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Co. XL

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The iiEL and. Home Rule Questions.

105. JOllNGOSTIGAN'S SPEECH

Mr. Costigan's Letter 'to Lord Lome 'on
Home Rule for Ireland.

GLADSTONE'S BILL FORESHADOWED.

OPINIONS OF THE IRISH NATIONAL
NEWSPAPERS.

JVle£sf><. Cutf&i}. dou^Hn, &d, &c.

THE
RIEL AND HOME RULE
QUESTIONS.

In tho course of the following spee-.h drtlivereT by him at Wood
stock, Carleton County, N B., the flon. Mr. Costigan very tritely remarks
that the " National Policy" uor the " Riel " question will not be the only
important factors in the approaching struggle for supremacy in Canadian
affairs. " Home Rule for Ireland " has been made a party cry in Canada.
Therefore, it has been thought well to lay before the Canadian Public
Mr. Costigau's reasons for the coarse he and his fellow-Irish representa
tives thought proper to pursue with regard to this question during
the session of 1886. No need for any elaboration ; for Mr. Costigan
explains his position and that of his fellows in clear forcible language,
and without any " beating about the. bush?" How common is the remark
even amongst well-intentioned, patria ic Irishmen: "They (Costigan—
and the rest of them) made a mistake !" Yes ! they did make a
mistake ; they made a mistake when viewed as Canadian politicians,
but as patriotic Irishmen, loving the land of their birth or of their
ancestors, they made NO MISTAKE!
Had Messrs. Costigan, Curran, Ooughlin, Burns, Hackett, McGreevy
and the other Irish Catholic Conservatives (there were none such on the
. other side of the House) chosen to play the "demagogue role," they would
have simply voted for Mr. Blake's resolutions — which would have been
defeated — and leave the responsibility to be shouldered by those who
forced the resolutions of 1886, not caring one straw whether they were
lost or carried. Leaving Mr. Costigan to tell his tale in plain, unpreten,
tious language, there is no need for further introduction. But there is one
point that it is just as well to direct attention to. It is that wherein Mr.
o

< Atigan, with that love of justice, of fair play and of " doing unto others
at! you would be done by*' he uses the following language, in speaking of
the resolutions of 1882 -.—"Edward Blake made one ofthe ablest speeches -
I ever heard in my life in support of them," (the resolutions of 1882.) This
is only s. repetition of the language which Mr. Costigan . has ever held
regarding Mr. Blake's speech in, 1882. When he was interviewed by a
(no*) member ofthe "British House of Comrmms in 1884, (a Conser
vative,) he referred to the matter in the same words. And this is the
man who has been vilified as a " traitor"— -that foulest of words in the
Irish vocabulary. Here was John ¦ Costigan, a member of the Liberal-
Conservative Government of Canada, saying words of promise' in favour
of the Liberal leader in Canada to a Conservative Englishman who
•wanted to understand the Irish question, just because he (Costigan) felt
that justice demanded it. Let anyqne who reads the Parliamentary
reports, or who has happened to sit for an hour or two in the galleries of
'the Canadian Commons, contrast this with the sneers — little short of
insult — session after session with which the leader of the Liberal party,
Mr. Edward Blake, in the pride and egotism of his position has time and
time again treated the single-minded John Costigan. But Mr. Costigan
has been addressing his people " down by the sea," and here is his speech
deliyered at Woodstock, New Brunswick :
TO THE ELECTORS OF THE UPPER ST. JOHN.
THE KIEL QUKSTIOS AND HOME KULE.
Mr. Costigan, says the St.. John, N.B.. Sun, was received with ,
' hearty applause. He said, 1 feel greatly gratified at the opportunity
afforded me this evening of appearing before so large and intelligent^an
audience as I see before me at present. At this hour "of the night, I
think it well to assure y»u at the start that I do not intend to trespass
very largely upon your time or patience. You have listened, no doubt,
with a great deal of pleasure, and felt a deep interest in the address
delivered by, my distinguished colleague, Mr. Foster, and, if he had
reason to complain of our friend, the Minister of Customs, for having
taken the ground from under his feet and left nothing for him to say,
with how much greater force may I appeal to your sympathy after he
-has followed the Minister of Customs and left still less for me to say.
Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, the 'two former speakers have '
dealt with Xiestions that affect the interests of every citizen in this
country, lliey have drawn a picture of the two great political parties in.

&is country who appeal to the intelligence of the electors of Canada.
•they have referred to the National Policy as being the great issue in
the coming contest ¦ but, ladies and gentlemen, the National Policy will
not be the great issue in the coming contest. The Liberal party, under
the leadership of Hon. Mr. Blake, does not seek re-election on account
of any fixed- policy that'would recommend itself to intelligent people.
the policy of the party led by Hon. Edward Blake, is a policy calcu
lated, and intended, to gain strength from strife, -that may be 'created by
arraigning class against class, race against race, from one end -of the
country to. the othei*. A reference has been made by Mr. Foster to the
tact that notwithstanding the repeal agitation in Nova Scotia, that
province will send a majority to the support of the Liberal-Conservative
Government of this country, and I have great pleasure in endorsing
that statement with the firm conviction that it -is the truth. He has
also stated that notwithstanding the excitement produced by dema-,
; gogues in the Province of Quebec, that old province will send to the
support of the Government, who have carried out the policy of progress
and improvement in the country, a good majority. And 1 might: add
that notwithstanding the addition of a few supporters to Mr. Mowat,
in the Province of Ontario, that province will send as strong a majority,
if not stronger, to support the Conservative party in the next general
i election as now represent it in the Parliament of Canada. You all
¦know that the Province of British Columbia will send an unanimous
representation, and every man will know after1 the contest is ended, that
there will.not be a province in the whole, of Canada that will not send
a majority to the support of the Conservative Government.
What is the policy of the Opposition, and -what- are the weapons
to be used against the Government of this country?. The great weapon
to be used in the Province of Quebec, as far as it can be used by the
Liberal party, is to excite the prejudices of that people against the
' present Government because the sentence passed on a criminal by the
, 'highest courts of the land was allowed to be carried out. We all know
what excitement was produced in that country by demagogues travel
ling through the various counties and appealing tb the preiudices of
the people because that unfortunate man was executed. We have all
heard of the cries raised and the terms and epithets applied to the
Liberal-Conservative Government because that execution took place.
We have been called hangmen, and if the statements made by the
Liberal party from one end of the. country to the other were well
founded, they should not have called us hangmen, but murderers, because '
if the statements they made were true, and the men forming the present
Government consented to execute an unfortunate man in order to
strengthen themselves politically or consented to the death of a man
whom otherwise they would have believed to be innocent, from the
prospect of deriving additional support from any element of the peo-
.ple of this country, they were not merely hangmen but murderers in the
face of the country and in the face of God. But I can well remember

when a question of this kind once came before the House of Commons,
when Mr Blake was Minister of Justice, and when he defended him
self in words of eloquence and power because some insinuations had
been cast upon him with retard to the carrying out of the death penalty
imposed on criminals, he said, " can you for a moment imagine — can
i you not make allowances for the position of Minister nf Justice and the
painful, responsibility under which he .rests 1 Can you imagine a man
would be so lost to all sense of honesty and justice that he would give that
advice upon which depended the life of his fellow-being, and be influenced
by any unworthy or selfish motive or political considerations ? " He
made that strong appeal then, but he forgot it afterwards when he
crossed the House and became the attacking party, and there was an
other Minister of Justice in the office who was as sensitive of his
honour and conscience as Mr. Blake could possibly be. And I would
ask any intelligent audience in any part of this country, can any set of-
men — is there one single man wbo will reason the matter out and say
to himself that he honestly believe that these fourteen Ministers sat
around the Council table so lost to' all that was honest and truthful
and just, so lost to all sense of principle, so dead to their sense of jus
tice and their consciences, that they sat there and deliberated and finally
yielded to the dictation of the Orange or any other element, and agreed
that this man should die] No, sir; I do not believe there is any living
man in Canada to-day possessed of any intelligence, no matter what his
political 'prejudices may be against us, who would coolly and calmly
pass sucti a judgment against? the Cabinet considering the question at
the, time. What were really the grounds for the agitation in 1869-70 in the
Non h- West? This unfortunate mac, Louis Riel, was then a British.
subject. The citizens of this country believed that he and his people ,
had grievances. IS o doubt they had had difficulty with the first sur
veyors, who went up there and located the land, and probably were
imposed on by some of these men at the time. Governor Macdougall
went out to take charge of the territory. In the difficulty then exist
ing Louis Riel had the French and a portion of the Scotch and English
half-bieeds with him. He was determined to resist entry and posses
sion of that territory by the Dominion Government before a guarantee
would be given to them or the bill of lights acceded to. Very few lives
were lost in the rebellion itself, but a prisoner was taken by Kiel's men, '
and the execution of that man was the only stain upon Riel's character; ,
the great mistake he made at the time, because the people of Canada
generally were in sympathy with the half-breed people, because their
rights and position in this country were not. fully understood by either
party in Canada. But, sir, he took prisoner - a man by the name of
Scott, he was tried and convicted, sentenced and shot. I want vou to
remember one incident in the trial and execution of that man. At the,
time bne of Mr. Biers' colleagues was Prof. O'Donoghue, who had been
a professor in the St. Boniface College prior to that, and had joined the

Provincial Government of Riel. When that trial was being taken up,
O'Donoghue protested against any such proceeding ; declared that they
had no authority for taking upon themselves a matter of life and death,
and he would not take the responsibility and withdrew. But his coun
sel did not prevail. Scott was tried, sentenced and executed. That
event created almost as much excitement throughout a large portion of
Canada as the execution of Riel has caused, and in the one case as in
the othef the same politicians fanned the flame in Ontario when it was
the question of the murder of Thomas Scott.
We find that Hon. Edward Blak- , who recently shed te»rs for
the wrongs of the half-breeds, was the man who rose in the Ontario
Legislature* and depict-d Louis Riel as a red handed murderer,
and oflvred $5,000 reward for his apprvhensioo, and declared
that so foul a murder must be avenyed 'by the men of Ontario
- — not by the laws of the country, sir, but by giving it that local and
sectional character he appealed to the people of Qntarii as if the crime
. was not • ommitUd against all Canada. General Wo^ ley was ssnt
¦with an expedition into that country, and the half-breed found that
with the forces ciming again/t him if they reached the country his
time would be short and his reign would be over. His warn est
friends, those who took the deepest interest in him, advised him to
give himself up, and the best manner iu which he could do so was to
offer his services to Governor Archibald, who was then Governor of
Manitoba. In the meantime, before he had received this advice
and acted upon it, General Wolseley was making slow progress through
what was known as the Dawson road with his troops. Piior to this
Riel and his council met, discussed the whole question, and decided to
raise a force and meet and cut off the march of General Wolseley and
his forces, but he could not laise the required number of men in Mani
toba. What did he do? Why he, himself, over his own hand and
Signature and those of his colleagues in the provisional government,
authorized O'Donoghue to go into the United States and appeal to the
Americans there to give them arms and men a<nd aid in any way to
repel, if they could, the invasion of the Canadians. O'Donohue went
down, a member of the provisional Government, as I have said, with
these documents of authority in his pocket — documents which I held
in my hands afterwards and produced belore Parliament, and there
fore, I know of what I speak and know of their existence. He went
to the United States, procured money from sympathizers for these
people, procured arms and the assistance of a certain number of volun
teers who offered to dome and aid Louis Riel.
When O'Donoghue reached Pembina word came that reinforce
ments were coming to Louis Riel, but at this moment Riel offered his
services to do what ? Why, to go and repel the so-called Fenian inva
sion, to fight his own colleague coming with Lis own authority, coming
to his rescue at his request, having fulfilled the mission of danger. He
offered to go and repel the invasion, headed as it was by his own col-

league, carrying out his own instructions. Louis Riel esoaped from
Manitoba to the United States; warrants were issued for him, but he
became an American citizen,, was no longer a Canadian, and troublesome
and designing characters began' to agitate m Manitoba among the half-
breeds and Indians... -There was the Farmers' Union, wlrich was a polit
ical engine at that time; working in< the Liberal interest, and they;
thought the course best calculated to promote their interest was to
preach discontent and dissatisfaction in that country. They worked
upon the sympathies of the half-breeds, making them believe that they
were with them and prepared to rebel; A- few of the half-breeds went
down and brought Louis Riel up into the country. He held several
meetings.' Up to this time the half-breeds had always been led, guided,
and advised by their clergy. They, were ah innocent, industrious, hon
est, harmless class of people — ignorant, of course, having never enjoyed
the advantages of civilization to any great extent., They were without;-*,
.,, education, and like children in the hands of their clergy. Their clergy
gave them, the best of advice, and told them to have nothing- to do with
Louis Riel. They told them that Riel had got them into trouble once
before and he would, get them into- trouble again. The people took the>;
advice of their clergy, and what did Riel do then ? He then took, it
upon himself to proclaim himself a prophet to work upon the prejudices
of these people. 'He persuaded a portion of them that he was more
powerful than the priests, persuaded a small portion of them that the
Church of Rome was , tyrannical, that it kept the people in ignorance '.
and extorted money from them, but he said he was inspired, he was to
teach them, and theyv were to follow him. He exposed the Sisters of
Charity to great danger during the trouble that took place shortly after. ,.'¦
Well, he succeeded in putting the Indians upon the warpath, and "•
while we all regret the end of that unfortunate man, while we all regret;
that he placed himself in such a position that the extreme penalty, of
the law had to bevisited upon him, while I have heard orators appeal
•to the passions of the Canadian people in- favour of this course, I have ,
never heard them make reference to those two young men who; went
out 'there with their wives to settle down, in that country, and who
were shot down by the creatures'.bf Louis Riel without a word of
warning. ; (Applause.) Nor to the two priests who went' out to that ¦_
1 country, devoting their lives to the cause of Christianity, and while
offering t,he last consolations to these dying men, and kneeling beside '
them, received the murderer's bullet, The \ictims of this savage;'
butchery were cast into an' old cellar, and their bodies left there in the
ruins of that place.' No sympathy was expressed for them. I think
the people of this country are disposed to think that these lives were *
just as Valuable as that of Louis Riel.
Let me give you another instance of the unfair -attack^ upon the '-
Dominion Government for the execution of Louis Riel. . i Let me ask
the attention particularly of those Irishmen who have blamed the,
Government for the execution. Not, more than six weeks before this

9 , '
vent an Irishman1 committed murder in that country, was tried and
convicted, but his counsel appealed, claiming that the court had no
jurisdiction to try a case of murder. The appeal came before the
Minister of Justice, no appeal was granted, the law took its .course and
the man was executed. ,
Louis Riel was tried afterwards by that same tribunal in the same
country, and sentence of death was passed upon him. His lawyers
advised an appeal on account of want of jurisdiction* in that court. The
Government did not value the life of Louis Riel more than that of an
Irishman. They had no more doubt as to the jurisdiction of the court
than in the former case.. They saw that the case of Louis Riel was
one which a portion of the population of this country were trying to
g*ve a national character. They said, "We must- try and keep that
dangerous sentiment down, and therefore will make an exception in
m this case, and while we fully believe the court has jurisdiction, while
• we believe it is constitutionally constituted, still in order that these
demagogues may not have anything to appeal to the passions of the
people of the country upon, we must show that the Government are
'disposed to afford him an opportunity of clearing himself from ,the death
^penalty, if he can be cleared under the laws of this country." Accord-
•ingly an appeal was allowed, the case was carried to the Supreme Court
in Winnipeg, where the sentence of the first court "was confirmed after
a full investigation and examination of all the evidence that could be
-produced. And let me say here as an answer to those who charge the
Government with refusing to furnish means for the trial, that the Gov
ernment did furnish all the money for bringing the witnesses asked for
. by the defence. i
As I have said the decision of the first court was confirmed. But
the lawyers of the defence said : Now, there is still, one last/ resort,
one tribunal in w I dch the whole empire has confidence. Let us see , if
"we can get an appeal to that higher tribunal, the judicial committee of
the Privy Council. That demand was made upon the Government.
T-he Government said yes. The political demagogues must have no
ground or excuse for saying the prisoner had not a fair and impartial
trial. So the case was carried before the judicial committee of the
Privy Council, and with what result ? That committee confirmed the
decision of the two former courts. Then there was nothing to be done
unless the Government would step in and say, "No, this man must
not be hanged." But the Government could not consistently take such
a course as that. They did not consider that it was only the life of'
Louis Riel that was at stake ; the policy of the Government was td
settle and- people that great Hudson Bay country- with a law-abiding
population. Exposed to the possible outbreak of the savage tribes in
that territory, if there was one thing above all other things necessary
for the future peace and prosperity of our Canadian Northwe3t, it was
to assure the people of that country that the law of the land must be
obeyed and maintained. 'They felt they owed it to every new settler

X ,.-,;,•¦•' 10 - ' ;, • A
who went into that territory- that he should feel tha* the arm of the
law was strong enough to protect him and punish wrong doers.
Let us suppose here that in response to the strong appeals made
to them — not by the countrymen of Louis Riel, for the French-Canadian
people were not the countrymen of Riel, who was as much an Indian
as a Frenchman, and did not represent them in the true sense of the
word, although I can understand that on account of being half French
they would vtake a deep interest in him — supposing, I say, the I "ominion
Government had yielded "to the very earnest and numerous solicitations
made,for his release, what then? I say it would have paralyzed the
people of the western country, that it would have irrevocably shaken
their confidence in the administration of justice^ What would they do
with the savages who, stimulated by Riel, committed brutal murders in
the distant territory ? They were arrested and found guilty of murder.
Could the government pardon Louis Riel and let these savages be pun
ished ? Would they not be handed down to future generations as
corrupt and cowardly administrators of the law ? Would it not be said,
and justly said, " You let Louis Riel escape because he had a large sec
tion of the civilized portion of the country to use their influence to set
Mm free, but you strung up these poor, uncivilized savages who had
none to plead on their behalf? " They could not do it. They could not
allow the man who created the rebellion to go clear and punish his hap
less victims and dupes. Well sir, the result was tljat the majesty of
the law was vindicated, the law took its course, the death penalty was
carried out and Louis Riel died for the terrible crimes he had com
mitted- (Applause.) ,
And that is not the only question that will be a prominent issue
at the next general election. I would like to say- a few words in self-
defence and in defence of my friends in Parliament who, with me, havo
been accused as traitors — I mean the question of Home Rule. I
desire to state the history of that question in as few words as possible.
In 1882 I was called upon by a committee of Irishmen representing
both political parties in tbis country, and being a warm sympathizer
with the movement for Home Rule in Ireland, I was asked what I
thought would be the prospect Of carrying a resolution in the House of
Commons favouring a system of government in Ireland such as the
Canadian people enjoyed in this country. Well, I said, I think the
people of Canada, who know all about Home Rule, who enjoy its
benefits and feel satisfied with the blessings of the government under
which they live, will not object through their representatives to express
a willingness to see the people of Ireland enjoy the same privelege. I
was asked to take charge of that question, and I consented to do so on
one condition — that it would not be a political question, that it would
not be a party question, and that I should have the assurance of the
Irish people .themselves, that they, wanted me to move in this matter
so that I would not be charged with acting the part of a demagogue in
the House of Commons. Resolutions were passed all over the

11 , A'
, \ . ¦ ¦
Dominion of Canada from the Atlantic to the Pacific coast, endorsing
my resolution of lS8"i, a copy of the resolution which had been sent to
them, and which it was intended to move before the House. I took
steps to have the resolution placed'before tire House, to get the expre^
Sion of the House upon it. I invited every Irish member, Protestant
as* well as Catholic, in the House and in the Senate, to meet and appoint
a sub-committee to prepare the resolution ; still carrying out the one
condition I started with at first that it should not be made a political
question, I invited gentlemen from both sides of the House to co-operate.
The meeting was held, most of them attended, we forced a sub-com
mittee, framed the resolutions, gave notice of motion, and to make a
long story short, not a vote was recorded against them in the House of
Commons. Edward Blake made one of the ablest speeches I ever heard in my
life in support' of them. I did not consider, that his speech carried the
question, because you all know, gentlemen, that in the House of Com
mons the ones who carry the questions are the ones who have the
majority of the members in sympathy with them. The minority do
not initiate many measures, nor carry them through, but I am willing
to give Mr. Blake and his friends the credit of having co-operated with
us. We carried it to the Senate. There it received almost unanimous
sanction, only six members voting against it. The address was then
forwarded to Her Majesty through His Excellency the Governor-
General. ' Earl Kimberley was instructed to reply that in such matters
Her Majesty would oonsnlt her own Ministers, that this was not a
matter the people of Canada had anything to do with — practically told
us to mind our own business. At that time Mr. Gladstone held a good
many of the leading Irish Home Rulers imprisoned in Kilmainham, and
in this address was a suggestion that they should be set at liberty.
They were set at liberty shortly afterwards. But I would like to call
the attention of my friends — if I may call them such — for I have a great
respect for the Irish people here on account of the warm sympathy for
the movement which is being made in Ireland. I admire the pluck
and energy of the fight they are making for what we are enjoying in
this country, and which no liberal man will say they are not entitled to
in Ireland. What followed ? 1 do not find fault with the masses of
the Irish people, for*I know they have been deceived and misled. But
I have supreme contempt for the demagogues who, knowing that I
have been trying to do what is right and honest, endeavour to injure
me in the estimation of my own countrymen. The Irish all over Canada
sent me messages of congratulation for the passing of a motion which
they had not believed would pass the House. The most they expected
at the time was that it would elicit a favourable vote in Parliament,
but they never dreamed that a majority would carry it through. I am
sorry to say that the congratulations, that warmed and cheered my
heart at the time, were soon to be changed into insults and injuries,
inspired by the demagogues to whom I have before referred.

12 •* -
Last session when there had not been a word said, not a single word
had I received that the Irish question ought to be raised again in the.
House, the first indication I ever had of it was when the Montreal
Post and True' Witness published an article saying that "it is rumoured
tiiat a motion, is to 'be introduced in Parliament to thank Mr. Gladstone
for the legislation he has initiated in favour of Home Rule.'x If it
should come from the Tory side (and you will remember it was a Tory ,
who moved and carried these resolutions at the request of the Irish,
people in 1882), if it should come from the Tory side, we know what it
means ; it will be pure bunkum and humbug to please the Irish people,
but the time is past for passing any such resolutions." Well, sir, a few>
days afterwards, the St. Patrick's Literary Society of Ottawa, came to
me and asked mevto move another resolution on the Irish question. I
said, "show me how you expect to strengthen the hands of the men who
are' figh ting the battle of Home Rule in Ireland, and I am with you.
Can you get a, better vote in the House, of Commons than you got
before? Is not there danger that you might not get as good a one?
Then, why re-open the question? I will not do it unless you can show
me or give me assurances that you are not going to injure the question,
but that it is going to gain" by it." But the game was apparent. It
was not Home Rule the wire-pullers among these people wanted. It
was not to strengthen the people in Ireland, but the Grit party, in
Ontario especially. They Wanted to be able to go back to Ontario and
say, " Weintroduced a resolution for Home Rule and the Government -
opposed it." That is proved by the course they , pursued. Mr. Blake
then, as we all expected, moved as an amendment to' the motion to go
into supply, his motion on the Irish question. That motion coming
from the leader ofthe Opposition was beyond anyvcavil.a clear, open
question of want of confidence.' v It was so accepted and he was advised
that if he forced that motion under present circumstances the Govern
ment could not do anything but, vote it down. No doubt that would
have suited Mr. Blake's purpose as far as Canadian politics was con-.
cerned~ but when Sir John A. Macdonald told him that he would name
a day to discuss the question Mr.- Blake Jiad to withdraw the motion. ,
The day fixed was Thursday, and I saw that if the motion was
carried at all it would be carried by a very much reduced vote as com
pared with that oi 1882, and I saw also that those opposed to any
Home Rule would say at once : " In 1882 Costigan's Home Rule reso
lution received the unanimous support of the Canadian House of
Commons, and was carried in the Senate, receiving every vote but six,
and what was the result in 1886 1 Why, the resolution introduced by
Mr. Blake, the leader of the Opposition, was voted on and carried by a
bare majority, and never was sent to the jSenate at all. There has
been a great change of ' opinion in Canada: The Canadian people
whose sympathies were so strong. in 1882 have changed their views :
greatly because the vote of 1886 is very much weaker than thfit of
1882." What then did I do ? I introduced an amendment to Mr.

v "\ 13
Blake s motion, and 1 was careful in preparing that amendment to
. reproduce the sentiments contained in the motion of 1882. The'pr'n-
cipal reason- 1 reiterated those sentiments was because I felt in placing
that same resolution before the Hotise I was .asking the gentlemen who
voted lor it before to , confirm what they voted for in 1882, and, sir, I
was doing more ; I was ensuring the passage of- my amendment, which
was of equal and, according to Home Rule organs, greater value than
,. Mr. Blake's motion by double the majority he could reasonably expect, '
as leader of the ' Opposition, to. have his carried by. J Well, sir; the
amendment was carried and then the work began, the work of slander,.
¦ misrepresentation and falsehood. A , howl was raised at once and
.echoed around .the country that Costigan and the other Irish supporters
sof the Government were all traitors, that we had played into the hands
'• of the Government on this question and were deserving of nothing but
supreme contempt. 'Before Mr. Blake moved his resolution, with the
.¦(.concurrence ofthe Irish members of both Houses, I sent Mr. Parnell
j'/directly a cablegram congratulating him upon the progress that wag
being made in the public mind on' the question of gr-anting Home Rule
to Ireland, and here is the answer sent by Mr. Parnell himself : —
" Dear Sir — I desire/ to express to you and also to the Irish rep
resentation in the Canadian Parliament the cordial thanks of my col- <¦
leagues and myself .for the lengthy and important message which you
cabled to us on the 4th inst. This expression of sympathy on the part
of yourself and our friends in the Canadian Parliament is of the utmost
importance to our cause, as it will do a great deal towards strengthen
ing our position in the Imperial Parliament."
Now, I may be wrong in this matter. I know there are warm,
friends of Ireland in. Canada. I know there are men who would make,
¦> great sacrifices to see, Ireland enjoying the same system of Government
we are enjoying here. But I do not believe that any of these men,
especially these who have criticised me severely, know more about Home
iRule than Mr. Parnell and his associates in Ireland do, and I am quite
'satisfied, as far as the Irish question is concerned, and with the kindly
assurances that I have confirming the thanks of" these men for having
rendered great service to them, while at the same time they thank the
.Canadian Parliament for the generosity that made- them support that
.motion, I say I am quite satisfied that, - 1 can afford to let the dema
gogues talk a great'deal and still not be uneasy in my conscience for the
^course I have pursued. (Applause.), After Hhe resolution was, passed
some of the newspapers raised the cry, and onefhalf the Irishmen in the
country were led to believe that I and my Irish friends had voted
: against Home Rule. Why ? Because we voted against Mr. Blake's
motion. So we did. But if we did we all voted for the amendment -
which I introduced. They say my amendment was nothing like Mr.
Blake's motion. Well, I think the Irish people themselves ought to be as
good judges on that point as anyone in th'e<country. If yOu had read the
leading organs of Mr. Parnell in Ireland you would have seen that they

14 ' ¦ ,,
say, the difference between the two. motions — Mr. Blake's and mine —
was as between tweedledum and tweedledee, a difference in construction
only, the advantage being on the' side of Irish liberty, because it was
carried by the responsible Ministry1 of the day and not by the irre
sponsible minority. (Applause.) '
But I have better proof than that. Do these men know that Mr.
Blake did not stand so firmly and determinedly by his own motioD I
Mr. Blake did not consider that there was such a great difference after
all between his and my motion, because he and his party swallowed my
motion and voted for it to a man, except Mr. Mitchell, who would not
vote either, way. It could not have been so bad or Mr. Blake would
not have voted for it. The only difference was that mine succeeded- in
carrying a larger vote than, he could have succeeded in carrying, because
I made it almost word- for word with the motion we voted on in 1S82.
I say that Mr. Blake, in introducing that motion, was not influenced
by the desire of promoting Home Rule. Tf he had been desirous of
promoting Home Rule would he have sprung his vote of want of confi
dence without consulting tbe Irish members in the House? He knew;
he would not have carried that motion, but what he wanted was to try
and bring it in and have it voted down without any amendment such as
I moved. It is not merely because it is an Irish question thafclhave dragged
' this subject in this evening. It is because it will be discussed in the elec-
1 tioli here more than the National Policy itself. The Irish people -of
Canada feel deeply interested in the cause of Ireland. They are ready to '
make a sacrifice to obtain a system of Home Rule, and if they can bo per
suaded that we have been traitors to them, we will lose their support,
and the object of the Liberal party is to gain sufficient strength through
. detaching the Irish party from us, and enough supporters out of Quebec,
to give them the reins of power. There is where they expect to get their
majority and not from any platform the'y have been able to construct,
and I -trust you will excuse me for confining my remarks to this subject," '
which will, I trust, place our friends in a position to understand what
did really take place, and then they will be able to judge for themselves
as to who was right and who was wrong. (Hearty applause).

Mr.' Costigan has given a very fair and impartial account ofthe
resolutions of 1882 and of those of 1886, in the foregoing speech. It;
may, however, interest the Irish people of " this Canada of ours" to know
that " Home Rule'' not being quite so popular in 1882 as it has since —
thanks to God — become, the attendance of the Liberal side of the House
at the meeting in 1882 alluded to by Mr. Costigan was just four — and af
the adjourned meeting held subsequently just two— -including Senators
and Members o'f Parliament 'of, the "Irish" (Catholic or Protestant)

15
" persuasion." His reference to the effervescing anxiety of the Liberals
m 1886 — who were so very conspicuous by their absence in 1882— is
particularly well told.
Here it may be well to introduce a chapter or two from Mr. J. K.
Foran's pamphlet. The following tells in succinct language what would
assuredly have been the fate of Mr. Blake's resolutions had his motion of
want of confidence in the Government been allowed to go before the
House, even with the support of Messrs. Costigan and the other Irish
Catholic members. Mr. Foran says : —
" In this chapter I will put the question ih, a 'new, light, and do so
" as simply as I can. After the resolutions were forced into the House,
" despite the dangers to which they were going to be exposed, Mr.
" Blake seized upon the opportunity and moved them. Mr, Mills then
" moved an amendment to the effect ' that the name of Parnell be
" added to that of Gladstone, in the original resolutions." To prove
" their sincere desire to aid in the work, and their real wish to have
' " Iceland's great leader honoured, the Irish-Catholic members (Conser-
" vative), one and all, voted with the" opposition upon this amendment.
" Costigan, Curran, Daly, &c, all cast votes with the Liberals in order
" to express their admiration of Parnell and devotion to Ireland. What
' "'was the result? The amendment was lost by 87 to 69. By a mnjor-
" ity of eighteen the name of Parnell was left out, showing that it was
" not to honor him, to serve Ireland, but to praise the Liberal leader,
" and for party purposes that the resolutions were taken up by the Grit
" faction. Then arose the danger. Had Costigan, Curran, Bergin,
" Daly, <fec, voted with Mr. Blake on the original motion, the result
' " would necessarily have been the same ; the Blake resolutions would
" have been defeated by a majority of eighteen. Then would these
"Irish Catholics have stultified themselves! They would have given a
''powerful weapon to Salisbury, Chamberlain and Churchill. These
" men could have pointed to Canada and said, 'four years ago the
" Dominion was in favour of Home Rule, but since it has changed its
" opinion and it must have good reason for so doing.' Mr. Blake would
" have reaped the benefit of having taken them up ; while their defeat
" would have suited all his other political purposes What remained
" for Mr. Costigan and others to do ? Save at all hazards the defeat !
" Mr. Costigan, then, seeing that the vote would run on party" lines,
" despite his and his colleagues' efforts and their votes for the Opposition,
" and that certain defeat stored them in the face, and knowing that the
" Conservative vote was the stronger, he grasped in a statesmanlike
" manner, the situation and moved an amendment which had the effect
" of tiding the resolutions over the shoal, and saving them from being
" swamped. And for this amendment he is condemned. Men come
" out to condemn, in no measured terms, the very action which was the
" salvation of the cause."

- - I
But let it be Always borne in mind that the movement of 1882 was
a spontaneous one on the part of the whole Irish population of the Do-
minipn. Every Irish Society from the Atlantic to the Pacific who could
be reached was consulted. What was that of 1886? Was there a single
Irish Society, a single Irishman outside of Ottawa consulted in the mat-
, ter ? Let these who
pulled' the wires
in the City of Ottawa answer; and on their heads lie theodium of having '
endangered the , i SACRED CAUSE ,
Of Home Rule for Ireland— in so far as in them lay— in order that they
might achieve a passing triumph in Dominion Politics. /
Mr. Costigan, and his fellows are accused of abandoning- the cause
of Home Rule. Well, let Mr. F6ran again speak,' and he speaketh -as
follows : —
" It has been stated, that Mr. Costigan ceased to take an incerestr
in 'the Irish cause after the passing of the Home Rule resolutions of
1882. It is true he; did not go about, crying from the house-tops his
Irish sentiments ; but unknown to tUe public, in secret and in the
quiet sphere that lies beyond the din of public tumult he unceasingly -
labored for that cause. Did some Ir^sh-Canadians but know the one-
half of his actions and movements to aid and further the Home Rule :
cause, they would blush with shame with having treated the quiet,,
worker so/disgraceTully. Because he did not, parade his every act before ..."
the public gaze they think he was .silent and inactive. In 1883, before ,
any definite plan of Home Rule was adopted by the Irish party at
home, and when the Marquj.8 of Lome was about to leavs Canada, 'he '
wrote to Mr. Costigan asking that Mr. Costigan should point Out
measures he deemed necessary for Ireland, in order that these sugges
tions might be used on the other side of the Atlantic to Heland's
benefit. Before Gladstone favOred' Home Rule, before Parnell's plat- '
form was completed, here is what Hon. John Costigan sent to the
Marquis'bf Lome. As Minister of the Crown, and as an Irishman,
this so much abused man placed the following powerful- statement in ,
the hands of Her Majesty's representative/"
And it, in ay be added :— Did some Irish Canadians know but one-half
of his (Mr. Costigan's) actions and movements to secure to them a just -
representation in. every walk of life, " they would blush with shame with

17
having treated the quiet worker so shamefully." But men's good deeds
live after them, and when John Costigan will have passed away, many
who now — if they do not revile him at least join in the parrot-like
cry "_He made a mistake "¦ — will say -in the bitterness of their remorse,
" When shall we look upon his like again ? "
Now here is Mr. Co'stigan's letter to Lord Lome,- alluded to by Mr.
Foran, written with a full knowledge of his responsibility as the sworn
adviser of the Queen — the Queen of Canada as well as she is the Queen
of England — and, mark the date (1883), years before Mr. Gladstone had
adopted Home Rule, when, in fact, by no w£rd or sign had he given the
world to understand that he favored the measure ; and mark, also, the
remarkable coincidence between its opening words and those of Mr.
Gladstone in his ever memorable speech, when he introduced his Bill into
the House of Commons to place " Local Legislation and administration in
theiiands ofthe Irish people:'' So oh were the very words he used. Ls it
an unfair dedtiction to assume that when he was drafting his bill he had
Mr. Costigan's letter to Lord Lome under his eyes ; and is it not fail?
to assume that Mr. Gladstone followed the advice given him by one
whom he had every. reason to suppose was the exponent of the views of
a large portion of the people in this " the brightest gem ih the crown ?"
" Ottawa, 18th June, 1883.
" Dear Lord Lorne. — In your letter of the 8th inst. you ask me
" to point out what measures I deem most useful for Ireland.
" I am thoroughly convinced that Home Rule is the measure that
" IrLhmen at home and abroad expect; / am also qf opinion that no
" other measure, which will) not place the control of Local Legislature and
" administration in the liands oj the Irish people, will be satisfactory to
•V them, or productive of that harmony which is so es-ential to the well-
" being of the Empire."
" I am aware of the existence of difficulties in the way of giving
" to Ireland a system of local government similar to that enjoyed by
" the Provinces of Canada ; but I believe those difficulties are less
"numerous and less complicated than the difficulties that presented
" themselves to the framers of our present constitution, and should be
-' as easy of being provided for in the ease of Ireland as they were in
" the case of the, different provinces now comprised in the Canadian
" Confederation. The difficulties in the way seem to be of a triple
" nature. The large owners of property look with dread at the prospect
" of entrusting vested interests in the hands of men who would be new
" tp the responsibilities of administering a people's affairs. They seem

18
" to fear the teachings of Socialism, and to think that if Ireland were
"free from her present moorings, confiscation of all existing proprietary
" rights would follow. Then English pride revolts at the danger of
" disintegrating the Empire. It views with alarm the proposal to
" establish what it considers might be a hostile Parliament in Ireland,
" and even moderate Englishmen fancy that such an experiment would
" be dangerous. Again the religious minority in Ireland appear to
" think that its liberties would -be in danger, and they question the
" propriety of entrusting their future to the keeping of men with whom
" they have had long and bitter feuds.
" Those are, in my opinion, among the prominent difficulties which
" the Imperial Government have to overcome, and if (they can be satis-
" factorily guarded against the experiment of granting Home Rule to •
" Ireland might be attempted without arousing the fears of the land-
" lords, the dread of1 Imperial shipwreck, or the terror of religious
" persecution. If the Imperial Government reserved to itself the right
'" of veto Over all Irish Legislation, as the Government of the Dominion '
" has over all Acts of Provincial Legislatures, the dangers of Socialism,
" Confiscation or Persecution would at once vanish. With such a
" power vested interests; would be as safe as they are now, the integrity
" of the Empire just as secure, and the liberties of the minority just as
" free from the danger , of extinction. The Irish Parliament would
" have no power to successfully assail either one or the other. The
" chances are that the desire for doing so would not exist. The past
'" history of Ireland, as well as current events go to strengthen this
" supposition, for it is a well-known fact that, in all their struggles,
" men differing in religious belief from the majority, have always been
" among the most trusted leaders of the people. In the East, South
" and West, gentlemen holding religious views contrary to theirs enjoy
" to-day the highest representative offices, legislative and municipal .
" within their gift, and there can be no just reason for anticipating that
" the , conduct of the majority in the future would differ from their
" action in the past ; hut, assuming the worst, the people of Ireland
" would be powerless in view of the safeguard which the veto would
" ensure. But there could be a still greater safeguard. These diffi-
" culties could be finally settled before Home Rule were granted at all.
" The land question could be settled now. In fact I believe no system
" of Home Rule would succeed in Ireland unless that question were
" first settled. No matter how that question is disposed of at present,
" the ultimate solution of it must be a radical one. Ireland must have
" a peasant proprietary sooner or later, and it should be far more
" satisfactory to the landlords and better for the Empire to have the
" difficulty ended by an Imperial enactment than risk the success of
" Home Rule by leaving so difficult a problem to be solved by the first
"Local Legislature! And the . integrity of the Empire would be
" secured in the same way ; everything affecting that integrity might
" be reserved for Imperial Administration and Ireland would have no

19
" more power to break away from Great Britain than any Province in
" the Dominion would have to break away from the Confederation.
" With our power of veto and the cpntrol of the militia, the danger of
" secession is removed and there is no reason, that I can see, that Great
" Britain could not guard her interests in a similar way.
" Nor do I see any danger which might threaten the minority in
" Ireland that could not be guarded against. Your Lordship may
" remember that at the time of Confederation the Protestant minority
" of Quebec asked for certain ' guarantees. They rightly wished that
" their interests should in someway be guarded in order that they should
" have a fair share of representation in the House of Commons as well
" as in the Local Legislature 'of their Province. What was done ! In
" the Eastern Townships there was a Protestant minority, and twelve-
" constituencies were so arranged as that they would have Protestant
" majorities, thus securing Protestant representation to the minority of
" Quebec. This arrangement stands good to this day. Why could not
" a similar arrangement be made in Ireland in arranging the constituen-
" cies for the Local Parliament ? The- North could be so divided that
" certain constituencies would have Protestant majorities, thus securing
" to the minority fair representation. In fact the chances are that the
" minority would hold the balance of power. There would be, as there
"now is, a large portion of the Irish Catholics who would defend
" Protestant liberties as readily as they would defend their own, and
" any attempt to interfere with these rights would end as disastrously
" as if an attempt were made to extinguish the rights of the Protestant
" minority in the Province of Quebec, or of the Roman Catholic
" minority of the other Provinces. Thus, my Lord, it appears that the
" three great difficulties in the way could be removed by surrounding
" the proposed Constitution with safeguards which in a great way have
" already been adopted with marked success here. When Confedera-
" tion became a living factor in Canadian politics the leading men
" from the different parts of the country were brought together, and
*' interests and special cases of each locality were- considered.
********" There is another
" serious aspect of the Irish question which a careful student of the
" English press cannot fail to notice. That press is continually pointing
" out the difficulties in the way of Home Rule, but never tells us of the
" advantages such a change in Ireland would be to the Empire at large.
" No thought seems to be given to the security and peace that a satisfac-
" tory solution of the difficultiesin Ireland would bring to Canada alone.
* * * * * ##*« Home Rule would
" beyond a doubt, consolidate, not weaken, the Empire. lt would
" make the Irish at home as loyak as the Irish in Canada and the
" Colonies, and it would remove all causes of serious agitation on the
" part of extremists. That loyalty would be cheaply purchased by the
" surrender to the Irish people of the management of their local affairs.
" England should accept the national aspirations of the Irish people as

- ; 20
•' a burning fact, and instead of decrying it, utilize it for her as well as
" Ireland's benefit. How strong that national aspiration is, the attempt
"of the Pope to interfere with the Parnell testimonial fully proves.
" Fancy a people who have suffered so much for their Religion as the
" Irish have in the past. Century after century the persecution went
" on and yet the Irish remained firm upholders of their Faith. They,
" might be exterminated but they would not change; but yet the instant
" that the visible Head of their Church — the man whom they look upon
-' as the most important Personage* on earth — attempts to run counter
¦" to the National will, that instant sullen silence or open, anger find
" play, and they give him to understand that not for him will they
" swerve from the line of duty.
The War Office conceded to the Irish regiments the right to wear
the Shamrock, aud I am confident that that little concession 'to their,
national sentiment did more to touch - the hearts of the Irish soldiery .
than did the disestablishment and disendowmeht of -the English Church
in Ireland. That sentiment should be accepted as a factor in the pre
sent struggle, and it would be wise if the English Government allowed .
it generous and legitimate play. j
" With reference to the Franchise, I see no reason why the English* .
*' law of household suffrage with a larger Franchise shbuld not be applied
" to Ireland. It would not do to have a more restrictive, Franchise in
" Ireland than in England, and to us in this country it appears an
" anomaly that the poorer country should have the larger assessment in
" order to qualify for the electorate. > J
" As to Provincial Legislatures, I can see no reason for their adop-~
"tion. They would add materially to the burdens of the people without -"
" corresponding advantages. One Parliament would be sufficient with
" County Boards and such a Municipal system as we have here. If Jthat
" Parliament were vested with power enough to control local affairs,
" strong enough to develop the resources of the country, and prudent '"•
" enough to .expend advantageously its share of the revenue, peace and
" contentment would reign once more ih Ireland. All this can, I be- ,
" lieve, be easily accomplished, and if it be done within a reasonable
" time, I am convinced we will witness an outburst of Irish loyalty that
" will be an additional guarantee of the stability of the Empire and the
" security of the Throne;.
" Having, now, my Lord, given you an idea of my opinion on the
" Irish question, I avail myself of the opportunity of congratulating your
" Lordship and Her Royal Highness on the pleasing fact that in sever-
'' ing your official connection with, them, you carry with you the best
*' wishes of the Canadian people, for your prosperity and happiness, and ^
" to assure you that no portion of them wish that prosperity and hap-
" piness to yourself and Her Royal Highness more fervently than do-
" the Irish. " Believe me to be, &c, &c.~, t
" Dear Lord Lome,
" Yours very truly, '
" JOHN COSTIQAN," '- t

21
Remember it was in the summer of 1883 that this was written. It
came from a Minister of the Crown to the representative of England in
Canada, and was to be conveyed by that representative to 'England and
to be placed before the English Government.
Reviewing Mr. Foran's pamphlet, the Dublin Freeman's Journal
of 30th November, 1886, says of Mr. Costigan's letter to Lord Lome :
"Our readers are not unfamiliar with the name ofthe Hon. John
' Costigan, the mover ofthe celebrated series of resolutions in favour
' of Home Rule for Ireland which the Dominion Parliament of Canada
- adopted by a unanimous vote. Mr. Costigan is a type of the
' transplanted , Celt — bold, fearless and uncompromising with a
- passionate attachment for the Old Land and an unshaken faith in her
' ultimate triumph. His ability is sufficiently testified by his rank as
' Minister of Inland Revenue in the Cabinet of Sir John Macdonald.
'-'Mr. Costigan has recently been in communicatibn with the Marquis
• of Lome, who, when Viceroy of Canada, formed a high opinion of
' the Minister of Inland Revenue. Tbe letter which Mr. Costigan >
' addres ed to the' ex- Viceroy, and which is published in a pamphlet '
'by Mr, Foran on 'Irish Catholic Representatives,' is a powerful plea_
' for Home Rule, He discusses the question at considerable length,
' viewing it in its relation to religious toleranee, to the position ofthe
"Imperial to the subordinate Legislature, and to its effect upon the
' general prosperity of Ireland. For all three considerations Mr. Cos-
' tigan supplies satisfactory proof of the value as well as the necessity
' of some such measure as Mr. Gladstone proposed." With respect to
the position of the minority under any condition of self-government,
Mr., Costigan writes : — •
" I see no danger which might threaten the minority in Ireland
" that could not be guarded against. Your Lordship may remember
" that at the time of confederation the Protestant minority of Quebec
" asked for certain guarantees. They rightly wished that their interests
" should in some way be guarded in order that they should have a fair
" share of representatives in the House of Commons as well as in the*
" Local Legislature of their Province. What was done? In the Eastern
*' Townships there was a Protestant minority, arid twelve constituen-
" cies were so arranged as that they would have Protestant majorities,
" thus securing Protestant representation to the minority of Quebec.
'*' This arrangement stands good to this day. Why 'could not a similar
" arrangement be made in Ireland in arranging the constituencies for
" the Local Parliament. The North could be so divided that certain
" constituencies would have Protestant majorities, thus securing to the
" minority fair representation. -In fact thechances are that the minority
" would hold, the balance of power. There would be, as there now is, a
" large portion of the, Irish Catholics who would defend Protestant
" liberties as readily as they would defend their own, and any attempt

"to interfere with these rights would end as disastrously ,- as if an
" attempt were made to extinguish the rights of the Protestant minority
" in the Province of Quebec, or of the Roman Catholic minority of the
" ofcher Provinces."
Mr. Costigan has no fancy for the Chamberlain conception of
Home Rule, and his views upon, this phase of the question are
especially valuable, seeing that the member for Birmingham drew his
inspiration mainly from Canada. As to1 Provincial Legislatures says
Mr. Costigan : —
"I can see no reason for their adoption. They would add materi
ally to the burdens of the people without corresponding advantages.
One Parliament would be sufficient wi,th county boards and such, a
municipal system as we have here. . If that Parliament were vested
with power enough to, control local affairs, strong enough to develop
the resources of the country and prudent enough to expend advantage-
ously its share ofthe revenue, peace and contentment would reign onqe
more in Ireland. All this can, I believe, be easily accomplished, and
if it be done in a reasonable length of time I am convinced we will
witness, an outburst of Irish loyalty that will be an additional guar
antee ofthe stability of the' empire and tie, security of* the throne."
With the grasp and sweep of a statesman, Mr. Costigan, scouting
mere parochial issues, considers the effect of Home Rule upon the
Empire at large. No thought, says Mr. Costigan, seems to be given,
to the security and peace that a satisfactory solution of the difficulties
in Ireland would bring to Canada alone.
" Home Rule would, beyond a doubt, consolidate, not weaken, the
Empire. It would make the Irish at home as the Irish in Canada and
the colonists, and it would remove all causes of serious agitation' on the
part of extremists. . That loyalty would be cheaply purchased by the
surrender to the Irish people of, the management of their local affairs.
England should' accept the national aspirations of the Irish people as a
burning fact, and instead of decrying it, utilize it for its own as well
as Ireland's benefit. How strong that national aspiration is, the attempt '
of the Pope to interfere with the Parnell testimonial fully proves.
That sentiment should be accepted as a factor in the present struggle,
and it would be wise if the English Government allowed it generous and
legitimate play."
" Mr. Costigan' s letter might be read with profit even by so great a
man as Sir Michael Hicks-Beach."
Such is the opinion of the oldest Irish National paper in existence
of the services rendered to the cause of the Old Land by Mr. Costigan.
Immediately after the passage of Mr. Costigan's Home Rule reso-

23
lutlong of. 1886, the following appeared in the Irish papers, and inas
much as the utterances1 of the Irish National newspapers and of Ireland's
great leader have been either entirely suppressed or shamefully garbled
by a certain portion of tbe press of the Dominion, they are submitted
m the following shape :
Tbe following is from the editorial columns of Mr. Paraell's own
organ, United Ireland, which is edited by Mr. Wm. O'Brien, M.P., but
it falls into an error in saying that the "snub" alluded to came from th»
"Tory" Government in 1882. On the contrary, it was the act of Earl
Kimberley, the then Colonial Secretary in Mr. Gladstone's government
of that time. Here is, verbatim et literatim., what the United Ireland
says in its issue of the 15th May, 1886 :
"Great capital is sought to be made by a couple of English Tory
" papers out of the fact that the Dominion House of Parliament has by
" a large majority rejected the resolution of Mr. Blake, leader of the
" Opposition,.in favour of self-government. On looking at the telegraphed
" report of the debate on the question we are opaque enough to fail to
" discern any particular ground for Tory delight. The debate, we per-
" ceive, lasted until five o'clock in the morning, and in the result an
" amendment of Mr. Costigan, a member of the Ministry, was adopted.
" The amendment differed very little in substance, though it did in con-.
" gtruction, from the proposed resolution. It expressed a cordial inter-
" est in the welfare arid prosperity of the Irish people, and adhered to the
" sentiments expressed in the former address to the Crown on the subject
" of granting a measure of self-government to Ireland. While declin-
" ihg to forward any fresh Address, having regard to the snub then
" administered by the Tory(?) Government, the Canadian Parliament
"reiterates its good wishes for Ireland, and 'earnestly hopes' that some
" measure satisfactory to its people may be passed. Now, where is the
" cause of our contemporaries' unholy joy? 'Between amendment and
" resolution it is all but a case of tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee. Ihe
" advantage, if any, is on the side of Irish liberty ; for it is from the
" responsible Ministry these good wishes emanate, not from the irre-
* sponsible Opposition."
The Dublin Freeman's Journal, one of the oldest — if not the
oldest^-paper in Ireland, owned and edited by Mr. E. Dwyer Gray,
M. P., reproduces Mr. Costigan's cable message to Mr. Parnell, which
is given below, and, speaking of the numerous congratulatory messages
received by the latter gentleman, says :
" The most notable of these is tbe long and deeply earnest com-
" munication of the Minister of Inland Revenue in Canada. The Hon.

24
" John Costigan, who speaks on behalf of the Irish representatives in
" the Dominion Parliament, is, we need hardly remind our readers, the
" mover of the celebrated series of resolutions in favour of Home Rule
" passed in 1882, and which was the first expression of its kind in favour
" of the Irish National demand. Mr. Costigan also moved the amend-
" ment to the resolutions in the Dominion Parliament a few days agor
" and the purport of which was so ludicrously misinterpreted by several
" of our home journals, as well as some across the Channel."
The always faithful and unflinching Dublin Nation also wrote
editorially as follows :
" The Irish people must feel grateful to the Dominion Parliament
" of Canada for the resolution of sympathy with Home Rule passed by
" that body, we might say unanimously; a few, days ago. A division
" was taken on the resolution, but the question lay between that form
" of words, and one still stronger which had previously been proposed,.
" so that both parties voted in favour of the principle of Home Rule
" for Ireland. ' ' \
"A similar resolution was passed by the Canadian Parliament four
" years ago. On the 20th April, 1882, the Hon. Mr. Costigan moved
" that an humble address be presented to Her Majesty in favour of
." extending to Ireland some such system of Home Rule as had made
" Canada prosperous and happy, and expressing a hope that the time,
" had come when Her Majesty might extend .her clemency to persons
" in Ireland undergoing imprisonment for political offences. This
" motion wis advocated by the hon. gentleman in a very able and
" temperate speech ; it was supported by the Hon. Mr. Blake, who had
*' on a former occasion in the same House made reference to the subject '
" the Prime Minister, Sir John Macdonald, expressed his approval of
" the motion, several hon. members spoke warmly and eloquently in
" favour of it, and no one opposed it, and it was carried without a
" division." The Nation then refers to the fact that the address of 1882, hav
ing been forwarded to Her Majesty, a reply was sent by, the then
Colonial Secretary of the Liberal Administration to the effect that, " in
matters relating to Ireland, Her Majesty would be guided by her
responsible advisers, and the Parliament of England," and continues :
" It speaks well for the spirit of the Canadian Parliament that
they have not been discouraged by this rebuff from again, and at this
opportune moment, making a pronouncement in favor of Home Rule
for Ireland. On the fourth of the present month the Hon. Mr. Blake
moved : ' That this House hails with joy the submission to the Parlia
ment of a measure recognizing the principle of local self-government
for Ireland, and expresses an earnest hope that the principle of said
measure may be affirmed, forming the basis of settlement of a great

25
question, and conducing to the peace, happiness and prosperity of the
Empire.' / . ' ,
'™*s? ¦" The Hen. Mr. Blake is leader of the Opposition in the Domin
ion House of Commons, and it would seem as if the government did not
wish that he should have the credit of carrying this resolution, The
Hon. Mr. Costigan, Minister of Inland Revenue, moved as an amend-i
ment a slightly watered down edition of it, which was carried on a
division by a large majority. But substantially both motions meant the
same thing. The Parliament ot Canada has declared for a Parliament
for Ireland ;. the fact must have weight with English statesmen ; it
will for ever be gratefully remembered by the Irish people. "
, The Western People, the leading Nationalist paper, in the West of
Ireland,, reproduced Mr. Costigan's cablegram to Mr. Parnell and said :
"The distinguished Canadian Minister, John Costigan, sends from
Ottawa a message of sympathy and "encouragement to Mr. Parnell.''
MR. COSTIGAN AND MR. PARNELL.
On the 23rd of May, Mr. Costigan, acting on behalf of the Irish
• representatives in the Canadian Parliament sent the following cable
message to Mr. Parnell : '< Ottawa, May 4th, 1886.
" To & S. Parnell, Esq., M.P., London, Engkmd.
" As mover of the Irish resolutions in the Canadian Parliament
in April,' 1882, and on behalf ofthe Irish representatives in Parliament,
I desire to convey through you to our fellow subjects in Ireland an
expression of our deep sympathy in their struggle for Home Rule.
" We re-affirm the sentiments contained in those resolutions, and
without presuming to pronounce an opinion on the details of any
particular measure propounded, we desire to declare to the people of
Ireland our gratification at the general recognition of those views, which
has taken place since 1882, and to express our hope that the time has
come when without injury to the interests 'of the United Kingdom, or to
any section of it, such a system of self-government may be given to the
Irish people as will meet their reasonable demands, and fulfil the antici
pations which have been so highly cherished in their behalf by many of
Her Majesty's subjects in this portion of the Empire."
"JOHN COSTIGAN."
To the foregoing Mr. Costigan received the following reply :—
House of Commons Library,
London, May, 1886.
Dear Sir,, — I desire to express to you, and also to the Irish repre
sentatives in the Canadian Parliament, the cordial thanks ot my col
leagues and myself for the lengthy and important message which you

26 ..-'-.¦
cabled to me on the 4th instant. This expression of sympathy on the
part of yourself and our friends in the Canadian Assembly is of the
UTMOST IMPORTANCE TO OUR CAUSE ;
and it will, do a great deal towards strengthening our position in the
Imperial Parliament. I am, with much respect,
Yours very truly,
CHAS. S: PARNELL.
Son. John Costigan, M. P., '
Canadian Parliament, Ottawa.
Resolutions Approving the Conduct of the Irish-Canadian
Representatives.
The following Address was presented to Mr. J. J. Curran at a
•meeting held at Rawdon, Que., during last December, presided over by
the Mayor of the Municipality : —
"To Mr. J. J. Curran, M. P. :
Dear Sir,— We, the undersigned Irishmen of Rawdon, electors of
the County of Montcalm, wish to thank you for having visited our
county in the present electoral cbntest on behalf of tbe Hon. L. O.
Taillon, who has all our sympathies. We were particularly desirous of
hearing you on account of the violence of the charges launched against
the Hon. John .Costigan, yourself and our trusted member for the
Dominion, Mr. Dugas, on the Riel and Home Rule questions. Your
speech, supported , by the proofs you have given us, is an overwhelming
answer to the slanders that have been preached and published against
you, and we pray God may give you health and long life' to fight the
battle of the good cause which you have done for so many years."
At a meeting of the Irishmen of North Middlesex held recently
for the purpose of sending funds to the National League in Ireland, an
unanimous resolution was passed thereat fully endorsing the conduct of
their representative, Mr. T. Coughlin.
AN OPINION OF MR COSTIGAN. ,
About a year ago the following letter appeared in the Irish Cana
dian . It is a true appreciation of his character and of his efforts on
behalf of his fellow Irishmen ; —
" Your patriotic journal brings the name of the Hon. John
", Costigan before its readers, and enlarges on his worth and usefulness
" as an Irish Catholic representative. As a member of the Cabinet,
" and Minister of Inland Revenue, the public are conversant with the

27
" able manner in which the duties of his office are discharged. His
" candor and urbanity of manner have endeared him to every person
*'- who, in a public or private capacity, has a necessity to approash him.
" There are many other ways besides in which he has been a benefit to
" his fellow-countrymen which have not been brought before the public?
" and which so far have escaped the observation of your correspondents.
" He has made himself not only useful but beneficial to many an Irish-
" man, particularly to those connected, with the Civil Service. * *
" It is, then, a matter of the utmost importance that the Honorable
" the leader of the Government should see the necessity of appointing
" in the cabinet one who would truly and faithfully represent the
" Catholic element 'of the country, and the mantle could not have fallen
" upon one more suited by nature and sentiment to fill the position
" than the Hon. John Costigan."
One of his characteristics is, that he is easily approached— in
itself a charm. Another is the faculty which few possess, and which
cannot be assumed or acquired, but must be implanted by nature — of
making one feel at home in his presence. If an Irishman seeks an
interview with him he will hear him out patiently, and if he sees his
way of removing any grievance and undertakes to do so, he may rest
assured that matters will be put to rights if it is possible to accomplish
it. The practice with him is to make no. promise which he is not pre
pared to carry out, and there can be no better evidence of his superior
ity and gentlemanly bearing.
" Since his appointment he has removed many a grievance of long
standing in improving the position of many a deserving and industrious
officer, who without his intervention would remain without redress
until the end of time."
"COSTIGAN IS AN IRISHMAN."
Mr. Costigan represents the united counties of Victoria and Mad-
awaska in the Dominion Parliament. And what do you think is tho
cry that is being raised against him, particularly in the latter county i
" Oh, Costigan is an Irishman ; tbe Irish papers claim him as such,
and didn't he put his hand into the Canadian treasury in 1880 to send
One Hundred Thousand Dollars to his starving people in Ireland.
Irishmen of the Dominion ! ponder over this latter part and pic
ture to yourselves what must be Mr. Costigan's feelings under such
circumstances. Emissaries of the Liberal party from the Province of
Quebec are at this moment in the county of Madawaska raising this
cry amongst their compatriots.