YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 06019 7 84 , f. Hobart. The american citizen's manual of reference, New York, 1840. SSI YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY This book was digitized by Microsoft Corporation in cooperation with Yale University Library, 2008. You may not reproduce this digitized copy ofthe book for any purpose other than for scholarship, research, educational, or, in limited quantity, personal use. You may not distribute or provide access to this digitized copy (or modified or partial versions of it) for commercial purposes. THE AMERICAN CITIZEN'S MANUAL OF REFERENCE: BEING A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORICAL, STATISTICAL, TOPOGRAPHICAL, AND POLITICAL VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA, AND OF THE SEVERAL STATES AND TERRITORIES. CAREFULLY COMPILED FROM THE LATEST AUTHORITIES, AND PUBLISHED BY W. HOBART HADLEY, NEW- YORK. Stereotyped by Vincent L. Dill, 128 Fulton-street. Printed by S. W. Benedict, 128 Fulton-street. 1840. CONTENTS. Page. Declaration of Independence, ... 1 Constitution of the United States, ... 5 Amendments to the Constitution, - 16 Washington's Inaugural Address, - - 19 Washington's Farewell Address, - -22 Jefferson's Inaugural Address, ... 36 Biography of the Presidents, 40 Explanation of the American coat of Arms, - 41 General statistics of the united states government, 42 Treasury Department, 44 Exports and Imports within the commercial year 1839, 45 Of the Public Debt, .... 47 Issue and redemption of Treasury Notes in 1839, - 48 Imports into the United States from the 1st of October 1821, to the 30th of September 1838, - - 51 Exports of the United States for same period, - - 53 Statistics of the United States Navy, 57 Statistics of the United States Army, - - 63 Post Office, - - - -lb. Value of foreign coin in money of the United States, - 64 Statistics of the Press, .... H,. Principal Executive and Judiciary Officers, Foreign Min isters, &c. ----- 65 Population of the United States, - - - 68 General Statistics of the individual States, - - 69 Qualifications of Officers and appointment of Judges, &c. in the several States, - - - 73 Military Force — Revolutionary Pensioners, - 78 Universities and Colleges in the United States, - 79 Religious Denominations, 80 Principal Rail Roads finished and in progress, - 81 Principal Canals, " " " 82 Indian Warriors near Western Frontier, Ministers, Con suls, Diplomatic and Commercial Agents of the United States in foreign countries, - - 83 Topographical and Statistical Observations on the States and Territories, ----- 89 r\\ y. I DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have con nected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect of the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are cre ated equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; and that, whenever any form of gov ernment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right ofthe people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its pow ers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that gov ernments long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, accordingly, all experience has shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpa tions, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to re duce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of the colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated in juries and usurpations, all having, in direct object, the establish ment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world : He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and ne cessary for the public good. DECLARATION OF He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operations till his assent should be obtained ; and, when so suspended, he has utter ly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature ; a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, un comfortable, and distant from the repository of their public re cords, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for oppos ing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected : whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their ex ercise ; the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ; for that purpose, obstructing the laws of naturalization of for eigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migration thither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their sub stance. He has kept among us, in time of peace, standing armies, with out the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent of, and su perior to, the civil power. He has combined, with others, to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation. For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us. For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment, for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states : For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : For imposing taxes on us without our consent : INDEPENDENCE. . 3 For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefit of trial by jury: For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences : For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbor ing province, establishing there an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies : For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments : For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time, transporting large armies of foreign merce naries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarce ly paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the exe cutioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has en deavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the mer ciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undis tinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for re dress, in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions, have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British breth ren. We have warned them, from time to time, of the attempts, by their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emi gration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would enevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consan guinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which de- DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. nounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Su preme Judge of the World for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right out to be, free and Independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free and Independent States, they have full power to levy war, con clude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which Independent States may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. The forgoing declaration was, by order of Congress, engross ed and signed by the following members : JOHN HANCOCK. New-Hampshire. Joseph Bartlett, William Whipple, Mathew Thornton. Massachusetts Bay. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. Rhode Island. Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. Connecticut. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott. New- York. WiUiam Floyd, Phillip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. New-Jersey. Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark. Pennsylvania. Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross. Delaware. Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean. Maryland. Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. Virginia. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr. Francis LightfootLee, Carter Braxton. North Carolina. William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. South Carolina. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr. Thomas Lynch, Jr. Arthur Middleton. Georgia. Button Guinett, Lyman Hall, George Walton. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our poster ity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. ARTICLE I. Sec I. — All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Sen ate and House of Representatives. Sec II. — 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year, by the people of the several states : and the electors in each state shall have the quali fications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature. 2. No person shall be a representative who shall not have at tained the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citi zen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of the state in which he shall be chosen. 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union, ac cording to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one representative : and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New- Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three ; Massachusetts eight ; Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one ; Connecticut five ; New-York six ; New- Jersey four ; Pennsylvania eight ; Delaware one ; Maryland six ; Virginia ten ; North Carolina five ; South Carolina five ; Georgia three. • 4. When vacancies shall happen in the representation from 6 CONSTITUTION OF THE any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of elec tion to fill such vacancies. 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Sec. III. — 1. The Senate of the United States shall be com posed of two senators from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years ; and each senator shall have one vote. 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the se cond class at the expiration of the fourth year, and the third class, at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such va cancies. 3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen ofthe United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be chosen. 4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be Presi dent of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers and also a presi dent pro-tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeach ments. When sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried the Chief Justice shall preside ; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 7. Judgment in cases of impeachment, shall not extend fur ther than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit, under the United States ; but the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to law. Sec IV. — 1. The times, places, and manner of holdino- elec tions for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state, by the legislature thereof ; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing senators. UNITED STATES. 7 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year ; and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, un less they shall by law appoint a different day. Sec. V. — 1. Each house shall be judge ofthe elections, returns and qualifications of its own members ; and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house may provide. 2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the con currence of two-thirds, expel a member. 3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, with out the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. Sec VI. — 1. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall, in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privi leged from arrest, during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to or returning from the same ; and for any speech in debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 2. No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time ; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either house, during his continuance in office. Sec VII.— 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. 2. Every bill, which shall have passed the House of Repre sentatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be pre sented to the President of the United States, if he approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return it with his objections, to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the 2 O CONSTITUTION OF THE objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, and if approved by two- thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases, the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays ; and the names of the per sons voting for and against the bill, shall be entered on the journals of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President, within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like man ner as if he had signed it, unless Congress, by their adjourn ment, prevent its return ; in which case it shall not be a law. 3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States : and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Re presentatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Sec VIII. — The Congress shall have power — 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises ; to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States : 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes : 4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the United States : 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures : 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the secu rities and current coin of the United States : 7. To establish post-offices and post-roads : 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by se curing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries : 9. To consitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court : 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations : 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water : UNITED. STATES. 12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use, shall be for a longer term than two years : 13. To provide and maintain a navy : 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces : 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions : 16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the mili tia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respect ively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of train ing the militia, according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. 17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, be come the seat of government of the United States, and to exer cise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other need ful buildings : And 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper, for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other pow ers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. Sec IX. — 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year one thou sand eight hundred and eight : but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus pended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. 3. No bill of attainder, or ex-post-facto law, shall be passed. - 4. No capitation, or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in pro portion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce br revenue to the ports of one state over those of an other ; nor shall vessels bound to or from one state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in conse quence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement 10 CONSTITUTION OF THE and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States ; and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. Sec X. — 1. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin mo ney ; emit bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex-post- facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts ; or grant any title of nobility. 2. No state shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be ab solutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the nett produce of all duties and imposts laid by any state on im ports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the Uni ted States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. No state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonage, keep troops or ships of war, in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with anoth er state, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actu ally invaded, or in such iminent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. Sec I. — 1. The executive power shall be vested in a Presi dent of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice-Presi dent, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : 2. Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to which the state may be entitled in the Congress ; but no senator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector. 3. [Annulled. See Amendments, art. 12.] 4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the elec tors, and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same throughout the United States. 5. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution shall be eligible to the office of President ; neither shall any per- UNITED STATES. 11 son be eligible to that office, who shall not have attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. 6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-Presi dent ; and the Congress may by law provide for the case of re moval, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be re moved, or a President shall be elected. 7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected ; and he shall not receive, within that period, any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. 8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following path or affirmation : — " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States." Sec. II. — 1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States : he may require the opinion in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the sen ators present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be astab- lished by law. But the Congress may, by law, vest the appoint ment of such inferior officers as they think proper, in the Presi dent alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting com missions which shall expire at the end of their next session. Sec III. — 1. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress 12 CONSTITUTION OF THE information of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and ex pedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors, and other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faith fully executed ; and shall commission all the officers of the Uni ted States. Sec IV. — 1. The President, Vice-President, and all civil of ficers of the United States, shall be removed from office on im peachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. ARTICLE III. Sec I. — 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behaviour, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. Sec II. — 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime ju risdiction ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or more states ; between a state and citizens of another state ; between citizens of different states ; between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state, of the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects. 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party, the su preme court shall have original jurisdiction. In all other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate juris diction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when not com- UNITED STATES. 13 mitted within any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. Sec III. 1. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or confessions in open court. 2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason, shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life ofthe person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Sec I. — 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state, to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every oth er state. And the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings, shall be proved, and the effect thereof. Sec II. — 1. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states. 2. A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime. 3. No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or la bor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. Sec III. — 1. New states may be admitted by the Congress in to this union ; but no new state shall be formed or erected with in the jurisdiction of any other state ; nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states, or parts of states, without the consent of the legislature of the states concerned, as well as of the Congress. 2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations, respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States ; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of any particular state. Sec IV. — 1. The United states shall guarantee to every state in this union, a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and, on application of the legisla- 14 CONSTITUTION OF THE ture, or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be con vened,) against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. 1. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, or on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three- fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one, or the other mode of ratification may be pro posed by the Congress; provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article ; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. 1. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this constitution, as under the confederation. 2. This constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof: and all treaties made, or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby ; any thing in the constitution or laws of any state, to the contrary notwithstanding. 3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this con stitution, but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifi cation to any office or public trust under the United States. ARTICLE VII. 1. The ratification of the conventions of nine states, shall be sufficient for the establishment of this constitution between the states so ratifying the same. UNITED STATES. 15 Done in convention, by the unanimous consent of the states present, the seventeenth day of September,- in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the twelfth. In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President and deputy from Virginia. New-Hampshire. John Langon, Nicholas Gilman. Massachusetts. Nathaniel Gorman, Rufus King. Pennsylvania^ Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Governeur Morris. Connecticut. Wm. Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman. Delaware. George Reed, Virginia. John Blair, James Madison, Jr. North Carolina. William Blount, Richd. Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson. South Carolina. John Rutledge, Charles C. Pinckney, New-York. Gunning Bedford, Jr.Charles Pinckney, Alexander Hamilton. John Dickerson, Richard Bassett, New-Jersey. William Livingston, David Brearley, William Patterson, Jonathan Dayton. Pierce Butler. Jacob Broom. Maryland. James M'Henry, Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer, Daniel Carrol. Georgia. William Few, Abraham Baldwin. Attest, WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. 3 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. Art. I. — Congress shall make no law respecting an establish ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the govern ment for a redress of grievances. Art. II. — A well regulated militia being necessary to the se curity of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. Art. III. — No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. Art. IV. — The right of the people to be secure in their per sons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. Art. V. — No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. Art. VI. — In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury ofthe state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory , process for obtaining witnesses in his favor ; and to have the as sistance of counsel for his defence. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 17 Art. VII. — In suits of common law, where the value in con troversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact, tried by a jury, shall be other wise re-examined in any court of the United States, than accord ing to the rules of the common law. <• Art. VIII. — Excessive bail shall not be required, nor exces sive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. Art. IX. — The enumeration in the constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retain ed by the people. Art. X. — The powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited to it by the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. Art. XI. — The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of an other state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. Art. XII. — 1. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot, for President and Vice President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person vo ted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice President ; and they shall make distinct lists of all per sons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of govern ment of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest num ber of votes for President, shall be President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then «from the persons having the highest number not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose imme diately, by ballot, the President. — But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a ma jority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice President, shall act as 18 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disa bility of the President. 2. The person having the greatest number of votes for Vice- President, shall be the Vice President, if such number be a ma jority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be neces sary to a choice. 3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice President of the United States. Art. XIII. — If any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim, receive, or retain any title of nobility or honor, or shall without the consent of Congress, accept or retain any present, pension, office, or emolument of any kind whatever, from any emperor, king, prince, or foreign power, such person shall cease to be a citizen of the United States, and shall be incapable of holding any office of trust or profit under them, or either of them. WASHINGTON'S INAUGURAL AND FAREWELL ADDRESSES. INAUGURAL ADDRESS, April 30, 1789. Fellow Citizens of ihe Senate and House of Representatives : Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notifica tion was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with venera tion and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fond est predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the assylum of my declining years, a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent inter ruptions in my health, to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but over whelm with despondence, one, who, inheriting inferior endow ments from nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil admin istration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver, is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be effected. All I dare hope is that if in executing this task I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendant proof of the confidence of my fel low citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality with which they originated. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent 20 Washington's inaugural address. supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe — who presides in the councils of nations — and whose providen tial aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allot ted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it ex presses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow citizens, at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people ofthe United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an inde pendent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency ; and in the important revolution just accom plished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct commu nities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been establish ed, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an hum ble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none un der the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President " to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer to the great con stitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your atten tion is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circum stances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that, as on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views, nor party animosities will misdirect the compre hensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great as semblage of communities and interests : so, on another, that the WASHINGTON S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 21 foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality ; and the pre-eminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between vir tue and happiness, between duty and advantage ; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity ; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained, and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people. Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will re main with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the constitu tion is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of the objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. In stead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official op portunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good ; for, I assure myself that while you carefully avoid every alteration which might en danger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be more impregnably forti fied, or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted. To the preceding observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my coun try, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should re nounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed ; and being still under the impres sions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself 22 Washington's farewell address. any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensa bly included in a permanent provision for the executive depart ment, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require. Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave, but not without resorting once more to the be nign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication that, since he has been pleased to favor the American people with opportu nities for deliberating in perfect tranquility and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happi ness, 'so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the en larged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this government must depend. FAREWELL ADDRESS. September 17, 1796. Friends and Fellow Citizens : The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be em ployed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being "considered among the number of those out of whom the choice is to be made. I beg you at the same time to. do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am in fluenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness ; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been an uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 23 for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incom patible with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am per suaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country you will not disap prove of my determination to retire. The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contribu ted towards the organization and administration of the govern ment the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and, every day the increasing weight of years admon ishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as ne cessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any cir cumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment which is to determinate the career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to sus pend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has confer red upon me ; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me ; and for the opportunities 1 have thence en joyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faith ful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as instructive exam ple in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead — amidst ap pearances sometimes dubious — vicissitudes of fortunes often dis couraging — in situations in which not unfrequently want of sue- 24 Washington's farewell address, cess has countenanced the spirit of criticism — the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guaran tee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly pen etrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing wishes, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence — that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual — that the free constitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly maintained — that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue — that, in fine, the happiness of the peo ple of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your wel fare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recom mend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your fe licity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of our hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or con firm the attachment. The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence ; the support of your tran quility at home ; your peace abroad ; of your safety ; of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from differ ent quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and active ly (though often covertly and insidiously) directed ; it is of infi nite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happi- WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 25 ness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovea ble attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and to speak of it as a palladium of your political safety and prosperi ty ; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discoun tenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link to gether the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and inter est. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principle. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together ; the independence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts — of common dan gers, sufferings, and success. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the south, pro tected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprize, and precious materials of manufac turing industry. The south, in the same intercourse, benefitting by the same agency of the north, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its particular navigation invigorated — and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and in crease the general mass of the national navigation, it looks for ward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The east, in like intercourse with the west, already finds in the progressive improvement of interior com munications by land and water, will more and more find a valua ble vent for $he commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The west derives from the east supplies requisite to its growth and comfort — and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoy ment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the 26 Washington's farewell address. weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlan tic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the west can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own sepa rate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While therefore every part of our country thus feels an imme diate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined can not fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and what is of inestimable value, they must de rive from union an exemption from those broils and wars be tween themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring coun tries, not tied together by the same government, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce ; but which oppo site foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every re flecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of govern ments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue of the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impractability, there will always be reason to distrust the patri otism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties, by geographical dis criminations — Northern and Southern; Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the ex- WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 27 pedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. They have seen in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous rat ification by the senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the uni versal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mis sissippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two trea ties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens ? To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, be tween the parts can be an adequate substitute ; they must inev itably experience the infractions and interruptions which alliances at all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concern. This government, the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced and unawed ; adopted upon full inves tigation and mature deliberation ; completely free in its princi ples ; in the distribution of its powers uniting security with en ergy, and containing within itself provision for its own amend ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Re spect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political system is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly ob ligatory upon all. The very idea ofthe power and the right ofthe the people to establish government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. 28 Washington's farewell address. AU obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular de liberations and action of the constituted authorities, are destruc tive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction ; to give it an artificial and extraordi nary force ; to put in the place of the delegated will of the na tion, the will of party, often a small, but artful and enterprizing minority of the community ; and according to the alternate tri umphs of different parties, to make the pubhc administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, di gested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above descrip tion may now and then answer popular ends, they are' likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to sub vert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reigns of government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your government, and the per manency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to its acknow ledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretext. One method of assault may be to affect in the forms of the con stitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the ex isting constitutions of a country ; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember especially, that from the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a gov ernment of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect secu rity of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprizes of faction to confine each member of society within the limits prescribed Washington's farewell address. 29 by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoy ment of the rights of person and property. I haye already intimated to you the dangers of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them upon geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more compre hensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, hav ing its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It ex ists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissention, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The dis orders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an in dividual ; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing fac tion, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of the public liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-found ed jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the animosity of one part against another ; foments occasional riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true ; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriot ism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From the na tural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that 30 Washington's farewell address. spirit for every salutary purpose ; and there being constant dan ger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its admin istration, to confine themselves within their respective constitu tional spheres ; avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one de partment, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroach ment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and prone- ness to abuse it, which predominate in the human heart, is suf ficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by di viding and distributing into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions of the other, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern ; some of them in our country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular wrong, let it be cor rected by an amendment in the way in which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation, for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political pros perity, religion and morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness — these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexion with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obliga tion desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the suppo sition that morality can be maintained without religion. What ever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid Washington's farewell address. 31 us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of re ligious principles. It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon at tempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institu tions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish pubhc credit. One method of preserving it, is to use it as spa ringly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements to pre pare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives ; but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the per formance of their duty, it is essential that you should particularly bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and un pleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of dif ficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate peace and harmony with all : religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted jus tice and benevolence. Who can doubt but that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it 1 Can it be that Providence has connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is 5 32 Washington's farewell address. recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! it is rendered impossible by its vices ! In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachment for others, should be excluded ; and that in the place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards an other an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some de gree, a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, some times impels to war the government, contrary to the best calcu lations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject ; at other times it makes the animosity of the na tion subservient to the projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations has been the victim. So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for anoth er produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite na tion, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and the wars of the latter without adequate in ducements or justification. It leads, also, to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which are apt doub ly to injure the nation making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld ; and it gives to ambitious, corrupt, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the fa vorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation to a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, cor ruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence, in innumerable ways, such at- Washington's farewell address. 33 tachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils ! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I con jure you to believe me, fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free peo ple ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of re publican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partial ity for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are lia ble to become suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in fre quent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitude of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground 1 Why, by inter- 34 Washington's farewell address. weaving our destiny with Chat of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, ri- valship, interest, humor or caprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the max im no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that hon esty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those en gagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish ments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom mended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our com mercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences ; consulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the stream of commerce, but forcing nothing; establish ing with powers so disposed, in order to gi\ e trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, a.id to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and natural opinion will per mit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time, abandon ed or varied, as experience and circumstance? shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another ; that it must pay with a por tion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character ; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experi ence must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish — that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit ; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue ; to guard against the Washington's farewell address. 35 impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full-re compense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own con science is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclama tion of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanc tioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representa tives in both houses of Cofogress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me ; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aids of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this con duct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only ob serve, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of interest for observing that conduct, will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and constancy, which is necessary to give it, humanely speaking, the command of its own fortune. Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error ; I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend, I shall also carry with me the hop&that my country will never 36 JEFFERSON S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. cease to view them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for seve ral generations ; I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that re treat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws, under a free government ; the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers. JEFFERSON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. March 4, 1801. Friends and Fellow Citizens : Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow citizens which is here assembled, to express my grate ful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look towards me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments, which the greatness of the charge, and the weakness of my powers, so justlv inspire. A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye ; when I contemplate these transcendant objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the contemplation ; and hum ble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking. Utterly indeed should I despair, did not the presence of many whom I here see remind me, that, in the other high authorities provided by our constitution, I shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, Jefferson's inaugural address. 37 and of zeal, on which to rely under all difficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legisla tion, and to those associated with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked, amid the con flicting elements of a troubled world. -During the contest of opinion through which we have passed, the animation of discussion and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think free ly, and to speak and to write what they think ; but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the constitution, all will of course arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good. All too will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will, to be rightful, must be reasonable ; that the minority pos sesses their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to vio late, would be oppression. Let us then, fellow citizens, unite with one heart and one mind, let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection, without which liberty, and even life itself, are but dreary things. And let us reflect, that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little, if we counte nance a political intolerance, as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes and con vulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of in furiated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long lost Uberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore ; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others ; that this should divide opinions as to measures of safety ; but every dif ference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all republicans ; we are all federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated, where rea son is left free to combat it. I know indeed that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong ; that this government is not strong enough. But would the honest patriot in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a gov ernment which has so far kept us free and firm, on the theoretic and visionary fear that this government, the world's best hope, may, by possibility, want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. 38 JEFFERSON S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the laws, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of him self. Can he then be trusted with the government of others ? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him ? Let history answer this question. Let us then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own federal and republican principles ; our attachment to our union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe ; too high minded to endure the degradations of the others ; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandeth and thousandeth generation ; en tertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our industry, to honor and confi dence from our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them ; enlightened by a benign re ligion, professed indeed and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man, acknowledging and adoring an overruling Provi dence, which, by all its dispensations, proves that it delights in the happiness of man here, and his greater happiness hereafter ; with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and prosperous people ? Still one thing more, fellow citi zens — a wise and frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to re gulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities. About to enter, fellow citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend every thing dear and valuable to you, it is proper that you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our government, and consequently those which ought to shape its administration. I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political : peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none : the support of the state governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for all our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies : the Jefferson's inaugural address. 39 preservation of the general government in its whole constitu tional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safe ty abroad : a jealous care of the right of election by the people ; a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided : absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principal and immediate parent of despotism : a well discip lined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them : the supremacy of the civil over the military authority : economy in the pubhc expense, that labor may be lightly burthened : the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the public faith : encourage ment of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid : the dif fusion of information, and arrangement of all abuses at the bar of public reason ; freedom of religion ; freedom of the press ; and freedom of person, under the protection of the habeas corpus ; and trials by juries impartially selected. These princi ples form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reforma tion. The wisdom of our sages, and blood of our heroes, have been devoted to their attainment : they should be the creed of our political faith ; the text of civil instruction ; the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust ; and should we wander from them in moments of error or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety. I repair then, fellow citizens, to the post you have assigned ' me. With experience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of this, the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it. Without pretensions to that high confidence you repose in our first and great revolutionary character, whose pre-eminent services had entitled him to the first place in his country's love, and destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs. I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment. When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground. I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be intentional ; and your support against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would not, if seen in all its parts; The approbation implied by your suffrage is a 6 40 biography of the presidents. consolation to me for the past ; and my future solicitude will be, to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in ad vance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all. Relying then on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choices it is in your power to make. And may that infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity. BIOGRAPHY OF THE PRESIDENTS. George Washington, " The Father of his Country," and first President of the United States, was born at Bridges Creek, in the county of Westmoreland, Virginia, on the 22d of February, 1732. He was elected President in 1789, which office he held eight years. He died at Mount Vernon on the 14th of Decem ber, 1799, at the age of 68 years. John Adams, the second President of the United States, was born at Quincy, Massachusetts, October 19, 1735. He was cho sen President in 1797 — continued in office four years. Died 4th of July, 1826, aged 91 years. Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the United States, and author of the Declaration of Independence, was born at Shad well, Albemarle county, Virginia, April 2, 1743. He was elected President, 1801 — continued in office eight years. Died on the 4th of July, 1826, aged 83 years. James Madison, the fourth President of the United States, was born March 5, 1751, in Orange county, Virginia. He was elect ed President in 1809 — continued in office eight years. Died on the 28th of June, 1837, at the age of 86 years. James Monroe, the fifth President of the United States, was born in Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 28th of April, 1758. He was chosen President in 1817 — continued in office eight years. Died July 4th, 1831, at the age of 73 years. John Quincy Adams, the sixth President of the United States, was born at Quincy, Massachusetts, in 1767. He was elected President in 1825 — continued in office four years. Andrew Jackson, seventh President of the United States, was born on the 15th of March, 1767, at Waxsaw, South Carolina, inaugurated President in 1829 — continued in office eight years. Martin Van Buren, the eighth President of the United States, was born on the 5th of December, 1782, at Kinderhook, Colum bia county, New- York. He was elected President in 1837. AMERICAN COAT OF ARMS. The device for an armorial Achievement and Reverse of a great seal for the United States in Congress assembled is as fol lows: " Arms. — Paleways of thirteen pieces, argent and gules, a chief azure ; the escutcheon on the breast of the American bald eagle displayed proper, holding in his dexter talon an olive branch, and in his sinister a bundle of thirteen arrows, all proper ; and in his beak a scroll inscribed with this motto, ' E pluribus unum.' " For the crest. — Over the head ofthe eagle, which appears above the escutcheon, a glory, or, breaking through a cloud pro per, and surrounding thirteen stars forming a constellation, ar gent, or an azure field. " Reverse. — A pyramid unfinished. " In the zenith an eye in the triangle surrounded with a glory, proper. Over the eye these words, 'Annuit Cceptis.' " On the base of the pyramid, the numerical letters mdcclxxvi, and underneath the following motto, ' Novus ordo seclorum.' " Remarks and explanations of the device. — The escutcheon is composed of the chief and pale, the two most honorable ordi naries. The thirteen pieces paly represent the several states in the union, all joined in old solid compact, entire, supporting a chief which unites the whole, and represents Congress. The motto alludes to this union. " The pales in the arms are kept closely united by the chief, and the chief depends on that union, and the strength resulting from it for its support, to denote the confederacy of the United States, and the preservation of the Union through Congress. " The colors of the pales are those used in the flag of the Uni ted States of America. White signifies purity and innocence, red hardiness and valor, and blue, the color of the chief, signifies vigilance, perseverance, and justice. The olive branch and ar rows denote the power of peace and war, which is exclusively vested in Congress. " The crest or constellation denotes a new state taking its place or rank among other sovereign powers. " The escutcheon borne on the breast of an American eagle, without any oAer supporters, to denote that the United States of America ought to rely on their own virtue. " The pyramid on the reverse signifies strength and duration. " The eye over it, and the motto (' annuit coeptis,' ' he pros pers our endeavors,') allude to the many signal interpositions of Providence in favor of the American cause. " The date underneath is that of the Declaration of Indepen dence, and the words under it signify the beginning of the New American ^Era, which commences from that date." General Statistics ofthe United States. The principal details pertaining to the several states, will be found in their appropriate places, in the latter part of this work. This article will therefore, be chiefly confined to such matter as relates to the general government, and to the United States in its confederate capacity. GOVERNMENT. The government of the United States is a Federal Represen tative Democracy, in which all power belongs to the people. The legislative power is vested in a Congress, composed of a Senate and House of Representatives. The Senate consists of two members from each state, chosen by the legislatures respective ly, for a period of six years. The terms of service are so ar ranged, that one-third of the whole Senate is renewed every two years. Every senator must have attained the age of thirtv years, and have been nine years a citizen of the United States, and, when elected, an inhabitant of the state from which he is chosen. The present number of senators is fifty-two. The Senate has the sole power to try impeachments. The Vice President of the United States is President of the Senate, and has a casting vote only. The House of Representatives is composed of members elect ed in the several states by the people, for a term of two years. Each state is entitled, under a law passed in 1832, to send one Representative for every 47,700 inhabitants. The present num ber of members is 242, besides delegates from Wisconsin, Iowa, and Florida. A Representative must have attained the age of twenty-five years, and have been seven years a citizen of the United States. The pay of each member of Congress during the Session is $8 per day, and $8 for every twenty miles travel to and from the seat of government. The President of the Senate pro tern, (who is chosen in the absence of the Vice President) and Speaker of the House of Representatives, receives $16 per day. The House of Representatives choose their own Speaker and other officers, and have the sole power of impeachment. All bills for raising revenue must originate in the House. No person can be a member of Congress and hold any office under the United States at the same time. Congress has power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises ; to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States : To borrow money on the credit of the United States : To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes : To establish an uni form rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States : general statistics. 43 To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures : To establish post-offices and post-roads : To secure to authors and inventors copy-rights and patents : To punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and against the law of nations : To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal ; raise and support armies ; provide and maintain a navy ; to regulate the land and naval forces : To ex ercise exclusive legislation over the District of Columbia, and over all places purchased for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, &c. The Executive power is vested in a President ofthe United States of America. The President is Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States ; he has power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. He has power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur : and he nominates, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoints Ambassadors, other public Ministers, and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not otherwise provided for. The Judiciary is composed of a Supreme Court, of one Chief and six associate Justices ; of 33 District Courts, of one Judge each, except that six of the states are divided into two Districts each ; and of 7 Circuit Courts, composed of the Judge of the District and one of the Justices of the Supreme Court. The Judges both ofthe Supreme and inferior Courts, hold their office during good behaviour. The judicial power extends to all cases in law and equity arising under the constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made under their authority : to all cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers, and Consuls : to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction : to controversies to which the United States is a party : to contro versies between two or more states ; between citizens of dif ferent states ; or between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects. The principal Executive officers, are the Secretaries of State, of War, and of the Navy, the Post-Master General, and the At torney General. The Secretary of State conducts the negocia- tions with foreign powers, and corresponds with the public Min isters of the United States abroad, and with those of foreign states near the United States. He has the charge of the United States Seal, preserves the originals of the laws and treaties, and of the public correspondence growing out of the intercourse be tween the United States and foreign nations ; he grants pass ports to American citizens visiting foreign countries ; has the control of the the Patent Office, and preserves the evidence of TREASURY DEPARTMENT. REVENUE AND MEANS FOR 1839, EXCLUSIVE OF TRUSTS AND THE POST OFFICE. The balance in the Treasury on the 1st of January, 1839, which could be considered available for general pur poses, was $2,466,961 95 The receipts from customs, the first three quarters, $ 1 8,328,393 50 Receipts from lands the first three quarters, in cluding also some collected last year in Trea sury notes 5,417,286 31 Miscellaneous receipts 125,208 78 Estimated receipts for the fourth quarter from all those sources ... 5,700,000 00 Receipts on some of the debts against banks not available on 1st January, 1839, but since paid 1,322,686 00 From the third issue of Treasury notes under the act of March 2, 1839 - - - 3,857,276 21 Aggregate means 37,217,812 75 EXPENDITURES FOR 1839, EXCLUSIVE OF THE POST OFFICE AND TRUSTS. Civil, foreign, and miscellaneous, for the first three quarters $3,649,508 23 Military, for the first three quarters - - 10,791,799 21 Naval, for the first three quarters - - 4,713,701 57 Estimate for all, during the fourth quarter - 5,600,000 00 Funded debt for the year - - - 14,658 98 24,769,667 99 Redemption of Treasury notes in the first three quarters, interest as well as principal - 9,891,859 83 Estimated amount of notes redeemed in the fourth quarter 1,000,000 00 Aggregate payments 35,661,427 82 Leaving an ^available balance of money in the Treasury on the 31st of December, 1839, of 1,556,384 93 37,217,812 75 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. 45 EXPORTS AND IMPORTS WITHIN THE COMMERCIAL YEAR 1839. The exports during the year ending September 30, 1839, are computed to have been $118,359,004. This is $9,872,388 more than those in the year 1838. Ofthe whole exports only $17,408,000 were of foreign origin, and ofthe excess in exports over 1838, only about five millions were domestic produce. The imports during the same year were about $157,609,560, being the very large excess of $43,892,156 over those during the previous year. * The difference between the imports and ex ports, being $39,250,556 in favor of the former. ESTIMATE OF THE RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES FOR 1840. It is computed that the aggregate of receipts available, for pub lic purposes, will not exceed $18,600,000, viz : from Customs $15,000,000 00 Lands 3,500,000 00 Miscellaneous 100,000 00 Add to these the balance available and applica ble to other purposes, which it is supposed will be in the Treasury on the 1st of January, 1840. 1,556,385 00 The efficient means in that year will then amount ) xv. x x 20,156,385 00 in the aggregate to ) ' ' If Congress should make appropriations to the extent desired by the different departments, the expenditures for 1840, independent of the redemption of Treasury notes, are estimated at 20,000,000 00 Including all the Treasury notes to be redeemed, the aggregate expenditure would be about 22,750,000 00 This would leave a deficit in the Treasury at the close of the year, amounting to - - 2,593,615 00 But there will be due from the United States Bank, in September next, on its fourth bond, about 2,526,576 00 The principal now due on the Treasurer's de- posites in the other banks, which suspended specie payments in 1837, is - 1,149,904, 00 Should all these claims be collected in 1840, they would prevent a deficiency, and leave an available balance in the Treasury of nearly 1,082,865 00 46 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. According to the opinions of the different depart ments, as to the sums of money proper for each, and which constitute the basis of the estimates submitted to Congress, the new appropriations required for the next year will equal the sum of ---*..-. $18,280,600 55 Viz: Civil, foreign intercourse, and miscellaneous $4,981,344 19 Military services, pensions, &c. - 8,213,610 74 Naval service 5,085,645 62 Receipts and Expenditures ofthe United States for the year 1838. Balance in the Treasury on the 1st January, 1838 - - - - - - $37,327,252 69 RECEIPTS. Customs ... - $16,158,800 36 Lands .... 3,081,939 47 Second and third instalments due from the Bank of the United States - - - . 4,542,102 22 Miscellaneous items - - 369,813 29 Treasury notes - - - 12,716,820 86 Trust funds - - - 2,149,906 40 37,019,382 60 76,346,635 29 EXPENDITURES. Civil, miscellaneous, and foreign intercourse - - - $5,666,702 68 Military - - - 19,936,311 57 Naval ... . 5,941,381 94 Public debt - - - 2,217 08 Treasury notes redeemed, inclu ding interest - - - 5,603,503 19 Trust funds - - - 2,305,321 89 39,455,438 34 Balance on the 1st January, 1839 36,891,196 94 76,346,635 29 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. 47 Of the public debt. ¦* The payments on account of the (old) funded and unfunded debt, since the 1st December, 1838, have been as follows : 1. On account of the principal and interest of the funded debt: Principal $13,012 48 Interest 1 000 34 14,012, 82 Leaving unclaimed and undischarged - 311,50801 Viz: Principal - - - $62,941 99 Interest .... 248,566 02 2. On account of the unfunded debt - - $646, 16 Leaving the amount of certificates and notes pay able on presentation $36,267 24 Viz: Certificates issued for claims du ring the revolutionary war, and registered prior to 1798 $26,652 15 Treasury notes issued during the late war - 5,295 00 Certificates of Mississippi stock 4,320 09 Debts of the corporate cities of the District of Columbia, as sumed by the United States, viz: Of the city of Washington .... $1,000,000 00 Alexandria .... 250,000 00 Georgetown * 250,000 00 $1,500,000 00 The payments during the year 1839, on account of the interest and charges of this debt, amount ed to $76,374 77 48 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. Statement of the issue and redemption of Treasury notes from the 1st of January to the 20th of November, 1839. The Treasury notes issued during the period above mentioned, under the acts of the 21st May, 1838, and 2d March, 1839, amounted to $3,857,276 21 Amount redeemed during the same period : 1. Of notes issued under the act of the 12th October, 1837, there have been entered in the books of this office - - $4,148,848 98 And there are at present, under examination by the accounting officers of the Treasury, notes which had been received in payment for duties and lands, amounting to 126,413 65 4,275,262 63 2. Of notes issued under the acts of 21st May, 1838, and 2d March, 1839, there have been entered in the books of this office 5,845,979 18 And there are at present, under examination by the accounting officers of the department 508,017 26 6,353,996 44 ". Total amount redeemed since the 1st January, ) .„ „_„ g „ 1839 ) Note — The Treasury Department was established in 1789. The Secretary superin tends the fiscal concerns of the government, and is required to report to Congress an nually the state of the finances : He recommends such measures as he thinks proper for improving the condition of the revenue. This department comprises the offices of Secretary, two Comptrollers, five Auditors, the Register, the Treasurer, and the So licitor of the Treasury. The revenue is chiefly derived from duties on imports, the sale of public lands, post offices, lead mines, &e. The revenue on imported goods is the most important. One great source of revenue to the United States is the public lands, consisting of tracts of territory ceded to the general government by the several states ; of lands in Louisiana, purchased from France ; and those in Florida, acquired by treaty from Spain. A great portion of this land is occupied by the Indians, who are considered as pro prietors of the soil, till the goverment extinguish their title by purchase. By the Convention of France, of the 3d of April, 1803, the United States paid for TREASURY DEPARTMENT. 49 A statement exhibiting the value of imports and exports during the years 1834, 1835, 1836, 1837, 1838, and 1839. Year end VALUE OP IMPORTS. ing 30th of Sep tember. Free of duty Paying duty ad valorum. Paying spe cific duties. Total. 18341835 1836 1837 1838 1839 $68,393,180 77,940.493 92,056,48169,250,03160,860,00572,040,719 $35,608,208 45,817,740 59.343,38837,716.374 27,090,480 42,563,739 $22,519,944 26,137,509 38,580,166 34,022,812 25,766,919 43,005,102 $126,521,332 149,895,742 189,980,035140,989,217113,717,404157,609,560 Year end VALUE OF EXPORTS. ing 30th of Sep tember. Domestic produce. Foreign merchan dise. Total. Value of imports. 1834 1835 18361837 1838 1839 $81,024,162 101,189,082 106,916,680 95,564,414 96,033,821 100,951,004 $23,312,811 20,504,49521,746,360 21,854,962 12,452,795 17,408,000 $104,336,973 121,693,577 128,663,040117,419,376108,486,616 118,359,004 $126,521,332 149,895,742 189,980,035 140,989,217113,717,404 157,609,560 Louisiana in stock and money, $15,000,000. Interest on stock up to time it was re deemable, $8,529,353 43. Total, $23,529,353 43. By the treaty with Spain of the 22d of February, 1819, there was paid for the Flori das $5,000,000 00. Interest on stock till paid off, $1,489,768 66. Total, $6,489,768 66. Paid, and stipulated to be paid by the United States, to the several Indian tribes, for lands ceded by them since the year 1794, $84,549,254 81. 50 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. Imports into the United States from the first of October, 1821, the 30th September, 1838. to Value re- Cotton Total value ained in the manufac Woollens. Wines. Spirits. of imports. country for 2onsumption. tures. $62,585,724 $41 ,2S3,236 $7,788,514 $7,238,954 $1,873,464 $1,804,798 83,241,511 60,955,309 10,680,216 11,752,595 1,864,627 2,450,261 77,579,267 50,035,645 S,869,482 7,953,451 1,291,542 1,791,419 80,549,007 55,211,850 9,157,667 8,086,S53 1,050,898 2,642,620 96,340,075 63,749,432 12,509,516 10,876,S73 1,826,263 3,135,210 S4,974,477 60,434,865 8,348,034 7,886,826 1,781, 1S8 1,587,712 79,484,068 56,084,932 9,316,153 S,231,515 1,621,035 1,651,436 88,509,824 66,914,807 10,996,230 8,097,559 1,507,533 2,331,656 74,492,527 57,S34,049 8,362,017 6,558,235 1,564,562 1,447,914 70,S76,920 56,489,441 7,862,326 5,598,634 1,535,102 658,990 103,191,124 S3,157,59S 16,090,224 12,668,028 1,673,058 1,037,737 101,029,266 76,989,793 10,399,653 9,762,262 2,397,479 1, 365,01 S 108,118,311 88,295,576 13,262,509 7,660,449 2,601,455 1,537,226 126,521,332 103,208,521 10,145,281 7,379,328 2,944,388 1,319,245 149.895,742 129,391,247 15,367,585 10,023,520 3,750,608 I,632,6S1 189',9S0,035 16S,233,675 17,876,187 12,758,430 4,332,034 1,917,381 140,9S9,217 119,134,255 11,150,841 4,243,548 4,105,741 1,470,802 113,717,404 101,264,804 6,599,330 6,967,530 2,318,282 1,476,918 Teas. Salt. Molasses. Iron and steel. Crockery ware. Silks. $1,322,636 $609,021 $1,719,227 $3,212,861 $629,032 $4,486,924 ! 1,860,777 625,932 2,398,355 5,210,056 1,107,264 6,840,928 ! 2,361,245 740,866 2,634,222 5,0S3,351 1,095,126 6,71S,444 I 2,786,252 613,4S6 2,413,643 4,5S4,134 856,326 7,204,588 > 3,728,935 5S9,125 2,547,715 5,820,517 1,011,826 10,299,743 i 3,752,281 677,058 2,S38,72S 5,451,333 1,239,050 8,327,909 1 1,714,882 535,201 2,818,982 6,002,206 1,091,757 6,712,015 i 2,451,197 443,469 2,788,471 7,2S6,033 1,485,652 7,686,640 ) 2,060,457 714,618 1,484,104 5,752,925 1,229,817 7,192,698 ) 2,425,018 671,979 995,776 5,930,070 1,168,477 5,932,243 I 1,418,037 535,13S 2,432,488 7,192,979 1,516,435 11,117,946 2 2,788,353 634,910 2,524,281 8,804,832 1,857,542 9,248,907 3 5,484,603 996,418 2,867,986 7,742,763 1,669,336 9,498,366 1 6,217,949 S39,315 2,989,020 8,534,458 1,372,800 10,998,964 5 4,522,806 665,097 3,074,172 8,965,889 1,697,682 16,677,547 5 5,342,811 724,527 4,077,312 12,892,648 2,709,187 22,980,212 7 5,902,054 S62,617 3,444,701 11,119,54S 1,823,401 14,352,823 3 3,497,156 1,028,418 3,865,285 7,418,504 1,233,536 9,812,338 Coffee. Sugar. Spices. Lead. Linen. Hemp. 1 $4,489,970 $3,553,582 $310,281 $284,701 $2,564,169 $510,589 2 5,522,649 5,034,429 505,340 266,441 6,840,928 1,054,764 3 7,098,119 3,268,689 580,956 155,175 3,803,807 674,454 4 5,437,029 5,165,800 369,140 107,494 3,046,920 241,107 5 5,250,828 4,282,530 626,039 301,408 3,645,125 431,787 6 4,159,558 5,311,631 594,568 265,409 2,720,565 551,757 7 4,464,391 4,577,361 322,730 303,615 2,360,880 635,854 8 5,192,336 3,546,736 432,504 298,544 2,471,352 1/375/243 9 4,5SS,5S5 3,622,406 461,539 52,146 2,480,181 655,935 0 4,227,021 4,636,342 457,723 20,396 2,485,053 200,33S 1 6,317,666 4,910,S77 279,095 52,416 3,145,797 295,706 2 9,099,464 2,933,688 306,013 124,63) 3,391,503 866,865 3 10,567,29£ 4,755,856 919,493 89.01E 2,352,085 470,973 4 8,762,65' 5,538,097 496,562 JS3.76J 301,502 514,743 5 10,715,466 6,806,425 712,638 54,1 IS 5,932,568 528,981 6 9,653,05; 12,514,718 1,028,039 37,521 8,271,213 815,558 7 8,657,766 7,203,206 847,607 17,S7< 4,851 ,85' 483,792 81 7,640,21' 7,586,825 438.25S 10,49' t 3,583,346 512,506 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. 51 fc.ed Specie and bullion. FROM Great Britain and depen dencies. FROM France and dependencies FROM Spain and dependencies FROM Netherlands and depen dencies. FROM Sweden and dependencies 182118221823182418251826 1S271828182918301S311832 183318341835 1836 1837 1838 $8,064,890 3,369,846 5,097,896 6,473,0956,150,765 6,SS0,9668,151,130 7,489,7417,403,6028,155,964 7,305,945 5,907,504 7,070,368 17,911,63313,131,447 13,400,881 10,506,414 17,747,116 $29,277,938 39,527,829 34,072,57S32,732,34042,394,812 32,212,35633,056,37435,591,484 27,582,08226,804,98447,956,717 42,406,92443,085,86552,679,298 65,949,307 86,022,91552,289,55749,051, 1S1 $5,900,581 7,059,3426,605,343 S,120,763 11,S35,5S1 9,588,896 9,448,562 10,287,505 9,616,9708,240,885 14,737,585 12,754,61513,962,913 17,557,245 23,362,584 37,036,235 22,497,817 18,087,149 $ 9,653,728 12,376,841 14,233,59016,577,156 9,566,2379,623,4209,100,3698,167,456 6,801,3748,373,681 11,701,20110,863,290 13,431,20713,527,46415,617,14019,345,690 18,927,87115,971,394 $2,934,272 2,708,162 2,125,5S72,355,525 2,265,3782,174,181 1,722,0701,990,431 1,617,3341,356,7651,653,031 2,358,4742,347,3432,127,886 2,903,718 3,861,5143,370,828 2,194,238 $1,369,869 1,544,907 1,503,050 1,101,7501,417,598 1,292,182 1,225,042 1,946,7831,303,959 1,398,6401,120,7301,150,8041,200,8991,126,541 1,316,508 1,299,6031,468,878 900,790 FROM Denmark and dependencies FROM Portugal and dependencies FROM China. FROM Hanse Towns FROM Russia. FROM West Indies generally. 1821 182218231824 1825 1826 18271828 1829 18301831 1832 18331834 1835 1836 18371838 $1,999,730 2,535,406 1,324,532 2,110,666 1,539,592 2,117,1642,340,1712,374,0692,086,177 1,671,2181,652,216 1,182,708 1,166,8721,684,368 1,403,902 1,874,3401/266,9061,644,865 $748,423 881,290 533,635 601,722 733,443 765,203659,001433,555 687,869471,643 397,550 485,264555,137 699,122 1,125,713 672,670928,291725,058 $3,111,951 5/242,556 6,511,4255,618,502 7,533,1157,422,1863,617,183 5,339,1084,680,847 3,878,1413,083,205 5,344,907 7,541,5707,892,327 5,987,187 7,324.816 8,965,337 4,764,356 $ 990,165 1,578,7571,981,026 2,527,8302,739,5262,816,545 1,63S,55S 2,644,3922,274,275 1,873,278 3,493,301 2,865,0962/227,726 3,355,8563,841,943 4,994,8205,642,2212,847,358 $1,852,199 3,307,328 2,258,7772,209,6632,067,1102,617,1692,086,0772,788,3622,218,995 1,621,899 1,608,328 3,251,852 2,772,5502,595,8402,395,2452,778,5542,816,116 1,838,396 $3,727 1,590 7,123 188 9,579 120167 1,860 3,314 7,386 10,69112,740 4,4602,183 217 FROM Texas. FROM Mexico. FROM Columbia. FROM Central America. FROM Brazil. FROM Argentine Republic. 1821 18221823 1824 182518261827 18281829 1830 18311832 1833 1834 1835 18361837 1338 $163,384 165,718 $4,044,647 3,916,198 5,231,8674,814,258 5,026,7615,235,2415,166,745 4,293,5945,452,818 8,066,068 9,490,446 5,615,819 5,654,002 3,500,709 $1,837,050 2,079,724 1,550/2481,484,8561,255,310 1,120,0951,207,154 1,439,182 1,524,6221,727,188 1,662,7641,696,6501,567,3451,615,249 $ 56,789 204,270251,342204,770 311,931302,883 198,504 288,316267,746 170,968 215,450 195,304163,402155,614 $ 605,126 1,486,567 1,214,810 2,074,1192,156,707 2,156,678 2,060,971 3,097,752 2,535,4672,491,4602,375.829 3,890,845 5,089,6934,729,9695,574,4667,210,190 4,991,893 3,191/238 $749,771 522,769 80,065 317;466 912,114 1,431,883 92S.103 1,560,1711,377,1171,430,118 878.618 1,053,503 989,442 1,010,908 52 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. FROM INTO INTO INTO INTO INTO (fl Chili. Maine. New-Hamp Vermont. Massachu Rhode Island >- shire. setts. 1821 $ 980,294 $350,021 $15,987 $14,826,732 $1,032,968 1822 — 943,775 330,052 60,897 18,337,320 1,884,144 1823 — 891,644 371,770 62,242 17,607,160 1,412,953 1824 768,443 245,513 161,854 15,37S,758 1,388,336 1825 $229,509 1,169,940 331,244 109,021 15,845,141 907,906 1826 629,949 1,245,235 348,609 228,650 17,063,4S2 1,185,934 1827 184,693 1,333,390 302,211 144/07S 13,370,564 1,241,828 1S2S 781,863 1,246,809 299,849 177,539 15,070,444 1,128,226 1S29 416,118 742,781 179,889 205,392 12,520,744 423,811 1830 1S2,5S5 572,666 130,828 140,059 10,453,544 4SS,756 1831 413,758 941,407 146,205 166,206 14,269,056 562,161 1832 504,623 1,123,326 115,171 214,672 18,1 18,900 657,969 1833 334,130 1,380,308 167,754 523,260 19,940,911 1,042,286 1834 787,409 1,060,121 11S,695 322,S06 17,672,129 427,024 1835 917,095 883,389 71,514 217,853 19,800,373 597,713 1836 811,497 930,086 64,354 456,846 25,681,462 555,199 1837 1,180,156 801,404 81,834 342,449 19,975,667 523,610 1838 942,095 899,142 169,9S5 258,417 13,300,925 656,613 INTO INTO INTO INTO INTO INTO Connecticut. New York. New Jersey. Pennsylvania Delaware. Maryland. 1821 $312,090 $23,629,246 $ 17,606 $ 8,15S,922 $ 80,997 $4,070,842 1822 507,094 35,445,628 103,190 11,874,170 216,969 4,792,4S6 1823 456,643 29,421,349 5,933 13,696,770 60,124 4,946,179 1824 581,510 36,113,723 637,518 11,S65,531 12,080 4,551,442 1825 704,478 49,639,174 27,688 15,041,797 18,693 4,751,815 1826 736,194 3S,115,630 4S,004 13,551,779 10,009 4,92S,569 1827 630,004 38,719,644 338,497 11,212,935 6,993 4,405,708 182S 485,174 41,927,792 706,872 12,8S4,40S 15,260 5,629,694 1829 309,538 34,743,307 786,247 10,100,152 24,179 4,804,135 1830 269.5S3 35,624,070 13,444 8,702,122 26,574 4,523,866 1831 405,066 57,077,417 — 12,124,083 21,656 4,826,577 1832 437,715 53,214,402 70,460 10,678,358 23,653 4,629,303 1833 352,014 ,55,918,449 170 10,451,250 9,043 5,437,057 1834 3S5.720 73,1S8,594 4,492 10,479,268 185,943 4,647,483 1835 439,502 88,191,305 18,932 12,3S9,937 10,611 5,647,153 1836 46S,163 118,253,416 24,263 15,068,233 107,063 7,131,867 1837 318,849 79,301,722 69,152 11,680,111 66,841 7,857,033 1S3S 343,331 68,453,206 1,700 9,360,371 1,348 • 5,701,869 INTO INTO INTO INTO INTO INTO District of Virginia. North Caro South Caro Georgia. Louisiana. Columbia. lina. lina. 1821 $398,9S4 $1,078,490 $200,673 $3,007,113 $1,002,684 $3,379,717 1822 470,613 864,162 25S,761 2,2S3,5S6 989,591 3,817,238 1823 275,083 681,810 183,958 2,419,101 670,705 4,283,125 1824 379,95S 639,7S7 465,836 2,166,185 551,888 4,539,769 1825 277,297 553,562 311,308 1,892,297 343,356 4,290,034 1826 269,630 635,438 367,545 1,534,483 330,993 4,167,521 1827 327,623 431,765 276,791 1,434,106 312,609 4,531,645 1828 1 SI ,665 375,23S 26S,615 1,242,048 30S,669 6,217,881 1829 205,921 395,352 2S3.347 1,139,618 380,293 6,857,209 1830 168.550 405,739 221,992 1,054,619 282,346 7,599 ,0S3 1831 193,555 4S8,522 196,356 1,23S,163 399,940 9,766,693 1832 1SS/047 553,639 215,184 1,213,725 253,417 8,871,653 1833 150,046 690,391 198,758 1,517,705 31S,990 9,590,505 1834 196,254 S37,325 222,472 1,787,267 546,S02 13,781,809 1835 111,195 691,255 241,981 1,891,805 393,049 17,519,814 1836 111,419 1,106,814 197,116 2,801,361 573,222 15,117,649 1837 102,225 813,823 271,623 2,510,S60 774,349 14,020,012 1S38 122,748 577,142 1 290,405 2,318,791 776,068 9 496,808 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. 53 INTO INTO INTO INTO INTO INTO INTO INTO X.cd Missis Alabama. Ohio. Michigan. Tennes- Kentucky Missouri Florida. >< sippi. see. 1821 — $ 12 $ 29,076 $ 13,270 1822 — $ 36,421 190 18,377 — — 6,877 1823 — 125,770 161 2,159 — — 4,808 1824 — 91,604 — 1,886 — — 6,986 1825 — 113,411 — 5,695 — — 3,218 1826 — 179,554 — 10,628 — — 16,590 1827 — 201,909 — 3,774 — — 257,994 1828 — 171,909 — 3,440 — — — 168,292 1829 — 233,720 293 2,957 — — — 153,642 1830 — 144,823 262 21,315 — — 32,689 1831 — 224,435 217 27,299 — — 115,710 1832 — 107,787 12,392 22,648 — — 306,845 1833 — 265,918 8,353 63,876 — — $5,881 85,386 1834 — 395,361 19,767 106,202 — — — 135,798 1835 — 525,954 9,808 130,629 $13,796 — 98,173 1836 $5,650 651,618 10,960 502,287 36,015 — 3/227 121,745 1837 — 609,385 17,747 490,784 27,401 $17,782 305,514 1838 — I 524,548 j 12,895 256,662 527 8,932 15,921 168,690 Exports of the United States, commencing on the 1st of October, 1821, and ending on the 30th of September, 1838. VALDE OF EXPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES. VALUE OF PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. siOJ Total. Domestic. Foreign. Cotton. Tobacco. Manufac tures. 1821182218231824 182518261827 1828182918301831 1832 1833 1834183518361837 1838 $ 64,974,38272,160,387 74,699,03075,986,657 99,535,388 77,595,322 82,324,82772,264,686 72,358,671 73,849,50881,310,58387,176,94390,140,433 104,336,973 121,693,577128,663,040117,419,37610S,486,616 $ 43,671,89449,874,18547,155,40850,649,500 66,944,745 53,055,7105S,921,69150,669,66955,700,193 59,462,029 61,277,05763,137,47070,317,69881,034,162 101,189,082 106,916,680 95,564,41496,033,821 $21,302,488 22,286,20227,543,62225,337,157 32,590,643 24,539,61223,403,136 21,595,017 16,65S,47814,387,479 20,033,526 24,039,473 19,822,735 23,312,81120,504,49521,746,36021,854,962 12,452,795 $20,157,484 24,035,05820,445,52021,947,401 36,846,649 25,025,21429,359,54522,4S7,22926,575,31129,674,88325,289,4S2 31,724,68236,191,105 49,448,402 64,661,302 71,284,92563,240,102 61,556,811 $5,648,962 6,222,8386,282,672 4,855,566 6,115,623 5,347,208 6,816,1465,480,707 5,185,3705,833,1124,892,38S 5,999,7695,755,96S6,595,3058,250,577 10,058,640 5,795,647 7,392,029 $2,752,631 3,121,0303,139,598 4,841,3835,729,7975,495,1305,536,6515,548,3545,412,320 5,320,980 5,086,890 5,050,6336,557,080 6,247,8937,694,0736,107,5287,136,997 8,397,078 54 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. VALUE OF PRINCIPAL ARTICLES — cont'd. EXPORTED FROM (fl t-lOJ Specie and bullion. Flour. Lumber. Maine. New-Hamp shire. Vermont. 1S21 1S221823 1S2418251826 1827 182S 18291830 183118321833 1S34 183518361837 1838 $10,478,059 10,810,180 6,372,987 7,014,522 8,797,0554,663,795 8,014,SS0S,243,4764,924,020 2,178,773 9,014,9315,656,3402,611,7012,076,758 6,477,7754,324,3365,976,249 3,513,565 $4,29S,043 5,103,2804,962,3735,759,176 4,212,1274,121,4664,434,S81 4,2S3,6695,000,0236,132,129 10,461,728 4,974,1215,642,602 4,560,3794,394,777 3,572,599 2,987,269 3,603,299 $1,512,808 1,307,670 1,335,6001,734,586 1,717,571 2,011,694 1,697,1701,821,9061,680,4031,836,0141,964,195 2,096,7072,569,4932,435,314 3,323,057 2,860,691 3,155,9923,116,196 $1,040,848 1,036,642 S95.501 900,195 1,031,1271,052,5751,070,134 1,019,517 737,832670,522805,573 981,443 1,019,831 834,167 1,059,367 850,986955,952935,532 $260,765 199,699 237,705 1S5,3S319S.680 167,075177,398124,433105,740 96,184 111,222115,582155,258 80,870 81,681 15,520 34,64174,670 $263,330 257,694236,140 208,25S 396,166884,202 1,259,441 239,610 808,079658,256925,127 349,820 377,399 334,372328,151188,165 138,693132,650 Rice. Pork, hogs, &c. Fish. Massachu setts. Rhode Island Connecticut. 1821 1822 18231824 1825182618271828 1829 1S30 1S311S321833183418351S3618371S3S $1,494,307 1,563,4821,820,9851,SS2,9821,925,245 1,917,445 2,343,9082,620,6962,514,370 1,986,824 2,016,2672,152,3612,774,4182,122,2922,210,3312,548,750 2,309,279 1,721,819 $1,354,116 1,357,8991,291,322 1,489,0511,832,6791,892,4291,555,6981,495,8301,493,6291,315,2451,501,6441,928,196 2,151,558 1,796,0011,776,7321,383,3441,299,7961,312,346 $ 973,591 915,838 1.004,800i;i36,7041,078,773 924,922987,447 1,066,663 968,068756,677929,834 1,056,721 990,290863,674 1,008,534 967,S90 769,840 819,003 $12,484,691 12,598,52513,683,23910,434,32811,432,98710,098,S62 10,424,383 9,025,7858,254,9377,213,1947,733,763 11,993,768 9,683,122 10,148,82010,043,79010,384,346 9,728,1909,104,862 $996,828 862,363933,114872,89967S,467781,540804,187722,126390,3S1 278,950 367,465534,4594S5,4S1 501,626296,003 228,420 4SS/258 291,257 $376,187 485,312 482,061575,852689,270708,893 590,275521,545457,970 389,511 4S2,8S3430,466427,603422,416519,270438,199532,590543,610 Beef, cattle, Sec. Butter and cheese. Skins and furs. New York. New Jersey. Pennsylvania 1821 1822 1823 182418251826 1827 1828 182918301831183218331834 1835183618371838 $69S,323 844,534 739,461 707,299 930,465 733,430772,636 719,961674,955 717,683 829,982 774,087 958,076 755,219638,761 699,166585,146528,231 $190,287 221,041 192,778 204,205247,787 207,765 184,049176,354176,205 142,370 264,796290,820258,452 190,099164,809114,033 96,176 148,191 $766,205 501,302 672,917 661,455524,692582,473441,690 6 26,235 526,507641,760 750,938 691,909841,933797,844 759,953 653,662651,908636,945 $13,162,917 17,100,48219,038,990 22,897,134 35,259,261 21,947,79123,834,13722,777,649 20,119,011 19,697,983 25,535,14426,000,94525,395,11725,512,014 30,345,264 28,920,43827,338,41923,008,471 $33,711 83,551 26,064 28,989 47,213 37,965 25,627 1,892 8,0228,324 11,430 61,794 32,753 8,131 74,041 62,80944,21728,010 $7,391,767 9,047,8029,617,192 9,364,S93 11,269,981 8,331,722 7,575,833 6,051,480 4,089,935 4,291,793 5,513,713 3,516,066 4,07S,951 3,989,746 3,739,2753,971,5553,841,5993,477,151 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. 55 EXPORTED FROM — Continued. vj Delaware. Maryland. District of Virginia. North Caro South Caro eg Columbia. lina. lina. 1821 $ 85,445 $3,850,394 $ 898,103 $3,079,209 $400,944 $7,200,511 1822 168,592 4,536,796 1,043,430 3,217,3S9 585,951 7,260,320 1823 53,837 5,030 ,22S SOI ,295 4,006,7S8 482,417 6,898,814 1824 18,964 4,863,233 722,405 3/277,564 588,733 8,034,082 1825 31,656 4,501,304 75S,367 4,129,520 553,390 11,056,742 1826 35,195 4,010,748 624,231 4,596,732 581,740 7,554,036 1S27 9,406 4,516,406 1,182,142 4,657,938 449,237 8,322,561 1828 29,395 4,334,422 707,443 3,340,185 523,747 6,550,712 1829 7,195 4,804,465 928,097 3,787,431 564,506 8,175,586 1S30 52,258 3,791,482 753,973 4,791,644 399,333 7,627,031 1831 34,514 4,308,647 1,220,975 4,150,475 341,140 6,575,201 * 1832 16,242 4,499,918 1,154,474 4,510,6504,467,587 342,041 7,752,731 1833 45,911 4,062,467 1,002,816 433,035 S,434,325 1834 51,945 4,168,245 820,394 5,4S3,09S 471,406 11,207,778 1835 88,826 3,925/234 517,639 6,064,063 319,327 11,338,016 1836 74,981 3,675,475 326,874 6,192,040 429,851 13,684,376 1837 40,333 3,789,917 469,209 3,702,714 551,795 11,220,161 1838 36,844 4,524,575 373,113 3,986,228 545,223 11,042,070 Georgia. Ohio. Kentucky Tennessee. Alabama. Indiana. 1821 $6,014,310 — $ 108,960 1822 5,484,870 $ 105 — — 209,748 1823 4,293,666 — — — 200,387 1824 4,623,982 — — 460,727 1825 4,222,833 — — 692,635 1826 4,368,504 — — 1,527,1121,376,364 1827 4,261,555 — — — — 1828 3,104,425 — — 1,182,559 1829 4,981,376 2,004 — 1,693,958 — 1830 5,336,626 — — — 2,294,594 _ 1831 3,959,813 14,728 — — 2,413,894 — 1832 5,515,883 58,394 — — 2,736,387 — 1833 6/270,040 225,544 — — 4,527,961 _ 1834 7,567,327 241,451 — — 5,670,797 — 1835 8,890,674 97,201 — — 7,574,692 — 1836 10,722,200 3,718 — — 11,184,166 — 1837 8,935,041 132,844 — - — 9,671,401 — 1838 8,803,839 139,827 — — 9,688,244 — Michigan. Mississippi. Louisiana. Florida. Missouri. 1821 $53,290 — $ 7/272,172 — — — 1822 649 — 7,978,645 $ 1,777 — — 1823 1,010 — 7,779,072 1,510 — — • 1824 — — 7,928,820 216 — — 1825 — — 12,582,924 2,865 — — 1826 — — 10,284,380 209 — — 1827 1,320 — 11,728,997 57,486 — — 1828 — — 11,947,400 60,321 — — 1829 — — 12,386,060 56,086 — — 1830 1,588 — 15,488,692 7,570 — — 1831 12,392 — 16,761,989 30,495 — — 1832 9,234 — 16,530,930 65,716 — — 1833 9,054 18,941,373 64,805 — — 1834 36,021 26,557,524 228,825 — — 1835 64,830 — 36,270,823 61,710 — — 1836 61,231 — 37,179,828 71,662 — — 1837 69,790 $304,831 35,338,697 90,084 — — . 1838 125,660 — 31,502,248 122,532 — — 56 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. EXPORTED TO » Sreat Britain Netherlands Sweden and Denmark and rt and depen France and Spain and de and depen dependen dependen >t dencies. dependencies pendencies. dencies. cies. cies. 1821 $26,522,572 $ 6,474,718 $7,218,265 $6,092,061 $777,407 $2,327,882 1822 30,041,337 7,075,332 8,438,212 5,801,839 921,434 2,434,046 1823 27,571,060 9,568,924 10,963,398 7,767,075 55S,291 1,955,071 1824 2S,027,845 10,552,304 15,367,278 3,617,389 569,428 2,183,252 1S25 44,217,525 11,891,326 5,S40,720 5,895,499 569,550 2,701,088 1S26 2S,9S0,020 12,106,429 6,687,351 4,794,070 358,380 2,412,875 1S27 32,870,465 13,565,356 7,321,991 3,S26,674 850,877 2,404,822 1S2S 27,020,209 12,098,341 7,204,627 3,083,359 1,106,954 3,348,167 1S29 28,071, 0S4 12,832,304 6,888,094 4,622,120 957,948 2,311,174 1830 31,647,881 11,806,238 6,049,051 4,562,437 961,729 2,014,085 1831 39,901,379 9,8S2,679 5,661,420 3,096,609 540,078 2,000,793 .1832 37,268,556 13,244,698 6,399,193 6,035,466 515,140 2,207,551 1S33 39,7S2,240 14,424,533 6,506,041 3,566,361 420,069 1,839.834 1834 60,797,650 16,111,442 6,296,556 4,578,739 494,741 1,857,114 1S35 60,167,699 20,335,066 7,069,279 4,411,053 602,593 1,780,496 1836 64,4S7,550 21,441,200 S,081,668 4,799,157 700,386 2,122,469 1837 61,217,485 20,255,346 7,604,002 4,285,767 507,523 1,640,173 1838 5S,S43,392 16,252,413 7,684,006 3,772,206 355,852 1,299,927 Portugal and China. West Indies dependencies (a) Hanse Towns Russia. generally. Texas. 1S21 $435,700 $4,290,560 $2,132,544 $62S,894 $560,513 — 1S22 427,491 5,935,368 2,505,015 529,081 540,060 — 1823 246,64S 4,636,061 3,169,439 648,734 613,690 — 1824 51S,836 5,301,171 1,863,273 231,981 599,8S4 — 1825 408,160 5,570,515 3,121,033 2S7.401 669,668 — 1826 313,553 2,566,644 2,116,697 174,64S 617,869 — 1827 357,370 3,864,405 3,013,185 382,244 466,860 — 1828 291,614 1,482,802 2,995,251 450,495 460,197 — 1829 322,911 1,354,862 3,277,160 386,226 369,619 — 1830 279,799 742,193 2,274,880 416,575 247,121 — 1831 294,383 1,290,835 2,592,172 462,766 635,627 — 1S32 296,21S 1,260,522 4,088,212 582,682 562,954 — 1833 442,561 1,433,759 2,903,296 703,805 367,773 — 1S34 322,496 1,010,483 4,659,674 330,694 408,643 — 1835 521,413 1,868,580 3,528,276 585,447 450,516 — ' 1836 191,007 1,194,264 4,363,882 911,013 513,996 1837 423,705 630,591 3,754,949 1,306,732 467,557 $1,007,928 1S3S 232,131 1,516,602 3,291,645 1,048,289 339,052 1,247,880 Central Argentine Mexico. Columbia. America. Brazil. Republic. Chili. 182] $1,381,760 1822 — — — 1,463,929 1823 — — — 1,341,390 1S24 — — 2,301,904 , 1825 $6,470,144 $2,239/255 $ 99,522 2,393,754 $573,520 $ 921,438 1826 6,281,050 1,952,662 119,774 2,200,349 379,340 1,447,498 1827 4,173,257 944,534 224,772 1,863,806 151,204 1,702,601 182S 2,886,484 SS4,524 159,272 1,988,705 154,228 2,629,402 1829 2,331,151 767,348 239.S54 1,929,927 626,052 1, 421,134 1830 4,837,45S 496,990 250,118 1,843,238 629,887 1,536,114 1831 6,178,215 658,149 1,117,024 306,497 2,076,095 659,779 1,368,155 1832 3,467,541 335,307 2,054,794 923,040 1,221,119 1833 5,408,091 957,543 575,616 3,272,101 699,728 1,463,940 1834 5,265,05; 795,567 184,149 2,059,351 971,837 1,476,355 183c 9,029.221 1,064,016 183,793 2,608,656 708,918 941,884 1S36 6,041,63J S29,25f 189,518 3,094,936 384,933 937,917 183' 3,SS0,32; 1,080,U£ 157,663 1,743,209 266,008 1,487,799 1S3S 1 2,164,09' 724,73£ 243,046 2,267,194 236,665 1,370,264 (a) Before the revolution we had no trade with China ; but it gradually became im portant, and in 1821 aud 1822 had swelled in exports to Canton to five millions of dol lars. According to a report of the British Parliament, made in 1833, (and some Ameri can captains were examined as to the facts,) it was ascertained that our trade was equal to three-fourths of that of the East India Company. NAVY DEPARTMENT. OFFICERS SALARIES, Sec. Grade. CAPTAINS Senior captain in service - - Do do on leave, &c. - Captains of squadrons - - Do do on other duty Do do off duty - . COMMANDERS ...... Do in sea service - - - - - Do at navy yards, or other duty Do on leave, 8cc LIEUTENANTS - - Do commanding Do on other duty Do waiting orders SURGEONS DoDoDo Do Do Do DoDoDo DoDoDo DoDoDoDoDo DoDoDo first five years after date of commission do at navyyards, &c. do in sea service do of the fleet second five years do at navy yards, &c do in sea service ....... do of the fleet third five years ........ do at navy yards ....... do in sea service do of the fleet fourth five years ----.... do at navy yards ....... fourth five years in sea service - - . do of the fleet twenty years and upwards .... do at navy yards ....... twenty years and upwards in sea service do of the fleet Number in service. 55 55 290 61 PASSED ASSISTANT SURGEONS ASSISTANT SURGEONS Do do Do do Do do Do do Do do Do do PURSERS waiting orders - - at sea .... after passing, &c. - at sea, after passing at navy yards, &c. do after passing CHAPLAINS Do in sea service Do on leave, &c, PASSED MIDSHIPMEN DoDo do do on duty - - waiting orders MIDSHIPMEN - . - . Do in sea service Do on other duty Do on leave, 8sc. 17 53 51 13 191 231 Pay per annum. $4,500 3,5004,000 3,500 2,500 2,5002,100 1.600 1,8001,500 1,200 1,000 1,2501,333J1,5001,2001,500 1,6001,800 1,400 1,7501,S66S 2,100 1,600 2,000 2,133* 2,400 1,800 2,2502,4002,700 650 950850 1/200 950 1,150 480 1,200 SOO 750 600 400 350 300 Rations. I! rt fl P-S '« % |1 fe to -60 5-3" '•I • 58 NAVY DEPARTMENT. OFFICERS SALARIES, &c. Grade. Number in service. Pay per annum. Rations. MASTERS Do of a ship of the line at sea Do on other duty - - Do on leave, &c. PROFESSORS OF MATHEMATICS. TEACHERS AT NAVAL SCHOOLS PROFESSORS, Sec. TEACHERS, Sec. .... BOATSWAINS, GUNNERS,CARPENTERS,SAILMAKERS, Do DoDo Do AND Sec. . of a ship of the line of a frigate on other duty on leave, Sec. 29 17 32 37 24 25 1,1001,000 750 1,200 *480 750600 500 360 ' Teachers receive, in addition, two rations per day, at 20 cents each. oj cj co c£ few P; rt rt i» te cj o- O™ oj<*-2 .J? OJ JZ ° XZ a > — t-*«! °-2^ g,S x. cj rt ^ >* cj a ?* fcn-r; a> F n rt o=3.H'B S ssgt2 MARINE CORPS. Grade. Number in Pay per service. month. 1 $75 1 60 4 50 •13 40 20 30 20 25 tio 4 9 1 4 Rations pr. day,20cts. COLONEL COMMANDANT LIEUTENANT COLONEL MAJORS CAPTAINS FIRST LIEUTENANTS SECOND LIEUTENANTS 12 54444 NAVY AGENTS - - TEMPORARY AGENTS .... NAVAL STOREKEEPERS . - - CHIEF NAVAL CONSTRUCTOR - - NAVAL CONSTRUCTORS VESSELS OF WAR - - - * Three of these Captains are in the staff, as Paymaster, Quartermaster, and Adiu- tant and Inspector, and receive pay as Majors. f Commissions not to exceed $2,000 per annum. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY AND NAVY COMMISSIONERS. Name. Duty, Place of birth Where a Citizen. When appointed. Salary. James K. Paulding Isaac Chauncey Charles Morris Aix. S. Wadsworth C. W. Goldsborough Sec'y of the Navy. Pres. of the Board Commissioner - Do. - - - Secretary N. York Conn.Conn. Maine Maryl'd. N. York N. York N. York Maine Maryl'd. 1 July, 1838 5 June, 1833 13 July, 1832 17 May, 1837 10 Nov. 1823 $6,000 00 3,500 00 3,500 00 3,500 00 2,000 00 NAVY DEPARTMENT. 59 Captains, in number, 55. Name. Date of present Commission. State where born. State of which a citizen. Duty or Station for 1840. James Barron 22 May, 1799 Virginia Charles Stewart - 22 Apr. 1806 Penn. Isaac Hull - - 23 do do Conn. Isaac Chauncey 24 do do Conn. 5 Jacob Jones - - 3 Mar. 1813 Delaware Charles Morris 5 do do Conn. Lewis Warrington 22 Nov. 1814 Virginia William M. Crane 24 do do N. Jersey James Biddle 28 Feb. 1815 Penn. 10 Charles G. Ridgley do do Maryland John Downes - - 5 Mar. 1817 Mass. Jesse D. Elliott 27 Mar. ISIS Maryland Stephen Cassin - 3 Mar. 1825 Penn. James Renshaw - do do Penn. 15 Aix. S. Wadsworth do do Maine George C. Read - do do Ireland Henry E. Ballard do do Maryland David Deacon - 24 Jan. 1826 N. Jersey Samuel Woodhouse 3 Mar. 1827 Penn. 20 Edmund P.Kennedy 24 Apr. 1828 Maryland Alexander J. Dallas do do Penn. John B. Nicolson do do Virginia Jesse Wilkinson 11 Mar. . 1829 Virginia T. Ap Catesby Jones do do Virginia 25 Wm.Compton Bolton 21 Feb. 1831 England William B. Shubrick do do S. Car. Alexander Claxton do do Penn. Charles W. Morgan do do Virginia Lawrence Kearney 20 Dec. 1832 N. Jersey 30 Foxhall A. Parker 3 Mar. 1835 Virginia Edw. R. McCall do do S. Car: Daniel Turner do do N. York David Conner - do do Penn. John Gallagher 22 Dec. do Maryland 35 Tho. Holdup Stevens 27 Jan. 1836 S. Car. William M. Hunter 9 Feb. 1837 Penn. John D. Sloat - - do do N. York Matthew C. Perry do do R. Islaud Charles W. Skinner do do Maine 40 John T. Newton do do Virginia Joseph Smith - - do do Mass. Lawrence Rousseau do do Louisiana George W. Storer do do N. Ham. Beverly Kennon - 9 Feb. 1837 Virginia 45 Edward R. Shubrick do do S. Car. Francis H. Gregory 18 Jan. 1838 Conn. John H. Clack - 28 Feb. do Virginia P. F. Voorhees do do N.Jersey Benjamin Cooper do do N. Jersey 50 David Geisinger - 24 May do Maryland Robert F.Stockton 8 Dec. do N.Jersey Isaac McKeever - do do Penn. John P. Zantzinger 22 Dec. do Penn. Wm. D. Salter - 3 Mar. 1839 N. York 55 Chs. S. M'Cauley 9 Dec. do Penn. Virginia N. Jersey Conn. N. York Delaware N. York Virginia N. Jersey Penn. Maryland Mass. Penn. Dis. Col. Penn.Maine Penn.MarylandN. Jersey Penn. VirginiaPenn.Virginia VirginiaVirginiaDis. Col. S. Car. Penn. VirginiaN. Jersey Virginia S. Car. R. Island Penn. Maryland S. Car. Penn.N. York N. York VirginiaN. York Mass. LouisianaN. Ham. Virginia S. Car. Conn. VirginiaN. Jersey N. York Maryland N. Jersey Penn. Penn.N. Jersey Penn. Waiting orders. Com't. Navy Yard, Phil. Com'g Med'n. Squadron President Navy Board. On leave. Comm'r. Navy Board. Com't. N. Y'd, Norfolk. do. N. Y. Portsmouth. Gov. Nav. Asylum, Phil. Ap. to Com.Brazil Squa. Com't. N. Yard, Boston. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Com't. N.Yard, N.York Comm'r. Navy Board. Com'g. E. India Squad. Com'g . N'l Station, Bait Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Com't. N.Yd. Pensacola. Com'g. Brazilian Squad. Waiting orders. On leave. [wine. Com'g. Frigate Brandy- Com'g. W. I. Sqadron. Com'g. Pacific Squadron Waiting orders. Com'g. Frigate U. States Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Com'g. Fr. Constitution Waiting orders. Com'g. Rec. ship at N.Y. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Com'g. S'm. Ship Fulton do. R'g. Ship at Norfolk. Waiting orders. Commanding Ohio, (74.) Waiting orders. Com'g. R'g. S. at Boston Com'g. Fr. Macedonian Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Com'g. sloop Lexington. Waiting orders, Waiting orders. Waiting orders. On special duty. Com'g. sloop Falmouth. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. 30 NAVY DEPARTMENT. Commanders, in number, 55. Name. Date of present'State where Commission. ] born. State of which a citizen. Duty or Station for 1840. Thos. M. Newell 3 Mar. Elie A. F. Vallette do William A. Spencer do Thomas T. Webb do 5 JohnPercival ¦ do John H. Aulick do William V. Taylor do Bladen Dulany - do Silas H. Stringham do 10 Isaac Mayo - 20 Dec. William K. Latimer 2 Mar. William Mervine 12 June, Thomas Crabb 3 Mar. Edw. B. Babbit do 15 Thomas Paine - do James Armstrong do Joseph Smoot - do Samuel L. Breese 22 Dec. Benjamin Page, Jr. do 20 John Gwinn - 9 Feb. Thos. W. Wyman do Andrew Fitzhugh do Abraham S. Ten Eick do John White - do 25 Hiram Paulding - do Jona. D. Williamson do Uriah P. Levy . do Charles Boarman do French Forrest - do 30 Wm. J. Belt - do Wm. Jamesson - do Wm. Boerum . do Chas. L. Williamson do Chas. Gauntt - - do 35 William Ramsay do Ralph Voorhees - do Henry Henry - do Saml. W. Downing 23 Sept. Henry W. Ogden 31 Jan. 40 Eben'r. Ridgway 28 Feb. Thomas A. Conover do John C. Long - do John H. Graham do Jas. Mcintosh - do 45 Josiah Tattnal - do Hugh N. Page - do Wm. Inman - 24 May, Stephen Champlin 22 June, Joel Abbot - - 8 Dec. 50 Lewis E. Simonds 22 Dec. John M. Dale - 12 Feb. H. H. Cocke - - 3 Mar. Wm. J. McCluney 9 Dec. John B. Montgomery do 55 Horace B. Sawyer do 1831 do dododo Georgia VirginiaN. York Virginia Mass. dodo do do 1832 Virginia R. Island Virginia N. York [Maryland 1833 Maryland 1834!Penn. 1835 dodo do do dodo 1837 do dodododo dodo dodo dodo dodo dodo dodo 18371S3S dododododo dodo dodo 1838 do 1839 do dododo MarylandMass.R. Island KentuckyMaryland N. York England Maryland Mass.Virginia N. Jersey Mass. N. York N. Jersey Perm. Maryland MarylandMarylandVirginia N. York N. Jersey N. Jersey Virginia N. Jersey Maryland N. Jersey N. Jersey Mass. N. Jersey N. Ham. Vermont GeorgiaGeorgia VirginiaN. York R. Island Mass.Mass.Penn.Virginia Penn.N. Jersey Vermont GeorgiaPenn.N. York Virginia Mass. VirginiaR. Island Virginia N. York MarylandMaryland N. York Penn.Mass.Georgia Mass.MarylandN. York N. York Maryland Mass. Virginia N. Jersey Mass.N. York N. Jersey Penn.VirginiaDis. Col. MarylandVirginia N. York N. Jersey Penn.Dis. Col. N. Jersey Penn. N. Jersey N. Jersey N. Ham. N. Jersey N. Ham. N. York GeorgiaGeorgiaVirginia N. Jersey Conn. R. Island Mass. Penn.VirginiaPenn. N. Jersey Vermont Waiting orders. Com'g. R'd'zvous, Phil. Com'g. Sloop Warren. Com'g. R'vous, Norfolk. On his return from the comd. sip. Cyane, Medi. Navy Yard , Washingt'n. Com'g. sloop Erie. Waiting orders. Navy Yard, New York. Com'g U. S. s'r. Poinsett Com'g sloop Cyane Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Com'g.R'd'vous,Boston.Com'g. sloop Levant. Com'g. Rd'zvous Bait. Com'g. R'vous, N.York. Navy Yard Phila. Com'g. sl'p JohnAdams. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Com'g. sloop Ontario. On leave. Com'g. sloop Fairfield. Com'g. sloop St. Louis. Com'g. sloop Marion. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting- orders. Waiting orders. N.Y'd,Portsmouth,N.H . Waiting orders. On leave. Waiting orders. Navy Yard, Norfolk. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Navy Yard, Boston. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. Waiting orders. NAVY DEPARTMENT. 61 Vesssels of War qf the United States. Name. ^ate. Where built. When built. Situation. Where. t SHIPS OF THE LINE. Suns. Franklin - - 74 Philadelphia 1815 [n ordinary New- York. Washington - 74 3ortsmouth,N.H. 1816 [n ordinary ' New- York. Columbus 74 Washington 1819 [n commission Rec'g ship at Boston. Ohio - - - SO ¦Jew- York - - 1820 [n commission Mediterranean. 5 North Carolina 80 Philadelphia 1820- in commission Rec'g ship at N.York Delaware 80 Gosport, Virginia. 1820 in ordinary Norfolk. Alabama - - SO On the stocks Portsmouth, N. H. Vermont . - so .. . - . . On the stocks Boston. Virginia - - 80 . . On the stocks Boston. 10 Pennsylvania - 120 In ordinary Norfolk. New- York 80 On the stocks Norfolk. Independence, (Razee.) 1 Frigates, 1st Class. 54 Boston 1814 In commission Coast of Brazil. United States 44 Philadelphia 1797 In commission New- York. Constitution - 44 Boston - - 1797 In commission Pacific. 15 (Suerriere - - 44 Philadelphia 1814 In ordinary Norfolk. Java - - 44 Baltimore - - 1814 In commission Rec'g ship atNorfolk Norfolk. Potomac 44 Washington 1821 In ordinary Brandywine 44 Washington 1825 In commission Mediterranean. Hudson 44 Purchased - - 1826 In ordinary New- York. 20 Santee - - 44 - - - On the stocks Portsmouth, N. H. Cumberland - 44 . . . On the stocks Boston. Sabine - - 44 On the stocks New- York. Savannah - - 44 . On the stocks New-York. Raritan 44 On the stocks Philadelphia.East Indies. 25 Columbia 44 Washington 1836 In commission St. Lawrence 11 44 On the stocks Norfolk. Frigates, 2d Class. Constellation 36 Baltimore - - 1797 In ordinary Boston. Macedonian - 36 Captured, 1812, <• rebuilt - - 1836 In commission West Indies. SLOOPS OF WAR. John Adams - 20 Charleston, S. C. 1799, rebuilt - 1820 In commission East Indies. 30 Boston - - 20 Boston - - - 1825 In ordinary New York. Lexington - • 20 New- York - 1825 In commission Pacific Ocean. Vincennes - - 20 New- York - - 1826 In commission Explor'g Expedition. Warren - - 20 Boston - - - 1826 In commission West Indies. Natchez - - 20 Norfolk - - 1827 In ordinary New- York. 35 Falmouth - - 20 Boston - - 1827 In commission Pacific Ocean. Fairfield - - 20 New- York ¦ 1828 In commission Coast of Brazil. Vandalia - - 20 Philadelphia 1828 In ordinary Norfolk. St. Louis 20 Washington 1828 In commission Pacific. Concord 20 Portsmouth 1S28 In ordinary Boston. 40 Cyane - - - Levant - - 20 Boston - - - 1837 In commission Mediterranean. 20 New- York - - 1837 In commission West Indies. Erie IS Bait. 1813, rebuilt Norfolk - - 1820 In commission West Indies. Ontario 18 Baltimore - - 1813 In commission West Indies. Peacock - - 18 New- York - - 1813 In commission Explor'g Expedition. 45 Decatur 16 New- York - - 1839 Prepar'g for sea New York. Prebble - - 16 Portsmouth, N.H '1S39 Prepar'gforsea Portsmouth, N. H. Yorktown 16 Norfolk - - - 1839 Prepar'g for sea Norfolk. Marion - - • 16 Boston - - - 1839 In commission Coast of Brazil. Dale - - - 16 Philadelphia - 1839 Prepar'g for sea Norfolk. 21 62 NAVY DEPARTMENT. Vesssels of War — Continued. Name. Rate. Where built. When built. Situation. Where. PRIGS. Guns. 50 Dolphin 10 New- York - . 1836 In commission Coast of Brazil. Porpoise - - 10 Boston - • 1836 In commission Explor'g Expedition. Baltimore. Pioneer Boston - - 1836 Receiv'g vessel Consort Boston ... • 1S36 In commission Survey of Southern \ Harbors. SCHOONERS. Grampus 10 Washington 1821 In commission Coast of Africa 55 Shark 10 Washington 1821 In commission Pacific. Enterprise 10 New- York - 1831 In commission New- York. Boxer 10 Boston 1831 In commission Pacific Ocean. Experiment 4 Washington Transf'd from the War Dept. TransPd from the War Dept. Transf'd from the War Dept. 1831 In commission Rec'g vessel, Phila. Flirt In commission Coast of Florida. 60 Wave - . In commission Coast of Florida. Otsego - Sea Gull ) Flying Fish J 8 In commission Coast of Florida. Purchased in 1838 - Tenders to the Ex ploring expedition. Steam ship Ful ton - New- York - - 1S37 [n commission Atlantic coast. Steamer Poinsett 4 Transf'd from the War Dept. Philadelphia In commission Norfolk, Va. 65 ShipRelief(store ship) ' 1836 n commission Explor'g Expedition. Sea Steamer Building at Phila. Sea Steamer Build'gatN.York Rank and Command. Commission Officers of the Navy of the United States are divided into the following rank and denominations : Commodores, commanding squadrons. Captains, commanding tngates and vessels of 20 guns. Masters Commandant, commanding sloops — Lieuten ants. Commodores are to wear their broad pendants at all times on board the ship they command. The order of precedence and command m a ship is as follows : 1. Captain or Com mander. 2. Lieutenants, agreeably to the date or number of their commissions. 3. Masters. 4. Master's Mate. 5. Boatswain. 6. Gunnner. 7. Carpenter. 8. Mid shipmen. Salutes.— When the President shall visit a ship ofthe United States Navy, he is to be saluted with 21 guns. Vice President, 19 guns. Heads of Departments, Governors of states and territories, and Foreign Ministers, 17 guns. Major Generals, 15 guns. Brigadier Generals, 13 guns. The Fourth of July, and the anniversary of Washington's birth day are to be cele brated by salutes of 17 guns. » United States' ships of war are not to strike their topsails, nor take in their flags in any part of the world, to any foreign ship or ships, unless such foreign ship or ships shall have first struck, or shall at the same time strike their flags and topsails to the ships of the United States ; nor are they within the limits and jurisdiction of the Uni ted States, to salute any foreign ships whatever. Commanders rank with Brigadier Generals. Masters Commandant rank with Ma- jors. Lieutenant in the navy rank with Captains in the army. UNITED STATES ARMY. According to Oflicial Reports, the United States Regular Army in January, 1840, amounted to 12,577. The principal organization is as follows : General Staff Medical Department Pay Department Purchasing Department - Corps of Engineers 57 S3 19 3 43 Corps of Topographical Engineers Ordnance Department Two Regiments of Dragoons Four Regiments of Artillery Eight Regiments of Infantry Total The principal Officers are. Major General Brigadier Generals Adjutant General Colonels Lieutenant Colonels Majors Captains First Lieutenants 36 322 • 1,4983,020 7,496 12,577 18 26 172 208 The total non-commisioned officers, musicians and privates are 1 1 ,804. There are two great Military Divisions, divided by a line commencing at the mouth of the Mississippi — following up the river to Cassville, in Wisconsin Territory, thence north to the boundary line between the United States and Canada. All west of that line is called the Western Division, all east of it the Eastern Division. The total number ofthe militia of the United states is about 1,400,000. The militia comprises all able-bodied white males from 18 to 45 ; and when called into actual-ser vice, they receive the same pay as the regular army. POST OFFICE. The following table exhibits the general condition of the Post Office Department, at different periods from 1790 to 1839, inclusive. Exten' of | Miles annual 17901800 1810182018301835 18361837 1838 1839 No. of Post- Offices 75 903 2,300 4,500 8,450 10,770 11,09111,767 12,51912,780 Rec'ts, being total am't of postage. Total ex penditures $ 37,935 280,804 551,684 1,111,9271,919,300 2,993,556 3,408,323 4,100,6054,235,077 4,476,638 $32,140 213,994 495,969 1,160,926 1,959,109 2,763,0412,841,766 3,532,1634,621, S37 4,624,117/ Balance in favor of de partment. $ 5,795 66,810 55,715 230,515655,557 56-8,442 Balance against de partment. $ i8,999 39,809 36S,759 147,479 Post^oads mail transport it miles. ation. 1,875 9,375 20,S17 3,057,964 36,406 4,694,000 72,492 8,800,000 115,176 14,500,000 112,774 25.S69,4S6 118,264 27,578,620 141,242 32,597,006 134,818 34,580,202 133,999 34,496,878 The extent of mail transportation stated in the above table, is exclusive ofthe dis- tance it is carried by steam boats and other vessels. The business is conducted in the Post Master General's office, by himself, his three assistants, and fifty-s.x clerks and messengers, whose aggregate salaries amount to $79,000. And m the Auditor's ofl|ce, by himself and fifty-two clerks and messengers, whose aggregate salaries amount- to 64 980 The communications received in the different offices, excluding the Auditor's office, amount to a daily average of about 900 for the working days, equal to 281,700 a year; the communications sent, to about 500 daily, equal to 136,500 a year; and the cases actually decided by the Post Master General, to 50 daily, equal to 15,650 a year. 9 64 VALUE OF FOREIGN COINS STATISTICS OF THE PRESS, Value of Foreign Com in money of the United States. \\ Countries. Gold Coins. Value in dollars. Silver Coins. Value in dollars. Austria Sovereign 3 33 Rix dollar - - - Ducat - 2 29 do Convention 95 Belgium William 3 10 Ducatoon - - Florin 1S16 - - 1 19 40 Bengal Gold mohur S 16 Sicca Rupee - - 47 Bremen Ducats 2 25 Rix dollar specie 1 06 Brazil - Pataca 1S01 704 Denmark Ducats specie 2 25 Rix dollar - - Rix Bank dollar 1 04i52* England - - Guinea 5 09 Crown, new - - 1 OS* Sovereign - 4 863 France Louis - 3 85 Five franc p. - 92» Geneva Genovina 15 40 Scudo 1796 1 23 Hamburg Ducat 2 26 Rix dollar 1 07 Holland DucatRyder 2 29 6 04 Gilder or florin 391 Madras Star Pagoda 1 79 Rupee 181S - - m Naples Oncetta 2 50 Ducat 181S 794 Portugal Half Johannes 4 36 Crusado 1809 - 534 Prussia Frederick 3 97 Rix dollar convention 964 Russia ImperialCarlino 7 S2 Ruble 1S02 734 Sardinia 9 44 Scudo 874 Sicily Ounce 1751 2 50 Scudo - - 93i Spain - - Doubloon - - 16 47 Pistole 1S01 - 3 88 Dollar 99i Sweden Ducat 2 22 Rix dollar 1 04* Tuscany Rusp ne 6 91 Sequin - - 2 29 Francesco Leopoldoni 1 04 Turkey Sequin fonducli 1 82 Piaster 1818 - 18 Venice Sequin Ducat - - - 2 29 1 43 Ducat 754 Statistics of the Press. 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