbroke, on the
other hand, was unprincipled, dissipated, and in
terested. Distinguished for brUMaUt talents, and
a fascinating address, he was superior to his rival,
both as a courtier and a statesman. Devoted to the
tories, he disdained to imitate Oxford, in solicitiii'g
the support of the party from whom he differed in
principle ; and never condescended to flatter the
whigs, or attempted to cultivate the favour of the
house of Hanover.
In the actual state of affairs, Oxford was consi
dered as prime minister, and as enjoying the sole
confidence of the queen ; but Bolingbroke was ra
pidly gaining ground, by his superior address, and
congeniality of sentiment with his royal mistress.
He increased his adherents, by his frank and deci
sive character, which was strikingly contrasted
with the equivocating and mysterious conduct of
his rival.
After several delays, occasioned by the political
feuds in the cabinet, and the precarious state of
the queen's health, the new parliament assembled,
on the 18th of February, 1713-14. Sir Thomas
Haniner, though agreeable to neither of the rival
ministers, was again nominated speaker, because
they could not concur in the choice of any" other
person, and he was strongly supported by the whigs,
as friendly to the Hanover line.
The new house of commons was of a different
complexion from any which had preceded. It no
longer exhibited the two distinct and hOstUe bodieS
of whigs and tories, but contained a heteroge-

1714. 255
n^us massitof different parties, cpuntetracting j
^ai^h. , pther, and fluctuating in their opinions and
ri^^olutions. , . . ,
, Usually, the friends of government constituted
one, class, acting in concert, and in no case en
tering the lists of opposition ; but in this singular
parliament, the adherents of the court were •
divided into the partisans of Oxford, and the fol-j
lowers of Bolingbroke. The members of this body I
were united on questions which concerned the
general measures of government, but were fre
quently observed to differ, when the interests of
the rival leaders came in collision. Hence, even
these auxiliaries successively ranged themselves
imder the standard of the whigs, the tories, or the
Jacobites, at the word of their respective chiefs 3
and it is remarkable, that in the grand question
relative to the protestant succession, .they often j
not only materially differed, but even occasionally
appeared to renounce their own principles. One
instance of this vacillation deserves to be parti
cularly noticed, as it is related by Bolingbroke
himself. The ministers of the elector of Hanover having
solicited the arrears of pay due to his troops, since
the separation of the british forces, the treasurer
determined to accede to the demand. Without
tb,^i knowledge of the queen, or any communiqation
with Bolingbroke, auditor Harley, in the com
mittee for preparing the estimates, clandestinely
introduced the claim; and it was ordered to, be
reported to the house, as a part of the yearly
supply. ; Information of this manceuvre, being

$§6 CHAPTER 111.
CQinmunicated to Piplingbroke, he^beld a me^V
mg with , th^ torjie^ apd Jacobites ; and^a ise&Q-
lution heing fprm;^d to oppose the grant, it was
negatived. *^ , ^ ,^. .^ .,, ^.^ ^, .. _y^,: .^^^,-. u, y^^
Among the different, disti.nctipps whigb jc^jj|^-
terised the new hou^e pf gommons^ thetQl-iespctji^-
jpied the foremost jank, as the, predominaiiti partj,
but were weakened by a diyisipn into hanoveriap
and jacobite tories. The former were . th^jse wh^
were attached to the constitution in church an^
state, and supported ,th^ measures,; of government,
in aU instances which did not affect the protestaj^
succession ; but, w^henever that grand question
was agitated, idebtified.thernselves with the whigs.
/ The leader of this sect was the speaker. Sir Thomag
Hanmer. ..^,jf .,-.^-,, ,
The sentiments of the iacobite tories will be.suf-
ficiently indicated by their name ; and, in fact,, they
may be regarded, as a class of the Stuart adher^nt%
though less decided in, their devotion to the exUed
family than i\\e avowed Jacobites.
The, Scottish tories formed a peculiar party.
Though united in general , with the Jacobites or
tories, they occasionally deserted them, whenqirer
the particular interests of, their own country were
cppcerned, or when any hopes pf dissolving the
union were entertained. We even find in this par
liament a cabal of no less than forty or fifty, closely
combined, and acting, on many occasions, in di
rect opposition to government ; until the influence
* bolingbroke's Correspondence; — Letter to lord Strafford, vol. iv.
p. 532 ; — Lockhart's Papers, p. 468.

'i7U'' S57
of Bolingbroke seemed likely to prevail over that
of his rival, when they were persuaded by his pro
fessions again to range themselves under the stand
ard of the court. * With these two last classes the
real Jacobites were intermingled, and formed so
numerous a body, that with the aid of the crowii,
and the support of the partisans of Bolingbroke,
they hoped to reverse the order of succession
established by parliament, and restore the heredi
tary line.
In the next degree stood the whigs, an impene-
trable phalanx, the never-failing champions of the ;
protestant succession. Though inferior in numbers I
to the tories as a body, their united strength was
such, that if they were joined by either of the two
tory divisions, or, as it even sometimes happened,
w^ire assisted by the Jacobites, they were enabled to
iSonstitute a decided majority. In this struggle of
conflicting interests, they acted a firm and uniform
part, never swerving from the main path of public
duty, and careless whom they supported," or whose
aid they obtained, provided they succeeded in se-/
curing the accession of the protestant line.
From this incongruous state of the commons,
were derived, as might naturaUy be expected,
fluctuating sentiments, and contradictory resolu
tions, which seemed incomprehensible to all who
were unacquainted with the real state of parties,
and the variable temper and interests of this hete
rogeneous body.
In the house 'of lords a simUar fliuctuation pre-
* Lockhart's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 478.
VOL. VI. S

258 CHAPTER 111.
v^Ued, not from the contention' of disOOTdant
parties, as in the commons, but from the coui-
flicting interests of the two rival ministers, and ilftie
fear^ and jealousies of the queen, whose opimiott
influenced a considerable portion of this illiustrieuk
assembly. We derive this interesting delsJ^ieatMi
of the,sta;(;e of parties from the memoirs of th3" ja
cobite leader, Lpckhart; ; and we find it confirtned
in a cpnfidential letter from the secretary himself,
to the earl of Strafford. ' '¦ • '.rtr?^
« JVhitehall, .March 23. ,1713-14. — In .both
houses there are the best dispositions I ever sasSi;
but I am sorry to tell you that these dispositiens
are unimproved : the whigs pursue their plan with
good order, and in concert. 'iisiJ
" The tories stand at gaze, expect the cpusrt
should regulate their conduct, and lead them.pn^
and the court seems in a lethargy. Nothing, ^ybu
see, can come of this, but what would be ationce
the greatest absurdity, and the greatest misfortune.
" The minority, and that minority unpopular,
must get the better of the majority, who have the
sense of the nation on their side. All that can be
done, is doing, to prevail on our friend, my lord
treasurer, to alter his measures, to renew a confi
dence with the tories, and a spirit in them, and ^o
give a regular motion to all the wheels of goveraa-
ment. I am sanguine enough to hope that we
shaU prevaU. Indeed, it would be pity to lose
by management, what none can wrest by fore© out
of our hands. .
" I write thus freely to you, because, in. such
conjunctures especiaUy, you ought not to be igno-

' 1714. 259
rant of the true state of affairs at home, and be
cause I know that the part I ought to act towards
a friend, I may safely act towards a man of ho
nour. You shall hear again from me, the moment
I; 'See through the present confused workings qf
c<xurt and party." *
I These brief hints will serve to explain the con
tradictory votes and resolutions of the legislature,
in this extraordinary session, and will shew how
singularly the clashing views of all combined in
eventually promoting the great object of the
Revolution. On the 2d of March, the queen addressed the
new parliament. After notifying that she had ob
tained a safe and honourable peace for her own
people, and for the greater part of her allies, she
expressed hopes, that her interposition might be
effectual to complete the restoration of public
tranquillity. She then boasted of having delivered
her subjects from a consuming land war, and of
foUowing the example of the wisest of her predc'-
cessors, in preserving the equilibrium of Europe ;
adding, that the kingdom could only flourish by
trade, and would be most formidable, by the right
application of its naval force. After the usual de
mand of supplies, the remainder of the speech
evinced extreme anxiety to exonerate herself from
suspicions, which she declared to be maliciously
orculated, that the protestant succession in the
house of Hanover was in danger under her go
vernment. Addresses of thanks were carried without oppo-
* Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 494.
S 2

206 CHAPTER 111.
siti^j"fiM, S(5bn Merwards, \M^T^mi''^ks "dkt^
ti{]nk*#''aie uhaiiimous voi^'W the%e^^atiiref > "
'' ¦ 'S&t aU the declarations of the *^u^e» a^d WeFMl^
audits could not remove the ^ehei"icl iinpi^e^Mfett^efi^
tertained, that the protestant succession wastcSU^
in dange'rl^ Accordingly this delicate; qhe^tifetf be
came the 'principal subject of deli!)feratibn,aiid'^f'b'-
duced that diversity of sentiment Svhich couM 18t
fail to arise in so heterogeneous a body. At^Sfre
time, the protestant succession was voted tiot^%8
be in danger," and the bill against schisbi ins^lti^
tte Jacobites with the most sanguine hopeS'bt*OTtf-
mate success ; at another, its perilous Sta.te*^Wkl
proved, by the repeated motions for the ^-ehi^^I
of the pretender from' Loraine ; and,** above an,-b'^
the vote' in the house of lords," proclaiming '^%-
ward bf £5000 for seizing his person, shtftUd Bl
land in England ; a reward Which Was augm'eilti^a
by the commons to^ the enormous aftibiihtF' bf
^100,000. Both these motions were carried withoilt
a divisipn. ..>j!:.^ia
While the proceedings of the legislatiirS'^were
characteristic of a body actuated by no tegtiMl-
principle, and guided by no common object *;*^^t1i^
queen and minister's sfeemed to prove tke Mlft'V
of their own professions, by theU attempts tbti^k
the line of succession. ="'¦'»• ^'' ,, ' >'^ .^sfirt..!
Men were almost publicly enlisted for theiferfice
1 of the pretender, and his health was openly plliUg^d
"at numerous meetings ahd clubs, held % jabbiSites
'^of all ranks and* denominations ift 'the metrb|5fbfis.
j The army was beginning to be new-mbd'MfJA,
' colonels Were removed from th^ir regfeiehtsV and

ni .1714.:/ 11', 2G1
r§pii^#,t)y,0thl^rss^f the Sti4ar^parf;y. |3/^vernprs i
wer^f^priy^.^f 4heii", po,sts, ^^i4,supersi^^4]<l^yf
thpse of (adverse principles ;,,the direction pf ^%iis'
bt^Ij^land-and 'Scotland was entrusted ,tp jacohite
vHBg-fvgw (roi.i^o-))ii8 :i. 'it tsai'' ¦¦'- ¦ .. '^
.9(f%<$J>i%i^|^rgiing,gri^|^, ,,|;he cla^mours for the re-
si4OT?gt>of the el%i^^a^jPJfince in England, >Yere
revived, with .increas|flgj,jyehemence. As he had;
^Jri^ady beep created .dwj^e of Cambridge, it was
gnly, necessary to obtajn the custpmary summons
Ip^th?^ bouse of lords. ^. In conformity, thereforej,
.T^btthe advice of the ..whigs,, baron Schutz, the
Jja^oyerian resident, apphed for the writ. , Tlie
•ql^jjlpellor, objecting that it was not usual'to grant
\^itf , to peers who resided put of the kingdpm, was
CiC|n|bunded with a reply, that the prince intended
tp jreside, and might be expected in England
befpre, if; was issued. After , some farther delays
apd^,pbjections, under the plea of preserving due
respept to the^ queen,, it was at length reluctantly
granted. r
, , TPhe, queen _ was extremely agitated by this sud-
deq,apd unexpected proceeding, and wrote several
letter^ tp the' electoral family, in which she ear-
nes^jly deprecated such contemptuous, disregard of
bqUjpijerogative, exhorting them, in the strongest
terms, not to give countenance to a measure, no
iess.,ipsi^ting to her feelings, than derogatory to
.%b4^n.ify pf her crown. ^ ,,,, „^p . ^^, , .^
,^ar,9n\Schutz was also forbidden to appear at
q(p|l,^^t,; afld quitted England to convey the writ to
^^„ Jngfjj^jjinidst pf these political feuds, the queen
's, 3

262 CHAPTER 111.
prorogued the parliament, with a speeteb indicati\*e
of high indignation. After the usual thanks for
the supplies, she expressed her hopeto meet them !
again early in the winter, in such a tempei*. a^ ¦'
would be necessary, for improving all the advan
tages of the peace. She then concluded in a tone,
which shews how deeply she resented the intended^
residence of the electoral prince in England. >" !
" My chief concern is, to preserve to j^ou and
to your posterity our holy religion, and the liberty
of my subjects, and to secure the present and
future tranquillity of my kingdoms. But I must
tell you plainly, that these desirable ends can never
be obtained, unless you bring the same dispositions
on your parts ; unless all groundless jealousies,
which create and foment divisions amongst you,
I be laid aside ; and unless you shew the same re-
I gard for my prerogative, and for the honour of my
' government, as I have always expressed for the
rights of my people." *
During these political conflicts in his native
country, Marlborough maintained an unremitted
intercourse with his friends, and was stUl ready to
support that cause for which he had fought and
conquered, and for his adherence to which he had
been driven into exUe. Had he chosen to desert
his party, and vindicate the peace of Utrecht, he
might yet have recovered the favour of the queen,
and enjoyed the protection of the ministers ; he
might have been exempted from all the persecu
tions to which his opposition exposed him.
* Journals.

1714. ^63
But we find , him abroad, consistently persever
ing in the same honourable path, and labouring to
promote that protestant succession in the house of
Hanover, whichi he considered as essential to the
welfare of England, and the ti'anquillity of Europe.
Nor do we perceive in his conduct, the slightest
fluctuation of sentiment, notwithstanding the op
probrious, accusations levelled against him by
jacobite spies, and repeated by partial or misguided
historians. Few letters or documents are pre
served at Blenheim relating to this critical aera ;
but those that remain^ as well as his correspond
ence, published among the Hanover papers, in
dubitably prove his undeviating anxiety in the
cause of liberty and religion. Convinced, also,
that his native country was menaced with a
counter-revolution, he sent general Cadogan, to
make the necessary arrangements with general
Stanhope, and the leaders of the hanoverian in-,'
terest *, for transporting troops to England, on'
the demise of the queen, and for taking every
precaution to frustrate the hopes of the Jacobites*
He even engaged to use his endeavours in securing
the fidelity of the troops stationed at Dunkirk, and
to embark at their head, in support of the same
cause. He also urged the elector of Hanover not
to spare his treasure in gaining adherents, and
offered to assist him with a loan of ^20^000. So
gratified, indeed, was the electoral house with
these proofs of his zeal, that, in return, the elec-
* This fact is stated from the narrative of the duchess, and confirmed
by the accusations of Bolingbroke and the Jacobites, and the testimonies
in the Hanover Papers.
S 4

^g^ CHAPITipR 111.
tr^^f.^ophia^intrusted him, with aisblaAiki warain*,
apppjnting him, commandfir-in-chie!fi(©£iben4»dopfe
and garrisons, !05>*her .accession to the crowuiiw ,1;
(Jl^ese; measures are detaUed in his letifeersiitailiike
coftrtvpf.Hanover, and.weoshould deem it imJMB^oe >-
Igjjjj^, memory not to submit, to the reader thisfii'-
ter^sting cprrespondence, although a part has been
^e%dy.^ given to the public. *,i;i Robeth(D(n,^(his
fg^e^^ correspondent, and,, now the, confidential
sgcr^^tary at Hanover, was the principal channebof
%L^f^ ppmmunications. '^i^' :i(« i^ic^i
ff>nc T^ie^D^ii^^^ (^.Mariborough to Robethon. oaUj
gj," Ant,werp,Nov.,30.<X713. — Sir; I have.mnat
tr/?ubled you sii>ce my coming ,, to this place,;
because nothing of jthe least consequence has
pffered; but Mr.< Cadogan sbeing, now returned
ffpm, England, with an account; of the present
sit^qajipn of things, and disposition of people^s
rpind^ there, I thpught it necessary to take notice
in general to , you of it, and, at the same time^
acquaint ypu, I shaU, send him to the Hague in
some few days, to couimunicate: aU matters to
M. Bothmarj in order to his transmitting, in thef
most ample manner, to his electoral highness,^ the
sentiments and thoughts of our friends in England,
concerning I JJie, unhappy condition we are in,
which, I am sorry tc^ teU you, grows worse eitfery
day, and wUl very sopn be desperate, unless sPme
speedy remedy is , applied. Though the whole
conduct of our ministryi, both as ta affairs at home
and abfpad, leaves no room to doubt of their in-
* Hanover Papers for 1713 and 1714;— Macp^|eTSon,. vol. ii.

iif >l7f45MI ' 265
^ntions tbrfefing kititheffipretender ; yet I 'taiiMbt
fpobeanririentionirig some circumstances fSMti'hg to
it, whichc have thappisned' since the last 'Sessions bf
pariiamenifc. >l I shall begin with our court's enter
ing iratoi a stricter and greater union With France
thianrjiever,- notwithstandihg the collusive matin'^i"
with which the french king has'eVadfed executing
thbse articles made with England,' which were for
our advantage ; and as the highfe'st and most' tdhl
vjnoing mark I of the double dealing and pef-nicious
designs of our ministers. I shall, in the next
place, instance their affectation of writing to such
princes, not to receive the pretender, into whose
countries they are sure he will never come;' and
their making no step in earnest towards the re
moving him out of Lorainej notwithstanding the
addresses of both* houses, and that his being thfer^
or in France is the same thing. By which means,
the: article in the treaty of peace, for the security
of the protestant succession, is eluded. To thi^
must be added, the giving aU employments, mili^j
tary and civU, to notorious Jacobites ; the putting!
the governments of Scotland and Ireland into the
hands of two persons who are known friends to
the pretender * ; the choosing the 16 lords to serve
for Scotland, of whom, two were with the pre
tender last summer, and most of the rest declared
Jacobites ; the ministers receiving, with such dis
tinction. Sir Patrick Lawless, and, under the pre
tence of his transacting the business of Spain,
admitting him into their confidence arid privacy,
* The Earl of Mar and Sir Constantine Phipps.

26^ CHAPTER 111.
though an irish papist, and an avowed agent' 'of
the pretender's; the violence and forbe usfediiii
the election of members for the city of Londfelfi';
the invading the freedom of elections all over" the
kingdom, by corruption, oppression, and bribery,
in order to ^et such persons chosen as are in tM
interest of the pretender ; the animatibg the clergy
to preach up hereditary and testamentary righifi;
both which principles are destructive to* the suc
cession ; the encbUraging the publishing that per
nicious book, lately writ to suppPrt those doctrines,
which, though high treason by our laws ; yet this
book *, which asserts them. Was writ either by
direction or connivance of the lord treasurer, as
may be judged by the following circumstabceS':'
First, the materials for 'it were collected either out
of manuscripts in his own library, or out of such
piiblic I'ecords as Mr. Lowndes was known to have
been employed in the search of: lord treasurer's
Ubrary keeper corrected the manuscript; and the
printing of the book was published in the Gazette -^
and though the printer was taken up, for fonw's
sake, the sale of the book is openly permitted, and
great numbers of them sent gratis all over the
kingdom. " Many instances of the same nature might be
joined to these I have mentioned; but I think
these more than sufficient to demonstrate the tiews
of the ministry, and the danger of delaying any
longer the entering into effectual measures for the
preventing of them. But as this matter is of the
1., ¦ ft
* This book is entitled, " The hereditary Right of the Crown of
England asserted." — See Boyer's Reign of Queen Anne.

1714. r ii 267
higbeist moment, andthatthe safety of our religion,
property, and liberty, will depend upon the reso
lutions, to be now taken, our friends in England
submit everything to his electoral' highness's great,
wisdom and discretion, and wUl execute with, zeal
and pleasure, whatever instructions or orders he
shall please to give them in this most important
affair. However, they believe themselves obliged,"
at, the same time, both in duty to his electoral
highi^ess, and out of concern for the safety and,
gppd of their country, to represent in the most
humble and submissive manner, that, considering
tiie present state of tilings in England, nothing
can so effectually assure the succession, as his \
electoral highness going there, or, if that cannot /
be hoped for, the sending the prince, which would
animate and encourage to the greatest degree, all
those of both parties, who wish well to the suc
cession, and break the measures of those who are
against it. But, though this is the unanimous
sense of our friends in England ; yet they leave,
and wholly submit it to his electoral highness's
prudence and judgment, and desire that this their
advice may be understood to proceed from hearts
full of affection and unalterable attachment to
his electoral highness's person and interests; for
the promoting of which, they wiU be always ready
to venture their lives and fortunes. As I write
you this, in the last confidence, I desire it may
be communicated only to his electpral highness
and M. Bernstorf ; and, for fear of accidents, you
wUl be pleased afterwards to burn it. I am, with
truth, yours."

I# CHAPtMR 111.
¦•«!<R)iSffifeF-bi*RlBMl^(Ml^^atoi miihm'M'WrUi^
^d^meWfe^'W^i^oBwK'* f^iiHtr|^^'^he"%^f^i^
tegiaf '%lA^ii^ <thk' irifluen-c^^^hlcH ' ]^^§^
s^M^irflTdfl^naP'i!^ awaken the 'States t«* 9ft(i^
^P W^^ai^fe^^M^' which they-werfe irtieni^^
sttS^ld^bfflSi IhiniStry sbcfcdM-ttf aifef# a2tttt^#
^S'^^^gkb^i'^th^^constitiition. ¥^mW ffie^ Mrii^
vie\^/^l* laiob't'ed to restore that Mrhibnyr ^hM^
Had been ' ibtierrflpted between the emperor' ^tf
the ie|5rUbHc; and which he justly consideted^W
^gfential to the tranquUlity of Europe, abd iffef
welfare bf England. '^^ J^^^^'' f*^ " -i>^'iuqbi
^ He developes these views in another letter'^tb^
Robethon. -rasdjojisfat
'¦" 'Antwerp,^ Jak. 6."* 1714<.—3y the acctounts
Alf.'Gafdbgan brings from the 'Hague, as well* i^
by Wha!t has been writ from thence, it is eVidfeilt
thfe principal regebts of the republic begin '^o-b*
now convinced of the designs of the eriglish iriihi^U
try to bring 'in the pretender ; and, sinctf the
destruction of their state must inevitably follow;
they 'have t. warmly taken the alarm, f and" S^^l'
disposed to enter into any measures towards ^^r&?
Venting it,' which the form of their government
WUI allow of. And, as they very well know, a Strict
friendship with the emperor and empire is al3sbi
lutely necessary for attaining this great end, Hhey'
ire, at presents very desirous to reconcile thenii
selVeS'to his iftiperial majesty; but the managa-i
nientS' they are outwardly forced "to keep 'J%ith?
¥miS^ and the english ministiy^; ''6Migibg t\ihti»%»
p^eeeedrin this matter, With the Utmt^'sidcr6cyyni:l>
Caution, they are resolved to tfaiisadt it priiatdy,i

b;^ ftuch , friendS( as ]^% ^^<?^> hWiP ,an entii;e, , con-
^d^ceifin^, an4r, i^p ^hew, how: anwch thi^yi are in
ear>R|est, they appear ipplined to rpcede fromj^y^ijal,
ady,antages^ given^jthem by their h^r^jiprrjjti^:^^,,
As^h^s, imperial majesty has likeiyise tjie;, interest pf)
Engjapd at heart,; and believes, his own safety jCjp^
cerned in securing the succession :of his .elecf^r^^
highness and family^ it is hardly to he dpsub|^y
Ifjfjtjr, such temperaments^ may be found, by fj^^
cpmmon friends afprementioned,'^,as will re-establi^
thP former union between the emperpr and,t|ke
republic; which matter being explained, in fihe,
mcmwals transmitted by M. Bothmar. -.pi myst
refer to them. ' .nodiddoH
.jtfj'KFor the. expedient ^ you mentioned,^ ^Ifif an
add|«ss of thanks for the ; good offices enaployei^
^R^) endeavours used, to remp.ve^jthe preteridei",',
ajjd,, the grounding an invitation on their ha^Uig
proved ineflectual, Ipshall take the liberty,> since
T^jj desire my private opinion, to tell yqu freely^
I ;am apprehensive that matter may be so artfully
ipsjjajatagtd* by, the court, as to get the first part of
the; proposition passed, and the other dropt; tlie
iJliCOnsequences of which are so obvious, that it is
not (necessary to explain them. HoweveT» if his
ej^^ral highness shall np^t approve of what pur
fr^ftd^iin England have, humbly represented^ they
^l,(ibe'; ready to execute, with all the zeal and
fi^f)*l|frf>imaginable, thi? or any other j thing his
^^oit^lliighnesa shall judge for his service ;eand,(
^^Qfttfe spi^gli^s drive, on matters so fast in favpni| |
difiiiif apikate tpvery. bpdy must agree,, , if spines i
tWn®ife^W\fefi.-;ftot done in .the next sessions of

270 CHAPTER 111.
par)iaracnt, towards securing the succession, it,i^
to be feared it may be irretrievably, lost.,j
Cadogan returns in about fourteen days to .
Hague, i in jorder to receive his electoral highness's
commands from M. Bothmar, in relation to what
he is to say to our friends, at his return into, Engr,
land. T am ever yours." jji
Oxford could not be unacquainted with thf
negotiations between the electoral family and thp
hanoverian party in England, through the agency
of Marlborough. This subtle politician, therefore,
resorted to his usual craft, to counteract the labours
of his opponents, and to turn their intrigues against
themselves. He had already persuaded the queep
to express in her speeches unusual regard toward?
the electoral family, and even induced her to
assume an appearance of cordiality, which was
foreign to her feelings. Perceiving that this
semblance of harmony between the two courts was
peculiarly mortifying to the whigs, he carried his
dissimulation still farther, by sending his relative,
Mr. Harley, to Hanover, to convey testimonies of
the queen's solicitude for the protestant succession,
and his own devotion to the electoral family.
This unexpected mission created considerable
jealousy among the adherents of the house of
Hanover. To counteract its effects, Marlborough
sent Mr. Molineux, an irish gentieman of fortune,
t(j the electoral court ; and in his correspondence
with Robethon, strove to expose the dupUeity of
tiie treasurer, and the danger of listening to his
oyertujes. " Antwerp, May 5. 1714. — - It is so evident

.nr 17*1^1 AH ' 2^1
tbdt tbe queen's mihisters are deterinined'tof plafee
ttM pretender^ on the throne, th^t it'iVouM^ M
liming one^s time to' produce proofs' of iti *-^Th§i^
greatest desire, and their only view in Mr.'K^*Bl^4
tffribassy is, to obtain some deblaration frprfi'^the
elector, which may imposte' upon the nation, krid
make it believe that your coutt is satisfied wi^hthetri!
If yoli' have fallen into this sriate, itwUl render 'all
the efforts of your friends of no avail ; but we rely
upon the great prudence of his electoral highn^fesl
"A more proper time for demanding the Writ
for the electoral prince' could not have beeh,
chosen ; for you see how many of the richest and i
most considerable among the tories declare for
you, and acknowledge that they were deceived by
the ministry, who lose so much ground in both
houses, that you may depend upon it, they will /
take care not to call the second session of this par- 1
Uament, before they have executed their design in
favour of the pretender. Otherwise, they will run
a risk of being prosecuted j for having betrayed
their country, and violated the laws ; and as tH^V
cannot justify themselves in that respect, it is not
to be believed, that they wUl expose themselves
to the hazard of another ses,sion ; for if they lose
any more ground, however small, their ruin is
certain. " Luckily, this session is to Continue for two
months longer, as no supplies are yet found; iso
that the electoral prince will have time enough,
before the end of it, to arrive and take his seat in
parliament, in which case, the balance will incline
entirely to your side, as it begins to do already.

^ CHAPTER 111.
upon the mere rumour of his coming ; so that you
may judge what effect his presence would prodiiee.
Accordingly, our friends write to me, in that case,
the parliament wiU not rise before they have settled
a pension of rf 40,000 sterling, for a subsistence
to the prince, who WUI have nothing to do but to
make his court to the queen, and caress the
ministers, without meddling in any thing. By
this remedy, the succession will be secured, without
risk, without expence, and without war; and, like
wise, it is very probable that France, seeing herself
prevented in that manner, will abandon her design
of assisting the pretender. '
" In my humble opinion, it would be proper to
use dispatch, and that the prince should set out
before lord Paget * arrives. This journey of the
prince, attended with the success, which there is
reason to expect from it, cannot fail to give the
elector new influence, and much greater conse
quence over all Europe, as he will secure to him
self thereby the crown of Great Britain, which
will attach the emperor, Holland, and the court (rf
Prussia to him, and render him the arbiter of the
differences of the north. Whereas if this oppor
tunity is lost (which, according to appearances,
will be the last) the contrary will happen, and the
influence of his electoral highness, at other courts,
will suffer considerably by it, especially after the
great noise which this demand of the writ for the
electoral prince makes every where, which leaves
no one room to doubt of his setting out soon ; so
• Lord Paget was nominated envoy to Hanover on the return of
>Ii'. Harley from his temporary mission.

^mW^^ TM.}^m. .exposed ^^i^selves,^^,,^e9,e;5,
ro^# forjyPF;ii}terest, wip>e, ab^glut^y,^
^^,^P9t/?«^.Vtobp, prpd^pflye pf.b^^ .co^^e^^^^a^<^^^
to J your ^ coiirt, aijd in ^a|l the ^.gtl;ier ,CjP|||-^ ^j pg ,
%f^:.. '.. . .,^. .p .> "...- M -.Urn
'.', It is easy fpr your cpi^rt to ^nceiye o^fj^yj^^,
i"«Ef!^f^bc^, /l^.i!' J^ffj^^tiie prince shoul^^^^v^i
whil^ t^e 'par)l|iament is ; ^tting, as,,^e,.|;?3^?p^ to .
justify his journey is, jt|ie right he has tp^jta]^^^^]
^Ki^^ii?.!?^^!!?*^^"*' :^"^ thft^^^i^, by wl^^cj^^ jhe. i
queen calls him to it. I hope you^j|| .^^M-i^e
good news. . , < .' " , ,i ,
».,} ¦ !'«i»t:;, ' • : >' .- : ¦ \ <j'j '.;ii!,'i'-i '-' ¦¦Mi U» '
,'^', I believe Mr. Molyneux wil| |]^ no-vv^ti^yfjui^pj
court, j I recommeru^ him to you,^ ^s^ jhteing a n^a,!!
of quality, ^hp has very l,arge possessions in, Ireland,
bu|. principally asf man of parts, an|i of merit, ¦vfiii^^
whose good principles I am "Vfeljr, acquair^tpdj..^^ |,
flatter,- myself that, he wUl be ^^^ receiyed by
their highnesses, I am, &c,, (., .
" I, may add fa^rther, I tl|^t the prince being but
the third in the order pf succession, arid commg
alone, without troops, the quQfen cannot be justly
offenS^." The subsequent letter, which, though without
date or address, was evidently written tp Rpber-
thon'* in,,j,May, is worthy of particular atl^ention.
It apes credit tb the cpmprehensive mind of Marl
borough, who overlooked the narrow distinctions
of party, in his zeal fbr the public weal, and
* It is from a copy in the hand-writing of ^the duchess> and endorsed
by feJ^^To aCories^oftdent at Hanqyer.^'^^^' " ' „
VOL. VI. T •^*'"

274 CHAPTER 111.
endeavoured to unite the moderate tories, as weS'
as the whigs, in defence of the legal settlement.,
It collaterally enables us to trace his motives- for
not signing the whig association*, which he evi
dently considered as an expedient, calculated to
render this great public concern, a mere object of
party. " M. Bothmar has sent me a copy of the letter
concerning the observations that were made at
Baiieduc. t I believe there may be inconvenience
in sending the original letter ; but I think if
M. Schutz has a copy of it, with orders to comr
municate the substance to all our friends, both
whigs and tories, 'tis probable it may have a good
effect ; and if they find it wUl be useful to produce
the original, it will be in your power to do it. >
, " I am so certain of what her majesty and the
ministers design, as to the succession, and it is so
evident tb aU mankind that have any sense, that I
will not take up your time in arguments upon that
^ niatter, nor trouble you with instances, to shew
how little it can signify to have their promises
upon any account. I am persuaded, if words
would serve, at this time, they will make very little
difficulty to say any thing, in order to draw from'
, the electress an answer that- would give them but
/a handle to impose upon the nation, that is satisfied,
j which, no doubt, was the whole design of Mr.

* Tmdal, vol.xviii. Dr. Birch, who wrote this part of the history, states,
that Sir Richard Onslow was deputed by general Stanhope atfd the
¦whig leaders, to obtajn the signature of Marlborough to this association,
but that ail his represerttations failed of success.
f The teraporai-y residence of the pretender in Loraine.

1714. , 275
Harley's embassy; and would, for ever, have
ruined the endeavours of our best friends, and
disabled them from doing any service to the elector
or their country. But I don't doubt of his highness's
taking effectual care to prevent such a mischief;
and since so many of the considerable tories have \
owned publicly that they have been deceived by '
the ministers, 'tis reasonable to expect they should
do something to secure their religion and laws,
and not trust them in the hands of men, that have
so plainly betrayed their country. If something
of this kind is not done before the parliament rises,
I can't but apprehend these ministers will prevent
being troubled With another ; for the mask is now
taken off, and men that have so little to say for
themselves, will not run the hazard of another
session. Upon these considerations, and some
others, I can't but wish extremely that his electoral
highness would use all the means that are possible
to shew the honest men in both parties the danger
they are in, at a time that France is in so good a
condition : and as nothing can save us from' the
mischiefs intended but the parliament, it is my
humble opinion, that should shew that 'tis necessary
that there should be a farther security for the
protestant succession : and one great thing towards
that, they must needs think, is an honest ministry.
rPray do me the favour to give my humble service
to M. Bernsdorf. As for having two in the ad
miralty, I think that or any other request would
be of no use, but to give advantages to those that
certainly mean nothing but to deceive."
Fortunately, the suhtiety of Oxford defeated
T 2

276 CHAPTER 111.
itself. Unable or unwiUing to give a definitive
proof of his sincerity, his extravagant professions^
when contrasted with his real conduct,, made the
mission of his relative appear no less insulting than
ridiculous. Mr. Molyneux, in. a letter to the
duchess, briefly gives the result of this memorable
embassy. /
« May 7. 1714. *#-**! would to
God I could send you as good, news from hence,
as your grace sends me,, when you say there is hope
of my having the honour to- see you in a country-
house in England. I have not yet been at couitj
but when I have, I shall have the honour to write
to you again. As yet, I have only heard that Mr.
Harley's forerunners had made a great noise of
what he was coming to do for this famUyi A
petision to the electress, and invitation> to the
electoral prince, were as positively given out to be
his business here, as that he was to come. But
since his arrival, this is aU dwindled into nothing:
we hear no more of these things ; and his great
promises to the court amount to no more than the
giving an office of £ 400 per annum, to one Winc^
an english chamberlain to the electress, and a tory,
for which, and for another accident that happened
here some days since, they tell me he wUl certainly
be disgraced."
« Hanover, Friday, May IS. 1714.— This day,
I think, it is about ten days since I arrived at
Hanover, so that I am now able to assure ybur
grace and my lord duke of the perfect regard and
affection this court preserves for both your merits,
which, on a thousand occasions» I have had the

1714. 27f
pleasure to perceive, in every body I have con
versed with, as weU as in the court itself The
electoral princess, who is certainly one of the best
ladies in the world, does nothing but ask me the
most affectionate questions possible about your
grace and my lord, about your manner of passing
your time, how you are diverted, and whether you
are easy ; and, in short, one would think she had
seen and been intimate with you, she seems to
love you so well. I cannot give your grace a
better instance of the regard they have to any
thing that comes from my lord Marlborough, than
to assure you, that I have been very well received
by every body here, only by having the honour of
his protection.
' '* On Tuesday last Mr. Harley and all his suite
went away for England. I believe he is as little
satisfied with his negotiation here, as the court is ;
for I hear he has had very plain and strong
memorials given him, on his departure, as to what
may be done on the succession ; and I know that,
on taking leave, he had sortie pretty plain things
said to him on the state of affairs. The electoral
princess told me herself, that on this occasion,"
when he spoke of the present happiness of Europe
in peace, and in a prospect of every thing now
flourishing and doing well, she made him this
answer, that nobody had a firmer trust in God and
Providence than she had, and, therefore, she did
not doubt every thing would do well and flourish."
Mr. Harley had scarcely taken his departure,!
before baron Schutz arrived, with the writ for'
summoning the duke of Cambridge, and, at the
T 3

^78 CHAPTER 111.
^ame time, bearing the most pressing invitatioriisr
from the hanoverian party, for his immediat*
departure to England. At the same time, letters
artived from the queen and treasurer, containing
the warmest professions of regard to the electoral
family. These incidents created great hesitation in the
court of Hanover, as we find from farther detaUs
in the letters of Mr. Molyneux.
" May 29. 1714. —r Your account of the recon
ciliation of the sorcerer and his familiar * seems
] very credible ; at least we may be sure, that it is
fear draws any honest protestations from them. I
should never have given ear to these protestations
befbre, but since I am at Hanover, much less than
ever ; and, indeed, it is here as plain as that t
is the worst woman in the world, that she is not
affected to this house, or at least her ministers are
quite otherwise. It were as endless as useless to
give your grace instances of this, but I must have
leave to run over a few. There are now seven
packets due from M. Krayenberg t to this court,
though all the other letters of the said posts are
come constantly to Hanover. During Harley's
stay here, by him, and since by another hand,
Chateauneuf, at the Hague, knows more of the
proceedings here than we do, who are in the town ;
but, above all, of the letters from the queen to the
elector and electress, which the electress shewed
* Lord Oxford and lord Bolingbroke.
" -f- A word is omitted wliich evidently refers to the queenj
'-\ Krayenberg was tho hanoverian mini'ster in London, and Cha
teauneuf, the french minister at the Hague.

1714. 279'
me. Nothing can be mbre kind in the world, and')
lord treasurer's the same; and yet the plain
design is visibly nothing else, but to draw a con*
fession from this house, that they are satisfied with
the ministry, and have a confidence in a gobd
understanding with the queen. This was the
point to be carried by Harley's journey, and by
those letters ; but he was terribly disappointed ;
for in the answers there was not a word of such
good understanding ; but there was an article to
this effect, - in the elector's answer, which I read,
* that he thought it would be mutually good, for
* both their interests, that some one of this house
' should have the honour to pay his court to the
* queen in England.' This article was carried with
great difficulty in the council here, and is the only
step made to support the demand of the prince's
writ ; and, which is more, is the only one which, I
believe, will be made. I am sure my lord Marl
borough knows this cburt so well, he can believe
this ; but if he won't, I can say no more but that
it is my opinion, and that I am more amazed at the
difficulties the succession meets here, than at those
it meets in London. 1 do believe the prince wUl\
not go over, and for this session, it is almost'
despaired of by his best friends ; God knows what
may happen before the next. For my part, I
prepare myself for poverty and banishment ; and I
no more employ my thoughts on the happiness of/
England, but where tp find the most easy retreat.
This is a melancholy prospect ; the grounds of it
are too long to tell you ; but I would to God it
were riot true. There are here such bumours,u
T 4

280 CHAPTER 111.
such jealousies, and such villainies, as will one day
updo us, if it be not done already. I find no time
better to end, than by cutting off this disagreeable
tale, in giving myself the pleasure to assure your
grace, &c.
" I shall stay here till what I suspect is made
public, and then I think I shaU go on northwards."
; In the midst of this doubt and hesitation, a
messenger brought other letters from the queen
and the treasurer. Finding that they could not
cajole the electoral family by professions, they
resorted to threats, in order to prevent the prince
from availing himself of his summons to parliament.'
The letter to the prince was bitter and re
proachful, chiding him for giving ear to such
expedients, as the demand of the writ, without
knowing her majesty's sentiments. The letter to
the electress was somewhat more guarded, but
coupled with a menace too obvious to be mistaken.
That to the elector was written in a tone of still
greater indignation : after repeating her anxious
wishes for promoting the settlement, the queen
added, " I am firmly persuaded you would not
suffer the smallest diminution of your authority.
I am no less delicate in this respect ; and I am
determined to oppose a project, so contrary to my
royal authority, however fatal the consequences
may be."*

* The two former letters, as well as that of the treasurer, are printed
in Boyer's Political State, and in other publications ; but that to the
elector was deemed so insulting, that he found it necessary to apo
logize for its omission. It is, however, introduced into Macpherson's
Hqpoverian- Papers, vol. ij. p. 621,

1714. 281
' The letter from Oxford was perfectly character
istic. After professing his own attachment to the
electoral family and their interests, he recommend
ed the electress to rely implicitly on the friendship
of the queen, as the only means of securing the
accession of her family ; and earnestly dissuaded \
her from identifying her interests with those of the
whigs, by dwelling on the danger and impolicy of
making the narrow measures of a party the standard
of her future government.
By order of the electress, copies of these letters
were sent to the duke of •Marlborough ; and, in
transmitting them, Mr. Molyneux gives an in
teresting detail of the effect they produced.
" Hanover, Thursday, June 7- 1714. — I am
directed by the electress to send your grace the
inclosed, which arrived at Hanover, by express,
on Tuesday, but were not delivered till yesterday
at noon. I have not time, or I had translated the
queen's for youj but my lord will explain them
to you, and let you know that there is no hand
viUainous enough tb write them, but that one from
whence they come. This court is so openly honest
in their proceedings, that they would be glad
to disperse these letters among their friends in
England; whereas their correspondence is so false
and hidden, as that the express declared, tUl the I
moment the letters were read, that they were to i
invite the prince over, and I would lay my life the
ministers declare the same in London." '
In fact, the result was still more fatal than was
at first apprehended ; for the aged electress was so
deeply affected with the anxiety of the moment.

282 CHAPTER 111.
that her feeble frame appears to have sunk under
the conflict of contending passions. The circum
stances of her sudden death are detailed with no
less feeling than interest, in a subsequent letter
from Mr. Molyneux.
" Hanover, June *, 1714. — • The last post I
finished my letters about six in the evening. Not
an hour after the post went, I went dUectly after
wards to Hernhausen, the country-house of the
court, and there the first thing I heard was, that
the good old electress was just dying in one of the
public walks. I ran up there, and found her just
expiring in the arms of the poor electoral princess,
and amidst the tears of a great many of her serr
vants, who endeavoured in vain to help her. I can
give you no account of her iUness, but that I
believe the .chagrin of those viUainous letters I
I sent you last post, has been in a great measure the
cause of it. The Rheingravine, who has been
with her these fifteen years, has told me she never
knew any thing make so deep an impression on
her as the affair of the prince's journey, which, I
am sure, she had to the last degree at heart ; and
she has done me the honour to tell me so twenty
times. In the midst of this concern those letters
arrived, and those I verUy believe have broke her
heart, and brought her with sorrow to the grave.
The letters were delivered on Wednesday at noon.
That evening when I came to court, she was at
cards, but was so full of these letters, that she got
, * The electress died on the 28th of May, O. S., which fixes the date
of this letter about the 9th of June,

1714. 283
up and ordered me to follow her into the garden,
where she gave them to me to read, and walked,
and spoke a great deal in relation to them. I,'
believe she walked three hours that night. The
next morning, which was Thursday, I heard she
was out of order ; and on going immediately to-
court, she ordered me to be called into her bed
chamber. She gave me the letters I §ent you to
copy ; she bid me send them next post, and bring
them afterwards to her to court. That was on
Friday. In the morning on Friday, they told me
she was very well, but seemed very chagrined.
She was dressed, and dined with the elector as
usual. About four she did me the honour to send
me to town, for some other copies of the same
letters, and then she was still perfectly well. She,
worked and talked very heartily in the Orangerie.
After that, and about six, she went out to walk in>
the gardens, and was stUl very well. A shower of
rain came, and as she was walking pretty fast, to ;
get to shelter,' they told her she walked a little too
fast. She answered, ' I believe I do,' and dropped
down in saying those words, which were her last.,
They raised her up, chaffed her with spirits, tried
to bleed her ; but it was all in vain, and when I
came up to her, she was as dead as if she had been
four days so. No princess ever died more re
gretted, and I infinitely pity those servants, that
b^ve known her along time, when I that have had
the honour to 'be known to her but a month, can
scarce refrain from tears in relating this."
The death of the electress Sophia made a consi-
4erable alteration in. the state of parties in Eiig-;

S84 CHAPTER 111.
land, as well as in the situation of the duke of
Marlborough. Notwithstanding her advanced age -of 84, she
possessed, tiU the time of her death, an unusual
degree of spirit and energy, saying, that if she
could but live to have " Sophia, Queen of Eng
land," engraven on her tomb, she should die con
tented. She had manifested considerable jealousy
of her son's interference in the affairs of England,
and she expressed great eagerness for the journey
of the electoral prince. She was more inclined to
the tories than to the whigs, held a confidential
correspondence with the earl of Strafford, and im
plicitly confided in the duke of Marlborough^ to
whom she readily entrusted the fullest powers for
the furtherance of her accession.
Her death, however, relieved the elector from
considerable difficulties : he was no longer con
trolled by her authority, and was enabled to adopt
an uniform and consistent plan of conduct. Al
though he placed his principal reliance on the
whigs, yet being of a prudent and cautious temper
he did not neglect the tories. Declining to irritate
the queen, by permitting his son to accept the in
vitation to England, refusing to expend his treasure
in strengthening his interest, or to interfere in
factious cabals, he appeared almost too indifferent,
to stretch out his hand to the scepti'e, which was
within his grasp ; and adroitly left his interests to
the management of his adherents and agents*
Although he treated the duke of Marlborough
with a semblance of respect, he never forgot the
supposed slight which he had experienced in I7O8,

1714, 285
when Marlborough concealed from him the pro
jected operations of the campaign. * This
jealousy had been recently fomented by the arti
fices of Oxford, who did not faU, by means of Mr.
Harley, to bring into view the former correspond
ence of Marlborough with the house of Stuarti
The elector, however, was too circumspect, to
suffer any public manifestation of these prejudices
to escape him ; but encouraged Marlborough to
persevere in his exertions, and to identify himself
with the hanoverian party in England,
• See Chapters es and 68.

286 CHAPTER 112.

CHAPTER 112.
1714.
'State of affairs in England. — Effects of the rivalry between
the two ministers. — Dismission qf Oxford. — Bolingbroke
intrusted with the arrangement qf a new administratim.
Proposed promotion qf the Jacobites. — Alarming illness qf
the queen. — Proceedings of Bolingbroke and his adherents
— Baffled by the whigs and the havxyoerian parfy. — The
duke qf Shrewsbury appointed, lord treasurer. — Measures
adopted to ensu7-e the accession qf the elector of Hanover.
— Death qf the queen. — Accession qf George tliefrst. —
Marlborough prepares to return to England. — Motives for
his conduct. — Letters from the duchess of Marlborough to
Mrs. Clayton.
JMeanwhile the vessel of state was tossed on a
stormy sea, and exposed to imminent danger of
shipwreck, by the rivalry of the two pilots, who
were contending for the helm,
Oxford, by his artful duplicity, in paying court
successively to every party, had rendered himself
equally contemptible to all. He had offended the
queen, by his overtures to the electoral family, and
had not succeeded in obtaining their -confidence.
In this critical situation, his only dependence rested
on the favour of the sovereign ; but in her mind a
sinister change had taken place. She was beset
by lady Masham, whom he had alienated by his
opposition to the grant of a pension, and other
19 '

1714. 287
emoluments, which she was anxious to obtain.
She was also wrought upon, by the artful repre
sentations of Bolingbroke, who affected to develope
his intrigues with the court of Hanover, and ac
cused him even of caballing with the duke of^
Marlborough. But habit, and the remains of partiality for the
minister, who had delivered her from the control
of the whigs, together with the natural indecision
of the queen's temper, protracted his fall ; and it
¦was not till his sentence was passed by the courts
of St. Germain and Versailles, that she consented
to remove him from her service. * Those courts
finding that Oxford constantly eluded their de
mands for a restoration, and deceived them by
repeated promises, which were never fulfilled, made )
lord Bolingbroke the agent of their schemes, and''
the channel of their communications, and hoped,
through his ministry, to gain the grand object of
their wishes. We learn, from the authentic testi.4
mony of Berwick, who managed the secret corre-l
-spondence with the Stuart party, that this was the
real cause of Oxford's removal, and that his dis
grace excited the most sanguine hopes of success.
. ' * We do not hesitate to assert this fact, because it is evident from
,the declarations of the duke of Berwick, who gives a long detail of the
secret correspondence which Oxford maintained with him through the
'agency of Gualtier and Torcy, and the mode in which the wily trea-
' surer duped the court of St. Germain. He also developes the plan
which they pMsued to obtain his removal, and informs us that tbe I
(wishes of the exiled family were imparted to the queen, through the!
diik* of Ormond and lady Masham, who being at this time both inti-/
mately connecteS with Bolingbroke, we cannot doubt his participationj
.^Memoires de Berwick, t.;,ii. 196.^206.

288 CHAPTER 112.
. After many struggles in the mind of the queen^
she resumed the white staff on the 27th of July*
An indecorous altercation took place in her pre
sence between the two rivals for power, in which
the treasurer coai^ely observed, amidst many other
reproachful expressions, that he would leave some
people as low as he found them. The feelings of
the queen were deeply affected with this dis
graceful scene, which continued until two in the
morning; and she retired in a state of extreme
agitation, without announcing any other minis
terial arrangement.
From this moment Bolingbroke was considered
.as virtually the prime minister, and as the person
^ho was to organise the new administration. His
filrst measure was calculated to cajole the whigs
, and moderate tories. On the ensuing day, he
gave a political dinner to Stanhope, Walpole, and
other members of the hanoverian party, and
lavished assurances, that he would promote the
protestant succession. But when the whigs de
manded, as a pledge of his sincerity, that the pre-
' tender should be removed from Loraine, he frankly
, declared his inabUity to obtain the consent of the
queen, to what she deemed the banishment of her
brother. * Meanwhile, he gave his whole con
fidence to the Jacobites, and laboured to form an
administration in which they were to be predo
minant. As far as wa can ascertain, from the
authentic writings of the day, the great official
situations were to be thus filled. The treasury
* Memoires of Sir Robert Walpote, chap. 8.

1714. 289
Was to be put into commission* at the head of
which was Sir William Wyndham ; Bolingbroke
himself was to retain the seals as secretary of state»
with the sole management of the foreign corre
spondence ; Bromley was to continue his colleague ;
the earl of Mar secretary of state for Scotland ;
the duke of Ormond commander-in-chief; lord
Harcourt chancellor ; the duke of Buckingham
lord president of the council ; the earl of Straifoi-d
head of the board of Aduiiralty, and the privy seal
was to be transferred to Atterbury, bishop of
Rochester.* Measures were also continiaed for )
re-modelling the army, and securing possession of '
the forts, arsenals, and outports,
; Such an administration being completely jacobite^
in its constituent parts, no doubt can remain as to ;
the ultimate object. Fortunately, however, this
arrangement never took place. On the 29thj the
agitation of the queen's mind having increased,
the imposthume in her leg was suddenly checked.
Her constitutional gout flew to her brain, and she
sunk into a state of stupefaction, broken by oc
casional fits of delirium, , ;
Bolingbroke employed this awful interval of
suspense in accelerating his political arrangements ;
and the most alarming apprehensions seized upon
aU the well-wishers to the protestant successipn.
The whigs, however, were not inactive. They
had already entered into, a formal^asspciation.

* Almost all the members of this projected administration were,
avowed Jacobites. Three, including Bolingbroke, followed the pre- j
tender; one, the bishop of Rochester, was attainted ; and Sir William
Wyndham was arrested in 1715, as a favourer of the rebellion.
VOL. VI. U

290 CHAPTER 112.
f nominated officer^, coUected arms and ammunition,
' enregistered troops, and were preparing to, take
the necessary precautions on the demise of the
queen, to obtain possession of the fortresses and
outports of the kingdom, to seize the Toweri;an4
to ad(^t every possible precaution for proclaiming
tbe constitutional king. Byi;he agency of Marl
borough, they were also secure of the powerful
garrison stationed at Dunkirk, and expected his
arrival with impatience, as the means of influencing
the army.
In the midst of these mutual exertions, the
indisposition of the queen increased; and a com
mittee of the privy-councU were sitting in a
chamber of the royal palace of Kensington, to
make the most prompt and effectual arrangements
on the expected event.
Fortunately, among the members present, was
j the duke of Shrewsbury, who, by his patriotic
conduct at this awful moment, compensated for
his past dupUcity. In his embassy at Paris, and
in his office of lord-lieutenant bf Ireland* he had
not co-operated with the views of the Jacobites,
but had proved himself an active friend to, the
protestant cause. In the quai^rels between; tjiw
rival ministers, he had acted with his characteristic
[indecision, but dxibered in general to Oxford,
whom he justly considered as the least dangerous
of the two. He now saw that the crisis was
arrived for adopting a decisive line of conduct.
We have no precise information on the subjects
which occupied the attention of the committee ;
\ but the members were confounded by th^e firmness

1714. 291
and promptitude of the hanoverian party. In the
midst of their discussion, the dukes of Argyle and
Somerset suddenly entered tiie council-chamber,
and said, that understanding the danger of the
queen, they had hastened to offer their assistance.
In the pause of surprise which ensued, the duke of
Shrewsbury rose, and thanked them for their offer.
Having taken their seats, they proposed an examin
ation ©f the physicians; and on their report, that
the queen was in imminent danger, it was resolved
that the post of lord treasurer should be filled with
out delay, and that the duke of Shrewsbury should
be recommended to the queen. Bolingbroke and \
his partisans were thunderstiuck, and made no '
opposition; and, with the approbation of the
physicians, a deputation of the members waited
upon her majesty, and declared the unanimous
opinion of the councU. The queen, who was
incapable of esertion, faintly ajpproving the choice,
delivered the staff to Shrewsbury, and bade him
use it for the good of her people. The same
afternoon, lord Somers shook off his bodily in-^
firmities, and repaired to. Kensington. He was
accompanied or foUowed by several privy-counseW
lors of the same party ; and by their impulse a)
sudden revulsion took place in the counsels • of
government. Troops were ordered to march to
the metropolis ^ ten battalions were recalled from
Flanders ; an embargo was laid on the ports ; a
fleet sent to sea under the command of the earl of
Berkeley, and strong measures adopted to maintain
the public tranquUlity in every part of the kingdom.
A requestwas also sent to the States, to guaranty
u 2

292 CHAPTER 112.
the protestant succession, and an express dispatched
to the elector of Hanover, entreating him to repair
without delay to HoUand, where a fleet would be
ready to convey him to England, should it please
God to caU the queen to his mercy !
The queen having relapsed into a lethargy, and the
physicians despairing of her life, the heralds at arms,
and a troop of the life-guards, were then summoned
on duty; and by these and other judicious ex
ertions, the death of the sovereign, which happened
at seven in the morning of the first of August, was
instantly followed by the proclamation of the
elector of Hanover as king, under the title of
George I, Thns, by the blessing of divine Provi
dence, the protestant succession was secured. *
I - This aspect of unanimity confounded all the
enemies to the protestant succession. The king
of France, however inclined to favour the resto
ration of the Stuart line, was too prudent to resist
the torrent of the national will; the pretender,
bereft of assistance abroad, and deriving no aid
from his dismayed friends at home, remained a
passive vritness bf his own defeat, and the elevation
of bis rival.
From the increasing divisions between the two
ministers, and the violence of their respective
adherents, a change in the cabinet had been dong
anticipated. It was natural, therefore, that Maii-
* Boyer's Queen Anne; — Political State; — Continuation of Rapin;
— Swift's Memoirs relating to the Change of the Queen's Ministry;
and Inquiry into the Behaviour of the Queen's last Ministry ; — Letters
of Charles Ford, and Erasmus Lewis to Dr. Swift; — Bolingbroke's
Correspondence; — Macpherson's Stuart and Hanover Papers, jposwm;
— Meujoiires de Berwick and Torci. ' ' " " *

17'14. 295
borough should be anxious to, be present at the
expected crisis; and he was strongly exhorted by
his friends in England to accelerate his return.
Oppressed by the weight of age and increasing
infirmities, he waited only till the parliament was I
prorogued, to commence his journey, and declared '
his resolution to brave again the persecutions he
had already endured, for the gratification of re
visiting his native land.
He gave notice of his design to prince Eugene,
a.nd imparted it to his friends in England. As
early as AprU, his wife, in her extensive corre
spondence, announced, with heartfelt satisfaction,
that they should speedUy return to their country,
declaring with a spirit of national enthusiasm, that
she would rather die in a cottage in England, than
reside in a palace abroad.
To the elector he thus announced his puipose,
in a letter to Robethon, dated June 18.
After expressing his concern for the death of
the electress, he adds, " I have been wishing some
time to hear how you parted with Mr. Harley, and
whether there, was any hope of the electoral prince
going into England, which, I find, all the con
siderable men of both sides so earnestly desired,
that they express a great deal of trouble at tile
disappointment. This is what my correspondents
write the 29th, O.'S,, of May; and one thing
more, which, I think, is diverting, that Mr.
Auditor Harley gives into these complaints, and
said, that if the electoral prince had immediately
followed the demanding of the writ, it had, by this ,
tirae,u^ put an end to the jacobite ministers and;
u 3

294 CHAPTER 112.
party. How sincere this is in my lord treasurer's
brother, I believe you may be able to judge qf as
well as any body, by what he has written to yOur
court ; but this artifice, and a great many others
of the same kind; shew that be thinks it of use to
continue deluding people with such tricks, and
pretending. that he is for the succession in the
! house of Hanover; though, since he had the poWer^
he never made one step that was not directly
against it. ' . :
" Pray be pleaded to take an opportunity of ac
quainting his electoral highness, that riiybest friends
think my being in England may be of much more
use to the service, than my continuing abroad,
upon which, I design to return as soon as the par
liament is up ; and being very desirous of receiviflg
the elector's commands, I have already writteri to
M. Bothmar, to meet me at Mordick, which may
easUy be done without being known to any body.
I shall not leave this place tUl the beginning of the
next month."
He accordingly took his departure from An
twerp, and repaired to Ostend for the purpose
of embarking. While he was detained by contrary
winds, the duchess imparted to her eorre-
spondent, Mrs. Clayton *, an interesting account
of bis journey.

* Mrs. Ckytoa was wife of Robert Clayton, esq., who held an offi
cial situation in the treasury, and was one of the managers of the duke's
estates during his absence. After the accession of George I., the
dacbess procured for her friend, throngh the influence of baron,5oth-
mar; the place of woman of the bedchamber to the princess of Wales.
In this situation she conciliated the favour «f her royal mistress, and

1714. 295
^'Ostend, Monday morning, July 30. 1714. — I
am sure my dear friend will be glad to hear that
we are come weU to this place, where we wait for
a fair wind, and, in the mean time, are in a very
clean house, and have every thing good but water.
'Tis not to be told, in this letter, the respect and
affection shewn to the duke of Marlborough, in
every place where he goes, which always makes
me remember our governors in the manner that is
natural to do ; and, upcm this journey, one thing
has happened that was surprising and very pretty.
The duke of Marlborough contrived it so as to
avoid going into the great towns, as much as he
could, and for that reason went a little out of the
way, not to go through Ghent ; but the chief ma
gistrates hearing where he was to pass, met him
upon the road, and had prepared a very handsome
breakfast, for all that was with us, in a little
viUage, where one of their ladies stayed \a do the
honours ; and there was in the company a consi
derable churchman that was lame, and had not
been out of his room in a great while, but^ would
g^ve himself this trouble. This is to shew yoii how
the Roman catholics in these countries love those
that have served them weU. Among the governors
of that town,, there were a great many officers that
came out with them a foot ; and I was so much
surprised and touched at their kindness, that I
could not speak tp fhe officers without a good deal

obtained great influence in the succeeding reign. Her husband wa3
created lord Sundon, and ^he becaime the great favourite oi queen Caru..
lin^. — See Memdirs of Sir' Robert Wafprfe, ptwsim.
V 4

290 CHAPTER 112.
ofconcern, saying I was sorry for what they did, fear
ing it might hurt them ; to which they repUed very j
politicly or ignorantly, I don't know which, sure
it was not possible for them to suffer for having
done their 'duty. The next day Mr. Sutton met:
us, with other officers, and did a great many civi
lities in bringing wine, and very good fruit ; but I;
was not so mu^h surprised at that, because he is so
well, with the ministers, that he may do what he:
pleases. The duke of Marlborough is determined
to stay here till he has a very fair wind and good
weather, and not to be at London till three or four
days after he lands at Dover, because we have s5.
many horses and servants, that we can't travel fast.
I long to embrace my dear Mrs. Clayton, and I
hope I shall/ never part from her again for any long
timcj tho' I have as iU an opinion of public affairs
as ever, but I would fain end my life in England!
with my friends, if I can, and must submit to po
pery or any thing that cannot be helped. My
humble service to Mr. Clayton, and to every body
that you think cares to hear of me."
Meanwhile the friends of the illustrious exUe in
England made preparations for his reception ; and
his approaching arrival was hailed by the whigs,
and all who were favourable to the house of Ha
nover, as the consummation of their hopes, while the
Jacobites contemplated his coming with dismay.
The political conduct of Marlborough during
his abode on the continent, and the motives for
his return to England being thus clearly ascer
tained, it may seem unnecessary to vindicate him
from various aspersions, which, although incon-

1714. 297
sistent with each other, have been cast on his me
mory, and repeatedly asserted, untU they have
assumed the colour of truth. Thus he has been
accused of caballing, at the same time, with, Ox
ford and Bolingbroke ; and the old slander has
been revived, of his treasonable correspondence
with the Stuart line. That he was not inclin
ed to fevour the , pretender is evident, from the
violence With which he was assaUed by the Jaco
bites, who considered him as the bitterest enemy
of their cause. One of their principal leaders, al
luding to the supposed reconciliation between him
and Bolingbroke, candidly allows that, " In that
event, it is more than probable, that aU the lord
Bolingbroke's designs for the king (the pretender),,
would have been dropped, and other schemes laid
down and pursued." He likewise mentions
a report, that the duke refused the loan ofl
a^lOO,000, which the pretender demanded as the
pledge of his fideUty. *
A single paragraph, in a secret letter from Prior to
Bolingbroke, will sufficiently disprove the malicious
but unfounded rumour, that he was acting, in con
currence with France and the pretender, to over
turn the settlement of the succession. "Aug, 7. 1714.
M. de Torcy has very severe, and, I fear, very exact
accounts of us ; we are all frightened out of our wits,
upon the duke of Marlborough'sgoingto England." t
In regard to his cabals with BoUngbroke, which seem
to be too generally credited, we may contradict the ac
cusation, on. the indeniable testimony of the secre-
* Lockhart's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 461.
-f Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 579.

298 CHAPTER 112.
tary himself In a letter to lord Strafford, dated
July 14, he observes, " Lord Marlborough's people
give out that he is coming over, and I take it for
granted he is so; whether on account of th& iU
figure he makes on the continent, or the gcw)d one
he hopes to make at home, I shall not det&raine.
But I have reason to think that some people *, who
would rather move heaven and earth, than piui;'
with their power, or make a right use of it, have
lately made overtures to him, and have entered
into some degree of concert with his creatures.
My dear lord, the queen's affairs are in a deplor
able condition." In the bitterness of his anger,
Bolingbroke also preferred an accusation to the
queen against the treasurer, for bis cabals with the
duke of' Marlborough, and adduced this supposed
intercourse, as a motive for depriving him of' the
white staff.
The tale of his cabals with Oxford rests on no
firmer foundation.
We have already stated that he was indebted to
Oxford for his passport. This transactioOr how^
ever, did not produce the smallest degree of re-
coneUiation, for the correspondence of Marlborough
evidently proves bis rooted aversion to tbe trea
surer; and the latter, in a conversation with lord
Cowper, in 1712, cast tbe most injurious reflec
tions on the disgraced general, accusing him of
encouraging the emperor to give an archduchess
/ to the pretender, and boastinig that he had inter-
/ cepted several letters to him, from the dukes of
{ Berwick and Orleans, which proved a treasonable
* Meaning lord Oxford.

1714. 299
correspondence with the Stuarts.-, A partial re
newal of their intercourse, however, occurred in
the latter end of I7IS, when Oxford announced to
the duke, in a friendly letter, the royal warrant
for ai^l 0,000 to Carry on the works of Blenheim.
This favour the duchess justiy attributes to the in- ;
disposition of the queen, which induced the trea
surer to conciliate the duke, with the hope that if
the elector of Hanover should succeed, he might
derive some benefit from his interposition. But
this gleam of returning harmony soon disappeared;
and the treasurer laboured during the mission of 1
bis relative, Mr. Harley,. to the court of Hanover, ¦
to alienate the elector from the duke, by exciting
suspicion^ of his fideUty, and exaggerating his in
tercourse with the dethroned famUy. From this
period to the death of Anne, we not only find no
proofs of reconciliation, but in some mysterious
letters from the duchess to Mrs. Clayton, we perV
ceive traces of the inveterate enmity, which both j
she and her husband fostered against the two mi
nisters, particularly against Oxford, till the mo
ment of their embarkation. A few extracts will
suffice to shew the style of the rest. *
« Antwerp, Sept. 13. O. S., 1713. — I don't know
what has been the occasion of the report of Our
coming to England, where I need not say I should
. * Contrary to my usual custom, I have left the ciphers in the text
^without explanation, because I found no key, and may possibly in some
instances be mistaken. I believe, however, the following explanation
is correct i-^, the queen ; . a, the electress Sophia; 9, electoral prince ;
ril, thepretender; 12) the pope; 17, lord Oxford; 18, lord Boling
broke; 19,lord chancellor Harcourt; 36, lady Masham ; 59, England;
88, the tories; 89, theAvhigs; 140, the king of France.

\A'

S06 CHAPTER 112.
be very glad to be, and particularly to enjoy your
agreeable conversation, but I can see no prospect;
for though i think nobody is more reasonable, and
judges better in most things than you, I can't find
any ground- to flatter myself that young 97 * wUl
not' be the same as the old, and fOT^one reason ,*c)r
another will be governed by ll's friends, 12 and
17';' land to hope only from chance, or that manv^
will oppose 11 that wiU not oppose 17 and 36,'^
a very sandy foundation, and what will fail you
at= the last ; tho' I believe the men of estates, and
that have an interest in the security of their
country, joined together, might make a good
straggle in our defence, if they could be made
sensible of the ruin that is coming upon us. But
after so many excellent papers writ to no purpose,
which all people must know is the truth, as that
nothing was ever so wicked and scandalous as the
present ministry ; how can one imagine any thing
can change the majority, when all I have men
tioned has had no effect ! I think 'tis much more
probable that the best of 88 ^should be brought
into the interest of 11,^ than that they should join
to save their liberties with 89 ^ and, hot to tire you
with my arguments, in short I think the whole
world is given up to France ; and I have it from
too good hands, that as soon as the bmperor can>
be forced into a peace, the prince of Wales is to ,
come into England ; and 'tis said in France that 7 (^
wUl consent to it. Perhaps she is not yet acquainte4
with that part of it. But, however, when the
* The new parliament. n

1714. 301
things are prepared for it, there can be no great
difficulty in that, nor no great matter whether 7^
likes it or not. Perhaps the king of France may
be strong enough to place him upon the throne,
without the consent of England ; but if they take
another way to do it, by parliament, to be sure
there will be acts pass to quiet people, and to
assure them that all things shall remain as they
are ; and is it more ridiculous to believe we shaU
be safe under the power of the king of France, and
a Roman catholic prince, to govern under him,
than what the majority of England have already
done ?"
" I have so few pleasures in this world * that I
hope my dear friend will indulge me in one of my
greatest, which is writing to you, tho' I have
wrpte to you three several ways lately, and have
none of yours since my last. I can't help wishing
for^the next post more than ordinary, because I
think it will bring an account of the house of com-
mpns ; and if they are as sensible of the ruin that
threatens, as the lords seem to be,_ I hope both
together will think, of some ^way to save us ; I7 IM
and 7,«?have wrote to 8 and 9 1 only to cheat ; and
one thing is very foolish, that 17, h^s not dated the
letter, who is so formal in those things, that he
would not fail that part, if he wrote only into his
own street, to a tradesman. But I suppose the
* This letter is without date, but was probably written towards the
end of April, 1714, because she alludes to the answer given by the queen,
on the 8th-23d of April, to an address from the lords, to issue a pro
clamation for seizing the person of the pretender.
f The remark of the duchess is perfectly correct, for the letters of
Oxford to the electoral family are without date.
l8

302 CHAPTER 112.
reason of it is, that he would have it in his power,
if these letters should be ever shewn to his prejuJ
dice, to say that they were Wrote in some year,
when he had not professed things so contrary to
1 1 ; and I am so very sure that 7-> 36, 17, 18, 19,
20 *, and 110 *, and some others, are in that ser
vice, that I can't help suspecting sometimes, that
\ f^ere is no real difference between any of these
\ figures, but that they think they serve some end
by pretending to dislike one another. And 'tis to
be apprehended that many may act contrary to
reason, in hopes of being preferred to 17's post
when 4b t and 47 1 are gone, which I imagine is
the language of 7 to such as they would make use
of for a present turn. I was never much con
cerned for the disappointment of the honest people,
concerning the words changed in the address for
the proclamation, if the prince of Wales landed;
and by a letter I had lately, I am yet more con
firmed that I was in the right. For it appears to
me, that the great struggle the ministers made to
have that matter left to her majesty's own time,
and then the queen answering that she did not
/think it necessary, must needs help to convince
I men, that can yet be in doubt of the mysterious
designs, which is certainly the chief thing ; for
when the prince does really land, whatever the pro
clamations are of either side, those that conquer
wUl do as they please ; and, therefore, I think the
first thing is, to make people see their danger- ail
the ways that can be imagined."
* Possibly the duke of Ormond and Mr. Broitiley.
f Probably the lords and commons: meaning when parliament is
prorogued.

1714. 303
" June 24. N. S. Saturday, — Sinee; my last to
ray, dear Mrs. Clayton, I have received your kind
letter of the first of this month,! and, though I
never doubt of any thing you write, I oiily fear
that what relates to the queen will not Pome time
enough to be of any service to i59. I have given
you my opinion, in former Iptters, as tb 89 and SQ',"^""^!'
and all I have to add upon that subject is, tjmt I
think there could be no doubt of 7 and 14Qr doing
every tiling that was wicked in that matter, and
miscliievous to 59. But that I suppose must be as
well seen by those that desired 9 as by me ; and
for those 'tis : reasonable to suppose that they
thought tbeyshould have got 47 and 46'tQ be of 9's
side, or elsel^don't'see what advantage it could
be of, had they Obtained" what was desired. Tho'
by all that has yet appeared, the best argument
that ever I could find for 9's waiting upon Eng
land * was, the prodigious fright 7 and 140 were
in upon that subject ; and whatever part 17 has
•had in that matter, or whatever his brother may
say to divide, and to support himself against the
ambition of 18; I am as sure that 17 is engaged to
11, and was so before 18 had any power, as I am
of any thing that is past. And if 18 does get the
better of 17> 'tis only because his way of serving 1 1
is more likpd than 17, which is very natural for 11,
12, and all their entire friends to be fond of. But
it wUl be only in the power of 36 to determine that
matter beween 17 and 18, and all the concern I
have in it is, to have that figure fall first, that is
* Journey of the electoral prince to England,

304 CHAPTER 112.
most likely to serve 59, by it, being very sure, as
long as they work together, it will be for the inte
rest of 11 ; and I am apt to think that if 17 were
discarded, it would be of more service every way
than to have 18 disappointed."
No farther evidence can surely be required to
prove that, before his departure for the continent,
Marlborough had entered in to no compromise either
with Oxford or Bolingbroke ; and that he returned
with a resolution to support that cause, for which
he had fought and conquered, • and for which he
had braved pei-secution, and doomed himself to a
voluntary exile.

1714—1715. 305
CHAPTER 113.
1714—1715.
Departure of Marlborough from the continent, — Apprised of
the qu£en's decease, and the quiet accession qf George the
first. — Lands at Dover. — Journey to London. — Dis
appointed at his exclusion from the regency. -^ Cavalcade
on his entrance into the capital. — Takes the oaths and,
appears in parliament. — Retires to Holywell-house. —
Visits Bath. — Pays his respects to the king on his landing
at Greenwich. — Arrangement of a new administration. -r-
Ascendancy qfthe whigs. — Marlbcnough made captain-
general and master of the ordnance. — Promotes the
impeachment qf Oxford and Bolingbroke. — Combats a
j^oposal in parliament for fixing the troops in particular
stations, and dismissing foreign officers. — Pacifies the
guards, who were dissatisfied with their clothing.
Xjabouring under the deepest anxiety at the
lowering aspect of public affairs, Marlborough
remained several, days at Ostend. At length a
change^of wind enabled him to take his departure
for his native shore. On approaching the coast
near Dover, in the evening of the 1st of August,
the vessel was boarded by a messenger from Sir
Thomas Frankland, postmaster-general, who con
veyed the important tidings of the queen's decease,
and the quiet accession * of the new sovereign.
* We have ventured, in this account, to follow implicitly the narra-,
live of the duchess, who must have been best acquainted with the cir
cumstances attending their return. Boyer and other writers assert thiat
they had a stormy passage, and were not apprised of the news of the
queen's decease till the clay following their arrival at Dove.'.
VOL. VI. X

306 CHAPTER 113.
The feelings of the exUed chief may easily be
conceived. Providence appeared to bless his return
to the bosom of his friends and family. He no
longer had to encounter unmerited persecution,
no longer to bear the frowns of an offended
sovereign, or to remain exposed to the calumnies
and vengeance of party. He had reason to expect
a return of sentiment in his misguided countrymen ;
and from the sovereign who was called to the
throne, he anticipated the favours and distinction,
which its preserver was entitled to claim.
The welcome which he experienced on his
entrance into the harbour, was calculated to give
strength to these grateful feelings. On the ap
proach of the vessel, the thunder of artiUery
resounded from the platform; aud as he landed,
he was hailed with the shouts of exulting crpwds.
He was received by the mayor and jurats in all
their formalities ; and afterwards repaired to the
hospitable mansion of his devoted friend. Sir Henry
Furnese, from whence he had taken his departure
for his voluntary exUe.
On the following day he proceeded towards the
capital, and passed the night at Sittingbburne,
On the road, the elevated hopes he had conceived,
were damped by the communications of colonel
Graham, one of his former aides-de-camp, who
imparted to him the list of lords justices ; from
which, to his mortification, he found his own name,
and that of lord Sunderland, excluded.
He bore this unexpected slight with dignified
calmness, and continued his journey. He purposed
to enter the metropolis with his usual privacy.;

1714—1715. 307
butithe zeal of his friends overcame his caution,
and he consented to bear a part in the cavalcade
prepared for his reception. On^ his approach to
the suburbs, he was . met by Sir Charles Cox,
member for Southwark, at the head of 200 gentle
men on horseback ; and as he advanced, the
procession was joined by his family and friends,
in a long train of carriages, . With this escort he.
passed through the' city, preceded by a volunteer
company of the city. grenadiers, and hailed with
loud acclamations of " Long live king George !
Long live the duke of Marlborough !" ,
At Temple Bar his carriage broke down, but
without producing any serious injury ; and he rode
in another coach to his house in Pall Mall, where
the grenadiers took, their leave by firing a volley.
The remainder of the evening was spent in receiv
ing the congratulations of his family and friends.
The ensuing morning, the 5th of August, he was
visited by most of the foreign ministers, and many
of the nobility, gentry, and officers of the army ;
and having been sworn of the privy council, by the
lords justices, he appeared in the house pf lordsy
which then first met for the transaction of business.
He took the oaths of allegiance and supremacy,
and, after the speech delivered by the lords justices,
gave his approbation to the loyal address passed on
the occasion. *
- . The parliament being prorogued till the 12th,
he did not remain in town to take any farther
share in public business; but withdrew tO his
" * Journals ; — Boyer's Political State ; — Lediard ; — Tindal, vol. xviii.
p. 5-1 1 .
X 2

308 CHAPTER 113.
mansion of Holywelbhouse, with sentiments of
chagrin and disappointment at the slight he had
experienced in being excluded from the regency;
. His J dignified > retirement awakened the hano
verian agents to a sense of their neglect. He was
accordingly visited by Bothmar and his colleagues,
who laboured to assuage his chagrin by tiieir
apologies, and ascribed the oversight to inad
vertency, or to his absence from England.i He
accepted their excuses ; but, at the instance«of
the duchess, adopted a resolution to hold no ofiiicial
situation under the new government. The fact is
thus stated in her own words * : "I begged of
the duke of Marlborough, upon my knees, that he
would never accept of any employment. I said
every body that liked the revolution and; the
security of the law had a great esteem for him ;
that he had a greater fortune than he wanted ; and
that a man who had had such success, with such
an estate, would be of more use to any court, than
they could be of to him : that I would live civUly
with them, if they were so to me, but would never
put, it into the power of any king to use me ill.
He was entirely of this opinion, and determined
to quit all, and serve them only when he could
act honestly, and do his country service at the
same time. Any extraordinary pay as general, he
quitted at first, there being an end of the war ;
so that he had only the empty riame of it. And
his other preferments were, master of the ordnance,
and his regiment of guards,^ for which he had only
* Narrative of the duthess.

1714—1715. 309
the settled allowances; and. what he resolved to
quit was of no consideration tohim, added to his
estate." ¦. .-,,,¦. ^
Having passed a few days at Holywell, he'
proceeded to Windsor Lodge, on his way to Bath;
for tbe purpose of embracing his beloved daughter,
lady Sunderland, who was seriously indisposed.
Here he remained, till the period when George
the first was^dxpected in England, to take posses*
sion of his new sovereignty. ¦
'-The interval between the death of Anne and
the departure of the king from Hanover, was spent
by all parties in vain conjectures, and with mingled
hope and anxiety. ' The conduct of the new sove
reign was well calculated to work on the feelings
of all who aspired to office and distinction, and to
give the two rival parties an equal interest in the
maintenance of tranquUlity. His arrival at the
Hague disclosed his real views ; for the whigs were
gratified to find their zeal and attachment rewarded
with his fuU confidence and favour. But although
his decision evinced his predilection for the great
champions of civU liberty, he displayed a jealousy
of those chiefs, who, under the name of the junta,
had directed the operations of the party, by
confiding the powers of government to lord Towns-
hend,! who hadvhitherto acted in a subordinate
sphere. ' '
J 'Before his arrival, that nobleman received the
seals, which had been taken from lord Bolingbroke,
and was intrusted with the arrangement of a new
administration. On the 17th, he took possession
of his office, and on the 18th the king gratified
X 3

310 CHAPTER 113.
his expectant subjects, by^landing at Greenwictt^
in company with the electoral prince. Marlborough
hastened from Bath, to join the vast concourse,
who crowded to greet his arrival, and was received
with peculiar marks of attention and cordiality.
He likewise experienced the most flattering dis
tinction from the heir-apparent, who was proud to
recognise the illustrious hero, under whose, banner
he had reaped the first fruits of glory, at the
battle of Oudenard. The duke attended the king
on his solemn entry into the metropolis, and
shared with his sovereign the acclamations of the
populace. While the whigs were flattered with peculiar
marks of the royal attention, the leading members
pf the late administration were treated with equal
neglect and scOrn. The earl of Oxford was barely
admitted to kiss the hand of his new master, but
without the slightest notice ; the duke of Ormond,
who was hastening to Greenwich with a splendid
retinue, was forbidden to appear in the royal
presence ; and lord Harcourt, who, as chancellor,
had prepared the patent for the prince of Wales,
was contemptuously dismissed.
The arrival of the king was followed by the
choice of a new administration, which had been
previously arranged by lord Townshend, in con
junction with his brother-in-law, Mr. Walpole, who,
in like manner, was called from a subordinate
character to the management of the house of com
mons, and the office of paymaster of the forces.
General Stanhope was nominated the other secre
tary of state; lord. Cowper, chancellor; lord

1714—1715, 311
Wharton, who was raised to the dignity of iiiarquess,
privy seal ; the duke of Shrewsbury was retained
in his post of lord chamberlain ; the duke of
Somerset constituted master of the horse ; and the
duke of Devonshire lord high steward. The
admiralty and treasury were both put in comr
mission ; the first under the earl of Oiford, and
the last under lord Halifax, who was created an
earl, honoured with the garter, and permitted to
resign, in favour of his nephew, the lucrative post
of auditor of the exchequer, which was incompatible
with his new office. The lord lieutenancy of Irelanti
was conferred on lord Sunderland. The posts of
government were successively filled by the same
party; and the only tory admitted to a share of
power, was Nottingham, who, in reward for his
late aUiance with the whigs, was restored to his.
former situation of president of the council.
Few who are accustomed to power are willing
to forego its enjoyment ; and, therefore, we are
not surprised to find Marlborough forgetting his
late resolution, and yielding to the persuasions of
Sunderland and his other friends, in resuming his
former offices of captain-general and master of the
ordnance. He was also gratified by the appoint
ment of his sons-in-laW, lord Godolphin to the
post of cofferer of the household, and the earl of
Bridgewater to that of lord chamberlain to the
prince's household. The duke of Montagu,
another son-in-law, was rewarded with a regiment,
and a company in the first regiment of guards ; and
the duchess, his daugliter, was soon afterrwards
X 4

312 CHAPTER 113.
appointed lady^pf th>e ,bed-chagibeir to the princess
of WaJ^s. , _ , , -•¦ , .; ¦'- ,' ''•¦ "
But although our great commander was, thus
distinguished with hpnours and emoluments, he
was. reduced, to the, shadow of his former authority;
fpr he, was adpii|;ted to little share in the govern-
inent.pf the state, and confined to the routine of
liis .official stations. He deeply felt also the total
exclusion of the moderate tories, with whom he
had been once identified in principle, and whose
ze^al and services in support of the protestant suc
cession he duly appreciated. Nor was he less
chagrined at the exclusion of his son-in-law, lord
Supderland, from the primary departments of state,
and his appointment to the viceroyalty of Ireland,
vphich was considered as a species of honourable
banishment. , " ¦. >
The same tranquillity which had marked the;
change of sovereigns in England, was experienced
in Scptland and Ireland; and in both countries the
offices of government were transferred to the
favoured party. The seals of secretary of state for
Scotland were taken from the earl of Mar, and
given tp the duke of Montrose, who had signalised
hi^ zeal in favour of the whigs ; and the office of
cpmmander-in-chief was vested in the duke of
Argyle, who had successfully combated the in
trigues of BoUngbroke. In Ireland, Sir Con
stantine Phipps and the : archbishop of Armagh,
were removed from the posts of lords justices, and.
replaced by friends to the protestant interest; a
new privy council was formed, and the high office
of chancellor Was consigned to Alan Brodrick, one

1714—1715. 313
of the ablest and most honourable of the whig
party, who was intrusted with the chief authority
of government. *
' The parliament was dissolved as soon as the
arrangements of administration were matured ;
and the popular sentiment reverting from the
tories to the whigs, gave them an entire ascendancy
in the new elections. The remainder of the
autumn and winter having been judiciously em
ployed in strengthening the government at home,
and in endeavouring to renew the political system
abroad, the legislature was called to resume its
functions on the 17th of March, 1714-15. The
whigs raised Mr. Spencer Compton to the speaker's
chair ; and the proceedings were opened on the
21st with a speech from the throne, adapted to the
circumstances of the times, and breathing the
sentiments of the whigs.
After approving the zeal, which all classes had
manifested in defence of the protestant succession,
the king stated that many essential conditions of
the late peace were not duly performed, and urged
the necessity of defensive alUances to ensure its
execution. He observed, that the pretender boasted
of the assistance which he expected from his parti
sans in England, that he was still permitted to reside
in Loraine, that the trade of the nation was injured,
and the public debts increased. He concluded
with professing his resolution to make the esta
blished constitution, in church and state, the rule
' * He was soon afterwards created baron Brodrick, and is better known
under his subsequent title of viscount Middleton..^ See Memoirs of
¦Sir Robert Walpole, passim.

314 CHAPTER 113,
of his government, and to devote the chief care
of his life to the happiness, ease, and prosperity ot
his people.
The addresses prepared by the whigs were
vigorously opposed by the members and favourers
of the late administration, who considered the
style of the speech as indicative of an attack
against themselves; but their opposition only
rOused the spirit of the ruling party. Both houses
testified the most heartfelt gratitude to Provi
dence, for having raised his majesty to the throne
at this critical conjuncture. Both expressed hopes
that, assisted by the zeal of parliament> he would
recover the reputation of the kingdom in foreign
parts, and declared that they would convince the
world by their actions, that the loss of honour was
not to be imputed to the nation in general. Both
trusted in his majesty's wisdom and energy to
secure the fulfilment of the treaties, to alleviate
their debts, to preserve public credit, and restore
trade. But the address of the commons was pecu
liarly energetic ; they professed that no care oh
their part should be wanting to enquire into the
cause of the late fatal miscarriages, and observed,
" we are sensibly touched, not only with tbe dis
appointment, but the reproach brought upon the
nation, by the unsuitable conclusion of a war,
which was carried on at so vast an expence, and
was attended with such unparalleled successes ; but
as that dishonour cannot in justice be imputed to
the whole nation, so we firmly hope and believe,
that through your majesty's great wisdom, and the
faithful endeavours of your commons, the repu-

1714—1715, 315
tation of your kingdoms wiU in due time be vindi
cated and restored."
In a subsequent part of the address, the com
mons evinced a determination not to overlook the
dishonourable conduct of the late administration,
adding, " it is with just resentment we observe
that the pretender still lives in Loraine, and that
he has the presumption, by declarations from
thence, to stir up your majesty's subjects to rebel
lion. But that which raises the utmost indignation
of your commons is, that it appears therein, that
his hopes were built upon the measures that had
been taken for some time past in Great Britainv
It shaU be our business to trace out those measures,
whereon he places his hopes, and to bring the
authors of them to condign punishment."
Marlborough was too deeply affected with the
degradation of the national honour, and the danger
to which the liberties and constitution of England
had been exposed, by the conduct of the late
ministers, not to approve the resolution expressed
in this address, to call them to account. Accord
ingly, both himself and his adherents joined in the
impeachments of Oxford and Bolingbroke, who
were the principal authors of the late dishonourable
peace, and the no less dishonourable measures
adopted in its progress.
Bolingbroke and Ormond fled from the justice
of their country ; and having evinced their guilt,
by publicly entering into the service of the pre
tender, were outlawed and attainted. Oxford
more manfully awaited his fate, and, in conse
quence of a vote of impeachment, was committed

316 CHAPTER 113.
to the Tower. - The particulars of this celebi^ated
process ^belong to the province of the national
historian, and,' therefore, we shall merely obsterv\^
that* the' duke of Marlborough was present in the
house of peers, at the different decisions passed'ob
this occasion, and gave his vote in support of-^tbi
heads of accusation, though he took' no share in
the debates. ¦"-
We shall now, therefore, confine ourselves prin
cipally to those events and circumstances in which
Marlborough waspersonally or officially concerned.
As captain-^general, he had speedily an occasionito
employ his judicious and well-timed interference. '
i On* the 24th of May, 1715, a clause was propb^ed
in the house of peers; to be inserted in the bill foif
the regulation. of the land forces, then under 'disi
cussion, the purport of which was, to confine
the regiments to their stations in every paH of
the british dominions. It was warmly supported
bys the duke of. Buckingham, lord Trevor,' lord
North and Grey, and by the bishop of Rochestei-j
all J of whom were friendly; to the pretender's
interest. The duke of Marlborough, on the other
hand, exposed, i with great warmth and ability, the
insidiousness and impolicy of this restriction^ 'i'rt
case of an invasion or insurrection. He enlarged
on the dangers which would ensue, should' tlie
foreign invaders or the insurgents be superiorinniim-
beiUo the troops quartered on any partidblaf spot^
whUe others remained useless in distant and peaee-^
able stations; and justly observed, " hisittlajesty'
having trusted his royal person' and family entii^ly
into the hands of the nation, and, at the ¦opening
1 8

1714—1715. 317
of the session told the parUament that what they
should judge necessary for their safety,' hc: should
think Sitfficientfdr his own, we camiot do less for his
majesty than to leave to his great wisdom and direc
tion, the disposal of the few troops that are kept on
foot." »o<>
His opinion, strengthened by tlie weight of long
experience and military skill, prevailed with the
house, and the clause was rejected without a
division. i.qi..
He combated also, with no less firmness ¦ than
ability, another clause, which, under the semblance
of national predilection, deeply affected the honour
of the country, and the interest of the army.' 'A
motion being made to exclude all foreign officers
from the british service, Marlborough spoke with
peculiar energy against so impolitic a measure^
" Thus to cashier,"- he exclaimed, " officers, par
ticularly french refugees, whose intrepidity and
skill I have often experienced, many of whom have
served during twenty-five years with disinterested
Zealand unblemished fidelity, would be the height
of ingratitude, and an act bf injustice, unparalleled
even among the most barbarous nations/' His
arguments had their due effect, and he had again
the satisfaction to find his opinion approved and
sanctioned. But while he thus exerted his patriotic efforts
for the welfare of the army, he was exposed to a
maUcious imputation, no less frivolous in itself,
than , unjustly grounded. , oiii ¦ 'i^-
Y The accession of a foreign sovereign, unac
quainted with our language and manners, and sur-t

Sl8 CHAPTER 113.
rounded with crowds of needy adherents. Was
Hkely to call forth those popular prejudices, which
form a leading feature in the character of the
british nation. In such circumstances, trifling
grievances, which would otherwise pass unnoticed,'
or be speedily remedied, contributed to excite the
most serious dissatisfaction ; and the public feel
ing was strikingly manifested on the king's birth
day, and on the anniversary of the Restoration,'^
when ' crowds of all descriptions assembled in the
streets. Instigated by jacobite or disaffected leaders, the
giddy populace tumultuously collected in different-
parts of the town, shouting, " Ormond and high
church fbr ever ! Down with the Hanover rats !"
Their example readUy spread to the guards, who
were offended by the frauds of the contractors for
furnishing their clothing, which was defective both
in quantity and quality. Some threw their shirts-
into the gardens of St. James's Palace and of
Marlborough House; and a detachment- of the*
very regiment of which he was colonel, in their
way to the Tower, publicly exposed their coarse
and scanty garments, exclaiming, " These are
Hanover shirts !" The captain-general felt . the
danger of alienating the force, which was intrusted
with the duty of defending the royal person, and
preserving the tranquillity of the capital. The
clothing having been examined, and the com
plaints of the soldiers appearing justly founded, he
instantly directed the obnoxious shirts to be burnt,
and ordered a double supply, both of shirts and
jackets, of superior quality, to be prepared

1714—1715. 319
On the 2d of June he reviewed his own regi
ment of guards ; and, at the close of the evolu
tions, thus addressed them': —
*' Gentlemen ; —r I am much concerned to find
your complaints so just, about the ill state of your
clothes. I take this opportunity to tell you, that
I am wholly innocent of this grievance ; and,
depend upon it, no application shall be wanting on
my part, to trace out the measures that have been
taken, to abuse you and me, I am resolved
nothing shall divert me from demanding forthwith
satisfaction, (wherever it may happen to fall,) and
shall think nothing too much, on my part, for your
great services. I have ordered you a new set' of
clothing, such as will be every way becoming his
majesty's first regiment of foot-guards. I desire
you wiU return these, and take your old, till such
time as the new can be completed, which, I give
you my word, shall be as soon as possible, I have
bad the honour to serve with some of you a great
many campaigns, and believe you will do me the
justice to tell the world, that I never willingly
wronged any of you ; and if I can be serviceable
to any (the least) of you, you may readily com
mand it, and I shall be glad of any opportunity
for that purpose. I hope I shall now leave you
gopd subjects to the best of kings, and every way
entirely satisfied."
This address, seconded by a liberal donation of
beer, obliterated the memory of all grievances ;
and the troops hastened to testify their returning
sense of duty, by uniting in their acclamations.

320 CHAPTER 113.
the names of George the first, and the duke of
Marlborough. *
We quit incidents, which, though trifling, might
have been attended with the most serious conse
quences, to turn our view to events more suited'^to
the fame and character, of our illustrious hero.
* Lediard, vol. iii. p. 591 — 394.

1715—1716. 321

CHAPTER 114.
1715—1716.
tit effects qf the peac& on the domestic affairs qf England. -»«
Mischiefs derived from the residence qf the pretender in
Loi-aine. — Rising disaffection towards the riexv govern-'
ment. — Projectf and hopes qfthe Jacobites. — Evasion of
the earl qf Mar. — Commencement of the rebellion in
Scotland. ; — Commotions and conspiracies in England. —
Vigorous measures qf the ministry. — Judicious arrange-'
ments qf Marlborough as commander-in-chief. — Loyalty
qf parliament, — Arrest qf Sir William Windham^ and
other suspected persons, — Duke of Argyle entrusted with
the command in Scotland, — Operations against the rebels.
—Battle of Dumblain. — Capitulation qf Preston. — Death
qf Louis the fourteenth. — Appedr'ance of the pretender in
Scotland. — His^ progress and transactions at Scone and
Perth. — Proclaimed Mt^.^ — Lukewarmness of Argyle.. —
Junction qf 6000 dutch imixiUaries, under the command qf
general Cadogan.— Offensive vper&tions. — Retreat qf the
rebels. — Escape qf the pretender, and diversion qf his
follffwers, — Recall ofArgylg. — Elevation of Cadogan to
the peerage.
The ill effects derived from the late dishonourable
peace were still more deeply felt by England in its
domestic, than in its foreign relations. The most
prominent was,^ the residence of the pretender in
Loraine, where he could avaU himself of the con
nivance, if not tbe assistance of the king of France,
VOL. VI. Y

322^ CHAPTER f^l4.
and excite the flame of insi>Brbc|;»3W«ja(^»)tog MsddK)
herep^? ii^ the britishidQ*ni»io»«» bas seeffi aa^amiing)
the parties disaffected to tk& liCJK igd[Beimmfentaiiift«
The exclusion, ffithe tpries i from ; the jpriracsipal)
offices 0|f, state, .apdiiJthe, sevejityjd howp^^' just^l
which.)ya[S.; exerqi^jlni^Wfti'ds I'Ihe .merohersXofol^i
lajt^.^(^aflm,j^i§^}'^ti^nfc. , created ^great disc^HjieStsji
^jSi W><t^ ,^?^g^mtq^ by.the reports of -j^&b^ei
^gi|^ ^^d fpi§s;fc<tnd( the :most. sanguine feopesi
A^jg^e j^ert^gi^ds.pllioverturnin'gj the new: ojalergoifi
WS^mPtdiuhl bsmifino-iq :0df/ : >; ¦ >.o Aid 9ilJ
iiJfefffeiPUPfbWiSB^ -Hot .overlooked at thS^eauito
Q)|i{V|s|-^^j^a. 3.(|!«J§|withstanding aU thiKoselenfiT
|>i'fl53J?gs,3§p}dithe. perUs: from which be haijiatoesti
miraculously escaped, Louis was tooj TOudbdfiHr.'
^J^/S*^ .in:d^i8§H^fflgl^¥il^qnKiilsi©BSit, in ith^ier-
4^ia?»iffAfe^f^t3:&iggFi<ifi^jig%ghbour,,nofc^a) co?:^ivc .atthe i^^^Q^ of , th^prefeiider. iHBignprii:
P'.'?4.]li^. sf PMliyi3^it|i cWmscpfviiMsney, . a^tpearti
mittecj. ,him ctftiprgpare; a small, , lacmament, rig itthe'
P-P^.^C*P§FJP de GraCiCf jvhi^W^s ©(^ippeagindsjd
^,:f^^^S^£«al%e../^^fogbJec!feapd)^%nJbadi'.flceJEw^'^^P^S^iP^^i^i^theifB^qi^lpnteiinicSn^lsiad^Sgavfe^ spyiliM4.:.S?#^S2? fe^^fegii^tJitrtQinert jaa^aoand*
a simultaneous rising was planngdlin-dkiffece^ti
cQunties. , .But it \§|t ia^JS^CStod, iwherc, th^igeim
**L ^.^9?".^^"K.."io§t i^^idlyr sprMj^ r,intQ),in^atusityyi
^B^i*^i^^^e^^e a^fe^gfe qfith(ei§tuMtsi<sl*^8^itgtffnisrj
%^^^j^Wi^l> tp i-aise j^e. ?tandaKdLQi;,TOiiOiess«iM.L.
.J.¥ prime ..^ejntaW-the Jr§t .OTjetotcaqtbsKasathe-
celebra^^d. ,^arl^ j^f ]^^. Avtitteidefeth 9fl.qq»8M
Anne, this 'npblemigi^, in3^adtft*^5ealtipi®fessiffi5S tjfj
loyalty to the new soverei@i3^4lid.i;o0k'ithe fasiJaV|

:ti7l5i-lfl6.= m''
OAtks of allegiance ; but being dissatisfied with his
^oubisioa from aU share in the administfatibn of
affairs; -he embarked on the 8th of August at
Gravesend;- \vith majw-general HamUton and co-
IplHol ttayi on board of a collier; and, after land
ing? at Newcastle, sailed in another vessel to EUe,'
in-iF^Bhird; Having collected in the neighbour-"
ing'idistricts a few hundred follower^ ahd being
joined by several noblemen and lail-ds, he rdised
the istaandard* of rebellion at Brae- Mar ; and,' on
the 6th of September, proclaimed James the third
of England, and "eighth of Scotland, at Castleton.
The- Scottish' clans flocking to his quarters,' his
desultory forces, before ithe end of the month,
aHftoa^ited to 10,000 men. I ,J' "l'""-* vS^'i.ofuji.'.h
•'At the same time, a regular conspiracy 'was
0i%anised in various parts Of England, whibh was
fomented by many persons pf eminence and dis
tinction, among whom we particularly nPtifce Sir
Williiitt Windham, whose* influence was un-^
bounded- in the western counties. The impulse
was already given, and a vast body of malcontents
waited only for the appearance of the dbkei of
Ormond, to imitate the example of their brethren
beyond the Tweed. '< ^ "- -« -' '
In -the' northern districts, tbe insurgents wfere,
however, too impatient to remain ti-anqilU tiU the
conspiracy broke forth in the south ; for the ekrl
of EterwentWater and colonel Forster assembled a
focce, and proclaimed the pretender in Warkworth,
Morpeth, atM Alnwick. But they speedily felt
the effects of ^ their, precipitation, and were com-
pi^Ued to retiB0ito Hexhaiii.; "¦> ^^S'^ ^^'^"
Y 2

S24^ CHAPTER 114..
4 On thefirstintelligence of the pr(e^ender's,p|3^
for the invasion, of the british, dominipng,. ,t^ .TO^""^
stry acted with unusual vigQM and.alacr.ityjii>!?'d
the duke of Marlborough participa:^e44n;t,h§ii'^^.3'}.
Horace Walpole ^^as ..sent to, jpij|. with gmm?i^
Cadogan, then minister at the Hague^ in pre^ijlg
the States, to, ratify the barrier treatyi ^and-SHPiPlW"
the contingent of .6000 men, stipulfited , in ^,|^e
article for the guaranty of the prptestant .^Hcc^fs-
sipjfi.'.gThis application was suQgf ssful ; and ^^^.a^l-
borpugh impatiently expected the disenibarha|jpn
of ,, Cadogan,; with the promised. sucppurs, ,^|:jt|he,
ineans pf extinguishing the flames of rcbeUio):|j ,j.|
Th^ king haying declared to parliament, .t^^a^.a
rebellion was begun at home, an4 an invasippi gp-
-pi^ehen^cd frpm abroad, both houses presented
a44''6Sses,, full of loyalty and zeal, and expres^e^ a
resolution to support g with vigour his,!maj|;sfc|fj's
gQvernnient against all foreign and domestic ,^np-,
mies.f, j In conformity with these declaratfp^^^'^e
, parliament granted liberal supplies,, suspendiediifche
habeas cprpus actj, empowered the king to\ secure
snspeeted, persons, and offered a rewar/d^jj^f
isi"], 00, 000, for seizing, |;he pretender, alive or4?l''3-'
They voted also, an j augmentaitipa of tl]e s,e9,fa:|d
land : forces, aijid , gstajbU^hed , aU ; necessary j(^'e^-
lations for maintaining j^tf^Hftf .trainqvi.illi];y„ gpd'
3 resisting foreign iny^iQU,,., Iliv, f (. .jqoH \ » _ . ;
(' ^ , TJig, jnipist^rs; . a,c^ed r with , np, , l^Sj^ ^yigg^g^d ;
. decisionj.thP spir^1j,,pfiilpy#lty e^sfeate(fr^rii|ie
parliament, spread over the nation, 4nd the pro--
jected insurrection was tk-ev^riteld? i'5%rS<Mg%f aU
ranks and distinctions were secured j ai^fl^ -- —

->tf I7i5__i7i6. 325
^li'efce we dannot omit to notice Sir William Wind-
hSffl, Whose- ai^rest was accoinpanied with peculiar
cfif^cumstanirfes. ' The proposal for his 'apprehen-
4fiM,"^*^^i evident prbbfs of Ms guilt,' beibg laid
bfefbre the- cabinet council, his father-in-law, 'the
iUikie' bf Somef'set, bffered to bebome responsible
'itelhis bbndubt ;' but 'when his offers #er%' rejected,
^Sid his sbn-ib-law was cbmmitted to th^Tower,
'ffi^Hfgh^Spirited peer gave vettt to his chkgrinV in
"sTOft indignant terrns, that he Was removed ftdm
W.Pbf&ce bf master of the horseL * To^thI^"^1i-
CTdMt Marlborough alludes in two mysteritiffs-hotes
to the dubhess, indicating hi-s perfect apprbfektibn
''of^-'the measure, 'i,^ well as his unabated' bp]|fcy tion
tb the projects of the pretettderL a./diad'^''
^"^^ "- Md7iday, 12 o'cfoc/^.-— Ibave kept the b^§if^,
*"in'hb^es that Vd might have heard from the d/rke
*^rif 'A'rgyle ; but there is a letter cPibe' fi-otti' Bb!r-
'^ibk; which says the rebels ate inarching towards
''Nofthumberland. If that be ti-ue, it must be thkt
^'i^he dnke of Argyle has not followed them, '-sifsf!
: « J hope in God thibgS %U1 turn more'tb bx'ir
' 'kdv'ibtage than yours of last night ap|)reheitided.
There will be sent an express this afternoon *to
''Cadbgah, for the hastening the dutch troops ; but
'^y what he writes to me, I fear he will not be able
to embark them till this day se^nnight,
" I hope 5 1 will some time this day carry the
'ttessiage for dismissing 11 (the diike of Somerset,)
Which at last was with difficulty resolved. ¦* * *
-.jiq .j.ii 1 1 •(-)»- ,1- ¦ '
j]^ ^^§)g(^i?s^Q^^ir Rpbert Walpole, chap. 11.
+ Prabablv one of the secretaries of state, or perhaps the Jgrd
y 3

326 CHAPT;ER 114.
^' As Mr. Cadogan is in hopes of signing the
barrier treaty this w^k, I have been very pressih^-
with him, that he should come in person with the
dutch troops, whichi will be a very great use*' tb
me, for he wiU^^be, upon aU occasions, ver^
useful." ¦ ' ''
<' Tuesday night. — I find by yobrs of lastnigHt
that you are desirous not to be here till Thursd^'.
1 am sure I shall always prefer your satisfaietion
before my own, so that I reckoh you wiU nbt'^bb'
here till Thursday, Ih the mean time, be easy^in
your mind, for our cause is so good, 'that Frdyi-'
dence can't but be of our side. The business of
lb (the duke of Somerset)' was this morning per
formed,* so that the trouble of that matter is noW
at an end." '=^'^?^"'
In adverting to the causes, which give erieirgy
afid*i support to the new government, we carinot
omit the^ elevation of Mr. Walpole to the head of
the treasury,' which had been recently vacated by
the' death bf lord Halifax, and the resignation 'bf
the earl of Carlisle, who found himself unequal to
the management of so responsible an office, in this
perilous crisis. This appointment was peculiarly
grateful -to Marlborough ; for he had himself been
the earliest patron of Walpole, whose fidelity, dis
cretion, and talents for business, he had long'ej^i'
perienced. The confidence inspired by the prin
ciples and financial ability of the new minister
produced the most gratifying effect. Every loyHl'
member of the commbnity contributed to sup|ily^'
the treasury with voluntary loans, and among
those, who gave such proofs of public spirit* w^ '

^ 17t5;-^"^15l6.:: 327
sSi^tinguisb the dulfe of Marlbprgug^, yft(p,:m this
pressing exigence,^ raised ;pn,^> bis own-^jpriyftte;
cji'e^it^ , 3; ¦consi.derable sum ^^f; mpney, , im thte- <sp^fie
of a few, hours. ^^ "^e are happy,, in this ii^tn!Qg§f.
to,.combine the names of Marlbprpugh and Wal*
pole, for their eminent services in support ';6f,;a
gpy^rnment, the overthrow of which wouid^have
intipd,qced popery and arbitrary power. -, -jjo-
, .!^!eanwhile the most vigorous and judicious
ay^angerBients J were planned jj by government, for
rajsing the civil force in every part of the country;-
an4,the commander-in-chief made a regular distri^'
bi^tigiji, of the troops, who^were to act against -the
rebe,ls.fj| General Wjghtman, who commanded in
the.jpoith, collected a small^body of troops, and
posted himself at Stirling Castle, to check -the
ady^r^ce of tjb.e, ] insurgents towards the south.
IJ^-e ,he -svas prdered to remain, tUl he was joined;
b^ the , duke of Argyle, who was intrustedi with .
t^Q (direction of the whole military force in Scot- *
lan4, , aflid waited : only for reinforcements to take
tl^^ ,fiel(;l, General Carpenter was dispatched to
ISEorthmnberland, with a body of horse and foot;
an^. general Willes, landing with four reghnpnts
f^^,; Ireland, .took the route through Chester
toj^rd&thp north, for, the pugip^ei of awing the
nu^e;^pus rnalcontents in Lancashire,) .where a
rislpg. ^^^s,s hourly expected.;; ¦i^sv.rj -jiVi ^-^m-vji 'aq
,^p[^h^, appearance of general Carpenter in Nor
th jjmWia^d tranquillised the _, county. , He in-
stam;bf^,ni9rqhe|d» i wifih'gOQ dragpons^ :§ig^ngt€ithe
§SfMMnek'm a leiler^'lroni lacly Blayney to the late duchess of
y 4

3m CHAPTER 1114.
r.©feelayb.Bud f(D^{^dJierf*tdtfallifScatet©wardsWdfe#|
builbeing'therei'^eferidftey a eisq^ioB @O0iseiftta&
b|0je»e,, pnder ilordiS'3g(ffnnBiir, CdcrawpiElh, andil8^«JS^
toun, iwho Iliad iakea^y/proclamtie9[h<lJic|prq6,^iai^
in idiffetoehtpto'ts of ScotlandJjtheycagaiiB^vdftegd
tocKelabti'i dHiiteithey awaited witfc/mpati^tieeililflfe
juEuttionjof a body; of ibighlanderfe^bunder bri^srefe
MatdoifliutoshjJ vWio was -Ufetafchled by,the e.arl? of iMkt,
wJthvaS(DOmen, to imaike a descent ott the Ixo^Jaa^
ando'Surprise Edifaburgh; ixDutingo thed^e' mi(te-
ments^the. earlibfl.Mar occupied the passiofWle
Ta^j^ 'established his head-quarters at Pecbh, tadiH,
afibm" secmting the province of Fifcj and th&wthtde
nodtherft coast of" the Firth ; of idForth,lotaflqa3fl
tsmaiflidsff'JSIirHng, i with 1 the evident ; jhirpofeiof
eD-Qpeajating with the insurgents, already pewig^ill
iBlljJif4Lothiansis , . = • < ; ¦ : "^'t bnif
lyMc^iptimse the duke of Argyle had joined tjlfe
royal troops at StirUng, but was unable to -muster
raPrenthan 3500 men. With this limited lfoa%e,
bbw^v«r, ; he did not hesitate to ;j encounter 'Jthe
insuirgeats, and a desultory engagement tool^ jttafcb
at Pumblain with, 9000 of the rebels, led byfche
ea»l'of :Mar.! ' Some psHrtial advantages were galMsed
on either isideji with little bloodshed'; though Stfhb
conflict tei-minated in the precipitate retreat of the
Bebtl igeneral. .IBotb < ^parties claimed the victibry ;
biiti 'Argyle-. maintained his position at Stirling,
,'*daJB')the insurgents retired to Perth, .etspectiiag
the arrival of thb pretender, whosbpresmiGe they
,TBB^e ^wfepaoredito hail: as' the harbinger of'success.
t !'j08fflp,KaI,Carpenter having thrown bimself-Grljthe
iflkntevofithe rebels stationed at iKelsoj fiirid abenqesid

tbsfifo (?6BlmiMM<taitioiiife (Mth) thedhberiaxirjiifedbeibrftje
j^teestssai^tb ebstaqrate thenA^Tiaefroraitii^jfttritous
optj^ibn." , In.flTaahCa ihateroge^wEfe'-bofiy, 5«SMi^
,fli^tfling/!qpMoiis)r(iiiiia;tiural}y/ipige5tailbdi; ahA ^afifet
-much, ^tercation ahd fdeltoy,i<£t) waS decided -'B3bthe
majorityi, . tpf revade tfee' attacks of ^thbi britisfe doM-
flaander. by suddeiilyi tiiardMaaglmto, LaHcafeyafc^,
wMreothey --ekpeifctted i to' lie joined; by numferc^js
partisans. ; iMany of ! the > %rghkndere,« i howdvei',
j^e&sed to Cross (the border, and on the piarchrto
Jfedbairg and Baynton, deserted in vast nunibers.
Tbe riiainJbody, still animated i by aspiritstiperiir
to their diminished' forcGj an^iibuoyed up ^wilii
hopes of reinforcements, penetrated into Culfiben-
ian>(4( >andi advanced by Penrith and> i^'endait mhd
Lancashire. Here they had «thei iraortifioation ft®
find that the gentry kept aloof, andwebJewippMled
by the intelligence, that tHei royal trobpS'^ere
asseiinblingi kround them, in so great force, ks -to
afford 1 little hopes of escapei. The astounded
leaders, finding • their ' numbers teduced . to 1500,
took post at Preston, where ithby intrenched them
selves, and hoped that the strength of their posi
tion-would enable them to imaintaib their ground,
tUl they Were joihed by ithfe northern hordes, or
"thelmalcontents from the south and; west.
This was the very spot Wjlii<i:h> Marlborough fore
told wPuld be the scene of their downfall^ ^nd;the
termination' of their hopes.- The arrangements
pA'e)VEau8ly-madei\ifere now carried into effect ; and
whiieijj Al'gytq} ' cHecKed^ 'the iimoveraents of Mar,
.flthdiseriuEetddthe- xia|)ita4 of :'Seotiand, "troops- were
'dispatched froiri dffifereiat' quartei'Si to overwhelhi
this small, but desperate body, who had faUen intb

sm cTHAcl^TERrll4.
the ' ^t^lsK- . General dCarpenter noapjdJgqi&lkWfed
them in _ their pgtRJpiJale amsmth ; ^wM^nge&%i^
Willes no less f#i^^«dyja®®edoittitheidppQfeite
directioriiij 5 Bjfi'"'"'^' lo aaqori " ^flt;3*I of^ bsJeei^
rij^The insurgents wei:e-confounded+bg^tb^?:b«M'
and vigorous movements, andiOverawediifeg5i>thii;
sudden accumulation of force,' j tin ^He bebtenSooS'
naturally excited: bythe i^praaqhoofedangSEr^ itbq^
neglected to guard, the avenues which ledltatiirilf
positipn ; and general Willes, i;to his csur^jri6e?-s3irfti'
f atisfaction, , advanced without opposition tSfc'ffei
yjsry precincts of Preston. After being repafcai
ffiifiyiie I2th of November, in twoivigo^usidttesppfet
^^ienetEate into the town, he^^rudemtiyjsiwBp^ttd^
hii^jattack ; and on -the ensuing day^ Was joined^
^ncral Carpenter with three regiments pfidfcagmated
Qn this junction, X. the j^ two generals infesiseidigtke
piaffes 8 the bravei ; but. misguided, band x)f flnghe
landers, proposed to cut their way throegk) titoiij
opponents, or perish in the attempt; briiufliis
desperate ; resolution being.' over-ruled by sdirag
leaders,: aiida^c^tulation rejected, tlie^iluaitfiw
deredat discretipji. iTn this sma^? body: we find?
noless than 7^rfenglish: and 143 )S60.ttitsb/nobJ^«3£
and gentlemenii:who:rhad taken ai'ibs agaiogfethem
sovereign. The utnjost lenity .was shewn to.^tls^ri
misguided people, 5 naiid, in. csbntradictionHt#34i.e3
tory historians*, who charge the whigs Mifch .ttynKMfigii
the royal ermines in blood, we «>baer^fc that ia^^
three peers and twenty-six .Gfl«Mij<infer"sop^£the-
penalty pf their treason. *. hhiofi'-- 7;)dt -nd^-fr-.
* J^emoirs of Sir Robert Wal[46!e, chap'.i^.'i^'^arki^es and tetters-
in the Gazette and Boyer's Political State; — Continuation of Rapin;
— Lockhart's Papers, and othgr historical writings.

1715—1716. 33l
' The suppi'ession of the rebellion Fn Lancashire
-kagjfsopn foUowed by its extinction iti^^oflkria?'
•;Ati«|hei very. moment when the t&heW^hM^^¥-
treated to Perth, in hopes of maintainirtg»'th%tnj
selves duringj the winter, and of advanciiig v^ith
an taecumulated strength in the spring, they wfe^i
confounded by intelligence of the capture Of
Inverness, i the capital and key of the hi^hlands^i
This enterprise was -aecomplished by Simon Frazer,-
afterwards so notorious under the title of MM
Lovat, who, appearing suddenly before the fortress
on the 10th of November, compelled lord Seaforth,
thq jacobite governor, to withdraw^ after a blockhdf
of only two days. The loss of this most important
post' was rendered doubly afflicting, because it fWas
achieved by a chieftain, who had been hithert©
considered as: a most devoted adherent tb the
exiled family, and afterwards sacrificed his life in
their cause. ^ ; '
Such reverses were aggravated by intelli
gence still more fatal, announcing the death of
Louis XIV., who expired on the 1 6th of Septem
ber* The succession of a minor, Louis, thestruggles
for the government, and the apprehensions of civil
war, should Philip assert his pretensions to the
regency, as presumptive heir by the liegal prdei' of
succession, absorbed the attention ;pf the fr^ch
cabinet, and the cause of the pretender hung in
snSpensei From this series of disasters, it becarne
a matter of deliberation am.ong the jacobite chiefs,
whether they should not furl the standard bf
reh^l^ipil and disperse;, to ^.heiy respective hpwes.

.ijt

332 CHAPTER* 114.
They-Wei-e, "hoife^&t, diviftedfrdii^eif refebWfibh
by the suddeh m-ivii'bf the pmmM. - ^Ub^oiIo
'^- 'Nbtwithstanding' the glbbm|y asgiet^tffs W?l%
bik ^bMfVe C^untly,' 'aiid' the' IbSs J^FBis^ffeJ^l'^^iffifi?,
thk ^g^Ujifit priiice' tfisdaihed to'-ab^hdBn "Sfi'^ffiifep-
^ri'^eV bn'Svhich'his obiy h^p^^' dfepfflg^P^^m
ga'ssbd ih di^g^bisfe tb Bunkirk',^^afeaf eUlBi&Kh^^
'B^aM a yrriaU Vessel' 'with Ibi^d ¥ei^MicfctV?tfil
"dh. bf-tnargharBel-wick, and"A'^^^S^yifeefft!K^5
mted"k'f Peterhead' on the 22d' of * 15^88^1?.
'P-asSiWg- With his suite incognito th.To\lgh''A\ki^&f,
=%(l?th!e'27th he repaii-ed to Fetterbsse,' ffiga^hSef
^m of ihe earl Maresbhal*, abd 'Was hkUed' hWfi^
^WWi bJll-I Wf Mar; ib cbtiipk'ny'Mit'i^t^i^fimi
%jgn.#tfaG^^d^^ni<bf the first distinctiaAS^qBd^l
iMthnly pi-bbMWed king?'<he a:p|)biuted the^ffi^
^l#bi§*'- gbverrifflent' and household, create'd'pSSf?,
an^'^bWferred th4 bi-dei's of kiiighthood, ' Oifi'^fe
4th bf January, he blade his public entry ftiK)
IJiittdee,. accompanied by' the two earls, MS' fol-
Ib^Vedby a eavalCade bf 300 gbntlemen bftnH(##-
'bkck."''^ 8(57/ vtlGvo'i to ftoinr/ land tiiitt iuSt
-¦¦ '¦ ' He p1:oceeded tb Scone, the ' kncient ^^ISl^^if
Cbronatioiifor the' kings of Scotland, ahd i4^M
Orders for preparing' the cerembiiy of his bWti'^M-
abgaratipn. After 'di^^laying hi^ mock dignity ^A
' Perth, in a solemn ebti^ €W*^hprseback,'he retlirM(^
«19^nj?b 'xi.t ,s>nit£'!i;pj:>':'j bsJB 4«£q e.jiW tgjmw adi
^, ,..* K^ith, here4^^^f^arl.J^ar^||al 9f|^^5i{|^^|^,^J.f|^^p^^ ^i^
twenty years of age ; and, with J;he ennlnsiasm and levity w youth, had
»Wmf>r&Mthe Cadl4»fcf'tte«^kty.^dS<J0tffe ^lfiMol?ofwJ9ffi&,
jSiFMriwas a' catHolici IweibtoeJiuenceiif tili!»diiib|'k!iif,ttt«^^d)bi$MttSr
i8r^3'''i^«=",'P,'^f^i?cM??S#f.#'!BgflA5^^ different prmcefi of Europe, finally closed their days' ih .the service of
'MftffifektlJfcVecoSd'Bi^SrlQIMiga .raob^nilil bdiloefiBq

,,^.1715— 1^]/6ji-j 33S
tO,^%We, , where, rhc began to exercise, the, functions
of royalty : hpissueiij, si??; proclam«itipns,i,in ^Pie of
\j^hi<f;h.,she.sumippnedto his standard;aU,his,snhj.iects
C^Pa^e: of heiiring ^rms, and,, in another,. fi:^ed hie
ppifpnal^ipn for the<2;3d. , On the' 1 6th heiiheldra
gpperal,cp>inci^ at.whiehthe chiefs of,tb,e, reb,e]s
Ajiferj^pj^ebt, an4; dehvered- an animating, sppeclr
tpitl^ei;f^s^ejinble|d plans, j The ,gracefulnes,s pf his
peii'^pn, , the glpwing energy of his, language, the
r^ecpjlection pf , his misfortunes, -jthe adrairaf^ipn
eXipited , by his courage, made a deep impression
on, jhearfs burning with loyalty and devotion ,tp ^h?
^ppd; of their native princes. | ./i The effect ,"vv^as"
heightened by the, sublimity of monntain sppnery,'
,the,ff>mantic dress and arms of, the, highlands,,, and
rth#,fi8olemn grandeur, of the royal palace, r, which
rjf §§Uqd to, mind the splendid iScenes , of scpttissh
.g}9ryr<^ To a stranger, it wpuld have appeared)*, as
if na y/OVmg and powerful , monarch was in the act
pf t ascending the throne of his ancestors,, amidst
;^e! .unanimous acclamations of a devoted people,^
But this brief vision of royalty was the last
igle^jni 'Pf: his meteor-like , sovereignty. .)( Sinpe ; the
^l||le ipfg Dumblain, the dnke, of Argylp. had
remained at Stirling, in, a statejpf inaction, waiting
fp]^ r^eiufprcementsi and; ai Ifrajn , of artUlery ; urging
iJjft^iB^CP^sity, srf" suspending \ faather ; operations, tfll
fJie winter was past, and exaggerating the dangers
<tSf ^'highland bdfnp'aifeh,*^h dti'in'CtebaMt Reason,
M^MP\ ^MmU mm%9^ pfpsfisions and- forage.
-'^tdtbe)fl8»tipiitii«jni>0£i^€!! rebellion in Lancashire,
ltfd'ffi&'Wbi'P§f6fi^i^^«ib '^eteious spirit in'oth^r
parts of tiie kingdom, having given a large portiC|ft

33,4 CHAPTER 114.
«f the royal troops a pew opportunity for aatidhyu
the ministry judiciously 4eGide4;Wi!CrushiHg()tbeti
insurgents y(3t in , arms, before they s could i^atitfer
new strengths ,. ArtiUery, was, prd^iTedfoK ijnlibeiliate-il
embarkation at. London, at>d, .a ti^ain , preparedJ ^n
Berwick, while columns pf trpops from, . all quartefegii;
filed towards thb north. , Biftt tonoaidl-didsilVfarii*];
borough, aS( commander-in-chie^f more anxibUstyiii
look, than to that of the dutph auxiUaries, , -sifbose,?
tried courage iie had witnessed, and who were-fiieeu
frpm all Ipcal -attachment, and contagion of party.
He placed particular reliance, also, on the skfflb;
and spirit.pf his friend Cadogan, for whomheihadv
procured the comrpabd of these forces, and Whose
activity apd zeal W:^^re strongly contrasted witbthi?)'
temporising and lukewarm conduct of Argyle. /uj.
Qn joining the royal army; Cadogan found thps
duke of Argyle anxious to invent excusesr foru)
inaG|ioi^, and labpuringto discpuragetiie troops, bjad
exaggerating the numbers df the enemy, and?the& :
dangers\and chfjlc^nlties of the service. But- tiie? j
orders of thp cabinet, and the instructions of the
captain-general, enabled him to cpmbat this: pro« u
crastinating spirit. Impatient of delay, he hastenedi I
to Berwick to superintend the march of the trainw
of artiUery, and , by his vigour and exertions 'the >
arrangements for the intended movements wersij'
speedUy matured^ Unusual effprfs being made t®i'
clear the roads, the army began their march on thft/ii
g9th of January. As they reached TuUibardiHae^o^i
on the fourth day of their progress, they received'^
the satisfactory intelligence, that this spirited adfvf
vance l^ad struck the rebels with eonsternationj; .
19

1715— 171^. --¦-* S3.5
anxftJthat the ephemeral' sovereign aiid his^H^efeiits
hadJhastily withdrawn from Perth." ^ n-in'M. ^.^
-A^'this crisis '"Ive find 'many interi^^ing letters'
fr»hi Cadogan to the dbke bf Marlborough, (iejscrib-
ing the march, and cbritradi^ting the misc^evbus
and discouraging rbpbrts of "A'rgy]e?-"'in 'one pta
thesei' he draws a Striking picture bf the chagrin
manifested by the'' Scottish commander, at the
success of an enterprise which he had represented
as-desperate.'wb): ,,b^w«'-'ajiv. i -).. t..^ ^J o ^
f' Dundee, Feb. 4. 1715-16. — My lord ; I stUI
write one letter in french, that your grace, when
you think proper, maiy shew it to the king.
" The f^duke of Argyle grows ^*so intolerable
uneasy; that it is almost impossible to live with him
any longer ; he is enraged at thb success of this
exp&(Ution, though be and his creatures' attribute ^
to«JbeM»selves thelionoUr of it." When I brought
him then-eWs of the rebels beirig i-un from Perth,
he^ seemed thunderstruck, and was so visibly con
cerned at it, that even the foreign officers that were
in^ihe^ room took notice of it," I find he nov/
intends' to stay, notwithstanding his declaring pub-'
liclymt' Stirling, that he would return to London,
as suKin as the business' bf Perth was over; he then,
indeed:, 'designed it, b6UeVing we should miscarry,
andsoin oirder tohave thrown the blame on me.
Since the rebels qbittiiig' Piertli, he has sent for '
five^op'six hundred of bis' Afgyleshire meri^ who,,
gocbiefore-#he^army a' day's riiarch, to take ppsses-
siohaof^ttte K^ns the. eblemy have abandoned, and. j,
to ^4irld:^%M ^fefjytte country, 'which enragesi .!
our-'StfMtel^Je^lft) ^feToriria, under pain of death, '

33& CHAPTER 114.
to take the value of a farthing, though out qf :the
rebels' houses. Not one of these Argyle-nj^
appeared whilst the rebels were in Perth^ apfl
when they might have been of some use."
This once formidable rebellion terminated in a
manner unworthy of its commencement ; fbr th^ .
insurgents being rapidly pursued by the royal arniy
to Montrose, were deserted by their chie^ whp
clandestinely embai'ked on board a french ves&ej,
while his troops were amused with a miUtary
parade. The departure of the pretender was a
signal for the retreat of the rebel host, who were
not molested in their march, iii consequence of
Argyle's tardiness in pursuit ; and after contim^^
tiieir progress through Aberdeen, Strathspey, and
Strathdown, under the direction of general Gordon,
to the mountainous district of Badenoch, they
dispersed, without any loss, to their respective.
homes in the highlands.
At length the inactive conduct of Argyle
awakened the suspicions and indignation of govern
ment. He was recalled; and the sole command
transferred to Cadogan. The eminent services of
the english general were rewarded with a peerage;
and, in expressing his grateful acknowledgments
to his patron, the duke of Marlborough, he an
nounces liis certain conviction,, that as he was now
relieved from the controul of a superior, who ob
structed the offensive operations of the army, and
connived at the escape of the insurgents, the
rebellion would be utterly extinguished in the
short space of a month. *
* General Cadogan, to the duke of M^lborough, Aberdeen, Feb. 23.,

* 1715— 1716. 337
This prediction of Cadogan' wa^' verified?** and
land being tratiquillised,' he' retiiVned to
London, to receive''''the approbation of his'^sbve-
reign, and the congratulations of the noble patron
to 'whom he o*wed his promotion. Thus M'arl-
borobgh hM the heartfelt ^atisfabtiori'' to con-
trfbflte, by his own counsel and official exertions;
as l^ell as by the algency of his faitiifui friend'and
skilful f)Upil in the aTt of "warj' to the ¦ suppre^sibb
bJF ti^e rebeUlbn, and to the establishnient of the
|)rOf^tant line. * ¦ ¦¦. . .,-.-o.-:k ^,>.:- i' .),;;„,.,
' •> Letters froiiJ lord Cadogaii to the duke of Marlborough' } — -LN^a.s
tiyi^fjdi tlifttep jn, tixe .Gaze^ps, , fin^ Boyer's Political ¦ .^fltg.j fr-
Continuation of Rapin, and other historical writers. •'''

VOL. vr.

338 CHAPTER 115.

CHAPTER 11^.
1716^1^22.
Deaths qfia^ Bridgewater and lady Suhderla?id.-^CM-'
ractenxflcidy Sunderland. — Her "prayer and te'stdi'MkfMHf
letter -itOiJier hiisbandi -^Correspondence on the occasion^
between jAe duchess and Iqrd Sunderland. ^^.The. dwke <f
Marlbprough attacked !with thepal^. — State qfhis health
fftidfciciflties.. — Dis^adedfrorn resigning his employments,
— Conclusion qf the trial qf lord Oxford. — Causes of his
acquittal.-^South-sea project. — Sagacity qfthe duchess of
Marlborough',, in the 'midst qf the piMic irfatuation,- —
¦ ' Her invectvces against the ministry and the directors of
ihe compaivy, — Accused %y lord Sunderland qf furnishing
money to the pretender: — Jitstifies herself to the king:-^
\De^th qf lord. Sunderland.
Marlborough had already sustained the mis
fortune to lose the most valued solace of declining
age^ by the suceessiye deaths of his children at
different periods, i .
Since the decease of his only surviving son, in the
bloom of youth, the fond father had derived con
solation , from tlie happy estabUshment of his
daughters in marriage, and the increase of his
posterity. In 171 4,- however, he was afflicted wife
the loss of his third daughter, Elizabeth countess
of Bridgewater,^ who died bn the S^d of March, in
the QOth year of her age. ^he.was aw€«rian'of
domestic virtues,* imbued witb^'a 'Meejp sense>»bf

1716— 17S2i ' 33g
religion, and endeared to her husband and parents,
by her mild, affectionate, and dutiful demeanor.
He had scarcely recovered from this calamity,
before he was visited by one. stUl more severe.
His second daughter, Anne countess of Sunder
land, was endowed in the. j highest degree with
personal and mental accomplishments. In beauty,
she eclipsed most of her contemppraries ; she
combined the rare union of elevation of mind with
humiUty, .spirit with meekness, liveliness with
discretion, and sound judgment with unassuming
candour. She possessed an awful sense of religion,
ahd exemplarily fulfiUed all the duties of a daughter,
a wife, and a mother.
After tbe return of the duke and dnchess frOm
the continent, she was the solace of her parents,
and peculiarly beloyed by her father > because she
was the only one of his daughters who could
submit to the controul, and concUiate the Capricious
temper of his consort. Her interposition had also
abated the edge: of that politksal asperity, which,
in, so: froward an age; .frequently interrupted the
harniony of friends, and the> peace of families.
This amiable woman had been long afflicted with
a tedious cUsorder, i which .she bore with 'con-
sumnijate . fortitude, and.christian piety. In tiiis
reduced state, her feeble firajne could not resistthe
attack of a pleuriticr.fever, ;artd, on the ; 15th of
ApfU,5she sunk-; into, ther grave, in the 29th year, of
heffiB^. .,¦-;.:, '",7 i-i-^'':. . .:: '.':~; " ".: ^ ¦¦'¦
Hfrilbssr was deeply, feltr not only by bar parents,
who had so long experienced her endearing qua-
Ijtiesj 5 and /affectionate attachment, but by her
z 2

340 CHAPTER 115,
husband, whose irascible temper she • bad softened,
and whose propensity to extravagance and play shp
had often restrained. ^ Indeed, nothing can convey
a stronger picture of her merits and virtues; than
a prayer, v/hich she was accustomed to use, during
the absence of her husband 'in his embassy at
Vienna, and an 'affectionate letter delivered to him
after her deceas'e. n^M-.-'m tiu ut, ;;o-'il(j
'P."0 most gracious and^ merciful Lord '@©4
whose kingdom ruleth over all, who art the hope
of all the ends of the earthy '-'and of them 'that
remain on the broad sea, hear the voice of Biy
prayer, now I cry unto thee, on the behalf of 'him
who is dearest to me. O Lord,^ at all times, ''¦aRd
in all places, bless, preserve, and keep him, both
iri'bbdy'and soul, from all adversities which may
happen to him. In all danger, and under every
temptation, be thou still hi's Almighty Protector
unto his life's end; more especially I beseech thee,
tit this time, to keep him in thy care,; thatmoievil
may befall him in the way that he goeth, but that
' be. may be always in safety, I under' thy protection,
from all perils, and return again in peace.' O thou
¦who commandest the winds and waves, and they
obey thee, make them favourable to him in his
voyages, both in his going out and. coming in ;
' conduct him safely into the haven where he would
be. ' O Lord, in whose hands is the breath, of aU
«maiifcind, preserve that dear person in health and
security, that no disorder from within, nor violence
fi'om without, may occasion pain and trouble to
bim ; and when he is far offfpm me, let him find
himself nigh unto thee, through the benefits of thy

/nl716-^1722. 3ii
saving' presence an4 defence. G blessed Lord, I
pray thee more especially for this sake, for those
persons he leaves behind him, that no mischief
may happen to them dn thisi, that may occasion
sorrow to him in a strange land ; and let it be thy
gracious will to prosper all his negotiations abroad,
aaad i make me, good Lord, thankful for these
blessings ; and grant we may live in love and
pe^Ce ^together, till death shall make a yet longer
separation ;aU which, in allhumility of soul, I beg
of "thee in the name, and for the sake of Jesus my
Saviour, ^^i^H, O Blessed Ijord, Amen, Amen.";-
The letter to her husband, which is no less
interesting, is preserved in the hand of the amiahle
writer,''^. ¦ j-fi' Altrop, Sept. Q. I7I6. — I have always found it
so tender a subject (to you, my dear,) to talk -of
my dying, that Thave chose rather to leave my
mind in writing, which, tho' very insignifieaHt, is
¦some ease to me. Your dear self, and the dear
childi-en, are my only concern in this world; I
./hopedn ^od you will find comfort for the loss of
a wife, I am sure you loved too weU not to want a
great deal. I would be no farther remembered
than what will contribute to your ease, which is,
. to be careful (as I was) not to make your circum
stances uneasy,, by living beyond what you have,
which I could not,; with all the care that was pos-
'fflble, quite prevent. When you have any addition,
;¦ thirik ©f your poor chUdren, and that you have not
^ am estate to live on, without making some addition,
^"^"^'ifis'tlius endorsed by the duchess i "A cbpy'of -what my dear
,'^ilQei'j«iati!td'JierJdrd)-not to be given jiientiU ate siie -was dead."
z 3

342 CHAPTER 115.
by saving. You wUl ever be miserable if you gi¥e
way to the love of play. As to the chUdren, pray
get my mother, the duchessi of (Marlborough, tb
take care of the- girls, and if 1 Ibave /any, bpys: too
little to go to school ; for to be left to servantsia very
bad for chUdren, and a nian cian't fafc-e thetcaiise of
little children that a'! womkn can. For the love
that she has for me, s^d the duty that I have ever
shewed her, I hope she wUl do it, and-be eVer kind
to you, who was dearei: tb me than my life, i^jjay
take care to see the children married with .'a
prospect bf happiness, fori in that you wiU shew
your kindness to me; and never let them ;*ant
education or money while they are young. 'My
father has been "^so kind as to give my children
fortunes, so that I hopei they won't miss the oppor
tunity of being settled in the world, for -ysf^nt of
portions. But your own daughter laay want ypm-
help, which I hope you will think to give her, tho'
it should straiten your income, or to any of mine,
if they want if. Pray let Mr. Eourneaux get some
good-natured man fbr lord Spencer's governor,
whom he>; may) settle with him before he dies,
and be fit tb go abroad with- him. I beg of
you to ispaa-^ no expence* to; improve him, and to
let him, haVe an )aUow>auce for his pocket, to rnake
him : eaisy. You have had five thousand pounds pf
the money that you k;now was mine, which my
mother gave me yearly ^ whenever you pan, let
him have the incc^ue of that for his allowance, if
be has.n^sae any other way. And don't be as
careless pf the dear children as when you jpelied
upon me to take care of them, but let them be

il71'6-^172!2. 343
your care, tho' youabobld marry again ; for your
wife may Wrong them, when you don't mind it;
You owe Fanchbn, by a i bond,' twelve hundred
pounds,<i for which I gave her fourscoi-e/pounds
a year interests Pray, whenever it is in your power,
be kind to her, and to ber children; for she was
ever faithful to me. Pray burn all my letters in
town, or in the country. We must all die ; but
*tis:hard to part with one so much beloved,'^and in
whbbi there was so much happiness, as you, my
dearest, ever were to me. My last prayere shall
be to the Lord Almighty, to give you all blessings
in this world, and grant that we may meet happy
iii the next. A.Sunderland.
" Pray give lady Anne 'my diamond ear-rings ;
the middle drops are my mother's, bi And give Dye
my pearl necklace and watch, and give t lady
Frances Spencer my diamond buckle. And give
Mr. Fourneaux ^e medal of gold, which you giave
me when I was married, and the Uttle picture t I
have of yours and bf lord Spender's." ' >i 1
This affectionate and heart-rending appeal, lord
Sunderland, in the first impulse of grief, semt by
his steward to the duchess of Marlborough, from
whom it drew a sympathising letter of condc^ence,
e3£.p!res9ii^e of ber readiness to comply with her
dear dSaiOghter's Islst pequesUy which she rebgiously
ftUfiUed. " May 13. 1716. — I send you inclosed that
most precious letter Which ypa sent riic yesterday
by Mr. Charltph. You will' easUy believe it has
made me drtip a great many tears, and y©a may
I, ' ' z 4

34* CHAPTER 1 15.
he very sure, (that toriiy life's end I sbaH'otosei-ve
very religiously all that my- poor dear child- de
sired. I was pleased to find that my own Mdin-
ations had led me to resolve upon doing' every
thing that she mentions, before I knew it WEfe her
request, except taking lady Anne, which I did
nqt offer, ..thinking that since you take lady
Frances *,, home, Whb is 1-8 years old, she would
he. better with tybu than me, as long as ydxt Uve,
with the servants that -her dekr naotber had chose
iSd putabout her ; audi found by Mr. CharlbSn thiis'
thought was the same that you had: "» But I « will
be of all the use that I can be- to her,« in 'every
tiling that she wants me; and if I should happen
to, live. longer than you, tho' so much older, I will-
then take as much care of her as if she were' my ^^
own child, I have resolved to take poor lady-
Anne Egerton t, who, I believe, is very iU looked
after.,. She went yesterday to Ashridge, butlwUP
send fcsr her to St. Alban's, as soon as you will let
me have dear lady Dyet; and whUe the weather
is iiot, I wUl keep them two and lady Harriot^ with
a little family of servants to look after them, and
be there as much as I can ; but the duke of MarK
borough. will be. running up and down to several'
places this summer, where one can^t carry chU--
dren ; and I don't think, his health, so good as to
trust him, by himself I should be glad to talk to
¦ .v^ J ,.:,.¦¦..¦ )
,* Lady^ranqes, his daughter by his first 'vpife,. lady Arabella Caven
dish, daughter and co-heir of Henry Cavendishj duke of Newcastle. She
afterwards 'married Henry Howard,- earl of Carlisle. \ '
f Daughter of Eliza.beth, countess pf Bridgewater.
J Lady Diana Spencer, second daughter of lord Sunderlahd,- by his
late deceased wife.

1716— 172@.*'; 34s^
Mr, Fourneaux, to know what servants there is of
n^dear chUd'^ that you don't- intend to keep, that
if, there is any of them that can be of use in this"
new addition to my family, I« might take them for
several reasons. I desire, when it is easy to you,
that ypu will let me have some Uttle trifle that my
dear child used to wear in her pocket, or any other
way ; and I desire Fanchon wUl look for some little
cup that she used to drink in. I had some of her
hair not long since, that I asked her for ; but Fan-
chpn may give me a betterlock at the full length."
Reply of Lord Sunderland. ^ ''"
"May 13. — Nothing, dear madam, can ever
express the sense I have of your tenderness and
kindness, in the letter I had from you tP-day, and
in what Mr. Charlton had said tP me from you be
fpre. I thought as soon as I found that precious
dear letter, I ought in justice to send it to you, that
you might see the desires of that dearj dear angel,-
and at the same time have the comfort and satis
faction of seeing, that put of ybur own tenderne^
and goodness, you had resolved to do all slie de-'
sired in it, even "before you had seen it. The ten
derness expressed in that dear letter towards me, is '
afresh instance of the greatness of my loss and
misfortune. This is too moving to say more of it.-
I am the unhappiest man living ; I feel it, and
shaU ever feel it. Poor little dear Dye shall come
to you whenever you order it. Mr, Fourneaux wiU
wait upon you with the names of what, servants I
shall part with; there are but two or three- I
* Indorsed by the duchess, * Lord Sunderland's letter in answer to
snine, aftef my dear daughter died."

346 CHAPTER 115.
have not yet been able to look over the thing^ tti6
dear woman has left ; as soon as I have, I wUl
send those things you mention, and' you will clmSe
what had rather. Fanchon will take care of 'the
cup yoii desire, and the dear hair. - -
" I and mine shall never forget your gobdiifess.-'
While the afflicted father continued in his retire-
metit at Holywell House, brooding over the loss bf
his departed daughter, he was first attacked by
thiat paralytic disorder, of which we trace a prog
nostic in the oppressive headaches and giddiness, so
repeatedly alluded to in his correspondence.
He was seized on the 28th of May, with such
violence, that he was deprived of speech and sense,
but was speedily relieved by the medical aid of his
devoted friend. Sir Samuel Garth, and partially
recovered. On the 7th of July, he had sufficient
strength to proceed to Bath, where he was recom
mended to drink the waters. As he approached
the city on the 14th; he was met by a numerous
cavalcade of the nobility and gentry,, and was
greeted by peals of bells and the acclamations of
shouting multitudes. On his arrival, he reeei>ved
tlie congratulations of the mayor and aldermen, in
their due formalities, accompanied with the most
ardent wishes for the re-establishment of his health.
Their hopes were; indeed, speedily aecompliahed ;
for on the 18th of October, he was sufiicientiyr re
covered to visit Blenheim^ and espjjessed great
satisfaction in the, survey of a plaee> which re-
minded Mm of his great achievements, though the
splendid edifice was yet too unfinished to offer
much domestic accommodation. But this gleam

1716—1722. 347
of returning health was of short duration.; for, on
the l^th of November, he was seized with a more
severe attack of his paralytic disorder. He was
visited by Sir Samuel Garth, and two other phy
sicians ; but his indisposition increasing, the alarm
spread among his family, and his daughters! and
spq§4ndaw hastened to pay those cJuties,, which
they . considered as their last, to their departing
parent. The paroxysm, however, subsiding, his
grace again speedUy recovered his senses and
health, and was conveyed without difficulty to
Marlborough House in London, By these severe
and successive attacks, he has been represented
as^redbced to a state of absolute debility, both
of body and mind ; and tbe duchess has been ac^
cnsed of leading her infirm and suffering husband
into public view, and exposing to %h& gazing mql-
titudci so pitiful a spectacle of human imbecility.
Even the language of the poet has been admitted
into history, and tlie expression
" From Marlborough's eyes the Streams df tlotage flow *,"
has not only beert received as truth, but as furnish
ing a striking subject of moral reflection. No
thing, however, is more false than this erroneous
opinibn, and the cruel aspersion to which it has
given birth. The duke, indeed, lost, as is usual
in subh cases, the use of his speech, but afterwards
rebbvered it, and conversed with Kttle difficulty,
though there were a few words which he could not
distinctly articulate. He retained his memo^ and
'undterstahding little impaired ; for he continued tUl
<H .> ¦¦ - ..- - .-5 ¦,,-'- ¦
i ¦ * Johnson's Translation of the .tei]ith Satire of Juvenal.

348 CHAPTER 115.
six months before- his' dbath, at^endlHg' Ms- duty * lb
parliiiment, and occasionally assisting in cbbiftiittees
appointed to draw up addresses.* He MkewSi^e
performed the functions of his offices of capfSaiiiP
generaland master of the ordnance with his accxisJ
tomed regularity ' , •; ; ; u,
He himself, indeed, conscious of his incretasing
infirinities, and feeling the decay of his pow^ere,
and the diminution of his activity, was desirous'df
retiring from business, and through lord Sunder
land, tendered the resignation of his employments '^
but the king, with a due respect for his persort,^
and; a grateful recollection of his former services,
refused to accept the bffer, declaring that his re^
tirement would excite as much pain as if a dagger
should be plunged into his bosom.' The duchess;
however, was of opinion that her husband was per
suaded tP retain his situation by the intreaties of
lord Sunderland t, who stood in need of his father-
in-law's Weight and influence tb support him, and
the ephemeral administration which he had re
cently formed, to the exclusion of 'Townshend,
Walpole, and some of the principal whigs. Buti'
whoever was the author, or whatever was ti%
cause of his continuance in office,* Marlborouffh
had no reason to be satisfied with his compliance j
for, from this period, he was a mere cypher, and
exposed to repeated slights and mortifications evetl
in his own departments. '
Such being the condition of the iUustribus heroi
• t iVAci in tke Jdurnals repeated' proofs of his attendance ih the
liouse tfffieers tilt tlie 27th of November^ 1721. '''
¦f'-lSfai'r&'tiviBi'ef'ty'-duche^s. "-''''' '¦'' ¦ — ' ' ¦ ^1 ¦• --^'fiil
i8

i7i6—rm4i I 8i9
whpge actions, we , have endeavoured to .de^JftW^te,
wp> may 'here, cpnsider.'his political career, a^.draw-
hig.toia close, and forbear tp, enter into any detail
o^i th,e complicated negotiations, and change of
foreign policy, which by reconcUing the rival powers
of England and France, preserved, with little in-r
terruption, the peace of the continent, and gave
to. our country the blessing of a tranquUlity, which
it had not experienced since the Revolution. *j
Nor is it more necessary to descant on the pp-
litical feuds in the cabinet, and the schism among
the whigs, which produced the temporary removal
pf, Townshend, Walpole, and their adherents, and
fbe formation pf a new administratipn, under, the
auspices of Sunderland, who, ,in the . successive
posts of president of the council, secretary of state,
and first i lord of the treasury, was considered as
the prime minister, and reigned parampunt in .the
favour of the king; until the fatal explosion .of the
South Sea project transferred him frpm his o|5cial
situation to that of groom of the, stole. , ,,. ,,jj
fuAniong the, few public apts, in. which Marl-
hprough, after ,|iis, indisposition, took a pecuUar
interest, was the party struggle on the trial of ,thj^
earl of Oxford., The accused peer had been de
tained two years in the Tower, although the articles
of impeachment had already been carried through
both houses. ,, Among tliesp were .two, charging
him with high treason, and pl;hers with, high crimes
and. misdemeanors. The unifed, body of whigs,
, . * For these ..transactions, see tht; MemQU-s of Sir Robert VValp.ole j—
History of the House of Austria ; — History of the Kings of Spain of th^
House of Bourbon; ^- and the different native and forei^ histori^n.^

350 CHAPTER 115.
who had suffered so much from, his administration,
had originaUy resolved to carry on the impeach-^
ment, and hoped, even if they could not cpnvict
him on the primary, at least to prove him guUty of
the secondary charges. Although he was sup
ported by the tories and jacobites ; yet his adver
saries were too numerous and powerful to allow a
probabifity of his complete acquittal. But fortu
nately for him, the recent schism of the whigs con
verted some of his most bitter enemies into secret
partisans. These were the ministers lately dis,-
missed from their offices, among whom we distin
guish Walpole, the chairman of the committee,
and the author of the secret report, and Towns
hend, the other lead^ of the party.
With a view of embarrassing the administration,
and conciliating their new alliesj this powerful body
of malcontents joined the tories and jacobites to
screen the impeached peer* After having so vio
lently accused bim, and drawn up the charges in
such explicit and forcible terms, they could not act
so inconsistently as tp authorise a formal aGquittalj
and, therefore, they adroitly contrived to excite a
dispute between, the two houses' of paj^iiament,
which they knew would produce the same effect, ^
For^this purpose, the favourers of Oxford in the
house of lords proposed to change the regular order
of proceeding, by entering first on. the charges pf
high treason, on which the evidence wa^ mpst
defective, The requisite motion Va^ made in the
house of peers by lord Harcpni't* m^ supported
by the tpiies and jacobites, as well as by the dis
affected whigs, led by lord Townsliend. It was

I7I6--I722.' 351
ably and warmly o|)posed by Sunderland, Caidbgan,
Coningsby, and the whole ministerial party.
Marlborough was present at the debate, and gave
his vote against the motion, which was, however,
carried by a majority of 88 against 56,
The commons, as was expected, strenuously
opposed the resolution as an infringement of their
privileges ; and several messages ahd altercations
occurred between the houses, which served only to
widen the breach. Both parties peremptorily per
sisted in their determination, and the lords rejected
the proposal of a free conference, which was de
manded by the commons. The matter was thus
brought to the desired crisis ; and the lords having
appointed the 1st of July for the continuance of
the trial, the commons determined not to maintain
the prosecution, and ac^ouraed to tbe third.
Cta the day appointed, the lords assembled in
Westminster-haU, and as no prosecutor appeared,
returned to the house. A motion was then made,
tiiat as no charge had been maintained against
ilbbert earl of Oxford and Mortimer, be should be
acquitted of high treason and other crimes and
misdemejmors. This motion was strenuously op
posed by Sunderland and the ministerial party;
but an amendment for tbe omission of the words,
" other crimes and misdemeanors," being nega
tived, it was carried by 106 against 38.
Having arranged tbe form of proceeding, the
house adjourned to Westminster-hall, with the ex-
efebtibb of the 38 peeis in the minority, who were
ub^'illing to exhibit their discomfiture to the public
eye. 'The question was now solemnly proposed to

352 CHAPTER 11

each peer who was present, and the accused mini^
ster was unanimously acquitted of the charges pre*
ferred against him. *
Marlborough, though unable, from infirmity, to
take a share in the discussion, was present at every
debate, and voted in favour of the prosecution.
We have also the authentic testimony of Erasmus
Lewis, the secretary and adherent of Oxford, that
he was ranked with the most hostile opponents of
the impeached minister ; that he was deeply cha
grined at the result of the process ; and that the
duchess, by whose vengeance it was supposed to
have been instigated, was " distracted with disap
pointment." t
We have paid more particular attention to the
detail of this celebrated trial ; because the result
has furnished one among the many unfounded
accusations and surmises, which have been raised
against the character of Marlborough. The ac
quittal of Oxford has been solely ascribed to his
secret interposition, from a fear, lest the ex-
minister should execute a threat of disclosing his
treasonable correspondence with king James andthue
pretender ; and different versipns of the^fact have
been circulated from traditional and hearsay re
ports. Those who are curious in. scrutinising such
.evidence, we refer to the Biographia Britannica,
Art. Churchill, Appendix, where two different re
lations are given, totally contrary to each- other,
and both bearing the character of improbability^
* Journals; —Chandler's Debates; —Memoirs of Sir. Robert Wal
pole, chap. 17.
•)• Erasmus Lewis to Dean Swift, July 171?»

1716—1722.. r 353:.
Thf r latter period of Marlborough's life was
marked by one pf the, most extrsiprdinary incidents
which occurs in our domestic, history, the rise,
progress, and fall pf the South Sea s,cheiner We
cannot enter farther into this.memorable .trans.-
aetion, than merely to state, that the foundatiop
was laid by .Harley, when he incorporated a portion'. ^
of the publip. creditors into a company, whp were
tp enjby the monopoly pf a trade tO; 1;he Spanish
West indies. It was afterwards adopted and ex-
tende^d by, Sunderland, who sought in this, visionary
scheme the means of gratifying the bapoveri^n
junta,, and increasing his interest in parliament.
Notwithstanding the recent and fatab result p^.Oi
similar project in France, the effect of the plan &,r
surpassed his most sanguine expectations. Every
I'anlf and class in society pressed forward to par- .
ticipate in the privUeges pf so envied a community;
and the ministers, through whpse recommendation .
the shares were principally distributed, were cpurted
and regarded as the benefactors of the nation, and
the dispensers of inexhaustible treasures.
'The mind of Marlbprough was not competent
to formjust calculations on aschqaie so complicated
and visionary, but he appeairs to have caught a
portion of the natibnal enthusiasm, and \Yxshed to
increase the share which he previously possessed
in the original stbck. The duchess also profited
by her relationship to lord Sunderland, to obtain
subscriptions for herself, her friends, and con.-
nections. '
When, however, the value of the stock rose to
an enormous height, and the national infatiiation
VOL. VI. A A -'^ " '

354 CHAPTER 115.
Was hurrying to a crisis, she foresaw that no profit,
however vast, could answer the expectation of the
public, and that the fall would be as rapid as the
rise. She resisted, therefore, all the solicitations
of her son-in-law, and the lures of the other pro
jectors, to embark farther in the scheme ; she not
only dissuaded her husband from risking any
portion of his disposable property, but even induced
him to seU out the share he already possesse^i
before the dreaded crisis arrived, and thus enabled
him to realise a sum of no less than £ 100,000. *
We have frequently had occasion to mention the
embarrassnients, . which the duke of Marlborough
experienced from the vehement and petulant
temper of his vrife, even in the height of his
^ower, and in the full vigObr of his faculties.
Such embarrassments were still more deeply felt,
when he was advanced in years, declining in
health, and suffering in mind from bodUy infirmity.
It might naturally be supposed that the duchess
would, at length, have been satisfied with an ad
ministration formed under ber son-in-law, and
composed of persons who had been patronised hy
herself and her husband, particularly as they had
superseded Walpole and Townshend, by whom she
had conceived herself treated with unmerited dis
respect. Nbthing, however, but unbounded sub
mission, and unliinited power, could content her
imperious and capricious temper; and the hew
ministers were scarcely established in authority,
before they incurred her displeasure. In addition
• Letters to Mr. and Mrs. Clayton, from the idnchesspf -Marlborough.

172^. B55

to hef political objections to Sunderland, as the
patron of the South Sea scheme, she was personally
offended by his marriage with a third wife *, who
was not only of disproportioned age, but without
property, and inferior in rank and connections*
Her displeasure was aggravated by the settlement
of a considerable part of his limited estate on his
new consort, to the detriment of her grand'chUdren.
Her insulting remonstrances made a deep impres
sion on a mind, no less vehement and irritable than
her own; and their cprrespondence, at this period,
abounds in terms of mutual obloquy and invective.
Against Cadogan, who was associated with
Sunderland in the ministry, and (Xntbose services had
been liberally rewarded with power and honours,
she fostered still greater dislike, from pther causes.
She even accused him of an attempt to appro
priate part of the ^€50,000 which the dulie had
commissioned him to invest in the dutch funds,
.because he placed it on austrian securities, which
bore a higher interest, but were so much depre
ciated, that when required to refund his charge,
he found great difficulty in realising the principal.
The demand gave rise to violent bickerings, and
;ended in a litigation, in which the perseverance
.of the duchess established the claims of her
husband.t Secretary Craggs had been long the object of
her contempt and abhorrence, from an unjust
* Judith, daughter of Benjamin Tichborne, esq.
f From the voluminous case of lord Cadogan, preserved in the Marl.
borough Papers, as well as from the narratives of the duchess.
AA 2

356 CHAPTER 115.
suspicion, that "he Was the author of an anonymous
fetter sent to lier in 1712, by the penny post,
Vhiclr contained the most cruel aspersions on her
person, character, and morals. Her aversion was
not lessened by his patronage of the South Sea
scheme, or by a knowledge of the enormous gaixk,
which his fatlier was deriving from that nefarious
project. Lord Stdnhope was also loaded with a share of
her displeasure ; as in him she saw a candidate for
the offices held>by her husband; and in one of her
letters bitterly reproached her son-in-law with
favouring his pretensions.
Actuated by these antipathies and suspicions,
she did not spare the tninisters in her conversation,
public or private ; but, according to secretary
Craggs, made them the never-faiUng theme of her
invectives on all occasions. * She even induced
her husband to join the general clamour for justice
against the Sputh Sea directors and their patrons.
Such attacks provoked equal retaliation on their
part ; and, in this state of mutual recrimination,
a plea was eagerly caught, to mortify her and the
duke in the most sensible degree.
For some days a rumour was cautiously whispered
in the higher circles, that the duchess of Marl
borough was implicated in a plot for the restoration
of the pretender. Aware of the irritable state of
her husband, she concealed it from his knowledge;
but he was suddenly summoned to the house of his
son-in-law, and acquainted, in language by no
* Secretary Craggs to earl Stanhope, July 15. 1720;— Memoirs of
Sir Robert Walpole, vol. ii. p. 189. '

, 1716-^1722. 3,57
means equivocal: or respectful, with the charge
against his wife. Appearing deeply afflictedon his
return^ she enquired the cause of his (absence aiid
emotion. " I have been," he said, " to lord
Sunderland, who accuses you of a plot to bring in
the pretender, and of furnishing him with a sum
of money." She treated the imputation. with her
usual haughty contempt, and endeavoured to soothe
his agitation. But when apprised, that it had been
communicated to. the. king, and that the duke
himself was implicated by common rumour, she
appeared at the drawing room, in order to ascertain
the effect it had produced on the royal mind,
JBeing twice received with unusual coldness, where
ishe had hitherto been treated with marked atten
tion, she wrote a letter to the king, in vindication
of her conduct. She caused it to be translated
into french, and having obtained an audience at
the apartments of the duchess of Kendal, delivered
it with her own hand. The original is here sub
mitted to the reader.
" Sir ; As your majesty's known love to justice
makes you always open to the complaints of an
.injured and innocent person, so your goodness
.will pardon this application, which would have
^been avoided, if my lord Marlborough? s indis
position had not prevented him from laying before
. your majesty,, that which I most humbly beg leave
to do in this manner.
" Nothing in the world seems so incredible as
.thatj after all the trouble and danger that I have
been exposed to, for my zeal for your majesty and
your family, any one can imagine me capable of cri-
A A 3

358 CHAPTER 115.
minal correspondence with your majesty's greatest
enemy, and one who must look upon my lofd
Marlborough and myself as the objects of his
highest resentment.
" Your majesty Will readily believe that it Was
with the greatest astonishment, that I learned I
had been represented to your majesty as guilty of
so black and foolish a crime.
" 'Tis with inexpressible concern that I have
borne the thoughts of it for a few days ; and,
therefore, I am forced to beg that your majesty,
out of compassion, as well as justice, would be
pleased to afford me an opportunity of vindicating
myself from So groundless and cruel an accusation.
This I am ready tO do, in sueh a manner as shaU
seem most proper to your majesty's great wisdom,
riU which time I cannot help accounting myself the
most unhappy of all your majesty's faithful subjects.
«« Dec. 14. 1720. S. MAitLBORoUGJi."
She quitted the room, requesting to be honoured
with the commands of his majesty, and, after
declining the invitation of the duchess of Kendal,
to return, on the plea that she could not speak
french, received an answer in the king's own hand,
" St. James% Dec. I7. I720. — Whatever I may
have been told upon yoqr account, I think I hate
shewn, on all occasions, the value I have for^ the
services of the duke your husband ; and I am
always disposed to judge of him and you, by the
behaviour of each of you, in regard to my Service.
Upon which, I pray God, my lady Mariborough,
to preserve you in all happiness,
« George M."

1716—17^8. 859
Attributing to the suggestions of the ministry
the guarded langqage of this reply, she made a
new and stronger appeal through the dnchess of
Kendal. " Dec. 23. 1720. -^ I cannot possibly forbear to
give your grape this new trouble, tp express to you
the true sense I have of your great civility, and
obliging readiness tp assist me in the faypur \
lately hegged of ypii,
" I mnst ever acknowledge the goodness and'
Con4escensipn pf his majesty, in so soon hpnpuring
me with «i letter under hj^ own hand, i^ retnrn to
what I thought myself pbliged ts> lay befoye him..
It cannot become me to be any :^rt.lier impor
tunate or tronblesome to his majesty, or to desire
to give the least unnecessaiy ;interruption to those
thoughts, which are much better employed, than
they pould be in any thing that concerns me. But
I cannot but still hope, from bis majesty's honour,
compassion, and justice, that he wiU, at his pwn
greatest leisure, choose out some pppprtnnity, to
permit me to vindicate myself to him in a more
particular manner, a happiness which I am desirous
of, with the utmost impatience, Jjiotb as it is my
greyest ambition to appear innocent to him above
all the world, and as I knbF tjis^^ I can justify vay-
self Jbieyond the power of all contradiction, or even
i^^icion. « Madanji, permit me to say I am injured beyond
all expression, and this by an acensatipn as absurd
and incredible as it is wicked. Neither the duke
of Marlborough nor myself can have any safety
and security, even of our lives as well as fortunes,,
AA 4

36(5 CHAPTER 115.
but in the safety of his majesty and his farnily ;
and is it ppssible to be conceived, that either of us
should be so weak, as to contrive or assist in the
bringing on our own destruction? But I build
not my justification upon such arguments only ; it
is a subject upon which I can, and do defy the
whole world, which I would not do, if I did not
know the perfect innocence of my heart, as well as
of my actions, and the zeal of my secret wishes for
his majesty, as well as the tenour of my outWard
behaviour. I cannot suppose any man, of all that I
know in the world, capable of so great an injustice
as to be the, author of so- wicked an accusation,
except one, who perhaps may have malice enough
to me, and native dishonour enough in himself, to
be guilty of it ; and when I say that the person I
mean is Mr. Secretary Craggs*, it is enough to
iadd, that his behaviour towards me has been long
ago of such a nature, that Lhave not permitted him
these nine years so much a^ to speak to me. The
good nature and humanity I have akeady ex
perienced in your grace, have occasioned you this
second trouble ; and give, me, at the same time,
this fresh occasion of assuring you, that I shall
ever remember your civUities with the highest re
spect, and that I am, with sincerity, madam, your
grace's, &c. " S. Marlborough."
To this appeal the duchess received no other
answer than a reference to the letter already written
by the king. She was, therefore, so highly in-
* It is but justice to the memory of Mr. Craggs to observe, that he
always, strenuously denied the charge advanced against him by- the
duchess.

1716—1722. 361
dignant at a proceeding, which she considered as
cruel and injurious, that it was one of the primary
causes of her alienation from the court, and sub
sequent opposition to the government. The
mutual resentment excited by this charge, pro
duced also a serious misunderstanding in the
Marlborough family, and a suspension of inter
course with lord Sunderland took place, which
lasted till -nearly the period of his death, on the
19th of April, 1722. *
The decease, of lord Sunderland t produced an
unexpected embarrassment to his father-in-law.
As he had filled the highest offices of state, and
had been entrusted with the distribution of money,
appropriated to the recompense of secret services^
his papers were sealed up by order of government.
Application was instantly made for the delivery of
these documents, but in vain ; and a suit was ac
cordingly instituted against the two secretaries of
state, which continued in suspense during the life
of the duke of Marlborough. After his decease,
it was prosecuted by the duchess and lord Morpeth,
as executors ; and, on the 30th of November, 1722,
a court of delegates decided in favour of the de-
* This incident is minutely described in the narratives of the duchess,
and in a letter to the late duchess of Marlborough from lady Blayney,
whose mother, lady Cairnes, attended the duchess to court, and was her
confidant in the whole transaction.
f By his death, the only survivor of the great whig junta was the
earl of Orford, who resigned in disgust on the schism in the whig
ministry, and continued out of oifice till his decease in 1727.
On the accession of George the first, lord Somers was too. infirm,,
from a paralytic attack, to accept any share in the administration.
After a lingering decline, he died ift 1716. Lord Halifax expired in
1715 ; and the marquess of Wharton jn 1717.

362 CHAPTER 115.
fondants, on the plea that no private person could
inspect the papers of a deceased minister, untU
they had been previously revised by the officers of
the crown. After this revision, those documents
which did not relate to the secrets of state, were
restored to the family, and are now embodied in
the archives of Blenheim. *
In justice to the memory of this statesman, we
ought to observe, that although he was the prin
cipal patron of a scheme which produced such
general calamity, he used it merely as a political
engine, and did not enrich himself by the public
infatuation. Even Mr. Brodrick, who was one of
the persons charged to investigate the transaction,
and fostered strong prejudices against hii^j acquits
him of any participation, and represents him as the
dupe of the directors, t He died greatly embar
rassed, owing, among other creditors, ^10,000 ta
his father-in-law ; and leaving his numerous famUy
in such straitened circumstances, that the younger
chUdren were indebted for their education and
maintenance to the affection of the duchess of
Marlborpugh. His library, which was only rivalled
by that of lord Oxford, in rarity and extent, was
one of the items of his personal property, and now
forms the basis of the noble collection preserved at
Blenheim, t
* Narrative of the duchess ; — Boyer's Political State, for Dec. J TjiS.
p. 630.
t See his correspondence with lord Middleton, in the Memoirs of Sir
Robert Walpole.
t Tbe principal item of his personal property was .€30,000 in S«uth
Sea stock, which, if sold at the height of the infatuation, would havp
produced no less than ^^500,000.

171G--1722. 363

CHAPTER 116.
1716—1722.
Historical account qfthe commencement and progress of the
works at Blenheim. — Suit against the duke qf Marl
borough for the arrears due at the suspension in 1712. —
Decisions qfthe courts of exchequer and chancery, and the
house qf lords, — Prosecution and completion qfthe build'
ing at the expence of the duke.
vVe have reserved for this portion of our work,
the account of the litigation, which arose relative
to the building at Blenheim, that we might exhibit
to the reader a more regular and detailed narrative
of a transaction, which had long been a source of
perplexity to the duke of Mariborough.
From the scattered papers relative to this sub
ject, which are so numerous, and, in many parts,
so unconnected, it is difficult to form a regular
narrative, even if we should encumber our pages
with a quantity of dry and uninteresting corre
spondence. We shall, therefore, only submit to
the reader a brief relation of this 'celebrated pro
cess, and the circumstances from which it arose.
We have already stated the promise of the queen,
to build, at her own expence, a palace at Wood
stock, to be called Blenheim, in bonom- of the
splendid victory ; and, that during the administra
tion of lord Godolphin, various sums had been

364 CHAPTER 116.
issued by the royal warrants, amounting to nearly
^200,000. * Yet notwithstanding the great amount
of these issues, they were far from being adequate
to the expences already incurred, and considerable
arrears were due to the contractors and workmen,
as well as to those who had furnished loans for the
purpose of continuiiig the works.
. After the dismission of Godplphin, the new
ministers were not inclined to gratif}' the duke of
Marlborough ; and not only evaded as much as
possible the grant of farther suppUes, but endea
voured to throw the whole expence on the duke
himself, by eliciting either fi'om him or his duchess,
a promise to indemnify the contractors and work
men. The duchess, aware of this artful proceed
ing, suspended the works in I7IO ; and only a
small Slim was issued by the treasurer, sufficient to
protect them against the approach of winter.
The undertaking was, however, resumed in the
spring of the ensuing year, by the architect, who
obtained a balance of jf7000 due on a warrant
granted by the late lord treasurer Godolphin. He
also applied to lord Oxford for a farther advance
towards completing this national monument. How
ever unwilling to comply, Oxford was aware that
' the quebn's promise was pledged, and the national
honour engaged, and that he could not wholly
resist so just a claim. By his order, the architect
* We find from a paper, which appears to have been the opinion of
some lawyer, probably Sir^John Northey, the duchess's solicitory> that
^220,000 were issued in the queen's time into the hands of, Mr.
Taylor, to be paid by him towaF4s defraying the , change' of the; -vporks
according to the dh-ection of Mr. Travers ; and of this sum, ^£30,000
appear to have been issued by lord Oxford.
18

1716—17^2. 365,
submitted to bun a memorial, in which, the demand
to clear the debts, and to finish what was; intended
to be done in the current year, was estimated at
j€87,000. Tothe inquiry of the treasurer, whether
he had well considered the estimate, and whether
any thing was omitted, Vanbrugh replied, that
many things were left out, which he believed the
duke of Marlborough might think fit to do at his
own expence ; but he hoped that the sum which
he had specified might carry the design, as far as
he understood the queen at first intended to be
done, on a public consideration. From Vanbrugh's
report, the treasurer appeared to be well satisfied
with this explanation, because the sum required
was considerably less than that which he had him
self calculated. , -
Accordingly, on the 17th of July, the treasurer
obtained the queen's sign manual for .^20,000*,
teUing the architect at the same time, that he
would procure a farther grant as soon as possible.
" On this," Vanbrugh adds, "I acquaintedi.the
chief undertakers with what had passed at the
treasury ; upon ; which encouragement they, went
on with the. work, without insisting that aU the
money then issued should go in discharge of the
debt, which otherwise they would haye done." t
, With this supply, the works were carried on,
though slowly, untU the spring of the ensuing
year.
# The original warrant, signed Oxford, is in the Marlborough
Papers. f Letter from Vanbrugh to the duke. , !

366 CHAPTER ll6.
The building, however, stiU continued to oc»
cupy the attention of government ; for, on the
25th of June, 1713, an estimate was laid before
the house of commons of the debt on the civil Ust,
due at Midsummer, 1710, amounting to a?51 1,762.
One of the items was the sum of e§6O/)00 by esti*
mation, for the buUding of Wppdstock. In strict
justice, therefore, this sum of e§'60,000 should
have been assigned for the liquidation of the said
idebt, and the prosecution of the work ; but we do
MOt find that more than £€10,000 was paid for that
purpose, which was not advanced till towards, the
dose of the year, when the queen was indisposed,
and Oxford wished to conciUate the duke of
MarlboEough. On the accession of the new sovereign, Marl«
borough had reason to hope that new warrants
would be issued from the treasury, for defraying
the arrears and completing the work, in conformity
with the original design. He accordingly obtained
3fe©m the architect an estimate of the requisite ex-
pence, which, including the gardens and bridge, -
amounted to -s€54,527 : 4*. : ^d. ; and, therefare,
exceeded the former estimate in a duplicate pro
portion. The hopes of Marlboi-oUgh were in some mea
sure gratified; for in the first year of the new
reign, an act was passed " for enlarging the funds
of the bank of England, and for satisfying an arrear
for work and materials at Blenheim, incurred whUe
that buUding was carried on at the expence of her
late majesty." This act rendered the crown
responsible for such arrears, and directed that the

1716— 172S. 367
debts incurred before the first of June, 171^ when
the works Were suspended by order of the queen,
should be liquidated out Of the sum of £500,006
which had been previously grafted for the pay
ment of the debts on the civU list, and the arrears
of the -revenues belotoging to her late mf^e^y. In
pursuance of this act a commission was appointed,
under letters of privy seal, consisting of Messrs.
Lowndes, Craggs, and Sloper, who were autho
rised to issue ^30,000, in liquidation of the
arrears. The respective claims being accordingly
investigated, each claimant received one-third of
his demands, making a total of more than £ 16,000,
through the hands of Mr. Travers, the surveyor-
general to the crown. Another payment was
afterwards made, to the amount of ,^9000.
The creditors, however, were not satisfied with
this partial liquidation ; and in Easter term, I7I8,
two of the principal claimants instituited a suit in
the court of exchequer against the duke of Marl
borough and Sir John Vanbrugh, as his surveyor
of the works and buUdings, appointed by an in
strument signed by lord Godolphin, and authorised
to make contracts for work and materials. Their
demiEtnd included nearly a^SOOO for the principal
and iriterest of the sums due to thein, ^ince-'the
payinent made under the letters of privy seal.
Their application being ineffectually resisted,^ the
court decided that 'the duke of Marlborough was
rendered responsible for their demands, in virtue
of the instrument signed by lord Godolphin, which
conveyed the requisite powers to Sir John Van
brugh for acting in his behalf.

368 CHAPTER 116.
The cause was carried :by appeal into the house
of lords. After hearing the arguments of counsel,
the peers,, on the 24th of May, rejected the peti
tion of the duke, and confirmed the decree of tiie
court of exchequer. He was himself present, and
had the mortification tp find the decisipn suppprted
by. a great majority, among whpm were many pf
his friends and relatives. * It is difficult to re-
concUe such.. a decision with the principles of
equity and national honour ; and,_ therefore, we
can only attribute the resolution of the peers to
the secret influence of the ministry, who ;were
desirous of exonerating the crown from so heavy a
charge. The duke being rendered legally responsible for
the various debts arising out of the buUdingj had
no other resource than to apply to the court of
chancery, in order to compel the several creditprs
to submit to an examination of their claims ; and
the persons who had been entrusted with the issues
of money, tp verify their payments. The usual
procrastination of the cpurt, and the numerous
accounts wjiich. required scrutiny, together , with
the attempts made to evade investigation, pro
tracted the cause beyond the duration of tlie duke's
life. But, to satisfy the curiosity of the reader,
we shall observe that cpnsiderable mismanagement
and fraud were proved to: have existed in the
conduct of the building, and that several items

* Journals; — Case of the duchess of Marlborough and other ap^el-
'lants, submitted to the house of lords in 1724;^— Correspondence of
Sir John Vanbrugh with the duke and duchess ; — Narrative of the
duchess.

1716—1722. S69
were rejected, and others diminished- A. favourable
decree was accordingly given by the lord chancellor
Macclesfield, who pronounced a splendid eulogium
on the memory of the deceased hero, and depicted
in lively terms the dishonour wliich the nation
would incur, by throwing on his representatives
the charge of a structure, which was undertaken
at the order of the sovereign, as a reward and
memorial of his services, and repeate'dly sanctioned
by the acts of the legislature.
In the interim, the duke of Marlborough had
taken several exceptions to the report of the
remembrancer in the court of exchequer, who was
empowered to assess the debt ; he not only denied
^the delivery of the materials and execution of the
work in question, but combated the charge of
interest, as contiary to" the nature of the trans
action, and even beyond the demands of the
plaintiffs themselves.
Subsequent to his death, these exceptions were
taken into consideration. The two first were
overruled; but, after several amendments, the
court sanctioned the report of the remembrancer,
charging the duke with interest on the said debts,
from Jan.uary 1715, making the claims of the
plaintiffs amount to above ^9000.
An application for rescinding these orders being
ineffectual, the cause was again carried under a
new shape to the house of peers, by the duchess
,an<l the other executors. It was taken into consi
deration on the 27th and 28th of February, 1723-4.
After a patient investigation, the orders of the
cpurt of exchequer were reversed ; and the re-
VOL. VI. B B

370 CHAPTER 116.
membrancer was directed to enter into a new
scrutiny of the litigated claims, to ascertain whether
the materials were furnished and the work executed,
in conformity with the contracts ; and to state the
debts which were really and justly due to the
respective claimants,
. By this decisibn, the representatives of! the duke
of Marlborough .were made responsible for such
arrears as should.be proved to_be due on the
suspension of the works ; but we have not the
means of tracing the progress of the investigation,
or ascertaining the exact sums with which his
estate was finally charged. * ~^
*'-It is curious to examine the grounds on Which the duke of Marl^
borough was deemed responsible for the arrears, in contradiction to the
jmblic pledge of the sovereign, and tbe acts of the legislature.
1st. An instrument, dated May 23. 1705, signed by lord Godolphin,
wherein his lordship, at tbe request of the duke of Marlborough,
appoints Henry Joynes to inspect all contracts with workmen and
artificers, relating to the building a large fabric for a mansion-house,.
which the duke of Marlborough had resolved to erect at Woodstock,
to admeasiire and keep the accounts thereof, and to render to the duke
an account of his actings and doings.
2d. An instrument, signed by lord Godolphin, Sept. 24. 1708, by
-*hich his lordsh^ at the instance and desire of the duke of Marl
boroiigh, appoints Tilman Robart, gent.,, comptroller of the works at
Btenheim, in place of William Boulter, deceased ; and to act jointly
with Mr. Vaiibrugb, as comptroller, of the WQfks. 5d. A letter from,
the duke of Marlborough, dated Meldert, August 1707, to Sir John
Vanbrugh, desiring him to proceed in the works at Slenheim with atl
possible dispatch, requesting, in the mean time, a sight bf the drawings,
and an account of the progress made in the building. 4th. A letter
aclinowledging the receipt of p^t of the drawings, and fequesti^^
others. Stb. Orders given in 1709, by the duke and duchess, for
carrying on the-hpuse at Blenheim. 6th. Orders, 11 th February,
1710rsigned by the duke of Marlborough, for finishing several apart-
mfents. 7th. A letter fi-om the duke, 5th Dec. 1707, stating that, he
coidd not be at Woodstock till the SOthii and expressing his hopes that
the pSvilion -wtmld. then be covered, ^^^c* 8jji^ A Iftter fi-om the

1716—1722. 371
From the preceding narrative, it will readily
iappear that this noble structure would have re-
mained a reproach to the nation, had it not owed
its completion to the liberality of the hero, whose
services it was intended to commemorate.
Soon after his return from exile, he visited the
place, with the fond hopes which it was calculated
to inspire. Perceiving, however, the backwardness
of government in advancing the necessary supplies,
he obtained an estimate from the architect, and
declared his intention of finishing the building,
when he was exonerated from the debts incurred
prior to the suspension in, 171^. 'He even gave
orders for collecting materials ; and, when the
act passed in the first, year of the new sovereign
had declared the crown responsible, he directed
tiie works to be prosecuted at his o^n expence.
In a letter to Mrs. Clayton *, written about thjjs
period, the duchess, with her usual exaggeratipn
and querulousness, thus describes the state of the
edifice, and specifies the charges attending its
construction. " As to the affair of this buUding, I will state
- — ¦ , - ' ' ¦ . ' I' J i. "<
duchess, Nov. 2. relative tp the payment of the workmen. 9th. A
letter.from the duchess, Nov. 4. on treating with smiths for locks and
hinges, 'loth. A letter from the duchess, requesting that Mr. Taylor
should be enabled to pav to the use of Mr. Parker, in Londem, suoh
sums as he should advance to tbe comptrollers for the weekly payments;
and stating that Mr. Parker would run no risk, after the assurances
received ffom the duke of Marlborough, by the lord treasurer, that the
payment of the works should be continued as before. — " From a Note
of such exhibits as the plaintiff, in the ojriginal cause, intended to
prove." * Without date,-and ifflperfect.'but evidently written in 1716, between
the visit rfthe duke to BTenl\eim, and his first relapM.
B B 2

37^ CHAPTER 116.
it to you as short as I can ; the public has, ^nd
are to pay two hundred and sixty-five thousand
pounds for it. The duke of Marlborough has
paid and owes, above nine thousand pounds since
I712, and we have yet nothing like a habitation
for iti Of this great sum, thirty-eight thousand
was paid, with the increase of tbe debts after the
earl of Godolphin went out, before the buUding
^quite stopped ; and for that sum of #^38,000, it is
literally true, that .there is nothing done worth
•naming ; and what I have taken out of the books
does not amount to ^€2000. Without any aggra
vation, there is a vast deal more to do than is done;
the finishing that is done is but a trifle, and there
is a great many thousand pounds wanting yet, to
complete what is called only the shell ; besides aU
without doors, wher]p there is nothing done, and is
a chaos that turns one's brains; but to think of it;
and it wiU cost an immense sum to complete the
causeway, and that ridiculous bridge, in which I
counted 33 rooms. Four houses are to be at each
corner of the bridge ; but that which makes it so
much prettier than London bridge is, that you
may set in six rooms, and look out at window into
the high arch, while the coaches are driving over
your head. But notwithstanding all this, Sk John
has given lord Marlborough an estimate, in which
he tells him all. is to be complete for fifty-four
thousand three hundred and eighty-one* pounds ;
and because I can't believe that such a sum wUl
, do aU, when thirty-eight thousand so lately did
nothing, I am thought by him very troublesome,
and quite stupid."
The UlnesS of the dukcj and the tedious litigation

1716—1722. 373-
which ensued, created such delays, that littie
progress was made in the work at tbe time of his
decease. In the interim, a serious misunderstand.
ing arose between the duchess and the architect,
which forms the subject of a voluminous corre
spondence. Vanbrugh was, in consequence, re
moved, and the direction of the building confided
to other hands, under her own immediate super
intendence. , Notwithstanding all the chagrin and mortification
which this building had caused; it was still near
the heart of Marlborough; and he left by his will
5^50,000 to be expended by equal instalments, in
five years, for its completion, under the sole con
troul of his widow. By her vigUant atteution the
undertaking was prosecuted with a degree of
economy, which is strikingly contrasted withtlje
preceding expenditure ; and she had the satis
faction of fulfiUing the wishes of her deceased
husband within the limited time, and for half the
sum which he had charged on his estates. At her
own expence, she also constructed the triumphal
arch,) which forms the entrance from Woodstock,
and raised the column, which bears on its summit
the statue of the illustrious hero, and on its base the
record bf his victories, and the acts of the legislature
which sanctioned the buUding, and settled the
domain on himself, his widow, and his posterity. :
From a review of the different statements, we
may estimate the expenditure, on the part of the
public, at ^^240,000, and on that of the duke and,
his widow at 5^60,000 more, making, in the whole,
a total of 5^300,000. -
.:.'¦'.¦'' B B 3-

374 CHAPTER 117.

CHAPTER 117.
1716— 172s.
Private tife^ haSits, and amusements qf the duke qf MarU
borough, in his latter years, — Account of his frial testament
ary arrangtmshts, in 172 1. — -New attack of his' paralytic
dis&rder, and death, — Ceremonies qf his funeral at West-'
minster Abbey. — Removed -of his body to Blenheim,^—
Disposal of his property, — Aecount qf his itnmed,iati^:_
descendants. . , -i m
ItitIs gratifying to follow illustrious characters intp.
the shade of retirement, and to trace the conduct
of a great man, in that stage of existence, when
grandeur and power lose their charms, when the
body is afflicted by disease, and the mind robbed
of its vigour and elasticity. In such a light, we
now contemplate the duke of Marltorough.
He persisted, as we have already stated, in
fulfilling the duties of his official situations, and
attending the sittings of parliament, till within six
months of his decease. The intervals of his leisure,
when npt passed in London, were spent at Blen
heim, Holywell House, or Windsor Lodge. His
habits of life were perfectly domestic, and did not
belie the fond anxiety he had manifested, while
engaged in busier scenes, for the society of his
family and friends. His favourite and constant
exercise was riding, either in a carriage or on
»9

1716—1722. 375
Horseback; and, whenever his health permitted,.
in walking round his grounds, particularly at Blen
heim, where he delighted to contemplate his own
creation. His amusements consisted in the com
pany of his friends, whom he was accustomed to
receive without ceremony, or in the recreation of
cards. He played at ombre, basset, and picquet,
sometimes with his grand-children even at com
merce ; but his favourite game was whist. Frpm
Miss Cairnes, afterwards lady Blayney *, whp
formed one of the junior circle, we learn that he
was extremely attentive to the education of his
grand-daughters, and occasionally witnessed, with
parental fondness, their lessons in dancing and
music. From the same authority, we find that his
recreations were varied with dramatic exhibitions,
* Miss Cairnes was the daughter of Sir Alexander Cairnes, bart.^ an
eminent merchant in London, and afterwards resident in Ireland. The
connection between his family and that of Marlborough commenced
during a visit which the duke paid, jn 1718, to general Withers, at
Blackheath, where Sir Alexander had a villa. The assiduity, sound
sense, and fascinating qualities of lady Cairnes, won the esteem of the
duchess, and led to an intimate friendship and correspondence. The
duchess patronised Miss Cairnes, made her the companion of her grand
daughters, and superintended her education. She married, first, in
1724, Cadsvallader, seventh lord Blayney, by whom she had no issue;
and, secondly, colonel Murr.ay, by whom slie had sevei-al- daughters.
One of these espoused viscount Clermont, and another general
Cunningham, These connections introduced lady Blayney to the correspondence-
of the late duchess of Marlboi'ough, who was curious for information
relative to the illustrious ancestor of her husband. In the latter part
of her life, which was extended to the age of eighty, lady Blayney
wrote several interesting letters to the duchess, and her son-in-law,
which contain many valuable anecdotes relative to the latter years of
John duke of Marlborough. From these letters, which are preserved
at Blenheim, I have drawn many particulars recorded in this and other
chapters.
B B 4

376 CHAPTER 117-
in which the younger branches of his family, and
their companions bore a part. Two of these were, '
«« Tamerlane," and " All for Love," which were
introduced with addresses written for the occasion,
lauding the achievements of the duke, and the
virtues and graces of the duchess, in a high tone
of eulogium. The prologue to " AU for Love,"
written by the celebrated Dr. Hoadley, then bishop-
of Bangor, has been preserved ; and the reader
may, perhaps, not be displeased to peruse the
strains, to which the declining hero listened with
pardonable complacency, even though they are
Uttle recommended by poetical merit. One pe
culiarity in this address deserves notice, namely,
the anticipation of the period, when the exploits
of Marlborough would be commemorated, not in
verse, but in plain prose, and in chronological
order ; a prediction which was evidently intro
duced to gratify the duchess, who was then col
lecting materials for the life of her husband,
and affected a singular prejudice against poetical
eulogy. * PROLOGUE.
Whilst ancient dames and heroes in us live,
And scenes of love and war, we here revive.
Greater in both, in both more fortunate.
Than all that ever ages past called great,
O Marlboro' ! think not wrong that I thee name.
And first do homage to thy brighter fame.

* Thc! reader will doubtless recollect the clause in her will, leaving
£ igpo to Glover and Mailet, the intended biographers of the duke,
in which she couples her bequest with a prohibition against irisertin|
even a single line of verse. — See Introduction.

1716—1722. 377
Beauty and virtue with each other strove
To move and recompenee thy early love.
Beauty which Egypt's queen could never boast,
And virtue she ne'er knew, or quickly lost.
A soul so form'd and cloth'd, Heav'n must design
For such a soul, and such a form as thine ;
But called from soft repose, and beauty's charms.
Thy louder fame is spoke in feats of arms.
The fabled stories of great Philip's son.
By thy great deeds, the world has seen outdone.
The Cssars that Rome boasted, yield their bays.
And own in justice thy superior praise.
Tliey fought, the empire of the world to gain,
But thou, to break the haughty tyrant's chain.
They fought t' enslave mankind, but thou to free
Whole nations from detested slavery.
Their guilty paths to grandeur, taught to hate
By -virtue, nor to blush for being great.
This heap of stones, which Blenheim's palace frame,
Rose in this form a mon'ment to thy name ;
This heap of stones must crumble into sand.
But thy great name shall through all ages stand.
In fate's dark book, I saw thy long-lived name.
And thus the certain prophecy proclaim :
One shall arise, who will thy deeds rehearse.
Not in arched roofs, or in suspected verse.
But in plain annals of each glorious year.
With pomp of truth the story shall appear.
Long after Blenheim's wall shall mouldered lie.
Or blown by winds to distant countries fly;
By him shall thy great actions all survive
And by thy name shall his be taught to live.
O cherish the remains of life — survey
Those years of glory which can ne'er decay.
, Enjoy tbe best reward below allow'd.
The mem'ry of past actions, great and good.
We introduce also an account of the Dramatis
Personae, accompanied with a few remarks from
the lively pen of lady Blayney, who performed
the part of Serapion, the high-priest.

378 CHAPTER II7.
PLAY PERFORMED AT BLENHEIM.
" Ml for Love, or The Warld WeU Lost,"
Mark Anthony  Captain Fish (the page of the duchess),
Ventidius  Old Mr. Jennings.
Serapion (the high-priest) Miss Caienes.
Aitxas  Mrs. La Vie.*
Cleopatra  Lady Charlotte Macakthy.
Octavia  .'  Lady Anne Spenceb.
-,,.,, I. A ^, S Lady Anne Egerton.
Children of Anthony ••• W / „ c _
( Lady Diana Spencer.
[Scene the. Bow-window Room^ {Great Screens for chfmgi% Scenei^
" The bishop of Winchester (Hoadley) writ a
prologue upon the occasion, which I thin'k I have
given the duchess of Marlborough. Miss Cairnes,
as high-priest, wore a very fine surplice, that came
frbm Holland for the chapel (no sacrilege), for the
chapel was not finished many years after.^ What
makes me call it a fine surplice is, that all the
breast \\as worked in wjiat, many years after, was
called Dresden work. The old duke was so
pleased, that we played it three times ; first, because
we were to play it; some time after, for lord
Winchelsea, then lord Finch, and a great favourite
there ; and the third tinie at the duke's request.
The duchess scratched out some of the most
amorous speeches, and there was no- embrace

* Mrs. La Vie was the daughter of a french refugee, and a relation
of lady Cairnes. She acted as governess to Miss Cairnes, afterwards
lady Blayney, who speaks in the highest terms of her good sense,
knowledge, and accomplishments. She was often a guest at the petits
soupers, or weekly entertainments, which lady Darlington was accus
tomed to give to George the First, and where she assembled persons
distinguished for their taste and literary acquirements. She was the
lady who translated into 'french the duchess's letter to the king, men
tioned in chapter 115.

1716—1722, 379
allowed, &c. In short, no offence to the com
pany. I suppose we made a very grand appearance ;
there was profusion of brocade rolls, &c., of what
was to be the window- curtains at Blenheim. Jewels
you may believe in plenty; and I think Mark
Anthony wore the sword that the emperor gave
the duke of Marlborough." *
In the intervals of his disorder, Marlborough
enjoyed sufficient health and activity to visit his
friends and relations, and even to pay his court to
the prince and princess of Wales, by whom he was
treated with peculiar marks of attention and regard.
An, {Recount of one of these' visits is preserved by
the di^chess, in a letter to Mrs. Clayton.
" July 9. 1720-— !-I was in great hopes to have
seen you here, dear Mrs. Clayton, last night,
because Mr. Clayton writ me word that you would
come the end of this week. But, believing you
would npt set out so early as to be here at dinner,
I .went to Richmond, to pay my duty to their roy^d
highnesses, where the duke of Marlborough and I
had such a reception as would fill more than this,
paper, to repeat ; and I will on)y say, in short, that
they were both very good; and the princess was so
very kind to the duke pf Marlborough and to poor
me, and had so many agreeable ways of expressing
* This participation of the duke in jfivenile amusements reminds us
of Scipio picking up^hells on the sea-beach, Augustus playing -with
children on the floor of^bis apartment, and Henry the Fourth of France
racing round his nursery, with his son astride on his back. It is
recorded of thelast amiable monarch,, that being surprised in his play-
ful situation by a foreign embassador, he asked him if he was a father.
On his answering in the affirmative, he added, " Well, then, we may
finish our race."

380 CHAPTER 117-
it, that I really love her-, and whatever may be
deficient in the late reconcilement, I am sure U"
others are treated as we were, they will never want
a full court of the best sort of people that this
country affords. All the attendants, from the
lord chamberlain, and ladies of the bed-chamber,
to the pages of the back-stairs, were so civil, that
I thought myself in a new world. There; was
very good music, though her royal highness, I saw,
thought I liked the noise of the box and dice, and
contrived it so as to make me play on, when she
left us in a very pretty manner. The place is
wonderfully pleasant, the woods wild and charming,
some part of the walks in the garden fine, and the
house very handsome for any body but the heir to
the crown. Mr. Neville went w^ith us, who is
more extraordinary in singing, than what he is so
much commended for, that is, his skill at ombre,
and that qualification pleases me mightily without
any expence. As I play ill, the other entertainment
is very chargeable ; but as I have nobody or but
few to take care of when I am dead, I will Venture
to play with him and my lord Cardigan all the
time I am at Woodstock, if I can keep them so
long with me.
" I have not passed a day a long time so agree
ably as I did yesterday, and had full satisfaction
and content, tho' I lost a great deal of money for
one that is not in the South Sea. I must tell ybu
one thing that wUl make you laugh ; when lady
Charlotte went away, the princess called her back,
and desired her to hold up her head, which is a
thing I am teazing her about every day. You

1716—1722. 3»1
wUl see by all this how fuU I am of the princess's
goodness ; but, to end this head, I could not help
reflecting, as I went home, that if princes would
use every body so well, and choose ministers in the
interest of their country, and of good reputation;
they might be as absolute as they pleased, without
the expence of bribing the parliament."
From the state of his disorder and the conscious
ness of his declining strength, Marlborough antici
pated his dissolution, and, in the latter period of
his life, made a final disposition of his vast prpperty.
We have already stated the contents of the will
which he made in 1703, soon after the death of
his only son. This testament was, however, su
perseded by another in 1712, just before his
departure for the continent, which was afterwards
modified and amended by different codicils in 1718j
1719, and 1720. Of the execution of two of
these documents, an account has been preserved
by the duchess.
" I think it proper, in this place, to give some
account of the duke of Marlborough's distemper,
and how he. was when he signed, his will. The
duke ,of Marlborough was taken very ill at St.
Alban's in May, I716, with the palsy; but he
I'ecovered it so much as to go to Bath. He lived
tiU June 15. 1722 ; and tho' he had often returns
of this illness, he went many journeys, and was in
aU appearance well,, excepting that he could not
pronounce all words, which is common in that
distemper, but his understanding was as good as
ever. But he did not speak much to strangers,
because when he was stopt, by not being able to

382 CHAPTER 117-
pronounce some words, it made him uneasy. But
to his friends that he was used to, he would talk
freely; and since his death, Mr. Hanbury *, the
dowager lady Burlington, and many others of my
friends, have remarked to me, with pleasure, the
things that they had heard him say, and the just
observations he had made upon what others had said
to him ; and he gave many instances of remembering
several things in conversation that others had

" Feb. 22. 1719^20. — Upon that day the dnke
of Mariborough made a codicil to his will, in
which he gave my lord Rialton a settlement during
his mother's life, and in case lord Rialton died,
and she had no son, a settlement upon my lord
Spencer. He had signed this settlement about a
month before ; and upon making this, it was
corrected. * * * * *
" The duke of Marlborough was so impatient to
sign this codicil, that he called for the witnesses
two or three times before they were ready,' to
come in to see him sign. He was so well that
Dean Jones dined with him that day ; and in the
evening my lord Coningsby, Doctor Hare, and Mrs.
Jennings were with him. He played at cards
with Dean Jones and lady AnUe Spencer ; after
wards he saw my lady Burlington, lord Cardigan,
general Lumley, and lord Carlton, who took notice
to me, as he sat by us at play, that he had not seen
the duke of Marlborough so well a long time."
Well aware of the tedious litigation which fre-
* Major Hanbury of Ponty Pool. — See, an account .ef him in the
Monmouthshire Tour, chap. 25.

1716— 17S2. SS3
quently arises from obscure and equivocal bequests,
and knowing the plea which might possibly be
drawn from his oWn bodily infirmities, to question
his r testamentary dispositions, he took particular
care to obviate aU objections, and give the fullest
proof of his competency to fulfil so solemn and im
portant a duty. Of this transaction the duchesS
has also preserved a circumstantial detail.
" I think I have already given an account of his
directions to Sir Edward Northey and Sir Robert
Raymond, to alter his wjU, when'he found the ne
cessity of doing it. They kept it a long time be*
fore it was finished, and when he signed it, which
I think was in 1721, or about that time, after it
had all been read over to him, he sent to the per
sons whom he intended to be witnesses, to dine
with bim at Marlborough House ; my lord Finch,
general Lumley, and Dr. Clarke *, who, at my
desire, had all read the wiU before it was signed-
As soon as dinner was over, he asked if Mr. Green
was come (he was Sir Edward Northey's clerk) ;
and as .soon as he came into the room, he. asked
him how his mother did. Upon Mr. Green's being
come to put the seals to the wUl, the duke of
Marlborough rose from the table, and fetched it
himself out of his closet; and as he held it in his
hand, he declared to the witnesses, that it was
his last will, that he had considered it vastly weU,
and was entirely satisfied with it; and then he
signed every sheet of paper, and delivered it in all
the. forms. After this, the witnesses aU sat at
* The celebrated Dr. S«nuel Clarke, rector of St, James's.

384, CHA^PTER 117-
the table, and tallced for some, time. Lord Finch
and Dr. Clarke went away first, .about .business.;
and when general Lumley rose up to go,/.who staid
a good while longer, than the others, whqjhad
business, the duke i@f. Marlborough rase- up too;
a^ went rtO) hiin and embraced hinij'it^ingi -him
by the hand, ajrfd thanking hibi for th^, favour he
had .dbne him." ¦: -;; >,, .,. . ,;!.
The diike of Marlboroi^h, survived his tpsta*'
mentary arrangement above a year ; and, on the
27th of Novembeif, 1721, made his lasf; appmrance
in the house of lords. He passed the winter, in
London, in his wonted habits, and with hjs . u§jj#i
company, and, in May, removed to Windsor
Lodge. Towards thebeginningof June hewa§agg.in
attacked with a violent paroxysm of his paralytic
disorder, which resisted the customary remedies.
He lay several days, fully sensible of his approach
ing dissolution, and retained his senses so perfectiy,
that on the evening before his decease, he listened
to the prayers which were usually read to him ; and
to a question of the duchess, whether he had heard
them, repUed distinctly,. "Yes; and I joined in
them." As Tie was then reposing pn the couch,
the duchess enquired whether he would not he
easier on his bed, and, on his reply in the affirm
ative, he was removed to his apartment. . Medi
cines were administered; the blisters which had
been applied were dressed ; and an inflammation
in his back was fomented. His family and ser
vants gradually withdrew, leaving the duchess aind
the necessary attendants in the apartment, an^lie
lay without any symptom of immediate dissolution,

1716—1722. 385
till four in the morning, when his strength sud
denly failed, and he calmly rendered up his* spirit'
to his Maker, in the 72d year of his age. *
His body being embalmed, was removed to
Marlborough House, where it lay in state. The
funeral exhibited a display of mUitary parade and
regal pomp, which has been seldom paralleled.
The magnificence of the spectacle was heightened
by a vast concourse of spectators, from all th&
provinces of the three kingdoms, who poured forth
their multitudes to join the inhabitants of the ca
pital, in celebrating the obsequies of the first and
most renowned among their heroes.
The procession was opened by bands of military,
accompanied by a detachment of artillery, in the
rear of which followed lord Cadogan, commander-
in-chief, and several general officers, who had
been devoted to the person of the duke, and had
suffered in his cause. Amidst long files of heralds,
officers at arms, mourners, and assistants, the
eye was caught by the banners and guidons em
blazoned with his armorial achievements, among
which was displayed, on a lance, the. standard of
Woodstock, exhibiting the arms of France on the
cross of St. Georgcv t
* Lediard says, that he died in his ^sd year j die french biographer,
more truly, " pres de soixante douze ans;'' for hp was born oji the
22d of Juiie, 1650, and, consequently, had not completed his 72d year.
The duchess erroneously states him to have died on the 15th of June,
(see p. g81.).whereas he died on the 16th, at four in the morning.
f An engraving of this standard, which is annually presented to the
crown by the possessor of Blenheim, and which was borne at the
funeral, by special licence from the king, is given in tlifc Appendix, with
a c«^y of the licence. '
VOL. VI. C C

386 CHAPTER II7.
In tbe centre of the cavalcade was an open car,
bearing the coffin, which contained his mortal re
mains, surmounted with a suit of complete arm<9my
afitd lying under a gorgeous canopy, Morned with
plumes, mUitary trophies, and heraldic achieve
ments. To the sides, shields were affixed, exhi
biting emblematic representations of the battled he
had gained, and the towns he had conquered, With
the motto, " BellOi hcec et plura." On either side
were five captaibs in military mourning, bearing
aloft a series of bannerols, charged with the dife
ferent quarterings of the Churchill and Jennings
families. ¦ - ' ''>->
The duke of Montagu, who acted as chief
mourner, was supported by the earls bf Sunder
land and Godolphin, and assisted by eight dukes
and two earls. ¦ Four earls were also selectiefl to
bear the paU. The procession was closed by a nu
merous train of carriages, belonging to the nobility
and gentry, headed by those of the king and^het
prince of Wales. I - jfi^
The cavalcade moved along St. James's" Park to
Hyde Park Corner, and from thence through Pic
cadilly and Pall Mall, by Charing Cross, to West
minster Abbey. At the west door it was received
by the dignitaries and members of the church, in
their splendid habUiments ; and the venerable pUe
blazed with tapers and torches innumerable^ When
the necessary arrangements were completed* the
choir opened the service, with the introductory
sentence, " I am the resurrection and the life"
The procession then moved through the naveJand
chpir to the chapel of Henry the seVeriili, wh¥re

. 7 1716—1722, 387
the remainder of the funeral office was read by
bishop Atterbury, as dean of Westminster, whose
impressive delivery gave additional solemnity to
the most pathetic portion of our liturgy. The
body was lowered into the vault, at the east end of
the tomb of Henry the seventh.*; and, at the close
of the service, the ceremony was concluded by
Garter king of arms, who, advancing to the verge
of the grave, recited the various titles and honours
of the deceased, and pronounced the awful pro
clamation, " Thus it has pleased Almighty God,
tp take out of this transitory world, into his mercy;
the Most High, Mighty, and Noble Prince, John
Duke of Marlborough," t
.-, This solemn ceremonial was, however, performed
merely to render national honours to the remains
of the great commander ; for his body was not
long suffered to repose in this ancient receptacle of
royalty; but removed to the chapel at Blenheim,
.where it was finally deposited, in a magnificent
mausoleum, executed by Rysbrack, untler the
superintendence of the duchess. .j
The duke of Marlborough died imttiensely rich,
as is evident from his testamentary bequests.
}-,., He bequeathed to liis widow a jointure of
, ' * From the communication of the Rev. Dr. Ireland, dean of West
minster.
'' f It has l)een generally supposed that the chaises of this sumptuous
fuheral were defrayed by the croWn ; but the duchess asserts that they
were borne by herself, and her statement is confirmed by lady Blayney,
in a letter to the late duchess, as well as by Lediard. At my request,
thb' dearf of Westminster kindly ordered a search of the chapter books,
lAamsQesrtaan this point; but no evidence appears, to pTO\e by whom the
fees and othei- expences were. paid.
C C 2

388 CHAPTER I17.
^15,000 per annum, free of aU charges and deduc
tions, with the option of changing, the jg5000 frdm
the Post Office, fbr an annuity of the same amount
on his property; from the just motive, that the
public gi-ant should devolve on the person who
succeeded to his title. She was also empowered
to dispose of a€lO,000 annually, for the space of
five years, in the completion of the works at Blenr
heim ; and the purchase of estates, or any; other
investment of his personal property, was subjected
to her approbation, in concurrence with thM of
lady GtOdolpbin and lord Rialton.. ^ As the manor
of Woodstock and the mansion of Blenheim were
already settled on her by act of parliament, the
terms of the bequest indicate no less his wish, that
she should be comidered as his representative,* than
the gratitude which he invariably expressed for her
affection and, tenderness. ril ^- t >!'
: f And whereas in and by my said hereinbefore
recited wiU, I gave to my said wife and her assigns,
during the term, of her natural life, the sum of
sfe'10,000. per annum, clear of taxes ; and whereas
my personal estate is since greatly increased, and
my said wife has been very tender and careful of
me, and had great trouble with me during my Ul
nesS, i and I intending for the consideration afore
said, and out of the tender affection, great respect,
and gratitude which I have and bear to her, and
for the better support of her title and honoii^, to
increase' her said annuity £5000 a year," &c.
The duchess was authorised to dispose of her
own personal property, and to bequeath her pa^
ternal estate at Sandridge to any of her grand-

1716—1722. 389
chUdren at discretion ; but the mansion of Mari
borough House, of which the scite had been granted
to her by the crown, she was requested to leave- to
the successor in the titie. The service of gold
plate presented to the duke by the elector of Ha
nover, and the diamond sword, which was the gift
of the emperor Charles, together with the insignia
of the garter, were bequeathed as heir-looms to
lord Rialton ; but the rest of the plate and jewels
were devised to the duchess.
' The residue of his property, after the payment
of different legacies to his ybunger daughter and
grand-children, was devised to his eldest daughter,
Henrietta countess of Godolphin, and her heirs
male, with a reversionary entail on the male issue of
his Other daughters. In faUure of issue male, the
succession was to revert in the same order to the
female line.
To lord Godplphin, an annuity of .^5000 a year
was assigned, if he survived his wife ; and to their
eldest son, lord Rialton, heU apparent, an allowance
of ^3000 per annum, which was tb be increased to
^^8000 when the works at Blenheim were finished;
iand» to '^§20,000 on the death of the duchess dow
dies'/' t A similar provision was made for the pre-
suM^ive heir of' the Sunderland line, should lord
Rialton die without issue male ; and on the eventual
succession of the earl of Sunderiand to the title
of Marlborough, and the possession of the Blen
heim estates, bp was required to relinquish his pa
ternal inheritance in favolir of his younger brother
©r brothers. ' , • .. _ ,
r Lastly, we ought not to omit a singular clause,
c c 3

390 CHAPTER 11*7.
which proves the anxiety of the noble testator to
maintain the dignity of the titles he had acquired
for his posterity ; for he enjoined his executors to
obtain from the legislature an act for settling on
his future representative all the landed estates;
which, at subsequent periods, might be purchased
with the principal or interest of his personal
property. The trustees appointed by the will, were Sarah
duchess of Marlborough, his three sons-in-law, the
dukes of Montagu and Bridgewater, and lord' Go
dolphin ; William Guydot, William Clayton, and
John Hanbury, of Ponty Pool, esquires. *
On the decease of the duke, the title and ho
nours descended to his eldest daughter Henrietta.
Her son, WiUiam, became Marquis of Blandfbrd,
but died in 1731, in the thirty-third year of his
age, leaving no issue by a marriage which he had
contracted with a dutch lady of the family of De
Jong, of Utrecht, t On the death of Henrietta,
therefore, which happened in 1733, the title and
honours- passed to the Sunderland line. Robert,
the eldest son of Anne, countess of Sunderland,
having died in 1729, Charles, his next brother,
fourth earl of Sunderland, succeeded to the
dukedom of Marlborough ; and, in 1744, became
possessor of Blenheim, and all the estates, on the
demise of the duchess dowager. In conformity
with the will of his grandfather, he relinquished
his paternal property and mansion of Altborpe tb
* Will of John duke of Marlborough, and various extracts and
memoranda in thc hand-writing of the duchess.
¦\- She espoused in second nuptials Sir William Windham.

a7l6— 1722. 391
his brother John, who was founder of the second
Spencer line. To him Sarah, duchess of Marl
borough, also left her own paternal estates, and the
property accumulated during her long widowhood,
which rendered him no less opulent than the repre
sentative of the elder branch.
From Charles earl of Sunderland, and duke
of Marlborough, George, the present duke, is li
neally descended ; and, in testimony of respect
for the memory of his Ulustrious ancestor, he has
assumed the name and arms of Churchill, in con
junction with those of Spencer. From John, the
second son, the present earl Spencer likewise
derives his origin in lineal descent.
Henrietta, duchess of Marlborough, by her hus
band Francis earl of Godolphin, left two daughters.
Henrietta, the elder, espoused Thomas Holies, duke
of Newcastle ; Mary, the younger, espoused Thomas
duke of Leeds ; and from her is descended George,
the present and sixth duke of Leeds.
Mary, the fourth daughter of John duke of
Marlborough, espoused John duke of Montagu, by
whom she had three sons, John, George, and
Edward ChurchiU, who all died in infancy ; and
three daughters, of whom the second, Eleanor, died
unmarried. Isabella, the eldest, who espoused,
first, William duke of Manchester, was celebrated
as the most beautiful woman of her age, and is the
subject of the animated poem by Sir Charles Han
bury WiUiams, entitled " IsabeUa, or the Morn
ing." By the duke she had no issue. She married,
secondly, Edward Hussey, esquUe, who, on the
death of his father-in-law, assumed the name and
VOL. VI. * c c 4

392 CHAPTER II7.
arms of Montagu, was created successively baron
and earl Beaulieu, and expired in 1802. Their
only son John was born in 1747, assumed the titie
of lord Montagu, and died in I787. A daughter,
Isabella, born in 1750, died in 1772.
Mary, the youngest daughter of John duke of
Montagu, married George Brudenell, fourth earl
of Cardigan, who, in I766, was created duke of
Montagu. * Their only son, John marquis of
Monthermer, was born in 1735, and died unmar
ried in 1770 ; and their suiviving daughter Eli-
zabeth, espousing Henry late duke of Buccleugh,
became the fruitful mother of a line of descendants
from John duke of Marlborough, t
Sarah, duchess of Marlborough,- long survived
her iUustrious husband. Though at the age of
sixty-two when she became a widow, she stiU pos
sessed sufficient attractions to captivate lord
Coningsby and the duke of Somerset, who both
made her proposals of marriage in the first and
second year of ber widowhood. An epistle of lord
Coningsby is preserved, which breathes aU the
despondency of a love-sick shepherd ; and another
from the duke of Somerset, in which the high-
* George duke of Montagu was, in 1 786, created baron Montagu, with
remainder in failure of his heirs-male to lord Henry James Montagu,
second son of his daughter Elizabeth duchess of Buccleugh.
f The french biographer, besides the legitimate issue, bestows on the
duke of Marlborough several natural sons, one of whom, he says, was
father of general Churchill, who distinguished himself at the battle
of Fontenoy. We find, however, no traces of such .a progeny; and,
unfortunately for his accuracy, the officer in question proves to have
bsen the grandson of Charles Churchill, the brother of the duke. His
father had previously signalised himself at the battle of Ramilies, and he
forms one of the humorous characters in Sir Charles Hanbury Williams's
poem of " Isabella, or the M<;irning."

1

II.

(To face page 39a. Vol. VI.)

GENEALOGICAL TABLE
Of the immediate Descendants of John Duke of Mablborough,

John Churchill,
1st Duke of Marlborough',
b.- June so, 1650,
- d. June 16, 17*2,

Sarah, daughter and coheiress
of Richard Jennings, Esq.
of Sandridge, Herts.,
6. 1660, d. 1744.

John, Francis, :
Marquess of Blandford, Earl of Godolphin,
6. 1690, d. 1766.
d. 1702-3.

- Duchess of Marlborough, 1732,
d. 1733.

Charles Spencer,
3rd Earl of Sunderland,
d. 1722.

Anne, '
b. 1682 or 3,
d. 1716.

Scrope EeertoD, "~~' Blizabeth,

Earl and Duke of
BridgewateTr

b. 1687,
d. 1714,

John, :
Dnke of
Montagu, d. 1749.

, Mary,
b. 16^,
d. 1751 ¦

I M'illiam,
Viscount Rialton,
and
Marquess of
- Blandford, ft. 1698-9.
d. i^rau
ia> Maria Catherinaf
daughter of
Peter de Jong,
of Utrecbt,
d- without issue.

, Henrietta, ' 6. 1701,
m.ThontnsHoUes,
duke of Newcastle,
drwithout issue.

Mary,
6. 170s,
m. Thomas, 4th
Duke of Leeds.

Robert, 6. 1703,
d. unmarried. , 1739.

Charles,
4th Earl of
Sunder! and f
2nd Duke of
Marlborough, in 1733,
b. 1706,
d. 175S,
m. Elizabeth,
daughter of
Thomas,
Lord Trevor.
(See the next Table.)

Anne,
b. 170-2,
d. 1769.
m. William,
Vise. Bateman,
Lefl two sons,
William and Jolm,
who died withoilt
issue. ¦'

Diana,
m. Wriothesley,
Duke of Bedford,
¦d. without issue,
in 1735-

John.

b. 1708,
d. 1746,
m. Georgiano,
..daughter of
Earl Granville.
, .Ancestor of
Earl Spencer.
(Set a subsequent Table.)

Two sons,
died youBg.

Anne,
d. 1763,
m. 1 John,
Duke of
Bedford.
No issue.
2 William,
3tdEarlof Jersey.
A numerous
posterity.

Isabella,
tn. 1 William,
Duke of
Manchester. Noi

Mary,
d. I775f
HI. George.
4th Earl of
Cardi^n,

2 Edward Hussey,- created Duke of
Barl^eaulieui Montagu in 1766.

(C1786.

Tbey left on
only daughter,
Elizabeth,m. rienrj-,
late Duke of
Buccli:ugh.

To follow Table 11.

III.

GENEALOGICAL TABLE
Exhibiting the Descent of the Ducal Title of MARLBOROUGH, in the first Branch of the SmWEHLAND Une.

Charles ;  Eliaabeth, daughter of
4th Earl of Sunderland, \ Thomtts, LordTrevor,
Duke of Marlborough in 1733» d. lybi.
6. 1706, d. 175S.

George,
Duke of Marlborough.
b. I739f d. 1817.

— ¦ Carotine, daughter of
^^ John, 4thDukeofBedforf, d. 1811.

Charles, h. 174O1 .
m. Mary, daughter of
Lord Vere.
Two sons,
John and William,
both, of whom have iisne.

:Robert,
m. Harriet,
relict of the Hon.
E- Bouverie.

Diana,
m. 1 Frederich, Vise. Boliigbroke,
2 Topham Beauclerc, Esq.
b. 1734. d. »*>8-
Issue by both marria^[ea.

Elizabeth, ft.1737.
m. Henry,
late Earl of Pembroke.
Issue.

George Spencer Churchill, =;:=
DuKe of Marlborough,
6. 1766.

Susan,
daughter of
Johu*
Eall of GdloTtay.

icis Aln

Henryi Francis Almeric, .S!^ j !li.,
h 1770 6. 1779. ^- 1763. d. 1813.
d. 1795! cr.Baron Churchill, 1815, m. Henry Welbore,
'*" _. TP  Qrtd Visr.ChfdeD.

..i. Frances,
Sth daughter of
Augustus Henry*
Dnke of Grafton.
Seven sons ; ¦
Francis, George,
Augustus, William,
lleufv, John, and Robert.
Three daughters;
Caroline, Frances, and
Louisa.

2[(d ViscClifden A son,
Geo. J<»s. Welbore,
and a daughter,
Caroline Anne,
who d. 1814

Eli^beth,
b. 1764, d. 1812.
*n. her cousin, tn
John Speucer.
Two sons,
George John,
and Frederic Charles,
Four daughters,
Frederica, Georgiana,
Caroline, end Elizabeth.

Charlotte,
6, 1769, d. 1802.
,. the Rev. Edw. Nares.
A daughter,
Elizabetha Martha.

Anne, 6. 1773i *
m. Cropley,
Earl of Shaftesbury.
Six sons ;
Anthony, Lord Ashley,
Anthony William,
Anthony Henry,
Anthony John,
Anthony Francis,
and Anthony Lionel.
Four daughters ;
Caroline Mary,
Harriet Anne,
Charlotte Barbara,
and Frederica,
who d. 1808.

Amelia Sophia,
1. Henry ft-tches Boyce,
Two sons }
Henry George, and
William Fraucil.

Caroline Susan,
d.»793.

Geoive, =:=: J«n«' daughter of
Marquess of Blandford, George Earl of Galloway.
6. 1793-

Charles, 6. 17W.

Geo^e Henry,
6, 1796.

Henry John.

IV.

GENEALOGICAL TABLE.
Descendants of Jom Duke of Mablbobough, of the Second Brmich of the Sunderland Line.

i (To follow Table niO

John,
Duke of Marlborough.

Charles,  : Anne.
Earl of Sunderland. (

Charles,
and Duke of Marlborough,
i&e Former Table.)

John Spencer,
b. 1708,
d. 1746.

John,
1st Earl Spencer,
6- 1734.

Georgiana,
dangiiter of
Earl Grenville:

daughter of
Stephen Poyntz,
Esq.,
of Midgham, Berkshire.

George John,
2nd Earl Speucer.
b. 1759.

John Charles,
Viscount Althrop,
6. 1782,
m. Esther,^
sole daughter and
heiress of
^R. Acklom, Esq.
who died 1818.

Lavinia,
daughter of
Charles Bingbam,
1st Earl of Lucan.

Georeiana, wfliis

Sarah,
fe.i7fe
m, the Hon.
William Henry
Lyttelton..Two sons,
George William,
6. 1817,
Spencer Richard,
6. 1818.
A daughter,
Caroline, b. 1816.

Robert Cavendish,
6. 1701.

Georgiana Charlotte,
b- 1794,
m. Lord George Quin,
second son ot
' Thomas,
Marquess of Headfort..
A son,
George Thomas,
6. 1815.
A daughter,
Lavinia, &. 1816.,

tn. Wniiam,
5th Duke of Devonshire,
fe. 1757.
d. 1806. \

Henrietta Frances,
m. Fredarick Ponsonby,
Trd Earl of Besboroush.
6. 1761. ^ •

Frederic, b. 1798.-

George,

William Spencer,
6th Duke of
Devonshire, :
b. 1790. . 0

Georgiana, b. 1783,
m. George,
viscount Morpeth,
son of Frederick,
Earl of Carlisle.
,Six sons and five
daughters. ,

\

Henrietta,
. 6. »785,
m. Granville Leveson Gower,
Vise. Granville,
son of
Granville Leveson, 1st
Marquess of Stafford.
Issue.

John William, ^
Viscount Duncaanouj
with many other
children, and
a numerous posteri^.

1716—1722. S9S-
minded peer expatiates with great fervour on his
long knd respectful passion, lays his fortune and
person at her feet,' and implores her hand, to con-
so'te him for the losg of his deceased wife. *
The* reply of the duchess to the duke of Somer-i
set was highly dignified, and worthy of her rega,rd
to' the memory of her husband. - She not only iJe-
clined a~ connection so unsuitable' 'at her age, but
declared that if she were only - thirty, she would
not permit even the emperor of the world to suc
ceed in that heart, which had^been devoted to
John duke of Marlborough. The disappointed
peer was so affected with her candour and spirit,
as to solicit her advice in the choice of a wife ;
and to espouse lady Charlotte Finch, whom she re
commended. Their friendship continued through
life ; and the duchess often availed herself of im
judgment, in the disposal of money, and the'pifi:- -
<3ha,se of landed property. .t..
She survived the duke of Marlborough twenty ¦'^
two years, and died in 1744, at the age of 84.
* Letter from, lord Coningsby to the duchess of Marlborough^, a.pd
Correspondence between her grace and the duke of Somerset. ,
The letter from lord Coiiingsby was written in the latter end of 1T22,
and jthat from the duke of Somerset, July 17. 1723. r -.

394 CHAPTER liB.

CHAPTER 118.
, CHARACTER OF THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGfr. '
Ihe actions and correspondence of the duke of
Marlborough furnish the best illustration of his
character ; but we cannot close a narrative, in the
composition of which we have felt, no less pleasure
than interest, without a few concluding remaife
on the leading peculiarities of his mind, as well .as
on those habits and dispositions, which are least
known and least developed.
As a private individual, he possessed the domestic
virtues in an eminent degree. He was a dutifiil
and obedient son, a tender husband, an affectionate
father, a firm friend, and an indulgent master.
The temper and forbearance which he manifested
towards the wayward fancies and petulant humour
of his duchess, are almost unexampled ; and his
indulgence is the more laudable, as we discover
few instances in which his conjugal fondness inter
fered with his political duties. His kindnessix)wards
his children is no less shewn, in his invariable
attention to their welfare, during their early yeaj;s ;
and in his liberality and care for their establishaieJiit,
in their more mature age. Above all, theiighest
illustration of his character ^s a ;fetheriand husband
was, his affectionate caution during the incessant

CHAPTER 118. 395
bickerings, which occurred towards the decline of
his life, between his two surviving daughters and
their mother, where great blame was justly attri
butable to both parties, and where he was involved
in a continual struggle between inclination and
duty. Without belying his affection to either, he
was not insensible to their faults and failings ; and
in his testamentary bequests, evinced his impar
tiality and liberality to all.
r Many proofs might be adduced of the steadiness,
as well as warmth of his friendship, but none is
niore striking, than his invariable attachment to
lord Godolphin. Assured of his integrity 'and
abilities, he gave him his whole support, and full
confidence ; and disdained to sacrifice his faithful
'fisglleagye, not merely on the trite plea of political
expediency, but even for the most weighty con
siderations of power and emolument. To the fears
ahd prejudices of this zealous and upright, but
often narrow-minded statesman, he yielded, what
he denied to conjugal importunity, and, in many
instances, relinquished his own better judgment to
the limited views and suggestions of his friend.
The endowments and virtues of so extraordinary
a mind were combined and enabellished with no
less distinguished graces of person and manner.
*He was above the middle stature, well formed,
and active in bodily exercises. His countenance
was unusually pleasing, his features regular, but
manly ; his eye penetrating and expressive. His
demeanor was graceful, dignified, and. captivating;
and no man possessed, in a higher degree, the art
of conciliation. His very denials were tempered

396 CHA^T^R 11^.
with such gentleness' aiid complacency, that ei*^n
the applicants who were least satisfied, in regar^d
to the Object of their solicitations. Could not (|uit
him, %ithoUt being charmed by his deportment;
He was, indeed, a' finished courtier ; but the polish
of hife manners ivas derived ra£hdr' froni nature'
than from art. It wais the operation of inhereiiV
humility,' united with a sweetnfes'^ and amenity of
temper, which seldom enters into the C{ib';^clMlioh'
of a hero. Thfis amiable pecuharity Was not visible
ihereiy^in social intercourse, but appears in all his
dfe»frespondence, and is traced in all his actions.
liord' chancellor Cowper, who knew him well,
describes him as a master of the most Winriiiig
jtddre^S; and lord Chesterfield adduces hirh' ks'^i
itt'odel' of perfection in the art of pleasing. * ' '
¦^ He Was equa;lly regular and ekemplary in th'e
perforiliance of moral and religious duties. The
principles, which he had imbibed in his eai'ly
years. Were indelibly impressed on his mind ; aiid
in eOui'ts ' and camps, as well aSdn domestic life,
he exhibited the sanie pions confidence in the prp-
tection 'of an 6ter-ruling Providence. He was" a
firm bfelifetier in the truths 'of the -Christian Rfev"^-
latiori, and zealously attached to the doctrines bf
the Established Church. Herice he was puhctu'il'
in his attendance on the divine offices, a frequent''
(Miiiihunlifaiiti,' %hd ihknifested a dfeVotioh, fervierll!,'
but'talm, and ho Ifeks remote from. enthusiasm ffiafi
fi(^m' indifffererice^' '''' "¦¦' " ¦ ¦'*''' ' *' ' '''''•
Tliongh bronglit up- in a liceh^ious court', Hind
* LordCowpcr'sDiary,' and lord CtiestVtfiel'^s tetters to his Son,
18

CHAPTER 118. 397
se4uced, in ^is youth, by evil example, he main
lined an inviolable' respect for the nuptial ,unipn.
^F.9^^ the ; time of his marriage with the object pf
M^i^^PCt^^'^S' he resisted every temptation of courts^
aP:d;;Camps J and, amidst all the calumnious impu,
tatjjpns which ,h^v,e. been heaped pn his memory,
t^p aggravated, malice of his political adversaries;
has pever thrown the slightest sijspicion on, his
cpijjugal fidelity.
-The operation, of these , principles was not only
f€)lt in his own conduct, but extpndedtheir influence
tp,,his family, an4 ^P.all who were subject to his
authprity. He was never known to ,ijtter, an
igfl^pent wprd, or to give ,an example of ..levity>
|Ie,ev,^p severely reproved those wjjio, presumed to
offend his ..eaf s with loose expression^, ,and resented
them,, both as a personal affront, and as anaqtof
hnmorality. * Jle discounten^<ped the slightest
degree of intemperance or licentiousness, and
l^l|Oured to impress his officers and troops with the
same sense of religion which he hirnself entertained.
Divine service was regularly performed in all hi^
f|xed camps, bptjli morning and evening ; and, on
Sundays, sermons wer^ preached,, both in field and
garrison. Previous to a battle, prayers were offered
i^p at tJ?,e hiead <;^jpa,chi regiment; and the first- act,
aj^^er,, a victory, w^s a, splen^n , .thanksgiving. By
tljqsje means,, aide4 by his own example, " his
camp," tp i|set)ie words of his biographer, who
served under him, " resembled, a, quiet, well-
gpyerned city.,,,^^i-sdng and swearing were seldom
* From jq^d Cobham, i^ho^^sei^ved under hi^]» during so many campaigns.

SC),8 CHAPTiEft^ 118.
heard among the officers ; a sot, and, a drunk?ird>s
was the object of scorn; and the, poor sol^i^s^i
many of them the refuse and dj-egs ,pf tjie na,tipp,
became at the plo,se; of one or two campai^s,
tractable, civil, sensible, an (J clean, and.had an^ap:,
and spirit a.bbve the vulgar." *
A leading feajt,ure in the character; of ,the duke
of Marlborpugh, was his generous magnanimi|y»
Sincere himself, he disdained to suspect othpfsi;
and, in all his actions and correspondence, [ he
manifests that lofty confidence, which is the attl^i-
bute of elevated minds. A striking instance of this
spirit occurs in a letter to the duchess, whp, at an
early period, had hinted her suspicions of theduke
of Shrewsbury. " If he be an ill man," he obseEVi^^j
" he has it in his power to do a great deal ofibupt;
but I am of thp humour not to believe the.Jatin-
dredth part pf what is said of any body, so that. I
may easily be imposed upon." In no case, indeed,
was this more strongjy exemplified, than, in hi,s
conduct to>vard,s Plarley, and in the pertinacity
with which he long resisted every proof , of tbe
treachery of a- inan whom he considered as bound
to him by gratitude. ,,
^ Human nature, Ijpwevei', is not perfect ; and it
is with regret WjB ^cjcnowledge, that one virtue was
wanting in, the duke of JNIarlborough, which we
naturally attj^jcli totUs character of a great mafli.
This was, a want of liberality, wjiich, in , him,
amounted to parsimony. He was thus enabl?4

it'dhfiM , • Lediard, vol. i. Preface, p. 2<y. '^ m<--\
¦' ¦ -.'d^ !<*..,. ¦-'¦ rnie JsO. .¦,,' 'ifc xaok ;;?. --H

CHAPTER 118. 399
to raise a fortune, "which few subjects have ever
realised, and to render his family no less distin
guished for opulence, than for honours. It is but
justice, however, to add, that this principle of
i-ii^d economy was derived from his originally
scanty means, his early marriage, and numerous
family, and observed from necessity, till it degene
rated 'into habit. It is no less just to remark, that
it operated chiefly in his private capacity ; for, in
hife loans to government, in his buildings and im
provements, and in transactions of a public nature,
no nian was more munificent. Of this assertion,
ample proof is derived from the splendid mansions
of Holywell and Marlborough houses *, the ex
pensive improvements at Windsor Lodge, and the
completion of Blenheim.
But his private qualities, however eminent, ¦jvere
fat' Bftrpassed by his excellences as a public cha
racter. His exploits as a general, have so far
monopolized attention, that due justice has not
been rendered to his merits as a statesman. In
that capacity, however, he occupies a prominent
place ; for in the cabinet, when unfettered l^y the
views or prejudices of party, he displayed the same
skill, discernment, and decision as in the field. On
him rested, for several years, the political system,
nbt Only of his own country, but of Europe; and
the ease with which he appeared to direct the vast
and complicated machine, is no less wonderful than
his inoSt -^ttipendous' victories. In appUcatioh and
" From a memorandum- of -tlw du,chessj. we.,learn that Marlborough
House alone did not cost him less tban ^70,ooo.

400 CHAPTER llg.
industry he was unparalleled ; and he was equa
master of the minutest details of domestic govern*
ihent, as of the profoundest combinations of policy.
Of this, his extensive correspondence, still remain
ing, is a striking instance, and verifies his own ob
servation, in one of his letters to lord Oxford, that
the pen was seldom out of his hand. Indeed,
when we contemplate the vast mass of his official
and private letters, we can scarcely believe, that:
the same hand and mind which directed the mili
tary and political energies of Europe, could have
been equal to the mere mechanical labour of such.
incessant drudgery. It would be an endless task,.
to review the details of his conduct as a statesman;
but the preceding pages will exhibit innumerable
instances, to contrast his sound sense, enlarged
views, and able policy, with the petty interests of
the dutch and austrian governments, and even the
narrow views of his own cabinet.
As a senator, his conduct was marked by manly
integrity and spirit, tempered with caution and
prudence. He took little share in discussions,
which were beyond the sphere of his' knowledge
or practice ; but on subjects of foreign and mili
tary policy, his opinions were heard with the
greatest attention, and produced a decisive effect.
He was not a frequent speaker ; but his manner
evinced peculiar dignity and courtesy ; his lan
guage was simple and forcible, his matter we^•
arranged, and his arguments perspicuous and con
clusive. He did not affect the graces of oratory j
yet, when warmed with his subject, his language

CHAPTER fl 18.^ 401
breathed a degree of feeling' and energy beyond
the reach' of arti-. >»,> «lrKMb .»8-,,t-.f«Trm a u !»¦ vjSmp.
"^¦W.e should -be happy to exhibit , his political
career as free from blemish, but it is not without
r«gret, that we revert to his clandestine ;correspond'
«nce with the exiled family, ids whose expnisip;!!
he so much contributed, tj Though some palli^ti^*^.-
might be drawn from example, c|rcumstanees,iaBd
peisional considerations, and though we are, con
vinced that , his overtures werSj -merely ami^sive;
it -is a' duplicity, i Which we must unequivocally ,,
iRcxndemn, and. a blot in -.an .escuteheo% ,oLii,eiwi&&
so, honourably distinguished.: But it would be, no
|ef®ijjnQharitahle than* impplitic,! to drag such fail
ings into light, when they a^e; so fully, r^de^mgd
by a long series of able counsels, and spleijdid
achievements, for the liberties and religion, of his
country,, and for the welfare and independence of
Europe. The citizens of Rome did not reject the
appeal of Scipio to his victories ; and, if we judge
the duke of Marlborough by actions, not by words,
he, must stand excused by every feeling of candour ,
a^d patriotism. \.., ^tsslw^ -^sii l.m^h^ M'r4 ? - •;«
As J a warrior, the merits of the duke of Marlr
bprough, though uncontested, have never been
au£%;iently developed. rjJ^ittle favpuredby educa-
tipp and science, he sijpplied th? want of know
ledge by observation and reflection. He fully,
prp^ted. by his brief » experience, under so able ^,.
rr^atef .as Turenne ; anc|»,^^ft?r a„^iprt campaign'
in'the NeAerlands, and th^, uncoi^ifljned direction
%i^^MP$^^^^^^*^^ rose at.o^ce a
' "VOf. VI. ^ i> o

*02 CHAPTER 118.
general, and in his first operations, proved himself
equal, if not superior, to the ablest of his contem
poraries. With limited, and often inadequate
means, he accomplished the greatest objects ; in
fused harmony, union, and strength into a hetero
geneous mass of different nations ; and might have
stood still higher in the ranks of fame, had he not
been harassed by the petty passions of those with
whom he was connected in command, and thwarted
by the partial interests, and limited views, of the
powers whose advantage he was labouring to pro
mote. With all these obstructions, however, he
may claim the merit of having humbled France in
the height of her power, and routed her disciplined
armies ; of having gained every battle in which be
engaged, and reduced every fortress which he
undertook to besiege.
His genius was of English mould, vast, compre
hensive, and daring, attaining its purposes by great
and decided efforts, simple in design, and majestic
in execution.
Averse, by character as well as principle, from
defensive warfare, he was always tbe assailant, and
invariably pursued one grand object, regardless of
minor considerations. He conquered, not by
chance, or the unskilfulness of his antagonists ; but
by superior vigilance and activity, by the pro
foundness of his combinations, by the celerity
of bis movements, and by the promptitude and
decision of his attacks. These qualities are
fully exemplified in every part of his military
career ; but more particularly in his march to tbe

CHAPTER 118. 403
Danube, his operations on the Moselle, his battles
of Blenheim, Ramilies, and Oudenard, and, above
all, in his fine campaign of I7II.
He possessed a perfect knowledge of ground,
and consummate skill in the choice of positions.
He was also well acquainted with the character
and spirit of his troops ; and the familiar appel
lation of " corporal John," as well as the rehance
they invariably expressed on his vigilance and
care, evince the love and confidence with which
he inspired them.
With these sublime qualities of a great com
mander, he United endurance of fatigue and hard
ship, the most perfect presence of mind, and
inexhaustible fertility of resource. He was, at the
same time, patient under contradiction, and placid
both in manners and deportment ; and the har
mony in which he acted with his colleague, Eugene,
proves, at once, the liberality of his sentiments,
and his freedom from the spirit of rivalry and
competition. But no feature in his character was
more shining and conspicuous than his humanity.
Not only the troops who had promoted his glory,
and shared his dangers, but the enemy whom his
sword had spared, invariably experienced his
sympathy and benevolence. He was feared as a
general, but he was loved as a man. No one was
more alive to the sufferings and privations of his
troops ; nor did any conqueror more sincerely feel
for the horrors and devastation of war. He fre
quently gave the weary soldier a place in his coach ;
afnd after the most desperate battles, his earliest
u D 2

404 CHAPTER 118.
care was to visit the field, to comfort the wounded,
and to lighten the sufferings of misfortune and
captivity. A leading feature in his character, both public
and private, was his unparalleled self-possession,
though, as we have before seen, he had to struggle
against a temper naturally ardent and irritable.
Indeed, in him, this virtue is so conspicuous, that
he has been adduced by Adam Smith as a striking
example, in illustration of his Theory of Moral
Sentiments. After adverting to the overweenihg
vanity of the great and wise, in different ages, he
adds: " The religion and manners of modern times
give our great men little encouragement to fancy
themselves gods, or even prophets. Success, how
ever, joined to great popular favour, has often so
far turned the heads of them, as to make them
ascribe to themselves, both an importance and an
ability, much beyond what they really possessed ;
and by this presumption, to precipitate themselves
into many rash, and even ruinous adventures. It
is a characteristic, almost peculiar to the great
duke of Marlborough, that ten years of such un
interrupted and such splendid successes, as scarce
-any other general could boast of, never betrayed
him into a single rash action, scarce into a
single rash word or expression. The same tem
perate coolness and self-command cannot, I think,
be ascribed to any other great warrior of later
times ; not to prince Eugene, nor to the late king
of Prussia ; not to the great prince of Conde, not
14

CHAPTER lis. 4 0^
even to Gustavus Adolphus. Turenne seems to
have approached the nearest to it, but several dif
ferent actions of his life, sufficiently demonstrate
that it was in him by no means so perfect, as in
the great duke of Marlborough." *
Finally, the best proof of transcendent merit isi
the testimony of an enemy, and this testimony is
not wanting. For when the heat of party resent
ment had subsided, his inveterate persecutor, lord
Bolingbroke, paid a public and dignified tribute
to his memory, in his Letters on the Study of
History. " By his (king William's) death, the duke of
Marlborough was raised to the head of the army,
and, indeed, of the confederacy, where he, a private
man, a subject, obtained by merit, and by manage
ment, a more deciding influence than high birth,
confirmed authority, and even the crown of Great
Britain had given to king William. Not only all
the parts of that vast machine, the grand alliance,
were kept more compact and entire, but a more
rapid and vigorous motion was given to the whole;
and, instead of languishing or disastrous campaigns,
we saw every scene of the war full of action. All
those wl>erein he appeared, and many of those
wherein he was not then an actor, but abettor,
however, of their action, were crowned with the
most triumphant success. I take, with pleasure,
this opportunity of doing justice to that great man,
whose faults I knew, and whose virtues I admired;
and whose memory, as the greatest general,
* Theory of Moral Sentiments, chap. iv. on the Character of Virtue,
vol. ii. p. 158.
DD 3

406 CHAPTER 118.
AND AS THE GREATEST MINISTER that OUT COUUtry
or any other has produced, I honour." *
* This character of the duke of Marlborough was not printed till
after the death of lord Bolingbroke; though it was submitted to the
duchess, at her request, as we find from a letter in the hand-writing of
Mr. Mallet.
" Your grace will find, in the next leaf, that character you was
pleased to desire a sight of some time ago. As the book from whence
it is taken has not yet appeared, your grace will be so good as to let it
lie by you, without shewing it ; and you will have the satisfaction to
know, that this character, never intended for your grace's perusal, it
without partiality or flattery. I have the honour to be, with the
greatest regard, &c.
" Strand on the Green, Fridat/."
The signature is torn off, apparently by the duchess, to conceal the
name pf the writer.

APPENDIX.

Copy of the Royal Warrant of his Majesty King George the-
First, relative to ihe Standard or Colours, belonging to the
Honour and Manor ofWooDSTOCK, to he borne at the Funeral
of his Grace John Duke of Marlborough.
GEORGE R,
WHEREAS in and by an Act of Parliament made in the 3d
and 4th years of the reign of our late dear sister Queen Anne,
in respect of the eminent and unparalleled services performed
by the most noble John Duke of Marlborough, now lately
deceased, and, among others, in particular for attacking and
forcing the Bavarians, assisted by the French, in their strong
intrenchment at Schellenberg, and for gaining a glorious victory
over the enemies, reinforced by a royal army of the French
King's best troops, commanded by a Marshal of France, at or
near Blenheim, on the 2d of August, 1704; it was enacted, in
order to perpetuate the memory of such signal services, that the
said late Queen might, by Letters Patent, grant to the said
Duke, his Heirs and Assigns, the Honour and Manor of
Woodstock, and other Lands therein mentioned, to be held of
the Crown, in Fee and Common Soccage by Fealty, rendering
on the 2d of August in every year for ever, one Standard or
Colour of three Flower de Luces painted thereupon, in pur
suance whereof, her said late Majesty granted Letters Patent
accordingly. And though the said Act fully intimates that the said Standard
or Colours shall be annually presented for ever on the 2d day
of August, in order to perpetuate the memory of that glorious
victory, obtained over the then enemies, reinforced by a royal
army of the French King's troops, on the 2d day of August ;
yet, in regard, the said Act and the said Letters Patent thereon,
DD 4

408 APPENDIX.
do not direct the Blazon of the said Fleurs de Lis, or on what
Field they shall be borne, you, our Principal King of Arms,
have, as we are informed, humbly requested our commands in
that particular. We being desirous that the Funeral of the said
Duke should be solemnized with all the circumstances of honour
that his high merits have deserved, do hereby signify our will
and pleasure, and direct and command you, that in the said
Funeral you shall set forth the said Standard or Colours of the
three Fleurs de Lis in the following method, that is to say,
Azure three Fleurs de Lis Or, in a Shield, placed by way of an
Inescutcheon on the Cross of St. > George, according to the
Draught hereunto annexed, to be borne either in a Shield,
Standard, or Banner, as belonging to the Honour and' Manor of
Woodstock. At which said Funeral, you are also to use, or caused to be
used, all such Ensigns that appertain to the said late deceased
Duke, as a Prince of the Sacred Roman Empire, together with
the Banner of the Garter, which, instead of the Images of Saints,
we hereby appoint and direct, shall be the Cross of the said
Order, impaling the arms of the said late Duke, with an
Liescutcheon thereon of the Arms of the Duchess, all sur
rounded with a Garter, and surmounted with a Ducal Coronet ;
all which said Ensigns are to be used and borne, as well
within the verge of our Court, as in all other places, at the
solemnization of ' the said Funeral, wherein John Duke of
Montagu, the Chief Mourner, is to be supported by Scroop
Duke of Bridgewater and the Earl of Godolphin, any former
Orders or Rules given about Funerals notwithstanding.
And forasmuch as by another Act of Parliament, passed in
the Sth year of the said late Queen, itwas further enacted
that the Honours and Dignities of the said most noble Duke
of TVIarlborough be settled upon all his Posterity, in the man-,
ner therein mentioned, and that the Honour and Manor of
Woodstock, the House of Blenheim, with other Lands, be
annexed and go along with the said Honours and Dignities ;
it is our will and pleasure, and we hereby direct and command
you, and your Successors in the office of our Garter Principal
King of Arms, at all times, and all proper occasions, to set
forth and blazon the Standard or Colours belonging to the
Honiair and Manor of Woodstock in the form above-mentioned.

r./yc r X^f c/ c/cf '/c/ rc/ci/tf/c// </ /f ///c . /(c//r>fc '/ 'Cf//c/^
( I (cr //('/' ly / /oricA/ Ai>c/i /•/•'c^cr ci / /// < r y'^c n c >ci'c-' or%

f cr jfc'C ty

< cfc,/ C/>cf/'c r ycA/i ^y cfAc r?^f t..- A Ac/ iAAryn^tt^'K^^

1 i

APPENDIX. 409
And for all these purposes this shall be to you and them a
sufficient Warrant. Given at our Court at Kensington, the
19th day of July, 1722, in the eighth year of our Reign.
By His Majesty's Command.
(Signed) CARTERET.
To our Trusty and Well-beloved John
Anstis, Esquire, Garter Principal
King of Arms, and to his Suc
cessors in that Office.
The above is a true Copy of the original Warrant, notu
remainins amons the Archives of the College of Arms,
London, and examined ihereoiith by me,
{Signed) GEORGE NAYLER, York Herald.
: genealogist of the Bath.
Herald's College, London,
June 30. 1818. fc.

INDEX.

Abjuration, bin of, the last public act of king William, i. 159.
Admiralty, appointment of the prince of Denmark to tlje head of, i. 142.
George Churchill a member of the board, 147: Parliamentary pro
ceedings respecting, and censure against Churchill, iv. 6. His
dismission, and appointment of lord Pembroke, 319. Efforts of the
whigs to introduce Orford, v. 102. His appointment, 107. New
members on the accession of the tories, 339. Orford reinstated
under George I., vi. 311.
Aire, siege of, V. 364. Capture, 366. Restored to France by the treaty
of Utrecht, vi. 238.
Aix-la-CItapelle, Marlborough's visit to, vi. 227.
Alliance, Grand, the negotiations for, entrusted by king William to
Marlborough, i. 121. 127. Declaration of Anne in favour of, 150.
State of, in 1702, 161. Accession of Portugal, 233 ; and Savoy, 286.
Effect of the battle of Blenheim, ii. 37. Negotiations of Marlborough
at Vienna, 249; and Berlin, 257. State of affairs in 1706, 315.
Jarring interests of the dutch and the house of Austria, 386. Diffi
culties respecting the dutch barrier, iii. 54. Private overtures from
France rejected by the States, 86. Marlborough's mission to
Charles XIL of Sweden, 167. Disjjutes of the imperial court with
the allies, 191. Marlborough reconciles the king of Sweden and the
emperor, 213. Secret views of the dutch for peace with France, 296.
Arrangements in the close of 1709, iv. 525. Private negotiations
between France and Holland, 366. Preliminaries, 397. Rejected
byLoOis, 400. Congress of Gertruydenberg, v. 168. Secret nego
tiation between France and England, vi. 2. 32. Progress and
results, 106. Conferences at Utrecht, 177. Separation of british
troops from the confederate army, 210. Consequences of the de
fection of England, 215. Remarks on the peace of Utrecht, 258.
Pacification of Rastadt and Baden, 246,247.
Almanza, battle of, iii. 195.
Alps, military operations in that region, ii. 210. iii.'is. iv. 506. v. 371.
vi. 118.
Anne, princess, afterwards queen, her early intimacy with Miss Jennings
(lady Churchill), i. 26. Appoints her lady of the bed-chamber, ib.
Letter on the introduction of four popish peers into the privy-
council 33. Arrangements for the settlement of a revenue on her, 45.
Contentions with the king and queen, 58. Epithets applied by her
to William, 61. note. Letter to lady Marlborough on the arrest of
her husband, 65. Confers a marriage portion on lady Henrietta
Churchill, 92. Her scnthnents and prejudices respecting the
succession, 110. Her accession, 141. Favours bestowed by her on

412 INDEX.
the earl and countess of Marlborough, and their relatives and friends,
142. Godolphin appointed lord treasurer, and a tory administration
formed, 145. Collision of sentiment between her and laiiy Marl
borough, 154. Confers a dukedom and pension on Marlborough,
201, 206. Her gratitude to him for supporting the settlement on the
prince of Denmark, 210. Her anxiety to prevent his resignation, 278.
Interested in the success of the bill against occasional conformity,
295. Letter to the duchess on the victory of Blenheim, ii. 38. To
the duke on his disappointments in the campaign of 1705, 130. His
_^,^ answer, 131. Her appeal to him on the struggle for the great seal,
Iplfc 255. Her speech to parliament, 258. Her letter to Marlborough
on the proposal to invite the electress Sophia to England, 259.
Change in her sentiments regarding the whigs, 285. Her misunder
standing with the court of Hanovfir compromised by Marlborough,
327. Orders thanksgiving for the victory of Ramilies, 560.
Sanctions the acceptance of the government of the Netherlands
offered to Marlborough, 594. Opposes the appointment of Sunder
land as secretary of state, iii. 88. Correspondence on the subject,
89. 105. Her contentions with the duchess, 110. Acquiesces in
the promotion of Sunderland, at the instance of Marlborough, 152.
Her speech to parliament on the late successes, ISS. Grateful
letter to her from the duchess, 142. Settlement of the uiiion
with Scotland, 147. Her letter to Charles XII. of Sweden,
presented by Marlborough, 168. Withdraws her confidence from the
whigs in favour of the tories, 248. Rising influence of Mrs. Masham,
254. Altercations with the duchess, 258. Coldness between her
and the electoral family, 506. ' Her pertinacity in the nomination of
two tory bishops, 363. Letter to M.irlborough, 371. Her celebrated
address, protesting against peace, unless Spain was restored to
Austria, iv. 14. Compromise respecting the bishoprics, 16. Her
struggle with ministers against the dismission of Harley, 25. Re
luctantly consents, 27. Reply to addresses on the threatened
invasion, 42. Promise extorted from her by the duchess, in favour
of her daughters, 44. Effect of their misunderstanding on public
affairs, 45. Efforts of the whigs for the promotion of Somers, . 55.
Her increasing aversion to them, 68. Correspondence with Marl
borough, 72. Cabals on the Scotch elections, 91. Her indignation
against Sunderland,' 95. Increasing contentions with the duchess,
183. Quarrel soon after the victory of Oudenard, 208. Struggle
renewed for the promotion of Somers, 512. Whigs threaten to
censure the prince of Denmark, 314. She professes to acquiesce in
their demands, 318. Death of the prince, ib. Condolence of the
duchess, 322. Temporary renewal of intercourse, 324. Her
alienation from Godolphin, 358; and from Marlborough, 377.
Appeal to Marlborough respecting the appointment of Orford to the
admiralty, v. 104. Increasing discords between her and the. duchess,
107. Cabals of Harley, 115. Rejects Marlborough's request of two
important offices for life, 117. Appoints lord Rivers constable of
the Tower, 126. Orders Marlborough to bestow a regiment on
colonel Hill, 127. Compromise, 146. New and violent altercationt
with the duchess, 205. Appoints Shrewsbury lord chamberlain, 215.
Struggles with Marlborough relative to the promotion of major
Masham and colonel Hill, 238. Her resolution to dismiss lord
Sunderland, 2iJ. Tiansfers the seals Lo lord Dartmouth, 265.
Appi-fhcnsionij of the allies, 282. Remonstrance of the emperor, 284.

INDEX. 413
Another epistolary controversy with the duchess, 286. Resolves to
dismiss Godolphin, 317. Orders him to break the staff, 522. Com
munications with the duchess through Sir David Hamilton, 398.
Alarmed respecting lier confidential letters, 400. Intervention of
Shrewsbury, 401. Forbids Marlborough to suffer the u.sual vote of
thanks, 405. Audience, 411. Insists on thc resignation of the
duchess, 412. Sanctions her accounts, and allows arrears of pension,
416. Disposal of the places held by her, 417. Raises Harley to the
peerage, vi. 36. Issues a warrant for signing the preliminaries with
France, 107. Remonstrances of Marlborough, 131. Her alarms at,^;^
the ascendancy of the whigs, 1 44. Advice of Oxford, 147. Dismisseil|r
Marlborough, 152. Creates twelve new peers, 155. Her order '
obtained, for the attorney-general to prosecute Marlborough, 159.
Communicates to parliament the outlines of the treaty with France,
201. Grants Marlborough a passport for the continent, 221.
Address to parliament on the peace of Utrecht, 240. Decline of her
health, and critical state of affairs, 252. Address to the new par
liament, 259. Resents the intended residence of the electoral prince
in England, 262. Prorogues parliament, ib. Her letter to Hanover,
280. Dismisses Oxford, 288. Her alarming illness, 289. Appoints
Shrewsbury lord treasurer,291. Dies, 292.
Antwerp, Marlborough's grand plan for the attack of, i. 245. Frustrated
by the dutch general, 262. Surrenders to Marlborough, ii. 375.
Project of the french for the surprise of, detected by Marlborough,
iv. 99. Visit of Marlborough to, vi. 225. Marlborough removes
thither from Frankfort, 244.
Argyle, duke of, his influence secured by Marlborough, for promoting
the union with Scotland, iii. 145. Commands the british infantry at
Oudenard, iv. 145. His gallant conduct at the siege of Mons, v. 77.
Anecdote respecting his offer to arrest Marlborough, 118. 7iote.
His conduct hostile to the whigs, 156. Reply to a parliamentary
speech of Marlborough, on the restrictive orders sent to Ormond,
vi. 192. His conduct on the queen's last illness, 291. Commands
against the rebels in Scotland, 525. 528. Superseded by Cadogan,
33e.
Army, debates on its reduction, after the peace of Ryswic, i. 99.
Ath, investment and capture of, iii. 11. 12. March of Marlborough to,
from Soignies, 555.
Athlone, earl of, withdraws his pretensions to thc chief command,
in favour of Marlborough, i. 161. Applauds his merits, 196. Death,
238.
Auersperg, count, his mission to the duke of Savoy, i. 286.
Austria, arrangement for the grand alliance, i. 126. The archduke
Charles proclaimed king of Spain at Vienna, 290. Threatened
invasion of the french, 500. Campaign of 1704, 316. ii. 37.
¦ Accession of Joseph, 102.. Marlborough's journey to Vienna, 249.
Complaints of Charles XII. of Sweden against, iii. 153. Disputes
- renewed, 218. Accommodated by Marlborough, 220. Reviving
cordiality with the british court, 284. Disputes with Savoy, 539.
Discussions respecting levy money from England, iv. 47. Dispute
and accommodation with the pope, 307. 333. Claims of the duke of
Savoy for the Vigevenasco, 336. Increase of the dispute, v. 86.
Renewed contentions, 371. Remonstrance Against the negotiation
of England with France, vi. 134. Mission of Eugene to England,
162. Reverses after the secession of England from the alliance, 213.

414 INDEX.
Losses by the peace of Utrecht, 239. Pacification of Rastadt,
245, 246. B.
Baden, margrave of, subsidised by the States at the instance of Marl
borough, i. 505. His negligence in permitting the junction of the
french and bavarians, 329. Interview with Marlborough, 538.
Shares the command with him, ib. Junction of their armies, 545.
Misunderstanding with Marlborough after the victory of Schellen-
;h berg, 561. Invests Ingolstadt, 580. Disinclined to co-operate with
Marlborough, ii. 99. Interview with him at Rastadt, 104. His
delays and equivocal proceedings, 123. 127. Letters illustrative of
his conduct, 200. Visited by Marlborough at Frankfort, 248. Hii
death, iii. 229.
Baden, in Switzerland, definitive treaty signed there between France
and the empire, vi. 246.
Balaguer, captured by the allies, v. 91.
Bhnk, deputation from, to the queen, on the dismission of Sunderland,
V. 279.
Barcelona, capture of, ii. 207. 209. Relieved by the british, 374.
Bareiih, margrave of, appointed to the command after the death
of the prince of Baden, iii. 229. Succeeded by the elector of
Hanover, 217.
Barrier, dutch, negotiations respecting, iii. 54. Treaty of, iv. 410. 415.
Censured in the house of commons, vi. 175. Memorial of the dutch
voted a libel, 176.
Battles, Blenheim, i. 589. Ramilies, ii. 559. Almanza, iii. 195.
Oudenard, iv. 139. Malplaquet, v. 45. Villaviciosa, 384.ji
Bavaria, elector of, professes neutrality, i. 164. Declares for the house
of Bourbon, 186. Joins Villars at Dutlingen, 238. His successes
and plans, 500. Joined by french reinforcements, 528. His de
fensive dispositions, 548. Defeat of his troops on the Schellenberg,
351. 358. Retreat to Augsburg, 568. Negotiation, 374. His
country given up to military execution, 575. Defeated with the
french at Blenheim, 393. Retires into France, ii. 13. Summons
Brussels, iv. 273. Mindelheim restored to him, vi. 247.
Bavaria, electress of, negotiation of Marlborough with, ii. 13. Conclu
sion of the treaty, 51.
Beaufort, duke of, compliments the queen on the dismission of Sunder
land, V. 278.
Belcastel, count, commands the dutch troops in Spain, iv. 502.
Bergueiclc, intendant of the Netherlands, conveys private overtures from
Louis XIV. to the dutch government, iii. 55. Appointed Philip's
plenipotentiary at the Hague, v. 89.
Berlin, visit of Marlborough to, ii. 257. Treaty renewed for 8000
auxiliaries, ib.
Berwick, his skilful conduct of the gallo-spanish army in Spain, iii. 27.
His victory at Almanza, 195. Commands on the Moselle, iv. 155.
Junction with VendOme, 228. Checks the advance of marshal Daun
into Dauphine, v. 87. Defeats the insurgents in the Cevennes, ib.
Besenval, his curious report to Louis XIV. of Marlborough's first
audience witli Charles XII. iii. 184.
Bethune, capture of, v. 295, 294. Restored to France by the treaty of
Utrecht, vi. 238.

INDEX. 415
Bmg/leld, Mariborough's equerry, killed at Ramilies, ii. 547. Provision
niade by the queen for his widow, 356.
Blandford, marquess of, his illness, i. 215, and death, 220.
Blayney, lady, her account of a play performed at Blenheim, vi. 578.
Blenheim, movements preparatory to the battle of, i. 386. Scene of the
approaching conflict, 387. Battle, 390. Consequences of the victory,
ii. 10. Effects in England, 37.
Blenheim, palace of, ordered to be built at the royal expence, ii. 74.
Delays in the works, v. 547. Difficulties in obtaining money from
government, 550. Historical account of the commencement and
progress of the works, vi. 363. Suit against Marlborough for arrears,
367. Prosecution and completion of the works at his own expence,
571.
Bolingbroke, {see St. John), his mission to Paris, vi. 212. His rivalry
with Oxford, 254. On the dismission of Oxford, intrusted with the
arrangement of a new administration, 288, 289. Outlawed and
attainted, 315. His tribute to Marlborough's memory, 405.
Bonn, siege of, undertaken by Marlborough, i. 240. Capitulates, 242.
Bothmar, hanoverian minister at the Hague, his consent requisite for
the march of the hanoverian forces, i. 169, His conduct in the
affair of Ische, ii. 169. ^
Bouchain, operations preparatory to the investment of, vi. 52. Opera
tions for the investment, 71. Siege, 72. Surrender, 85. Retaken by
the French, 214.
Boufflers, marches to Antwerp, i. 253. Defeats^Opdam, at Ekeren, 255.
His defence of Lille, iv. 216. Capitulates for the town, 265. For
the citadel, 289. Joins the army under Villars as a volunteer, v. 25.
Shares the command at Malplaquet, 32. Conducts the retreat, 62.
Brabant, attack of the french lines in, ii. 134. Battle of Ramilies, 341.
Principal cities of, admit the confederate troops, 362. 567.
Braconniere, allusion to his plan for an insurrection in Franche Comte,
iv. 119. note. Marlborough's opinion of him, 160.
Bridgewater, earl of, marries lady Elizabeth Churchill, i. 251.
Bridgewater, lady, death of, vi. 558.
Brodrick, acquits Sunderland of participation in the South Sea scheme,
vi. 362.
Browne, colonel, his letter to Marlborough respecting the prince of
Baden, ii. 200.
Bruges, seized by Ormond on his march to Dunkirk, vi. 211.
Brussels, submits to Charles III. ii. 363. Plan of the french to surprise
it, defeated, iv. 273.
Biiccleuch, family, connection with that of Marlborough, vi. 392.
Buckingham, marquis of Normanby, afterwards duke of, appointed lord
privy-seal, i. 146. Disgrace of, ii. 86. Nominated lord steward,
T. 339. Appointed president of the council, vi. 36.
Burnet, Dr., appointed preceptor to the young duke of Gloucester, i. 87.
His motion for securing the protestant succession, and appointing z
commision of regency, ii. 241.
Buy.i, his correspondence respecting overtures from France, iii. 60.
Plenipotentiary at Gertruydenberg, v. 167. Remonstrates against
tbe negotiation of England with France, vi. 154.
Byng, Sir George, appointed to the board of admiralty, v. 107. Repeli
the french armament from Scotland, iv. 40.

416 INDEX.

Cadiz, unfortunate expedition to, i. 197. «
Cadogan, his mission to Vienna, ii. 100. Sent by Marlborough fo
Hanover, 328. Reconnoitres the enemy at Ramilies, 340. Occupies
Ghent, 567. Captured on a foraging party, and liberated on hit
parole, iii. 6. Officiates for Stepney at the Hague, 585. Executes
Marlborough's arrangements in Holland on the threatened invasion
of Scotland, iv. 56. Distinguished in the action at Wynendale, 256.
Conducts a convoy to the camp, 257. Heads the dutch auxiliaries
in Scotland against the rebels, vi. 554. Supersedes Argyle in the
command, 336.
Cairnes, Miss, (lady Blayney) her account of Marlborough's domestic
life in later years, vi. 374.
Cardonel, Marlborough's secretary, his report of the operations on the
Ische, ii. 185. Removed from his place of secretary at war, v. 340.
Expelled from the house of commons, vi. 160.
Carpenter, general, his operations against the rebels, vi. 328. 330.
Catalonia, acknowledges Charles king of Spain, ii. 206.
Caya, defeat of the allies on the, v. 94.
Cevennes, insurrection in the, i. 235. Measures of Villars for suppressing,
ii. no. Insurgents defeated by Berwick, v. 87. Plan to revive the
insurrection, 178. Its failure, 372.
Charles II. of Spain, death of,i. 109.
Charles, archduke, proclaimed king of Spain at Vienna, i. 290. Inter
view with Marlborough at Dusseldorf, ib. Visit to. England, 293.
His disputes with lord Peterborough, iii. 26. Arrives at Guadalaxara,
29. Motives of his expedition to Catalonia, 46. His application for
reinforcements after the battle of Almanza, 200. Offers to Marl
borough the government of the Netherlands for life, iv. 245. His
claims of territories dismembered from Spain at the peace of the
Pyrenees, v. 91. Enters Madrid, 376. Disappointed ; his foreboding
letter to Marlborough, ib. Refusal of the Portuguese to form a
junction with him, 380. Returns to Barcelona, 383. EvadesjMarl-
borough's application for the government of the Netherlands, 586.
Succeeds to the imperial crown on the death of Joseph, vi. 18.
Measures of the british and dutch cabinets to secure his election, 19.
His progress from Spain to Vienna, 115. Treaty and pacification
with France, 247.
Charles XII. of Sweden, measures of Marlborough to engage him in
the grand alliance, i. li22. His character and victories, iii. 151.
Irruption into Saxony, 152. His complaints against the king of
Denmark and the emperor, 153. Visited by Marlborough, 168. His
disputes with the emperor revived, 218. Accommodation effected by
Marlborough, 221. His march into Muscovy, 222. Defeated at
Pultava, V. 96. Sympathy of Marlborough in this reverse, 97.
Chetwynd, Mr., his letter respecting lord Peterborough's behaviour st
Turin, iii. 225.
Cholmondeley, earl of, appointed comptroller to the household, iv. 27.
Church, clamours on the danger of the, ii. 376. Favour shewn by the
queen to the tories in preferments, iii. 248. 363. Compromise, iv. 16
Churchill, family, genealogical account of, i. xx^x.
Churchill, Sir Winston, death of, i. xlviii. Honorary augmentation to the
arms of, xlvi.
Churchill, Arabella, account of, i. xlix.

INDEX. 417
Churchill, baron, grant of supporters to, by James II. i.~ 424. {See
Marlborough.)
Churchill, George, member of the board of admiralty, i. 147. His
injudicious conduct, and threatened accusation of the whigs, iii. 251.
Instance ofhis imprudent loquacity, iv. 190. note. Accusation against,
315. His loss of office and influence, 519.
Churchill, lady Anne, celebrated for her beauty and accomplishments,
i. 92. Married to lord Spencer, son of the earl of Sunderland, 9d.
Churchill, lady Henrietta, married to the son of lord Godolphin, i. 92.
Churchill, lady Mary, married to lord Mounthermer, i. 232.
Churchill, lady Elizabeth, married to lord Bridgwater, i. 231.
Clayton, Mrs., letters to, from the duchess announcing Marlborough's
return to England, vi. 294, 299. Describing a visit to the court of
the prince and princess of Wales, 379.
Clement, XI. pope, his dispute and reconciliation with the emperor,
iv. 307.
CoAora, his tardiness in prosecuting the siege of Bonn, i. 241. Hispetty
successes on the french lines, 252.
Cologne, elector of, professes to be neutral, i. 164.
Commissioners, of public accounts, report of their proceedings on the
charges against Marlborough, vi. 159. Charges refuted, 162.
Commons. (See Parliament.)
Congreve, writes a poem on the death of the marquess of Blandford,
i. 224.
Conformity, occasional, bill against, lost, i.211.213. Revived and again
lost, 294. 298. Again brought forward, ii. 67. Artifice of the tories
respecting, 66. Negatived, 69.
Coningsby, lord, succeeded by the earl of Anglesea as vice-treasurer of
Ireland, v. 301. A suitor to the duchess of Marlborough in the first
year of her widowhood, vi. 392.
Convention, parliament, lord Churchill's conduct in, i. 42.
Cork, speedily reduced by Marlborough, i. 50.
Cowper, appointed lord keeper, ii. 257. Extract from his diary relative
to Harley's reconciliation with the whigs, 288. Raised to the peerage,
iii. 132. Extract from his diary relative to a conversation with
Harley, v. 210. note. Resigns, 539. Chancellor, on the accession
of George, I., vi. 510.
Craggs, his letter to Marlborough on the victory of Oudenard, iv. 161 .
Visits him to represent the state of affairs in England, 312. Sent to
intercede with him on his threat of resignation, v. 135. Aversion of
the duchess to him, vi. 355. 560.
Cresset, his secret mission to Hanover, v. 505.

Danube, operations of Marlborough on the, i. 344. Description of the
valley of, 386. ...
Dartmouth, lord, succeeds Sunderiand as secretary ot state, v. 265.
Das Minas, the portuguese commander, iii. 26. Discarded, iv. 301.
Daun, general, his successful expedition against Naples, in. 282.
Checked by Berwick, retires into Piemont, v. 87.
Dendermond, siege of, iii. 8. Surrender, 10.
Denmark, king William's subsidiary treaty with, i. 121. Complaints
alleeedagainst, by Charles Xn. of Sweden, iii. 153.
Denmark, prince George of, parliamentary debate on the debt due to
VOL. VI. ^ ^

418 INDEX.
him, i. 1 00. Appointed generalissimo and lord high admiral by QueeJit
Anne, 142. Grant of a settlement on him, 209. Threatened censure
, of, iv. 314. His death, 313.
Devonshire, duke of, meeting at his house on the misunderstanding of
the queen and Marlborough, v. 129. 145. High steward under
George L, 311.
Donawerth, occupied by the allies, i. 365.
Douay, besieged, v. 183. Surrenders, 199.
Dumblain, battle of, vi. 328.
Dunkirk, Marlborough urged by Godolphin to attack it, ii. 376,
Expedition from, in favour of the pretender, iv. 34. Conditions for
the temporary cession of, to England, vi. 183. Reluctantly ceded>
212.
Durel, colonel, his letter to Marlborough respecting the prince of Baden,
ii. 201.
Dutch, their seeret views for a peace \rith France, iii. 290. Displeasure
of the british cabinet against them moderated by Marlborough, ib.
Consent to an augmentation of troops proposed by Marlborough,,
iv. 326. {See States-general.)
Dutch guards of King William, Marlborough disapproves of thar
dismission, i. 100.
Dyle, attempt of Marlborough to force the passage of, ii. 155. Thwarted
by the dutch generals, 156. Design to march round its sources, 162.
Proposal to force the passage of the Ische, 163. Counteracted, 167.
E.
Ekeren, Opdam defeated at, i. 2^55.
Elizabeth, queen, singular occurrence on the annivereary of her
inauguration, vi. 128.
England, aceessson of James II. i. 29. Conduct of Marlborough at the
revolution, 38. Discussions in parliament on- his arrest, 70. Entail
of the crown on the house of Hanover, 112. Grand alhance, 121. 127,
Accession of Anne, 141. State of the confederacy, 162. Feuds in
the cabinet, 266. Eflectsofthevictory of Blenheim, ii. 37. Proposed
remonstrance with the States, 177. Negotiations, 230. Transfer
of the great se^l, 237. Supplies voted for prosecuting tbe war, 271,
Unusual harmony in the members of government, 287. Debates on
the state of the nation, iv. 5. Projected invasion in favour of the
pretender, 40. Frustrated, 65. Secret negotiation with France, vi. 2.
Progress and results, 107. Conferences opened at Utrecht, 177,
Clandestine intercourse with France continued, 182. Dishonourable
compromise for the cession of Dunkirk, 183. Negotiations with
France continued, 256. Peace of Utreeht, 238. Critical state of
affairs, 252. Ill effects of the peace of Utrecht, 321. Jacobite
conspiracies, 522. Rebellion in Scotland, 325. Suppressed, 536,
Erie, general, his landing at Ostend, iv. 249.
Eugene, prince, appointed to command the imperial forces;, occupies
the frontier of Lombardy, i. 120. His operations in Italy, 256.
Arrangements of Marlborough with, for the campaign of 1704, 302,.
303. Interview with Marlborough at Mondelsheim, 537. Heads the
army on the Rhine, 338. His arrival in the plain of Blenheim, 579.
Junction with Marlborough, 383. Battle of Blenheim, 390. Hi&
counsels prevail at Vienna, ii. 98. His movements in Italy, 213.
Letter to Mariborough at Vienna, 249, 250. Complains of the tardy

INDEX. 419
augmentation of troops, 262. Joins the duke of Savoy, and relieves
Turin, iii. 19. Correspondence on the proposal for him to command
in Spain, iii. ,355. Junction with Marlborough and battle of
Oudenard, iv. 130. Invests Lille, 219. Wounded, 241. He and
Marlborough force the passage of the Scheld, 275. Joins Mari
borough on the upper Dyle, near Seclin, v.. 4. Commands the
covering army at the siege of Tournay, 6. Wounded at Malplaquet,
57. Co-operates in the siege of Douay, 183. Prevented from
joining Marlborough by the death of the emperor Joseph, vi. 16.
Ordered to detach the principal part of his forces to the Rhine, 29.
Visits England in 1712, 162. Audience of the queen, 164. His
memorials and remonstrances treated with contempt, 167. Calumnies
against him, Marlborough, and the whigs, ib. Returns to Holland, 1 73.
Appointed generalissimo by the States in preference to Ormond, 184.
Mysterious conduct of Ormond, who declines to co-operate in
attacking the enemy, 189. Letter to Marlborough on the occasion,
199. Ormond withdraws the british troops, 208. Consequent
misfortunes of the campaign, 214. Negotiates with the french at
Rastadt, 245. Correspondence with Marlborough concerning Min
delheim, 249.
Examiner, and other political vmtings, their effects on Marlborough's
reputation, vi. 361. F.
Fenelon, archbishop of Cambray, generous conduct of Marlborough
towards, vi. 87.
Fenwick, sir John, his charges against Marlborough and other lords,
i. 77. His attainder and execution, 81. 85.
Fitxharding, lady, connected with a cabal against Marlborough, i. 60.
France, partition treaties, and nomination of Philip duke of Anjou to
the crown of Spain, i. 109. Acknowledgment of the pretender, by
Louis XIV., on the death of James II., 154. Military preparations,
164. Attempted surprise of Nimeguen, 165. Movements of the
army, 1 74. Extensive plan of operations in 1705, 255. Plan for the
invasion of Austria, 286. 501 . Reinforcements sent to Bavaria, 529,
Defeat on the Schellenberg, 551.; at Blenheim, 590. Marlborough's
plan for invading France on the side of the Moselle, ii. 94. Villars
appointed to command the army in that quarter. 111. Movements
of Villars and Villeroy, 112. Marlborough forces the lines in
Brabant, 134. The army driven beyond the Dyle, 141. Overtures
to the dutch, 193. Project for a descent on the coast of, 319.
Successes on the Upper Rhine, 332. Defeat at Ramilies, 339. 369.
Private overtures ts the dutch republic, rejected, iii. 56. New pro
posal through the elector of Bavaria, 77. Attempted negotiation
with Sweden, 156. Successes in Spain, 195. Irruption of Villars
into the empire, 216. Pacific disposition of the dutch, 290. Oper
ations in Provence, 342. Failure of the expedition in favour of the
pretender, iv. 54. 41. Defeat at Oudenard, 140. Loss of Lille, 289.
Private negotiation with Holland, 566. Overtures, 569. Villars
defeated at Malplaquet, 32. 67. Failure of the projected invasion
of France on the side of Franche-Comte and Dauphine, 85. Con
gress of Gertruydenberg, 1 68. Lines forced and Douay besieged, 1 83.
Progress of the secret negotiation with England, vi. 1 . Preparations
for the campaign, 3. Extravagant proposals of, at the conferences
E S 3

420 INDEX.
of Utrecht, 179. Deaths of the Dauphin, his consort, and their eldest
son, 182. Arrangements respecting the succession, 185. Continu
ation of the negotiations, 256. Peace of Utrecht, 238. Pacification
at Rastadt with the emperor, 246.
Frankfort on the Maine, temporary residence of Marlbprough at,
vi. 230.
Frederick, king of Prussia, negotiations of Marlborough with, L 123.
{See Prussia.)
Galway,\oTA Churchill's declaration to, rejecting the arbitrary designs
of James IL, i. 30. His letter on the operations in Portugal, ii. 204.
His march on Madrid, iii. 26. His account of the defeat at Almanza,
495. Jealousy of the Portuguese court against bim, iv. 301. Parlia
mentary enquiry on his conduct, v. 425.
Gazette, Marlborough's chagrin at misrepresentations in, ii. 185.
Genappe, movement of Marlborough to, iii. 514.
•George, prince of Denmark, parliamentary debate on the debt due to
him, i. 101. {See Denmark.)
George 1. {See Hanover.) His accession, vi. 292. Attended by
Marlborough on his solemn entry into London, 310. His strong
objection to Marlborough's retirement from office, 548. His letter to
the duchess on her vindtcatioh against the charge of favouring the
pretender, 558.
Germany, exposed to the intrigues of Louis XIV., i. 120. Perilous
state of, 501. March of Marlborough to the Danube, 525. Victory
of the allies at Blenheim, 590. March towards the Rhine, ii. 15.
Marlborough disappointed in the expected co-operation of the princes
and states, 108. {See Austria.)
Gero«o, protracted siege of, vi. 216.
Gertrw/denberg, congress of, v. 168. Rupture of the n^otiations, 171.
Oherd, surrenders to Marlborough, ii. 370. Surprised by the french,
' iv. 127. Invested by the allies, 292^ Capitulates, ib. Seized by
Ormond on his march to Dunkirk, vi. 211.
Gibraltar, captiire of, ii. 55. Relieved by the english fleet after a long
siege, 205.
Gloucester, the young diilce of, confided to the care of Marlborough,
i. 86. His death, 89.
Godolphin, remarks on Tiis correspondence with the exiled family, i. 52.
Discloses to James the intended expeditioil against Brest, 75. His
resignation or dismission from the treasury, 78. His intimate con
nection with Marlborough, 90. Marriage of his son Francis with
lady Henrietta Churchill, 92. His poetical address to her sister
lady Anne, 93. note. Appointed lord treasurer by king William, 106.
Correspondence of Marlborough with, on the subject of the alliance,
127. His efforts to prevent a change of administration, 155. Retires
from office, 155. Placed at thehead of the treasury on the accession
' of Anne, 145. His embarrassments from the whig partialities of
lady Marlborough, 154. Importunes Marlborough to accept the
ducal title offered by the queen, 206. Attempt of Rochester to
supplant him at the head of the treasury, 267. Defeated, 268.
Efforts of Nottingham for his removal, ib. Feuds in the cabinet,
370. Consequent embarrassments, 281. Conduct on the revival of
the bill against occasional conformity, 294. Arrangements for the

INDEX. 421
removal of Nottingham, and thc appointment of Hariey and St.John,
308. 514. Reproached by the duchess for not removing Buckingham
and Wright, ii. 45. Bill against occasional conformity again revived,.
68, Concurrence with Marlborough in policy, 76. Seconds the
whigs in obtaining promotion for Sunderland, 88. Sympathises in
the chagrin of Marlborough at the conduct of tbe dutch generals,
189. His reluctance to grant a loan to the emperor, 226.. Anxious
for the removal of sir Nathan Wright, 254. The seals transferred ta
Mr. Cowper, 237. Supports the bill for securing the succession to
the house of Hanover, 241. Censured by the tories for coalescing
with the whigs, 276. Letters to Marlborough on the victory of
Ramilies, 556. 561. His letters on the conduct of the war in Italy,
iii. 21. Anxiety to obtain the guaranty of the protestant succession
from foreign powers, 55. Correspondence on the struggle for the
appointment of Sunderland, 90. His resolution to resign, 92.
Deprecated by Marlborough, 97. Audience with the queen on the
duchess's letter, 1 15. Supports Harley against the hostility of the
whigs, 122. Congratulates Marlborough on the success ofhis mission
to Charles XII. of Sweden, 1 83. Misunderstanding with the whigs
on the subject of church-preferments, 248. Suspicion of the Dutch
and proposal of a separate union with the rest of the allies, 291.
Correspondence on foreign and domestic affairs, 559. Jealousy of
I tile whigs, 363. Expostulation with Hariey, 595. Correspondence
with Marlborough on the feuds in the cabinet, and on their future
conduct, 400. Discovery of Harley's cabals and fruitless attempts
to obtain his dismission, iv. 19. 23". He and Marlborough, absent
themselves from the cabinet-council, 25. Changes on Harteyfs resig
nation, 27. Zeal in defeating the projected invasion ia favour of the
pretender, 35, 41. His efforts to remove the queen's repugnaace
to the promotion of Somers, 55. 69. Chagrin at the renewed
hostility of the whigs, 95. Correspondence on the politicals feuds,
179. Appointments and changes on the death of the prince of
Denmark,519. Alienationof the queen from him, 358. His resent
ment against the whigs, 559-.. Correspondence with Marlborough on
the private negotiations between France and Holland, 570. Displeased
at the selfishness and obstinacy of the dutch, 586. Correspondence
on the barrier treaty, 410. Empowers lord Townshend to sign it
alone, 415. Eludes the application of the whigs for the promotion
of Orford, v. 102. His lukewarmness and timidity, 105. Efforts to
counteract the intrigues of Harley, 114. Conduct on the impeach
ment of Sacheverell, 1 25. On the misunderstanding of Mariborough
and the queen respecting the gift of a regiment of colonel Hill,
130. 136. Prepares a reply to an address on Marlborough's de
parture, which is altered by the queen, 150. Announces to Marl-
borougn the result of Sacheverell's trial, 156. Shrewsbury appointed
lord chamberlain without his knowledge, 215. His conduct on this
occasion, 216. Apprises Marlborough of the appointment, 223.
Remonstrance with him on the subject of col. Hill's promotion, 236..
Correspondence on Shrewsbury'is conduct, and on the queen s reso
lution to dismiss Sunderland, 245. Interview with the queen, 251.
Reluctantly acquiesces and consents to remain in office, 265. Dis
suades Mariborough from resigning, 268. Urges him not to break
with Shrewsbury, 275. Efforts to deter the queen from farther
changes in the cabinet, 280. Slights and insults offered to him, 30J .
Hints pf the queen to reconcile him with Harley, 506. Uemon-
£ E 3

422 INDEX.
strates against her resolution to dissolve the parliament, 313. Hi«
dismission, 321. Letter to Mariborough concerning the proposed
reconciliation of the duchess with the queen, 394. Stigma cast on
him on Harley's promotion to the peerage, vi. 37. Pretended plot
imputed to him and the whigs, 129. His financial administration
ably defended by Walpole, 132. His death, 217.
Grace, act of, iv. 576.
Gregg, suspected connivance of Harley in his treasonable practices,
iv. 21.
Grumbkow, joins a cabal against count Wartemberg, ii. 526. His letter
to Marlborough describing Charles XII. of Sweden, iii. 157. Ac
count of his mission to Berlin, iv. 540.
Guadalaxara, proceedings at the camp of, iii. 29.
Guards, their murmurs respecting clothing appeased by Marlborough,
vi. 519.
Guelder, blockaded, i. 259. Captured, 285.
Guiscard, count, his plan for a descent on the coast of France, ii. 519.
Opinion of Marlborough respecting, iv. 286. Arrested for high
treason, vi. 12. Attempts to assassinate Harley, ib.
H.
Halifaa, marquis of, disgraced for becoming surety for the earl of
Marlborough, i. 69. His poetical tribute to lady Anne Churchill,
95. note. Impeached for the partition treaty and acquitted, 113.
His character, ii. 79. Misunderstanding between ^him and Marl
borough, iii. 249. His dissatisfaction, iv. 357. His defection from
the whig junta, v. 295. Appointed joint plenipotentiary at the
Hague, ib. His singular letter to Marlborough, 297. Speech on the
restrictive orders sent to Ormond, vi. 190.
Hamilton, duke of, arrested and committed to the Tower, iv. 59.
Visited by Godolphin, 70. Liberated, 92. His duel with Lord
Mohun, vi. 225.
HamUton; lord Basilj his conjectures on the offence which caused the
dismission of Marlborough, by king William, i. 67. note.
HamUton, Sir David, communications through his agency between the
queen and the duchess, vi. 598.
Hamont, advance of Marlborough to, i. 175
fliznowr', house of, the british crown entailed upon, i. 112. Marlbo
rough's visit to, in 1704., ii. 63. Another visit of Marlborough to, 258.
Conciliates the electoral family, 260. His negotiations with, 327.
Elector of, appointed to command on the Rhine, iii. 217. Coldness
between the electoral family and queen Anne, 306. Mutual explan
ations of Marlborough and the elector, 509. Their meeting at
Frankfort, 582. Mariborough's journey to Hanover, and interview
with the elector, iv. 57. The' elector dissatisfied with the reserve of
Marlborough and Eugene, 509. Attempt of Hariey to conciliate,
V. 504. Remonstrances of the elector on the negotiation of England
with France, vi. 134. Writ reluctantly granted for summoning the
electoral prince to parliament, 261. Death of the electress Sophia,
282. Subsequent conduct of the elector, 284. His accession to the
throne of Great Britain, 292. {See George I.)
Hare's Journal, remarks on, i. 325. note.
Harley, Robert, appointed speaker of the house of commons, 1. 107.
His character, and outset in' public life, ib. Re-elected speaker in

mOEX. V2S
king William's last parliament, 156. Appointed to succeed Not
tingham as secretary of state, 312. Attempt of the whigs to supplant
nim, ii. 258. Cabals with Mrs. Masham, iii. 152. Progress of his
artifices, 593. His conduct when his cabals were discovered, iv. 20.
Attempts of Marlborough and Godolphin to procure his dismission,
23. He and his adherents resign, 27. Further cabals with Mrs. Masham,
v. 115. Attempts to divide the ministry, and humble Marlborough,
1 25. His artifice to hasten Mariborough's departure for the continent,
149, Pursues his schemes for changing the administration, 29.4.
His subtlety in dividing the whigs, ib. Gains Halifax, 295. His
attempt to conciliate the court of Hanover, 304. Appointed chan
cellor of the exchequer, 327, Endeavours to conciliate Marlborough,
390. Attempt of Guiscard to assassinate him, vi. 12. Lays before
the commons his grand scheme of finance, 34. Created earl of
Oxford, and Mortimer, 36. Scheme to decry the late administration,
37. {See Oxford.)
Harley, Mr., brother to the treasurer, hii mission to Hanover, vi. 270.
Hayersham, lord, his motion for inviting the electress Sophia to England,
ii. 240. Communicates to the queen the proposal for inviting tho
electoral prince, iv. 194.
Hedges, Sir Charles, appointed secretary of state, i. 106. 146. Letter of
Mariborough to, on the arrangements with the emperor, 12.7.
Struggle for transferring the secretaryship from him to Lord Sunder
land, iii. 88.
Heilisheim, Marlborough forces the french lines near, ii. 155.
Heinsius, pensionary, his exertions for the appointment of Marlborough
as generalissimo, i. 162. Disapproves the conduct of the deputies
and generals towards Marlborough, ii. 190. Communicates to Marl-
i; borough a secret overture from Louis to the states, 194. His opinion
respecting the negotiation vidth France, iv. 584.
Selchin, Marlborough's decisive movement to, iii. 337.
Berenthals, camp of the allies at, ii. 198. The spene of important
negotiations, 199.
' HUl, col. the queen orders Marlborough to bestow a regiment on him,
v. 127.
HUl, Mrs. {See Masham.)
Hochstadt, position of the french at, i. 384. Head-quarters of Marl
borough, after the battle of Blenheim, ii. I.
HoUand. {See States-general.)
Holywell, a favourite mansion of Marlborough and his lady, i. 44.
Marlborough's retirement to, after his return, on the accession of
George 1., vi. 308.
Hohe, Mr. his letter on the restoration of harmony between Hanover
and England, iii. 512.
Hungary, Marlborough's attempts to mediate between the insurgents
and the court of Vienna, ii. 52.
Huy, reduction of, i. 282. Captured by Villeroy, ii. 119: Recovered
by Marlborough, 125. 134. I,
Ireland, Marlborough's expedition to, i. So. Debates on resumption of
forfeited lands in, 100.
Ische, Marlborough's movement against the enemy's position on that
river, counteracted by the dutch generals, ii. 167.
-EE 4

424 INDEX.
Italy, state of war in, i. 288.; ii. 310. 317. Marlborough's design of
caiTying the war into, 325. Campaign of 1706, iii. 17. Operations
of Daun against Villars, iv. 596. Disputes between the courts of
Turin and Vienna, v. 85. 571. Progress of the emperor Charles
through, to Vienna, vi. 115. State of, in 1712, 215.
J.
Jacobites, arrests of, in 1692, i. 62. Arrest of several in 1708, iv. 39.
Cabal of the whigs with, on the Scots elections, 91. Their satisfaction
on the dismission of Suaderland, v. 278. Their projects in favour of
the pretender, vi. 322.
James II. Churchill appointed page to him, when duke of York, i. 3.
His' accession, 29. Creates Churchill a peer, and appoints him to a
command offerees against Monmouth, 30, 31. Conversation on his
recent innovations, 35, Lord Churchill's letter to him on departing
from Salisbury, 39. Remarks on the correspondence of Marlborough
and Godolphin, with, 52. His death, and acknowledgment ofhis son,
as king, by Louis XIV., 154.
Jennings, family, account of, i. 1 1 . Marriage of Miss Sarah Jennings to
col. Churchill, 14. {See Marlborough, duchess of)
Jersey, earl of, succeeds the duke of Shrewsbury as secretary of state to
king William, i. 105. Removed to the office of Lord Chamberlain,
106.
Joseph, king of the Romans, (afterwards emperor) reduces Landau,
i. 188. Visits Marlborough at the camp before Landau, ii. 25.
Letter to Mariborough on his accession to the imperial crown, 102.
His letters inviting Marlborough to Vienna, 216. Revival of disputes
between him and Charles XII., iii. 218. Successful interposition of
Marlborough, 221. His disputes and reconciliation with pope
Clement XI., iv. 307. Marlborough obtains his promise that his
troops shall winter in the Netherlands, and succours be sent from
Naples to Spain, 326. 328. Accomodation with the pope concluded,
329. His letter to Marlborough on the removal of Sunderland, v. 282.
Remonstrance with the queen, 284. His sudden illness 'and death,
. vi. 16.
Junta of whigs, characters of, ii. 77. K.
Kayserswerth, surrender of, i. 168.
Kent, earl of, appointed lord Chamberlain, i. 313. Resigns in favour
of the duke of Shrewsbury, v. 215.
Kinsale, speedily reduced by Marlborough, i. 51.
Kit-cat club, denounced as having instigated a pretended plot, vi. 129.
Knoque, fort, capture of, vi. 415.
KrayerAerg, hanoverian minister in London, vi. 278.

Landau, the siege of, ii. 18.
Landrecies, siege of, by Eugene, vi. 213. Raised, 214.
Languedoc, failure on the expedition of the coast of, v. 372.
Lea&e, sir John, appointed to the board of admiralty, v. 107.
Leeds, family of, connection with that of Marlborough, vl. 591.

INDEX. 425
Leffinghen, captured by the french,iv. 262.
irCTM, position of Mariborough on the open plains of, vi. 51.
Leopold, emperor, treaty of king William with, negotiated by Marl
borough, 1. 120. 124. Offers a principality of the empire to Marl-
borough, 341. Congratulates him on the victory of Sohellenberg,
563. Again offers him a principality, 376. His letter to Marl
borough after the battie of Blenheim, ii. 21. His death, 102.
Leeuwe, capture of, and rasure of the lines, ii. 182.
Liege, reduction of, i. 189. Invested by Villeroy, ii. 119.
LUle, retreat of the french, to their lines near, iii. 557. Proposal of
Marlborough to mask and penetrate into France, iv. 164. Counter
acted, 165. Resolution adopted to besiege, 174. 214. Its situation
and defences, 215. Invested by Eugene, 219. Progress of the siege,
230. Surrender, 263. Attackof the citadel, 265. Its reduction, 289.
Ceded to France by the treaty of Utrecht, vi. 238.
Limburgh, capture of, i. 285.
Lockhart, Mr. presents the report of commissioners of public accounts
against Marlborough, vi. 149.
Lords. {See Parliament.)
Louis XIV., his encomium on captain Churchill at the siege of Maestricht,
i. 7. Treaties between him and Charles II. of Spain, 109. His
measures for securing the succession of his grandson, 118. On the
deathof James II., acknowledges his son as king of England, 134. His
extensivemilitary preparations, 237. His reverses in Germany, 548.
ii. 2. In Spain, 206. Successes on the Upper Rhine, ii. 518. Losses in
Brabant, 339. 562. Straitens the allies in Spain, iii. 26. Attempts to
obtain the mediation of Charles XII., 152. Successes in Spain, 199.
Sanctions an expedition to England in favour of the pretender, iv. 31.
Reverses in the Netherlands, 214. 247. His negotiation with Holland,
579. Dispatches Rouille with offers, ib. Sends Torcy to negotiate,
392. Refuses to ratify the preliminaries, 400. Recalls his garrisons
from the Spanish towns, iv. 407. Rejects the demands of the allies at
Gertruydenberg, v. 171. His separate negotiation with England, vi.
35. His exultation on Marlborough's dismissal, 154. His conduct
on the death of the dauphin, dauphiness, and their eldest son, 181.
Compromise vrith England respecting the Spanish succession, 183.
Arrangements with Villars for the campaign, 185. Peace of Utrecht,
258. Promotes the rebelUon in Scotland, 522. Dies, 331.
Louvain, attempt of the French against, frustrated by Marlborough, ii.
141. M.
Macpherson, remark on his account of a plot to assassinate James II.,
i. 40. note. Another instance of his partial statements, 83, 84. note.
Maestricht, reception of Marlborough at, vi. 226. Joined there by the
duchess, 230. . . ,, „ , „, ¦ ,
Maffei, minister to the duke of Savoy, visits Marlborough at Meldert,
Malplaquet, movements previous to the battle of, v. 19. Battle, 45.
Retreat of the french, 62.
Manlev, Mrs. remark on her scandalous writings, 1. 9. note.
Mar eari of, Mariborough exerts his influence with to promote the
¦ •:; , . .¦ TJ.....^^ o voUoWinn in Scotland, vi. 322.

union

iii. 145. Heads a rebellion in Scotiand, vi. 322

426 INDEX.
Maritime powers, their engagements in the treaty of the grand alliance,
i. 126. Theii: object in favouring the invasion of Provence, iii. 193.
Marlborough, (John Churchill) duke ofi his birth and education, i. 1.
Appointed page to the duke of York, 3. Embraces the mihtary pro
fession, 4. Distinguished by Turenne, 6. Courtship and marriage
with Miss Sarah Jennings, 12. 14. Mission to the prince of Orange,
16. Attendance on the duke of York, 19. Employed on political
missions, 20. Created a peer of Scotland, 26. Military promotion,
ib. Raised to the british peerage on the accession of James II., 30.
Embassy to Paris, ib. Expedition against Monmouth, 31 . Alarmed
at the king's attempts to introduce popery, 33. Corresponds with the
prince of Orange, 34. Conduct during and after the revclution, 38.
Created earl of Marlborough on the accession of William, 43.
Exertions for obtaining a revenue for the princess Anne, 45. Serves
a campaign in. the Netherlands, 47. Expedition to Ireland, 50.
Reduces Cork and Kinsale, 51. Clandestine intercourse with the
royal exile, 52. Accompanies the king to the Netherlands, S6.
Remonstrates against his partiality towards his dutch adherents, 59.
Dismissed from all his offices, ib. Cabal against him, 60. Arrested
on a charge of high treason, 62. Committed to the tower, 64.
Admitted to bail, 69. Struck from the list of privy counsellors, ib.
Discharged from bail, 70. Offers of service to the king declined, 72.
Correspondence with the exiled family, 75. Charges of Sir John
Fenwick ag^nst him and other lords, 77. Made governor to the
duke of Gloucester, 86. Restored to his military rank and offices, 88.'
Supports Bishop Burnet against the tories, ib. Marriages {of
his two daughters, 92.95. Appointed commander-in-chief in the
Netherlands and plenipotentiary, 116. Accompanies the king to
Holland, lis. Conducts the negotiations for the grand alliance, ib.
Concludes various treaties, 121. Anxious to avert the fall Of the
tory ministry, 131. The king at his death strongly recommends him
to his successor, 140. Favours conferred on him by Anne on her
accession, 142. His mission to the Hague, 150. His embarrassments
from the whig partialities of the countess, 154. Appointed general
issimo, 162. Repairs to the army, 166. Passage of the Waal,' 170.
Camp at OverAsselt, 172. Crosses the Meuse and advances to
Hamont, 174. His intentions to attack opposed by the dutch depu
ties, 177. Capture of Vehloo, 185. Ruremond and Stevenswaert,
187. Reductionof Liege, 189. He is captured by a french party while
passing down the Meuse, 191. Extraordinary escape, 192. Recep
tion at the Hague, 193. ~ Returns to England, 200. Dukedom and
pension conferred on him by the queen, 201. 207. Proposed union
of the grant with the title, rejected by the commons, 207. Supports
the grant of a settlement on the prince of Denmark,208. Chagrin
at the opposition of the whigs and Sunderland, 210. Supports the
bill against occasional conformity, 211. Illness of his son the
marquess of Blandford, 218. Death, 220. Marriage of his third
daughter to the earl of Bridgewater, 231. Of his fourth daughter
Mary to the son of the earl of Montagu, 232. State of military
affairs, 235. Arrival at the Hague; preparations for the siege of
Bonn, 240. Capitulation of that place, 242. Plan for the attack of
Antwerp and Ostend, 244. Foiled by the misconduct of the dutch
generals, 252. Resumes the design, 257. Again disappointed, 260
Returns to the Meuse, 263. Attempt of the duchess to unite him
with the whigs, 273. Reduction of Huy, 282. He again proposes to

INDEX. 427
force the french lines, 283. Interview with the archduke Charles at
Dusseldorf, 290. Dissatisfied with the conduct of the dutch, 292.
After landing in England receives the new king of Spain, 293. Par
liamentary conduct on the revival of the bill against occasional con
formity, 294. Melancholy state of foreign affairs, 299. His grand
design of leading an army into the empire, 302. His mission to
Holland, and negotiation with the States, 304. Returns, 507.
Obtains the removal of Nottingham, and appointment of Harley, 511.
St. John secretary of war, 514. Arrangements for the campaign, 516.
Difficulties at the Hague, 318. Commences his march towards the
Danube, 325. Arrival at Mentz, 329. Reaches the Neckar, 352.
Conferences with prince Eugene and the margrave ofBaden,357,558.
The emperor offers him a principality of the empire, 541. Junction
of the armies under him and the margrave, 345. Defeat of the
elector of Bavaria's troops on the Schellenberg, 351. 357. Misunder
standing with the margrave, 361 . Letter of thanks from the emperor
Leopold, 563. Occupies Donawerth, 365. Passage of the Lech,
368. Capture of Rain, Aicha, and Friedberg, 371, 572. Bavaria
given up to military execution, 375. Renewed offer of a principality
to him, 376. Arrival of Eugene on the plain of Blenheim, 379.
Marlborough's manoeuvres to unite the two armies, 380. Passes the
Danube, and joins Eugene on the Kessel, 381. Preparations for an
engagement, 584. Battle of "Blenheim, 590. Visit to marshal
Tallard, ii. 2. Happy effects of the union between him and Eugene, 5.
Division of the prisoners, 11. March to Steinheim and Sefelingen,
12. Passage of the Rhine, Queich, and Lauter, 15. Motives to the
siege of Landau, 18. Renewed offer of a principality, 21. Is visited
by Joseph the emperor's son, 25. His indisposition from fatigue,
26. Expedition to the Moselle, 30. Capture of Treves, 54. Of
Traerbach, 56. Attempts of the tories to decry his successes, 41.
- His letters to the duchess on the state of parties, 42. Conclusion of
the treaty with the electress of Bavaria, 51. Attempts to mediate
between the court of Vienna and the hungarian insurgents, 52.
¦ Arrangements concerning Portugal, 54. Anxiety for the relief of the
duke of Savoy, 56. Proceeds to Berlin to procure a reinforcement of
Prussian troops, 59. Visits Hanover on his return to the Hague, 65.
Conduct on the revival of the bill against occasional conformity, 67.
Letter to Harley on the defeat of the bill, 69. Honours and rewards
on his arrival in England, 72. Manor of Woodstock conferred on
him by the queen, 75. Palace of Blenheim ordered to be built
for him, 74. PoUtical system adopted by him and Godolphin,
75. 88. Cabal for the promotion of Sunderland, 89. Embarrass
ments of Marlborough from the political feuds, ib. Reluctant ac-
, quiescence of the dutch in his intended operations, 95. Death of
the emperor Leopold, and accession of Joseph, 102. Interview with
the margrave of Baden at Rastadt, 104. March to the Moselle, 105.
.Joins his army near Treves, 107. Movements against Villars, 112.
Correspondence on his situation and disappointments, 116. Motives
for hastening to the Netheriands, 119. Joins Overkirk, 124.
Rapid return to the Meuse, 125. Compels the enemy to retire
behind their lines, ib. Recovers Huy ; and forms the design of pene
trating into Brabant, - 154. Forces the lines near Helisheim, and
defeats thefrench, 135. 139. Exposed to great danger, 140. _ Seizes
Tiriemont, Diest, and Aerschott, and advances to Louvain, 141.
His design to force the passage of the Dyle, 152. Counteracted by

428 INDEX.
the dutch deputies and generals, 1 53. Skilful manoeuvre to force the
enemy's position on the Ische, 162. Grievous disappointment
occasioned by the malicious opposition of Slangenberg and his
adherents, 168. Retreat to Lower Wavre, 170. His letter of
remonstrance to the States, 175. Counter-manifesto of the deputies,
174. He over-rules the resolution of the british cabinet for a formal
remonstrance, 180. Capture of Leeuwe, and rasure of the lines, 182.
Indisposition and recovery, ib. Resents the slanders in the gazette,
186. Dismission of Slangenberg, 191. Letters on the overture from
France to the dutch, 195. Demolition of the french lines, 198.
Establishment of the army in the camp of Herenthals, ib. Recom
mends a diversion in favour of the duke of Savoy, 205. Letter to
him from the duke, 214. Urged from all quarters to repair'to
Vienna, 216. Letters from the emperor, ib. 217. Obtains full
powers for the eventual arrangements, and the promise of a loan to
the emperor, 229, 250. Struggle for the transfer of the great seal, 232.
His answer to the queen's appeal on this subject, 235. Letter on
the choice of a whig speaker, 238. Preponderance of the whigs in
parliament, 259. Provision of a regency in case of the queen's
death, 241. Interviews with the margrave' of Baden and the elector
palatine on his journey to Vienna, 248. His reception at Vienna,
249. Letter from Eugene, ib. From the king of Prussia, 252.
Created a prince of the empire, 254. Success of his negotiations,
255. Proceeds to Berlin, 256. Obtains the renewal of the treaty
respecting the auxiliaries, 257. Visits Hanover and conciliates the
electoral family, 258. Lukewarmness of the dutch on his return,
262. Complaints from Eugene, ib. And Wratislaw, 266. Accom
plishes the necessary arrangements, 270. He and Godolphin censured
for coalescing with the whigs, 276. Libels, ib. Harley announces
to him the debate on the lord's vote that the church was in danger,
280. Thanked by the commons on his arrival, 281. Prosecution of
Stephens for a libel against him, 282. The whigs in favour with the
queen, 285. His efforts with Godolphin to reconcile all parties,
287. Declines the grant of Munderkingen, and accepts that of
Mindelheim, 291. Investiture, homage, and introduction to the diet,
296. 511. Description of the principality, 313. Arrives at the
Hague, 315. Declines the command on the Moselle, 523. Project
for the surprise of Namur, 557. Battle of Ramilies, 559. Surrender
of Brussels, Ghent, and the principal towns of Brabant, 365. Of
Antwerp, 375. His journey to the Hague, 378. Siege and capture
of Ostend, 585. Government of the Netherlands offered to him by
the emperor, 588. Declities it because opposed by the dutch, 591.
Siege of Menin, iii. 1. Dendermond, 8. Ath, 12. Closesthecam-
paign, 15. Repairs to the Hague, 16. Appeals made to him, on
the war in Hungary, 24. His disappointment on the conduct of
lord Peterborough in Spain, 33. Anxiety for the guaranty of the pro
testant succession from foreign powers, 52. Offer of a barrier to the
dutch, 54. Tiieir cupidity, ib. His conduct in the negotiation, 76.
Attempts to allay the disputes between them and the emperor, 87.
Correspondence on the appointment of lord Sunderland as secretary
of state, 89. Deprecates the resolution of Godolphin to resign, 97.
Chagrined at the unjust suspicions of the whigs, 100. Intreats the
queen to gratify them, 118. Arrives in England, 132. Procures the
appointment of Sunderland, ib. Thanks of parliament, 135. 139.
Extension of the ducal title to the female line, l4o. Collateral
14

INDEX. 429
entail of Blenheim, ib. Pension of ^5000, 141. His conduct on
the union with Scotiand, 144. State of England on his departure
for the continent, 148. His attention to the designs and character
of Charles xn. of Sweden, 157. Letter from general Grumbkow,
ib. Importuned to visit the Swedish camp, 162. Obtains the
acquiescence of the dutch, 165. His journey to the camp at Alt
Ranstadt, 167. Interview with Charles XII., 168. And with
Augustus, elector of Saxony, 175. Visits the court of Prussia, 180.
Arrives at the Hague, 181. Effects of his success on this mission,
185. Curious account of his first audience, 185. His plans for
invading Provence, 191. Conference with the States after the battie
of Almanza, 197. Joins the army at Anderlecht, 205. Military
movements, 209. Inactive campaign, and important negotiations,
214. Obtains a transfer of the command of the german forces to the
elector of Hanover, 217. Accommodates the disputes between
Charles XII. and the emperor, 221. Bickerings of the whigs with
him and Godolphin, 248. Ascendancy of Mrs, Masham, 254. 259.
His independent but impolitic conduct, 261. Correspondence from
Meldert, 265. Letter to him from count Wratislaw, 284. Prudent sen-
.timents respecting a proposed separate union, to deter the states from
tampering with France, 290. Correspondence respecting Hanover,
505. Compels the enemy to quit Gemblours, si 4. March to
Soignies, 518. Visitof lord Peterborough, 320. Movement to Ath
and Helchin, 335. His correspondence on the domestic policy of
England, 345,346. On the affairs of Spain, 552.; and the proposal
for Eugene to command there, 562. On the nomination of two tory
bishops, 565. The whigs jealous of him and Godolphin, ib. Letter
. from the queen, 571. His reply, 575. Journey to the Hague, 582.
Interview with the elector of Hano^jer at Frankfort, 584. Corre
spondence with Godolphin, on the feuds of the cabinet, 390. State
of parties on his return to England, iv. 2. Speech on the war in
Spain, 11. Celebrated address to the queen for continuing the war
until Spain was restored to Austria, 14. Fruitless attempts to obtain
the dismission of Harley, 24. Harley resigrfs,' 27. Marlborough
discovers and defeats the projected invasion in favour of the pre
tender, 35. Remonstrance of the duchess on the ascendancy of
Mrs. Masham, 43. Marlborough arrives at the JIague, 46. Arrange
ments vrith Eugene for the campaign, 47. Solicited to return to
England, 53. Journey to Hanover, 36. Reproached on his return
to the Hague for his refusal to go to England. 58. Efforts to remove
the queen's repugnance to the whigs, 74. Intercedes to prevent the
removal of Sunderland, 96. Opening of the campaign of 1708, 99.
,, His rapid march to Terbank, 109. Arrangements for the junction
of Eugene, 116. Advances to Asch, 129. Arrival of Eugene, 150.
March from Lessines, 154. Passage of the Scheld, 157. Victory
of Oudenard, 140. 150. Letters from the field of battle, 152.
Forcing of the french lines between Ypres and Warneton, 156,
Military and political correspondence, 161. His proposal to mask
Lille and penetrate into France counteracted, 164. Resolution to
besiege Lille, 174. Chagrined by the disputes of the queen and the
duchess, 178. Reply of the queen to his offer of resignation, 202.
Substance ofhis answer, 205. Applauds the, resolution of the duchess
to retire, 212. Preparations for the siege of Lille, 215. His move
ment to Helchin, 219. Arrangements to repel the enemy, 228.
Camp at Fretin, 253. Eugene being wounded, Marlborough super-

430 INDEX.
intends the siege, 242. King Charles offers him the government of
the Netherlands for life, 244. Landing of general Erie, 248.
Action at Wynendale, 250. Movements, 257. Capture of Lille,
263. Precautions to obtain supplies, 265. Attack of the citadel,
ib. Enterprise for the relief of Brussels, 274. Correspondence on
his situation and views, 280. Surrender of the citadel of Lille, 289.
Of Ghent, 292. 296. Bruges, Plassendael, and Leffingen, 297.
Close of the campaign, 299. Dissatisfaction of the elector of Hanover,
309. Returns to the Hague, 512. Letter to admiral Churchill, 516,
Urged to return to England on the death of the prihce of Denmark,
318. Induces the dutch government to consent to an augmentation
of troops, 325. Successful negotiatiops with the emperor, 526.
Accomodation with the pope announced to him, 529. Labours to
reconcile the duke of Savoy and the emperor, 537. Arrangements
with the king of Prussia, 559. Vote of thanks to him in parliament,
352. His reply, 355. His perplexities at the jealousy of the whigs,
560. Secret negotiation between France and Holland disclosed to
him, 368. Correspondence with the treasurer, 370. Disappointed
of an augmentation of troops, 571. Returns to England, 374. Act
of grace, 376. Anxiety at the alienation of the queen, and loss of
popular favour, 377. Returns to the Hague; renewal of negotiations,
383. Jealousy of the dutch, 386. Pays a short visit to England,
and receives fresh instructions, 390. Rejects a private overture of
Torcy, 394, Preliminaries rejected by Louis XIV., 400. Vindicated
from the charge of obstructing the peace, 401. Opening of the
campaign, v. I. Feigned attack on the lines of La Bassee, 5.
Sudden march and investment of Tournay, 6. Siege, 8. Capture,
11. Siege and surrender of the citadel, 14.17. Movements before
the battle of Malplaquet, 19. Description of the country, 28.
Defensive position of Villars, 56. Battle, 45. Retreat of the french,
61. Siege and capture of Mons, 76. 79. Declines a negotiation
with the ministers of Philip, 89. Opinion respecting the war in
Spain, 92. Concern at the fate of Charles XII. at Pultava, 97.
Conciliates the king of Prussia, 100. Annoyed bythe feuds in the
cabinet, 102. Supports the demands of the whigs for the appoint
ment of Orford to the admiralty, 103. Solicits the office of captain-
general and master of the ordnance for life, 117. Positive refusal of
the queen, ib. Returns to England, 119. Receives the thanks of
parliament, 121. Attemptsof Harley to humble him, 125. Appoint
ment of lord Rivers as constable of the Tower, 126. Ordered
by the queen to confer a regiment on col. Hill, 127. Re
fuses, and retires to Windsor Lodge, 128. Proposes to extort
the dismission of Mrs. Masham or retire, 129. Consents to
a compromise with the queen, 146. Its fatal effects, 147.
Artifices of Harley to hasten his departure to the continent, 149.
Proceeds to the Hague, 152. Negotiations resumed, 168. Rupture,
172. His cautious conduct, ib. Plan ofthecampaign, 177. Junction
with Eugene near Tournay, 181. The french lines forced and Douay
besieged, 183. Surrenderof Douay and fort Scarpe, 199. Chagrined
at the appointment of the duke of Shrewsbury as lord chamberlain,
222. Altercation with the queen relative to the'*promotion of Mr.
Masham and col. Hill, 233. His forced acquiescence, 257. Disgrace
of his son-in-law, lord Sunderland, 242. His unsuccessful inter
position, 249. Prevailed on to retain the command, 266. Letter to
him from thc emperor, deprecating the resignation of Sunderlahd, 282.

INDEX. 431
Baffled in his design to besiege Arras, by tiie skilful dispositions of
Villars, 291. Attack and capture of Bethune, 295, 294. Halifax
appointed joint plenipotentiary at the Hague, 295. Affronted by the
mysterious mission of Mr. Cresset to Hanover, 304. Agitated by the
state of domestic politics, 310. And the success of Hariey in dis
uniting the whigs, 318. Chagrin at the dismission of Godolphin, 327.
New tory ministry, 339. Shackled in his military operations, 341.
Works at Blenheim retarded, 348. Estimate, 350. Difficulties of
obtaining money from government for the works, 351 . Overture to
to him from the tories, 552. Dispels- the suspicions of the duchess
and the whigs, 353. Letter on the duke of Argyle's leave of absence,
360. Three officers cashiered, who were zealously devoted to him,
561. Sieges of Aire and St. Venant, 564. Capture, 365, 366.
Correspondence with his new colleagues, 368. Letter from King
Charles on the events in Spain, 376. Sohcits from him the govern
ment of the Netherlands and receives an evasive answer, 586.
Repairs to the Hague; solicited by foreign powers to retain the
command, 387. Discouraging newsfrom England, 589. His anxiety
respecting the duchess, 391. On his return, forbidden to suffer a
motion of thanks in parliament, 405. Visited by the ministry,
406. 408. Endeavours to prevent the disgrace of the duchess, 4os.
His audience of the queen, who insists on her resignation, 41 1, He
delivers her key of office, 415. He is deeply affected by the duchess's
resentful conduct, 417. Decline of his popularity, 431. Literary
hostility of Swift and Prior, 422. Parliamentary attacks on his
reputation, 424. His irksome situation, 429. Anxious to return to
the army, 430. Arrives at the Hague, vi. 2. Military preparations,
'ib. Courted by Harley and St. John, 6. Shocked with intel
ligence of the death of the emperor Joseph, 16. Consequences of
this event, 18. Opening of the campaign, 21. Movements, 23.
Arrival and departure of Eugene, 28, 29. Negotiation between
England and France concealed from him, 33. Respectfnl letter to
him from Harley, now earl of Oxford, 45. His reply, 46. Con
fidential message through lord Stair, 50. Operations preparatory to
the investment of Bouchain, 53. Stratagems to delude Villars, 54.
Rapid march and passage of the french lines, 60. Passes the Scheld,
66 Bouchain invested, 72. Captured, 85. Generous conduct towards
Fenelon, archbishop of Cambray, 87. Correspondence with Oxford,
90, Return of Lord Stair from England, and exposure of Oxford's
duplicity, 98. Progress of the secret negotiation with France, 106.
Vindicates his conduct from the charge of peculation, 124. Returns
to England, 128. Remonstrates with the queen against the pre
liminaries,- 131. Uniteswiththe whigs and Nottingham, 155. Speech
in parliament on the war, 140. Charges of peculation brought against
him, 148. Dismissed from all his employments, 152. Decision of
the commons against him, for accepting gratuities from contractors,
and a per-centage on the pay of foreign troops, 159. His vindication
circulated, 161. Visits prince Eugene on his arrival, 164. Calum
nious accusation of conspiracy against them and the whigs, 167. His
speeech in parliament, on the restrictive orders sent to Ormond, 191.
Opprobrious imputation cast on him by earl Poulet, 196. He
challenges the eari, 198. Duel prevented, ib. Determines to retire
to the continent, 217. Obtains a passport, 221. Arrives at Ostend,
225. Proceeds to Aix-la-Chapelle, 227. Joined by the duchess at
Maestricht, 230, Resides at Frankfort, and makes an excursion to

432 INDEX.
Mindelheim, 250. Refutes the charges of the commissioners againsS
him, 231. Peace of Utrecht, 235. Loses Mindelhiera on the restor
ation of the elector of Bavaria, 247. Claims an indemnification,
249. Disappointed, 251. His| conduct on the continent, 265.
Zeal for the protestant succession, 264. Correspondence with the
court of Hanover, ib. Attempts of the queen and Oxford to coun
teract his views, 270. Death of the electress Sophia, 285. Resolve*
to return to England, 293. Apprised on landing of the death of the
the queen, and the accession of George I., 305. Disappointed at his
exclusion from the regency, 506. Attends the king on his solemn
entry into the capital, 510. Made captain-general and master of the
ordnance, 511. Promotes the impeachment of Oxford and Boling
broke, 315. Jlesists a proposal m parliament for restricting the
troops to particular stations, 316. And a motion for excluding
foreign officers from the british service, 317. Pacifies the guards who
were Eissatisfied with their clothing, 519. His arrangements for
quelling the rebellion in Scotland, 524. Capitulation at Preston,.
529. Letters to him from Cadogan in Scotland, 555. Death of
lady Bridgewater and lady Sunderland, 338, 339. Attacked with
palsy, 546. State of his health and faculties, 347. His conduct on
Oxford's impeachment, SS2, Suit against him, for arrears due on
Blenheim, 367. Decisions, ib. Prosecutes the works at his own
expence, 371. Private life, habits, and amusements in bis later years,
574. Testamentary arrangements, 381. Last illness, ib. Death,.
584. Funeral, 385. Disposal of his property, 3S7. Account ofhis
immediate descendants, 390. Character, 594.
Marlborough (Sarah Jennings), duchess of, her early life, i. 1 1. Marriage,
14. Birth of her eldest daughter, 25. Second, 24. Rise of her
favour with the princess Anne, 26. Who refuses to dismiss her at
the king's order, 61. Marriages of her two daughters, 92. Favours
conferred on her by the queen on her accession, 142. Their political
bickerings, 154. Attempts to dissuade Marlborough from accepting
the ducal titie, 204. Illness and death of the marquess of Blandford,
214. Queen's letter of condolence, 221. Marriages of the two
younger daughters, 251, 232. Attempts to form a coalition between
her husband and the whigs, 273, 274. Importunes him to oppose
the bill against occasional conformity, 296. Cautions him not to
confide in Harley and St. John, 515. Letter from him on the
victory of Schellenberg, 560. Note on that of Blenheim, 413.
Letter on the same occasion, ii. 6. From the queen, 38. From
Mrs. Burnet, ib. From Mariborough on the state of parties, 47.
Extent and limits of her influence with him, 91. Letter from him
on his disappointments in the field, 126. On his, successes near
Heilisheim, 146. Intercedes to obtain a remission of punishment on
Stephens, for a libel on him, 283. Her interposition, to procure
the appointment of Sunderland as secretary of state, iii. lio. Con
tention between her and the queen, ill. Cold letter of thanks to
the queen, 142. Decline of her influence, 253. Altercations with
the queen on the subject of Mrs. Masham, 258. Her design to retire
from court, iv. 43. Extorts a promise from the queen, to confer her
offices on her two daughters, 44. Effects of their dispute on public
affairs, 45. Increasing contentions, 178. Their violent altercation
soon after the victory of Oudenard, 208. Resolves to suspend her
correspondence and remonstrances, 212. Temporary renewal of
their intercourse, 321. Her resentment against the whigs, 359. Her

INDEX. 43.S
reconciliation, v. 103. Her importunities in their favour, 107.
Altercation vrith the queen respecting the lodgings in St. James's
palace, 110, Coincides in Marlborough's intention to extort the
dismission of Mrs. Masham, 138. New and more violent altercations
with the queen, 202. Interview at Kensington, 205. Cessation of
all personal intercourse between them, 208. Rejects the proposal
of some friends, for a reconciliation with Mrs. Masham, 238. Episto
lary controversy with the queen, 286. Suspects a coalition of Marl
borough with the tories, 353. Her satisfaction at being made the
agent of his communications with the whigs, 357. His anxiety re
specting her fate, 391. Her epistolary communications with the
queen, through Sir David Hamilton, 398. Alarms of the queen,
lest she should pubHsh ber private lettei-s, 400. Vindicates herself
from the charge of peculation, 402. Intercession of the duke, 410.
The queen demands her key of office, 412. She resigns, 413. Deli
very of her accounts, and claim of arrears of pension, 414. Her
offices on whom conferred, 417. Employs agents to lampoon the
queen and ministry, vi. 120. Arrangements for Marlborough's de
parture to the continent, 224. His letter to her from Maestricht,
229. She joins him, 230. Letters from her to Mrs. Clayton, 294. 303.
Entreats Mariborough not to accept any employment after his return,
508. Deaths of her daughters, lady Bridgewater, and lady Sunder
land, 358,559. Correspondence with lord Sunderland, 343. Her
sagacity respecting the South Sea project, 355. Her litigation with
Cadogan, 555. Accused by lord Sunderland of furnishing money to
the Pretender, 556. Justifies herself to the king, 557. Letter to
Mrs. Clayton respecting Blenheim, 371. Account of a visit to the
prince. and princess of Wales, 379. Of the duke's testamentary
arrangements, and last illness, 38 1. Her jointure, 387. Term of her
-widowhood, and time of her decease, 393.
Marlborough, George, duke of, licence to use the name and arms of
Churchill, i."426.
Mary, queen, her contentions vrith the princess Anne, i. 59. Her death,
75.
Masham, Mrs., her rise, iii. 254. Her cabals with Harley, 255. Re
sentment of the duchess of Marlborough on her marriage, 260.
Progress of Harley's cabals with, v. 112. Marlborough's'attempt to
extort her dismission, 129. A reconciliation proposed bet-ween her
and the duchess, 238. Succeeds the duchess as keeper of the privy
purse, 417.
Maynwaring, remarks on Rochester's motion to send troops from the
I^therlauds to Spain, iv. 1 1, note. Curious account of a conversation
¦vrith the duke'of Somerset, 97. note. Letter to the duchess relative
to Harley, vi. 43. Applies to Oxford fbr a passport for Marlborough,
221,
Medina, Sir Solomon, his deposition respecting sums annually paid to
Marlborough, vi. 123. The duke's vindication, 124. Heads ofhis
deposition, 149.
Memorial, of the principal members of administration, to dissuade
Marlborough from resigning on the dismission of Sunderland, v. 265.
Menin, siege of, iii. 1. Surrender, 7.
Merci, count, defeated on the Rhine, 84.
Mesnager, an agent in the secret negotiation between France and
England, vi. 107. Prdiminaries signed with him, an abandonment
of the grand principle of the alliance, 177.
VOL. VI. r I'

434 INDEX.
Meuse, passage of MarHjonesiigh down the, i. 191. His extraordinary
escape from a french party, 192.
iffinifc/fefjB, principality of, conferred on Marlborough, ii. 254. Account
of the history and possessors of the territory, 295. Investiture of
Marlborough, 296. Homage, 298. Introduction to the diet, 310.
Description of the territory, 313. Visit of Marlborough to, vi. 230.
Restored to the elector of Bavaria, 247. Marlborough's claims-for
an indemnity, 249. Disappointed, 251. Retain-s the title, ib.
Mohun, lord, his duel with the dnke of Hamilton, vi. 223.
Molineux, Mr., sent by Marlborough to Hanover, vi. 270. Result of
•his mission in a letter to the duchess, 276. Details to Marlborough
the effect of the letters from the queen and treasurer, 281. Announces
the death of the electress Sophia, 282,
Monmouth, duke of, Churchill serves with him in Holland, i, 5. His
invasion, 31.
Monmouth, lord, afterwards earl of Peterborough, disgrac^ for 'his
connection with Fenwick, i.-82. (&e Peterborough).
Mons, «iege and icapture of, v. 68. 79.
Montagu, earl of, marriage of his son lord Montiiermer, to lady Miary
Churchill, s. 252,
Montague, Sir James, appointed attorney-general, iv. 320.
. Montgomery, a familiar s^pellation of Godolphin in the correspondence
of the queen and the duchess, i. 274..«oi!e.
Montjuich, fort of, stormed by lord Peterborough, ii- 207-.
. Moselle, Mai-lborough's expedition to the, ii. 29. Mariborough's p^
for invading France on the side of, 94. March of tbe troops, 105.
'Villars^ appointed to command on the, 112.
N.
.Niimur, project for the surprise of, ii. 337.
Naples, project of the imperial court for the conquest of, iii. 19i.
Successful result of the expedition against, 282.
Navy, debates on its reduction, after the peace of Ryswick, i. 99.
Neckar, passage of, by Marlborough, i. 532.
Netherlands, 'Marlborough joins the confederate army there, under the
prince of Waldec,i.4'7^ Stateofaffirirs in 1766,ii.518. Difficulties
respecting thegovernment of, 385. Offered by king Challes to M^rl-
bor<i>agh, 588. ¦W-ltyo%liged to decline it, 591. (iSee States-general.)
Newcastle, duke Of, his death, vi. 45.
Nimeguen, attempt of the frenth to Bui'prise, i. 165.
NiveUe, movement of M^lborough to, and' preparations for a battle,
iii. 316.
.NaaiUes, his irtupition into Cateilonia, v. 91 .
Northern powers, renewal of their confederacy for the partition of
Sweden, v. 98.
Nottingham, lord, appointed secretary of state by queen Anne, i. M6.
His character and views, 268, Arrangements for his removal, 508.
His appeal to the queen, 311. R-^igns, ih. Appointed president of
tbe council under iGeoi^e (I., vi. 3-11.
O-
'Opdam, ihe dutch general, his Chm-actei-, i. 239. Defeated at ^Ekeren,
-255.

INDEX. 43S
Orange, prince of, letter to him from lord Churchill, i. 34. Another,
conveying assurances of zegl and attachment, 37. {See WilUam III.)
Orange, prince of, his gallant but rash conduct at Malplaquet, v. 53.
Orford, lord, retires from office (June, 1699), i. 105. His character,
ii. 84. Resolution of the whigs to piace him at the head of the
Admiralty, iv. 377. The queen consents to his appointment, v. 104,
Appointed, 107. Resigns, 539. His appointment to the Admiralty,
under George I., vi. 511.
Orleans, duke of, his proposal to the allies respecting Spain, iv. 304.
Ormond, duke of, appointed lord-lieutenant of Ireland, i. 268, Suc
ceeds Marlborough in the command of the british forces, vi. 185.
Joins the army, ib. His mysterious conduct and secret instructions,
187. Clandestine correspondence with Villars, 188. Refuses to join
Eugene in attacking the enemy, 189. Ordered to cease from co
operating in the campaign, 208.; Withdraws the british troops from
the confederates, 209. Circumstances of his march to Dunkirk, 211,
In disgrace with George I., 310, Outlawed and attainted, 515.
Ostend, Marlborough's grand plan for the attack o^ i. 246. Frustrated
by the dutch generals, 262. Siege and capture of, ii. 383. Landing
of general Erie with troops at, iv. 248. Reception of Marlborough
at, vi. 225.
Over-asselt, camp of Marlborough at, i. 172.
Overkirk, chief in command of the dutch troops, i. 259. Fails to force
the french lines, 339. Movements of Villeroy against him, ii. 119,
Co-operates in the attack on the lines in Brabant, 156. Ascribes the
honour of the enterprise to Marlborough, 150. Death of, at the
siege of Lille, iv. 258.
Owrfeworrf, its importance, iv. 126. Movements of the french to cover
the siege of, 127. Counter-movements of Marlborough, 128. Pas
sage of the Scheld, 138. Battle, 140. Retreat andloss of the French,
iSl.
Oxenstiern, killed at Malplaquet, v. 52.
Oxford, Hariey, created earl of (iee Hariey), vi. 36. Deceives the whigs
and courts Marlborough, 45. Correspondence, 46. Continued, 90,
Result of lord Stair's mission from Mariborough to him, 98. His
duplicity, 101, His advice prevails with the queen against the whigs,
147. Promotes charges of peculation against Marlborough, 148.
Bis rivalry with Bolingbroke, 253. His efforts to counteract the views
of Marlborough and the Hanoverian party, 270. His brother's mis
sion to Hanover, ib. His letter to the electoral family, 281. Decline
of his favour, 286. His dismission, 287. Impeached, 515. Conclu
sion ofhis trial, 349. Causes ofhis acquittal, 551.

Palatine, elector, engaged in the grand alliance, L 163. Visited by
Marlborough on his journey to Vienna, ii. 248.
Palmes, gen., sent by Mariborough to Vienna and Turin, iv. 49.
Appointed to urge the duke of Savoy's claims at Vienna, 53,8.
P^iament, important debates in 1698, i. 99. Dissolved, 135. Sanc
tions the prosecution of the war, 153. Rewards conferred on M^l-
borough, 200. Setdement on the prince of Denmark, 209. Bill
aemnst occasional conformity, 212. Struggles of whigs and
tories, 269. Choice of a whig speaker, ii. 257. P^rty bickenngs, 259.
Thanks voted to Marlborough, iii. 134. Collateral entail of Bledi«un.
ir r 2

f436 INDEX.
and pension, 140. Union with Scotland; 144. Coalition of wh^
and tories, iv. 2. Discussions on Spanish affairs, and lord Peter
borough's conduct, ib. 7. Address urging the queen to insist on the
restoration of Spain to the house of Austria, 14. Addresses to the
queen on the defeat of the invasion in favour of the Pretender, 41.
Her reply, 42. Customary vote of thanks to Marlborough omitted,
V. 390. Inquiry into the recent reverses in Spain, 425. Vote in the
commons against abuses in the expenditure, vi. 37. Report against
the late administration, ib. Deficit of thirty-five millions annouaced,
40. Speech from the throne, 158. Debate on the address, 139.
Amendment carried against ministers in the house of peers, 141.
Adjournment, 145. Creation of twelve new peers, 155. Debates of
the commons on the report of the commissioners against Marlborough,
157. Charges against Austria and the States, for neglecting to supply
their contingents, 175. Memorial of the States voted a libel, tl 76.
-Debate in the house of lords, on the restrictive orders sent to Ormond,
190. Terms of the treaty with France, communicated by the queen,
201. General dissatisfaction, 204. Address carried in favour of the
ministers, 206. Prorogation, ib. Proceedings relative to the peace of
Utrecht, 240. Prorogation and dissolution, 243. Meeting of, in
1714, 254. Heterogeneous composition of the new house of cemmons,
255. State of parties among the lords, 257. Struggles on the.pco-
testant succession, 260. Prorogued, 262. Marlborough's appearance
¦ in, after the accession of George I., 307. Impeachment and trial pf
Oxford, 315. 549.
'¦Partition treaties, between Louis XIV. and Charles II. of Spain, i. 109,
Pembroke, lord, nominated high admiral, iv. 319. Retires, v. 107.
P-eterhorough, earl of, captures Barcelona, ii. 207. Letters on the event,
208. Congratulated by Marlborough on his success in Spain, 574.
His disputes with Charles, iii. 26. His departure, 29. Complaints
against him, 34. Characteristic letter from him to the duchess of
Marlborough, 42. Embarrassments occasioned by his conduct and
intrigues, 225. His singular interview with Charles XIL, 226. Hif
pecuniary claims on the ministry, iv. 5. His conduct investigated in
parliament, 10. 18. Debates respecting his conduct in Spain,'V. '42S.
Honoured with thanks of the house, 428.
¦PhUip, duke of Anjou, acknowledged king by the Spanish nation, on
the death of Charles II., i. 1 10, His disastrous retreat into France,
ii. 374. Advances to Madrid, iii. 27. Battle of Almanza, 195.
; Retreats to Lerida, v, 375. Re-enters Madrid in triumph, 382.
Philip, on becoming presumptive heir of the french crown, refiises to
relinquish that of Spain, vi. 185. Compromise respecting his
claims; ib. Acknowledged at the treaty of Utrecht, 258,
Piemont, retreat of the combined forces into, after their unsuccessful
enterprise against Toulon, iii. 341.
Piper, count, minister of Charles XII., a douceur offered to him by
Louis XrV., iii. 156. Grumbkow's description of him, 158. A pen
sion assigned him by Marlborough, 1 78.
Plunket, a \es\x\i spy, his communications with the ministry, against
Marlborough and the whigs, vi. 167,
Portland, earl of, forms a powerful cabal against Marlborough, i. 60.
Portugal, accedes to the confederacy, i, 233. State of -war in, and ar-
rangeinents of Marlborough, ii. 55. State of war in,. 204. Arrival
at Lisbon of dutch and english reinforcements, 205, . March of
•aOalway and Das Minas, to .Madrid, iii, 26. Death of the king, 4S.

INDEX, 437
Affairs of, in 1709, v. 94. The allies defeated on- the Caya, ib.
Wretched state of the country, 96. Ineffective operatbns in, 373.
Assistance withheld from king Charies, 579. Pacification with France,
vi. 257.
Potter, Dr., appointed regius professor at- Oxford, iv. 16.
Poulett, lord, appointed lord high steward, vi. 36: Challenged by Marl
borough, for an opprobrious imputation in parliament, 196. 198.
Preston; capitulation of the rebels at, vi. 550.
Pi-etender, acknowledged king of JEngland by Louis XIV., i. 134.
Act of attainder against him, 138. Projected invasion of England in
his favour, iv. 31. Zeal of Marlborough in defeating the attempt, 35.
Serves under Villars at Malplaquet, v. 32. Conspiracy in favour of,
vi. 322. Lands in Scotland, 332. Is proclaimed, ib. Departs to
France, 336.
PriS, marquis de, his letter to Marlborough, announcing the accommo
dation with the pope, iv. 329.
Prior, congratulatory letter to Marlborough on the victoiy of Ramilies,
ii. 558. His ingratitude to Marlborough, iii. 133. His arrest by the
mayor of Deal, and disclosure thence arising, vi. 93. His secret
letter to Bolingbroke, on Marlborough's return to England, 297.
Protestant succession, measures for supporting on the accession of Anne,
i. 153. Anxiety of Marlborough to obtain its guaranty by foreign
powers, iii. 53. Parliamentary struggle on the grand question of,
vi. 260. Zeal of Marlborough in favour of, 262. Measures for en
suring on the demise of queen Anne, 291, 292.
Provence, plan of Marlborough for the invasion of, iii. 193. Operations
in, 558 — 545.
Prussia, king of, treaty of alhance with, concluded by Marlborough,
i. 124. Marlborough applies to him for reinforcements, ii. 58.
Querulous letter to Marlborough, 252. Their conference at Berlin,
257. Negotiations of Marlborough, 525. Arrangements with, for
the continuance and augmentation ofhis troops, i v. 539. Threatens
to recall his troops, V. 99. Dissuaded by Mariborough, 100. Pacifi--
cation with France, vi. 257.
Pdtaxa, defeat of Charles XII. at, v. 96.
Q.
Queensbury, duke of, exercises the government influence in the Scots
elections, iv. 92.
Queich, passage of, by the allies, ii. 17.
duesnoy, surrenders to Eugene, vi. 215. Retaken by Villars, 214.
Quiros, agent for the king of Spain at the Hague, iii. 402.
R.
Raby, lord, ambassador at Beriiii, demand of Frederic for his recall,
ii. 526. Relinquished, 364. His petty intrigues counteracted by
Mariborough, iii. 180. Plenipotentiary at the Hague, presents the
preliminaries offered by France, vi. 34. ,„.,..
Ragotski, prince, his incursions into Moravia and Silesia, i. 300.
Ramilies, battie of, ii. 359. j ^i,„
Rastadt, conferences and pacification at, between France and the
R^grn^,' bishop Burnet's motion for, in case of queen Anne's death,.

438 INDEX.
ii. 241. On the aeeession Of George!. Marlborough's exclusion
from the, Vi. 506^
Revolution, of 1688, conduct of lord Cliurchill on that occasion, i. 58.
Rkeinberg, reduced by the prussians, i. 259.
Rhine, operations of the french on, i. 257. Passage of, by the confede
rates, after the battie of Blenheim, ii. 16. Militai-y operations on,
iii. 23. iv. 310. v. 85. .370. vi. 117. 215.
Bialton, lord, his marriage with kdy Henrietta Churchill, i. 92. Dis
missed from office, v, 526.
Ricoux, agent for french overtures to Charles XII., iii. 156. His secret
instructions communicated to Marlborough, 157.
Rivers, earl, arrives in Spain with reinforcements, iii. 45. Obtains the
confidence of Charles, ib. Appointed constable of the Tower,
V. 126.
Robethon, an agent in Marlborough's correspondence, iii. 185. note.
Letter from him to Cardonel, 307. Letters of Marlborough to,
vi. 264. 268. 270. 274^ Letter from Marlborough announcing his
intended return to England, 293.
RioUnson, Mr., accompanies Marlborottgh to the camp of Charles XII.,
iii. 167.
Rochester, lord, leader of the tories, appointed {ord-lientenant of Ireland
by king William, i. 106. Resigns the lieutenancy of Ireland, 268,
His proposal in parliament to send troops from the Netherlands to
Spain, iv. 10. Heads the opposition against Harley, vi. S. Diies, 56,
Book, Sir George, president of the commission of admiralty, i. 147,
Removed from his post at the head of the flee*, ii. 86.
Ruremond, invested, i. 186. Surrenders, 187.
Russell, admiral, charges against him by Sir John Fenwiek, i. 78. His
Conduct in this affair, 79. {See Orford.)

Saarhruck, prince of, declines thc chief command in favour of Marl
borough, i. 161. Death, 258.
Sacheverell, Dr., ferment caused by his sermon, v. 122. His impeach
ment, 124. Trial and sentence, 156. Popular enthusiasm in his
favour, 160. Popular ferment on his progress through the country,
545.
St. Glmlain, capture of, v. 35.
St.John, Henry, appointed secretary of war, i. 314. Congratulatory
letter to Marlborough on the victory of RamiMes, ii. 357. Resigns,
ivi 27. Appointed secretary of state, V. 559. Exti-act from his first
official dispatch to Marlborough, 369. Courts Marlborough, vi, 7.
Secret orders communicated by him to Ormond, 187. Created lord
Bolingbroke, 212. {See Bolingbroke.)
St. Venant, siege of, v. 564. Capitulates, 565.
Sandridge, the birth-place of the duchess of Marlborough, i.~ 43.
Savoy, duke of, abandons the bourbon cause and joins the allies, i. 286,
Marlborough's exertions to rehe-ve him, ii. 56. His distressed state,
211.' Application to Marlborough, 214. Joined by Eugene, relieves
Turin, iii. 19. His claims on Austria, iv. 48. His operations against
the french, 306. Attempts of Marlborough to reconcile him with
the court of Vienna, 337. Refuses to take the field, v. 87. Opposes
thc dismemberment of the Spanish monarchy, 169. His renewed
contentions with the emperor, 371. Accepts the armistice, yi. 216.

INDEX. 439
Siarpe, fort, surrenders to the allies, v. 199.
Scheld, passage of, by Mariborough to reheve Brussels, iv. 275.
Schellenberg, storming of the intrenched camp on the, i. 551. Conse
quences of the victory, 565.
Schrader, baron, his account of the ceremonial of admitting Marl
borough's proxy to the diet, ii. 510..
Scotland, party contentions in, i. 280. Union with, settied, iii. 144.
Invasion defeated, iv. 39. Cabals of the whigs with the jacobites to
secure the majority in the elections, 91. Rebellion in, vi. 522.
Suppressed, 536.
Sedgmoor, battie of, lord Churchill's services in, i. 32.
Seymour, Sir Edward, his remark on Marlborough's expedition into Ger
many, ii. 41.
Shippen, presents Medina's deposition against Marlborough, vi. 149.
Shrewsbury, earl and duke of, disgraced for becoming surety for the
earl of Marlborough, i,-69. Letter of Marlborough to him, on Fen-
wick's affair, 85. Retires from office and goes abroad, 105. Harley
begins to tamper with him, v. 115. Efforts of Hariey to gain him,.
209. Appointed lord chamberlain, 215. His ambiguous conduct,
225. 307. His artful intervention between the queen and the
duchess, 394. Ambassador at Paris, vi. 213. Appointed lord treasurer .-
in the queen's last illness, 291.
Shovel, Sir Cloudesley, appointed admiral of the fleet, ii, 86.
Sieges, Aire, v. 364. Ath, iii. 12. Mrcelona, ii. 207. Bethune, v. 293.
Bonn, i. 242. Bouchain,. vi. 52. Dendermond, iii. 8. Douay,
V. 185. Gerona, vi. 216. Ghent, iv. .291. Gibraltar, ii. 55. 205. ,
Huy, i. 282. ii. 125. 134. Landau, ii. 18. Landrecies, vi. 213.
Lille, iv. 215. Menin, iii. 1. Ostend, ii. 385. St. Venant, v. 364.
Stevenswaert, i. 187. Tournay, v. 5.
Sinzendorf, imperial minister, conciliated by Marlborough, ii. 256. His
embassy to the Hague, iii. 73. Letter to Marlborough on the affairs
of Savoy and Spain^ iv. 108. Memorial presented by. him at Ger
truydenberg, V. 169.
Sirk, Villars's celebrated position on the heights of, ii.. 1 15.
Slangenberg, the dutch general, his character, i. 239. His jealousy of
Marlborough, 291. Counteracts Marlborough's plan to pass the
Dyle, ii. 1 56. His factious opposition to the passage of the Ische, .
167. Dismissed from the command, 193.
Smith, Mr., chancellor of the exchequer to king William, i. 106.
Elected speaker, ii. 237.
Smith, Dr. Adam, his theory of moral sentiments cited on Marlborough's
character, vi. 404.
Smollet, extract from, on the happy state of affairs in 1705-6, ii. 288.
Soignies, march of Marlborough to, iii. 516. Visit of lord Peterborough
at the camp of, 320.
Somers, lord, dismissed from office by king WiUiam, i. lOS. Impeached
for negotiating the partition treaty, and acquitted, 113. His character
as a statesman, ii. 77. Feuds in the cabinet relative to his promo
tion, iv. 52. Attempts of the whigs to introduce him without an
oflicial situation, 70. Renewal of the struggle for his promotion,
315. Appointed president of the council, 519. Mediates between
the queen and Marlborough, v. 130.. His letter to Marlborough on
the intended dismission of Sunderland, v. 254. Neutralized by
Harley, 299. Retires from office, 339. . Joins the. privy council on
fche queen's last illness, vi. 291. F. r 4.

440 INDEX.
Somerset, duke of, president of the council, i. 138. His intrigues sncf
influence, iv. 971 His conduct hostile to the whigs, v. 157. His-
name generally erased in the MS. letters of the duchess, 217-
Seconds Harley in procuring the removal of Sunderland, 242. His
conduct on the queen's lajt illness, vi. 291. A suitor to the duchess,
in the first year of her widowhood, 392.
Sophia, electress, announces her readiness to accept an invitation to
England, ii- 241. Her eagerness to visit England, iii. 305. Intrigues
of the tories with, 307. Her sudden death, vi, 283.
South Sea.schemc, its origin, vi. 353. Sagacity of the duchess respect
ing, 354.
Spain; death of Charles II., and transfer of the crown to Philip, duke
of Anjou, i. 109. Partition treaties, 113. Failure of an attempt to
surprise Barcelona, ii. 55. Capture of Gibraltar, ib. State of war
in, 203. Capture of Barcelona, 207. Charles acknowledged in Va
lencia and Catalonia, 209. State of the war in (1706), 315. Flight
of Philip to France, 43. March of the anglo-portuguese to Madrid,
iii. 26. Disputes among the allied generals, 27. State of the war
in, 500. Arrival of Staremberg at Barcelona, 301. Loss of Tortosa ;
reduction of Minorca and Sardinia, 302, Scheme of the duke bf Or
leans, 303. Energy of Philip and the Castilians, v, 88. Trifling
operations in Catalonia, 90. Disputes between the french and
Spanish troops, ib. Opinion of Mariborough respecting the war, 91.
Negotiations at Gertruydenberg respecting the evacuation of, 168.
Successful advance of the allies into Catalonia, 374. Victories at
Almenara and Saragossa; allies enter Madrid, 375, 376. Charles
quits the capital, and Philip re-enters in triumph, 382, 585. Loss of
almost all the austrian conquests, 585. Languid state of the war
in 1711, vi. 117. State of war in, after the defection of England
from the confederacy, 216. Secured to Philip by the peace of
Utrecht, 258.
Spencer, lord, afterwards earl of Sunderland, marries lady Anne
Churchill, i. 98. {See Sunderiand.)
Spencer, present family of, their descent, vi. 590.
Stair, lord, dispatched to court, after the victory of Oudenard, iv. 155-
Account of his mission from Marlborough to the treasurer Oxford,
vi. 98.
Stanhope, gen., commands the british troops in Spain, iv. 302. Inter
cepted at Brihuega, v. 383. One of the secretaries of state under
George I., vi. 510.
Staremberg, arrives at Barcelona, iv. 301. His operations, 303. Re
treats into Catalonia, v. 384.
States-general, treaties of alliance with, negotiated by Marlborough,
i. 118. Caution and delays of the Dutch, 125. Timidity of their
government, and hesitation of their generals, 166. 181. Negotiations
of Marlborough with, 305. His difficulties in obtaining aid from,
317. Their frivolous objections to Marlborough's plan for the cam
paign of 1705, ii. 95. Marlborough's letter to, against the conduct
of their deputies and generals, 175. Their counter-manifesto, 174.
Formal remonstrance from the british cabinet over-ruled by Marl
borough, 177. 180. Overtures from France, 193. Their tardiness
in executing the arrangements for augmenting the troops, 262. Their
discordance with Austria, 386. Oppose the appointment of Marl
borough as governor of the Netherlands, 391. Exorbitant demands
relative to the barrier, iii. 54. Private overtures from Franc4 57-

INDEX. 441
Rejected, 86. Secret views for peace, 290. Mariborough's plan for
penetrating into France, counteracted by" their deputies, iv. 165.
He obtains their consent for an augmentation of troops, 325. Private
negotiation with France, 366. Progress, 378. Preliminaries, 397.
Rejected, 400. Barrier treaty, 408. Signed by lord Townshend, 414.
Resist the cession of Minorca to England, v. 92. Congress of Ger
truydenberg, 168. Their remonstrances with the qyeen on the ne
gotiations with France, vi. 134. Their memorial vindicating the
barrier-treaty voted a libel by the house of commons, 175, 176. Ap
point Eugene their generalissimo, 184. Pacification with France,
237.
Stephens, prosecuted for a libel on Marlborough, ii. 281.
Stepney, Mr., his misunderstanding with count Wratislaw, ii. 99. His
removal from the embassy, 255. Deputed to take possession of
Mindelheim on behalf of Marlborough, 296. His account of the
formalities, ib. Letter to Marlborough respecting the government
of the Netherlands, 407. Resident at the Hague, iii. 85. Illness, 347.
Stevenswaert, invested, i. 186. Surrenders, 187.
Stolhoffen, lines of, forced by Villars, iii. 216.
Sunderland, Robert,'earl of, his political career, i. 93. Letter on the
restoration ofhis pension by queen Anne, 144.
Sunderland, Charles, earl of, his character, i. 95. His marriage with
lady Anne Churchill, 98. Opposes the grant of a settlement on the
prince of Denmark, 210. The junior of the Svhig junta, ii. 85.
Cabals to obtain his promotion, 87. His appointment as ambassador
to Vienna, 88. Struggle for his appointment to the secretaryship of
state, iii. 88. Interposition of the duchess, 1 10. Marlborough ob
tains his appointment, 132. His dissatisfaction, iv. 358. Urges the
impeachment of Sacheverell, v. 124. Embarrassments of Marlborough
from his intemperate conduct, 162. His conduct on the appoint
ment of the duke of Shrewsbury, 219. Resolution of the queen
to dismiss him, 242. Seals transferred to lord Dartmouth, 265.
Appointed lord lieutenant of Ireland by George I., vi. 311. Cor
respondence with the duchess on the death of lady Sunderland, 545.
His third marriage, 555. Accuses the duchess of furnishing money
to the Pretender, 557. Dies, 561.
Sunderland, lady, her indignant letter on the proposed reconciliation of
the duchess with Mrs, Masham, v, 239. Her death, vi. 559. A
prayer used by her, 340. Testamentary letter to her lord, 541.
Susa, capture of, iji. 542.
Sweden, negotiations of England with, i. 122. {See Charles XII.)
Renewal of the confederacy of the northern powers for the partition
of, V. 98.
Swift, his infamous insinuation against Marlborough, ii. 148. Effect of
his political writing against Marlborough, v. 422. Cited respecting
a pretended conspiracy of Marlborough and the whigs, vi. 1 70.

Tallard, posted with an army on the Upper Rhine, i. 301. His advance
from the Rhine, 378. Defeated and taken prisoner at Bleni
heim, 411. Brought to England, ii. 71. His letters a medinm
for Gregg's treasonable intercourse with France, iv. 21.
Terbank, rapid march of Marlborough to, iv. 109.
Tess^, marshal, his operations in Provence, iii. 341.

442 INDEX.
Tiriemont, occupied by Marlborough, ii, 141. Marlborough retrogrades
to, 182.
Torcy, sent by Louis XIV. to negotiate at the Hague, iv. 592. At>;erapt3
to alarm Mariborough into compliance vrith his views, 395. Objects
to the proposed preliminaries, 399. Returns to Versailles, ib. Con
ducts the secret negotiation between France and England, vi. 106,
His memoirs cited respecting a fabricated charge of conspiracy
against Marlborough, Eugene, and the whigs, 169.
Tories, an administration o{ formed by king William, i. 105. Anxiety
of Marlborough to avert theirfall, 131. Changes in administration, 135,
156. Anxiety of William III. to remove them from administration,
156. Tory administration formed by queen Anne, 146. Schism among
them, 155. Their contentions with the whigs, 266. Their attempts
to decry the successes of Marlborough, ii. 40. Artifice respecting the
bill against occasional conformity, 68. Their unpopularity, 76.
Their alarm respecting the protestant succession, 239. Defeated by
the whigs on the question respecting the dangers of the church, 280.
Their intrigues with the electress Sophia, iii. 307. Their pre^
ponderance after the dismission of Sunderland, v. 277. Formation
of a ministry of, 339. Fatal effects of tiiis change on the welfare or
England, 346. Their ascendancy, 347. They com-t Marlborough,
352. Division of, into jacobite, hanoverian, and Scottish, vi, 256.
Loss of their ascendancy on the death of the queen, 290. 313.
ToMfonyplan of Marlborough for the capture of, iii. 193. FaUureofthe
enterprise against, 536. 541.
roMraay, invested, v. 5. Surrenders, 12. Siege of the citadel, 13. Its-
surrender, 17.
Townshend, lord, appointed joint plenipotentiary with Mariborough at
the Hague, iv. 390. Signs the barrier treaty alone, 415. Succeeds
Bolingbroke as secretary, -vi. 309.
Traerbach, capture of, ii. 56.
Tremmel, Dr., appointed to the see of Norvrich, iv. 16.
Treves, capture of, ii. 54.
Turenne, distinguishes the military genius of capt. Churchill, i. 6.
Turin, relieved by Eugene and the duke of Savoy, iii. 19.
U.
Utrecht, opening of the conferences at, vi. 177. Treacherous conduct
of England, 178. Extravagant proposals of France, 1 79. Negotiations-
continued, 235. Remarks on the peace of, 258.
V.
Valencia, acknowledges Charles, king of Spain, ii. 206.
Vanbrugh, appointed architect of Blenheim, ii. 74. His plan and
estimates, v. 349, 550. Suit against him as surveyor, 567.
Vanderdussen, imparts to Heinsius the secret overtures from France,.
iii. 56. Plenipotentiary at Gertruydenberg, v. 167.
Vaudemont, prince of, his high opinion of Marlborough, i. 56.
Vendome, his operations against Eugene in Italy, i. 256. Disarms part
of the duke of Savoy's army, 288. Defeated at Oudenard, iv. 140.
His junction with Berwick, and effbrts to raise the siege of Lille, 228.
251. 261. Assumes the command in Spain, v. 381, Formation of a-
new army under him, ib.

INDEX. 443
Venloo, invested, i, 1 82. Taken^ 1 8 5.
Vernon, secretary of state to king William, i. 106.
Verrua, surrender of, ii. 211.
Vienna, court of, their tardy policy adverse to Marlborough's plans,
ii. 97. Motives of Marlborough's journey to, 219. His reception, 249.
Negotiations, 254.
Victor, Amadeus. {See Savoy.)
Vigevenasco, claimed by the duke of Savoy from Austria, iv. 556.
VUlars, defeats the marquis of Baden at Friedlingen, i. 237. Passes into
Bavaria, 238. Suppresses the insurrection in the Cevennes, ii. 112.
Appointed to command on the Moselle, ib. Defensive position on
the heights of Sirk, 113. Instances of his exaggeration and gasconade,
lis. note. His irruption into Germany, iii. 216. His strong position
behind the lines of La Bassee, v. 3. Deceived by the stratagems of
Eugene and Marlborough, 5. His ineffectual attempts to relieve
Tournay, 10. Wounded and defeated at Malplaquet, 58. Frustrated
in attempting to relieve Douay, 187. Baffles Marlborough's design
of besieging Arras, 292. His grand line of defence from Namur to
the coast of Picardy, vi. 21. Deluded by Marlborough's skilful
movement, 54 — 62. Narrowly escapes being made prisoner, 65.
Vainly attempts to lure Marlborough round the cannon of Cambray,
64. Foiled on the Sanzet, 73. And in his attempts to relieve
Bouchain, 78. State of his army for the campaign of 1712, 185.
His message to Ormond, relative to the troops under his orders, 207.
His successful career after the separation of the british from the con
federates, 213. Further successes ; conferences at Rastadt, 245.
Villaviciosa, battle of, v. 384.
Villeroy, captures Huy, and invests Liege, ii. 119. Retires to Tongres,
124. And thence to Mierdoip, 125. Driven beyond the Dyle, 141.
Defeated at Ramilies, 555.
VUliers, family, connections with that of Drake, i. 10. Joins a cabal
against Marlborough, 60. W.
Waal, passage of, i. 170.
Wakourt, affau- of, Marlborough's gallant conduct in, i. 48.
Walpole, Mr., appointed one of the council to prince George of Den
mark, ii. 86. Appointed secretary at war, iv. 27. Vindicates him
self from a report circulated by admiral Churchill, 190. note. His
representation to the queen, relative to the promotion of major
Masham, and col. Hill, v. 253. Defends the administration of
Godolphin, in a tract called the " Thirty-five Millions accounted for,"
vi. 132. Paymaster of the forces on the accession of George I., 310.
Raised to the head of the Treasury, 326.
Waterloo, a french detachment driven from, ii. 164.
Webb, general, commands in the action of Wynendale, iv. 250. Vote
of thanks to, 552.
Werwick, advance of Marlborough to, iv. 156.
Wharton, lord, his character, ii. 81. Appointed lord lieutenant of
Ireland, iv. 319. His sarcasm on the twelve new peers, vi. 156.
Privy seal under George L 311. „ . ,. , .
Whigs their dismission by king William, and formation ot a tory admi
nistration, i. 105. Characters of the junta, ii. 77. Then- efforts to
gain the ascendancy, 86. Admission of several into offices ot

444 INDEX.
government, ib. Their cabals to obtain the promotion of Sunder*
land, 87, Their ascendancy in the new elections, 253, Marlborough
and Godolphin censured for coalescing with them, 276. Their
victory over the tories, 280. Change in the queen's sentiments re
specting them, 285. Reconciliation of Harley with their leaders,
287. Their resentment at the favour shewn to the tories in church
preferments, iii. 247. Their jealousy of Marlborough and Godol
phin, 375. Coalition with the tories, iv. 4. Reconciliation with
the ministry, 16. Increasing aversion of the queen to, 68. Their
attempt to introduce lord Somers into the privy council without an
official situation, 70. Their cabals with the jacobites to ensure a
majority in the scots elections, 91. Foiled by the influence of the
crown, 94. New clamours against Marlborough and Godolphin, 9S.
Their threats to revive the invitation to the electoral family, 96.
Resume their attack on the Admiralty, 314. Changes on the death
of the prince of Denmark, 319. Minor arrangements in their favour,
320. Their renewed complaints and jealousies, 559. Their increas
ing influence and claims, v. 102. Support Marlborough in exacting
the dismission of Mrs. Masham, 129. Their disappointment and
defeat on the trial of Sacheverell, 156. Divisions among them, on
the dismission of Sunderland, 260. Their impolitic conduct on the
dismission of Godolphin, 334. Their resignation or removal, 339.
Suspect a coalition of Marlborough with the tories, 311. His manly
explanation of his conduct, ib. Their protest against the terms of
the treaty with France, vi. 206. State of that party in the new par
liament of 1714, 257. Their measures on the last illness of the
queen, 289. Their ascendancy after the accession of George I., 314.
WUliam, prince of Orange (afterwards king), correspondence of Marl-
Borough with, i. 54. 57. His accession to the crown, 42. Conten
tions with the princess Anne, 58. Dismisses Marlborough from all
his employments, 59. Reconciliation with the princess after the
death of queen Mary, 74, His appeal to pailiament against the
usurpation of the Spanish monarchy by France, 110. Is compelled
to acknowledge Phihp, 1 15. Appoints Marlborough commander and
plenipotentiary, -who attends him to the continent, 1 1 5. His conduct
on the death of James II. 154. Returns to England and dissolves
parliament, 156. Makes some changes in the administration, 137.
His demise and dying recommendation of Marlborough to his suc
cessor, 139, 140.
Woodstock, manor of, conferred on Marlborough by the queen, ii. 73.
Wratislaw, count, his misunderstanding wilh Mr. Stepney, ii. 99. Letter
on the subject, 221. Marlborough secures his friendship, 256.
Letter of complaint to Marlborough on the lukewarmness of the
dutch, 266. Correspondence, 322. Mission from the emperor to
Charles XII. iii. 219. Resumed correspondence with Marlborough,
284. Announces the conclusion of the treaty with Charies XII. 347^
Letter exposing the conduct of the imperial court to the duke of
Savoy, 554. And on the plan for the ensuing campaign, 557. Meets
Marlborough at Frankfort, 582.
Wright, Sir Nathan, appointed lord keeper by king William, i. 106;
Struggle for his removal, ii. 254. Seals transferred to Cowper, 257.
Wyndham, Sir William, foments a jacobite conspiracy, vi. 323,.
Arrested, 325.
Wynendale, action at, iv. 256--

' INDEX. 44S

'York, duke of, Churchill appointed page to, i. 3. {See James II.)
Young, Robert, his forgeries to procure the arrest of Marlborough,
i. 63, Detected, 69.
Ypres, capture of the French lines, between that place and Warneton,
il|. 156. Z.
Zerclaes, prince of, command transferred to him by Philip, v. 91.
.Zinzendorf. {See Sinzendorf.)
Xinzerling, count, dispatched by Charles from Spain to Marlborough,
iii. 55, -'
^obor, count, demanded by Charles XII. for insulting the Swedish
ambassador, iii. 155. Delivered up, but released by tacit agreement,
221.

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