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DIVINITY SCHOOL
TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY

Rural Conditions in the Kingdom
of Jerusalem

DURING THE

Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries

A THESIS
Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Philosophy
of the University of Pennsylvania

By
Helen Gertrude Preston '
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree
Doctor of Philosophy

philadelphia
Avil Printing Company
1903

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
The Land 5
CHAPTER II.
The People 18
CHAPTER III.
The Land and the People  35
Bibliography .... 54

CHAPTER I.
The Land.
Looking at the map of the Christian states of Syria
during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, we find
in the north the county of Edessa, which acted as a
check to the oncoming Turk, until it was finally seized
by the latter after a Christian domination of less than
fifty years. A little to the southwest of this, was the
principality of Antioch, directly south of which lay the
small county of Tripoli; due south of this was the
Royal Domain or the Kingdom of Jerusalem proper.
Small as each of these principalities was, it neverthe
less consisted of different fiefs, whose holders were in
several instances, notably in Jerusalem proper, power
ful enough to give special names to the sections held
by them. Within these there were numerous towns,
several of which lying on the seacoast were in the
enjoyment of a brisk trade with the west at the time
of the arrival of the first Crusaders. Numerous, too,
comparatively speaking, were the monasteries which
grew so wealthy as time went on. The few fortresses
there at the beginning of the twelfth century were
supplemented by others. Military orders, early estab
lished, flourished as time went on, and vied with the
monasteries in their wealth and property.
In the charters and documents of the time the term
most met with to describe the unit of rural habitation
and feudal possession is the casale. ' There were some-

1 As the feuda and villas, though often mentioned, can be resolved
into units dealt with in this chapter, they are not treated separately.
(S)

where about six hundred of these casalia, which were
almost exclusively Oriental in name.1 Writers of the
time refer to them also as loca suburbana.1 While the
unit differed greatly in size, the usual amount of land
appears to have been from ten to twenty ploughlands,
yet there was in one instance the very unusual amount
of ten miles in one casale.3 While in many instances
the casalia were small, yet the size was often compen
sated for by the number in the holding, as we find
grants of ten, twenty, or even thirty, to one person or
society." There seemed also to be a difference in
quality; whether this was due to the organization or
to the cultivation and fertility of the land, it would be
hard to determine from the evidence given, which
grants merely "three of the better casalia."*
All that can be said for the period of origin or
development of the casalia during the two centuries
in which they are under observation, is the fact that
the grants begin with the year iioi, and continue
throughout the two hundred years of the kingdom's
existence, expressed in the same language and even in
the same phraseology. The earliest is a grant by
Tancred of Galilee to all the churches of Mt. Tabor,
of certain casalia at that time destitute of inhabitants
and uncultivated because of the recent wars.6 The
year 1107 furnishes a charter of Baldwin I. containing
the confirmation of former gifts of casalia and adding
' E. Rey. Colonies Franques de Syrie, pp. 297-525.
2 "Win. of Tyre, Bk. XXII, Ch. xx.
5 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 897.
4 Roziere. Cart, du S. Sep., Nos. 26, 84. Rohricht, Regesta,
No. 164.
B Ibid., No. 113.
• Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. CLVI. Galilee or Tiberias was
the land across the Jordan.

others, making a total of thirty mentioned by name
together with an indefinite number of casalia included,
of whose names he was ignorant.1 From this time on,
the mention of this division of property is common,
not only in the gifts, sales, exchanges, rents, but also
in the long and complete lists of holdings given by
new monarchs in confirmation of former grants.
Occurring as early as it does under the Crusaders'
regime, the casale must have been some sort of a unit
under the former holders of the land, the units or
districts retaining even to the end of the western
occupation their Oriental names. This supposition is
strengthened by charters which mention them as
having belonged up to that time to the Easterners.2
The fact, too, that we find early in the history of the
period abandoned casalia adds to the support of the
theory that they existed in some way before the arrival
of the western Crusaders.3 Whatever the term by
which they were designated in the east may have*
been, the thing itself must have been nearly enough
like the casalia found in southern Italy during this
same period to warrant the use of the term in the
Orient. The casalia were therefore units of some kind existing
in Syria from the earliest period of western occupation,
and sometimes formed part of a villa,4 sometimes held
apparently by themselves without forming part of a
larger holding. Each one seems to have been a hamlet

1 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 51.
2 Ibid., No. 51.
¦ Chartes de l'abbaye . Josaphat, in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, p. 118.
* The villa consisted generally of a group of casalia. See foot
note, p. 5.

consisting of houses, inhabitants, and the land which
they cultivated, lying about the collection of houses.
In many grants we have simply casalia ' ' with appur
tenances"; in others this form is enlarged upon, and
we have a stereotyped ' ' with their possessions in men,
in women, in children, in cultivated land, in unculti
vated, in mountains, in valleys, in woods, in water, in
pasturage, in roads," etc.1 To this from other sources
may be added vines and gardens,2 springs,3 Bedouins
with their flocks,4 towers for mutual defence;5 huts6
and houses.7 Churches too were found in the territory
of the casale, but evidently not in it, nor considered a
constituent part thereof.8 Yet with all this, the seem
ingly essential things were the houses, the inhabitants
and the land."
This unit could be sold as a whole ;10 it could be

1 Delaville le Roulx. Les Archives . S. Jean de Jems., No.
LXXXIV. ' Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. CX.
3 Chartes de l'abbaye Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, p. 123.
* RoziSre. Cart, du S. Sep., No. 33.
5 Delaborde. Chartes de Notre Dame de Josaphat, No.
LVII. 6 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 1026. Vantae, originally a cave, came
to mean, huts, wretched apartments or outbuildings.
Ibid., No. 824.
8 Ibid., No. 180.
9 There seems to have been three ways of expressing the relation
of land and casale in the grants: 1. Casale cum carrucatis (Rohricht.
Regesta, No. 356) ; 2. Carrucatae apud casale (Strehlke. Tab. ord.
Theut., No. 43) ; 3. Carrucatae in casali (Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I,
No. CLXXVI). The difference in phraseology may have arisen
from difference in authors, but more likely from the fact that the
casale was thought of as a divisible unit consisting as it did of
constituent parts.
10 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 378.

presented as a gift,1 a thing which often happened in
favor of the monasteries or military orders ; instead of
a permanent gift, a grant could be made for a term
of years; it could be exchanged;2 it could be rented.3
In case of the sale of a casale, a part of the villani or
part of the land was often excepted.4 Sometimes even
all the villani were retained by the person selling,5 a
thing which is not found concerning the land, where a
small portion only is retained.6 And not only were
the land and villani bought and sold, granted and
exchanged, but the products of the fields were disposed
of for a term of years.7 Another common division was
that of a part of a casale, an undivided ownership.
Sometimes one-half,8 or a quarter9 was held thus.
Possibly the best example of this kind of holding was
the one-third held by the Venetians, while the Templars
held the other two parts. In one casale there were but
two men, so it could not be a division into parts, but a
third of the result obtained from the casale.1"
A traveler'1 in Syria in the middle of the eleventh
century speaks of the many villages with their gardens
and cultivated fields, and the vine, fig and olive trees
growing about so abundantly. Mention is made of

1 Chartes de l'abbaye Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, p. 166.
2 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 245.
3 Ibid., No. 426.
4 Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. LXXVI.
5 Ibid., No. XXVI.
6 Chartes de l'abbaye Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, p. 128.
7 Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I, No. 573, p. 388.
8 Delaborde. Chartes de Notre Dame de Josaphat, No.
XLI. 9 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 89.
10 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 11 14.
11 Nasir-i-Khusrau in Pil. Text Soc, Vol. IV, p. 53.

IO
the barley grown near Hebron, and of the many mills
there worked by mules and oxen.1 Half a century
later another voyager notes almost the same things,
adding the abundance with which vegetables grow
there and the _ number of sheep and other animals
pasturing in the locality.2 With this general descrip
tion as a background, let us look into the minuter
divisions and conditions of the land, omitting from
the discussion such land as lay within towns and cities.
The land of a casale was, when accurately described,
given in number of ploughlands, which seem to have
been, as was usual in so many countries, the unit of
land. The different kinds of divisions will be taken
up in the remainder of this chapter, and defined as
accurately as possible with the material at hand.
While there were carrucates or ploughlands in the
casale,3 grants are also found of this division of land
within the gaslina;4 again they are found lying apart
from and evidently outside of any larger holding.5

1 Ibid., p. 57.
2 Abbot Daniel (Russian), in Pil. Text. Soc, Vol. IV, p. 45 et seq.
s Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 75, ''duas pecias terre, que
sunt due carrucate quas habeo in casali."
' Chartes de l'abbaye Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, pp. 1 17-8, "dans la gastine de Mont. Musard une piece de
terre, longue de douze Cannes et large de quatre, bornee de la
facon suivante: a parte orientis cohaeret dicta pecia terrae domi-
bus," etc. In both of these charters, the ploughland is evi
dently part of a larger holding.
5 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 269. "Vineam in planis Bethleem
sitam, et v terrae carrucatas continentem." Tafel-Thomas, in
Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 381. "Item aliam peciam terre que
est posita iuxta fontem cum XL arboribus olivarum." Had either
of these portions of land been included within a larger division it
would have been more natural to have stated that fact, as is else
where the case, than to have defined the location. Furthermore,
see Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 120, "que dedens ces ii dites
charruees, qui sunt outre le ruisel, tic dcit-avcir casau ne gastine."

II
One of the most common divisions after the casale
was the gastina. In some ways, and in certain charters,
they seem to have been similar: they both retained
their Oriental names;1 they could be held as units;2
rented as such or divided ;3 they were both often found
with the inclusive ' ' all appurtenances" ;4 within were
sometimes found small houses;5 villani occasionally
resided in them ;' ploughlands are mentioned sepa
rately as being part of them ;7 and finally, they could
be sold separately apparently on the same terms as
the casalia? But while the casale and gastina appear
so often to have been almost synonymous terms, only
once are they so mentioned." So while according to
these views, these two divisions seem almost the same,
and even at times interchangeable terms, yet in many
other places the gastina is only a part, and apparently
a well-known part, of the casale, and not co-ordinate
with it in any way'.10 In a charter of the thirteenth
century, we find mention of casalia and their gastinae;
next the casalia ; and finally the gastinae alone. " While

' Rohricht. Regesta, No. 409.
2 Ibid., No. 424.
3 Chartes de l'abbaye Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, p. 147.
4 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 77.
5 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 1184.
• Delaborde. Chartes de Notre Dame de Josaphat, No.
XLIII. 7 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 642.
8 Ibid., No. 347.
° Ibid., No. 556. Quintaria vindemiae suae de territorio Bethe-
cartas et guastinae vocatur Theire latine vero casale Gaufridi
de Portu, concedit.
10 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 370. Strehlke.
Tab. ord. Theut., Nos. 7 and 34. This latter, of the year 1198,
reads: ' 'unum casale cum villanis et gastinis."
11 Ibid., No. 117.

12

no definition is given nor can any definite hypothesis
be maintained with regard to a fixed unit of any kind,
yet since the boundaries are usually given when not
in connection with a casale, the supposition arises that
land must be the basis of the meaning of the word,
probably a field of larger or smaller dimensions. To
the strengthening of this supposition comes another
conception of the word in a grant of a corner of a
gastina on which a man is to build a house.1 And
again in another charter a certain gastina is granted
for building houses and planting certain vines.2 Besides
this it was pasture-land with which it is mentioned as
synonymous.3 The gastina seems thus to have been
primarily land, but probably included as time went on
whatever was planted or erected thereon in the way
of grain or houses, extending this ownership even to
the villanus of the house. In the documents of the
west, the gastina appears in a way which gives us no
more definite meaning than in the east.4
The campi appear to have been land of larger or
smaller dimensions, belonging to the cities and towns,
and lying just outside their limits. They were divided
into gardens for fruits and trees. Tripoli had one of
these gardens one league long and a half a league
broad.5 Mt. Carmel had one ten leagues long by six
broad.6 Both of these were very fertile and productive.
The pecia terrae differed in size, the unit being often

' Rohricht. Regesta, No. 170.
2 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 128.
' Inv. PieSces in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol. Ill, No. 215. Delaville
le Roulx. Cart., Vol. II, No. 1473.
4 Delaville le Roulx. Les Archives, No. LXIV. In Verona.
1 Burchardus de Monte Sion, in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor,
p. 28.
" Ibid., p. 50.

13
found in the ploughland.1 Although not always the
same sized piece is meant, yet often a multiple of a
fixed unit is used. In one case the amount of land is
that ploughed by two pairs of oxen in one day,2 in
another the amount ploughed by three pairs.3 A defi
nite amount or a multiple of a definite amount seems
to be meant when the reading is ' ' una pecia, ' ' but
when found with ' ' magna" or ' ' quaedam," the amount
was not necessarily a ploughland nor any multiple
thereof. The use generally made of this pecia was for
planting trees, usually the olive ;4 yet it seems also to
have been used to designate land under cultivation for
grain.5 Very nearly like the pecia terrae, and hardly to be
distinguished from it, was the division known as the
terrae, whose size was determined by the amount of
land ploughed by a certain given number of pairs of
oxen during a day. This is simply a more exact state
ment for the pecia terrae," for which it was sometimes
used, although usually referring to land for sowing in
place of the vines or canamella found on the pecia.1
The frustum meant evidently just what is said, a bit,
and had seemingly no definite signification as to size.8
So too the particula was used with no more exact
meaning.9

'Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 75, "duas pecie terre, que
sunt due carrucate."
2 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 380.
'Rohricht. Regesta, No. n 14.
4 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, pp. 380 and 381.
5 Ibid., p. 379.
6 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 377. Chartes de l'abbaye Josa
phat in Rev. del'Or. Lat., Vol. VII, p. 115.
7 Rohricht. Regesta, Nos. 377 and 1114.
8 Ibid., No. 510.
9 Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. XVIII.

14
The carrucate or ploughland, the mention of which
we find over and over again, is simply and clearly
shown in a grant1 to the canons of the Holy Sepulchre,
where the reading is: "Six ploughlands thus deter
mined; three . this side of the river . . three
the other side, as much as six pairs of oxen shall be
able to plough and cultivate," etc. These ploughlands
doubtless differed in size here as elsewhere during the
same period, and we find mention of the Greek plough-
land2 as distinguished from the French ploughland.3
Nothing is said to lead us to suspect that the scattered
strip system, found in Europe during the same period,
existed here. In fact quite the opposite view4 could
be maintained from a charter giving the size as twenty-
four cordes in length by sixteen in breadth. According
to this measurement the ploughland consisted of from
seventy -five to one hundred acres. This seems also
to have been the unit of land held generally by the
villanus, the amount on which he was taxed, the amount

1 Roziere. Cart, du S. Sep., No. 125. "Sex carrucatas terrae
ita determinatas : tres videlicet citra flumen de Cayfa prope fon-
tanas, et tres ultra finem sitas supra ripas, quantum sex paria boum
laborare et excolere poterint per omnes sationes, scilicet tres ad
seminandum, et alias tres ad garantandum."
' Chartes de l'abbaye Josaphat, in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, p. 152.
3 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 119.
4 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 722. In the margin of the manu
script is noted: Chascun charue dot havoir XXIV cordes longe et
XVI du large, et la corde dot havoir XVIII toise du home mezaine
et cnsi le tout en la secrete du reame de Jerusalem par l'asise du
reame devant-dit." The corde had at that time two different
measures, one of five and one-half feet, the other six. But con
sidering the ' 'home mezaine" to mean an ordinary sized man, the
measurement would probably come nearer the former than the
latter measurement, and the result would be a piece of land about
seventy-five acres.

is
from which he paid to his lord the percentage of his
fruits and harvests.'
The jornata2 from its very form seems to have been
the same amount as that ploughed in one day by a pair
of oxen.
In the case of vineae or vineyards the amount of
land contained therein is usually stated in plough-
lands.3 They were often granted with the retention
of a certain proportion of the fruit, or of a rental of a
certain number of liters of wine.4 In grants per
mitting the planting of vineyards, stipulation was
usually made that the receivers of the privilege must
make good their part of the bargain in good cultivation,
or else the agreement would become void, and the
vines, the property of the owner of the land. On the
other hand, permission was given at the end of the
third year to sell the vineyard, saving any rights in
the original bargain, to any except soldiers, sons of
soldiers, religious houses, and men of the communes.5
The olivetum, so far as the land occupied by the
trees is concerned, is often included under the pecia
terrae, particulae, terrae, etc., but sometimes it was
. granted either by itself or as a part of a casale. Its
size was not definitely fixed, but depended upon the
amount given in each particular grant.6
The mills, although not, strictly speaking, a part of

1 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., XIII, p. 384.
2 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 358.
" Ibid., No. 258.
4 Cart, de S. Lazare in Arch, de l'Or. Lat., Vol. II, chartes No.
XXI and No. XXXI.
5 Chartes de l'abbaye Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, pp. 140-141. Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 88.
8 Delaborde. Chartes . de Notre Dame de Josaphat, No.
XXVIII.

i6
the land, yet occupied enough land and a conspicuous
enough place to warrant their mention. They were
usually near or in a city or village.1 The villania men
tioned in several places seems to have been nothing
more than a mill, the wording in different passages
the same, where villania or molendinnm could be used
interchangeably,2 although in one instance the molen
dinnm seems to include the villania. 3
The castella, castra, villae, feudae, appear in the docu
ments many times, but seem always capable of being
resolved into parts already dealt with, so need no
separate mention.
To the churches land was granted for cemeteries;4
to the hospitals, churches and others were granted
orchards and gardens.5 And not only was all the land
granted and sold, given and exchanged, but the sea-
coast, and even the sea itself as far out to sea as a
man could hurl a stone.6
All the divisions of land mentioned above occur in
the documents of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries,
not only as simple holdings, but as parts of others;
as a casale might be a part of a villa, so the pecia
terrae, the carrucate, the vineyard, not only might be,
but usually were parts of a casale. So a network of
different size and varied pattern would be spread over
the paper, were we to attempt to picture it on a map

1 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 369.
' Rohricht. Regesta, No. 636. Roziere. Cart, du S. Sep..
No. 90.
' Paoli. (Giunta al) Cod. Dip., Vol. I, VI, p. 2S4.
4 Chartes de l'abbaye Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, p. 124.
5 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 130.
" Ibid., No. 522.

<7
of that period. The piece or bit of land, with or
without a house, within a gastina, which was itself
enclosed in a casale forming part of a villa, which was
in turn part of a fief, — all this might be so, or on the
other hand, the small piece of land might be as inde
pendent as the villa or casale itself.

CHAPTER II.
The People.
The peoples found in the east during these same
centuries were varied in nationality and differed among
themselves in their religious tenets. From the west
came the French, the Italians, the Germans, the
Spaniards, the English. These men were moved, for
the most part, by their desire for power, their religious
zeal, or their commercial spirit. Others were doubt
less incited by the overcrowded conditions in the west,
by their own individual desire to roam, or, in some
instances, by their hope of escaping just penalties of
the law at home.1 Besides the western Christians
there were the Oriental Christians, for the most part
schismatic, comprising the Syrians, Armenians and
Greeks. One traveler2 tells us that there were thirty
or more of these Christians for every one Mussulman.
Proportionately few Hebrews were found, none outside
of the cities. The Moslem Saracens and Arabs with
the wandering Bedouins seem to complete the fist of
nationalities found as dwellers in Syria. The Turks,
Parthians, Medes, Kurds, Egyptians, are all found at
different times under the standard of the Sultan and
fighting for his interests. The discussion of these
nationalities will occupy the remainder of the present
chapter

1 Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor,
p. 88.
2 Ibid., p. 90. (18)

i9
From all parts of France came the boldest and those
most eager in the holy cause of the Crusade. The
different parts of the east were seized by them with
divided zeal for earthly power and heavenly reward.
The smaller seigneuries also are found in their control
as time goes on. In this way they came to found a
certain Latin aristocracy on Syrian soil.
Farther south, in Italy, the men took up just as
eagerly the crusading spirit and entered with zest a
movement which gave not only excellent chance for
gain through booty, but also granted them a chance
for the exercise of the commercial spirit; and so we
find them in great numbers and force through the
cities along the seacoast. The Pisans, Genoese and
Venetians seem to have been skilled in war and
dauntless at sea, which qualities undoubtedly drew
the attention of the kings to them in time of need.
Their reward came in exemption from general juris
diction, and freedom from duties on exports, which
fostered and encouraged their native commercial
spirit.' To these privileges were added possessions
given by special grant from the kings.2 As com
munes, they had their own courts, where all cases
between them were tried except cases involving
treason, murder or theft.3 The property held was also
held by them as a unit.4 At the head of affairs among
the Genoese5 were the consuls and viscounts; of the

1 Anon. Pilgrim in Pil. Text Soc, Vol. VI, No. V, 2, p. 29.
2 Rohricht. Regesta, Nos. 53 and 449.
3 Ibid., No. 680; Wm. of Tyre, Bk. XII, Chap. XXV; Huillard-
Breholles, Hist. Dip. Fred. II., Vol. Ill, pp. 131-2, 134.
4 Rohricht. Regesta, Nos. 12, 102, 585.
5 Genes Quatre Titres in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol. II, Chartes, p.
227.

20
Venetians,1 the bajulus or governor; while the Pisans2
are mentioned as commune, senators and two consuls.
These different men from the western cities seem to
have lived in the eastern cities in separate segregations,
where each held possession of a certain locality, usually
of a street.3 In the year 1190 Guido, king of Jerusa
lem, granted practically the same privileges to the
people from Amalfi.4
The Germans came early, but continually fighting,
gained at first no foothold as did their more enter
prising neighbors, the French and Norman-Italians.
Later on, however, the charters show them holding
land and other property.5
The Spanish and English are mentioned as separate
nationalities still less than the Germans.8
To the eastern mind all the men from the west,
whether they came from northern Europe and repre
sented the war party, or whether they came from
southern Europe and stood for peace and commerce, all
the westerners were Franks, who ruled in turn over
all others.7 Although the soldiers from the west were
as a whole designated Franks, yet the eastern mind
usually noted the difference of nationality when
speaking of kings and those especially noted for
bravery;8 and yet in one place the king of Germany

1 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 1413.
2 Ibid., No. 292.
3 Rohricht. Regesta, Nos. 1331 and 1346; Wm. of Tyre, Bk.
XII, Ch. XXV.
Rohricht. Regesta, No. 690.
6 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 603.
" Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. CCXX.
7 Wilbrand of Oldenborg in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor,
p. 172.
8 Beha-ed-din in Rec. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 34.

21
is called a Frank.1 Although the Franks, according
to the eastern writers, took their towns and villages,2
and put their inhabitants to death, this boldness
seems to have been greatly admired by the easterners,
who speak of the Franks as most prudent warriors
and brave.3
Besides the invading and conquering westerners, the
land was occupied by different Oriental elements which
had been dominant in different periods of its history.
The Syrians, who were very numerous and often men
tioned, were divided according to their heretical sects
into Nestorians, Jacobites and Maronites. But there
were also orthodox Syrians, some of whom were called
upon to come in from the mountains to dwell in
Jerusalem, at one time when that city became depopu
lated.4 These men, schismatic Christians as well as
orthodox, were used extensively for garrison duty5 and
even trusted as messengers to carry important com
munications between the different parts of the Chris
tian army.6 It must have been for garrison duty and
other necessary work that the Syrians as a whole were
generally preserved after a battle, although the men
of the other races were often killed ;7 for some motive
must have been necessary to have led the Franks to
spare men, part of whom they considered weak and
effeminate,8 and part of whom they regularly referred

1 Vie d'Ousama in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol. II, p. 423.
' Mirat Ez-zeman in Rec. Or., Vol. Ill, pp. 520-4.
3 Vie d'Ousama in Rev. del'Or. Lat., Vol. II, pp. 344 and 393.
4 Wm. of Tyre, Bk. XI, Ch. XXVII,
5 Gesta Franc, in Rec. Oc, III, p. 516; Sec. pars, p. 584.
9 Gesta Franc, in Rec. Oc, Vol. Ill, p. 535.
' Fulk in Rec. Oc, Vol. Ill, Bk. II, Ch. IV, p. 379.
8 Wm. of Tyre, Bk. XXII, Ch. XV.

22

to as "that wretched mob of Syrians."1 It is strange
that with the tales of their treachery, not alone by the
chroniclers, but by the travelers2 as well, that we
find the Franks not only aided by these despised eastern
men in battle, and served by them as garrison, but we
find them worshipping under the same roof,3 although
not at the same altar. The Syrians had usually either
an altar for themselves or else worshipped at a different
hour. Nor does this intercommunication seem quite
consistent with the character of these men given us by
one of the writers,4 who does not hesitate to call them
all thieves and robbers. In the cities, they were
grouped together5 in districts, as the Pisans, Genoese
and Venetians were, and were employed as scribes,8
textile workers,7 gold workers,8 cobblers,8 and masons.8
In the country, the Syrian was found generally as the
villanus, who was the agrarian tenant, owing to his
lord a certain amount of money and a percentage of
his harvest and fruits, but capable of being transferred,
sold or granted with his ploughlands as part of the
casale? Although for the most part poor and sub
servient to the conquering Frank, yet there were some
who seem to have either retained their wealth, or

' Ibid., Bk. XVIII, Ch. V.
• Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Medii Aevi Quatuor,
p. 89.
3 Theodoric in Pil. Text Soc, Vol. V, pp. 13-14.
4 Jacques de Vitry in Bongars, p. 1089.
5 In Jerusalem their section was called ' ' Jcwrv." Wm. of Tyre,
Cont. Rec. Oc, Vol. II, p. 505.
"Rohricht. Regesta, No. 1242
7 Ibid., No. 1114.
8 City of Jerusalem in Pil. Text Soc, Vol. VI, pp. 6-7.
° Rohricht. Regesta, No. 27S. Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I,
No. 207, p. 160.

gained it from the Franks.1 They appear also to have
been granted the right of following their own laws
except in quarrels involving life.2 Their court was
presided over by one of their own number, who was
known as the reis. The western writers throughout
generally express contempt for the Syrians as a whole,
yet make an exception when speaking of the Maronites.
This sect seems to have been most numerous about
Tripoli, where their number was estimated to be about
forty thousand.3 The Jacobites and Maronites were
better educated, and seemingly cared more for litera
ture than the orthodox Syrians. They had con
troversies among themselves on their religious tenets.
They both used the Chaldean letters, or something
very close to them.4 Monastic houses, too, are men
tioned among both of these sects.5
Within the boundaries of the kingdom of Jerusalem,
the Armenians lived in the greatest numbers in Edessa
and Antioch.6 They seem to have taken as kindly to
the invading Frank as did the Syrians, and we find
chapels in the churches built by them for worship, as
well as those built by the Syrians.7 As time went on,
not only did they worship thus closely, but came to
intermarry.8 Baldwin of Edessa himself married into
the Armenian nobility." They also followed the

1 Delaville le Roulx. Les Arch., No. VI. Roziere. Cart, du S.
Sep., Nos. 6 1 and 81.
2 Beugnot. Lois, Vol. I, Ch. IV, p. 26.
3 Wm. of Tyre, Bk. XXII, Ch. VIII.
4 Oliverus. Hist. Damiatina, No. 64.
5 Wm. of Tyre, Cont. (Roth. MS.) in Rec. Oc, Vol. II, p. 507.
" Kamel-Altevarykh in Rec. Cr. Arm., Vol. I, p. 20R.
7 Theodoric in Pil. Text Soc, Vol. V, p. 15.
8 Du Cange. Families d'outre Mer, pp. 105-167.
9 Jacques de Vitry in Bongars, pp. 1089-93.

24
western customs and manners to a great extent,
especially in the formal part of the government. They
had their own characters for letters, and cultivated
literature to quite an extent, turning especially to
history.1 In the city, too, they congregated in one
district.2 They were employed here especially as
butchers, bakers and carpenters.3 In war they often
appear grouped with the Syrians and Greeks on the
side of the Franks against the Turks and Arabs.4 In
the country they were employed in cultivating the soil
as villani, the same as the Syrians.5 While the
Armenians were apparently on the same social plane
as the Syrians in some places, yet in most instances
they were regarded as far above them, in many cases
equal to the Franks themselves.
The Greeks were, socially speaking, lower than the
Syrians, for we do not find them enjoying any of the ¦
privileges allowed the Syrians. Their number was
probably not nearly so large as that of the Syrian, with
whom they were used quite often in garrison duty.8
The old Roman opinion of their unfaithfulness and
unreliability seems to have existed in full force in the
minds of the western writers.7 In city life they appear
as masons, cobblers and watchmen.8 In country life
their names are rarely found.
Little is known of the Georgians, a warlike race of

1 De St. Nerses de Lampron in Rec. Cr. Arm., Vol. I, pp. 570-7S.
2 Huillard-Breholles. Hist. Dip. Fred. II., Vol. Ill, p. 127.
3 Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I, No. 648, p. 437.
< Tudebodus 111 Rec. Oc, Vol. Ill, p. 44.
5 Wm. of Tyre, Bk. XVIII, Ch. XXVIII.
9 Gesta Franc, in Rec. Oc, Vol., Ill, p. 516; Ibid., pars sec, p.
7 Wm. of Tyre, Bk. XVIII, Ch. XXII.
8 Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I, No. 648, p. 437.

25
Christians heretical in their tendencies. In these they
were, however, more nearly like the Greeks than Latins.
They used their own alphabetical characters.1 They
were few in number, but considered brave and strong
in war,2 and especially powerful in control over the
Saracens. They had come into the Holy Land3 from
Iberia, urged thither by their king in defense of that
country.4 The Jews are not mentioned at all in the country
places, but were found in the different cities, where they
seem to have lived in special localities.5 In Jebail the
Hebrew population seems to have been under the con
trol of seven Genoese.6 In Acre each male over fifteen
years of age was bound to pay yearly one besant to
the court of the Venetians where their trials were
heard.7 At Tyre they were employed especially in
the manufacture of Tyrian glass, and were interested
in commerce and trade as shipowners. In the cities
throughout the different parts of the country they
were busy as dyers, while at Jerusalem they had the
exclusive right of dyeing from the king. This business
was carried on in the Jewish quarter which was near
the tower of David. On the whole there seems to
have been more of this nationality in Damascus under
the Mohammedan rule, than in Syria under the Chris-

1 Oliverus. Hist. Damiatina, No. 63.
2 Jacques de Vitry in Bongars, p. 1095.
3 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 868.
4 Potthast. Regesta, No. 4267.
5 Delaborde. Chartes de Notre Dame de Josaphat, No.
XVII. The one great source for the Jews of this period in the
east is Benjamin of Tudela. He gives the number found in each
town, together with the occupations generally followed by them.
" Benjamin of Tudela in Wright, Early Travels in Pal., p. 79.
7 Rohricht. Regesta, No. n 14.

26
tian.1 In the early part of their stay in Jerusalem
under the Franks there was apparently no distinction
made against them by law, at least none seems to be
mentioned. But in the Assizes, they were no longer
able to hold property.2
It has been said that the slaves, Greeks, Syrians,
Arabs, bore the yoke of the Latins with as much
resignation as they had borne the yoke of the Turks.3
This does not seem strange with regard to the Greeks
and Syrians, who were orthodox or heretical Christians,
but the Arabs and Saracens were Moslems, and not to
be classed even with the schismatic Christians. Yet
even from a Mussulman source4 comes an account of
the apparent prosperity of the farmers, with their con
tinuous farms all occupied. From the receipts of these
a portion of the harvest and a poll tax had to be paid
to the Franks. These people had their own houses
and claimed they were governed more justly than their
brother Mussulmans living under their own chiefs.
While this seems to have been the most generally
accepted view of the people under the western con
querors, even by the subjugated eastern peoples, yet
the element of security of tenure under the strangers
seems sometimes to have interfered with the prosperity
of the farming class.5 To this farming class consisting,
as was mentioned above, of the Syrians and Armenians,
must be added the Saracens. Although we find the
western men intermarrying with the Saracen women

1 Benjamin of Tudela in Wright. Early Travels in Pal., p. 7S
et seq.
2 Beugnot. Lois, Vol. II, pp. 254-5.
3 Ibid., Vol. I, introduction, p. XLII
4 Ibn Djobeir in Rec. Croisades Oc, Vol. Ill, p. 448.
5 Chron. d'Alep in Rec. Croisades Or., Vol. Ill, p. 625

27
after the latter have been baptized,1 yet the feeling
between the Saracens and Franks was by no means
kindly. The latter looked down upon the Saracens,2
while these men in turn cordially hated the Christians,
especially the Franks,3 and never let an opportunity
pass to fall upon their enemy, and plunder whenever
and wherever possible. When the Christians were
victorious, the Saracens were often slain.4 The Mussul
mans were, however, recognized by the Franks when
competent, for we see at Acre the Franks naming a
Mussulman, and placing him in charge of the adminis
tration of the inhabitants of the country about.5 The
Saracens were also found among the number of slaves,
captured and made such by the fortunes of war." In
the cities, although brought more closely in contact
with each other, the feeling existing between the
Saracen and Frank was by no means cordial. In the
city of Jerusalem, which was considered by the Mos
lems as holy, since it was to this city7 their prophet
fled, and here the last judgment was to take place, the
Saracens for a time held possession of the keys of the
church, and their treatment of the Christians reflected
their feelings.8 But a cordial feeling between the
Christian Crusader and the Mussulman is hardly to be
expected, and we find the antipathy based rather on
belief in their dogmas than on any qualities pos-

' Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, XXV; Fulk in Rec. Croisades Oc.
Vol. Ill, p. 468.
2 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 635.
3 Ricoldus in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor, p. 123.
4 Fulkj'w Rec. Croisades Oc, Vol. Ill, Bk. II, Ch. IV, p. 379.
5 Ibn Djobeir in Rec. Croisades Or., Vol. Ill, p. 449.
6 Ibid., p. 454-
7 Beha-ed-din in Rec. Croisades Or., Vol. Ill, p. 275.
8 SS. Epist., Saeculi XIII, Vol. I, No. 390.

28
sessed by either of them. The fact that both sources
testify to the good qualities of the other, even grudg
ingly and scantily, seems to lead to this supposition.
The Assassini seem to have been a branch of the
Saracens who dwelt in castles and fortresses in the
mountains;1 although they cherished and carefully
followed the laws and traditions of the Saracens in-
many respects, they acknowledged neither Mohammed
nor Christ.2 By one writer their number was estimated
at forty thousand fighting men. These men do not
seem to have acknowledged an hereditary leader, but
to have chosen one of their own men to lead them,
whom they called "the old man of the mountains."3
For a time they seem to have been tributary to the
Templars.4 The Arab Mussulmans had an extensive and wide
spread civilization, interested in things intellectual and
philanthropical. Their names are mentioned as law
yers, magistrates, judges ; grammarians, historians,
lexicographers; doctors and surgeons; masons and
carpenters; butchers and stonecutters.5
The wandering Arabs or Bedouins seem to have
been divided into two classes. One consisted of the
inhabitants of the desert, who were considered espe
cially ugly, and described as blacker than soot. They
lived on milk from their herds, and in rainv weather

' Wm. of Tyre, cont. in Rec. Oc, Vol. II, p. 523.
2 Wm. of Tyre, Bk. XX, Ch. XXIX. Wm. of Tyre, cont. Rec.
Oc, Vol. II, pp. 523 and 530.
3 Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor, p. 90.
Wm. of Tyre, Bk. XX, Ch. XXIX, says 60,000.
4 Oliverus. Hist. Ter. Sanct., No. 63.
5 Makrisi in Quatremere, Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 229; Vol. I, Pt. I
pp. 221-224, 244, 247; Vol. I, Pt. II, pp. 6, 7, 33; Vol. II, Pt. Il|
pp. 81-2.

29
wore unsightly coarse hair pelisses.1 Countless in
number and dauntless in war, they armed themselves
with bow, quiver and round shield.1 The second kind
must have been a little more civilized, or a little less
savage, than the other. They were used in casalia
and looked upon as part of their property. These men
appear to have lived in tents, moving about for new
pastures for their flocks. They too were warlike, but
carried swords and shields, and not arrows.2 The
earliest notice in the year 1143 gives nothing except
the bare fact that with a certain casale, lands, villani,
Bedouins and their heirs were transferred.3 In the
year 060 Baldwin III. granted to the Hospital of
St. John fifty tents of the Bedouins, which, the grant
states, must never have served the king or his predeces
sors, but which the holder of the casale himself may be
able to gain in any way.4 In the same year there was a
grant by the same king to Philip of Naplouse of certain
things, reserving, however, all his Bedouins who were
not born in the land of Mt. Regal, and reserving also
all the caravans which pass through the parts of Alex
andria and Egypt to Damascus, as well as those
passing the other way.5 These two last grants seem
to point to the origin of these bands as being originally
captured by men who were granted rights of retaining
them. Thus the conquerors came into possession not
only of booty, but of men together with the herds of
animals which they drove. But, although the viscount

1 Joinville. Louis IX. in Bouquet, Rec. des Hist, des Gaules,
Vol. XX; p. 230.
2 Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor, p. 89.
3 Beugnot. Lois, Vol. II, p. 507, Chartes, etc., No. 26.
•Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, XXXVI.
5 Strehlke. Tab.. ord. Theut., No. 3.

3°
of Naplouse seemed to be shut out from participation
in the Bedouin trade, the year 1178 shows a sale by
Amalricus, its viscount, of one hundred and three tents
of these men, to the Hospital of St. John at Jerusalem.
The sale was concluded for five thousand five hundred
besants, including the Bedouins, their families and all
their possessions.1 Again in the year 11 80, the king
granted to the Hospital of St. John one hundred tents
of Bedouins at Bellumvidere (a casale) , "all who had
never been under the power of the king nor his father."2
As we always find them transferred in bands, and no
account taken of them individually, as they were dis
tinctly a grazing people, and did not till the soil, the
inference arises that they did not rank as, high socially
or intellectually as the agrarian laborers, the Syrians,
Armenians and Saracens. So we find them not so
much villani as lower dependents in the life of the
casale. Besides the Moslems, there were found in the armies
of the east the Parthians, who were employed as
bowmen,3 Arabs, Medes, Kurds, Egyptians, soldiers
from Damascus and Bagdad ; but those most men
tioned, and whom the eastern people seemed to dislike

1 Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, LXV; also in Rohricht, Regesta,
No. 562. The tribe of Benecarguas was divided into nine different
tribes: Benicelge, 10 tents; Hahassen, 21 tents; Marahab, 5 tents;
Bedre, n tents; Lahargerse, 7 tents (only five are given here, but
two are given at end as being white and belonging to this tribe) ;
Beilfbzle, 14 tents; Mathar, 12 tents; Serif, n tents; Solta, 12
tents; in all, 103 tents. The "tent" probably represents the
"house " of the more civilized nations, and the tentholders represent
householders or men representing families.
2 Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I, No. 582, p. 395.
3 Ricardus Canonicus. Itin. Rich, in R. S., Vol. 38, 1, Bk. I
Ch. LVII.

31
as much as did the western, were the Turks.1 Although
these men were considered detestable, greedy, treach
erous,2 yet their valor in war commanded the respect
of the Franks, who sighed because these warriors were
not of the right faith, since the Crusaders felt had the
Turks only been Christians they would not have had
their superiors in the world.3 With equal respect evi
dently did the Turks view the Franks, considering that
they must be of the same race, and that no one ought
to be a soldier except the Frank and the Turk.4 They
were a wild race of people, wandering about, seeking
to enrich themselves by robbery and theft.5 In war
they served as cavalry and were especially skilful with
the bow. When in battle they were arranged in
phalanxes with standards and banners, and accom
panied by the usual trumpets and horns.6
The Ishmaelites, although despised by the Crusaders,
seem nevertheless to have been warlike, and killed
many of the western enemy.7 For a time they paid
tribute to the Hospital at Tyre, but this ceased in the
year ik;66 by a treaty between the Hospitallers and
the Sultan.8
The Kurds, found under the standard of the eastern
army, were, according to an eastern account, good,
religious, naturally inclined to virtue and good works."

1 Ibid.
2 Fulkw Rec. Croisades Oc, Vol. Ill, pp. 392, 421.
' Ricardus Canonicus. Itin. Rich. I. in R. S., Vol. 38, 1, Bk.
Ill, Ch. XV.
4 Tudebodus Imit. in Rec. Oc, Vol. Ill, p. 183.
5 Ricardus Canonicus. Itin. Rich. I. in R. S., Vol. 38, 1, Bk. 1 1
Ch. XXIII.
6 Ibid., Bk. IV, Ch. XVIII.
' Rec. Croisades Grecs, Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 5; Pt. II, p. 8.
9 Makrisi in Quatremere, Vol. I, Pt. II, pp. 40 and 42
9 Ibid., Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 166. footnote.

32
Like the Arabs they founded colleges, built mosques
and encouraged education. In the army, men of the
rank of emirs possessed military benefices. Ten men
of this class preceded the Sultan on foot.1 The lan
guage used by them was Kurd, Arabic, or a mixture of
the two.2
Thus in the Syria of the Crusaders, the peoples were
mixed and varied. As time went on, intermarriages
took place between the different nationalities, especially
the Franks and Armenians, and the Franks and Sara
cens. The Pullani were the result of intermarriage,
but it is not certain between which races.3 It is not
to be supposed, however, because marriages between
the different races are not specifically mentioned that
they did not take place, since people living together
in one land, growing gradually together in customs,
having many laws in common, would come in time to
intermarry.4 The slaves of the country were either bought as such
and brought into the country, or being taken as pris
oners in war, were reduced to the rank of slaves. The
men thus taken were apportioned out to the victors,
and by them sold, exchanged, or granted to religious
orders.5 The women of Nubia were especially beautiful, and
commanded high prices.6 The slaves who became
Christians were usually manumitted.'

1 Ibid., Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 137, footnote.
2 Ibid., Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 166, footnote.
3 Jacques de Vitry in Bongars, p. 10S6. Rec. Crois. Grecs, Vol.
II, p. 41.
4 Fulk in Rec. Oc, Vol. Ill, p. 468. Du Cange, Families d'outre-
Mer, pp. 105-167.
6 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 397.
5 Edrisi. Gebgraphie, Vol. I, pp. 25-26.
7 Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, CCXXII, XLVIII.

33
A word might be said possibly as to the appearance
of these people. The peasants were for the most part
wretchedly clad in a single garment or shirt called the
kisa} The Syrians were distinguished from the Sara
cens by a woolen belt.2 The Syrians of rank a grade
higher wore a long covering of linen or silk, called the
ridd, the wealthy having this embroidered.3 They
had also heavy cloaks for rain, made of wool, called
mimtar.i The villagers and scribes also wore a woolen
vest called durr&'ahS The people of the law were
distinguished by the great turbans which they wore."
On account of the heat all wore something on their
heads, and the color of the turban was the distinctive
mark of the different races, sects and orders. Thus
the Sadducees wore a gray head-dress interwoven with
red, while the Greeks could be distinguished by their
black turbans.7 The Christians wore blue turbans;
the Jews, yellow; the Samaritans, red.8 The clcith
used for this turban was twenty ells long.9 Not only
in civil life was color used as a mark of distinction
between the nationalities, but in the army the men
were distinguished by a differently colored and dif
ferently decorated garment known as the khilah.10 The
Bedouins wore an ample garment presumably of cotton

1 Mukaddasi in LeStrange, Pal. under the Moslems, p. 22.
2 Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor, p. S9.
8 Mukaddasi in Le Strange, Pal. under the Moslems, p. 22.
Ludolphus of Sudheim in Arch, de l'Or. Lat., Vol. II, Chartes, p.
364- 4 Mukaddasi in LeStrange, Pal. under the Moslems, p. 22.
5 Ibid.
8 Makrisi in Quatremere, Vol. I, Pt. 1, p. 244, note.
7 Ludolphus of Sudheim in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol. II, pp. 364-5.
" Makrisi in Quatremere, Vol. II, Pt. 2, p. 180.
9 Ludolphus of Sudheim in Arch, de l'Or. Lat., Vol. II, p. 364.
10 Makrisi in Quatremere, Vol. II, Pt. 2, p. 72 et seq., footnote.

34
or linen over a red shirt.1 When we take into con
sideration all these different costumes and add thereto
the less striking dress of the western Crusader and the
costume of the men of the various religious orders,
the effect must have been picturesque, and we see
that the garments, as well as the people in the Holy
Land during this period, were varied.

1 Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor, p. 90.

CHAPTER III.
The Land and the People.
The lordship of the land was held for the most part
by the Franks, during their period of domination in
Syria, as it had been by the successive conquerors in
the years before that time. The most daring of the
westerners carved out their own fortunes, and wrenched
the property from the unfortunate eastern holders.
Later the king, as a reward to his faithful followers
from the west, granted larger or smaller tracts, accord
ing to the deserts or power of the lord. As time went
on, monasteries, churches, and hospitals, as well as the
king and powerful lords, came into possession of land
through gift, sale, exchange, or perpetual rent.1 While
the men from the west were the main landlords, yet
mention is made of Arabs and Syrians as such.2
The men who held the casalia, as fiefs, made various
returns to their overlords. These overlords were
usually the king, or those who were almost his equals
in the kingdom of Jerusalem, the holders of the great
baronies, and the religious orders. One very common
return was that of military service, given either for
regular or special duty, whenever the war with the
Saracens threatened.3 A second kind of return con
sisted in a money payment made each year.4 Some
times this seems to have been a payment in proportion

1 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 112.
2 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 299. Cart, de S. Laz. in Arch, de l'Or.
Lat., Vol. II, Chartes, p. 124. Strehlke, Tab. ord. Theut., No. 128.
3 Ibid., Nos. 4 and 10. Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. CXXVIII.
4 Inv. de Pieces in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol. Ill, Nos. 173 and 310.
(35)

36
to the number of ploughlands cultivated, and from
which returns were obtainable.1 The third, and pos
sibly the most common method of payment, was the
return of a percentage of the crops, not only of wheat
and barley, but also from the vines and trees.2 If
payment ceased, the land reverted to the lord, who
had the right to lease to some one else.3
Beside these payments to the overlords, these same
landlords had one great tax which must have been
burdensome to them, and that was the tithe to the
church. This latter institution in the kingdom of
Jerusalem seemed desirous of showing her entire power
in this country, which she considered peculiarly her
own, as well as of obtaining all the wealth possible
for the maintenance of that power. And so, numerous
are the charters found, granting these tithes, con
firming those already granted, as well as others
regranting parts of these tithes by the church to
others. This percentage for the church seems to have
been levied on everything possible, as for instance, on
vines and trees, goats and bees. Even on the poll tax
of the villani, the lord paid his tenth to the church,
as well as on the oil of his villani. On his own oil, too,
he was obliged to give his tithe.4 And the carrying of
all this, when it consisted of produce, must also be
done by the lord who owed it, and not by the church.
When the church itself held the casalia, and the
monks performed the labor in place of the villani*
1 Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. II, No. 2934, p. SSi.
2 Roziere. Cart, du S. Sep., No. Si.
3 Chartes de l'abbaye Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, p. 181.
4 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 112.
r' Ibid., No. 112. Chartes de l'abbaye . . . de Josaphat in Rev
de l'Or. Lat., Vol. VII, p. 124.

37
the same proportion was sometimes demanded, while
in other cases payment of tithes from the work of the
monks was forbidden.1 Exemption from these tithes
was granted by the church to the Hospital, and to a
few others.2
The overlords also granted to these landlords mills
for grinding the grain raised in the district where the
mill was situated. Two kinds of mills are mentioned,
those run by water,3 and those by horse power.4
These mills also differed in size, some having one,
some two, some three stones for grinding.5 They do
not seem to have belonged to the casalia, although
sometimes found in connection with them.6 Usually,
however, they were located at some suitable place
near a stream, or in the cities or villages. The right
to have a mill7 seems to have been a grant, the same
as a casale, and the right of grinding the grain at a
certain place was also given by the same man.8
The sugar mills, too, seem to have been held by this
same class of landlords, who made returns to their
overlords in produce or money. In one instance the
return from one mill was one-half a quintalef in
another it consisted of one-fifteenth of the value of the
returns from the sugar as estimated by ' ' good men,

1 Ibid., p. 138.
'¦ Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I, No. 202,.p. 155.
3 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 665.
4 Chartes de l'abbaye de Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat.,
Vol. VII, p. 166.
5 Paoli. (Giunta al) Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. VI. Rohricht.
Regesta, No. 11 14.
6 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 1.
7 Paoli. St. Giambattista, Pt. IV, No. II.
8 Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I, No. 225, p. 172.
' Rohricht. Regesta, No. 425.

3§
but paid in wheat and barley.1 In one case, which
seems rather unusual, the entire products of the mill,
together with the right of selling the refined sugar
freely in Acre, was granted by the king without
recompense.2 The ovens which we find mentioned in the charters
are distinguished from the casalia as were the mills.
These seem again to have been a special grant or
included in a larger one, but not belonging necessarily
to the casalia.3 The landlords who held these ovens
returned a percentage of the bakings to their overlords.
So in a charter of the twelfth century, every fifteenth
loaf of bread baked for the inhabitants of the casale
by the holders, was returned to the king, and every
tenth loaf from those not of the casale, who brought
bread to this same oven to be baked.4 Sometimes
exemption from this percentage was granted.5
The landlords, who thus paid a percentage on their
holdings, do not seem to have lived on the casalia,
since we find no mention of manor houses. So, too,
there is a corresponding lack of mention of demesne
land, so usual in the western charters.6 Not only
negative supposition from silence concerning demesne
land, but positive proof of this lack is found in the
charters where a certain number of ploughlands are
mentioned as belonging to a casale, followed by a list

1 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 112.
' Ibid., No. 18.
3 Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I, No. 484, p. t,^t,.
* Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 1.
' Roziere. Cart, du S. Sep., No. 92.
8 The "common" of the lord (commune domini) was probably
the demesne land, but mentioned very seldom, and with hardly
the same signification which it had in the west. Delaville le Roulx
Cart., Vol. I, No. 4S0, p. 330.

39
of the villani holding these, and showing no land left
over for the lord.1
But the lord, although not present in person on the
casale, yet had his representative, called the prae-
positus casalis, caput casalis, or gastaldio.2 It was his
duty to see that the proper returns in kind and specie
were made to the lord, and for his management he
was rewarded by an extra holding.3 This man was
evidently chosen in accordance with his fitness for the
work, and not selected from any especial race. In the
case of a holding of the Teutonic Order, the overseer
was one of their own number, whom they called
"bajulus."i In another case the overseer was a
Moslem, who showed the hospitality of the casale to
the people of a passing caravan, inviting them to
dinner, and lodging them afterwards in a small gallery
in his house.5 This overseer, by whatever title called,
must have been the most important man in the little
hamlet, made such by representing there the power of
the lord, as well as by the dignity of station resulting
from the extra holding.
To the inhabitants of the casale two names are
applied with apparently no distinction in meaning,
villani and rustici. If any distinction whatever is to
be discerned, it might possibly be that the villani could
apply not only to Syrians, Saracens, Armenians, but
also to Franks of that rank as well, while rustici would
apply only to the natives, with which word rustici is
sometimes found.

1 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 384.
2 Ibid., pp. 371, 380.
3 Ibid., p. 384.
4 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 89.
5 Ibn Djobeir in Rec. Croisades Or., Vol. Ill, p. 449.

40
The homoliges formed a separate class of rustici.
They were not found on all of the casalia, nor was their
proportion to the villani and the number of plough-
lands the same. In a casale of fourteen ploughlands,
there were five homoliges; in another of ten plough-
lands there were six.1 Just what was their status, or
why they were called liege men, the charters give us
no means to decide. But in the Assizes of Jerusalem,2
we find that in each seigneury the lord must hold court
with three liege men. So that although they were not
to be found on every casale, yet there would be a
sufficient number for the holding of the assizes in the
district where the court must convene. So it is pos
sible that their duties were legal. These men are
called rustici and show their origin in their Oriental
names.3 If their duties were legal, this and the fact
that they were of eastern origin would help to bear
out the truth of the statement met with so often, that
the men were ruled by the laws of the nation to which
they belonged and tried in similar courts.4
Although for the most part the inhabitants of the
casalia were easterners, yet western names as well are
found occasionally.5 In one instance6 land was granted
within a casale to certain western men, for the purpose
of erecting houses. No rent was to be charged on the
houses thus built nor on the land, but only the usual
percentage of fruits and crops from the land under
cultivation. The charter reads as though the things

1 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 37S.
' Beugnot. Lois, Vol. I, No. CCLIII, p. 405.
3 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 376.
4 Beugnot. Lois, Vol. I, introduction.
" Rohricht. Regesta, No. 281.
" Roziere. Cart, du S. Sep., No. 136.

41
offered were to be considered in the light of special
inducements for the men to settle there. But whether
this was because of their desirability as tenants because
they were Franks, or because of their individual
qualities, would be hard to determine from the charter
itself. But from the fact that so many easterners
cultivated the land in a manner apparently satisfactory
to their lords, the probability seems to rest with per
sonal excellence rather than race.
Usually this peasant class come before us in the
charters as cultivators of vineyards1 and olive groves,
and laborers on the cultivated land.2 In the time of
need they became soldiers.3 Some of them apparently
had wealth enough to call for special notice.4 Occa
sionally they appear to act as a body in an attempt
to gain a point which would be advantageous to them
as a whole.5
The villani living in a casale usually cultivated the
land belonging to that casale and lying adjacent to it.
In some cases this grew into a law forbidding any
peasant to depart to another casale," and so we find
the courts of the different lords taking the matter up,
and laws between the different parts of the kingdom
came into existence for the return of fugitive villani?
Yet in spite of these laws we find constant mention in
the charters of certain peasants being retained from

1 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 381 et seq.
2 Ricardus Canonicus. Itin. Rich. I. in R. S., Vol. 38, 1, Bk. I,
Ch. XVIII.
3 Villehardouin. Conquete, etc., Vol. II, p. 410.
4 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 57.
6 Delaborde. Chartes de Notre Dame de Josaphat, No.
XXVI. • Quatre Titres in Arch, de l'Or. Lat., Vol. II, Chartes . . . , p. 228.
' Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. LXXVII.

42
a casale at the time of its change of holders. And not
only this, but they were deliberately transferred to
other casalia of the lord, or even dismissed.1 So, too,
rarely they are found living in one casale, and culti
vating the fields belonging to another.2
The men who held the casalia from the king, the
powerful barons, or the great religious orders, as was
stated above, probably did not reside on them. The
money and produce with which they paid the king or
other overlord for their holdings, they in turn extracted
from the real cultivators of the soil. The most normal
holding for these cultivators seems to have been one
ploughland each,3 and the most usual sort of payment
for this was a percentage on the crop raised. The
returns from the different products differed slightly in
the different casalia, or in the holdings from different
overlords. In the case of the returns from the vines,
the percentage was quite often one-half,4 yet from
others held by the Venetian commune, the return was
one-third.5 In another case, a quarter was demanded."
In still another a modest seventh only was asked.'
Grants also to plant vines, which would in the future
yield a certain per cent, were not uncommon.8 Vines
were widely cultivated for wines during the Frankish
occupation of the land, and were apparently abundant

1 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 83; and Rohricht, Regesta,
No. 121.
2 Ibid., No. 859.
' Beugnot. Lois, Vol. II, p. 510, Chartes, No. 28.
" Roziere. Cart, du S. Sep., No. 81. Rohricht, Regesta, No. 269.
5 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 374.
' Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I, No. 491, p. 337.
7 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 1.
Chartes de l'abbaye . . de Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat.
Vol. VII, p. 140.

43
throughout the entire kingdom.1 The usual vintage
was in the fall,2 but one of the travelers gives an
account of one place where by careful training, not one
but three vintages were obtained.3
About the same percentage was received from the
peasants also on the fruits1 and olives. From fifteen
to twenty olive trees were planted on a piece of land
of a size ploughed by a pair of oxen in one day.5
Canamella, or sugar cane, also paid the usual one-
third from the cultivators.6 This cane is described by
a traveler as larger than the common cane,7 and
evidently required for its cultivation a very moist soil.8
It was planted in the fall. When ready for the mill
it was porous, containing within its tubelike stem a
moist substance. The cane after being cut in pieces
was ground in the mill; the semifluid expressed from
it was boiled down and poured into receptacles. This
was known as honey; the residue was dried and
became sugar.9 The one-third mentioned above was
probably on the cane as it stood in the field, and not
on the refined honey or sugar.
The land under cultivation for grain paid a certain
amount from each ploughland of the villanus to his
lord, rather than a varying percentage, as was the
case with the vines and trees. The usual tax seems

' Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor,
PP- 34, 39, 45, 88, etc.
2 Baldric of Dole in Rec. Oc, Vol. IV, Ch. VI, p. 94.
3 Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor, p. 88.
4 Roziere. Cart, du S. Sep., No. 81.
5 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 380.
" Ibid., p. 369.
7 Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor, p. 87.
8 Ludolphus of Sudheim in Rev. l'Or. Lat., Vol. II, p. 365.
9 Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor, p. 88.

44
to have been a modius of wheat and one of barley,
besides two manipuli of each at the harvest time.1
The lord furnished the seed for the sowing, and in
return for this the peasants returned one chicken for
each ploughland.2
Money was also accepted in lieu of remittances in
kind, but was not nearly so common as a portion of
the crops. Sometimes this payment was a regular
fixed sum, again it appears as dependent upon the
crop of the year.3 The "free" ploughland, of which
we find occasional mention in the charters, seems to
have been free from the returns of produce by the
laborers, requiring evidently a money payment rather
than a payment in kind.4
One duty resting upon the casale as a whole was the
providing of refreshment for the king or lord, with his
attendants, if they came through the hamlet.5
The personal service in the field, which is met with
so constantly in the west, appears fn the east with
little prominence. It is probable that the absence of
the lord from the casale, the lack of demesne land,
the fact that, to a great extent, products for export,
and not for immediate home consumption, were culti
vated here — all of these things help to account for the
small amount of personal service required. When
found it is usually in connection with the rustici
holding directly from the king, or those on land held
by the Venetian Commune, where the amount of labor

1 Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I, No. 480, p. 330.
2 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 374.
3 Chartes de l'abbaye . Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol.
VII, p. 121.
4 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 615, ' ' besantiorum quos de liberis
carrucis rex accipere solet."
5 Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. I, No. 480, p. 331.

45
demanded seems to have been one day per year.1 In
what this service consisted we are not told, yet in
some instances it appears as though it might have
been, not work in the fields, but in fishing.2 Even
without direct evidence, when we find grants of five
hundred pounds of fish and one thousand eels given
to the abbey from the lord's fish pond,3 the supposition
naturally arises that these fishes were probably caught
by the villani of that lord. The villani are also found
working in the sugar mills.4 In the case of the one-
third of the cane demanded by one lord, if the sup
position is correct that it represented the unrefined
cane, then the holder may have had a mill for the
refining of this, where his villani could have worked
for him.5 Besides these payments in produce and
labor, there was also a poll tax collected by the lord
from his peasants.6
The service of a scribe and a translator is found also
as a service distinct from any use in the west. They
seem to be distinctly different persons, the latter giving
the translated customs to the casale from the Frankish
landlord.' "Besides the other payments demanded from the
peasant, he too came in for his share of the tithes to
the church.8 The carrying of this produce was also

1 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 375.
2 Ibid., and Roziere, Cart, du S. Sep., No. 124.
3 Delaborde. Chartes . de Notre Dame de Josaphat, No. IV.
Delaville le Roulx. Cart., Vol. II, p. 911 ; app. No. XXII.
4 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 34.
5 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 369.
8 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 118.
' Ibid., No. 545. Strehlke, Tab. ord. Theut., No. 16. Delaville
le Roulx, Cart., Vol. I, No. 480, p. 330.
a In a charter of 1198 of Amalricus, king of Jerusalem, to the

46
done by the villani, and not by the receivers of the
goods.1 Sometimes a loaf of bread was given to the
villanus who brought his tithe.2
Special gifts were also offered by the peasants to
their lords. On three stated days, Christmas, Septua-
gesima Sunday and Easter, for each ploughland held,
the peasant returned one chicken, ten eggs, half a roll
of fresh cheese, together with twelve besants for a
sahna of wood.3
The houses of the casale seem to have been congre
gated together, probably in the center of the land com
prising the casale, and were doubtless transferred from
holder to holder when certain lands of the casale were
transferred.4 Little mention is made of the accommo
dations for the common people, except in case .of the
Bedouins, who are always mentioned as dwelling in
tents.5 But since the travelers tell us that they are
wretchedly clad, we can easily imagine that their
homes were, for the most part, poor and miserable.6
In the cultivated land there seems to have been a

Hospital at Jerusalem, we find the king granting from each villanus
laboring in the sugar mill, one roll of sugar each year; from each
ploughland of cultivated land, one clicha of wheat, and one of
barley; from each hundred goats wintering in his land, five car-
rublac from each villanus; for every ten goats for which the king
ought to have ten carrnblae, the Hospital to have annually two
on the part of each peasant; and finally from every ploughland
yielding the lord two besants, the Hospital was to receive three
carrablae from each peasant. Strehlke, Tab. ord. Theut., No. 34.
Ibid., No. 112. Paoli, Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. XCVII.
1 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 15.
' Ibid., No. 112.
3 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, pp. 371, 372,
374, 381.
' Inv. de Pieces in Rev. de l'Or. Lat., Vol. Ill, No. 223.
5 Burchard of Mt. Sion in Laurent, Per. Med. Aevi Quatuor, p. 89.
» Ibid.

47
succession of crops. The land sowed this year with
wheat or barley would next year produce beans and
peas. Nine modii of wheat or barley could be sowed
in each ploughland, and the next year one niodius of
beans and peas could be planted in the same amount of
ground.1 The grain thus sowed was ready for cutting
in April.2 The raising of grain was by no means
restricted to the Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, since
wheat and barley had been grown under the olive trees
there before the advent of the western Crusaders.3
Early in the twelfth century the king granted to the
men of all nations, the Syrian as well as the Christian,
the privilege of carrying grains and other produce into
the city of Jerusalem without taxation.4 So these men
were early allowed to carry their produce freely to the
markets. Besides the amount of grain sold by the
peasants there must have been some withheld for the
use of themselves and their families. The bread used
by the inhabitants of the casale was doubtless baked
in the primitive ovens which they dug in the ground.
' ' These, ' ' says a writer5 of the tenth century, ' ' are
small and used for baking bread . they line them
with pebbles, and kindling the fire of dried dung,
within and above, they afterwards remove the hot

1 Tafel-Thomas in Fon. Rer. Aus., Vol. XIII, p. 374.
2 Baldric of Dole in Rec. Oc, Vol. IV, p. 94.
3 Gesta Franc, in Rec Oc, Vol. Ill, p. 507.
4 Wm. of Tyre, Bk. XII, Ch. XV. Roziere, Cart, du S. Sep.,
No. 45.
5 Mukaddasi in LeStrange, Pal. under the Moslems, p. 23. In a
charter for 1177 two casalia were granted for furnishing white
bread to the monks. But the actual baking is not here required,
only the grain from the two casalia, for if this wheat proved unsat
isfactory it was to be exchanged measure for measure for good
grain from the granary of the Hospital. Delaville le Roulx, Les
Arch., No. XXXVIII.

48
ashes and place the loaves of bread to bake upon these
pebbles, when they have become thus red-hot."
The Bedouins were the most usual guardians of the
flocks, which were in some cases large, consisting of
camels, cattle, sheep and goats.1 The villani, aside
from the Bedouins, as a whole did not keep large
flocks, but those which we find mentioned seem to
have been pastured in their gardens and fields, and in
the common wood, where there was apparently no tax
for their maintenance.2
In the case of meadow land, the hay resulting from
it was to be cut by the lord holding the land, payment
of one-half of the hay was to be given to the overlord.3
In this transaction the peasants seem to have had no
share. Their lack of possession of meadow land and
hay can be attributed in the east to the climate, where
hay was scarcely necessary, since the flocks could
easily find food all winter directly from the land. So
too the fishery rights appear to have been granted by
the kings and barons to the men holding from them.4
Oftentimes this included a right to have a boat on the
stream or lake.5 These rights too seem not to have
been, so far as can be seen from the charters, extended
to the peasants. Salt, too, which must have been
found in the land, is sometimes required in part pay
ment for a holding.8 Once another grant comes up in

1 Albertus Aquensis XII, Ch. XXXI (p. 710 in Rec. Cr. Oc,
Vol. IV).
2 Chartes de Dampierre in Arch, de l'Or. Lat., Vol. II,
Chartes, p. 192.
5 Ibid., p. 203.
1 Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. XXIII.
5 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 9.
9 Chartes de l'abbaye . de Josaphat in Rev. de l'Or. Lat.,
Vol, VII, p. 116.

49
the charters, this time exclusively for the peasant
class — the right of collecting from the shores of the
Dead Sea the bitumen, called by them cathrans, found
there.1 The value of the products from the territory occupied
in the east by the Franks was by no means equal in all
parts. The vines near Jerusalem were noted,2 and
here abounded also olive trees and figs. In Hebron
barley, which had been rare in that district before the
arrival of the Crusaders,3 became common as well as
the wheat.4 The fullest account of the products of
the land is given by an Arab writer, a century previous
to the time of the occupation of the land by the Franks.
"Unequaled," said he,8 "is this land of Syria for its
dried figs, its common olive oil, its white bread and the
Ramleh veils ; also for the quinces, the pine-nuts called
' Kuraish-bite, ' the 'Ainuni and Duri raisins, the Theri-
ack-antidote, the herb of mint, and the rosaries of
Jerusalem. And further know that within the prov
ince of Palestine may be found gathered together six-
and-thirty products that are not found thus united in
any other land. Of these the first seven are found in
Palestine alone; the following seven are very rare
in other countries ; and the remaining two-and-twenty,
though only found thus gathered in this province, are,
for the most part, found one and another, singly, in
other lands. Now the first seven are the pine-nuts,
called 'Kuraish-bite,' the quince or Cydonian apple,
the 'Ainuni and the Duri raisins, the Kafuri plum, the

1 Roziere. Cart, du S. Sep., No. 33.
2 Abbot Daniel in Pil. Text Soc, Vol. IV, p. 26.
3 Nasir-i-Khusrau, in Pil. Text Soc, Vol. IV, p. 57.
4 Abbot Daniel in Pil. Text Soc, Vol. IV, p. 26.
" Mukaddasi in LeStrange, Pal. under the Moslems, p. 16.

5o
fig called As Saba'i, and the fig of Damascus. The
next seven are the Colocasia, or water lily, the sycar
more, the carob or St. John's bread (locust-tree), the
lotus fruit or jujube, the artichoke, the sugar-cane,
and the Syrian apple. And the remaining twenty-two
are the fresh dates and olives, the shaddock, the indigo
and juniper, the orange,1 the mandrake, the Nabk
fruit, the nut, the almond, the asparagus, the banana,
the sumach, the cabbage, the truffle, the lupin, the
early prune called At Tari; also snow, buffalo-milk,
the honey-comb, the Asimi grape, and the Tamri, or
date-fig. Further, there is the preserve called Kub-
bait; you find, in truth, the like of it in name else
where, but of a different flavor. The lettuce also,
which everywhere else, except only at Ahwaz (Persia),
is counted as a common vegetable, is here in Palestine
a choice dish. However, at Basrah, too, it is held
superior to the more common vegetables."
The produce, aside from grain and vegetables, which
was carried into the cities, whether by the lords or
peasants, seems to have been taxed, and in the Assizes
of Jerusalem full lists are given of dutiable articles.2
Butter, cheese, nuts, olives, oil, apples, pears, straw
for the weaving of baskets — on all these things a
proportion was paid to the Funda or bourse. Freedom
from duties is found, however, in special places and
under certain lords.3

' Mas' udi in LeStrange, Pal. under the Moslems, p. 17. "The
orange tree and the tree bearing the round citron have been brought
from India since the year 300 A. H. (912 A. D.) and were first
planted in 'Oman. Thence they were carried by caravans from
Al Basrah into 'Irak and Syria."
2 Beugnot. Lois, Vol. II, p. 178 et seq.
3 Rohricht. Regesta, No. 212. Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I No
LXXVII.

5i
The customs on the special casalia seem to have
differed with the different overlords, holdings and
individual casalia. In few instances have these been
preserved. Only where some dispute has arisen, or
something demanding particular attention, do these
laws come before us. These laws for the government
of the casale are included in a charter of the latter
part of the twelfth century, and are there called the
laws of Drugomanagie, or of the interpreter.1 Besides
these laws, most of which have been given above,2 the
following obligations also are mentioned: Portagium,
which probably consisted in the carrying of the tithes
mentioned above at the time of their payment ; scriba-
nagium, the duty of the writer also spoken of before;
mensuragium, gardagium, herbarum ad areas, scenequie.3
It may be that these last four are part of the personal
service owed by the villanus to his lord. The peasants
are also commanded to be obedient to their lords.4
These are about the only purely internal laws for the
casale which are available. The more general laws for
the life of the casale, both external and internal, are
found in the Assizes of Jerusalem.
There were in the Christian dominion in Syria two
courts, the High and Bourgeois.5 The former was
presided over by the king, and held for his liege men.
The latter" was presided over by a viscount, who rep
resented the king's power. Each nation was governed

' Ibid., No. CCIII. Same in Delaville le Roulx, Cart., Vol. I,
No. 480, p. 330.
2 See pp. 44-46.
3 Strehlke. Tab. ord. Theut., No. 112.
¦ Paoli. Cod. Dip., Vol. I, No. CXXIV.
5 Beugnot. Lois, Vol. I, Ch. II, p. 23.
" Ibid.

52
by its own laws in things belonging peculiarly to itself.
While the Bourgeois court was primarily intended for
the inhabitants of the city, many of its laws extended
to the villanus and his relation to the land and to his
lord. The men were expected to plead their cases
concerning lands or vines in the court held in the
district where these things were.1 If a villanus married
without leave a strange villana, the lord of the villanus
returned, to the lord of the villana, another villana of
equal age. If the villanus should die, the lord of the
villanus ought to have his exchange which he has given
to the other lord, if the villana returned to the latter.2
If a villanus left or fled and was returned, the lord of
the one returned ought to pay two besants each to
those who aided in his return.3 And not only these
laws existed for the return of fugitive villani between
landlords4 and casalia, but between the different parts
of the kingdom.5 The right to marry seems also to
have been taxable as in the west.6
The slaves met with in the western charters do not
appear in the farming districts in the east. Pure
slavery seems to have existed in the towns and for
personal service rather than for duties in the country,
where the villani performed the services and received
the varying rewards for their labor.
This then was the general life of the villani of the east
during the rule of the Frank, to whom these peasants
paid taxes, and for whom they tilled the fields. And

1 Ibid., Vol. II, No. CCXXVI.
2 Ibid., Vol. I, No. CCLIV.
3 Ibid., Vol. I, No. CCLII.
4 Ibid., Vol. I, No. CCLI.
5 Quat. Titres in Arch, de l'Or. Lat., Vol. II, No. IV, p. 228.
8 Beugnot. Lois, Vol. I, p. 264, note b.

53
while there seems to be a distinction generally made
between the slave and villanus, it must have been a
distinction with little if any difference. And if we
should inquire still farther into the slavery existing in
the cities we might find that the difference was possibly
in favor of the slave who was bound to his master as
against the villanus who was bound to the land as well
as to his overlord. Bound down as he was to servitude
and reckoned as beast or any other movable,1 oppressed
with burdens, kept ever in his humble position by the
demands made upon him, yet his condition seems not
to have appeared to the westerners, nor to the eastern
people themselves, as hard. So that we must conclude
that the Frankish domination was no more severe than
the Mohammedan had been before.

Philip of Navarre m Beugnot, Lois, Vol. I, Ch. XLIII, p. 519.

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