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Translations and Reprints

FROM THE

Original Sources of European History

THE MEDIAEVAL STUDENT.
Edited by Dana Carleton Munro, M, a.
Revised Edition.

PUBLISHED BY
The Department of History of the University of Pennsylvania.

Philadelphia, Pa., 1899.

5LISH Agency : P. S. KING & SON, 2 and 4 Great Smith St., Victoria St.,
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T

1899
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Translations and Reprints

FROM THE

ORIGINAL SOURCES OF EUROPEAN HISTORY.
Voi,. II. The Mediaeval Student. No. 3.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGB
I. Privileges of the Students.
Privilege of Frederick I. for the Students. 1158, . 2
Privilege of Philip Augustus in favor of the Students
at Paris. 1200, . . . . .4
Statutes of Gregory IX. for the University of Paris,
1231,  7
II. The Courses of Study.
Statutes of Robert de Courcon for Paris. 1215, .12
Library of Theological Books given to the University
of Paris. 1271, . . . .IS
The Course in Medicine. 1270-74, . . .16
III. Condemnation of Errors.
Ten Errors Condemned at Paris. 1241, . .17
IV. Life of the Students.
Account of Students given by Jacques de Vitry, . 19
V. Bibwographicai, Note, . . . . . .21
y In order to give greater unity to this short pamphlet, the editor has
*i selected material for the period before 1300 and almost exclusively for the
5 University of Paris. This was the great model for later universities.
"^ Bologna was copied by most of the Italian universities, by Montpellier and
p> Grenoble in France, and to some extent by the universities of Spain. Paris
was the model followed by other French universities, by the English, Ger-
? man, and for the most part by the Spanish and Portuguese. Duboulay
^ could say with truth that most of the others were daughters of the mother
-C^ university in Paris. See Rashdall, passim; Denifle, 132, 760 et passim under
0 the different universities; and Compayre, 61 ff.

2 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
I. PRIVILEGES OF THE STUDENTS.
The students of the French universities were considered to be members of
the church and were styled clerici. They enjoyed the same privileges as
the other members of the church. In addition, both kings and popes
granted privileges; the kings were anxious to keep the students in their
domains; the popes, by their grants, brought the students more directly
under the authority of the church, and thus increased their own power.
Many of the popes, too, had studied at the universities.
Frederick's grant is ofteu called the first privilege to a university; and it
is generally said it was enacted for Bologna. Although it may have been
obtained by the influence of the Bolognese doctors, it was granted to students
in general; Bologna is not named. The historical poem on which Giese-
brecht and Winkelmann relied to prove that it was for Bologna is undoubt
edly a forgery. A good discussion of this privilege can be found in Denifle;
Universitaten des Mittelalters, I, 48 ff, and 133 ff, and in Rashdall, I, 145 f.
The first royal privilege for Paris, which has been preserved, was granted
by Philip Augustus. In it we find him supporting the students against his
own officer, the provost. We must always remember that in those days,
when there were no university buildings, it was very easy for a whole uni
versity to decamp, and that this sometimes happened. The departure of
the students was a real blow to the prosperity of any city.
Gregory's statutes have been called the Magna Charta of the University of
Paris. Here we find the pope, too, supporting the students against his own
officer, the chancellor. The students had actually dispersed and had taken
an oath not to return. By this act the pope established their privileges
firmly, in spite of opposition from the queen. Possibly the most curious
privilege is the right to suspend all courses. This was so much abused that,
in 1256, Alexander IV. tried to modify it (Chart. I, No. 284), but to little
purpose. It was the most effective weapon that the university could wield
and was used on the slightest provocation. This privilege was restricted by
Pius II, and was lost in 1499.
Compayre has a well-written chapter on the privileges of the universities
in his " Abelard and the Origin and Early History of Universities." The
subject is also discussed at length and with great learning by Rashdall, es
pecially in Vol. I.
PRIVILEGE OF FREDERICK I. FOR THE STUDENTS. u58.
Mon. Germ. Hist. LL. II. 1141. Latin.
After a careful consideration of this subject by the bishops,
abbots, dukes, counts, judges, and other nobles of our sacred palace!
1 According to Denifle I, 50, the text of this document in the Monumenta
is very defective. 1 have not had access to any better edition.

PRIVILEGE OF FREDERICK I. FOR THE STUDENTS. 3
we, from our piety, have granted this privilege to all scholars who
travel for the sake of study, and especially, to the professors1 of
divine and sacred laws, namely, that they may go in safety to the
places in which the studies are carried on, both they themselves
and their messengers, and may dwell there in security. For we
think it fitting that, during good behavior, those should enjoy
our praise and protection, by whose learning the world is en
lightened to the obedience of God and of us, his ministers and
the life of the subjects is moulded ; and by a certain special love
we defend them from all injuries.
For who does not pity those who exile themselves through love
for learning, who wear themselves out in poverty in place of riches,
who expose their lives to all perils and often suffer bodily injury
from the vilest men — this must be endured with vexation. There
fore, we declare by this general and ever to be valid law, that in
the future no one shall be so rash as to venture to inflict any in
jury on scholars, or to occasion any loss to them on account of a
debt owed by an inhabitant of their province — a thing which we
have learned is sometimes done by an evil custom. And let it be
known to the violators of this constitution, and also to those who
shall at the time be the rulers of the places, that a four-fold resti
tution of property shall be exacted from all and that, the mark of
infamy being affixed to them by the law itself, they shall lose
their office forever.
Moreover, if any one shall presume to bring a suit against them
on account of any business, the choice in this matter shall be
given to the scholars, who may summon the accusers to appear
before their professors* or the bishop of the city, to whom we have
given jurisdiction in this matter. But if, in sooth, the accuser
shall attempt to drag the scholar before another judge, even if his
cause is a very just one, he shall lose his suit for such an attempt.
1 The use of this word has given rise to much discussion. Savigny thinks
the privilege is intended especially for the professors of law at Bologna.
But the wording in the other passages shows that the privilege was intended
for the scholars. The best brief discussion is in Denifle I, 56 ff.
'The Latin reads, coram domino aul magistro suo vel ipsius civitatis
episcopo. Dominus probably applies to the instructor in law and magistet
to the instructor in the other branches, so I have rendered the two by "pro
fessor," following Denifle I, 58.

4 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
We also order this law to be inserted among the imperial con
stitutions under the title, ne filius pro patre, elc.
Given at Roncaglia, in the year of our Lord 1158, in the month
of November.
PRIVILEGE OF PHILIP AUGUSTUS IN FA VOR OF THE
STUDENTS A T PARIS.1 1200.
Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis I, No. I, p. 59. Latin.
In the Name of the sacred and indivisible Trinity, amen.
Philip, by the grace of God, King of the French. Let all men
know, now and in the future, that for the terrible crime owing to
which five of the clergy and laity at Paris were killed by certain
malefactors, we shall do justice as follows: that Thomas, then
provost, concerning whom more than all others the students have
complained, because he denies the deed, we shall consign to per
petual imprisonment, in close confinement, with meagre fare, as
long as he shall live; unless, perchance, he shall choose to
undergo publicly at Paris the ordeal by water. If he attempts
that and fails, he shall be condemned. If he succeeds, never
henceforth at Paris nor anywhere else in our own land shall he be
our provost or bailiff ; nor elsewhere, if we are able to prevent it ;
iior shall he in the future enter Paris.
And if through the full and legal examination, which we have
entrusted to two of our faithful servants, Walter, the chamberlain,
and Philip de Levis [to be conducted] without making any ex
ception of persons, by the invocation of the Christian faith and
by the fidelity which they owe to us, their liege lord, and through
the oath which they have sworn to us concerning our honor and
advice, we are able to learn what further we can and ought to do
in the matter, we will do it without any hesitation, for God's
honor and our own. Moreover, concerning the others who are in
prison for the same crime, we will act thus : we will detain them
in perpetual imprisonment, in our custody, unless they prefer to
undergo the ordeal by water and to prove their innocence by
God's witness. If they fail in that, we shall consider them con
demned ; unless, perchance, some of them having been fully tried
1 See Rashdall, I, 296, or Roger de Hoveden, in Rolls Series, IV, 120 for
the cause of this decree.

PRIVILEGE OF PHILIP AUGUSTUS. 5
shall be found innocent, or being found less guilty, shall be freed
from captivity by us, on the intercession of the scholars.1 Those,
moreover, who have fled we consider ipso facto condemned, and we
shall cause all the counts in our land to swear that they will dili
gently seek them out and if they are able to seize any one of them,
they will seize him and send him to, us at Paris.
Also, concerning the safety of the students at Paris in the
future, by the advice of our subjects we have ordained as follows:
we will cause all the citizens of Paris to swear that if any one sees
an injury done to any student by any layman, he will testify
truthfully to this, nor will any one withdraw in order not to see
[the act]. And if it shall happen that any one strikes a student,
except in self-defense, especially if he strikes the student with a
weapon, a club or a stone, all laymen who see [the act] shall in
good faith seize the malefactor or malefactors and deliver them to
our judge; nor shall they withdraw in order not to see the act,
or seize the malefactor, or testify to the truth. Also, whether the
malefactor is seized in open crime or not, we will make a legal
and full examination through clerks or laymen or certain lawful
persons; and our count and our judges shall do the same. And if
by a full examination we or our judges are able to learn that he
who is accused, is guilty of the crime, then we or our judges shall
immediately inflict a penalty, according to the quality and nature
of the crime; notwithstanding the fact that the criminal may deny
the deed and say that he is ready to defend himself in single com
bat, or to purge himself by the ordeal by water.
Also, neither our provost nor our judges shall lay hands on a
student for any offence whatever; nor shall they place him in our
prison, unless such a crime has been committed by the student,
that he ought to be arrested. And in that case, our judge shall
arrest him on the spot, without striking him at all, unless he re
sists, and shall hand him over to the ecclesiastical judge, who
ought to guard him in order to satisfy us and the one suffering
the injury. And if a serious crime has been committed, our judge
shall go or shall send to see what is done with the student. If,
indeed, the student does not resist arrest and yet suffers any in
jury, we will exact satisfaction for it, according to the aforesaid
1 Students asked to be allowed to settle the matter for themselves by
flogging them "after the manner of scholars."

6 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
examination and the aforesaid oath. Also our judges shall not
lay hands on the chattels ' of the students at Paris for any crime
whatever. But if it shall seem that these ought to be sequestrated,
they shall be sequestrated and guarded after sequestration by the
ecclesiastical judge, in order that whatever is judged legal by the
church, may be done with the chattels. But if students are ar
rested by our count at such an hour that the ecclesiastical judge
can not be found and be present at once, our provost shall cause
the culprits to be guarded in some student's house without any
ill-treatment, as is said above, until they are delivered to the
ecclesiastical judge.
Concerning the lay servants of the students, who do not owe to
us burgensiam2 or residentiary? , and do not live by traffic, and
through whom the scholars do not do any injury to any one, it
shall be as follows : neither we nor our judge shall lay hands on
them unless they commit an open crime, for which we or our judge
ought to arrest them. In accordance, truly, with the tenor of the
privilege which we have granted to the students at Paris, we are
not willing that the canons of Paris and their servants should be
included in this privilege. But we wish the servants of the
canons at Paris and the canons of the same city to have the same
liberty which our predecessors ought to have granted to them and
which we ought to. Also, on account of the above-mentioned
conventions or on account of this charter, we shall not be hable
to lawsuit except in our own courts.
In order, moreover, that these [decrees] may be kept more care
fully and may be established forever by a fixed law, we have de
cided that our present provost and the people of Paris shall affirm
by an oath, in the presence of the scholars, that they will carry
out in good faith all the above-mentioned. And always in the
future, whosoever receives from us the office of provost in Paris
among the other initiatory acts of his office, namely, on the first
or second Sunday, in one of the churches of Paris, — after he has
been summoned for the purpose, — shall affirm by an oath, publicly
1 See Rashdall, I, 297 ff.
2 Burgensia was the fixed annual tax which a burgher paid to the lord of
the borough on the dwellings which he owned in the borough. Ducan°e
3 Residentia was the right of a feudal lord to compel a vassal or tenant to
live within the confines of his fief or to have a dwelling there. Ducange

STATUTES OF GREGORY IX. FOR UNIVERSITY OF PARIS. 7
in the presence of the scholars, that he will keep in good faith all
the above-mentioned. And that these decrees may be valid for
ever, we have ordered this document to be confirmed by the
authority of our seal and by the characters of the royal name,
signed below.
Done near Betisi in the 1200th year of the Incarnation of our
Lord, in the 21st year of our reign, those being present in our
palace whose names and signs are placed below.
The office of Seneschal vacant. Seal of Guy, the Cup-bearer.
Seal of Matthew, the Chamberlain. Seal of Drogo, the Constable.
Done during a vacancy (monogram) in the Chancellorship.
ST A TUTES OF GREGOR Y IX. FOR THE UNIVERSITY OF
PARIS} 1231.
Char. Univ. Paris. I, No. 79, p. 136. Latin.
Gregory, the bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his be
loved sons, all the masters and students at Paris — greeting and
_apostolic benediction.
Paris, the mother of sciences, like another Cariath Sepher, a
city of letters, stands forth illustrious, great indeed, but concern
ing herself she causes greater things to be desired, full of favor
for the teachers and students. There, as in a special factory of
wisdom, she has silver as the beginnings of her veins, and of gold
is the spot in which according to law they flow together; from
which the prudent mystics of eloquence fabricate golden necklaces
inlaid with silver, and making collars ornamented with precious
stones of inestimable value, adorn and decorate the spouse of
Christj There the iron is raised from the earth, because, when
TEe"~e1irthly fragility is solidified by strength, the breastplate of
faith, the sword of the spirit, and the other weapons of the Chris
tian soldier, powerful against the brazen powers, are formed from
it. And the stone melted by heat, is turned into brass, because
the hearts of stone, enkindled by the fervor of the Holy Ghost, at
times glow, burn and become sonorous, and by preaching herald
the praises of Christ.
Accordingly, it is undoubtedly very displeasing to God and
men that any one in the aforesaid city should strive in any way to
1 For cause of these Statutes see M. Paris: Chron. major. Ill, 166 ff, in
Rolls Series, or Rashdall, I, 335-6.

8 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
disturb so illustrious grace, or should not oppose himself openly
and with all his strength to any who do so. Wherefore, since we
have diligently investigated the questions referred to us concern
ing a dissension which, through the instigation of the devil, has
arisen there and greatly disturbed the university, we have de
cided, by the advice of our brethren, that these should be set at
rest rather by precautionary measures, than by a judicial sentence.
Therefore, concerning the condition of the students and schools,
we have decided that the following should be observed: each chan
cellor, appointed hereafter at Paris, at the time of his installation,
in the presence of the bishop, or at the command of the latter in the
chapter at Paris — two masters of the students having been sum
moned for this purpose and present in behalf of the university —
shall swear that, in good faith, according to his conscience, he
will not receive as professors of theology and canon law any but
suitable men, at a suitable place and time, according to the con
dition of the city and the honor and glory of those branches ofj
learning; and he will reject all who are unworthy without respect
to persons or nations. Before licensing any one, during three
months, dating from the time when the license is requested, the
chancellor shall make diligent inquiries of all the masters of
theology present in the city, and of all other honest and learned
men through whom the truth can be ascertained, concerning the
life, knowledge, capacity, purpose, prospects and other qualities
needful in such persons; and after the inquiries, in good faith and
according to his conscience, he shall grant or deny the license to
the candidate, as shall seem fitting and expedient. The masters
of theology and canon law, when they begin to lecture, shall take
a public oath that they will give true testimony on the above
points. The chancellor shall also swear, that he will in no way
reveal the advice of the masters, to their injury; the liberty and
privileges being maintained in their full vigor for the canons at
Paris, as they were in the beginning. Moreover, the chancellor
shall promise to examine in good faith the masters in medicine
and arts and in the other branches, to admit only the worthy and
to reject the unworthy.
In other matters, because confusion easily creeps in where there
is no order, we grant to you the right of making constitutions
and ordinances regulating the manner and time of lectures and
disputations, the costume to be worn, the burial of the dead; and

STATUTES OF GREGORY IX. FOR UNIVERSITY OF PARIS. 9
also concerning the bachelors, who are to lecture and at what
hours, and on what they are to lecture; and concerning the prices
of the lodgings or the interdiction of the same; and concerning a
fit punishment for those who violate your constitutions or ordi
nances, by exclusion from your society. And if, perchance, the
assessment of the lodgings is taken from you, or anything else is
lacking, or an injury or outrageous damage, such as death or the
mutilation of a limb, is inflicted on one of you, unless through a
suitable admonition satisfaction is rendered within fifteen days,
you may suspend your lectures until you have received full satis*
faction. And if it happens that any one of you is unlawfully
imprisoned, unless the injury ceases on a remonstrance from you,
you may, if you judge it expedient, suspend your lectures imme
diately. We command, moreover, that the bishop of Paris shall so chas*
tise the excesses of the guilty, that the honor of the student shall
be preserved and evil deeds shall not remain unpunished. But
in no way shall the innocent be seized on account of the guilty;
nay rather, if a probable suspicion arises against any one, he shall
be detained honorably and on giving suitable bail he shall be
freed, without any exactions from the jailors. But if, perchance,
such a crime has been committed that imprisonment is necessary,
the bishop shall detain the criminal in his prison. The chan
cellor is forbidden to keep him in his prison. We also forbid
holding a student for a debt contracted by another, since this is
interdicted by canonical and legitimate sanctions. Neither the
bishop, nor his officials nor the chancellor shall exact a pecuniary
penalty for removing an excommunication or any other censure of
any kind. Nor shall the chancellor demand from the masters
who are licensed an oath, or obedience, or any pledge; nor shall
he receive any emolument or promise for granting a license, but
be content with the above-mentioned oath. —
Also, the vacation in summer is not to exceed one month, anc
the bachelors, if they wish, can continue their lectures in vacatior
time. Moreover, we prohibit more expressly the students fror
carrying weapons in the city, and the university from protecting
those who disturb the peace and study. And those who call
themselves students, but do not frequent the schools, or acknowl
edge any master, are in no way to enjoy the liberties of_±he
students.

IO TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
Moreover, we order that the masters in arts shall alway read
one lecture on Priscian,' and one book after the other in the regular
courses. Those books on natural philosophy which for a certain
reason were prohibited in a provincial council,2 are not to be used
at Paris until they have been examined and purged of all sus
picion of error. The masters and students in theology shall
strive to exercise themselves laudably in the branch which they
profess; they shall not show themselves philosophers,3 but they
shall strive to become God's learned. And they shall not speak
in the language of the people, confounding the sacred language
with the profane.4 In the schools they shall dispute only on such
questions as can be determined by theological books and the
writings of the holy fathers.
Also, about the property of the scholars who die intestate or do
not commit the arrangement of their affairs to others, we have
determined to arrange thus : namely, that the bishop and one of
the masters, whom the university shall appoint for this purpose,
shall receive all the property of the defunct, and placing it in a
suitable and safe spot, shall fix a certain date, before which his
death can be announced in his native country, and those who
ought to succeed to his property may come to Paris or send a suit
able messenger. And if they come or send, the goods shall be
restored to them, with the security which shall have been given.
If no one appears, then the bishop and masters shall expend the
property for the soul of the departed, as seems expedient ; unless,
perchance, the heirs shall have been prevented from coming by
some good reason. In that case, the distribution shall be deferred
to a fitting time.
1 See page 12.
2 See Chart. Univ. Paris. I, No. 11, and page 12, below.
3 An oft repeated injunction. The meaning is that they are not to be led
astray by vain subtleties. Not infrequently skill in dialectics led to heresy.
(Cf. letter of Stephen of Tournai, printed in Denifle, Universitaten I, 746,
n.) The character of much of the training at Paris at this period can be well
illustrated by Guil. Canibrensis' old story (Gemma Ecclesiastica, Rolls
Series, II, 350). The student just returned from Paris, tells his father that
he can prove six equal to twelve and illustrates the proof by the six eggs on
the table. When he finishes, his father takes all six eggs and says the son
can have the other six for his breakfast.
* The Latin is Azolica, see Ducange.

STATUTES OF GREGORY IX. FOR UNIVERSITY OF PARIS. II
Truly, because the masters and students, who harassed by
damages and injuries, have taken a mutual oath to depart from
Paris and have broken up the school, have seemed to be waging
a contest not so much for their own benefit as for the common
good; we, consulting the needs and advantages of the whole
church, wish and command that after the privileges have been
granted to the masters and students by our most dearly beloved
son in Christ, the illustrious king of the French, and amends
have been paid by the malefactors, they shall study at Paris and
shall not be marked by any infamy or irregularity on account of
their staying away or return. V
It is not lawful for any man whatever to infringe this deed of
our provision, constitution, concession, prohibition and inhibition
or to act contrary to it, from rash presumption. If any one, how
ever, should dare to attempt this, let him know that he incurs
the wrath of almighty God and of the blessed Peter and Paul, his
apostles. Given at the Lateran, on the Ides of April, in the fifth year of
our pontificate.
II. THE COURSES OF STUDY.
The basis of all study at a university was the course in arts. Of the other
faculties, theology was best represented at Paris, law at Bologna, medicine
at Salerno. The study of civil law and medicine was discouraged by the
church, but in vain. The latter had long flourished at Salerno and, owing
to the new knowledge acquired by contact with the Arabs and Greeks, was
making comparatively rapid progress in the thirteenth century. But the
medical faculty became much more prominent in the next century. The
study of civil law flourished in the twelfth century at Bologna and easily
maintained its position later. In Roger Bacon's Compendium studii philos-
ophiae, ch. IV. (Opera ined., Vol. I, in Rolls Series), we have a vivid pic
ture of the prominence of the civil law and of the church's dislike of it.
Robert de Courcon's statutes lay down the course in arts and enumerate
carefully the books to be studied. (Consult also Chart. I, No. 246.) There
was no need for him to specify the books for the course in theology, as will
appear below. It is significant that he does not mention the law or medical
students. Note also that the students are expected not only to learn, but
also to teach.
In spite of the great preponderance of biblical books given by Stephen of
Canterbury, the Sentences of Peter Lombard formed the more important
part of the course in theology. The latter was expounded in the regular
courses, the Bible in the extraordinary courses. (See Roger Bacon in
Chart. I No. 419.) The exposition of these two books formed practically

12 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
the whole instruction. But it must be remembered that the theological
students had already passed through the course in arts.
Anatomy was considered sacrilegious, although required by Frederick II.
at Naples. The instruction in medicine was similar to that in all other
branches. The students heard the standard books explained, but had no
opportunities for practice. Rashdall, I, 428-430 discusses this subject.
There is not space for a satisfactory document on the course in law. It is
well summed up in Compayre.
On all of these subjects, consult Histoire litteraire de la France, Vol.
XVI, and for the studies included in the Trivium and Quadrivium, Ibid.,
Vol. XXIV, 384, ff.
STATUTES OF ROBERT DE COURCON FOR PARIS. 1215.
Chart. Univ. Paris. I, No. 20, p. 78. Latin.
R. , servant of the cross of Christ, by the divine mercy cardinal
priest with the title of St. Stephen in Monte Celio and legate of the
apostolic seat, to all the masters and scholars at Paris — eternal
safety in the Lord.
Let all know, that having been especially commanded by the
lord pope to devote our energy effectively to the betterment of the
condition of the students at Paris, and wishing by the advice of
good men to provide for the tranquility of the students in the
future, we have ordered and prescribed the following rules:
No one is to lecture at Paris in arts before he is twenty years
old. He is to listen in arts at least six years, before he begins to
lecture. He is to promise that he will lecture for at least two
years, unless he is prevented by some good reason, which he
ought to prove either in public or before the examiners. He
must not be smirched by any infamy. When he is ready to
lecture, each one is to be examined according to the form con
tained in the letter1 of lord P. bishop of Paris (in which is con
tained the peace established between the chancellor and the
students by the judges appointed by the lord pope, approved and
confirmed namely by the bishop and deacon of Troyes and by P.
the bishop, and J. the chancellor of Paris).
The treatises of Aristotle on logic, both the old and the new,2
1 See No. 16 in the same volume.
2 The "old logic" (Vetus logica) is a little indefinite. According to
Chartularium I, No. 246 (A. D. 1255), where the term is defined, it included
the liber Porphyrii, or Introduction to the Categories of Aristotle; the Pre-

STATUTES OF ROBERT DE COURCON FOR PARIS. 13
are to be read in the schools in the regular and not in the extra
ordinary courses.1 The two Priscians,2 or at least the second, are
also to be read in the schools in the regular courses. On the
feast-days3 nothing is to be read except philosophy, rhetoric,
quadrivialia* the Barbarisms,6 the Ethics,6 if one so chooses, and
the fourth book of the Topics.7 The books of Aristotle on Meta
physics or Natural Philosophy,8 or the abridgements of these
works, are not to be read, nor "the doctrine " of master David de
Dinant,9 of the heretic Almaric,10 or of Maurice of Spain."
In the inceptions12 and meetings of the masters and in the con
futations or arguments of the boys or youths there are to be no
dicamenta (Categories); the Hermeneia (Interpretations); and the Divisions
and Topics (except the fourth book) of Boethius. But in Chart. I, No. 201
(A. D. 1252), only the Predicamenta and Hermeneia seem to be included.
Th'ese two were always constituent parts and generally the liber Porphyrii.
At what date — before 1255 — the two books by Boethius were added is very
uncertain. The "new logic" (Nova logica) included the Topica, the Elenchi, the
Analytica priora and posteriora.
1 For a discussion of the differences between the two kinds of courses, see
Compayrej, 173, n., or Rashdall, I, 426.
2 The first sixteen books of Priscian's Institutiones Grammaticse were
called the Priscianus major or magnus; the last two the Priscianus minor. " ',
* There were nearly 100 holidays each year.
* Books relating to the subjects included in the quadrivium, viz., arith
metic, geometry, music and astronomy.
5 The third book of the Ars major of Donatus.
6 Nichomachean Ethics of Aristotle.
' The Topics of Boethius, of which the other three books are included in
the " Vetus logica."
8 See Chart. I, No. 11.
9 Disciple of Almaric (next note). Probably died before 1209. See His-
toire litteraire, Vol. XVI, p. 588; Rashdall, II, 356.
10 Almaric was one of the most renowned teachers at Paris at the begin
ning of the thirteenth century. He adopted the ideas of Aristotle's meta
physics and attempted to reconcile them with the teachings of the Bible.
His book, Physion, was condemned in 1204, and he died between 1204 and
1209. His disciples expanded his ideas and called the pope Anti-christ.
See Hist. litt. XVI, 586 ff.
11 We know nothing of Maurice.
12 Principium is the act of obtaining the grade of doctor. Ducange.

14 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
festivities. But they may call in some friends or associates, but
only a few. We also advise that donations of garments and other
things be made, as is customary or even to a greater extent, and
especially to the poor. No master lecturing in arts is to wear
anything except a cope, round and black and reaching to the
heels — at least, when it is new. But he may well wear a pallium.1
He is not to wear under the round cope embroidered shoes and
never any with long bands.
If any one of the students in arts or theology dies, half of the
masters of arts are to go the funeral, and the other half to the
next funeral. They are not to withdraw until the burial is com
pleted, unless they have some good reason. If any master of arts
or theology dies, all the masters are to be present at the vigils,
each one is to read the psalter or have it read. Each one is to re
main in the church, where the vigils are celebrated, until mid
night or later, unless prevented by some good reason. On the
day when the master is buried, no one is to lecture or dispute.
We fully confirm to them the meadow of St. Germain in the
condition in which it was adjudged to them.2
Each master is to have jurisdiction over his scholars. No one
is to receive either schools or a house without the consent of the
occupant, if he is able to obtain it. No one is to receive a license
from the chancellor or any one else through a gift of money, or
furnishing a pledge or making an agreement. Also, the masters
and students can make among themselves or with others agree
ments and regulations, confirmed by a pledge, penalty or oath,
about the following matters: namely, if a student is killed, muti
lated or receives some outrageous injury and if justice is not done;
for taxing the rent of Hospitia; concerning the dress, burial, lec
tures and disputations; in such a manner, however, that the uni
versity is not scattered nor destroyed on this account.
We decide concerning the theologians, that no one shall lecture
at Paris before he is thirty-five years old, and not unless he has
studied at least eight years,3 and has heard the books faithfully
and in the schools. He is to listen in theology for five years be-
1 Proper garment for a monk.
2 See Chart. Introd. No. 47.
3 At the beginning of the fourteenth century the course was prolonged to
fourteen years.

THEOLOGICAL BOOKS GIVEN TO THE UNIVERSITY AT PARIS. 15
fore he reads his own lectures in public. No one of them is to
lecture before the third hour on the days when the masters lec
ture. No one is to be received at Paris for the important lectures
or sermons unless he is of approved character and learning.
There is to be no student at Paris who does not have a regular
master. In order moreover that these may be inviolably observed, all
who presume contumaciously to violate these our statutes, unless
they take care, within fifteen days from the date of the transgres
sion, to correct their presumption in the presence of the university
of masters and scholars, or in the presence of some appointed by
the university, by the authority of the legation with which we are
entrusted, we bind with the bond of excommunication.
Done in the year of grace 12 15, in the month of August.

LIBRARY OF THEOLOGICAL BOOKS GIVEN TO THE
UNIVERSITY OF PARIS. 1271.
Chart. Univ. Paris. I, No. 437, p. 493. Latin.
To all the officers of the court at Paris who shall read this
document, greeting in the Lord. We make known that John of
Orleans, constituted master in our presence, canon and chancellor
of Paris, acknowledges and admits that he has received and had
from the venerable man master Nicholas, arch-deacon of the
church at Paris, formerly chancellor of the aforesaid church at
Paris, the books named below — to be lent to the poor students
studying theology, — according to a certain clause contained in the
will of master Stephen of blessed memory, formerly arch-deacon of
Canterbury, which is inserted in the present document, as follows:
I will and command that my books on theology shall be deliv
ered to the chancellor of Paris who, for the sake of piety, shall
lend them to poor students studying theology at Paris who are
without books ; in such a manner, however, that each chancellor,
each year, shall receive back the aforesaid books and after re
ceiving them shall again deliver and lend them, each year, to the
poor students, as shall seem expedient.
The names of the books are as follows : the Bible complete,
with a glossary. Also, Genesis and Exodus, glossed, in one vol
ume. Also, the books of Solomon, glossed, in one volume. Also,
Exodus, glossed by itself. Also, Job, glossed by itself. Also,
Ezekiel, glossed by itself. Also, the Gospels, glossed by them-

16 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
selves, in one volume. Also, the Psalter, with a complete glos
sary. Also, the four books of Sentences.1 Also, the books of
Numbers. Also, Joshua, Judith, Ruth, Deuteronomy, glossed,
in one volume. Also, the four books of Kings, Chronicles, first
and second. Also, Esdras, first and second of Maccabees, Amos,
glossed, in one volume. Also, the Twelve Prophets, glossed, in
one volume. Also, the Psalter, glossed and complete. Also, the
Epistles of Paul, glossed. Also, the Psalter, glossed and com
plete. Also, the Scholastic Histories.2 Also the four Gospels,
glossed. Also, the Epistles of Paul, glossed, with a smaller
glossary. Also, the Psalter, glossed and complete. Also, the
first and second books of Maccabees, glossed as far as the tenth
chapter. Also, the Gospel of Mark. The Gospels, glossed.
We, the above-mentioned official, have thought indeed that, in
testimony and witness of all the above-mentioned, we ought to
place on the present writing the seal of the court at Paris, together
With the seal of the aforesaid chancellor; hoping and asking that
his successors, who shall be chancellors, shall order and do with
the aforesaid books, for the sake of the divine piety, according to
the contents of the aforesaid clause.
Done in the year of our Lord, 1271, Wednesday, the feast of the
Apostles Simon and Jude.
Also, the Bible, in two volumes, with marginal notes, which
bishop Stephen presented. Also, the original of the Sentences of
master Peter Lombard, in a certain volume, bound in calf, now
somewhat worn, with round copper nails in the covers.
THE COURSE IN MEDICINE. 1 270-1274.
Chart. Univ. Paris. I, No. 453, p. 517. Latin.
This is the form for licensing bachelors of medicine. First, the
master under whom the bachelor is, ought to testify to the chan
cellor, in the presence of the masters called together for this pur
pose, concerning the suitability of licensing the bachelor. He
ought to prove his time of study by at least two examinations;
and the time which he ought to have studied is five and one-half
years, if he has ruled in arts or has been a licentiate; or six, if he
has not.
1 Peter Lombard's work.
2 Probably the Historia Scolastica of Pierre le Mangeur, which is quoted
by Stephen of Bourbon.

CONDEMNATION OF ERRORS. 1 7
The course of study is as follows : he ought to have heard the
Ars Medica1 twice in the regular courses and once in an extra
ordinary course with the exception of Theophilus : ' On Urines,
which it is sufficient to have heard once in either a regular or an
extraordinary course ; the Viaticum ' twice in regular courses :
the other books of Isaac * once in a regular course, twice in extra
ordinary courses, except the Particular Diets, which it is suf
ficient to have heard in an extraordinary or regular course ; the
Book of Antidotes5 of Nicholas, once. The Verses of iEgidius*
are not required. Also, he ought to have read the books on
Theory and Practice.1
And he ought to swear this. Moreover, if any one is convicted
of perjury or lying he, although licensed, may be degraded.
III. CONDEMNATION OF ERRORS.
One important function of the University of Paris was to act as a body
of expert witnesses as to what was heretical. They did not hesitate to con
demn even the utterances of a pope. Peter Lombard, their great master
and authority, was harshly criticised and eighteen errors were found in his
writings. (See Chart. I, No. 194, for eight of these errors.) The following
heresies are printed here as examples of the kind of problems on which the
students were exercising their reason.

TEN ERRORS CONDEMNED AT PARIS, 8 Jan. 13, 1241.
Chart. Univ. Paris. I, No. 128, p. 170. Latin.
These are the ariicles rejected as contrary to true theology and
1 Rashdall, I, 429 seems to identify this with the Liber Tegni of Galen.
* Theophilus "was a Byzantine physician, said to have lived in the seventh
century A. D." (Rashdall.)
* Composed by Abu Djafar Ahmad, disciple of Isaac. Cf. Journal Asiatique,
Ve serie, t. I, p. 289 ff.
'A Jewish physician who wrote a Liber dietarum universalium, Liber
dietarum particularium, Liber urinarum, Liber febrium, all translated
from the Arabic by Constantine the African.
6 Book of Antidotes was then used in about the same sense as Book of
Medicaments. This one was by Nicholas of Salerno.
• JEgidius of Corbeil taught at Paris under Philip Augustus. He wrote his
•works in verse. Cf. Histoire litt. XXI, 333, 840.
» By this Denifle thinks the Opus Pantegni, by Ali ben Abbas, is meant.
This was divided into Theory and Practice. It was sometimes attributed to
Constantine the African.
8 Cf. M. Paris. Chron. Major. (Rolls Series), IV, 281 ff.

1 8 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
condemned by Odo, the chancellor of Paris, and the masters ruling
in theology at Paris, in the year of our Lord 1240, on the second
Sunday after the octaves of Christmas.
The first [error] is, that the Divine essence in itself will not be
seen by any man or angel.
We condemn this error, and by the authority of William, the
bishop, we excommunicate those who assert and defend it. More
over, we firmly believe and assert that God in His essence or sub
stance will be seen by the angels and all saints, and is seen by
glorified spirits.
The second, that although the Divine essence is one in Father,
Son and Holy Ghost, nevertheless that as far as regards form it is
one in Father and Son, but not one in these with the Holy Ghost,
and yet this form is the same as the Divine essence.
We condemn this error, for we firmly believe that the essence
or substance is one in the Father and Son and Holy Ghost, and
the essence is the same in regard to form.
The third, that the Holy Ghost, as it is a bond of affection or
love, does not proceed from the Son, but only from the Father.
We condemn this error, for we firmly believe that as it is a
bond of affection or love, it proceeds from both.
The fourth, that glorified spirits are not in the empyreal heaven
with the angels, nor will the glorified bodies be there, but in the
aqueous or crystalline heaven, which is above the firmament;
which they also presume to think concerning the blessed Virgin.
We condemn this error, for we firmly believe that angels and
sanctified souls and corporeal bodies will occupy the same corpor
eal place, namely, the empyreal heaven.
The fifth, that the bad angel was bad from his very creation,
and never was anything but bad.
We condemn this error, for we firmly believe that he was
created good, and afterward through sinning be became bad.
The sixth, that an angel can at the same moment be in different
places and can be omnipresent if he chooses.
We condemn this error, for we firmly believe that an angel is in
one definite place; so that, if he is here, he is not elsewhere at the
same moment; for it is impossible that he should be omnipresent,
for this is peculiar to God alone.
The seventh, that many truths, which are not God, have existed
eternally.

LIFE OF THE STUDENTS. ig
We condemn this error, for we firmly believe that one truth
alone, which is God, has existed eternally.
The eighth, that the beginning, the present time, the creation
and the passion may not have been created.
We condemn this error, for we firmly believe that each is both
created and creature.
The ninth, that he who has greater talents, will of necessity
have greater grace and glory.
We condemn this error, for we firmly believe that God will
give grace and glory to each one according to what he has de
cided and fore-ordained.
The tenth, that the bad angel never had ground whereon he
was able to stand, nor even Adam in his state of innocence.
We condemn this error, for we firmly believe that each one
had ground whereon he was able to stand, but not anything by
which he was able to profit.
IV. LIFE OF THE STUDENTS.
The testimony is unanimous as to the evil life of a large proportion of the
students. It was inevitable that young men — in many cases, mere boys —
living under practically no restraint and not subject to the full penalties of
the law, should have been boisterous and obstreperous. Many of the so-
called students resorted to the universities simply for enjoyment and with
no idea of study. Conflicts between the different nations were every day
occurrences. Town and gown rows were frequent. But the citizens as a
rule seem to have been favorably disposed toward the students.
In the Chartularium of Paris there are many proofs of the evil lives led
by a part of students, (see Vol. I, Nos. 60, 197, 425, etc.). But Jacques de
yitry is preferred here because of his account of the jeaibuiies among "trie"
different nations. The first part of his description is very characteristic, but
cannot be quoted.

LIFE OF THE STUDENTS AT PARIS.
Jacobus de Vitriaco: Hist, occid. Bk. II, Ch. VII. Latin: "
Almost all the students at Paris, foreigners and natives, did
absolutely nothing except learn or hear something new. Some
studied merely to acquire knowledge, which is curiosity; others to
acquire fame, which is vanity; others still for the sake of gain,
which is cupidity and the vice of simony. Very few studied for
their own edification, or that of others. They wrangled and dis
puted not merely about the various sects or about some discus-

20 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
sions; but the differences between the countries also caused dis
sensions, hatreds and virulent animosities among them, and they
impudently uttered all kinds of affronts and insults against one
another. They affirmed that the English were drunkards and had tails; i
the sons of France proud, effeminate and carefully adorned like
women. They said that the Germans were furious and obscene
at their feasts; the Normans, vain and boastful; the Poitevins,
traitors and always adventurers. The Burgundians they con
sidered vulgar and stupid. The Bretons were reputed to be
fickle and changeable, and were often reproached for the death of
Arthur. The Lombards were called avaricious, vicious and
cowardly; the Romans, seditious, turbulent and slanderous; the
Sicilians, tyrannical and cruel; the inhabitants of Brabant, men
of blood, incendiaries, brigands and ravishers; the Flemish,
fickle, prodigal, gluttonous, yielding as butter, and slothful.
After such insults from words they often came to blows.
I will not speak of those logicians before whose eyes flitted
constantly "the lice of Egypt," that is to say, all the sophistical
subtleties, so that no one could comprehend their eloquent dis
courses in which, as says Isaiah, ' ' there is no wisdom. " As to the
doctors of theology, ' ' seated in Moses' seat, ' ' they were swollen
with learning, but their charity was not edifying. Teaching and
not practicing, they have ' ' become as sounding brass or a tinkling
cymbal," or like a canal of stone, always dry, which ought to
carry water to "the bed of spices." They not only hated one
another, but by their flatteries they enticed away the students of
others; each one seeking his own glory, but caring not a whit
about the welfare of souls.
Having listened intently to these words of the Apostle, "If a
man desire the office of a bishop, he desireth a good work," they
kept multiplying the prebends, and seeking after the offices; and
yet they sought the work decidedly less than the preeminence,
and they desired above all to have "the uppermost rooms at
feasts and the chief seats in the synagogue, and greetings in the
market." Although the Apostle James said, "My brethren, be
1 For the belief that Englishmen had tails, see S. Baring-Gould : Curious
Myths of the Middle Ages, pp. 145 ff. Archer, Crusade of Richard I, 26 n.
For characteristics of different nations, see Wright : Literature and Super
stitions, etc., I, 138.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE. 21
not many masters," they on the contrary were in such haste to
become masters, that most of them were not able to have any
students except by entreaties and payments. Now it is safer to
listen than to teach, and a humble listener is better than an
ignorant and presumptuous doctor. In short, the Lord had re
served for Himself among them all only a few honorable and
timorous men who had not stood "in the way of sinners," nor
sat down with the others in the envenomed seat.

V. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE.
H. Rashdall : The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. 2 Vols., Ox
ford, 1895.
This is by far the best history in any language. The bibliographical ma
terial is very full. Several corrections in this edition are from Rashdall's
work. He furnishes such full references to original material and secondary
books that nothing needs to be added for students who have access to his
work.G. Compayre : Abelard and the Origin and Early History of Universities.
This furnishes an excellent brief bibliography. It may well form an in
troduction to any more lengthy study.
The songs of the students are an important source for an understanding of
their life. The best edition is
J. A. Schmeller : Cannina Burana, Second Edition, 1883.
This gives the text of some Latin and German songs of the XIII. Century.
A. P. yon Barnstein : Carmina Burana Selecta. 1879.
This gives text and German translation of some Latin songs, and has ex
cellent bibliographical material.
J. A. Symonds : Wine, Women and Song. 1884.
This is an English version of selected songs. The book is now scarce, but
a dozen of the songs have been reprinted by
T. B. Mosher : Mediaeval Latin Students' Songs in the Bibelot Series.

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY