N AL t UNIVt MSI 1 N I IHHAMN

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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

HISTORY

THE EEBELLION:

ITS AUTHORS AND CAUSES.

BY JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS.

NEW YORK:
FOLLET, FOSTER & OO.
1864.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1864,
l-OLLETT, FOSTBK & CO., ¦
In the Clerk's Office of the United States District, Conrt for the iJwrthem District of New-Torfc

Cc b

J. J. Reed, Printer & Stereotvper,
43 Oontie Sti-oet, N. T.

TO
THE PEOPLE OP THE UNITED STATES,
for -WHOSEJIIGHTB AND INTERESTS THE A0THOR SO LONG LABORED,
THIS -W-OKK IS KESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, JOSHUA E. GIDDINGS.

ADVERTISEMENT.

By noting the time when any particular incident is said to
have occurred, and then referring to the corresponding date
in the "Journals of Congl^ess," "The American Archives,"
" American State Papers," " Annals of Congress," " Debates
in Congress," or " Congressional Globe," the reader will find
official, authority on which the statement is made. In all other
cases the authority is particularly cited.

PREFACE.

The present EebeUion is the first in the annals of mankind,
where a people have risen in arms against liberty for the
purpose of establishing a despotism. With its remote and
proximate causes the people should be familiar ; its authors
and abettors should be known to the present and coming
generations. In the long struggle which preceded actual secessipn, the
writer participated. It was his fortune to enunciate the policy
of separating the people of the frefe States and the federal
power from the support of slavery, leaving that institution
entirely with the States, where it had been left by the patriots
who framed the charter of our Union. Messrs. Adams, Slade,
and Gates, then members of Congress, sustained the policy ;
others subsequently united with us ; we were opposed not by
reason, or argument, or justice, but by personal detraction, mis
representation, insult, threats of violence, and denunciation.
The contest was earnest and protracted. For more than
twenty years the author mingled in scenes of unusual interest
The adoption and repeal of the gag-rules ; the trial of the Hon.
John Quincy Adams; the censure of the author by the House
of Representatives, and its reversal by the people ; the annex
ation of Texas ; the memorable defeat of the slave power iu its
efibrts to establish slavery in California ; the undisguised cor
ruption exerted to tax the people of the free States for the
payment of the debts of Texas ; the civil war for extending

Til

Vlll PEEFACE.

slavery into Kansas ; the defeat of the Executive designs by
the people, and the founding of frea institutions in that terri
tory, constitute some of the incidents in which the author par
ticipated. Defeated in their designs of transforming the Govemment
into a slaveholding oligarchy, most of the slave States rebelled.
against the Govemment which had protected them, defied its
authority, and declared their intention to establish an indepen
dent power, devoted to a perpetual war upon human nature.
Few who mingled in these early conflicts now remain. Most
of them have passed to their reward ; and the author, as he
lingers upon the verge of time, presents this volume to the
people of the United States, as an humble memoir of the poli
tical scenes in which he participated, while it points out the
causes and authors of the Rebellion.
Jbepebson, -ObK), Avguat 30, 1863.

THE EEBELLION:
ITS CAUSES Am ITS AUTHORS.

CHAPTER' I.
THE FORMATION AJTO CHARACTER OF THE GOVERNMENT — ITS EARLT ACTION
ON THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY.
The Continental Congress of 1114 united in a solemn assertion that
" the inhabitants of these Colonies, by the immutahle hws of nature, by the
British Constitution and their several charters, have the right to life,
liberty and property."
This avowal constituted the first step in the formation of what we call
the "American TJnion."
The publicists of Europe and many leading minds of the Colonies had
turned their attention to the philosophy of human governments : many
asserted the equal rights of all men to life, liberty and happiness. The
doctrine was at that time much discussed in public speeches, in newspa
per essays and pamphlets published for its promulgation.
The Colonial governments had been formed at various periods prior to
the general agitation of these doctrines. Georgia was the only colony
founded upon the basis 'of human liberty, from which her people, however,
receded after a few years of experience, adopting the despotic principle
that governments possessed the same legitimate power to enslave men
¦which they had to secure them in the enjoyment of liberty : and while
the declaration of rights put forth by the Congress of 1114 was far in
advance of the governments of Europe and those of the Colonies, it
nevertheless fell short of those subsequently enunciated in the Declaration
of Independeuce in 1116 : but for the purpose of maintaining those
asserted in 1114, the Colonists took up arms and gallantly defended their
adopted faith at Lexington, Concord and Bunker Hill.

10 DECLABATION OF PBINCIPLES.
j„g But being involved in civil war, they felt the propriety of more
fully vindicating their course before the Christian world ; and
Congress appointed a select committee of five members to draft a declara
tion of principles to constitute the basis of the new government.
This committee consisted of John Adams, of Massachusetts ; Roger
Sherman, of Connecticut ; Benjamin Franklin, of Pennsylvania ; and
Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia ; each of whom had already distinguished
himself as an advocate of the new philosophy. Mr. Livingston, of New
York, was also a member of the committee, and, though less distinguish
ed on this subject, is supposed to have been as much devoted to the sup
port of human rights as were his illustrious colleagues.
In their report they proclaimed the self-evident truths, "that all men
are created equal in their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap
piness ; that governments are instituted to secure the enjoyment of
these rights ; that whenever any form of government ^becomes destructive
of these ends, it is the right and duty of the people to alter or abolish it,
and reorganize its powers ia such form as they may deem most likely
to secure their interest and happiness."
This was the second avowal of rights put forth by the founders of
our Government ; and differed from the first in announcing the preroga
tives of life, liberty and happiness, as conferred on all men, in all ages,
and in all dimes. This declaration announced to the world that the
Colonies had formed an indissoluble union for defending those doctrines :
and was the consummation of the Union which had been commenced in
1114. But scarcely had the Colonies united upon these doctrines, when
the subject of slavery came under discussion. Georgia called on- Con
gress to furnish troops to prevettt slaves from escaping from the service of
their masters. Many of the States legislated in regard to slaves who
should be employed in the service of the United States, and some of
them called on Congress to provide for the military employment of
slaves ;* but the statesmen of that day carefully abstained from all leo-is-
lation in favor of slavery, and wholly refused to recognize it as entitled
to respectful consideration. But the commissioners appointed to nego
tiate a treaty of peace with England, were not thus careful. Messrs,
John Jay, John Adams, and Benjamin Franklin, were appointed for
that purpose. They met the commissioners on the part of the British
ministry, at Paris, and had nearly completed the negotiation, when
Mr. Laurens, of South Carolina, who had been confined in England,
being released by the British government, joined them, he having
* ynUt American Arcbires of 1776.

THE OOHFEDEEATIOU. 11
been also appointed a commissioner : at his suggestion the seventh
article of the treaty was made to read as follows: "His Britannic
Majesty shall with all convenient speed, and without causing any
destruction, or carrying away any negroes, or other property of the
American inhabitants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and fleets from
the United States."
There had been no instructions for the commissioners to make ^„^
any stipulation in regard to slaves ; but as peace was important to
the Colonies, the treaty was approved, notwithstanding this stipulation ;
but neither the army nor fleet of Great Britain regarded this stipulation
as of any validity whatever. When they left the United States they
carried away many negroes claimed by the inhabitants, saying, in the
language of the Declaration of Independence, " Governments are insti
tuted to secure the enjoyment of liberty and not to protect slavery." And
this seems to have been the idea of the British ministry, who refused
compensation for the negroes thus deported, in violation of the letter
of the treaty.
The Government under the confederation, not only refused to act in
favor of slavery, but its powers were actively put forth in favor of free
dom. Congress a.bolished the institution in aU the territories of the
United States, and sent forth an address to the people, in which they
said : " Let it be remembered that it has ever been the pride and boast
of America that the rights for which she contended were the rights of
hvmam, nature, and if justice, good faith, honor, gratitude, and all the
other qualities that ennoble the character of a nation and fulfill the ends
of government be the fruits of our establishment, the cause of liberty will
acquire a dignity and lustre which it has never enjoyed, and an example
will be set which cannot but have the most favorable effect on the
rights of mankind."
The old confederation continued until 1189. During the thirteen years
of its existence, the powers of Congress were exerted for the entire abo
lition of slavery in the territory pqssessed by the United States ; and
when the governmental authority passed over to the new organization
under the Constitution, no human being was held in bondage under its
laws or within its exclusive jurisdiction. Indeed, during the existence
of the confederation no member of Congress raised his voice in favor of
slavery ; or if he did, it would seem that no record of such opinions was
preserved. In the convention which framed our Federal Constitution, at- ^^g^ .
tempts were made to resist the progress of free principles. South
Carohna and Georgia demanded security against the abolition of the

12 OHAKACTEE OF THE COBTSnTtTTION.
Blave trade, but the difficulty was compromised upon the constitutional <
assurance that it should not be prohibited until a.d. 1808.
The States most interested in slave labor also insisted on being repre
sented in Congress according to their population, including slaves. This
was -violently opposed by members from those States which had com
menced the work of emancipation, as it would give owners of slaves su
perior influence iu the Govemment over the advocates of liberty propor
tioned to the number of slaves they should hold in bondage, and thus
operate against the essential doctrines on which the Govemment was
founded. This point was also compromised, and the slaveholding States
were allowed a representation according to the number of their free poj^
tflation, superadding thereto three-fifths of the whole number of their
slaves ; thus giving to slaveholders an influence superior to that enjoyed
by the advocates of liberty ; and the Constitution was thus made to ope
rate to that extent in favor of oppression. But as an equivalent for
this superior influence, the advocates of slavery agreed to contribute to
the support of Governmeut in case of direct taxation according to their
representation in Congress. This consideration, however, proved merely
nominal, as the Government has seldom had recourse to that method of
raising revenue.
But the effects of giving to the slave States superior representati-on
over the free States proved injurious to the Government, as it created a
feeling of arrogance and superiority among the slaveholders, and a cor-
tfesponding sense of inferiority and dependence on the part of northem
statesmen. But none of the compromises operated further than to secure the
States against any prohibition of the slave trade for twenty years, and
the enjoyment of a superior representation in Congress.
Under the articles of confederation, each of the several States had, in
their sovereign capacity, admitted the citizens of other States resident
with them to enjoy all the rights and privileges which its o-wn citizens
enjoyed. Each also surrendered up offenders fleeing frdm other States,
to be tak«n back for trial where the crimes had been committed. And
under an assumed comity, each also gave up the slaves who had escaped
to them from other States. These acts were performed by State author
ity, with which the Federal power possessed no right to interfere. And
in framing the Federal Constitution, the several States, in plain and Ob
vious language, stipulated that these practices should be continued, but
gave no authority to Congress, or to the Federal Government to enforce
these stipulations. And although this was the obvious construction Of
Ihe Constitution, y*t from abundant caution the tenth article of the

DEVOTION TO LIBEETT. 13
Amendments was adopted, declaring " that the powers not delegated to
the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States,
are reserved to the States respectively or to the people." Thus was Con
gress expressly prohibited from acting upon the subject contained in either
of these clauses constituting the second section of the fourth article of l^e
Constitution. But stUl further to secure the entire administration of the
Federal power to the cause of freedom, the fifth amendment provided,
" that no person shall be deprived " [by the United States] " of life, lib
erty or property -without due process of law."
A large majority of the Convention that framed the Constitution were
evidently lovers of liberty, and supposed they had secured the people
against all future attempts to prostitute the influence or powers of the
nation to the support of despotism in any form ; and General Washing
ton, the first President of the United States, entered upon his official du
ties as Chief Magistrate of a free, govemment, committed entirely to the
securing of life, liberty a/nd happiness to the entire people liiiing under its ex-
dusive jurisdiction. No slave was captured or held under Federal laws.
The northern States, acting in pursuance bf the advice of the old Con
gress, entered at once upon the work of emancipation ; and /philanthro
pists looked forward to the day as not far distant when the entire nation
should be free from slavery.
But the spirit of domination remained among the people of the
slaveholding States. They had embraced the theory that black men
were designed by the Creator to act as slaves to the white race. In
carrying this theory into practice, three men from Virginia, named Fran
cis McGuire, Baldwin Parsons and Absolem Wells, entered Washington
county, Pennsylvania, and seized a free colored man named " John," car
ried him to Virginia, and sold him.
The offenders were indicted, and Govemor Mifflin, of Penn- „^gj
sylvania, demanded them for trial. But the Executive of Vir
ginia refused to deliver them according to the stipulation of the
Constitution. Indeed, the Governor of that State asserted that the
act of enslaving free colored men constituted only a trespass as between
the parties, and a breach of the peace between the offenders and the
State ; and as it was no crime to enslave free men under Virginia laws,
there was no sufficient cause for delivering up the men who com-
jnitted the trespass or breach of the peace in Pennsylvania. This
seizing and enslaving a free man of Pennsylvania, being tacitly jus
tified by the authorities of Virginia, would have constituted good cause
for war between sovereign States. But the 'Governor of Pennsylvania,
anxious to preserve the Union so recently formed, forbore all retaliatory

14 PETITION OF DE. FEANKXIN.
measures. Yet he transmitted an account of the whole matter to the
President of the United States, who laid the same before Congress. It
was, however, acknowledged by all that neither the President nor Con
gress could act upon the subject, and the State of Pennsylvania submitted
to the outrage against her laws and dignity vrithout receiving from Vu:-
ginia any reparation or apology.*
The ruffians who kidnapped and enslaved this free man, instead of
being punished for the crime, were regarded as having set an example
and established a precedent for other desperate men, who, without the
fear of punishment, seized free men in both slave and free States, and
sold them into bondage.
^„ ' The Quakers of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Mary
land and Virginia first petitioned Congress to pass laws prohibit
ing the slave trade.
On the petition being presented in the House of Representatives, no
member attempted any -dndication of that traffic or of slavery. Those
from South Carolina stigmatized the memorialists as " intermeddlers in
matters outside their appropriate sphere of action."
On the following day, however, a petition signed by the venerable
Dr. Franklin, "President ofthe Society for Promoting the Abolition of
Slavery, the Relief of Free Negroes Md in Bondage, and Improvement
of the African Race," was presented for the consideration of the House.
This memorial, written and signed by that distinguished philosopher and
statesman, who had served on the committee appointed to draft the De
claration of Independence and in the convention that framed the Consti
tution, set forth, "that mankind are all formed by the same Almighty
Being, alike objects of His care, and equally designed for the enjoyment
of happiness, the Christian religion teaches us to believe, and the
POLITICAL CREED OF AMERICANS FULLY COINCIDES WlrH THIS POSPTION." The
petition closed -with the assertion that " the blessings of liberty ought
rightfully to be administered without distinction of color, to all PEOPLE,"f
and the memorialist earnestly prayed Congress " to step to the very
verge of their powers for discouraging every species of traffic in the per
sons of our fellow men."
The memorial also set forth in its preamble the formation of the so
ciety, which had been incorporated by the Legislature of Pennsylvania,
and stated that, " by the blessing of Divme Providence, its efi'orts had
• Yid6 American Archives of 1790.
+ These may bo regarded as tho dying words of thai; lUustrlous statesman. He departed to his
final rest a few weelis subsequently.

PKOTECnOBT OF FEEE NEGEOES. 15
been directed to the rdief from bondage of many of their feUow creatures
of the AfricoM race.''
This public recognition of the primal rights of human nature; particu
larly the equality of those rights which God has conferred upon all the
various members of the human family; and the assertion that " no distinc
tion should be made on account of color," appeared well calculated to
provoke denial by southern members. And but few circumstances of
that day show more clearly the sentiment and feeling of the American
people, than the tacit admission by southern statesmen of the truths
uttered in this petition. No one denied that all men were formed by
the same Almighty Being; that all were endowed by heaven itself with
the right to life, liberty and happiness; nor did any one deny the doctrine
that colored men have a right to live, a right to liberty and hajjpiness.
Yet members from the slaveholding States assailed the memo- ,
rialist; and charged him with hypocrisy. They asserted that such
memorials were calculated to stir up the slaves to insurrection, to light the
flames of dvil war; and intimated that the lives of certain members who
maintained the doctrines of the memorial would be endangered, should
they happen to be found within certain slave States.*
The debate was continued at great length, but the memorial was re
ferred to the appropriate committee by a vote of 43 to 14.
The committee reported that Congress could not prohibit the slave
trade until 1808, nor could it interfere with slavery in the States.
They expressed a confidence that the several States would protect their
free negroes; asserted the right of Congress to levy a tax on the importa
tion of slaves; to interdict their importation to other nations in American
ships; to prohibit foreigners from fitting out slave ships in American
ports; and pledged Congress to the exercise of its constitutional powers
for prompting the humane objects of the memorialists.
On this report the debate was renewed -with much warmth. The me
morialists were again assailed and charged with interfering in business
which did not concern them. The Quakers were charged generally with
having acted as spies in the Revolution, and now making indirect attacks
upon southern men. They also insisted that the reprobation of slavery
and the slave trade by the committee imputed to southem men the black
est of crimes; that the admission that slavery was a barbarous institu
tion was a substantial admission that slaveholders were a barbarous peo
ple. Dr. Franklin, at that time venerated both in Europe and America
for his love of justice and his high moral character, was personally assailed
* This is supposed to be the first threat of personal violence uttered in Congress on account of an
avowed love of Hberty,

16 FKANKLm DEFENDED.
for having avowed the principles on which he had assisted in foundiog
our Government.
jr^gj , Northem members were more dispassionate, but appeared equal
ly bold and determined. They disabused the memorialists of the
charges made against them, vindicated their doctriaes, and spoke -with ab
horrence of the crimes described ia the memorial; but no further action
was then had in regard to the matter.

ACT EESPEOTING FUGITIVE SLAVES. 17

CHAPTER IL
' IHE POWERS OF THE GOVEENMENT PROSTITUTED TO THE SUPPORT AND ENCOUR
AGEMENT OP SLAVERY.
The Federal Government continued for seventeen years to main- .„j.
tain the rights of all men under its exclusive jurisdiction, to enjoy
life, liberty and happiness. Foreign nations looked with admiration upon
this as the only political organization founded on the immutable prin.
ciples of equal justice and equal liberty to all members of the human family.
But this recognition of the divine attributes as the basis of human gov
ernment was in advance of the age. Nor were the American people pre
pared to maintain the doctrines in the spirit which prompted their adop
tion. The northern representatives, in framing the Constitution, had
compromised their self-respect in yielding to the slave States permission
to continue the slave trade, with its attendant crunes, for twenty years;
and in surrendering to them a superior influence in the Government, ac
cording to the number of their slaves : and now Congress was called
npon to involve the nation in the disgraceful work of legislating for the
capture and return of fugitive bondmen. As we have remarked, there
was not merely no authority in the Constitution for Congress to act upon
this subject; but that power was explicitly declared " to remain with the
several States or with the people."
Nor can we at this day state the reasons which prompted the intro
duction of this subject: nor can we name the member of the Senate who
brought it forward. At that time the deliberations and proceedings of
that body were kept secret from the people. From the annals of Con
gress we learn that on the 5th day of February, the House of Represen
tatives proceeded to consider a bill from the Senate, entitled "An Act re
specting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of
their masters." We do not find that any debate was had upon it, but it
passed the House of Representatives by a vote oi forty-eight to seven.*
The bill provided that whenever a person owing service in one State
should escape into another, the person to whom such service or labor may
be due, his agent or attorney, might arrest and take him back to the
* This was tbe point at which the Oovernment took its departure from th? letter and spirit of tiio
Coostltution and of the purposes and designs of those who framed it.
2

18 THE CONSTITUTION PEOSTITUTBD TO OPPEESSION.
State from which he had escaped. The bill further provided, that a fine
of five hundred dollars might be assessed upon any person who should
harbor or conceal the fugitive, or hinder, or obstruct his arrest, or rescue
him after being arrested.
The passage of this bill marks an important era in the administration
of the American Government. Up to that period its legislative powers
had been exerted to secure (to the extent of its jurisdiction) all persons in ¦
the enjoyment of liberty, according to the declared purpose of those who
achieved our independence. By passing this bill, Congress assumed to act
for the support of slavery, and against that liberty which the founders of
the republic declared that God had conferred upon every human being,
and of which the Constitution explicitly assured the world that no person
should be deprived, except for crime.
But the powers ordained by the Constitution to support liberty were
now prostituted by Congress to uphold and secure slavery: and it were
in vain for us, at this day, to speculate upon the motives of those who
enacted this law. So far as we are taformed, there was no debate, and
no man assigned any reason for his vote. The record indicates its
passage without any discussion, without attractmg any particular atten
tion ; and probably northern members who voted for it regarded the
subject as of httle importance, while slaveholders must have deemed it
very desirable.
But the precedent thus set was soon found to be important. The
reader will recollect, that in our treaty of peace with Great Britain, His
Majesty had agreed to withdraw his troops and fleets from the United
States "without carrying away any negroes or other property of the in
habitants;" that, regardless of this stipulation, the army and navy of
England deported many slaves. The several States from which they
were carried could do nothing on the subject, and, although the clause
was designed to uphold slavery, it had been inserted at the instance of
Mr. Laurens, without instruction from the Executive, who appears to have
felt little anxiety in regard to it. But as Congress had now acted for the
support of that institution, the owners of deported slaves became clamor
ous for indemnity; and the President was importuned to obtain it from
Great Britain.
As Congress had assumed the duty of protecting and upholding slavery
in the States, the President appears to have felt unwilling further to re
fuse action in favor of the institution, although he had long been anxious
to abolish it. With Europeans, precedents, in matters of legislation, were
regarded as of binding force; and this practice naturally commended
itself to the statesmen of our country, who did not at that time appear

19
to realize that a republican govemment could only be sustamed by repu
diating vicious precedents.
Fortunately, Judge Jay, of New York, was appointed minister .j^^^
plenipotentiary to negotiate the " treaty of amity, commerce and
na-vigation with Great Britain." He was instructed to demand of that
government a compensation for the slaves deported after the signing of
the treaty of peace in 1183. The demand was accordingly made; but
the reply of Lord GrenviUe was satisfactory to our minister, who, in his
report to our Government, pronounced the claim " odious," evidently feel
ing that it was derogatory to the American Government to espouse the
claims of men who professed to hold their fellow beings as property. The
treaty was concluded without any reference to those claims ; was approv
ed by President Washington and his Cabinet, and was ratified by the
Senate. '
But a minority of the Senate were dissatisfied with the Execu. „^jj
tive for failing to obtaia compensation for the owners of deported
slaves ; and Mr. Gun, of Georgia, presented to that body a preamble and
resolution in the following language:
" Whereas, it was claimed that many negroes and other property had
been carried away by the British army, in contravention of the 1th ar
ticle of our treaty with Great Britain of 1183; therefore resolved, that
the President be required to renew negotiations on that subject, and if
unable to obtain indemnity under the treaty, that he may urge its allow
ance as a matter tcTiding to cherish the desired friendship between the two
governments." This bold proposition for placing the Federal Government in the atti
tude of exertmg its moral influence before the civilized world in favor of
treating men as property, was maintained with zeal and abUity and was
debated at length, and was rejected by a majority of one vote.*
While these efforts were being put forth to commit the Federal Gov
ernment more fully to the support of this system of oppression, the Quak
ers of the free States, and of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia and North
Carolina, remained true to that holy influence in favor of justice and
liberty, which constitutes an essential element of their religion. They
continued annually to petition Congress for the abolition of the slave
trade, for the protection of free negroes, and to prohibit the building of
slave ships in American ports by the people of other nations. And a
law was passed prohibiting the exportation of slaves from the United

• Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, attempted to renew- this claim in tho Senate of the United States sisty
years subsequently.

26 FEAtTDULENT TEEATIES.
States to other nations, and forbidding the people of other governments
from fitting out slave ships in the ports of the United States.
But one of the most insidious methods of involving the people of the
free States in the support of slavery, was that by which the Federal
Government stipulated with southem Indian tribes for the arrest and
return of fugitive slaves.
Early as 1105, slaves in South Carolina left their masters and fled to
the Creek Indians, where they were received tvith hospitality. They\t
length found their way to Florida and settled upon the Appalachicola
River. They obtained lands of the Spanish crown, and as early as 1135
were enrolled as a part of the military defence of that territory. Other
slaves fled from Georgia, and found an asylum with the Creek Indians.
In the years 1185, '86, and '81, the State of Georgia, in direct violation
of the Articles of Confederation, made three several treaties with the
Creeks for the purchase of lands and return of fugitive slaves. These
treaties were declared to be fraudulent and void by the Indians, and
at the adoption of the Constitution that State was engaged in war in con
sequence of these fraudulent treaties, signed by chiefs and warriors who
had no other than a fabulous existence.*
Soon as the Constitution was framed, the State of Georgia hastened
to adopt it, and at once called on the National Executive to protect her
people against the hostile Indians.
General Washington exerted the influence ofthe Government to obtain
a treaty and permanent peace with the Indians. The treaty was effected
at New York, in 1190, and contained an express stipulation for the return
of fugitive slaves. But the slaves then resident with the Indians at once
fled to Florida, and united with their brethren who resided on the
Appalachicola River.
The Executive of Georgia complained that the Indians did not return
the fugitives according to stipulation, and called gn the President for a
further treaty, which was agreed to, and Commissioners for negotiating
it were nominated to the Senate and approved by that body.
But long before the meeting for negotiating the treaty was to take
place, the Executive of Georgia furnished the Couunissioners with a list
of One hundred and ten slaves, who were said to have fled from planta
tions in that State. The return of these slaves was peremptorily
demanded, and the Commissioners were informed that " the people of
Georgia would abide by no treaty in which her Commissioners were not
««ntulted." • nde " BxUes of Florida "and aathorlUca there cited.

BOUTHEEN PE0TESTATI0N8. . 21
The Indians denied that those slaves were Uvmg with them ; but asserted
that they were with the Seminoles in Florida ; that the Spanish author
ities would not deliver them up, and that the Creeks were unable to
capture them.
The Secretary of War, General Knox, in view of the diflficul- ^^jg
ties surrounding this question, recommended that Congress should
appropriate money to pay for these slaves. The President transmitted
this suggestion to Congress, when it was read and laid on the table.
The treaty was entered into at " Colerain," and several negroes were
delivered to the authorities of Georgia at the time of making it ; and
the Indians renewed their promise to capture and return others soon as
able to do so.*
At that time the popular mind had become so far diverted from tbe
doctrines and spirit which guided the patriots who framed the Constitu
tion, that no objections appear to have been made to this covenant for
capturing and returning fugitive slaves, in either House of Congress.
But during the last session of the Third Congress, while a bill for the
naturalization of foreigners was before the House of Representatives,
Mr. Giles, of Virginia, moved an amendment, providing that every
applicant for naturalization should renounce all titles of nobility before
being admitted to citizenship.
Mr. Dexter, of Massachusetts, proposed to amend the amendment by
adding a clause requiring such applicant to emancipate all slaves which
he might hold in bondage.
The proposition, though in perfect accordance with republican insti
tutions, excited much feeling among slaveholding members, who insisted
that it was insulting to the dignity of the southern portion of the Union.
They averred that the slave States, since the Revolution, had given a
hearty support to the Government. Indeed, they appeared perfectly un
conscious of that logic which teaches that nd man could sincerely believe
that God had endowed all men with an imprescriptible right to liberty,
while honestly holding his fellow men in slavery.
The Fourth Congress was distinguished by the numerous im- .^j^g
portant measures on which it was called to act. It became neces
sary to make an appropriation of money to carry into effect the treaty
which had recently been negotiated with Great Britain and ratified by
the Senate. When the bill making this appropriation came under con
sideration in the House of Representatives, the advocates of slavery stated

* Vide American State Papers, Vol. H., " Indian Affairs." Also the " Exiles of Florida " and
authorities quoted in that work.

22 OPPOSITION TO JAX'S TEEATT.
that their principal objection to it arose in consequence of the treaty
having failed to secure a compensation for deported slaves. During this
debate northern members exhibited greater delicacy than had previously
characterized the discussion of slavery. They were cautioas, avoiding all
reference to primal doctrines. They seemed tacitly to admit that the
Government might with propriety have insisted on full indemnity for the
loss of the slaveholders ; yet as it was evident that a refusal to abide by
the treaty would bring war again upon the nation, they insisted that it
were better to make the appropriation. Southem members, however,
remained firm m their opposition, and after a very protracted debate, the
appropriation was carried by fifty-one votes in the affirmative to forty-
eight in the negative, and the claims for deported slaves was thus dis
posed of apparently to the mortification of southern members.
In May, a.d. 1116, the Quakers of 'New Jersey, Pennsylvania and
Delaware, at their yearly meetings, resolved to withdraw Christian fel
lowship from those members of their order who should continue to hold
slaves. In obedience to this expression of their church, most of their
members who resided in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia and North Caro
lina emancipated their slaves. The persons thus set free had been bred
in bondage and ignorance, and most of them were stupid and slow of ap
prehension. Desperate men were in the habit of seizing these people,
taking them South and selling them into bondage. The people of those
' States and of Pennsylvania sent numerous petitions to Congress, asking
that body to pass suitable laws for securmg these emancipated slaves iu
the enjoyment of their liberty.
This appeal to Congress to maintain the rights for the support of which
the Government had been founded attracted attention. A resolution
directing the Committee on the Judiciary " to report a bill to prevent
the kidnappiag of free negroes and mulattoes," was adopted, and the
Committee reported a bill, but it does not appear to have been called up
for action. Indeed, northern members appeared timid and unwilling to
bring forward any subject offensive to their southern friends.
This feeling was further manifested on a bill to raise revenue by direct
taxation upon slaves. It was reported' in obedience to a resolution of
the House of Representatives, but no further action was had upon it.
.„.. . The Quakers of North Carohna, in obedience to the canons
of their church adopted in 1116, declaring that no member should
hold slaves, emancipated their bondsmen. The number of persons thus
set free is unknown. But certain individuals entertained the opinion that
men had no right thus to emancipate the servants whom they had held
in bondage, and they seized the emancipated people as fugitives from

EAEBAEISM OF NOETH OAEOLINA. 23
Eervice. The Quakers applied to the judiciary, and were at first de
feated. But they appealed to the court of dernier resort, and succeeded
in obtaining a final judgment declaring the right of every master to eman
cipate his slaves. By this decision several hundred, perhaps a thousand,
slaves were transformed into free citizens of that State. But this eman
cipation by the Quakers originated in religious principle, which seemed
to imply that those who continued to hold slaves could not be regarded
as conforming to rehgious duty. Slaveholders were restless under this
implied reproof, and petitioned the Legislature of that State to devise
means for remedying what they termed " the evils of emancipation."
The Legislature did not hesitate to pass an act authorizing men who
held a certain amount of real estate to capture and rfife'nslave the persons
previously emancipated, excepting those who had served in the army of the
Sevolution. But the class of men thus authorized to capture and enslave theu- fel
low-beings were educated and unwilling to engage in such piratical work,
and they unanimously refused to enter upon it. Under these circum
stances,, the Legislature passed an amendatory act, authorizing any per
sons to arrest those who had been emancipated, and on proof being made
that they had been thus set free, they were to be sold at public auction
to interminable servitude.
Nor should the feelings of men at the present age be shocked at this
manifestation of barbarism by the Legislature of North Carolina. If it
be once admitted that legislatures or governments may in any case
murder or enslave innocent persons, the time and occasion for doing it
must rest entirely with those who possess the power. The effect of this
legislative act was precisely that which was intended by those voting for
It — men of desperate character, gamblers, horse-thieves and outlaws en
gaged in hunting and capturing these helpless and almost friendless peo
ple. The Quakers assisted them so far as they were able. They secreted
some and fed them untU an opportunity Was presented for their escape.
We have no authentic account of the number recaptured in North Caro
lina.* Nor have we any d-ata by which to arrive at the number who
were captured under the fugitive act after reaching other States and car
ried back to North Carolina and sold into bondage. Many are said to
have stopped in Virginia and Maryland, where the State laws regard all
colored persons as slaves who cannot prove their freedom. These were
said to have been seized and sold into slavery in those States, where such
* The records of tho Court of Appeals for the counties of Perquimans, Pasquotank and Chowan
show that one hundred and tblrty-aaven of these emancipatod people wero 9oId by the Sheriff in
07M (Joy.

24: PEIJIAL TEUTHS DISOAEDED.
transactions were so frequent as to excite no particular attention. Others
reached Pennsylvania, where they recognized the Quakers as frienda of
humanity, and makiug them acquainted with their situation, were pro
vided for and protected. Others, fleemg to Philadelphia, where Congress
was sitting, were seized under the fugitive act and imprisoned in thait city.
While thus imprisoned, they drew up a short history of the persecutions
to which they had been subjected. To this was attached a petition and
prayer for relief, and this memorial was sent to Congress, then in session.
Mr. Swanwick, of Pennsylvania, presented their petition to the House
of Representatives, and moved "its reference to a select committee."
Mr. Blount, of North Carolina, hoped the petition would not be re-
cdved. He beUeved they were slaves under the laws of North Carolina,
although they had been manumitted by their masters and pronounced
free by the courts of that State,- and admitted to be so by the Legislature
which had provided for theur refenslavement.
Mr. Thatcher, of Massachusetts, did not regard them as slaves. He
thought the petitions should be sent to the committee on the fugitive
slave law, which should be so modified as to protect such people.
Mr. Blount replied somewhat arrogantly, asserting that they were
slaves, and ought not to be allowed the right of petition until they should
prove their freedom.
Mr. Sitgreaves, of Pennsylvania, would reverse the rule laid down by
Mr. Blount, and allow them the right of petition, until they were proven
to be slaves.
Mr. Smith, of South. Carolina, would have the petition sealed up and
sent back to the petitioners.
Mr. Christie, of Maryland, said it was useless to send this memorial to
a committee, as the petitioners could not prove whether they were slaves or
not ; and he hoped the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. Swanwick,
would never present another such petition.
Mr. Varnum, of Massachusetts, hoped the petition would be referred.
He stated that the petitioners complaLaed of the fugitive act, and their
complaints ought to be listened to and their grievances redressed.
From these extracts the reader will judge of the character of the de
bate. No more grave question was ever presented to any legislative
body. It involved the fundamental principles which lie at the basis of
all human governments. The first question presented was : " Did tha
members of the Legislature of North Carolma possess the legitimate, the
moral, or the just power to enslave these innocent persons ? By placing
their mandate upon the statute book in the form of a law, declaring the
manner in which these men and women should be captured and enslaved

FEEE PEKSONS ENSLAVED. 25
did they impose any moral obligation npon them to submit and become
slaves ? Did they confer any moral or legitimate authority upon gamb
lers, horse thieves and outlaws, to enslave those victims ? Had these
people in defending thefr liberties slain the bloodhounds, horse thieves
and gamblers, would they have committed any moral -wrong in so
doing ?"
The fugitive act was also used to reSnslave those persons who had
been set free; and Congress and the free States were thus involved in the
support of this barbarism of North Carolina; but these considerations
failed to secure even a reception for the petition. The House, by an ex
hibition of" subservience to the slave power unworthy of the representa
tives of a free people, refused to receive the petition, only thirty-three
members voting in favor of its reception, while fifty voted against it.
Prom the commencement of the Government, it had been a subject of
constant complaint, that free negroes and mulattoes were kidnapped in
the free States, carried South and enslaved. The subject was one on
which Congress was frequently memorialized, and during the session of
1191 a Committee of the House was appointed to consider these memo
rials. Mr. Swanwick, of Pennsylvania, from that committee, made a short
report, stating the opinion of the committee that the subject had bel>-
ter be left to the action of the several States ; although it appears
that his own State, at that very time, could not protect the free men and
women who had fled to it from North Carolina, because of the fugitive
law which Congress maintained and kept in force.*
Congress had assumed the support of slavery in 1193, and, iu ,j,„g
the short space of five years, appears to have come almost entirely
under the control of the slave interest. During this period no measure
tending directly in favor of freedom had received the sanction of Con
gress, except that of excluding foreign slavedealers from fitting out their
vessels in American ports. Yet southem men entirely discarded the idea
of rendering slavery permanent. On the contrary, they spoke of the in
stitution deprecatingly, declared their abhorrence of it, and assured their
northern friends that they hoped at some day to see it abolished. These
declarations led northern members to sympathize with them, to regard
slavery as a burden which they were -willing to assist in biearing: yet in
dividual members were occasionally led to the expression of principles
that were offensive to slaveholders. Thus, when the bill to organize a ter-
• Sixty years subsequently the slave States complied of such enactments by the free States,
and finally assigned the parage of laws for the protection of free colored persons aa one of tbe
causes of the rebellion of 1861.

26 P-R.TMAT, TEUTHS AS8EETED.
ritorial government in Mississippi was under consideration, Mr. Thatcher,
of Massachusetts, offered an amendment excluding slavery from the terri
tory, although Georgia had claimed it as a part of that State and had
by her laws established slavery therein, and now consented to its beu^
transferred to the United States upon condition that slavery should not
be abolished. The mover declared that his motion was made in order to
sustain the "rights of ma/n,"
Mr. Harper, of South Caroliaa, did not believe the motion was a pro
per mode of sustaining " the rights of man." If sustained, he said it
would banish every slaveholder from the territory, and exclude those who
were absent.
Mr. Varnum, of Massachusetts, insisted that where a part of our spe
cies where held in bondage, there could be no proper respect for the rights
of humanity. He hoped that Congress would so far respect those rights
as not to legislate slavery any further than it then existed. He "looked
upon the holding of blades in slavery in this country to be equally criminal
with that of the Algerines in carrying our citizens into slavery.''
To these distinct charges of barbarous despotism no' southem man
took exception, otherwise than to complain that it was calculated to stir
up ill feeling in the South and to diminish the value of slave property.
The debate on this proposition was somewhat protracted and was char
acterized by frequent allusions to the " inahenable rights of men," although
the speakers appeared to regard the American Repubhc as actually sus
taining slavery, and only twelve votes were cast in favor of Mr. Thatch
er's proposed amendment.
But while Congress and the great body of the people appeared to have
lost sight of the essential objects for which the Government had been es-
tabUshed; and instead of exerting its uifluence and constitutional powers
to secure liberty, was actually prostituting those powers to estabhsh slav
ery, the Quakers remained faithful to thefr religion and to mankind. They
deeply sympathized with thefr brethren in North Carohna, who were
suffering persecution for having given freedom to their slaves ; and at
their yearly meetmg they adopted a memorial to Congress, solemnly in
voking that body " to take into consideration the circumstances of one
hundred and thirty-four persons, and many others, whose cases had not
been made pubhc, recently emancipated ui North Carolina by members
of their church and again enslaved under authority of retrospective laws
of that State." " Husbands, wives and children (said they) are separated
from each other, and, with acts of a sunilar nature practised m other
States, has a tendency to bring down the judgments of a righteous God
upon our land." The memorial also referred to the " solemn pledge of

FUGITIVE LAW BAEBAEOUS. 27
the Continental Congress of 1114, not to engage in the slave trade or to
purchase slaves that should thereafter be imported."*
Mr. Gallatin, a member of high moral and political position, presented
this memorial to the House of Representatives, and moved its second
reading. Southern members opposed this motion, charging the Quakers
-with impertinently troubling the House with this subject, which tended to
stir up the slaves of the South to inflict calamities of far greater conse
quence than the evils then existing. They referred to events then trans
piring in St. Domingo, and insisted that the memorialists were endeavor
ing to stir up similar scenes in the United States, and one member insults
ingly proposed to lay the memorial under the table. They, however,
admitted that the fugitive slave act was greatly complained of, and ex
pressed a willingness that its abuses should be inquired into; but insisted
that the law of North Carolina was valid, declared that the State had ,a
right to ree'nslave the persons set free by the Quakers, and that Con
gress was bound to sustain her in that legislation.
In this debate southern statesmen first publicly threatened to dissolve
the Union, if Congress persisted in discussing the subject of slavery.
They declared that a prejudice then existed in the South, that the north
ern and eastern States were opposed to " this kind of property, with
which they had no right to interfere."
On the other hand, the right of petition was maintained and the char
acter of the Quakers was vindicated, and great abhorrence of the barbar
ous character of North Carolina legislation expressed. The motion
for a second reading of the memorial and its commitment to a select
committee was carried by a vote of fifty-nine in the affirmative, which,
being a majority of all the members, the negative was not counted ; and
although perhaps the only legitimate remedy sought by the memorial
was a repeal of the fugitive slave law, yet the committee, in their report,
did uot even refer to that act, but stated that the evils complained of
were only to be remedied by the several States.
The traffic in African slaves still continued, and although Con- ^^gg
gress could not prohibit it until a.d. 1808, yet they had the
power to prohibit the fitting out of slave ships by other nations in our
own ports, and to prohibit Americans from exporting slaves from the
United States to other governments. The law of 1195 on this subject
had proven ineffectual, and slaves were stiU purchased in American ports
• This reference to " acts of a similar nature" is not very clearly expressed ; but is presumed to
refer to the kidnapping of free colored men ip Delaware, Maryland and Pennsylvania, and carry
ing them South and selling them as slaves, a subject on which the Quakers often petitioned Con-

28 COASTWISE SLAVE TEADE.
and carried to New Orleans, to Cuba and other West India islands.
But the manner in which Congress had treated petitions ou this subject
created distrust among the people, and it appeared necessary for that
body to take some action testifying its fidelity to the cause of hberty. A
- bUl was therefore introduced to the consideration of the House of Repre
sentatives prohibiting all citizens of the United States from engaging
in the slave trade except in the manner pointed out by the laws of some
State of the Union.
Mr. Brown, of Rhode Island, opposed the bUl. He could not see why
Americans should be prohibited from engaging in this commerce, which
he declared was very profitable, making a market for an immense quan
tity of New England rum, thereby aiding and encouraging the distille
ries of that section of the Union.
Mr. Nicholas, of Virginia, said he, with many other southern members,
was constrained to hold slaves, not from choice, but from necessity, but
hoped that at no distant day his State would be free from that curse.
He was anxious to see whether there was another member wiUing to unite
with Mr. Brown in opposition to the bill.
The bill, however, did not prevent men from following the slave trade
" under the laws of any State," and therefore the members from southem
States voted for the bill with the exceptions of Messrs. Huger and Rut-
ledge, of South Carolina; Mr. Brown, of Rhode Island, and Mr. Dickson,
of North Carolina.
jgj. , The coastwise slave trade was carried on at the period to which
we are referring in a most barbarous manner from Maryland,
Delaware and Virginia to South Carolina and Georgia. The victims of
this traffic were kept in utter ignorance of their sale until the slave mer
chant had purchased the desired number and prepared to transport them
to market. They were then taken to the place of rendezvous and im
prisoned in cellars and jaUs at or near some port until they were_ hurried
on board the vessel designed to carry them South. At the moment of
goiag on board they were usually joined by free colored persons who had
been arrested under professed authority of the fugitive slave law, and
others who had been kidnapped without such pretense, and all were
crowded together in the hold of some small vessel and carried to the bar-
racoons of South Carolina or Georgia. These offences were perpetrated
-with perfect impunity, and probably at no period of American history
has the slave power ruled our nation with more despotic sway than at
the close of the eighteenth century.
The Quakers had been treated with such disrespect and their memorials
so long disregarded, that for the tune they ceased to petition Congress on

EXULTATION OF SLAVEHOLDEES. 29
the subject of crimes which had become so familiar as to lose the horrors
with which good men had viewed them ; but the free people of color in
Philadelphia and vicinity sent to Congress a memorial stating the facts
referred to, and prayed protection and relief from that body.
The memorial was respectfully presented and its reference to a' com
mittee moved. Southern members hoped it would be laid on the table
and never again called np. They spoke of the " colored gentlemen" who
had signed the petition in the most bitter irony, wishing northern mem
bers joy in their new association with negroes ; said they too had colored
men, but they were slaves, and they 'thanked. God that they were slaves,
and not at liberty to cut thdr masters' throats. They referred with great
apparent contempt to the " new fangled French philosophy" that proposed
universal freedom, and declared it injurious to discuss the subjects embraced
in the petition.*
This is believed to be the first instance iu which even southern mem^
bers of Congress publicly expressed gratification that slavery existed
among them. They had, however, constantly exhibited an increasing
self-importance and assurance from the time that Congress consented to
act in favor of " the institution.'' On the present occasion northern
members replied that the fugitive slave law was introduced by southern
members, who solidted thdr northern brethren to vote for it. That it now
contributed to aid those piratical kidnappers who captured freemen and
enslaved them. Its repeal was therefore a subject of legitimate debate.
The matter was finally referred to a select committee, who made no re
port, and the proposition was no more agitated at that session.
The historian would be unfaithful to the cause of freedom were ..^^^
he silent as to the great service rendered' to advancing civilization
by Mr. Jefferson on coming into the office of President.
Even while the convention that framed the Constitution was in session
it was fieen that two opinions were entertained by the founders of our
Government. One class of statesmen were in favor of retainmg so much
of the monarchal prmciple as in their opinion was necessary to constitute
a strong government. The other were in favor of leaving as much power
in the hands of the people as could be left with them and yet establish
a government with sufficient authority to execute its laws. Mr. Hamil
ton became the leader of the former party, which guided the legislative
action of Congress during the administration of both Presidents, Wash
ington and the elder Adams. The latter party was led by Mr. Jeffer-
* Tha French Assembly of Deputies had declared liberty to the slaves Id their Weat India
Cfliomefl.

30 POLITICAL PARTIES.
son, who insisted upon a strict constraction of the Constitution, declaring
that Congress possessed no authority to legislate on any subject unless
expressly authorized to do so by -the Constitution".
The Federalists, under Mr. Hamilton, insisted that Congress could l^is-
late under implied authority of the Constitution whenever that body
should deem such legislation necessary. '
In 1198, in a time of peace. Congress passed au act to punish persons
who should conspfre to oppose any measure of Government or impede
the operation of any law, or intimidate any officer iu executing any law,
" or should publish amy false, malicious or defamatory words agai'nst the
Government of the United States, or against either House of Congress, or
against the President, or should excite agaiiist them or either of them the
hatred of the people."
Mr. Jefferson and the Republican party denied that Congress pos
sessed any Constitutional authority whatever to pass such a law. That
as in doing this Congress had overstepped its authority, the act must be
void ; that it possessed no element of law, imposed no obligation, and
conferred no authority on any person to execute it.
The issue was of the highest importance. Indeed, it -was vital to aU
free governments. Party spfrit ran high, and soon indictments were
found in the district courts then sitting in various States against men
who treated the enactment as void. The most distinguished attorneys
were engaged and the constitutionality of the law was folly discussed.
The district courts decided that it was constitutional. The cases were
removed to the Supreme Court of the United States and again argued,
and that high tribunal decided the law to be constitutional
The Federalists now supposed thefr opinions confirmed and settled for
ever. The Republicans denied that any such power was vested in the
courts. They were only authorized to decide the cases before them,
nothing more; to that decision the parties were bound to submit; not so
-with the people. They framed the Constitution, swid they alone could
give final construction to it. They could elect a President who would
disregard the decision, who would nominate judges that would overrule
it, and as Mr. Jefferson had denied the constitutionality of the law, and
as it was believed that a great majority of the people denied it, it was
proper that he should be the next president. There were other issues
and other considerations involved iu the presidential election of 1800;
but this is believed to be the only constitutional question then agitated.
Mr. Jefferson was elected upon this issue, and, conscious of the cor
rectness of his doctrine, he at once pardoned all persons who were indict
ed or convicted under the sedition law. This was probably one of the

DISTEIOT OF COLITMBIA OEGANIZED. 31
proudest triumphs of principle achieved by the people of our Union since
the adoption of the Constitution ; but we are led to pause and inqufre
why Mr. Jefferson and the Republicans of that day did not apply the
doctrine thus established to the fugitive slave act, so palpably a violation
of the Constitution as well as of the " natural law ?" The only answer
to the inqufry is, that the slaveholding infiuence then ruled the nation.
At the commencement of the present century Congress accepted „^^
grants from Maryland and Virginia of the territory which sub
sequently constituted the District of Columbia, and passed an act for
its organization. By this act, the laws of Virginia were declared to re
main in force in the territory ceded by that State, and the laws of Mary
land were declared to be, and remain, iu force in the territory ceded by
that State, thus making the slave laws of those States acts of Congress.
These laws had been enacted iu a darker and more barbarous age, and
were wholly unsuited to the then state of civilization in the free States.
Yet the subject of the slave code does not appear to have been discussed
or examined at the time it was adopted by Congress. Indeed its
bearing upon slavery does not appear to have been referred to at the
time.* The struggles for liberty by the colored people of the French ^g^
West India islands attracted much attention both in Europe and
America. The emancipated slaves from Hayti often sought an asylum
in the United States. Thefr presence among the slaves of our southern
States were said to exert an " unhappy influence in favor of liberty."
The people of Wilmiagton, North Carohna, memorialized Congress on
the subject, praying that body to pass a law inflicting severe penalties
upon persons landing in any State whose laws prohibited their presence.
This demand for protecting slavery from the moral influences of freedom
was regarded as somewhat extraordinary; but a bill was introduced de
claring the ship, tackle and furniture employed in importing such eman
cipated slaves to be forfeited, and requiring officers of the United States
to enforce the law. The bill was strongly opposed, and from the meagre
report of the debate there appears to have been much northern as well
as southern feeling eUcited. The advocates of the measure have left no
record of their arguments in favor of the policy, but the bill passed -with
out any record of the ayes and noes.
The people of the slave States now demanded a more efficient fugitive
* By a statute of Maryland, then in force, if a slave were convicted of setting fire to his master^
bmldings, the court were authorized to order him hanged, his head severed from his body, bis body
divided into four quarters and disposed of as the court should direct ; and this statute remained in
force in the city of Washington until the abolition of slavery in that city in 1863.

32 SLAVEHOLDERS DEMAND PEOTECnON.
law. They complained that slaves left their masters and fled into the
free States, where, by thefr labor, they were able to obtain food and
clothing. They therefore would remain in such free States rather than
return to their masters.
Mr. Nicholson, of Maryland, mtroduced a bill in the House of Repre
sentatives, prohibiting persons under severe penalties from employing any
black or mulatto laborer who could not show his title to hberty by a cer
tificate from some court of record, some judge, or some justice of the
peace. The bill also made it the duty of the person so employing any
black or mulatto to publish a description of the person so employed in
two newspapers of general circulation.
But these despotic provisions provoked debate. Northern members
declared themselves unwilling to impose upon every black or mulatto
in the free States, the expense of obtaining and carrying about with him
the evidence of his right to freedom. And they revolted at the proposi
tion that northern farmers and mechanics should be at the trouble and ex
pense of pubhshing in two newspapers a description of the laborers who
served them.
But the debate was conducted in good temper, and the bill was de
feated by a majority of three votes.
1808 1 Upon the admission of Ohio into the Union, a territorial gov
ernment had been formed in Indiana, and William Henry HarrL
son, a Vfrginian by birth and education, was appointed Governor. Most
of the inhabitants at that time hviug in the territory had emigrated from
Kentucky, Virginia, and other slave States. The country was new and
requfred great labor to reduce the lands to cultivation. The people feel
ing a strong attachment to slavery, very naturally desfred the benefit of
slave labor to aid them in clearing thefr lands.
To obtain that privilege, a large convention was called at Vincennes;
Govemor Harrison presided. The meeting adopted a series of resolu
tions, asking Congress to suspend for ten years the operations of the sixth
article of the ordinance of 1181, which prohibited slavery in the territory
northwest of the Ohio River.
The Governor inclosed the proceedings of the meetmg in a letter to
Congress, urging compliance with the memorial. The letter and proceed
ings of the meeting were respectfully referred to a select committee, who
reported that such a suspension of the ordmance would be inexpedient;
and this effort to reestablish slavery in that territory was defeated.
It was during the year of which we are now writmg, that Sotith Caro
lina first shocked the conscience of the American people by her action in
favor of the slave trade. For nearly a century, the Quakers of England

SOUTH OAEOLINA AND THE SLAVE TEADE. 33
and many of that sect in the United States, had regarded the traffic
in human beings as barbarous; and long before the Revolution the
people of the Colonies had combined to discourage and abolish it, and
nearly every State passed laws to prohibit it. Nor did South Carolina
hesitate to purify her people and government from that crime. By sta
tute she prohibited the unportation of slaves under severe penal
ties. Yet, at the adoption of the Constitution, she was tenacious
of retaming the trade until the year 1808, if her people choose to pur
sue it. And now her legislature repealed the law prohibiting the im
portation of slaves, and her slavedealers resumed, Ihe barbarous com
merce, which 1 had been so long regarded as disgraceful to Christian
nations. The attention of Congress was called to it. Members spoke of it in
great sorrow; said that it would bring disgrace upon the nation ; refer
red to the scenes at that time transpfring in St. Domingo, and in plain
and definite language assured the people of South Carolina that they
were preparing for a renewal of those scenes among the people of that
State. They declared slavery to be a war upon human nature and in
perpetual hostility to Christian civilization. Maryland, a slave State
through her legislature, called on Congress to propose to the States such
amendments of the Federal Constitution as would forever abolish the
traffic in, human flesh. But no efficient action was taken upon the sub
ject. The purchase of the vast territory called Louisiana, and the es- „„„
tablishment of a territorial govemment therein, now occupied much
of the time of Congress. Southern statesmen had looked to this trans
action as a means for extending the slave interest and increasing the
slave power even before the adoption of the Federal Constitution. In
deed, it was debated in the Virginia convention called to express the con
sent of that State to the adoption of the Federal compact.
The purchase was made under Mr. Jefferson's administration as a mat
ter of necessity in order to secure the great commercial advantages of
the Mississippi, the President admitting at the time that there was no
constitutional authority in the Federal Government to acqufre territory,
but he declared that it were better to make the purchase when the op
portunity to do so offered, and trust to Congress and the people the duty
of so amending the Constitution as to render the purchase legal. Thus
the first extension of slavery by the United States was adudtted by the
Executive to be unconstitutional.
The treaty of purchase stipulated that the inhabitants should be
" admitted to the Union with all the rights, advantages, and immuni-
3

34 AFEIOAN AND AMEEIOAN SLAVE TEADE.
ties of citizens of the United States ;" and this provision was constmed
to guarantee the right of holding slaves. But the people of the free
States do not appear to have been conscious of the evils resulting from
this extension of the slave power until a few months subsequently to the
ratification of the treaty, when a ship with a. full cargo of African slaves
landed at New Qrleans, and sold her human chattels with perfect impu
nity, to the amazement and horror of all who held the doctriaes of uni
versal liberty.
The people of the free States now awoke to the fact tliit the money
of the nation had bfeen paid for the purchase of a slave market where the
hucksters in human flesh could pursue their vocation.
A large meeting assembled in Philadelphia to express the feeling ex
cited by this outrage upon cur- character as a nation. It was attended
by the most respectable men . of Pennsylvania, and was styled " The
American Convention for the abolition of Slavery and Improvement of
the African Race." A memorial was adopted requesting Congress to pass
a law. prohibiting the importation of slaves into Louisiana. Congress
received the petition with respect and passed the desired law.
WhUe South Carolma was engaged in importing Africans to
that State for the purpose of retaining them in perpetual and de
grading bondage, the Africans of Tripoli were engaged in seizing and
enslaving Americans, and holding them in servitude less barbarous. The
States of Barbary had long practised the capture and enslavement of
Americans, whom they usually released for a definite ransom of about
fifteen hundred dollars. But the Africans enslaved by South Carolina
were never held subject to ransom. They were slaves for life, and thefr
descendants after them. The American held by the Mohammedans of
Tripoli was always made free whenever he embraced the religion of the
country; while the African, on embracing the Chi'istian religion, was
regarded as a more valuable slave than before. And whenever the fe
male slave of a Mohammedan bore issue to her master, both mother and
child wore made free ; while in our slave States the master often sold
his own offspring and the mother of his children to interminable servitude
in another State. Yet, although our people were held in a bondage far
less degrading than that to which the Africans were doomed iu our
slave States, the Government did not hesitate to make war on Tripoli
A naval force was sent there, and our American citizens were redeemed
-from African bondage at the cannon's mouth. The civilized nations of
the world fully justified the proceeding, and the semi-barbarians of Tri
poli were usually denounced as " pirates" in consequence of thefr enslav
ing the Christians of other countries ; while South Carolina, professing

ABOLITION OF SLA'VEET IN DISTEICT OF COLUMBIA. 35
to be a Christian State, was engaged in seizing the heathens of Africa
and holding them in perpetual servitude.
The condition of the District of Columbia attracted -much at- ^g^j^
tention in Congress. Propositions to retrocede that portion which
lay in the State of Virginia were brought forward and debated at great
length. The real difficulty, however, was apparently kept out of sight
so far as it could be conveniently, until, on the 18th of January, when
Mr. Sloan, of New Jersey, presented a resolution decuring that from
and after the 4th July, a.d. 1805, all black and mulatto people born in
the District of Columbia of slave mothers should be free. This move
ment became memorable as the first direct attempt to give hberty to the
slaves of our National Metropolis. The resolution occasioned no debate,
but was sustained by the votes of Messrs. Alexander, Williams and
Wynn, of North Carolina ; Archer, of Maryland, and Wilson, of Ken
tucky, all of whom were from slave States ; while Messrs. Hunt andTen-
ny, of New Hampshfre ; Cutter, of Massachusetts ; Davenport, Griswould
and Goddard, of Connecticut ;- Lyon and Ohn, of Vermont ; Riker,
Thomas, Van Courtland, Van Renselaer, and Verplauk, of New York ;
Boyd and Elmer, of New Jersey, and Hoge, of Pennsylvania, voted
against the resolution, which was lost by seventy-seven against and thfrty-
one in favor of its adoption.
The people of the Island of St. Domingo had been set free by „g(,g
a decree of the French Chamber of Deputies, and they rejoiced
when the chains of bondag;e were stricken from their limbs. But when
the French government attempted to ree'nslave them, they gallantly de
fended their liberties, setting at defiance the armies of France, and giving
to the world conclusive proof that they loved liberty and possessed the
gallantry to defend it. The slave power now sympathized with France,
while the lovers of liberty could not restrain thefr ardent prayers for the
success of the people of Hayti. An attempt to introduce a bUl suspend
ing commercial intercourse with that island had brought the attention of
the House of Representatives to the subject duriag the previous year ;
but that body refused leave for its mtroduction. The bill was again
presented during the year 1806, and called forth more angry debate than
any other subject at that session. Some northern Representatives could
not consent toj)rohibit the people of Boston from the rich commerce with
that island in order to keep the slaves of the South in ignorance of the
gallant efforts of their bretliren in St. Domingo on behalf of Uberty ; but
the bill passed by a vote of ninety-two to twenty-six.*
* This law remained in force until 1863.

36 SLAVE TEADE PEOHIBITED.
In the Senate there was little opposition to the bill except from
Hon. John Quincy Adams. He opposed its passage, and gave evidence
of that love of justice and Hberty which characterized his subsequent
life. The advocates of slavery in Indiana again petitioned Congress to sus
pend the operation of the sixth article of the ordinance of 1181, which
prohibited slavery iu our northwestem territory. The petition was signed
by the Governor and Legislative Council. But tte Quakers of that terri
tory foresaw that a suspension of the prohibition of slavery, if granted,
would naturally become perpetual, and the institution once established,
would not be easily eradicated. They sent to Congress thefr remon-
atrances, numerously signed, protesting in the name of humanity-against
any suspension of the rights of human nature in that territory.
-The petitions and remonstrances were referred to a select committee
of the Senate and promptly reported upon. The committee unanimously
rejected the proposition to introduce slavery into the territory. In the
House of Representatives the committee reported a bUl suspending the
prohibition of slavery for ten years ; but it was never called up for
action.j„, . It was well understood throughout the nation that the framers
. of the* Constitution expected and intended the prohibition of the
African slave trade at the earliest moment allowed by that instrument.
The Christian world expected it, and a bill for that purpose was intro
duced iu the Senate by Mr. Bradley, of Vermont. It met -with very little
opposition, was passed and sent to the House for concurrence. In that
body difficulties and delays attended it. Members looked upon it as an
expression of the American people that the traffic was barbarous, while
South Carolina and Georgia were supporting and maintaining it. But
the bill passed, to take effect on the first day of January, a.d. 1808,
this being the earliest tune at which the inhibition could constitutionally
take effect.
By the ninth and tenth sections of this act, ample provisions were
made for protecting the coastwise slave trade, which proved not less
barbarous in its character than the foreign ti€ffic.
Perhaps the arrogance and barbarism of South Carolina was never
more strikingly illustrated than in the efforts of her people and statesmen
to obtain a modification of this act, so far as to permit her slave ships
which should fail to return before the 1st of January, 1808, to bring
thefr cargoes of humanity to that State with impunity after the act
should take effect.
Numerous memorials for that object were presented to the House of

PETITION DIBCAEDED. 37
Representatives by Mr. Marion, who moved thefr reference to a select
committee. Mr. Masters, of New York, declared, " If there be a subject ou which
petitions' ought not to be received, it must be that of the slave trade."
And a majority of the House agreed with him, and the petitions were
rejected.

PEIMAL EIGHTS DISEEGAEDED.

CHAPTER III.
THE DEVOTION OP CONGRESS TO. THE INTERESTS OP SLAVERY CONTEKUED—
A SLAVEHOLDING GOVERNMENT ESTABLISHED IN ARKANSAS  AN ATTEMPT
TO ESTABLISH SLAVERY IN MISSOURI DEFEATED.
1808 1 Fourteen years had now elapsed siace the Federal Govemment
assumed the power of legislating in favor of slavery. Duriag
that time Congress provided for the arrest and return of fugitive slaves,
established slavery and the. slave trade in the District of Columbia, pro^
vided for the coastwise slave trade, and had added the vast slave
territory of Louisiana to the Union.
In the enactment of these statutes, we do not find that any mem
ber quoted the doctrines laid do-wn by all pubMcists, "that enact
ments against the natural rights of mankind are void; that they
possess no element of law." But so far as we learn from the debates,
members felt themselves authorized to legislate for the destruction, of
human life and human liberty, as well as to secure the enjoyment of those
prerogatives. In no instance do we find that members quoted the
Declaration of Independence, which so beautifully declares that govern
ments are instituted among men to secure life, hberty, and happiness :
nor do they appear to have even consulted that clause in the Constitu
tion which declares that "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or
property without due process of law." These doctrines, though plain and
obvious at the present day, and not less so to the signers of the Decla
ration of Independence and to the framers of the Constitution, were
most obviously in advance of the general intelhgence of that day.
They had been adopted by no other government, and do not appear to
have been generally understood by the American people.
jg^j , The public attention was now occupied with our increasing diffi
culties with England, which were gradually approximating a war
with that formidable power ; and, in the excitement attendant upon this
conviction, Congress appeared to have lost sight of the subject of slavery
for a time.
jg^ij^ Many slaves were leaving Georgia. Some fled to the " Okefe-
noke Swamps." Others found their' way to the settlement of
colored people on the "Appalachicola" River, and' others settled in
various parts of Florida. The planters were greatly annoyed by this .

GEOEGIA -WAE FOE 8LAVEET. 39
exodus of their bondmen. The authorities of that State raised an army,
and placing its Adjutant-General at the head, sent it to Florida m search
of slaves. The negroes and Indians combined in defence of their country ;
and gathered whatever forces they could upon so sudden an emer- .^-jj
gency, hung upon the flanks and rear of the retreating foe, cutting
off his men in detail. The army suffered' for want of provisions, by sick
ness and by constant attacks, during the whole of its retreat, and many
a Georgian who left that State with high expectations of capturing fugi
tive slaves, never returned to his native land.
Georgia next became clamorous in favor of obtaining Florida, which
had long been an asylum for fugitive, slaves. She importuned Con
gress to take possession of it by military force, although our nation
was then at peace with Spain. Congress, acted upon the subject
in secret session, but dfrected the Executive to send a force to take pos
session of the territory. General Mathews, of Georgia, was placed in
command. He took possession of Amelia Island, lying upon its eastern
coast, which soon became a rendezvous for African slavedealers, for South
American privateers, and for pirates;
The Spanish Government complained of this outrage upon her .jgj„
territory, and the American Executive, on behalf of his Govern
ment, disdaimed the act, representing it as unauthorized ; but Mathews
continued to hold possession of the island, which came to be regarded as
a general depot for the importation of African slaves, who were from
thence taken to various slave States and sold.
The attention of the people of Georgia appears to have been
directed more to the conquest of Florida, during the war with
Great Britain, than to the defence of the nation or to the conquest of
Canada, which then occupied the thoughts of the people of the free
States. While the men of Ohio were serving in the northwestern
army, protecting the people from the savages who hung upon our border,
those of Georgia were engaged in " estabhshmg a depot for African
slaves on Ameha Island."
Our treaty of peace with Great Britain contained a stipulation '
similar to that of 1183 ; by which His Britannic Majesty agreed
to withdraw his armies and fleets from the territories and waters' of the
United States, without destroying or carrying away any ordnance stores,
or slaves, or other private property. The tenth article was expressed ui
the following language r — " Whereas the traffic in slaves is frreconcilable
with the principles of humanity and justice : and whereas both His
Majesty and the United States are desirous of continuing their efforts to
, promote its entfre abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the contract-

40 TEEATT OF GHENT.
ing parties shall use thefr best endeavors to accomplish so desirable an
object." The treaty was negociated and signed on the part of the
United States by John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russel,
James A. Bayard, and Albert Gallatin ; and, on the part of Great
Britain by Lord Gambler, Henry Goulborn, and WiUiam Adams. It
unquestionably spoke the language theu held by the great mass of people
in both England and the United States.
18151 While the people of Georgia were maintaining a depot for
African slaves at Amelia Island, the Algerines were again cap
turing and esslaving American citizens ; and the United States now
entered upon a second war, to defend our people from slaveholding
-violence by the States of Barbary.
There was a strong disposition manifested in Congress against an open
war on accountof slavery, as it appeared to call in question the rectitude
of those States who held slaves. Indeed, for a time, the Government
redeemed our citizens from Algeriue slavery at the rate of three thousand
dollars for each slave. But the representatives of New England resisted
this dishonorable submission ; and, when our nation concluded a peace
with England, it declared war with Algiers, and sent a naval force for
the liberation of people who had been enslaved on African soU. The
Dey of Algiers, seeing this manifestation of earnestness on our part, con
cluded a treaty of peace, liberated all American slaves, and bound him
self to demand no more tribute from American ships.
.gjj. At the close of the war with England, it was found that indi
viduals had lost property during the war, by acts of our own
troops. Some had furnished teams for the transportation of troops, pro
visions, etc. The teams were sometimes taken by the enemy, sometimes
destroyed by our o-wn troops to prevent thefr falling into the enemy's
hands. A bill was reported to Congress providing compensation in those
cases ; and, while it was under debate, a member from South Carolma
inoved an amendment providing compensation for slaves lost or destroyed
in the public service. He argued that slaves were property, that some
were killed and others had died of disease, and he thought the masters
entitled to compensation as well as the owners of other property.
Mr. M'Coy, of Vfrginia, opposed the amendment, saying that " our
Government had never regarded slaves as property." The amendment
was lost, only thirty-two members rising in favor of it.*
This constituted the first effort after the adoption of the Constitution

• Vide the " National Intelligencer " of that date. Also, the Report of the Committee on Cl^mtl
in case of Francis Larch. H. R., 1885.

- EANDOLPH DENOUNCES THE SLAVE TEADE. 41
to establish the heathepish dogma that men -with intellects, clustering
vrith immortal hopes, can be reduced to the level of brutes, and thereby
transformed into property. The barbarous idea had been entertained
amid the moral darkness of former ages, and had descended with the
institution, but now found utterance in an American Congress for the
first time.
An interesting incident occurred in the House of Representatives on
the 1st March. John Randolph, of Roanoke, in the State of Virginia,
a man of unusual abihty but of some eccentricity of character, arose,
and, stating that it was his intention to move instractions to the com--
mittee on the District of Columbia, said, " I iavoke the House to put a
stop to proceedings at this moment carried on under oUr noses ; a prac-
-tice not surpassed for abomination in any part of the world — not even
upon the rivers on the African coast is there so great and so nefarious a
slave-market as in this metropolis, the very seat of government of this
nation, which prides itself on freedom. It is not necessary (said he)
that this city should be made a depot for slaves who are bought from
erael masters or kidnapped; and of those kidnapped there are two kinds,
those stolen from their masters, and free persons stolen from ihemsdves.
It is not necessary that we should have a depot for this nefarious traffic,
in compafison with which the traffic from Africa to Charleston or
Jamaica is a mercy — a virtue. Indeed, there can be no comparison be
tween taking these savages from their native -wUds, and 'tearing the.
civilized and informed negro, habituated to civilized Ufe, from his master,
his friends, his wife, his children, his parents. I have (said he) this day
heard a horrible fact from a respectable gentleman : a poor negro, by
hard work, and by saving his allowance, laid by money enough to pur
chase the freedom of his wife and child. The poor fellow died, and the
next day the woman and child were sold. I was mortified at being told by
a foreigner of high rank, ' You caU this a land of liberty, and every day
" things are done in it at which the despotisms of Europe would be horror-
struck and disgusted.' "
No sketch which the writer could give would convey to the reader
a more accurate idea of the slave trade at that time carried on, not only
in Washington City, but in all the cities of the northern slave States.
Indeed, it is from the speeches made in Congress, and the statements
made in memorials sent to that body by Quakers and others, that we
are enabled to state facts which current historians have failed to notice,
and which the editors of newspapers of that day dared not speak.
The slaveholders then sitting in the haU Ustened to the words of the
eccentric Vfrginian in silence : no member denied that free negroes

42 FEEE NEGEOES ENSLA-VED.
were kidnapped as he had declared ; nor did any one attempt to modify
his statements- except Mr. Wright, of Maryland, who said there was
worse sla/very in Europe.
The motion was carried without opposition, the committee was
appointed : Mr. Randolph was chairman, and reported the facts very
much as stated ; but he was able to go no farther.
In accordance -with the statement of Mr. Randolph, the Quakers of
New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Maryland sent memorials to Congress,
setting forth that free negroes in those States were seized frequently by
men pretending to arrest them under the fugitive slave act, and when
once in custody of the slave-catchers, were carried. South, and sold to
interminable bondage : that others, admitted to be free, were stealthily
seized, bound, carried away, and sold to slavery ; and the memorialists
earnestly prayed Congress to pass such laws as would efficiently protect
those unoffending and friendless people.
But the difficulty lay in the popular mind. Men in public and in
private Ufe, in the South and in the North, regarded these people aa
designed for servitude by the Creator, and that they, in fact, " possessed
no rights that white men were bound to respect."*
The clergy frequently taught these doctrines from the pulpit, and few
men had the moral courage to avow doctrines directly hostile to the
interests of the South and the theology of the North. The Quakers had
.ever dissented from the general theology, and were rather a despised peo
ple in the estimation of slaveholders, and of those northern men who
seemed to regard southern statesmen as authorized to give tone to the
morals as weU as the politics of the northern States.
Under these circumstances, Congress appears to have paid httle atten
tion to the petitions of the Quakers and philanthropists in regard to the
kidnappmg of free negroes.
jgj.^ , At the opening of the second session of the fourteenth Congress,
the President in his annual message called attention to certain de
fects in the law prohibiting the foreign slave trade. The Quakers of the
middle States- also petitioned Congress for such amendments of existing
laws as would prevent the foreign slave trade and protect the free negroes
then residing in those States. The memorials and the President's mes
sage were respectfuUy referred to appropriate committees; but no reports
were made thereon.
jgjg^ The President in his first annual message to the fifteenth Con
gress, again urged upon the consideratioi^ of that body those de-
* This language was used by the Supreme Coui-t forty years subsequently, in case of Dred Scott.

SLAVE TEADE OONTTNUED. 43
fects in the law prohibiting the slave trade which rendered it entirely
inefficient; and he also referred to the fact that Amelia Island, on the
coast of Florida, continued to be a depot where African Slaves were
landed, and from that island were brought to the United States and sold
to planters in violation of existing laws.
Mr. BurreU, a senator from Rhode Island, moved to instruct the com
mittee on commerce to report such amendments to the law prohibiting
the foreign slave trade as would render it efficient, and to inquire into
the propriety of uniting with other nations in proper efforts to abolish
the " trajjic in slaves."*
Mr. Troup, of Georgia, not only objected to entering into arrange
ments with any foreign nation for suppressing the slave trade, but he was
entirely opposed to any inqufry in relation to such union of effort, and
was sustained by other parties from the South-; yet, on this occasion
the North was not sUent.
Mr. Morril, of New Hampshire, said that we caUed ourselves a Chris
tian nation; but our character was deeply affected by the inefficiency of
our laws against the slave trade. He regarded the objections against
the motion as unimportant.
Hon. Rufus King, of New York, a senator of great experience and in
fluence, declared that in negotiating and approving the treaty of Ghent,
the Executive and Senate had committed themselves to the abolition of
the "traffic in slaves." This pledge had been given in concert with Great
Britain, and he could see no objection to the United States acting in con
cert with England for the destruction of this curse fr&m the earth.
The motion of Mr. BurreU was sustained. The committee reported a
biU amending the act prohibiting the slave trade, and it passed the Sen
ate and was sent to the House for concurrence.
In that body a biU had been reported, proriding for breaking np
the slave trade on Amelia Island. These two bUls were united in one
by the House; the Senate agreed to this amendment, and the bill became
a law. The historian of the present age finds himself astonished on ^g^g
looking over the petitions of Quakers and philanthropists sent to
Congress at the period of which we are writing. They appear to de
monstrate the perfect unconsciousness of public men, that mankind are
morally responsible for oppressions and outrages committed upon the
colored race. Indeed, southern statesmen showed no evidence that they

* Fifty-flve years subsequently to this motion, the United States entered into treaty arrangements
with Oreat Britain for suppressing the slave trade.

44 BOUTHEEN DOCTEINES AVOWED.
beUeved in the moral responsibihty attached to the treatment of colored
people. From the enactment of the fugitive slave act* to the period of which
we are writing, that act was prostituted to the purposes of arresting and
carrying free colored persons into bondage. These outrages upon our com
mon humanity were complained of year after year by the Quakers in
their annual petitions sent to Congress, wMle Uttle attention was paid to
them by our public servants. "
These memorials were presented to the fifteenth Congress at its first
session in greater numbers than usual. In the Senate they vrere respect
fully referred, and by the committees to whom they were confided were
entoombed ki perpetual sUence: whUe in the House of Representatives a
bUl to amend the fugitive act and render it more efficient, was presented
and received the most respectful consideration; yet we can find no peti
tions on file or referred to in the journal of that body askiugsuch amend
ments. The bUl, however, was subjected to debate. WhUe it was under
consideration, amendments were offered securing free negroes from arrest
under it ; but these were rejected. Northern members appeared to be
stimulated by the rejection of these amendments to declare that frfte per
sons of color were and had long been arrested under color of this fugitive
act, and when once in custody of the professional slave-catcher, were car
ried South and sold to internunable bondage ; and some members went so
far as to say that Congress ought not to legislate in favor of slavery, as
the institution itself was a violation of natural justice, essentiaUy barbar
ous in its character.^
To these remarks southern men repUed, asserting the very extraordi
nary doctrine that, " it was immaterial whether slavery were right or
wrong ; that Congress had no authority to inquire into its character, as
the Constitution had recognized it and Congress was bound to support it,
WHATEVER CRIMES MIGHT BE INCIDENT TO ITS CONTINUANCE."
It is worthy of note that this constituted the first instance in which it
was openly asserted that Congress was bound to sustain the institution of
slavery, either in the States or anywhere else.
Nor was it less extraordinary that members of Congress or other
inteUigent men should assert the duty or the power of Congress or other
legislative bodies to enact laws authorizing or professing to authorize
* The writer has ever adhered to the theory cf liuropean and American publicists and pHloio-
phers, which denies the character of lata to those human enactments which invade the natural
rights of mankhid to U/e and liberty; they possess no element oJlaiD.
t Twenty years subsequently the writer enunciated the same doctrine in the House of Represen
tatives, for which he was declared to be a most radical reformer, putting forth doctrines that ««
oUior mam had &ver ¦uttered.

SOUTHEEN COMPLAINTS. 45
crimes condemned by the laws of the Creator, and hated by mankind.
This infideUty, so revolting to Christian civilization, was not met and ex
posed by northern men. It was Ustened to with apparent astonishment
and was actuaUy sustained by northern votes.*
The biU, after a warm debate, passed the House by a large majority ;
the foUowing members from the free States voting for it, to wit :
Messrs. Mason, Ruggles and WUson, of Massachusetts ; Conger, Drake,
EUiot, Hubbard, Palmer, Spencer, Storrs and Taylor, of New York ;
Smith, Sguthard and Bloomfield, of New Jersey ; Edwards, Marchand,
Moore, Patterson and Porter, of Pennsylvania, and Harrison, of Ohio.
New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont and Indiana fur
nished no vote in favor of the bUl, which was sent to the Senate for con
currence. ' In that body the debate was more protracted, and conducted
with more spfrit. Mr. MorrU, of New Hampshire, declared the institu
tion of slavery to be "barbarous." This brought out Mr. Smith,
of South Carolina, who attempted its elaborate vindication ; declaring
it based upon the Divine wiU. Members of the House from slave States
appeared to have admitted the institution to be wrong, and even crim
inal, but Senator Smith declared it to be just and humane. He also
denounced Mr. Pitt, who had urged in the British Parliament that
governments were bound to act justly tojrard their indiridual sub
jects. He next assailed Messrs. Adams, Clay, Bayard, Gallatin, and
Russel, who negotiated the Treaty of Ghent, for declaring the " traffic-
in slaves to be contrary to the principles of humanity and justice."
He then tumed his attention to the people' of the free States, charged
them with intentions to abolish the institution in the southern States ;
said that was the object of those who wished to lihite with Great Britain
in efforts to abohsh the African slave trade. He complained of EngUsh
and American writers -who spoke against the slave trade and slavery,
and of those who termed slaveholders "kidnappers," " ¦men-stealcrs," and
" soul-drivers." He stated the object of certain pamphlets and pubUca-
tions was to deprive the master of his property. He then declared that
the Constitution had given the master the right to seize his slave and
carry him back to the State from whence he had escaped.
After this debate the bUl was amended, made more stringent, giving
the slave-catcher more power to seize and enslave free persons than
when it came to the Senate ; being thus amiended, it was retumed
to the House ia order that the amendments might be concurred in.
* The northem mind was eventually so far corrupted by the doctrines of slavery, that states
men appeared to forget that human gonem/m&ivta were limited to the support of, and poeseseed
no legitimate powers to destroy human rights.

46 FIRST SEMINOLE "WAE.
On its final passage in the Senate, Messrs. Otis, of Massachusetts,
Sandford, of New York, and Taylor, of Indiana, voted for it. But the
House was not prepared to sustain the doctrine nor the amendments of
the Senate. The members refused to concur, and the bill was lost.
jgjg. This year was rendered somewhat historic in "the regime of ¦
slavery," by the first Seminole war. The people of the free
States generally beUeved it had arisen from depredations committed by
the Seminole Indians. But it is beUeved that no historian or member
of Congress gave the people accurate knowledge respecting the causes
of a war which excited much debate and controversy touching some of
its incidents.
As the reader has already been informed, early as 1105, slaves left
thefr masters in South Carolina, and fled through the Indian Territory
to Florida, and settled on the Appalachicola River long before Georgia
was a colony. Thefr numbers were undoubtedly increased by fugitive^
from Georgia and Louisiana ; and, as afready stated, Georgia made an
attempt for thefr capture in 1811 and 1812.*
During the then recent war with Great Britain, Lieutenant-Colonel
Nichols, of the British army, was sent to that part of Florida to act as
British agent for the Seminole Indians. He had a small force with him,
and erected a fort upon the banks of the river, on which he mounted
eight cannon, and placed large mUitary stores in its magazine. He
also coUected provisions from the surrounding settlements of colored
people.f At the close of the war. Colonel Nichols, with his smaU force, aban
doned the fort, with its stores and mihtary suppUes, and returned to
England. The negroes took possession, considering it a safe refdge
from the people of Georgia, should they send ainother expedition for
thefr capture.
General Gaines was in the immediate command of our army on the
southern Une of Georgia^ and General Jackson, residing in Tennessee,
was in command of the whole southern military district.
In 1816, General Jackson ordered General Gaines to send a force
to destroy the fort, capture the negroes and return them to slavery.
Colonel Clynch, with his regiment of regulars and five hundred Indians,
was detaUed for that duty. They were also met by two gunboats from
MobUe Bay, sent to cooperate with the land forces. As our army
* The author published a volums, in 185T, entitled " Tho Exiles of Florida," wl)ich gives tho entire
history of these people up to that date.
t Monett, in liis History of the Valley of the Mississippi, .says : " The negro settleroenta extended
twenty-five miles above and an equal distance below the fort."

MASSACEE AT BLOUNt's FOET. 47
approached, the people fled from thefr plantations to the interior. Some
three hundred, however, took refuge in the fort, with twelve or fifteen
Indians, . The gunboats opened upon the fort with Seated shot, which
reached the magazine, and in the explosion, two hundred and seventy
human beings instantaneously fell a sacrifice to that spirit of despotism
whiel^ controUed the Government of the United States.* The scenes
of mangled bodies, the groans of the dying, the horror-stricken sur
vivors, should have satisfied those who had been employed in perpetrating
the murder of these unoffending people ; and no proof short of official
documents would have constrained the -writer to record the revolting
fact, that two of the survivors were delivered over to the Indians to
satisfy their thfrst for blood, and were massacred with salvage crudty
within the walls of the fort, and in the presence of our troops.
This was the commencement of the first Seminole war. The negroes
determmed on that revenge which constitutes the reUgion of savages.
They at once conamenced providing arms and ammunition and saving
provisions, which were transferred to the interior. -'This precaution and
preparation gave them influence with thefr Indian neighbors, whom they
held in check until all were in a condition to engage in war. More than
a year was spent in preparing for hostUities.
In November, 1811, Lieutenant Scott, with forty men, while escorting
two boats up FUnt River, was attacked by some sixty negroes and
Indians, and, with his party, was massacred. This massacre aroused the
nation. It was pronounced savage and barbarous, as it reaUy was ; yet
it was perpetrated in revenge for the massacre of more than seven tunes
that number of their people by our troops, without cause.
General Jackson was at once ordered to the field. Our army was
immediately marched into Florida, and dfrected their course towards the
Suwanee towns. Here, was a large negro population. The towns were
also difficult of access. One of these viUages was the residence of the
chief of the negroes, and thefr whole force was collected for defence.
The Indians also gathered all thefr warriors to act in concert with the
negroes. A bloody battle was fought. The negroes maintained thefr
ground manfully untU General Jackson brought his reserve iato action.
Indeed, they did not even faU back untU the Indians fled, and our troops
were rapidly gathering around their flanks. They then fell back, and
were pursued by a portion of our troops ; but made another stand, and
ag.xin fought more desperately than at first. But reinforcements coming
* Monett says that six thousand barrels of powder and three thousand stands of armiwere
destroyed by this explosion, and that another magazine, containing one hundred and sixty barrels
of powder, was left uniAJured.

48 GALLANTET OF NEGEOES.
up, they again gave way, learing eighty of thefr number dead on the
field.* General Jackson, in his official report, gave credit to the enemy,
admitting thefr courage and gaUantry. But no benefits resulted from
this loss of Ufe. Our troops were in the interior, their provisions were
nearly exhausted, and they fully expected to find supplies at these towns;
but were disappointed. A smaU quantity of corn only feU into thefr
hands. The provisions, the negro women and children, had been removed
far into the interior, and the commanding general was compeUed to return
to his depots for the purpose of sustaining his army.
When General Jackson issued his order for the destraction of the
" Negro fort," he directed the troops to capture the fugitive slaves and
return them to thefr masters. Some fifteen or twenty, most of whom
were wounded, fell into the hands of Colonel Clynch, and were carried
back to Georgia and sold ; but these were the only colored men captured
during the war, which had been undertaken solely for the return of fugi
tive slaves, and for breaking up thefr haunts in Florida.
It is not our purpose to write a history of this first war, undertaken .
by our Government for the benefit of slavery. It occasioned much
debate in Congress. Southern members became excited ; declared the
war to have been commenced by the Indians, and asserting that Florida
had become an asylum for fugitive slaves ; insisted that it must be
broken up either by conquest or purchase of the territory. Hon. Charles
Fenton Mercer, of Vfrginia, an experienced member of Congress, of great
integrity of purpose, moved a resolution, caUing on the President for
such information as he possessed, " touching the destruction of the Negro
fort on the Appalachicola River."
In response to this resolution, the Secretary of War transmitted a
history of that transaction, embracing more than a hundred documentary
pages, from which we have selected the facts now placed before the
reader. The volume itself reposes in the alcoves of our national'Ubrary,
containing an account of one of the most barbarous incidents m " the
regime of slavery ;" and constituting an episode ia the great drama of
moral and pohtical events which usually make up the history of nations.
The Government had now been twice engaged in war with the Bar
bary States to put down slavery, and to release our dtize-ns from bond
age ; and once with the Seminoles for the capture of slaves and encour
agement of the institution. Thus were the people of the free States
• (General Jackson, in his official report, says notUng of this eeeond batUe. Indeed, it is evident
that he regarded the whole as constituting one battle : while Williams, in his " History of Florida,"
and Monett, in his " Valley of the Mississippi," give fuU details of two apparently distinct battl^

DEMAND FOE DEPOETBD SLAVES. 49
made to shed their blood and spend thefr wealth, both for and against
oppression, as the slave power dictated.
Members of Congress, feeling that the real cause of this war had not
been published, introduced resolutions making inqufry on that subject.
They were sent to appropriate committees, who reported that the war
had arisen from Indian barbarities committed on the frontiers of Georgia,
but made no allusion to the massacre at " Blount's Fort." In these re
ports, the fact that fugitive slaves were engaged in the war appears inci
dentally ; but when the subject came under debate, no speaker appears to
have been wiUing to declare that the blood and treasure of the nation
had been expended for the capture and enslavement of negroes.*
Certam persons from New Orleans and vicinity now sent their .^gj^^
memorials to Congress, setting forth that, when the British army
retfred from that city, in 1815, they carried away a large number of
slaves, and prayed indemnity from the pubUc treasury for thefr loss. The
petitions being referred to the Committee on Claims, were transmitted to
the Secretary of State, who returned them with a fuU report, setting forth
that demands had been made on Great Britain for compensation under
the treaty of Ghent ; that the British ministry had given a different
construction to the treaty ; that the two Governments could not agree ;
and that the United States had proposed a reference of the question to
some friendly power. The Committee reported these facts to the House
of Representatives, and although members of that body must have been
fiiUy apprised of the efforts tljat were being put forth by the Executive
to commit our Governmeut stiU further to the protection of slavery, yet
no one suggested a doubt as to the propriety, or denied the oonstitution-
aUty of that policy. '•
It is, at this day, difficult to account for this silence on the part of
northern representatives. The city of Buffalo had been burned by the
enemy ; amid the inclemency of winter, its people were driven from thefr
dweUings, which, with thefr furniture and property, were consumed, and
they were left homeless and penniless, dependent upon the charity of the
irarrounding country. The Executive made no effort for thefr reUef ;
and, when they caUed on Congress, that body, in strict accordance with
the usages of nations, refused aU indemnity, holding that their's were the
misfortunes of war, which no nation could avert or compensate. Yet
the representatives from New York, and even from the city which had
thus been laid in ashes, now sUently lent thefr approbation to the poUcy
* The anlhor was at that time a young man, and a reader of political news, but he bad no
conception of the causes of tiie first Seminole war until he became a member of Congress twenty
fettn flttbaeqoeKitly.

60 SLAVE INTEKEST CONTEOLS THE GOVEENMENT.
of involving the national honor, and influence to obtain indemnity for the'
loss of slaves from a southem city whose people and habitations had
been carefully and gallantly defended by the freemen of other States.
The treaty of Ghent contains nearly the same language as that of
1183, and Great Britain was under no more obligation to compensate
for the slaves who fled from New Orleans than she was to pay for
•those who fled to her army in 1183. But Washington, and Jay, and
HamUton had departed to their rest, and the slave power now raled the
nation. The Executive pressed these claims for slaves upon the conside
ration of the British Government, obtained a reference of the subject to
the Emperor of Russia, who, of course, decided iu favor of that despotism
6)r which the Russian Czar must have felt much sympathy. Much Con
gressional legislation was had on the subject, conventions and compacts
were negotiated, and, after many years of effort, some twelve hundred
thousand doUars were obtained froin England, and most of it distributed
among the claimants for the loss of fugitive bondmen.
1819 1 -^^ ^^^ period to which we are now referruig, the Government
appears to have been controUed eutfrely by the supposed interests
of slavery. Southern statesmen now boldly demanded the purchase of
Florida. They were loud in thefr complaints against the Spanish
Government, charging it with a want of energy and good faith iu per
mitting Florida " to become the rendezvous for fugitive slaves,'' of " free
booters," of " slavedealers and pfrates." The subject was referred to a
committee, who reported that it was highly desirable to obtain possession
ofthe territory, as it had become an "asylum for fugitive negroes," "a
population whose existence was incompatible with southern prosperity." It
is due to ,the slaveholders of our southern States that the historian should
say they were bold and frank in the avowal of thefr objects for obtaining
Florida ; and the reason that the people of the free States were ignorant
of this object was the sUence of northern statesmen and the northern
press in regard to it. Nor do we find that any objection was made to
the proposed purchase by members of Congress from the free States.
. The purchase was consummated, and Florida became a part of the terri
tory of the United States.
The entire devotion of our Government to the interests of slavery was
further manifested in its treatment of the Spanish South American
Provinces. They were at that time earnestly contending for freedom
and independence as we had been in our Revolution. Adopting the doc
trines which we enunciated, they gave freedom to thefr slaves, declaring
that the natural rights of mankind, bestowed upon each member of the
human family by the Creator, lay above and behmd the power of human

SOUTH AMEEICAN GOVEENMENTS. 51
governments, which, in the nature of things, could hold no legitunate
authority to interfere with the life or liberty of vmwcenJb persons.
The sympathy of the people of the free States was aroused in favor of
our South American brethren, who were thus fightmg the battles of the
human race, while the feeUng of southern politicians waS equally strong
in favor of the Spanish crown, who vras endeavoring to hold not only
the slaves but the citizens of those provinces in subjection. It became
erident that the Executive also sympathized with the Spanish authorities
rather than -with the people of the prorinces ; for some mUitary adven
turers from England, having left thefr native land, and bringing with .
them military stores, for the purpose of aiding those provinces in obtain
ing thefr liberty, landed at PhUadelphia -with the expectation of meeting
a hearty sympathy from the people of the United States. They were
doomed to sad disappomtment. They were arrested by order of our
Government and cast into prison, under pretence that they were violating
the neutraUty laws of the United States.
Hon. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, was at this time Speaker of .jg^j
the House of Representatives, and exerted great influence in
Congress. He presente.d to that bod/ a resolution upon the subject of
the arrest and imprisonment of these men, and, in support of his proposi
tion, made one of the ablest speeches of his Ufe. His whole soul ap
peared to be moved by a devotion to liberty — ^to the inaUenable rights
of mankind. His resolution was adopted, and the patriotic EngUshmen
were released.
The President, in his annual message, called attention of Congress to
the inefficiency of the then existing law against the African slave trade.
This portion of the message was referred to an appropriate committee,
who reported a biU for the more perfect inhibition of that traffic.
Southem statesmen made no opposition to its passage, except by quietly
voting against it, without even demanding - the yeas and nays upon its
passage, evidently unwilling to make an issue upon a subject so odious.
Perhaps uo incidental question has created so much interest or excited
so much debate in Congress as that of extending slavery. The Louisiana
purchase included the country drained by the waters of the Mississippi and
its tributaries, except so much as had been preriously embraced within
the United States. The State of Louisiana had been taken from the
southern part of the region thus acqnfred, whUe the remainder was em
braced in the territory of Missouri.
It was now proposed to divide this territory upon the line of rjgjg
36 deg. 30 min. north latitude, and organize a territorial govern
ment in that portion which lay between the State of Louisiana and

52 SLAVEfiT m AEKAN8AS.
the Ime just mentioned, west of the Mississippi and east of 84 deg.
30 min. west longitude, under the name of the Arkansas territory ; and
a biU for this purpose was presented in the House of Representatives.
Mr. Taylor, of New York, proposed an amendment, declaring that all
slaves bom withm said territory, after it should be admitted as a State,
should become free at the age of twenty-five years.
There was bnt little debate on this proposition, and it was sustained
by a vote of seventy-five in the affirmative, to seventy in the negative.
Messrs. Holmes and Shaw, of Massachusetts ; Conger and Storrs, of
New York ; Bloomfield and Eanney, of New Jersey; Beecher and Harri
son, of Ohio ; Edwards and M'Kean, of lUinois, voted with the advocates
of slavery extension.
These ten northern members voted with those of the slave States,
while Messrs. WUliams, of North Carolina, and HaU, of Maryland,
voted -with the advocates of Uberty.
It wUl also be bome in mind that New Hampshfre, Vermont, Rhode
Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, were true to freedom —
no vote from those States was given for the extension of slavery.
But this vote appeared to strike southern -members -with surprise.
They had evidently believed that no such proposition could be sustained.
Mr. WilUams, of North CaroUna, moved a reconsideration of the vote,
and now changed his position and voted with the slaveholders, together
with Messrs. Newton and Colston, of Virginia ; Ringold, of Maryland,
and Walker, of Kentucky, who did not vote ou the amendment. Mr.
Johnson, of Virginia, having voted against the amendment, voted agamst
the reconsideration.
Messrs. Hale and Upham, of New Hampshire ; Allen and SUsbee, of
Massachusetts, and Mason, of Rhode Island, did not vote on the proposed
amendment, but now voted against the reconsideration. In this manner
»H the members who could with propriety attend the session are sup
posed to have voted according to the dictates of thefr consciences and
judgments, showing seventy-seven members in favor of extending slavery
into Arkansas and seTenty-nine opposed to it.
This result appears to have astonished southern members more than
the previous vote, and Mr. Lownds, of South CaroUna, expressing his
surprise, moved to lay the bUl on the table in order to call it up the next
day at twelve o'clock, when he hoped that every member would be in his
place. The House complied with his request.
Accordingly, on the foUowing day the biU was taken up, and Mr.
Robertson, of Kentucky, moved to recommit the biU to a select commit
tee, with instructions to strike out the amendment which had been in-

ME. CLAY GIVES CASTING VOTE. 53
serted declaring aU persons bom after the admission of Arkansas as a
State should be free at the age of twenty-five years. On this question
the same number of votes were cast as on the motion for reconsideration
taken on the prerious day,*but there were now eighty-eight in the affirm
ative and eighty-eight in the negative. The vote of the Speaker (Mr.
Clay) was now demanded by the rules of the House in order to decide
the question. But that officer, who had so recently exhibited such ad-
mfratlon for freedom, now ingloriously yielded to the pressure of south
em influence and voted in the affirmative.*
This vote decided the whole question. Indeed, the subsequent vote,
agreeing to the report of the committee striking out the amendment, was
agreed to by ninety members to eighty-six who opposed it, Messrs. Bald
win, of Pennsylvania ; Campbell, of Ohio, and Whitman, of Massachusetts,
.votmg with the slaveholders, and it became a maxim that southern
members would always control enough northern votes to secure any
measaie favorable to slavery.
We have been particular in the details, connected with this first deci
sion of Congress iu favor of extending slavery, though it is believed
that few of those who then sanctioned this extension of ba,rbarism were
conscious of the momentous interests involved in that contest. The de»
bate upon it, however, was able and earnest, embracing nearly all the
arguments which were brought forward on the various questions touch
ing the extension of slavery in subsequent years.
When the bUl reached the Senate, a motion was made so to amend it
as to exclude slavery from the territory, but the motion was rejected,
only fourteen members voting for it, whUe nineteen voted against
it. Messrs. Edwards and Thomas, of Illinois, and Monroe, of Ohio,
voting with the slaveholders. The bUl passed the Senate and became a
law. An incident of unusual interest occurred during this session of ^^
Congress. A bUl to authorize the people of Missouri Territory
to form a constitution and State government was introduced in the
House of Representatives. When it came under debate, Mr. Tall-
madge, of New York, proposed an amendment declaring aU persons bom
of slave mothers after admission of the State should be free at the age
of twenty-five years.
The debate on this proposition was rendered remarkable on account
of the important principles discussed, the interests involved, the precedent
* The attthor has good authority for saying that Mr. Clay regretted this vote in subsequent life.
Indeed, no man made stronger protestations against the extension of slavery than he did after
wards hi the Senate of the United States.

64 SLAVEET IN MISSOUEI AGITATED.
established and the influence which it exerted upon subsequent legislation
and the cause of Christian civilization.
Southern statesmen had long looked upon the purchase of Louisiana,
with its vast extent of territory, as certain. Slavery had already found
existence in that portion which was then inhabited, and they had no
doubt of its being extended over the whole, which at no distant day
would furnish a large number of additional slave States, increasing the
influence and political power of the institution. They had afready secured -
a controlling influence in the Government, had defeated the attempt to
establish freedom in Arkansas, and now entered upon the work of estab-
Ushing slavery in Missouri with great confidence.
The statesmen of the free North entered upon the contest surrounded
by many discouragements. Since 1193 the powers of Govemment had
been exerted in favor of the institution, Northern members were con- '
servative. Mr. Clay, who was then exerting more influence in Congress
than any other member, had been looked to with much hope ; but he
had lent his vote to establish slavery in' Arkansas, and men of experi
ence entertained the opinion that he woujd do the same in regard to Mis
souri. But the free States were the most populous, and furnished the
greatest number of Representatives. They had been educated in the
love of liberty, and if true to the cause of freedom they would have pre
vailed. They knew that the Government had been founded upon prin
ciples of universal Uberty, and they felt confident in the justice of thefr
cause, and conscious of the responsibUity resting upon them.
On the motion of Mr. Tallmadge, northem members pointed out the
evils of slavery, showed how its extension oyer Missouri would entaU ig
norance, degradation and suffering upon its people ; that at some future
day it would drench that fair land in blood. They referred to its inherent
crimes, its barbarous character, and entfre mcompatibiUty with repubUcan
principles. •¦But the advocates of slavery would not discuss its moral character.
Nor would they examine the primal truths enunciated by the founders
of our Government. They dwelt altogether upon technicalities. They
denied the right of Congress to reject a State whose Constitution admit
ted slavery. They assumed this as thefr predicate, without assigning
reasons or explanation. On this assumption they rested aU thefr argu
ments. And when this postulate was denied and its faUacy exposed, they ap
pear to have become irritated and had recourse to threats and intimida
tion. They spoke of "the ides of March," of the "fate of Csesar and
of Rome." They asserted that if northern members persisted in exclud-

DISSOLUTION OF THE TJNION THEEATENED. 65
ing slavery from the Territories, the Union would be dissolved. They
insisted that northern members had afready " kindled a fire which the
waters of ocean could not extinguish."
To this it was repUed that if a dissolution of the Union must take
place in consequence of maintaining freedom, " let it be so." " If blood
were necessary to extinguish the love of Uberty, it must flow." The ad
vocates of justice and freedom were ready to die in the cause which they
advocated.* The debate was commenced on Mr. Tallmadge's proposition, on the 13th
February, and continued untU the 16th, when the vote was taken, and the
amendment was adopted by 82 in the affirmative, to 18 in the negative.
Mr. Smith, of Maryland, and Mr. HaU, of Delaware, being the Only
members from slave States who voted iu favor of the amendment, whUe
' Messrs. Parrott, of New Hampshire ; Holmes, Mason, and Shaw, of
Massachusetts ; Sfason, of Rhode Island ; Conger and Storrs, of New
York ; Bloomfield and Kinney, of New Jersey; Beecher and Harrison,
of Ohio, voted with the advocates of slavery.
The bill, thus amended, passed the House by a large majority, and
was sent to the Senate. When it came under consideration in that body,
a motion was made to strike out the amendment inserted by the House,
and thus was the bald question of slavery or freedom in Missouri pre
sented to the choice of Senators. There was but little debate on the sub
ject, but the proposition was sustained, and the restriction stricken out
by a vote of 30 in the affirmative to 6 in the negative ; Messrs. Dagget
and Dana, of Connecticut ; Palmer and Tichenor, of Vermont; King and
Sandford, of New York ; Leach and Roberts, of Pennsylvania ; Storer,
of New - Hampshire, and Otis, of Massachusetts, representing free
States, voted with the slaveholders against the establishment of Uberty
in Missouri.
The entfre history of our nation and of other governments show that
the further public officers are removed from the power of the people, the
less anxious are they to secure the people's rights ; certainly no fact is
more apparent in our own history, than that the Senate, up to the time
of the great rebeUion of 1861, on almost aU questions involring popular
rights, acted with the slaveholders. On this occasion, only six of the
twenty Senators from free States voted for freedom, while twelve voted
? Forty-two years subsequently, while the writer was penning these pages, the great battle of
Pea Ridge was being fought by the Union army of Missouri. It was the most bloody contest which
had then occurred upon the American soil. There the friends of freedom poured out their blood
freely in defence of their cause. They achieved a glorious victory, and by the sacrifice of more
than a thousand valuable lives, established Uberty in Missouri, which was basely surrendered by
northem statesmen in 1819.

66 THE EEEOE OF 6EEVILB P0LITICIAN8.
for slavery in Missouri. The bUl, being thus amended, was retumed to
the House for concurrence.
The session was near its close and the biU was immediately taken up for
consideration in that body, and after a short debate, the amendment ofthe
Senate was disagreed to by a vote of 16 in the affirmative to 18 in the
negative. The Senate insisted on their amendment, and the House
adhering to the bUl as it passed that body, it was lost, and no law in
regard to the admission of Missouri was passed at that session.
This rejection of slavery in Missouri was complained of by, southem
papers and poUticians as dictated by sectional interests and sectional pre
judices. Southern men having refused to examme the moral question,
appeared to think that other sections of the country would only look at
its political or sectional influence. To this period we may trace that
error which became chronic in the minds of servUe politicians, of charac
terizing the advocates of unchanging truth, justice, and freedom, as sup
porters of a sectional issue.
But this successful resistance against the eirtension of slavery
awakened in the northem mind a spfrit of determined adherence to the
doctrine of human rights, which, from that time never slumbered nor
slept ; although many years elapsed before it attained such strength as
to be heard by the nation.
jgjg , At this closing session of the fifteenth Congress, the people of
Illinois, having framed a constitution and State government, asked
admission to the Union. The constitution reserved to the people of that
State the right to employ slaves at the salt works, near Shawneetown, until
the year 1825, and to requfre all persons serving in that State under
indentures to continue in service such tune as had been stipulated.
On admitting the State a question was raised as to the consistency of this
constitution with the ordinance of 1181, and on this question a debate
arose in which Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, declared that he would not
argue the barbarous character of slavery, saying, " that stigma must bt
cast from us as soon as possible." In answer to this, Mr. Poindexter, of
Mississippi, asserted that the " whole South regarded slavery as a curse,
and were anxious to get rid of it at the earliest moment possible."
But Mr. Harrison, of Ohio, denied that the ordinance of 1181 im
posed any obligation upon the people of lUinois to discard slavery. And
he assured gentlemen that Ohio would never ask Congress whether she
might adopt slavery or not.*
» This subserviency to the slave power on the part of Mr. Harrison probably constituted th^
secret of his election to the Presidency in 1840. While Mr. Clay's love of liberty, doubtleas defeated
him in 1844, as the southern States opposed his election.

iLLmois ADMrrrED. 57
The bUl admitting HUnois under her constitution passed both Houses
of Congress, and became a law.
Further claims for slaves deported by the British army at the close of
the late war, were presented and referred, and reports were made show
ing the progress of the Executive ui obtaining a reference of all ques
tions touching those claims to the umpfrage of the Emperor of Russia ;
and the fifteenth Congress was brought to a close.

58 ' MISSOUEI CONTEOVEEST EE8UMBD.

CHAPTER IV.
THE NUMBER OF SLAVE STATES INCREASED.
, .j„ , The meeting of the sixteenth Congress was looked to with much
interest by the people generally, and with apprehensions by the
more timid. The continuance of the Union had been threatened at the
previous session, and many honest men of the free States entertained fears
tiiat these threats would be carried into execution if slavery were exclud
ed from Missouri.
Mr. Clay was elected speaker of the House, and on assuming the duties
of his office, he made a short speech aUuding to the important questions
which would come before them. On the 8th December a committee was
appointed to bring in a bUl to authorize the people of Missouri to form a
constitution and State government.
On the following day the MU was reported in the usual form and was
made the order of the day.
On the 14th, it was taken up for consideration, when Mr. Taylor, of
New York, moved the appointment of a committee to take into consider
ation and report a general law for excluding slavery from the territories
west of the Mississippi. The proposition prevailed, and the consideration
of the bill was postponed to await the report of the committee.
jgjg , It was expected that the Speaker, according to parUamentary
usage, would appoint a committee favorable to the proposition,
but it appears that he was either deceived in regard to the character of
some members of the committee, or he intentionally violated the usages
of the House ; for on the 29th January, Mr. Taylor reported from the
committee that they could not agree upon any action on the subject.
The bUl for authorizing the people of Missouri to form a State consti
tution and government was agaia taken up, when Mr. Storrs, of New
York, proposed to add a new section, prohibiting slavery in the territo
ries of the United States north of the 38th degree of latitude.
Although representing a free constituency, Mr. Storrs, with much abU
ity, opposed the restriction of slavery in Missouri, insisting that the peo
ple of that territory ought to be permitted to dispose of the subject
according. to thefr own wiU, tacitly denying that the slave was entitled
to any consideration. Indeed, no advocate for extending slavery appeared
conscious that any moral principle was involved.

THE MISSOTTRI CONTEOVEESr. 69
To this it was repUed that, if slavery were just and profitable, it ought
to be extended; if unjust and criminal, it should not only be restricted but
blotted out ; that it were absurd to say it was just and right up to a cer
tain degree of latitude, and unjust and criminal north of such Une ; that
the guUt, the turpitude of slavery consisted in its perpetration and not in
the place of committing the crime]
As the legislatures of different States assembled, the absorbing question
. of admitting Missouri attracted thefr attention. Pennsylvania appealed
to the other States " to refuse to covenant with crime," and by a unanimous
vote declared it the duty as weU as the right of Congress to prohibit
slavery in Missouri.
New Jersey and Delaware followed by unanunous vote of their legisla-
tiires. Nor was New York backward on the subject. The Legisla
ture of that important State adopted resolutions calUng on Con
gress to inhibit slavery in Missouri; and aU parties united in reelect
ing Mr. King to the Senate for the plirpose of sustaining the policy of
restricting the institution. Ohio also followed the example set by her sister
States, and adopted resolutions calling on Congress to restrict slavery to
the States in which it then existed.
The legislatures ofthe New England States were sUent; but thefr peo
ple sent numerous memorials to Congress, asking that body to save the
nation from the further extension of slavery. Kentucky, Virginia, and
Maryland, through thefr legislatures, memorialized Congress in favor of
permitting Missouri to establish slavery, if her people desired its existence
among them. A large meeting was held in Baltimore, at which the mayor
presided, and strong resolutions against the extension of slavery were
adopted. But the Legislature of Pennsylvania alone spoke of slavery as
a crime, and invoked Congress " to refuse to covenant with it." Others
referred to the institution as wrong, as unjust, im,politic, Sfc, but exhibited
an apparent deUcacy in characterizmg the deep moral turpitude of the
institution. On receipt of these memorials and legislative resolves, the bill relating
to Missouri was laid aside, and that admitting Maine to form a State
government and cdnstitntion was taken up for consideration.
Mr. Clay, Speaker of the House, now opposed the admission of Maine,
and assigned as • the cause of his opposition the Efforts to restrict
slavery iu Missouri. But this unjust and unstatesmanlike effort was
promptly met and exposed and ahnost unanimously voted do-wn. The
bill admitting Maine was passed and sent to the Senate for concur
rence ; and that admitting Missouri was again taken up for considera
tion.

60 THE MISSOUEI CONTEOVEEST.
As the debate continued to occupy the House of Representatives, the
attention of the people became more uitensely attracted to the subject j
and for the first time the northern States appeared to realize that the
moral sentiment of the nation was paraUzed by the slave power. News
papers caUed attention of thefr readers to that provision of the Federal
Constitution which gives to each State equal powers and influence in pro
portion to their free population, and then superadds three votes for every
five slaves whom the people of such State may hold in bondage. They said
the provision which thus gave a bounty to slaveholders was the work of
those who framed the Constitution ; but if that bounty were extended to
Missouri, the generation who perpetrated such an outrage must bear the
odium. But this superiority of influence had been acknowledged by the framers
of the Constitution; and slaveholders had been led to beUeve it a just ac
knowledgment of thefr superior exceUence. These considerations seemed
to embitter the contest. The people of both slave and free States
became excited. The arrival of maUs was watched with interest in every
-rillage, hamlet and city. AU eyes were turned towards Congress. The
action of every member was watched by his constituents, and a determi
nation was manifested to hold members responsible for thefr course upon
the subject of liberty.
WhUe the debate in the House was progressing, the Senate took up
for consideration the bill admitting Mame. An amendment proposing to
admit Missouri was offered, and Mr. Roberts, of Pennsylvania, proposed
to amend the amendment by inserting a prohibition of slavery in Mis
souri. Thus both Houses of Congress were engaged at the same time in dis
cussing the important question of extending slavery, which was fraught
with such momentous consequences to the nation and to posterity.
Northern Senators appeared more inspfred -with the spfrit of freedom
than at any time since the adoption of the Constitution. They referred
to the Declaration of Independence, insisted that the primal truths
therein enunciated ought not to be departed from. But eloquence and
logic could not reach the hearts of slaveholders. Southern members of
the Senate followed the example set them in the House of Represent
atives. They steadily and persistently refused to debate primal truths,
or moral principles. Assuming as thefr predicate that Congress was
bound to admit any new State with such constitution as its people should
adopt, they based thefr arguments upon that postulate, from which
they reasoned ably and ingenuously.
In aU thefr arguments they denied that human governments were

THE MISSOUEI OOHTEOVEEBT. 61
limited in thefr legitimate powers to the administration of jnstice, ins'ist-
ing that they held the political right to enslave the African race, and
render them subserrient to the wiU of thefr masters ; and uttered threats
of a dissolution of the Union if northem members persisted in thefr
efforts to inhibit slavery in the Territories. To the Hon. Ninian
Edwards, of lUinois, belongs the honor or the odium of enunciating
in the Senate of the United States his own moral cowardice. He spoke
of the feeling in the free States against the extension of slavery, declar
ing he could not contemplate it except with horror. He iosisted that
the slave States were opposed to slavery, and would rid themselves of it
soon as Providence should open a way for its abolition, and closed by
Baying he should vote against the restriction " to save the Union ;" and
this language was repeated in the Senate and in the House of Represent
atives during the succeeding forty years, and constituted the reason for
every surrender of human rights and northem honor, until southern men
actually seceded from the Union. Yet we are not at liberty to suppose
that Mr. Edwards or others, who thus surrendered their independence
at the dictation of southern members, believed that iu thus encouraging
the advocates of slavery, strengthening and confirming them in the
opinion that the Union was chiefly beneficial to the free States, they
were hastening the very event which they professed to deprecate.
The feeling among the people of the free States appeared to have a
different effect upon Mr. Otis, of Massachusetts, who had, up to that
time, usually spoken and voted -with southern members. He now
changed his position and stood forth among the ablest and boldest
champions of freedom.
After spending some two weeks in debating this question, the Senate
proceeded to vote on the proposition to prohibit slavery in the contem
plated State of Missouri, when it was found that only sixteen members
were in favor of it, while there were twenty-seven against it ; all mem
bers from the slave States voting against it, assisted by Messrs. Parrott,
of New Hampshfre ; Palmer, of Vermont ; Hunter, of Rhode Island ;
Lanman, of Connecticut ; Edwards and Thomas, of IlUnois. The inhi
bition being rejected, Mr. Thomas, of lUinois, offered an amendment,
prohibiting slavery in the Louisiana purchase, north of the Une of
Arkansas. Mr. Trimble, of Ohio, moved to amend that proposition by excluding
it from Arkansas also ; but tSiis latter proposition was rejected, 24 to 20,
the Senators from Illinois and Indiana voting against it. The vote was
then taken on excluding slavery from the remainder of the Louisiana
purchase, and it was carried, 34 to 10. With these amendments, tho

62 THE MISSOUEI CONTEOVEEST.
bUl admitting Maine was attached to that admitting Missouri, and the
two bills thus consolidated passed the Senate, 24 to 20, and was trans
mitted to the House for concurrence.
Nor had the lower branch been idle while the debate was progressing
in the Senate. In that body the history of slavery was traced to its
origin ; its crimes and guilt were brought out to the pubUc gaze ; its
unequivocal character, its riolation of natural law, of natural justice,
'was set forth in forcible language ; its effect upon the prosperity of
nations, its perfect inconsistency with Christian civiUzation were forcibly
presented. To this it was replied that slavery had existed among all ancient
nations ; that it was necessary in warm latitudes, where white men could
not endure the heat ; that our Federal Constitution had recognized its
existence, and southern men would not now examine its justice or injus
tice ; and northern members were appealed to and exhorted to forget
their prejudices ia favor of freedom, in order " to save the Union." Mem
bers from the slave States boasted of their devotion to the Union, and
begged that northern members would not press their views of Uberty too
far, lest they should drive slaveholding members to dissolve the Union
which they so highly prized, asserting that every people held the right
to judge for. themselves whether they would or would not establish
. slavery. Northern members admitted that the doctrine advanced would be con
sistent in a Pagan government ; but was entirely opposed' to Christianity,
which denied that those who administer human governments could inno
cently enslave men who had committed no crime or offence.
jg2(). On the' 19th Febraary, the House took up the bUl from the
Senate, and disagreed to the amendments made in that body
after four days' debate, and, having retumed the biU with their disagree
ment, resumed the consideration of the proposition to inhibit slavery in
the contemplated State of Missouri.
On the 21th February, the House, m committee, agreed to the clause
restricting slavery in Missouri, and the bUl was reported to the House.
On the 29th, that body, whUe considering the amendments, reached the
restrictive proposition, and it was agreed to, 94 members voting in favor
of it, to 86 against it, Messrs. Holmes, Mason, and Shaw, of Massachu
setts ; Storrs and Meigs, of New York ; and Baldwin, of Pennsylvtoia,
voting with the advocates of slavery ; and the bill passed the House by
vote of 91 to 82, and was transmitted to the Senate for concurrence on
the 1st March.
The Senate proceeded at once to consider the biU, and by vote of 21

THE MISSOUEI CONTEOVEEST. 63
to 15 struck out the restrictive clause, Messrs. Tichener and Pahner, of
Vermont ; Hunter, of Rhode Island ; Lanman, of Connecticut ; Par
rott, of New Hampshire ; Thomas and Edwards, of Illinois, again
voting w^th the adherents of slavery. The Senate next amended the
bUl by adopting a clause excluding slavery from aU that portion of the
Louisiana purchase lying north of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude,
and returned the biU, with thefr amendments, for concurrence by the
House. The House disagreed to the Senate's amendment attached to the bUl
admitting Mame, and the Senate haring adhered to their amendment,
demanded a committee of conference.
The House of Representatives compUed with this demand, and the
committee being appointed, did not confine their action to the question
submitted to them, but advised the Senate to recede from its amend
ment uniting the two biUs in one, and advised the House to recede from
its amendment prohibiting slavery in Missouri, and that both branches
should adopt a clause excluding the institution from the remainder of the
territory purchased of France.
This was Uterally the compromise which became so celebrated in Amer
ican history. It consisted of covenants, entered into by the members of
Congress, professing to act for and ou behalf of the people whom they
represented, as foUows :
First. The people of Maine were to be authorized to form a State
government and constitution.
Second. The people of Missouri were to be authorized to form a State
constitution and govemment without restriction as to slavery.
Third. Slavery was to be excluded from the remaining portion of the
Louisiana territory.
In making this recommendation, the committee clearly transcended its
powers, as the bill concerning Missouri had not been committed to them
for consideration.
The House, however, immediately took up the bUl to authorize the
formation of a constitution and State govemment in Missouri, with the
amendment made m the Senate, striking out the clause inhibiting slavery,
and it was ascertained that 90 members were in favor of agreeing to the
action of the Senate, while only 81 were opposed to it 1
The foUowing members from the free States voted in favor of agree
ing to the Senate's amendment, to wit : Messrs. Holmes, Mason, HiU,
and Shaw, of Massachusetts ; Eddy, of Rhode Island ; Foote and
Stevens, of Connecticut ; Bloomfield, Kinney, and Smith, of New Jersey;
Storrs and Meigs, of New York ; Baldwin and FuUerton, of Peunsyl-

64 THE MISSOUEI CONTEOVEEST.
vania. Messrs. Edwards, of Connecticut ; Merril, of Vermont ; Case,
Peck, and Thompkins, of New York, did not , vote. It was through
this defection of northem members that slavery was established iu
Missouri. «
The proviso excluding slavery from the territory north of 36 deg.
30 min. was then agreed to by a vote of 134 to 42.
It was on this occasion that Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, denounced
the eighteen northern members by whose vote this compromise was
carried, as " dough-faces," and the compromise itself as a " dirty bar
gain." Mr. Randolph gave notice that he should move a reconsideration of
the vote on the next day ; but the Speaker, intendmg to put an end
to the controversy, dfrected the Clerk to hurry the bUlto the Senate
the same evening ; and when, on the foUowing day, Mr. Randolph
attempted to make the motion to reconsider, he was informed that the
bill had been sent to the Senate, and his motion was, therefore, not in
order.* The Senate now receded from its amendment to the biU admitting
Maine, and thus the compromise was consummated so far as Congress
was concerned, and the two bills now awaited the Executive approval.
At that period the State of Vfrginia appeared to exert a controUing
influence in our national politics, and the statesmen of that common
wealth seemed desirous of raising an issue in the approaching PresL
dential election, upon the power of Congress to exclude slavery from the
Territories of the United States.
The President (Mr. Monroe), to fortify himself on this point, pro
pounded to his cabinet two questions :
First. Has Congress the constitutional power to prohibit slavery in the
Territories of the United States ?
Second. Was the term "/orever "'used in the bUl authorizing the
people of Missouri to form a State constitution and government, to be
understood as referring only to the territorial condition of the district to
which it related ? Or was it an attempt to extend the prohibition to
tJie States which might at some future day be erected thereon ?
On the first question the Cabinet were unanimously of the opinion thai
Congress possessed the power to exditde slavery from the Territories of the
United States.
* Mr. Olay, after the death of Mr. Randolph, admitted that he sent the bill thus early to tba
Senate for the purpose of putting an end to the debate ; Mr. Randolph was greatly offended at tbl»
managemeni of tbe Speaker, and the feeling created at that tune probably gave rise to the dul
between those gentlemen, which occurred some years afterwards.

VIEVFS OF THE EXECUTIVE CABINET. 65
On the second, Mr. Adams aloue declared in favor of such constrac
tion as would forever exclude slavery from such States as might be
formed from the territory embraced iu the proviso. But at the instance
of Mr. Calhoun, the second interrogatory was so modified as simply to
inquire whether the proviso as it stood in the bill was constitutional'?
And all the cabinet responded in the affirmative.*
The difficulty on this subject, doubtless, arose from the proneness of
statesmen to reason from the incidental questions propounded, rather
than to search out the primal cause which gave rise to them. Had
members of Congress and of the Executive cabinet borne in mind that
our Government was based upon the acknowledged doctrine that Ufe
and Uberty are gifts of God constituting the rights of mankind, lying
behind and above human laws and human governments, they would have
seen and felt that Congress must have had the same power to exclude
slavery from our Territories, that it had to exclude murder or treason
from them, or to exclude piracy from the high seas ; and that States
formed from such territory could have no more authority to establish
slavery than they had to establish murder or treason.
Mr. Adams, then Secretary of State, was in the habit of describing,
in his Diary, his own views upon important events which were trans
piring around him ; and we cannot better interest the reader than
to give a short extract therefrom, showing the riews and impressions
of that distinguished statesman at the time of consummating this com
promise. " The impression," said he, " produced ou my mind by the progress
of this discussion is, that the bargain between freedom and slavery con
tained in the Constitution of the United States, is morally and politically
vicious, inconsistent -with the principles upon which alone our Revolution
can be justified ; cruel and oppressive by riveting the chains of slavery ;
in pledging the faith of freedom to maintain and perpetuate the tyranny
of the^asters ; and grossly unequal and impoUtic, by admitting that
slaves are at once enemies to be kept in subjection ; property to be secured
and restored to their owners ; and persons not to be represented ihemsdves,
but for whom the masters are privileged with nearly a double share of
representation. The consequence has been that this slave representation
has governed the Union. ... It would be no difficult matter to prove

* The opinions of the Cabinet were expressed in writing by each member ; but those written
opinions were subsequently lost from the Executive files, and the above facts were supplied from-
the Piary pf Mr. Adams, to the correctness of which, Mr, Calhoun was constrained to yield admis
sion, although he changed his opinion as to the constitutional power of Congress to prohibit
slavery in the Ten-ltories. 5

66 EFFECTS OF THE COMPEOMISE.
by reviewing the history of the Union under this Constitution, that
almost everything -which has contributed to the honor and welfare of
the nation has been accomplished in despite of them, and that every
thing unpropitious and dishonorable, including the blunders and folUes
of thefr adversaries, may be traced to them."
jgjj . The result of the contest was deeply mortifying to the North.
The people of the free States now realized that they were under
the rule of the slave power, and felt a corresponding humiUation.
Governor Woolcot, of Connecticut, alluding to it in his annual message,
declared, " We may admit that our southern brethern are as firmly
attached to Uberty as ourselves ; but we cannot concede that they are
our superiors without submitting to humiUation and reproach. Pro-
ibably the claim has no other foundation than in the well-known ardor,
^tenacity of opinion, and strict concert of action with which the members
<of a privUeged order invariably pursue a separate and exclusive interest.
Even a tacit admission of inferiority on our part, by habitual conces
sions, would imply on our part a secret preference for aristocratic over
democratic institutions." , It is certain that " habitual concessions " did
mark the public action of all the free States during half a century, and
that the action of the slave States during that period was characterized
by " ardor, tenacity of opinion, and strict concert."
Pennsylvania had been truly patient and long-suffering. From the
adoption of the Constitution she had seen her sovereignty outraged, her
free colored citizens kidnapped, carried to slave States and sold to inter
minable bondage 5 and when she complained of these outrages she had
been told that such crimes in slave States constituted only trespasses, for
which relief must be sought by suit for private damage. She had seen
the fugitive slave act used for the purpose of enslaving free citizens. Riots
and bloodshed, growing out of attempts to seize alleged fugitives, created
alarm on the part of her .quiet and peace-loving citizens ; but her mdig-
nation was aroused by the extension of slavery into Missouri, and her
Legislature passed, an act forbidding her justices of the peace to aid in
the arrest of fugitive slaves.
But while much feeUng was exhibited in the free States against this
extension of slavery, the entfre South became united and active in
favor of the measure. , Mr. Clay, .the leading statesman of the South,
though once an ardent supporter of liberty, now wielded more influence.
in favor of extending slavery than any other man of the nation. His
avowed theory, or attempt . to palliate his own course, was, that the
best cure for slavery was to spread it over as great an extent of country
as possible. Even Mr. Jefferson, who had so loug been deemed the

THE SLAVE TEADE A CAPITAL OFFENCE. 67
apostle of American liberty, perhaps through senUity, became alarmed
lest this contest on- behalf of freedom might endanger the perpetuity of
the Union. A letter from hun to that effect was read on the floor of
Congress during the debate. It may also be cited as a remarkable fact
that among aU the southern members of Congress who professed great
devotion to freedom, not one dared vote in its favor on this important
question. The contest had been one of principle, but the dirision on the part of
the South had been strictly sectional, as no slaveholding member had
voted with the North, while several northern members in each House
had voted with the South. Yet, with an inconsistency pecuUar to the
southern character, they arrogantly charged those of the North -with
getting up a " sectional issue."
Encouraged by success on the Missouri question, southern ^g^g
members at once demanded further protection for the institution.
A vessel had landed in South CaroUna with a small number of slaves
imported from one of the West India islands. By existing laws the
ship and cargo were forfeited. They were seized, and the captain
arrested. The people of that State memorialized Congress to pass a law
to exempt the ship, cargo, and slaves from confiscation, and the captain
and crew from punishment.
Some northern members strongly objected to this mode of legislating
in behalf of men who had violated the penal laws of the country ; but
the bill passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 85 to 13, and
the Senate sustained the action of the House, but left no record of the
number or names of the Senators who voted for the measure.
But whUe both Houses of Congress showed themselves thus subser
vient to the dictates of the slave power, a biU for protecting the com
merce of the United States being before the House of Representatives,
Mr. Mercer, of Virginia, proposed an amendment, declaring the seizure,
or capture, or bringing any negro or mulatto into the United States,
should be regarded as piracy, punishable with death.
The slave trade was regarded by the Christian world as barbarous and
heathenish, and southern members were unwiUing to be placed in the
position of sustaining or encouraging it, particularly as no law had
proven effective against it, or was Ukely to aboUsh it so long as the
pubUc officers and people of the slave States lent it a tacit support by
purchasing the slaves brought to them, and refused to punish those who
supplied them with laborers ; and the amendment of Mr. Mercer passed
almost without opposition. Thus, the same Congress which stamped the
purchase and enslavement of men in Africa as the most odious of crimes.

68 NOETHEEN MEMBEE8 DISOAEDED.
sanctioned and approved the same felonious acts when committed in the
West India Islands or in Missouri.
The President transmitted a message and documents to the two
Houses of Congress, showing that both African and West Indian slaves
were constantly carried through Amelia Island, and other parts of
Florida and the Indian country, to Georgia, South CaroUna, Mississippi
and Louisiana ; that the people of those States were in the practice of
obtaining slaves in this way notwithstanding the laws which prohibited
the traffic.
Upon the receipt of this intelligence, a joint resolution was introduced
in the House of Representatives, requesting the President to enter into
arrangements with other Christian nations for suppressing this commerce
iu mankind. The resolution passed that body by a large majority ; but
the Senate, unwilUng to strike a blow so fatal to the slave trade, re
jected the proposition.
jg2j. During the vacation of Congress, elections were held in most
of the northern States, affording the people a legitimate oppor
tunity to express thefr views in regard to the extension of slavery into
Missouri. Some of the ablest and most' popular men of the free States
had cast thefr votes in favor of permitting the people of Missouri to hold
slai^es, to -wield an influence in the future elections of President and
Vice-President, and in the Govemment, according to thefr free popula
tion, the same as that enjoyed by northern men, superadding thereto
three votes for every five slaves whom they might hold in bondage.
The people now visited their displeasure upon the men who had thus
humiliated them. Nearly every northern member of Congress who had
favored the measure was rejected by the people, and doomed thence
forth to private Ufe.
At the reassembUng of Congress, Mr. Clay, Speaker of the House df
Representatives, conscious of the popular feeling in the free States, -vrith
a high and honorable delicacy, resigned his office, and called on that
body to elect another man to preside over thefr deliberations.
This brought the action of Congress on the Missouri biU to another
test before the members of the House of Representatives. Hon. John
W. Taylor, of New York, had shown himself perhaps the most decidedly
opposed to slavery in Missouri of any member of the body, at least his
opposition had been more active, and northern members now selected
him as their candidate.
Hon. W. Lownds, of South Carolina, was the leading candidate of
the South. He was a man of high moral character, of great experience,
and of distinguished abiUty. Yet he could not command thfe united

- DEFEAT OF THE SLAVEHOLDEES. 69
support of the slave States. The northem slave States were more con.
servative than South CaroUna, and, on that account, Mr. Smith, of Mary
land, was sustained, while Pennsylvania, a border free State, offered Mr.
Sergeant as their favorite candidate.
The contest was somewhat protracted, and maintained with great
determination. On the seventeenth baUot, Mr. Lownds' vote rose
within one of an election ; but northern members, conscious that the
eyes of their constituents were upon them, now stood firm, and, on the
twenty-second ballot, Mr. Taylor was elected.
This was the first important deffeat which the slave power had met since
the adoption of the Constitution, and northern members haUed it as an
indication that the regime of slavery in Congress was drawing to a close.
The President, in his annual message, called the attention of Congress
to the fact that all laws for prohibiting the slave trade had proven fruit
less, and that the traffic in the bodies of the unoffending people of Africa
was yet carried on to an alarming extent by the people of our southern
States. The message was respectfully referred, but the committee made .
no report upon that portion of it.
In pursuance of the law passed at the previous session of Congress,
the people of Missouri had formed a constitution and State government,.
and now presented their memorial asking admission to the Union. But
assuming the doctrine proclaimed by the Legislature of Virginia to be'
correct, that Congress had no power to refuse admission to a new State,
they adopted a clause requiring the Legislature, at their first session,
to exclude free blacks and mulattoes from the State, although this class
of people had, in a majority of the States, voted for delegates to the
convention that framed the federal compact, and were regarded as
" citizens," and not only exercised the elective franchise, but, by the Con
stitution of the United States, were entitled to the privileges and immu
nities of " citizens of the several States." The memorial and constitution
were referred by the Senate to a select committee, who reported a reso
lution admitting Missouri as a State without reference to this clause iu
her constitution.
On this resolution an interesting debate arose. Southern men denied
that colored men were " citizens," insisting that none were such ex
cept those who were entitled to vote and hold office. They also sneered
at those northern members who caUed colored people " citizens." To
which northern members repUed, that iu no State were minors or females
aUowed to vote, yet in all the States they were held to be " citizens ;"
and, as to color, our fathers had looked upon colored men as good and
worthy soldiers and saUors during the Revolution, that they died freely

70 MISSOURI CONTEST EENE'WED.
in order to gain our independence, had voted in a large majority of the
States at the close of the war, and were entitied to enjoy Ufe, liberty,
and property, as guaranteed by the Constitution, whether they were m
New England or Missouri.
Southem members then had recourse to threats for dissolving the
Union, in order to intimidate northern members. This proved effective;
the resolution was adopted by a vote of 26 to 18. Messrs. Chandler
and Holmes, of Maine ; Parrot, of New Hampshire ; Edwards and
Thomas, of lUmois, and Taylor, of Indiana, votmg with the slave
holders. In the House of Representatives the subject was referred to a com
mittee, of which Mr. Lownds, of South CaroUna, was chairman. He
reported apologetically in favor of admitting Missouri with the constitu
tion which her people had adopted, leaving the question of conflict
between the Federal Constitution and that of Missouri to be determined
by the judiciary.
Mr. Sargeant, of Pennsylvania, a young but talented member, now be
came the leading speaker against the resolution for admitting Missouri.
He insisted that every member of Congress was bound by oath to sup
port the Federal Constitution; that this duty which each had sworn to
perform for himself could not be cast upon the Supreme Court; that Mis
souri could only ask admission to the Union when she presented a consti
tution which accorded with that of the United States ; that the Federal
Constitution had guaranteed life, liberty, and property to all under its
exclusive jurisdiction. That jurisdiction was yet retained by Congress, and
they ought never to yield it to any people who by constitutional or legis
lative enactment would exclude the citizens of the States now asked to
admit them to the common sisterhood.
Southern members became irritated. They saw clearly that the sta-
bUity of slavery depended on maintaining the doctrine that Africans did
not belong to the human famUy, that they were property.
The debate occupied six days and closed by an emphatic rejection of
the proposition to admit Missouri, the vote standing 93 to 19. Messrs.
Baldwin, of Pennsylvania; Bloomfield and Smith, of New Jersey; and
Meigs, of New York, being the only members from the free States who
voted with the slaveholders. All other northern members who voted
with the South during the previous session, now changed position and
voted with the free States.
The result was unexpected by the advocates of slavery. Mr. Lownds,^
with much apparent feeling, remarked that, he respected the opinion of
the majority and felt bound 'by it. Members appeared to feel that the

ATTEMPTED COMPEOMISE. 71
Bceptre of pohtical power for the time bemg had departed from southern
hands, and was in fact -wielded by the North.
On the following day, Mr. Archer, of Virginia, with great apparent
solemnity, moved a resolution directing the committee on the judiciary to
inqipre whether there were any laws in force in Missouri ? He spoke
warmly and somewhat arrogantly in favor of adopting this resolution;
and Mr. Sargeant promptly replied to his argument, and the resolution
was laid on the table by a vote of 91 to 58.
An incident now occurred m the course of proceeding which well Ulus
trates the strategy of southern statesmen. Some memorials relative to
the pubUc lands were presented to the House from the people of Mis
souri. The clerk, in entermg them upon the journal, referred to them as
" memorials from tfie State of Missouri." The Speaker, on examining the
journal, noticed the error, and as was his official duty, corrected it by
striking out the words " State of," leaving the memorials described as com
ing from " Missouri," without designating it as a State, or as a territory.
To this action of the Speaker southern members took exceptions, as
though it were a matter of importance; charged him with improper con
duct, and spoke of the South refusing to submit to such despotism. They
moved to amend the journal by restoring the words stricken out; and the
House being equally divided, the Speaker, as an evidence of his sincerity,
and under the conviction that the journal could have no particular effect
one way or the other, gave the casting vote in favor of the motion. But
this did not affect the prominent and humiliating fact, that the end of
slaveholding control appeared to have come. Southern men had contended
for the principle, that a new State demanding admission must be re
ceived into fellowship by the older States, whatever may be the charac
ter of their constitutions. This doctrine had met with an unmitigated
negation in the House.
Mr. Clay had arrived at Washington and taken his seat. On his mo
tion, the joint resolution of the Senate was taken up by the House for
consideration, and his utmost efforts were put forth in favor of its adop
tion. In this he was sustained by the ablest speakers of the South. The
resolution was finaUy referred to a committee of thirteen members, of
which Mr. Clay was chairman.
Their report was drawn and presented by Mr. Clay. It referred to
the unfortunate difference of opinion which existed among the members;
spoke gloomUy of the dangers which might result from a failure of the
two Houses to unite, and then recommended the admission of Missouri
upon condition that her Legislature should pass no laws excluding the ci
tizens of the United States from her territory.

72 COMPEOMISE DEBATED.
It is not for the historian to criticise the political acts of any individ
ual, but it can scarcely be supposed that Mr. Clay or the members of that
committee beUeved such condition would have any effect upon the action
of the Legislature of Missouri after her admission.*
But the proposition was promptly met, exposed and voted down, and
the resolution of the Senate rejected by 83 to 80.
On the following day Mr. Livermore, of New Hampshfre, moved a re-
jonsideration of this vote, and this motion after a very earnest debate was
agreed to, and debate was resumed upon the merits of the Senate's reso
lution. Southern members now spoke of the portentous consequences of reject
ing Missouri; said it would have the necessary effect of separating the
South from the North, and the Union, established at such vast expense
of blood and treasure, must be dissolved. But most of the northern
members appear to have remained unmoved by these appeals to their
moral cowardice ; and the Senate's resolution was rejected by a
vote of 88 to 83, and the subject, according to all parUamentary
law and the usages of Congress, was disposed of for the session. But
jg2j -, Mr. Brown, of Kentucky, offered a resolution directing the jndi-
Feb. 21.J ciary committee to inquire into the expediency of repeaUng the
act passed at the previous session of Congress authorizing Missouri to
form a State government. The resolution was promptly rejected ; and
Mr. Clark, of New York, offered another declaring that so soon as
Missouri should form a constitution in accordance with that of the United
States, Congress would admit her to the Union. This was also rejected.
Feb 2S 1 ^^' ^^^^ °^*^® more came forward, with a determination of pur
pose which many regarded as praiseworthy, whUe others con
demned it as an unworthy effort to extend slavery. He now proposed to
raise a joint committee of the two Houses for the purpose of presenting
some plan for settling the controversy in regard to the admission of Mis
souri. His proposition was sustained; the resolution was adopted, and
a committee of thirteen on the part of the House was appointed.
Feb 28 ] I'l^oi'i this Committee Mr. Clay, the chairman, reported a reso
lution declaring that Missouri should thereafter be admitted to
the sisterhood of States upon the proclamation of the President, when
ever her legislator should officially pledge the State never to pass any law
excluding citizens of the United States from her territory.
On this report there was Uttle debate, aU apparentiy feeling that the
• It is within the personal knowledge of the writer that Mr. Clay in subsequent life spoke of this
report as having been made merely to afford an excuse for northern members to vote for the admis.
sion of Missouri, and with no idea that the condition would be obligatory on the State if admitted.

COMPEOMISE ADOPTED. 73
argument had been previously exhausted, and with much apparent solem
nity the vote was taken and showed 86 m the affirmative and 82 in the
negative. Messrs. Baldwin, Samuel Moore and Rogers, of Pennsylvar
nia ; Bateman, Bloomfield and Smith, of New Jersey ; Clark, Ford,
Hackley, Meigs and Storrs, of New York ; Stevens, of Connecticut ;
Eddy, of Rhode Island; HiU and Shaw, of Massachusetts, voting with
the slaveholders, while Messrs. Clifton, of New Hampshire; Cushman, of
Massachusetts ; Hazzard, of Rhode Island; Crafts, of Vermont; and
Tompkins, of New York, did not vote.
Every member from the slave States voted for the resolution, assisted
by the fifteen members mentioned from the free States. With their as
sistance the resolution was carried by four majority, whUe five other
members from the free States sat with folded arms looking upon the
mighty contest as though they owed no duty to either freedom or slavery.
Yet this contest in regard to Missouri was maintained with more
firmness by northern members than had characterized thefr action at the
former session. It was, however, regarded by intelligent men as an un
worthy surrender of the Constitution to the supposed interests of slavery.
And while the odium was concentrated upon the individuals who, repre
senting constituencies in the free States, had lent their votes and influ
ence to the triumphs of slavery, the hatred of slaveholding domination
now took a stronger hold upon the northern mind, and,struck deeper
into the hearts of the people, from which it was never subsequently eradi
cated.* Before the adjournment of Congress, Mr. Meigs, of New York, as if
Ul some degree to atone for his persistent vote in favor of slavery, offered
a resolution appropriatipg five hundred milUons acres of land as a fund
for the purpose of aboUshing slavery, as he said, iu order to end the con
troversy between slavery and freedom. He spoke in favor of his propo
sition, and was Ustened to respectfully ; but, as though members appre
ciated his unenviable position, nearly one half of thefr number refused to
vote on his proposition, which was laid on the table without further debate.
This was the last action of the sixteenth Congress upon the subject of
slavery. This triumph of the supporters of African bondage, inspired
them with a confidence wliich subsequently increased by further surren
ders, vmtil it ripened into arrogance, aud finally culminated iu attempts
to exercise an unrelenting despotism.
• This remark is based upon the distinct recollection of the author, who was at the time reading
law, and, with other inmates of the olfice, kept a close watch of congressional proceedings, and felt
deeply mortified at this betrayal of freedom by nprthern members, and the conviction that slavery
and freedom could never be encouraged and upheld by the same government at the same time
never subsequently left his mind.

74 CONTEST IN EEGAED Tt) SPEAKEE.

CHAPTER V.
THE ARROGANCE OF THE SLAVE POWER  ITS FRAUDS AND IMPORTANT DEFEAT.
^321 -1 -A-T the Opening of the seventeenth Congress it was quite ap-
Dec. 8.J parent that a deep feeling existed in favor of slavery on one hand
and against it on the other. The members from the free States who
in the previous Congress had voted and acted with the slaveholders had
been discarded by their constituents. Two Only of thefr whole number
continued to hold seats in the House of Representatives, and these were
regarded as " spared monuments" of the people's mercy. Mr. Baldwin,
of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Eddy, of Rhode Island, had been returned as
members of the present House of Representatives, although they had
steadily voted for slavery.
The controversy which had characterized the former Congress was re
newed at the commencement of the present on the election of Speaker.
Mr. Taylor, of New York, had been 'an able and uncompromising oppo
nent of slavery extension, and had served as Speaker during the last ses
sion of the previous Congress, and was now presented as the candidate
of the advocates of liberty.
The South had felt no little mortification at the previous election of
Mr. Taylor. They appeared fully conscious that to maintain their poht
ical ascendency they must designate the higher officers of Government,
who should be elected under thefr apparent patronage. A majority of
members from the slave States united upon Csesar A. Rodney, of Dela
ware, as thefr candidate.
But Virginia had been accustomed to control the nomination of offi
cers. She had given to the United States four of the five Presidents,
and whUe the members from slave States aspired to control the nation,
Virginia felt it one of her prerogatives to control those members. Her
delegation were not satisfied with Mr. Rodney, and would not assist in
his election. There were seven ballots cast on the first day, and the
highest number which Mr. Rodney received was sixty-seven, which was
given on the fifth baUot ; but his vote feU to fifty-nine on the twelfth
baUot, when the House adjourned. Durmg these baUotings Mr. Tay
lor's vote had risen regularly from sixty, given on the first, to seventy-
seven, which constituted his strength on the last baUot of the day.

THE SLAVE POWEE TEIUMPHANT. 75
On that evening a majority of southern members concluded to vote for
Mr. Barbour, of Virginia, who now became the southern candidate, and
was elected on the twelfth ballot, by eighty-eight votes, being a majority
of the whole number cast.
With a slaveholding President and a majority of slaveholders in the
Cabinet and in the Supreme Court, and a slaveholding Speaker of the
House of Representatives, the devotees of oppression grasped the sceptre
of power with a firmer hand than before, and bade defiance to any at
tempt that might be made in favor of the " self-evident truths" ou which
our republican edifice had been reared.
Notwithstanding the Ul feelings engendered by the admission of Mis
souri with a constitution opposed to the vital doctrines of the Federal
compact, the President, in his annual message, congratulated the
people upon the union and harmony that prevaUed in Congress
and throughout the country. He referred to the precedent which had
been set by their predecessors, agreeably to the. doctrine then and for
many years sedulously inculcated by southern politicians, that whatever
Congress might do, its action was to be regarded by subsequent genera
tions as correct and binding upon all who should thereafter widd the power
of Government. He went further, and imputed the downfall of other
. governments to established orders bf nobility, instead of a departure from
the dictates of pure and impartial justice, apparently unconscious that in
our own nation we cherished a despotism which must fall before the
advance of Christian civUization.
The President, unconscious of inconsistency, caUed attention to the
Ulicit commerce in slaves, carried on with .the people of our southern
States. Petitions from various free States, asking Congress to take
efficient measures to aboUsh this traffic, were also presented to both
Houses of Congress. The message and memorials were referred to a
select committee, who made a frank and candid report, stating that the
law declaring the slave trade to be piracy had exerted a salutary influ
ence in diminishing the horrors of that crime which so deeply affected the
character of our nation ; but added, that it stiU, continued to a fearful
extent, and that no one nation, acting independently, could abolish the
slave trade. They, therefore, reported a joint resolution authorizing
the President to enter into arrangements with other powers for the final
extinction of that scourge of mankind.
Mr. Poinsett, of South Carolina, being a member of the committee,
made a minority report, declaring that the report of the majority " was
fraught with danger to the best interests of the country." South Carolina,
in the convention which framed the Federal Constitution, supported the

76 rUPOETATION OF AFEICAN SLAVES.
slave trade, and at no time since that period had her people given
evidence of their opposition to it. Indeed, as has been noticed, her
statesmen denied the right of Great Britain and the United States to
use their combined efforts to abolish it, declaring that governments were
under no obligation to observe the laws of justice towards the people
of other nation* In maintaining this moral and pohtical infideUty,
South Carolina still supported her consistency.
It may illustrate the barbarism of that age as weU as of South Caro
lina to say further, that the committee stated that the number of slaves
imported into our southern States was annually thirteen thousand, even
while our laws declared such importation piracy and punishable with
death. That from two points on the African coast, two hundred and
fifty cargoes of slaves were annuaUy exported to the American continent.
Yet such was the moral paralysis resting on the public mind that the
very men who purchased these slaves, and encouraged and made them
selves accessory to these piracies, were regarded as worthy citizens of a
free government.
But the resolution authorizing the President to make arrangements
with other governments for the final abolitiou of the slave trade, passed
the House of Representatives, only nine votes being cast against its
adoption.
1821.] *-*'^ ^^ ^^y foUowing, Mr. Wright, of Maryland, presented
resolutions from the Legislature of that State, complaining that
the people of Pennsylvania afforded aid and protection to the fugitive
slaves of their State, and asked the protection of Congress against
such practices. The resolutions were referred to the committee on the-
judiciary. But the next morning Mr. Wright presented a resolution referring
the subject to a select committee, and in debating this resolution
Mr. Wright assailed the Quakers and other phUanthropists of Pennsyl
vania, for aiding slaves to obtain their freedom, and declared that unless
Congress would act on the subject, " Maryland would take up arms for
protecting her institutions." These resolutions were also referred to the
committee on the judiciary.
Thus whUe the slave States were piratically importing thirteen thou
sand slaves annually, for which, by the laws of our Government, and the
general sense of the civilized world, they deserved death, they arro
gantly called on Congress to protect them in holding in bondage
the slaves thus imported, and the committee reported a biU in favor
of the capture ajjd return of fugitive slaves much more stringent in its
provisions than the law theu in force. But when it came up for con-

FEEE AND SLAVE GOVEENMENTS OPPOSED. 77
sideration, northern members objected to its passage, for the reason that
it suspended the writ of Habeas Corpus, and in its whole framework was
calculated to encourage and favor the kidnapping of free colored per
sons. The biU was recommitted to a select committee, who again
reported it to the House ; and on further debate, the real difficulty
Ul our Government was clearly developed to public view. Slaveholders
from the South boldly demanded protection for their slaves; whUe
the advocates of Uberty from the North were equally determined in their
demands for protection to colored freemen against southern kidnappers.
Members now learned that every provision for the capture and enslave
ment of fugitives endangered the Uberty of the free colored population ;
and that every act in favor of securing Uberty to the free colored people
operated to favor the escape of fugitive bondmen. And the bUl was
laid on the table, and no more brought before the House for con
sideration. The Spanish American colonies were stiU striving for thefr inde
pendence. One general and universal feeling of hostUity to slavery
seemed to pervade thefr people, who had themselves labored under a
despotism somewhat alUed to slavery. The acknowledgment of their
independence was now proposed, as it was asserted that the sympathy
of the people of the United States must be with them. But southern
statesmen proposed delay, suggested doubts. They argued that the
revolution might extend to Cuba, which was so near to our slave States
as to forbid that our Governmeut should permit the slavery of that
island to be aboUshed ; and necessity would compel us to prevent such
a disaster by engaging in war ; or we must, permit that beautiful island
to pass into the possession of England.
The final ratification of the treaty by which Spain ceded the Floridas
to the United States constituted one of the importan,t incidents in the
regime of slavery during the year 1821.
Throughout the slaveholding portion of the Union it was well known
that the "Maroons," or "fugitive slaves" who had so long resided in
tbe wUds of Florida that no witnesses could identify them, were exerting
a deleterious infiuence on the slaves of South CaroUna, Georgia, Ala
bama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. The bondsmen of these St^ates as well
as those of Florida were leaving their masters and seeking an asylum
with their friends who had long been resident in the territory.
The destraction of Blount's Fort in 1816, and the War of 1818, had
really effected nothing but to constrain the exiles to retire further to the
interior of the country. And the purchase of the territory was urged
by the people of the surrounding States, in order to save them from the

78 MAEOONS OF FLOEIDA.
constant annoyance to which they were subjected by the loss of fugitive
bondmen.
1822 1 Sbon -as the Floridas came into our possession, the question arose
in the minds of the President and his Cabinet, as to the disposal
of these people. They were supposed to be fugitives, or the descendants
of fugitive slaves. But most of them had resided there from their birth —
indeed, three or four generations had passed away since their ancestors
had fled from South Carolina, and it were now impossible to identify
any one as a slave, or as the descendant of a slave. Moreover, the
Spanish crown had recognized them as citizens ; had granted them lands
and treated them as subjects ; and their rights were protected by the
treaty in the same manner and to the same extent that the rights of the
white people of the territory were protected ; and by no rule of inter
national law could our Government treat them otherwise than , they
treated the white inhabitants. Yet they had harbored the slaves of
Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina, and in all probability would
continue to do so. The President, therefore, called on Mr. Panniers,
sub-agent for the Florida Indians, for his opinion as to the disposition to
be made of these people. He replied in the following language :
" It will be difficult (says he) to form a prudent determination with
respect to the maroon negroes who live among the Indians on the other
side of the little mountain of Latchione. They fear being again made
slaves by the American Government, and wiU omit nothing to increase
or keep alive mistrust among the Indians, whom they in fact govern. If
it should become necessary to use force with them, it is feared the In
dians wUl take their part. It wiU, however, be necessary to remove
from the Floridas this group of freebooters, among whom runaway
negroes wUl always find a refuge. It wiU, perhaps, be possible to have
them received at St. Domingo, or to furnish them the means of -with-
drawmg from th'e United States."
It Jjad long been the erident intention of the people of Georgia to
reenslave them. Indeed, as the reader has been informed, she once sent
an army to efi'ect that object, and had insisted upon the purchase of
Florida solely for that purpose ; but when the subject came thus before
the President, that high official hesitated, and consulted Mr. Panniers,
whose humanity evidently revolted at the proposition ; but he so far
yielded his sense of justice to the interests of slavery, as to advise thefr
removal. General Jackson was also called ou to express his opinion ou the sub
ject. He had, in 1816, complied with the wishes of the people of Georgia;
had ordered Blount's Fort to be destroyed, aud the fugitive slaves

MAEOONS TO BE EEMOVED. 79
taken back to their masters. But he had found them ready to defend
their Uberty with their Uves. He had fought with them at Suwanee ;
had witnessed their courage and daring; had seen Ms own disciplined
and gaUant army held at defiance, and his men faU before their deadly
fire on the battie field ; he weU understood their hatred of slavery ;
and he answered the inquiry propounded to him, saying, "These run
away slaves spoken of by Mr. Panniers must be removed from the Floridas,
or scenes of murder and confusion will exist."*
This advice was adopted as the poUcy of the administration. In
order to subserve tbe interests of slavery, our treaty with Spain was
violated, almost as soon as made, the rights of these people were out
raged, and the long and tedious war which eventuaUy foUowed, the
vast expenditure of blood and treasure incurred to sustain the interests
of slavery in Florida and adjoiijmg States, wiU long constitute an inter
esting page in American history.
Early in the first session of the eighteenth Congress, resolu- ,^^^^
tions were adopted, caUing on the President for information
touching any arrangements which that high officer had made with other
governments for suppressing the slave trade. In response, the Executive
transmitted a mass of documents, which were committed to a select com
mittee, who reported a biU to carry out and consummate the work of
aboUshing that traffic ; but it was neither debated nor acted upon.
Tbe protection of the people of Florida, Georgia, Alabama, and
Mississippi against constant losses by the exodus of slaves, appears to
have presented the most absorbing and difficult questions for the consid
eration of our Government. Thfrty years had now elapsed since this
burden of sustaining slavery was assumed by Congress, and it had con
stantly become more and more onerous, more and more vexatious and
disgraceful ; but having engaged in the work, the Executive dared not
hesitate or falter ; and to carry it forward, an arrangement with the
Florida Indians became necessary.
* The treaty of Camp Moultrie was entered into, by which the Indians
agreed to remove south of a line to be drawn due east from "Tampa
Bay." This greatly contracted thefr possessions, and would have
brought many of the maroons under the exclusive jurisdiction of the
United States, but the " Semmole Indians " and " Seminole negroes "
had become so far connected by association and intermarriage, that they
* It will be noticed that the word " maroons," used by Mr. Panniers, was discarded by Oeneral
Jackson, as when used in Jamaica it referred to "free negroes of the mountains," who had so long
maintained their liberty that they could not be identified as slaves, and Oeneral Jackson preferred
to call the Florida maroons "fugitive sla/ses.""

80 SOUTH AMEEICAN STATES.
could not be separated. They both moved south, according to treaty
stipulation. The United States, in consideration of this removal,
covenanted " to restrain and prevent all wMte persons from hunting,
settling, or otherwise intruding upon the lands" thus set apart for tbe
use of tbe Seminoles : and the Seminoles also stipulated to return such
fugitive slaves as should flee to them.
At the opening of the nineteenth Congress, the President
(John Quincy Adams), in his annual message, called tbe atten
tion of Congress to the condition of Mexico, Central America, and
Columbia. These governments had achieved their independence, and
were recognized as sovereign powers. The President stated that
they now proposed to hold a Congress of Nations at Panama, and
had invited our Government to send commissioners to meet them, and
deliberate on such subjects as would be consistent with our mutual
position, and calculated to advance the interests of our people. He
further stated that he had accepted the invitation, and would, in due
season, transmit to the Senate the names of three commissioners to
represent us in the proposed conference ; and he soon after sent the
D-ames of John Sargeant, WiUiam B. Rochester, and Richard C.
Anderson, whom he nominated to the Senate for confirmation as com
missioners. •
„2j Tbe debate in that body was of course in secret session, but
the injunction of secresy having been removed, we find that
ceaseless vigUance guarded the portals of slavery. Mr. Adams had
never possessed the confidence of slaveholders, and this proposition
waS regarded with suspicion. The governments referred to had adopted
the primal truths enunciated in our Declaration of Independence, as the
vitalizing principles on which they founded thefr hopes and expectations
and southern statesmen feared that the independence of Hayti, of Porto
Rico, and of Cuba, might come under consideration, and the means of
freeing them from foreign rule might be considered in the proposed Con
gress ; and, if once free from foreign rule, the aboUtion of slavery would
foUow, and the moral influence of liberty in those islands would prove
injurious to tbe slave interest in our own States.
The liberation of Cuban slaves was denounced by slaveholders as alto
gether destructive to the slave States, and the man who could coolly
look upon emancipation in that island, they asserted, " must be an incen
diary, a fanatic, and traitor to our institutions." Never was slavehold
ing arrogance more offensively displayed than in this debate. It was
contended that the independence of Cuba was not to be thought of,
whUe our southern States should see fit to hold slaves. That durmg the

THEIR DEVOTION TO LEBKETT DENOUNCED. 81
existence of the institution in the southem States, the people of the
other members of the Confederacy must conform to that condition of
things. They now urged that the commercial interests of New England
and New York had been surrendered,' iu order that southern slaves might
be protected from the moral influence of emancipation in Hayti, and
they extoUed the gracefulness with which northem men had surrendered
the interests of freedom that slavery might thrive. But they charged
the South American States with holding the doctrine that " all men,
black and white, were endowed with an imprescriptible right to enjoy life
and liberty," and they urged that we could not hold intercourse with
them, without in some degree being affected by thefr doctrines. These
advocates of slavery denounced Wilberforce and Clarkson and other
EngUsh philanthropists as "visionary theorists," and asserted that
English statesmen now discarded the doctrines of human rights as set
forth by European publicists. They asserted that our own statesmen
no longer held the doctrmes enunciated iu our Declaration of Independ
ence ; and assumed that northern statesmen now acknowledged the
obligation of our Govemment to sustain slavery. The President, Mr.
Adams, was personally assaUed and bitterly denounced. Mr. Clay, then
Secretary of State, did not escape reproof, though he was himself a
slaveholder.* Mr. Sargeant, one of the commissioners nominated, was
declared to be an abolitionist, who had manifested his hostiUty to slavery
by opposing its existence in Missouri. The debate continued until twelve
o'clock at night, when the vote was taken on approving the nominations
of Messrs. Sargeant, Rochester, and Anderson, as commissioners to
attend the Congress of Panama, and stood 28 in the affirmative to 16
in the negative. Messrs. Bentonf and Barton, of Missouri ; Clayton
and Vandyke, of Delaware ; Johnson, of Kentucky ; Floyd and Smith,
of Maryland ; and Bonligney, of Louisiana, voting with Senators from
tlje free States ; whUe Messrs. Holmes and Chandler, of Maine, and
Van Buren, of New York, voted with the slaveholders.
In the House of Representatives, a resolution was offered calling on
• It was the severity of Mr. Randolph's strictures npon the personal and political character of
Mr. Clay, during this debate, which called forth the challenge to mortal combat which took place
between those gentlemen in April, a.d. 1826.
-Mt is a somewhat singular fact, that while our Congressional annals show Mr. Benton to have
Toted in favor of the confirmation of the tliree commissioners, he represents himself as voting
against that proposition, and speaks of only two commissioners, Messrs. Sargeant and Anderson.
Vide " Thirty Tears in the Senate," page 62, voL i. It was durmg this debate that Mr. Benton first
avowed his own conviction that our Governmental policy had been established in favor of the slave
Interest ; that it could not and ought not to be changed or altered ; a conviction which the author
had reason to know continued during his life. Indeed, uncompromising adherence to early convio-
tious characterized the whole life of that statesman, and gave direction to all his political conduct.
6

82 THEIE DOCTEINES COMMENDED.
the Executive for such correspondence as may have been had between
our Govemment and the RepubUcs of Colombia, Central America, and
Mexico. On this resolution a long debate arose. But whUe southern.
representatives exhibited the same arrogant spirit which had been mani
fested in the Senate, it is due to the members from the North to say
that the rights of freemen, the doctrines of the Constitution, and
the interests of the free States, were far more ably supported than in
the Senate.
It was during tWs debate that Mr. Miner, of Pennsylvama, made his
d6but in the House of Representatives. He offered a resolution declar
ing " sympathy with those republics, inasmuch as they had adopted the
equal rights of mankind as the basis of their several organizations."* Hon.
SUas Wood, of New York, also ably sustained the resolution of Mr.
Miner, which was rejected, whUe that caUing for the correspondence
was adopted by a large majority.
Tbe subject was again debated in the House of Representatives on
the biU making appropriations to defray the expeirses of the mission, and
occupied tbe attention of that body some three weeks, during which
tune no new arguments were eUcited ; yet the report occupies more than
120 pages in our Congressional documents. In this debate many indi
viduals participated, who subsequently became distinguished statesmen
in our nation. In the report of tbe speeches deUvered on that subject we
have some of the finest specimens of rhetoric, and the best Ulustrations
of character, to be met with in our Congressional archives. Yet this
contest resulted in agreeing to the proposed mission, with no other
advantages arising from it than a further development of the arrogance
and poUcy of the slave-power.
jgj^. The long-pending controversy between our Government and
that of Great Britain respecting deported slaves, or those colored
persons who were carried from the United States at the termination of
the War of 1812, was brought to a close during the year to which
we are referring. By the award of the Emperor of Russia, the Execu
tive obtained more than $1,200,000 as a compensation for those
persons whose slaves were carried away at the close of that war,
whUe no indemnity was either asked or obtained for those persons in
* The introduction of this resolution is believed to have constituted the first distinct proposition
offered In Congress, reiterathig the sentiment in favor of liberty which inspired the patriots of 1776.
Other members had expressed these senthnents, and had given evidence of having cherished them,
but none had presented propositions declaring them natiorial. Mr. Miner may truly be said to
have commenced the work of reforming our Government when he presented this i-esolution— a
work which he continued to prosecute while he remained in Congress— and may properly be regarded
as leading hi the great reformation which, after many years of strife, finally resulted in treeing the
people from the crimes of slavery. *

A CITIZEN OF NEW TOEK ENSLAVED. 83
our northem States who were rendered bankrupt by the burning
of thefr buUdings and thefr goods by the enemy. Nor was such in-
^emuity demanded for those whose sons, brothers, or fathers had been
slain in battle. Indeed, the more we examine the records of that day,
the more clearly do we see that slavery was held by thos.e in power to
be above, aud to be sustained, if necessary, at the expense of aU other
interests. But, as if to test the forbearance of the northern people, a colored
man, named GUbert Horton,' a respectable citizen of West Chester
County, New York, whUe on business in Washington City, demeaning
himself peacefully, was seized and imprisoned under pretence that he was
suspected of being a fugitive slave. Unable at the moment to show Mm-
self a freeman, he was held in prison, and advertised to be sold in pay
ment of his jail fees — not that he was unable to pay them himself, but
because the laws in force there were intended to enslave aU colored per
sons who should faU to prove their freedom ; and this law was sustained
and kept in force by -Congress at the dictation of slaveholders, who in
sisted that the interests of slavery demanded its continuance. This
advertising a free and respectable citizen of New York for sale as a
slave at our national metropolis, under and in pursuance of an act of
Congress, excited great indignation among the people of that State'.
Early in the foUowing session, Mr. Ward, in the House of Representa
tives, presented a resolution dfrecting the Committee on the District of
Columbia to inquire whether any law was in force therein authorizing
the imprisonment and sale of free colored citizens of the United States ?
Mr. Ward declared that he could not beUeve any law had existence,
either in the District of Columbia or in any State, thus violative of the
Federal Constitution. He had supposed that the fifth amendment of the
Constitution meant just what it declared, " That no person (black or
white) should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process
of law." He declared that such a law iu the District of Columbia must
reflect upon those members of Congress who kept it in force ; and
he cautioned southern gentlemen that the northern people could hardly
be expected to capture and return fugitive slaves while northem freemen
were thus captured and enslaved.
.Mr. Forsyth, of Georgia, attempted to ridicule the feeUng expressed
by Mr. Ward, declarmg that that gentleman nught find the same senti
ments expressed in some baUad, entitled, " The Sun- Stricken Outcasts
of Africa," in the " ddla crusca album of some boarding-school miss."
Mr. Letcher, of Kentucky, thought that no such law existed in the
District ; but Mr. Dorsey, of Maryland, assured hun there was such a

84 ENSLAVEMENT OF FEEEMEN EXPOSED.
law — ^that it had been enacted in 1115 — and he proceeded to give a con
cise history of the legislation on this subject up to the organization o!
the District, assuring the House that the law had remained, and was re-
enacted by Congress, in 1801, substantially as it had existed from 1115.
The debate now assumed a serious character. Southem members de
clared that colored persons were not " citizens " under the Federal Consti
tution, and repeated the arguments advanced by them on the admission
of Missouri. Northern members did not meet this point with the ability
manifested six years previously ; but they declared the enslavement of
persons, whether colored or white, to be barbarous and inhuman.
Mr. Miner, of Pennsylvania, asserted that the facts were too important
to be treated lightly ; and he proceeded to show that, in 1824, there
were committed to the jail in Washington City fifty-two persons suspected
of being runaway slaves, and eighty-one colored persons committed by
thefr supposed masters for safe-keeping ; that, during the foUowmg year,
fifty-eight persons were committed on suspicion of being runaway slaves,
and one hundred and twenty-four were committed by their supposed
owners -for safe keeping ; that, of tbe one iundred and ten runaways,
fifteen had proven themselves free, pa^id the expenses of their impiison-
ment, and were discharged, three of those who were free had been unable
to pay expenses, and were sold into slavery,* and the two hundred and five
imprisoned by thefr masters were sold probably to the southern States.
He asserted that the jaU, buUt at the expense of the United States, was
extensively used for the purposes of the domestic slave trade. He had
Mmself visited the prison, and seen the victims of this infamous traffic.
One woman, who was the mother of nine chUdren, had seen the six
oldest sold from her as they arrived at an age to command good prices ;
and, at last, she was herself, with the three youngest, imprisoned for the
southern market, under the laws adopted and kept in force by Congress:
and those imprisoned in tbe public jail constituted a very small propor
tion of the victims who were imprisoned and sold in the city, as, in various
parts of it, prisons were used for tbe traffic by the various dealers
in human flesh, who pursued their accursed vocation under protection df
Congressional enactment.
Southem members regretted the language used by Mr. Miner, but no
one denied his facts or his doctrines, and the resolution of Mr. Ward was
adopted by a large majority.
Fifteen days subsequently, Mr. Powel, from the committee, reported a
• This is perhaps the only oj/ieial record of the enslavement of free persons under the aiUhoriiy
^ Congress, but the records of the Government lead us to believe that thousands of free peraoos
&a the United States were seized and enslaved under authority of Congressional enactments.

PEOPEETT m HUMAN FLESH. 85
biU requiring the corporation in which any colored person should be
arrested under suspicion of being a fugitive to pay the costs, if tbe person
so arrested proved to be free, and repealing the law of Maryland wHch
had been enacted one hundred and ten years previously. The biU was
committed to a committee of the whole House, but was no more heard
of ; and the slave trade, with its attendant crimes, continued to disgrace
tfie men, the city, and the nation that sustained it.
At the time to which we now refer, aU the slave States, by ^.^^^
thefr constitutions and laws, declared slaves to be property. Thefr
people and statesmen were educated in the conviction that human gov
ernments possessed legitimate powers to transform men created in the
image of God into chattds.
The free States, in aU thefr constitutions, laws, and in the education of
their people, inculcated the doctrine that human beings were clearly dis
tinguished from the brute creation, both in phyiscal form and mental ex
istence ; that the Une of demarkation drawn by the Creator between
men and things was so distinct, so wide, so deep, that human governments
could not obUterate it. From the commencement of the Government,
slaveholders had manifested a dissatisfaction with this doctrine, univer
sally adhered to by the Christian world, and constituting the basis of all
free governments. They determined that Congress should recognize the
authority of the slave States to change the status of Africans, to trans
form them mto property,. a.nd for that purpose presented the foUowing
case :
In December, 1814, while the British forces were approaching New
Orleans, General Jackson, commander of the American army, ordered
the impressment of horses, carts and slaves, for the erection of defensive
works to protect the city. A horse, cart and slave of tbe claimant,
Marigney D'Autrieve, was impressed, and whUe employed in erectmg
batteries the slave was wounded, the horse kUled and the cart destroyed
by the cannon shot of the enemy, and the owner presented his memorial
to Congress for indemnity. The Committee on Claims reported a bill
giving compensation for the horse and cart, but in their report which ac
companied the bUl, they stated that " the Government had not regarded
slaves as property, nor paid for them when lost in the public service."
When the biU came up for consideration in committee of the whole
House, Mr. Livingston, of Louisiana, moved an amendment granting
compensation for the loss of the negro's services whUe confined by his
wound, and for expenses in doctoring and nursing him.
Thus was the claim of fridemnity for the loss of the slave's labor fairiy
presented by one of the learned and influential members from the slave

86 ¦ THE ISSUE FOEMED.
States. He was one of the most eminent jurists of the nation. Bom
and educated in New York, he selected New Orleans as his residence,
and now, holding a seat in Congress, he wielded an influence over both
slave and free States. He spoke boldly and directly to tbe point, de
claring the question- rital to the existence of the slave States ; said he
could not beUeve the committee intended to establish the doctrine th^
slaves " were not property!' He then maintained by Mstorical facts, that
the institution existed prior to the Constitution ; that aU the States save
one or two treated slaves as property, and all ofthe present slave States
declared them such by their laws ; that tbe Constitution gave no au
thority for tbe Federal Government to interfere with them in any man
ner, tbe States holding them independently of the Federal Government,
as legal property. If taken for the public use they must be paid for.-
The committee (said he) assert " they are not property." What are
they then ? If they are not our property, we have no right to thefr
services, and they are legally free. He then maintained the sovereigUty
of the States and the sacredness of State rights, and concluded by an
expression of his confidence that the amendment would be adopted.
Fortunately for our institutions, and for the cause of humanity, there
were members of that body who had associated with the framers of the
Constitution, had caught tbe spirit and retained something of tbe patri
otism of that heroic age — men who were contemporaries of Madison, and
recollected tbe memorable words of that great statesman, when in con
vention he declared " it would be wrong to admit in the Constitution,
that man cam hold property in man."
Much interest was felt, and some anxiety was manifested in various
parts of the House, as members came to reflect upon tbe importance of
tbe question presented.
Mr. Whittlesey, of Ohio, a member of the Committee on Claims, had
reported the bill, aud he was now expected to defend it and to rindicate
the action of the committee. He, too, was a la-wyer of some reputation,
a man of facts and figures rather than a rhetorician. He possessed an
indomitable industry, which had, even at that day, given him an influ
ence, particularly in the department of private claims. Possefeing great
integrity of character, he was at all times unassuming, and had never as
pired to the position of a " speaking member." But with him duty was
imperative, and he did not falter in meeting the distiaguished gentleman
who moved the amendment. He spoke like a lawyer who had prepared
his case for hearinig. Avoiding aU reference to fundamental principles,
he appUed himself to the lata of the case. He gave a succinct history of
every clpim for the loss of slaves that had come before tbe committee

THE QUESTION AEGUED. 87
since the adoption of the Constitution. He cited every report that had
been made, either in print or m manuscript, and showed that one rule
had governed them, and that was a rule of constant and uudeviating re
jection of every claim for slaves or for the labor of slaves, although lost
in the public service. He stated that the question had been presented
to the House only once since the adoption of the Constitution ; that was
in 1816, when considering a biU to indemnify persons for property lost in
the public service ; a gentleman from South Carolina had then moved
an amendment authorizing payment for slaves, but the proposition had
been rejected by an overwhelming majority.
It now became evident that if the amendment of Mr. Livingston were
adopted, tbe past constraction of the Constitution must be overturned,
. and it was clearly seen that serious work was before the House. But
' Mr. Whittlesey was sustained by Mr. McCoy, a slaveholder of Virginia,
also a member of the committee, the only man who spoke against the
amendment attempted in 1816. It was also known that Mr. WilUams,
of North CaroUna, a man of great experience, and chairman of the com
mittee, also concurred in the report. These cfrcumstances added much
weight to the argument of Mr. Whittlesey. .
But, nothing daunted by these considerations, slaveholding members,
with apparent confidence, asserted the former practice of the House to
have been wrong and unjust. All nations b'ad held slaves, even the
chosen people of God had set the example. AU had regarded them as
"property:" the people of the slave States regarded them as property,
and they insisted that it was unjust for the Federal Government to inter
fere with tbe institution in any manner. They asserted that the States
would not permit their institution to be broken down in that way. They
denounced northern members for agitating the question of property iu
slaves ; said it was a deUcate question, that ought not to be debated.
Tbe Constitution had given the Federal Government no authority to in
terfere with it. On the contrary, it had recognized the institution, had
given it a representation in Congress, had authorized the slave trade
for twenty years, and by the treaty of Ghent we had covenanted with
England that in withdrawing her army from the United States, they
should "not carry away any negroes or other property of the inhab
itants." To these arguments it was replied that the Scriptures scarcely men
tioned the term "slave," even historically. They spoke of "servants,"
and those were white persons ; that no such institution as African slavery
was known to tbe Jews. It was true, however, that Rome and Greece,
and other ancient goveriunents, in the darker and more barbarous ages.

88 THE DOCTEINE UNCONSTnunONAL.
held slaves ; and as a just retribution for such riolation of the natural
law, they had disappeared from the face of the earth, and such must aud
would be the case with every other nation that should foUow thefr exam
ples. Modern civilization discarded the institution as a relic of barbar
ism. PhUosophers and Christians held that the Divine WiU constituted
the law of nature, by which every human soul was entitled to live, and to
so much liberty as was necessary to cherish, support and defend bis own
personal existence ; that the slave States and free States united in de
claring that doctrine to be the very basis of the Union, of the Federal
Government, in which aU were equally interested. That, maintaining
this doctrine, the Constitution, referring to slaves, had recognized them as
persons, and not as property. Then, as southern gentlemen had said,
slaves entered into the enumeration constituting the basis of representa
tion, but they were in that very clause referred to as " other persons,"'
placed in tbe same category with their masters, but in no instance did
the Constitution refer to them as " property." Indeed, at the framing of
that instrument, Mr. Madison said it would be -wrong to admit that
"men can hold property in men," aud not a member dissented from the
proposition :
That history and the language of the Coustitution showed that a gen
eral aversion to the slave trade existed at the time of framing that instru
ment, and that Georgia and South CaroUna demanded protection against
any prohibition of it for twenty years, on account of the detestation in
which it was held by aU Christian nations. Therein our fathers erred.
They sljould never have protected that mfamous traffic against the dic
tates of justice for one hour. They should have proMbited, or at least
they should have left it unprotected and permitted it to faU m the ordi
nary manner, before the advancement of Christian cirilization. As to
the justice of this claim, it were impossible to show any justice in paying
the claimant for the suffering, the wounds, the death of another man.
The negro, whUe serving the public, had received an injury, had been
subjected to pain and suffering, and if payment be made to any one, it
should certainly be to him who suffered, and not to a third person, who
kept clear of danger when his country needed his service. Again, in the
recent war, sons, brothers, husbands and fathers, residing in the free
States, had contributed thefr money, thefr time, their lives, in defending
the Government in which tbe people of aU tbe States were interested.
They had died. But what father, or brother, or wife, or orphan had
ever demanded compensation ? Yet southern statesmen would now tax
those bereaved fathers, brothers, widows and orphans, to pay this master
for the loss of his slave. " Thxit would not be just."

SOUTHEEN MEMBEES EXCITED. 89
It was insisted that General Jackson did right in impressmg the slaves
at New Orleans. His proceedings were reported to the War Depart
ment, and were approved by the President, who was himself a slave
holder, and who exerted more uifluence in framing the Constitution than
any other member. His sanction was therefore important. Nor can
the justice of General Jackson be doubted when we reflect that this mas
ter and the people of New Orleans did not themselves take any part in
the defence of their city, but left that hazardous service to tbe freemen
of other States. Indeed, one third of the population of the slave States
are in bondage, and it were unjust that freemen should go South, meet
the invaders and die upon the battle-field in order that the planters may
safely and securely keep thefr slaves at work upon thefr plantations.
Those laborers were "persons," oppressed, degraded, outraged and
-frronged ; yet they were persons, possessing hopes of heaven and fears of
hell, were capable of committing crime and were punislied in all the
¦States. To wantonly slay a slave was murder, to enslave an African
on his own soU was piracy under our national laws :
That the treaty of Ghent had stipulated that the British army should
not carry away negroes or other property of the inhabitants, but that
was only the sense of the treaty-making power, and not of the Govern
ment ; yet had it stipulated that they sho.uld not carry away any " white
men," it would have had the same effect to transform them into property
as it had to change negroes into chattels.
The debate had become earnest. The ablest men of the nation en
gaged in it. The .most breathless attention was bestowed ou every
speaker. A profound interest, and even deep solemnity rested on every
countenance, when suddenly John Randolph, of Virginia, sprang to the
floor. His effeminate voice, now raised to its utmost volume, rang
shrilly through tbe hall, and pointing his long finger towards the Speaker,
he exclaimed, " Lex ita scripta est, the point is settled, and you may cant
to the end of tbe chapter. We do not depend on your views of
humanity or religion, and when you deny that our slaves are our pro
perty, we shall not be found in this hall, we shaU be found at home with
arms in our hands." He proceeded to lecture southern members for
consenting to argue the question, and declared it to be their true poUcy
to hold no controversy on the subject. He next proceeded to an elabo
rate examination of the v/hole subject.
This example was followed by other members, who proclaimed the so
lemn determination of tbe entfre South not to permit this question to be
discussed. Perhaps no incident better illustrates " tbe madness of the
hour," than the solemn assurance by Mr. Drayton, of South Carolina,

90 VALUE OF THE UNION.
that when this question should be agitated, the slave States would " con
sider the value of the Union'' Yet every member who preceded hun in
debate, whether from the North or from the South, had discussed it,
and none more elaborately than himself
The discussion continued two weeks and \?as maintained with great
abiUty on both sides. At length the question was taken on the amend
ment granting compensation for the loss of the slave's service, etc., and
it was carried by a majority of three votes. Messrs. Ripley and Wright,
of Mauie; Barker and'Healy, of New Hampshire; Everett, Gorham,
Hodges andVarnum, of Massachusetts; CambrelUng, Johnson, Verplauk
and SUas Wood, of New York; Fry Kremer, MUler, Stephens, Souther
land and Vanhorn, of Pennsylvania; Blake and Irving, of Indiana, voting
with the slaveholders, while several members from the free States did not
vote. RhodQ Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Ohio and II- ¦
linois, were dishonored by no voice in favor of transforming immortal be
ings into property.
Nor did the engrossment of the bill with the objectionable amendment
discourage northern members. They recoUected that southern represen
tatives had estabUsbed slavery in Missouri by their unyielding firmness
under tbe most discouraging circumstances, and they determined to op
pose to the last a proposition intended to transform our free government
into a slave-sustaining oUgarchy.
Tbe biU came up the next day for its final passage, when the Speaker
¦with great solemnity propounded the parliamentary question, " shall this
bill pass 1" In answer to this interrogatory, the debate was resumed with
even greater earnestness than had been previously manifested. Young
members from tbe free States, who had not previously appeared in de
bate, now spoke against the amendment with consummate abUity. This
firmness, this moral heroism, caused southern members to hesitate. North-
em members who had not possessed sufficient courage to vote either way,
now appeared anxious to vote; and a motion was made to recommit the
bUl to a select committee for the purpose of striking out the amendment
previously inserted, granting compensation for the loss of the slave's la
bor and the expenses of doctoring and nursing him. The proposition was
sustained ; tbe bill was recommitted ; the amendment stricken out ; and
the biU as it was originally reported by Mr. Whittlesey, was agam reported
to the House. It simply gave D'Autrieve compensation for his horse, cart
and some firewood, but made no mention of the slave, or of his labor, or
of the expense of doctoring hun, and in this form it passed both Houses
of Congress and became a law. The doctrine that human souls and bodies
may be transformed into property was rejected, as an infideUty unworthy

THE DOCTEINE OVEEEULED. 91
of a Christian government. The lovers of Uberty breathed more freely.
They felt more self-respect when conscious that they had merited the re
spect of the country andof mankind.
But this result was extremely mortifying to southem members. They
had constantly insisted that slaves were property ; and if they were to be
regarded as persons, those who held them in bondage must of course be
regarded as oppressors and despots; and the civUized world would so
regard them. In order to reUeve southern men as far as possible, Mr.
Hall, of North Carolina, introduced a resolution instructing tbe Commit
tee on the Judiciary to inquire as to the propriety of reporting a bUl de
claring what should be, and what should not be, regarded as property.
The House quietly sent the resolution to the committee, but they made
no report, and the subject was no more agitated during that session.
The doctrine of property in mankind, however, was sugtained „^^^
by the judiciary of that day. In 1819, a vessel called a " Vene
zuelan privateer" was fitted out at Baltimore. She was in fact a pirate
disguised under the Venezuelan flag. She captured several vessels en
gaged in the slave trade, sailing under various flags, one of which proved
to be " Tbe Antelope" of Cuba. Taking the captured slaves on board
that vessel, she saUed for our southern coast in order to sell her slaves to
the planters of our southern States, but was captured by one of our
revenue cutters and taken to Savannah for adjudication.
On landing the slaves the captors were compeUed to enter into bonds
for refe'xporting them if they proved to be their property. The ship and
cargo being Ubelled in the District Court of Georgia, the Consuls of Spain
and Portugal claimed the slaves taken from Spanish and Portuguese ships
not however as citizens or subjects of those governments, but as the pro
perty of the persons who had brought them from Africa. ¦
When this case came before a slaveholding judge whose education had
qualified him for sustaining the institution, it was seen and felt that the
slave power had been rigilant in securing the appointment of slavehold
ers to fill judicial stations. The judge of tbe District Court of Georgia
decided that the slaves were property belonging to those who brought them
from Africa. On an appeal to the Supreme Court of the Uuited States,
that tribunal affirmed the decision of the district "judge. Tbe slaves were
ordered to be delivered to the consuls who claimed them as property; and
the character and influence of our nation was prostituted to tbe base
purpose of restoring to Spanish and Portuguese " pirates" the slaves cap
tured aud brought from Africa.
In delivering its opinion, tbe court referred to no primal truths, nor to
tbe essential doctriues of right and wrong. They spoke not of the "Cre-

92 BUPEEME COUET MAINTAIN IT.
ator's wUl," " of natural law," of justice, of inalienable rights, of " phi
losophic principle," nor of our national honor. WeU understood doctrines
of Grotius, of Puffendorf, of Blackstone, and of Kent, were ignored, passed
over in sUence; and the nation was made the instrument for upholding
the slave trade of other governments, whUe our laws punished with death
aU Americans found engaged in it. The decision created astonishment
among northern statesmen aud jurists, who saw plainly that the slave
power had effectually resisted the progress of civilization, and subsidized
the judicial branch of government to its support.
But another question now arose. When the slaves were landed in
Georgia, Mr. WUde, a member of Congress frOm that State, purchased them
and entered into bonds for their reexportation, should that become neces
sary by tbe adjudication of the court.
These facts being matters of record, probably furnish the only dfrect
and conclusive proof of the connection between members of the American
Congress aud "pirates" pronounced such by ads of Congress, ani
punishable with death. But it is no part of the historian's duty to
speculate upon the difference of turpitude between the barbarous
sailor and the heathenish planter or member of Congress who pur
chased the victims and encouraged the vendor to bring more to the
market. Mr. Wilde now petitioned the Congress, of which- he was himself a
member, to pass a law cauceUing his bond for exporting the slaves whom
he had purchased. The petition was presented in tbe Senate and re
ferred to a committee, who reported back a bill directing the bond of
Mr. WUde to be cancelled; but they assigned no reasons for it. The bUl,
however, passed the Senate without any record of yeas and nays, and
apparently without debate.
When tbe bUl came up for consideration in tbe House of Representsr
tives, Mr. Taylor, of New York, insisted that when tbe slaves were found
to have been imported by pirates, they should have been set free. That
to hold them as slaves were no less moral piracy than to import them, as i
it was carrying out the intention and consummating tbe crime of those '
pfrates who imported them from Africa. j
But the biU passed the House of Representatives and became a law.
And both the judicial aud legislative branches of the Federal Government
were thus prostituted to carrying out the very "piracy" which Congress
had proclaimed worthy of death.
1S29.] 'P'cora some cause unknown to the writer, the subject of slavery
appears to have attracted the attention of the people of the Dis
trict of Columbia.

GEOEGU. CLAIMS FUGmVES. 93
More than a thousand citizens of Washington City petitioned ^g^^
Congress for the abolition of slavery and of tbe slave trade in
that District. Tbe Quakers of Pennsylvania and other citizens of the
free States sent to our National Legislature memorials praying for the
same object.
Early in January, Mr. Miner, of Pennsylvania, presented iu the House
of Representatives a statement, reciting many facts concerning the slave
trade then carried on within the District, by way of preamble to a
resolution directmg the proper committee to inqufre into the propriety of
aboUshing the institution and its attendant commerce within the Dis
trict. When the resolutions came up for consideration, Mr. Miner read
documents showing the extent to which the slave trade was carried on in
the city, and describing some of the crimes attending that traffic so
abhorrent to humanity. He went much farther in specifying the detaU
of crimes, aud describing' the horrors of this commerce in the bodies of
our fellow-men than. Mr. Randolph had done in 1816., The resolution
was adopted ; but a slaveholding Speaker had so arranged the committee
that no report was made on the subject.
Another interestmg incident in the "regime of slavery," occurred
during the year 1829. The claims of Georgia for slaves lost during tbe
war of tbe Revolution has been noticed. Tbe reader wUl also recoUect
that by the treaty of New York, in 1189, and by that of Colerain, in
1196, tbe United States assumed the negotiation with the Creek
Indians for the return of negroes, who had long previously fied to their
country. They could nof, however, perform this part of their compact,
as the fugitives were in Florida, living with the Seminole Indians, over
whom the Creeks had no control.
When our Government obtained possession of Florida, in 1820, the
people of Georgia became .again clamorous for the recovery of their
slaves, who fled from them forty or fifty years previously, and had settled
m Florida with the Seminole negroes, who fied from South Carolina in
1105. Many of them were said to have been massacred at " Blount's Fort,"
in 1816 ; but they had nearly all died, leaving offspring whom no one
could identify as slaves or as the descendants of slaves. Mr. Calhoun,
Secretary of War, espoused tbe claims of Georgia, and by his efforts
principaUy tbe treaty of " Indian Spring " was negotiated with the
Cr cks, in 1821, by which they conveyed to' the United States (solely
for the benefit of Georgia) a large tract of their best lands, supposed to
be about five miUion acres, for which the United States paid them two

94 GEOSS COEEUPTION EXPOSED.
hundred thousand doUars, at the signing of the treaty ; and agreed to
hold two hundred and fifty thousand as a trust fund, out of which to
compensate the claims which the planters of Georgia held for the slaves
who had voluntarily left them during a former generation. Their num
ber and value was to be ascertained by the President of the United
States, and tbe amount thus found due was to be paid over to the mas
ters or their descendants.
'j^g, . Accordmgly, the President appointed a commissioner to ascer
tain the sum which by the treaty was to be thus paid tbe claim.
ants, and found it amounted to $109,000, which was duly certified and
paid. But the slaveholders now claimed the remaining $141,000, which
was supposed still to remain in the Treasury of the United States ; and
they memorialized Congress for that purpose. Pending this memorial,
charges of fraud were made against the commissioners who negotiated
the treaty, against the governor and commissioners of Georgia, and the
commissioner who had been Appointed to ascertain the value of the
claims. President Adams dfrected the Attorney-General to examine
the subject and report upon the facts.
Tbe Attorney-General, however, did not extend his examination to the
original treaties between Georgia and the Creeks, which were said to
have,been obtained by gross corruption, from vagabond Indians, who
possessed no authority to negotiate such treaties, nor. in any way to bind
the tribe, nor to act for them. But he showed conclusively that the
commissioner appointed by President Monroe estimated tbe price of the
slaves at from two to three times their real value, and that fifty thousand
dollars would cover all actual claims contemplated by the treaty, 'with
out referring to the fraudulent basis on which they were founded.
Notwithstanding this exposure, the slaveholders persisted iu their
claims for the remaining $141,000, which was apparently retained in the
Treasury of the United States, in trust for the Creek Indians.
But when the subject again came under debate, it was shown that the
entire sum of two hundred and fifty thousand doUars stipulated by the
treaty, to be held as surety for the payment of such sums as should be
found due tbe slaveholders of Georgia, had been paid over to them
immediately upon the approval of the treaty ; and that not one doUar
of it now remained in the Treasury. But this stupendous fraud involved
high officers of Government. Tbe Secretary of the Treasury, Mr.
Crawford, was himself a Georgian, and it is difficult to understand at
this day how he could have been ignorant of the real character of the
transaction. Mr. Calhoun had been active in obtaining the treaty, had
exhibited an intense feeUng on the subject, and as he understood the real

EIDICULOUS SUBTEEFUGB. 95
character of the treaties between Georgia and the Indians, and knew
that these slaves had never been -with the Creeks, we cannot, iu our
minds, exonerate him from a participation in this vast slaveholding pecu
lation. Of the other participants we have no time to speak par
ticularly. The House of Representatives being informed of these facts, appeared
unwilling to pass the bill giving the claimants the $141,000 which, until
this exposure, was supposed to be in the Treasury of the United States ;
but which had been fraudulently paid to the slaveholders of Georgia
dght years previously.
General Jackson came into power in 1829. From that tune the
legislation of Congress was for many years controlled by party discipline,
and whatever tbe democratic party approved in caucus was sustained by
Congress. In 1832 the subject of this fraud upon the nation was again brought
up and referred to a select committee. Mr. Stevenson, a slaveholder
from Virginia, being Speaker, appointed Mr. Gilmer, of Georgia, chafr-
man of tbe committee. He made an elaborate report, in which he
arrived at the conclusion that the claimants were entitled to the
$141,000, as a compensation for ihe off spring which ihe female slaveswould
have borne to thdr masters had they remained in bondage ; and the report
was accompanied by a bUl for that purpose.
This shameful excuse for consummating a disgraceful fraud was pub
lished in the documentary proceedings of the day ; but it is believed
that no newspaper informed its readers of the character of this transac
tion. Tbe bill now passed, so far as we are informed, without debate,
was sent to tbe Senate, and received the concurrence of that body, was
approved by President Jackson, and became a law.
Mr. Adams and his admmistration had exposed the character of these
claims, and thereby defeated the bUl which was now approved by his
successor.

96 J. Q. ADAMS IN CONGEESS.

CHAPTER VI.

THE NATION INVOLVED IN WAR FOR THE .SUPPORT OP SLAVERY  AND THE
SENATE ATTEMPTS TO CHANGE THE INTERNATIONAL LAW FOR THE PURPOSE
OF CONSTRAINING THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT TO SUPPORT THE SLAVE TRADE.
jgjj , The influence which the slave States were exerting upon Con-
¦ gress and tbe Government attracted the attention of the people
of the northern portion of the Union. In some of the free States
"aboUtioQ societies" were formed. Indeed, some of these organizations
had existed from the adoption of the Constitution, and all were now
aroused to acti9n, endeavoring to awake the pnbUc mind to the crimes
of slavery, and the fact that these crimes were encouraged by the Fed
eral Government.
The ship "Francis Tod," of Newburyport, Massachusetts, had taken
on board, at Baltimore, a cargo of slaves for the New Orleans market.
WUliam L. Garrison, a devoted friend of liberty, exposed this domestic
pfracy, by a statement of the facts connected with the transaction,
in a newspaper then published in Baltimore. He was indicted and
convicted of Ubel for thus informing tbe pubUc of the manner in
which the slave trade was sustained and encouraged by tbe shipowners
of Massachusetts. He was imprisoned a sufficient time to give notoriety
to the fact that in Baltimore it was regarded as an offence to publish
transactions concerning slavery and the slave trade, which were author
ized by law of Congress.
Petitions for the abolition of the coastwise slave trade now became
so common that it would be unjust to the reader were his attention
called to each separate memorial. Mr. Garrison, who had invoked public
attention to that subject, soon became distinguished as a reformer ; and
being sustained by the phUanthropists of New England, he continued his
efforts. with great abiUty and zeal.
Hon. John Quincy Adams appeared in Congress, representing the
Congressional district in which he was born. He had served his country
as a Senator, as Foreign Minister, as Secretary of State, and when his
mind had become mature and enlarged by great experience, be had filled
the Executive chair with honor to himself and the nation, and he now en
tered upon a Congressional career, more beneficial to his country than any
portion of his previous life.

MB. ¦WEBSTEE AVOIDS THE ISSUE. 97
Early in the session he presented fifteen memorials, praying the aboU
tion of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia. He
took occasion to say, on presenting these petitions, that whatever might
be his opinion of slavery in the abstract, or of slavery in the District of
Columbia, it was a subject which he hoped would not be discussed in that
House. If it should be, he might, perhaps, assign the reason why he
should give it no support.* The petitions were refeiTed to the committee
on the District of Columbia. A few days afterwards, Mr. Dodridge,
of Vit-ginia, chairman of that committee, reported that it would be wrong
to abolish slavery in tbe District of Columbia untU Maryland and Vir
ginia should move on the subject, and in no event would it be safe to do
BO under present circumstances. Of the slave trade mentioned in the
memorials, the report said nothing ; nor did it in any way explain the
connection between slavery in the District under Federal laws, and
slavery m the States which existed under State laws.
The great inteUectual contest between Messrs. Webster and Hayne,
in the Senate, developed to the pubUc view the existence of an in
tention on the part of leadmg southem members at some day to separate
from the northern States, and to form a Southern Confederacy. In that
debate, Mr. Hayne alone referred to southern slavery as an object of
northern hostility ; whUe Mr. Webster, iu general terms, asserted that
New England was attached to the Union, to South Carolina, and to
every State ; and although that discussion stands unrivalled in our poUr
tical history for its logic, its rhetoric, its exhibition of historical research,
its compactness of argument, stUl the reader rises from its perusal disap
pointed at finding two such intellects grappling with each other upon the
powers of government ; yet neither apparently daruig to refer to the
primal doctrines On which that Government had been founded.
At this time Mr. Calhonn stood the acknowledged leader among
southern statesmen, a position to which his talents, his experience, and
integrity of character entitied him. He was bold and sincere in the
avowal of his opinions. He openly d^ied that men were created equal in
their rights to life and liberty, and avoiding the doctrines of European
and American pubUcists, he referred to the necessities of mwnkind, as the
basis of human governments.' Assuming slavery to be necessary in our
southern States, he declared it one of the essential elements of southern
• It ia certain that when Mr. Adams first entered Congress, he was opposed to all agitation on the
ndyect of the existence of slavery in the District of Columbia. Nor did he at any time encourage
such agitation. The reason which h© assigned for his course on this point was that slavery in the
District was of little importance ; while he admitted that its existence there was really as mach »
riolation of principle as it was in the States or Territories. (The author sp-saks from personal ooa-
rersations.) 7

98 CALHOUN LEADS THE SLAVE POVFEE.
society and prosperity ; and no Senator appeared willing to form an
issue 'with him on his avowed infideUty to the doctrines of our fathers :
Indeed, at this time. General Jackson had become exceedingly popular
with the democratic party : with them his wiU was law. He had been
reared and educated in the midst of slavery, and on that subject he
agreed with Mr. Calhoun. He had ever shown himself devoted to the
institution ; had given the order under which the barbarous " massacre
at Blount's Fort" had been perpetrated, in 1816, and had fought the
exiles of Florida in the first Seminole war ; had subsequently advised
thefr removal ; and had, at all times, 'wielded his infiuence for the sup
port and encouragement of slavery. Indeed, it may be said with pro
priety, that in no official act of his life did he intentionally fail to act for
the benefit of the institution, so far as he had opportunity ; and with
equal propriety it may be said that the democratic party never faUed to
jcarry out his views to the extent of thefr powers.
These cfrcumstances gave to the supporters of slavery full and almost
undisputed control of the Government, and its patronage was bestowed
on those who sustained the institution, whUe pohtical ostracism awaited
every opponent. Hence poUticians and statesmen were unwilling to place
themselves in opposition to this policy, and tbe doctrines of freedom were
rendered unpopular with the American people.
No pubUc man. now maintained the principles enunciated m the Decla
ration of Independence. No one raised his voice in support of those
"self-evident truths" which constituted tbe foundation of our republican
edifice. Mr. Adams held a seat m the House of Representatives, but he
heii at this time only avowed his unwilUngness to agitate the question of
abolishing slavery iu the District of Columbia, an avowal which gave
great satisfaction to southem men.
1882.] '^^'^ threatened rebelUon of South Carolina, which attracted so
much attention, had its origin iu slavery. Slave labor is not less
opposed to the policy of free labor, than oppression is opposed to justice,
and the high tariff operated favorably upon one and unfavorably upon
the other ; but mstead of avowmg thefr attachment to slavery as the
cause of the proposed secession, they based thefr complaints upon the
tariff, which operated in favor of free laboV, while it served to depress
slave labor. And the discussions were confined to coUateral questions,
without bringing slavery mto the controversy.
Tbe President was a man of determined purpose, aud if he had been
left to pursue his own poUcy, would probably have put down the spfrit
of rebelUon so effectually that it would no more have been heard in our
halls of legislation.

UNFOETUNATE COMPEOMISE. 99
It was at this time that Mr. Clay, in the opinion of his best friends,
committed the great error of his Ufe* by offering his bill compromising
the tariff bn which the quarrel between the friends of free and of slave
labor had risen. The bUl was passed. Mr. Calhoun and his friends
regarded its introduction a triumph for the South, and a tacit admission
that southern men were correct in thefr opinions a,s to the right of seces
sion. Tbe passage of the bUl confirmed this opinion ; and although Mr.
Clay at the time received much applause for salving the Union, yet the
whole tendency of this measure was to promote its final dissolution.
" The exUes of Florida," or negroes who had fled from South Carolma
and Georgia and settled in Florida, had retired far into the Peninsula,
and were endeavoring to seclude themselves so far as possible from inter
course with white men ; but the spirit of oppression knows no .limits.
The Indians who were associated with the negroes were called on to
deUver up fugitive slaves, over whom they had no control, but to whose
influence they were themselves subjected. Unable to obtain slaves in
that way, white men of desperate character formed combinations in
Georgia and in Florida, and, going upon the Indian reservations, indis
criminately captured those negroes who were free and those who belonged
to the Indians, whUe the real fugitives were far beyond their reach. A
full knowledge of these barbarous forays, or of the banditti who perpcr
trated them, can only be obtained by a patient examination of the Con
gressional documents of that day.*
This practice had continued for many years, when the Indians -gg^^
entered into the treaty of "Paynes Landing" with the United
States, by which they agreed, to send a delegation to the western coun
try to examine it, and if upon thefr report the tribe should be satisfied,
they were to remove to that country.
Tbe delegation consisted of four Indians and two negroes, who, in ful
fillment of the treaty, went to explore the country under the dfrection
and in company with commissioners appointed for that purpose. While
there, the United States commissioners and the negro and Indian dele
gates entered into a supplemental treaty or compact, by which it was
agreed that the United States should set off to the Seminole Indians and
" their allies " a certain tract of country described by metes and bounds,
separate and apart from the territory held by other Indians, f
* The author spent much labor on this subject, as early as 1841, and the result of those labors may
yet be found in a speech deUvered in the House of Representatives in February of that year ; but
the observations of m^y years were condensed into a worlt entitled " The Exiles of Florida," pub
lished hi 185r.
t All the high ofBcers of Government appeared unwilling that the public should underetand that
the " cjdles " or negroes of Florida were recognized in this treaty ; and the term " ailies " was
resorted to in order to avoid using that of '* negroes''* or " colored men."

100 OEIGIN OF THE FLOEIDA 'WAE.
In this transaction, the negroes showed themselves the ablest
diplomatists, as it had been the avowed intention of the Admin-
¦istration to constrain the Seminoles to settle with the Creeks. For this
policy, so obstinately maintained for many years, involving the nation in
a long and bloody war, no reason was ever assigned ; nor can we at this
day infer but one object — that must have been the rcenslavement of the
megroes who were residing with the Seminole Indians.
It wiU be recollected, that as early as 1185, the Creeks stipulated by
treaty to deUver these fugitives to the people of Georgia ; and tbe claims
of Georgia had been pressed upon the Creeks up to the treaty of Indian
Spring, in 1821, when they paid $250,000 for the fugitives, and thence
forth claimed them as thefr slaves. If now the Seminoles could be
induced to re-unite with the Creeks, they would bring thefr negroes uiider
Greek laws and thereby reenslave them.
Of these objects the negroes had perfect knowledge, and therefore
stipulated for their territory to be holden separate and apart from that
of the Creeks. This arrangement entirely defeated the objects of the
Administration in making the treaty. The chiefs of the Creeks learning
these facts, earnestly protested against the Seminoles receiving separate
territory ; and General Jackson, regarding the objects of the 'treaty
defeated by the arrangement, permitted it to remain without even send
ing it to the Senate for ratification.
18S4.1 '^^^ subject remained in this situation for more than two years.
During that time the people of Georgia and of Florida appear
to have become impatient at the delay of enslaving these people. The
citizens of Alachua County, Florida, sent a petition to the President,
.saying, that the Seminole Indians were harboring fugitive slaves, and
supplicating that high officer to remove them to the westem country.
On reading this petition, the President endorsed upon it an crder to
the Secretary of War, dfrecting that officer to inquire into the facts, and
if found true, to inform the Indians that they must prepare to remove to
the western country. The iron will of Jackson was never known to
bend to circumstances. He now sent the treaty, so long dormant, to
the Senate for confirmation. That body, ever obedient to his wishes,
learning that slavery was involved, proceeded to confirm the treaty,
without regard to the compact entered into by the commissioners of the
United States while in tbe westem country ; and tbe Indians were
informed by the President that they must emigrate, without any regard
to thdr choice, as stipulated in the treaty. ,
The negroes were now constrained literally to choose between war
and slavery. They at once prepared for war ; they turned their
mttention to collecting ammunition and arms, and securing provisions.

OFFICIAL 0BTU8ENES8 — ^DADe's MASSACEE. 101
Both Indians and negroes gave unmistakable evidence of approaching
hostiUties. In the meantime, Mr. Thompson, Indian Agent, informed the War
Department, that if the Seminole negroes emigrated west without a
territory separate from the Creeks, they would be enslaved by that tribe.
He .also stated expUcitly that this constituted thefr objection against
emigration. The Secretary of War, General Cass, replied without assigning any
object for compelling them to re-unite with the Creeks, but saying if they
should be enslaved "thdr condition would be no worse than thai of other
slaves." To this the agent returned for answer that tbe same might be
said of the Secretary of War ; " if he were enslaved, his condition would
be no worse than that of other slaves."
It is among the unpleasant duties of the historian to record facts
which exhibit such moral turpitude in those who wield tbe government
of his country ; but the men who then guided the Federal power, Uke
all public men, must be held responsible for their official conduct.
The Maroons, or fugitive slaves, felt the necessity of giving the ^ggj
Indians au exhibition of thefr prowess. Through the agency of one
of thefr friends ui bondage, they learned that Major Dade was to leave
Fort Brooke on a certain day for Fort King, about one hundred and thirty
mUes distant, through an unbroken forest. With a few Indians they
hastened to intercept their passage, and the gaUant major and his bat^
talion fell by the hands of the very people whom General Jackson and
the Executive were endeavoring to surrender up to be enslaved by the
Creek Indians. As these persecuted people, on that bloody field, ceased
from the work of -death, they raised a shout of exultation at haring
avenged the blood of their friends, who, twenty years previously, had
been massacred at " Blount's Fort." And as that first Seminolje war
had been commenced by a massacre of blacks, the second had now been
inaugurated by a far less barbarous sacrifice of whites.
The enslavers of mankind exhibit the same general traits of charac
ter, whether they pursue thefr vocation on African or American soU.
Those deemed pirates under our laws and hanged at the yard-arm of
some sbip-of war, for capturing and enslaving thefr feUow-meu on tbe
African coast, have never excelled iu the refinements of cruelty our
Federal Executive during the first six years of this Florida war. Under
dfrection and approval of the President and Cabinet, our army captured
aud consigned to interminable slavery more than five hundred colored
persons in Florida, at an expense to the United States of more than
eighty thousand doUars for each individual enslaved.
In carrying on this war upon our common humanity, parents were

102 CHAEACTEE OF THE FLOEIDA WAE.
Separated from their chUdren and husbands from their wives ; frauds
were perpetrated, solemn treaties weue disregarded,, flags of truce were
violated, the most solemn covenants repudiated, and men were merci
lessly butchered because they preferred liberty to slavery. Yet no
public officer appeared willing to expose these crunes, perpetrated
as they were by the Government of which they were themselves
members. But it is due to truth and candor to say, that in the
whole period of his serrice in Congress, tbe author found no north
ern member who understood the corruptions, the barbarities of that
war ; and as he thought, but few southern members entertained any
just conceptions of its turpitude. It was the practice of that day for
the Executive to send to the committee on finance in each House esti
mates of the expense of carrying on the war during the commg year
and such amounts were always appropriated 'without further investiga.
tion. One of the consequences resulting from this mode of administer
ing tbe Government, was a general deterioration of pubUc morals ;
frauds and peculations upon tbe public treasury were common ; and
members of Congress became unconscious that moral responsibility
attached to men in official station. While individuals in the free States
were endeavoring to awaken tbe public conscience to the iniquities prac.
tised by the administrators of Government, those in favor of slavery
proclaimed their necessity" and insisted that they were harmless.
jggj. At the opening of the twenty-fourth Congress, General Jack
son, in his annual message, referred to the anti-slavery publications
in the free States, declared they were " calculated io stir up insurrections
a/nd prod,uce all the horrors of civil war." He asserted they were opposed
to humanity and religion, and in violation of the constitution and of
the compromises on which the Union was founded." However absurd
these ideas may appear, we cannot disguise the fact that the President
was sincere in thefr utterance, however much that admission may detract
from his presumed intelligence.
He had, from tbe time of his first election, endeavored to reward his
friends aud punish his enemies in the distribution of tbe Executive
patronage. To obtain his favoi:, public men reiterated his opinions and
eulo^zed his statesmanship. Senators now responded to his attack upon
the anti-slavery people of the free States.
Mr. Morris, of Ohio, presented several petitions from that State,
praying the aboUtiou of slavery aud tbe slave trade in the District of
Columbia. Mr. Calhoun objected to their reception, declaring that Congress had
no jurisdiction of the subject.
Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, spoke of the phUanthropists of the

VIEWS OF BUCHANAN AND BENTON. 103
northern States as "fanatics ;" declared it would be " morally wrong to
abolish slavery in the District of -Columbia," insisted that tbe " Con
stitution had in the clearest possible manner recognized the right of
property in slaves," and declared be " would do nothing to disturb that
right." He did not explain what he meant by the Constitution having
recognized slavery ; nor did he define whether it had recognized slavery
in any other sense than it bad recognized "pfracy" or "felony." But
terms were then resorted to for tbe purpose of deception. And the feel
ing of hatred which he manifested towards those northern Christians and
phUanthropists, who were endeavoring to Uberate tbe slaves in the Dis
trict of Columbia ; to " do unto them as they would have others do to
themselves," was wholly inexpUcable, ina.smuch as he himself was a mem
ber of a professedly Christian church, as weU as of the democratic party,
and exerted much influence with his associates both in church and
state. Mr. Benton, of Missouri, was also a leading member of the sama
party — an able, earnest man, industrious in his habits and determined in
his purposes. He was, however, distinguished for a degree of self-com
placency, seldom connected with great moral worth ; and in bis preju
dices he was inexorable. He was said never to yield an opinion or for
give an enemy. He characterized the abohtionists as " incendiaries,"
" agitators," " men seeking to obtain thefr ends by diabolical means."
This resort to declamation, to the use of epithets, and denunciation
against the advocates of Uberty, constituted the only supposed justifica
tion of slavery. This practice among statesmen exerted great infiuence
upon the popular mind. It created a general hostUity towards all who
dared reiterate the undying truths that slaves, iu common -with tbe
human family, have and hold from the Creator a right to life and
liberty. But Mr. Leigh, of Vfrginia, was distinguished for his reasoning
powers. Indeed, he was regarded as an exponent of what, was then
caUed " Virginia abstractions." UnwUUng to use epithets and denuncia
tions, he endeavored to place the subject before the country in a logical
form, asserting —
" Firstly. Congress has no more power to abolish slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia than the Legislatures of Virginia and Maryland, from
which the District was taken, have to aboUsh it in those States.
"Second. As slaves are property, the Legislatures' of those States have
no right to aboUsh the master's title by which he holds them. There
fore, Congress can have no authority to aboUsh slavery in the District
of Columbia."

104 STATESMEN OBLIVIOUS TO PEIMAL TEUTHS.
The debate occupied the Senate during the moming hour for more
than two months, and no Senator from the free States, during that pro
tracted discussion, asserted or reiterated the truth that " men hold their
right to life and liberty from the Creator." No one denied the legitimate,
power of human governments to enslave and murder innocent persons.
No- Senator denied the legitimate powers of Congress to authorize one
class of men to hold, flog, abuse, and murder another portion of the
human family. No one denied thait the wUl of Congress and tbe Presi
dent expressed in the form of a statute would impose upon innocent
persons a moral obligation to submit to be held, flogged, enslaved, and
murdered. The elementary principles of government, as taught by phi
losophers, by publicists, by jurists, in both Europe and America, seemed
to be forgotten. But on taking the vote, a large majority was found to
be in favor of recdwmg the petitions.
The poUtical partisans of the House of Representatives were not
behind those, of the Senate iu thefr efforts to attach opprobrium to all
who insisted that justice was equally due to all men. They spoke with
great contempt of those who believed that all men were equally entitled
to live, to protect and cherish life. These efforts in Congress haring
been constant and long continued, necessarily affected the popular mind
of the North as well as of the South. Men were educated to beUeve that
Slavery was just and proper ; that Congress and the Federal Government
were bound by the Constitution to support it, and they now looked upon
all who denied these propositions as uninformed, ignorant, and bigoted.
The popular mind was directed to the theory that slavery had been m-
stituted by Deity, and was to be sustained and cherished as an institution
of heaven, and those who opposed it were characterized as "fanatics"
a,nd " infidels." The advocates of oppression admitted that many evUs
were attendant on slavery, and that God would do it away iu His own
good time ; but they proclaimed — " He wUl smite those who put forth
their hand to steady this ark of His Providence."
jgjg , In the House of Representatives memorials were also presented,
praying the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the Dis
trict of Columbia. Yet no member of that body advocated tbe proposed
measure. The highest ground assumed by any one was that tbe petitions
should be received and respectfully referred to the appropriate com
mittees. Southern members insisted that they should be rejected without
debate ; that they should not even be read ; but treated with that
detestation which was due to men who would endanger the Union by
sending such memorials to Congress. .

ME. pinckney's gag-eesolutions. 105
The subject was referred to a select committee, of which Mr. Pinck
ney, of South Carolina, was chafrman. He reported three resolutions,
the first of which asserted that Congress possessed no constitutional
power to interfere with slavery iu the States.
The second declared it would be wrong to interfere -with slavery in the
District of Columbia.
The third declared that aU petitions and papers relating to slavery
should be laid on the table without debate.
The committee had been selected by a democratic Speaker. A major
ity of members belonged to that party, and looked upon this movement
as calculated to give edat to that organization. They were unwilUng to
be surpassed in thefr support of slavery. Southern Whigs objected to
this report as too tame. Mr. Wise, of Virginia, led off in behalf of
Whig slaveholders. He was comparatively a young member. To say
he was impulsive, would do injustice to that unpremeditated vehemence
which characterized his action in Congress. He possessed a rich imagi
nation, which seemed to lead hun captive without the ordinary restrain
ing influences of judgment. He sought to raise himself to distinction,
not by his own moral excellence, but by the exposure of the errors which
his opponents cherished.
He denounced tbe resolutions as tame, inefficient, and of no possible
utiUty ; said they tacitly admitted that Congress- had the power to
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, which he solemnly and
peremptorily denied.
The resolutions, however, were adopted ; aud the right of petition
was suppressed in the House of Representatives for that time. ,
Mr. Calhoun now attempted to carry that despotism which always
attends slavery one step farther. He reported from a select committee
appointed for that purpose, a biU declaring " it unlawful for any deputy-
postmaster to put into the mail any pamphlet, newspaper, handbill, or
pictorial representation, dfrected to any person resident of a slave State
where, by the laws of such State, the circulation of such pamphlets or
newspapers were prohibited by law," and also prohibiting the deputy-
postmaster in such slave States from distributing such pamphlet, news
paper, &c., unless authorized by law of such State.
The report was received -with unusual solemnity, as the attention of
the President, both Houses of Congress, the democratic party, and the
southern portion of tbe whig party, were committed to the poUcy of
suppressing aU discussion of slavery.
But an insuperable difficulty now intervened to thwart this purpose.
Mr. Calhoun had insisted upon the right of a State to secede from the

106 DOCTEINE OF STATE EIGHTS.
Union whenever her people should feel it for thefr interest. General
Jackson denied this doctrine, and was sustained by the democratic
party. Mr. Calhoun still felt constrained to assert the sovereignty of the
States ; and therefore, in framing the biU, made the legislation of Con
gress dependent on State action, as the provisions of the biU only
applied to those States which should prohibit the drculatio-n of incendiary
pamphlets, neivspapers, &c., while the foUowers of tbe President insisted
that the United States had full power to prohibit the circulation of such
pamphlets, &c., without any assistance or consent of the State governments;
and neither party yielding its position, the bUl was lost.
These developments in favor of the right of a State to nulUfy an
act of Congress, led the older and more experienced statesmen to under
stand very satisfactorily the ulterior designs of Mr. Calhoun and his
friends.,..„, So far as we are informed, Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Webster, and
188D.J the leading statesmen of both parties of that day, north and
south, believed, that tbe antagonisms of liberty and slavery, justice and
injustice, virtue and crime, right and wrong, might be reconciled, sup
ported and cherished by the sa^me government, at tbe same time, and by "
the same enactments. All the leading men of both whig and democratic
parties emulated each other in efforts to make the people beUeve this
theory. They all united iu asserting that those who founded the govern
ment, intended to maintain these moral, political, and reUgious antago
nisms. If any public men were at that time conscious that our Federal
Government had been constituted eutfrely for the support of freedom,
leaving slavery entirely with ihe States, they lacked the moral courage
necessary to avow such doctrine.
Mr. Calhoun, the leading statesman and master-spfrit of the slave
power, appears to have taken as the basis of his theory, the doctrine
that slavery is right. Commencing -with this predicate, he was con
strained to discard the theories of European and American writers, and
to find a basis for human governments, not in the will of the Creator,
nor in the natural laws, nor in the rights of human nature, nor in the
attributes of Deity, but in the confiding interests of mankind, which must
be restrained and regulated in order to maintain sodety.
From this theory all who adhered to the doctrines of the Declaration
of. Independence must, of necessity, have dissented. Tbe two parties,
takmg their departure from different and conflicting predicates, could
not unite either in theory or in practice. They did not unite after 1193,
the period at which the Federal Govemment first became involved in the

CONSTITUTION OF AEKANSA8. 107
support of slavery, which never constituted a legitimate subject for con
gressional legislation. From that day there was no union in our national
councUs ; no union between the slave and free States. There never
was and never can be either moral or political union between the sup
porters of freedom, and those who maintain slavery.^ Hence the constant
and unceasing dissentions in Congress.
It had become evidept to southern' statesmen that freedom of debate
and the right of petition must be put d(3wn, or slavery must fall before
the tide of civiUzation. Mr. Calhoun's contemplated law prohibiting the
cfrculation of certain newspapers, pamphlets, and periodicals through
the maU had faUed, because he admitted that Congress could only pro
hibit such papers, pamphlets, and periodicals as the laws of ihe States au
thorized. But the popular feeling in the slave States now executed the
contemplated law by mob violence. Postmasters in southern vUlages
were told what papers they might, and such as they might not distribute.
The Legislatures of North CaroUna, South Carolina, Alabama, and Geor
gia adopted resolutions calling on the Legislatures of tbe free States to
prohibit tbe sending of incendiary documents into the slave States.
Maine was the only free State that responded to this appeal. Her
Legislature expressed great sympathy with the slave States ; but boast
fully asserted that it were unnecessary to pass laws restraining her peo
ple, as there were no abolitionists among them. Senator Ruggles pre
sented these resolutions to the Senate, declaring they had been adopted
by a unanimous vote of the Legislature of that sovereign State.
Tbe people of Arkansas had formed a constitution prohibiting her
Legi4ature from passing any law for the emancipation of slaves'; aud
haring also formed a State government, now asked admission to tbe
Union. Memorials from other States were also presented, asking Con
gress not to admit Arkansas. untU this article should be stricken from
her constitution. The memorials were all referred ; but tbe committee
reported in favor of admitting her as a State, notwithstanding the objec
tionable feature iu her constitution. Tbe report was agreed to, and the
State admitted.
Mr. Adams, notwithstanding the adoption of the resolutions offered
by Mr. Pinckney, continued faithfuUy to present petitions intrusted to
his care, with all the formality which had been observed in the earUer
and better days of the RepubUc. This excited great indignation among
southern members; but his great ability, his consummate knowledge of all
the machinery of government, and his perfect familiarity with southern
character, enabled hun to maintain his position. He was the "Mar
plot " of the slave power. While southern members feared his consum-

108 FIEST OFFENCE OF ME. ADAMS.
' mate tact and acknowledged abiUty, they felt the necessity of paralyzing
his influence.
1S311 ^'* ^^^ ^^ February, Mr. Adams being in possession of the
floor, and having presented several petitions, addressing the
Speaker said, be held the petition of twenty-two persons, caUing them
selves "slaves," aud he desired to understand whether the Speaker
regarded such petitions as coming under the rule by which other petitions
touching slavery were laid upon the table ?
The Speaker very properly answered, that be could not determine that
question until he should peruse the petition.
Mr. Adams replied, that if he sent the petition to the Clerk's table, it
would be in possession of the House ; if he sent it to the Speaker, that
officer will see its contents. " The petition," said he, "purports io come
from slaves, and is one of those which has occurred to my mind as ribt
being what it purports," and he closed by saying he " would send it to
the Chair."
Mr. Lawler, of Alabama, objected to its going to the Chafr, and
desired that his objections might be entered on the journal.
Tbe Speaker declared the case so extraordinary that he would take
the sense of the House upon it. He believed it the first instance in, the
Government where persons not free, had presented petitions to that
body. The members now understood that 'Mr. Adams had presented, or
attempted to present, a petition from slaves ; and they at once became
excited, without waiting to inquire as to facts.
Mr. Haynes, of Georgia, rose to express his profound astonishment
that any member should presume to present such a petition.
Mr. Lewis, of Alabama, thought the House should severely punish
the infraction of its rules ; and called on members from the slave States
to come forward and demand punishment of the gentleman from Massa
chusetts. Mr. Alford, of Georgia, hoped the petition would be committed to the
flames. ' There must be an end to these attempts to raise excitements, or
the Union must come to an end.
Mr. Thompson, of South Carolma, next presented a resolution, declar
ing that in presenting a petition purporting to come from slaves, Mr.
Adams had grossly violated the dignity of tbe House, and should be
brought to the bar to receive tbe severe censure of tbe Speaker.
Mr. Thompson was a Whig, and evidently desirous of maintaining the
character of that party for its devotion to slavery. He proceeded to
say there was such an mstitution in the District of Columbia as a grand

MEMBEES BECOME EXCITED. 1(©
jury, and intimated very distinctly that if the gentleman from Massachu
setts should persist in his present course, he would be indicted for stirring
up insurrection.
Mr. Granger, of New York, was the first member to speak from the
free States. He was a man of education and wealth, exerting an influ
ence iu the House of Representatives as weU as in his State ; but more
distinguished for his readiness of debate than for his industry or states
manship. He declared that he had, been a friend to Mr. Adams ; but
was now greatly surprised at that gentleman's course. He further stated
his opposition to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia while
Maryland maintained the institution. By this time southern members
became excited, and with knitted brows, seemed impatient to wreak
their vengeance on Mr. Adams.
Mr. Lewis now presented a resolution as a substitute for that offered
by Mr. Thompson, declaring " that in attempting to introduce a petition
coming from slaves, praying the abolition of slavery in the Dislrid of
Columbia, Mr. Adams had committed an outrage upon the rights and
feelings of the people of the Union, had invited the slave population of
tbe South to insurrection."
While thiese proceedings were in progress, the distinguished object of
this unusual outpouring of indignation, remained quietly in his seat,
stmUng at the ludicrous exhibition before him. But that indignation was
greatly intensified when he rose and coolly suggested to the gentleman
from Alabama (Mr. Lewis) the propriety of amending his resolution in
that part which alleged that tbe petition prayed for the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia. " It prays," said he, " for no such
thing. Tbe gentleman will find that it prays that slavery may not be
abolished in this District. These slaves are the gentleman's auxUiaries^
instead bf his opponents."
Mr. Mann, of New York, addressed the House. He was some.whtd;
distinguished as a lawyer, possessing a high order of talent, as well as
great integrity of purpose. His exordium was Uterally prophetic.
" The future historian," said he, " when arriving at the twenty-fourth
Congress, wUl find it requisite to pause and contemplate the spectacle
now before the American people." He next deprecated the course of
Mr. Adams, and, repeatmg the arguments used by southern slaveholders,
he declared the only question before the House was this : " Will north
ern men live up to thdr contract ? As for me and my household, my
constituents and friends, I say, without reservation, we will." *
* Tvrenty years subsequently, Mr. Mann was a member of the Republican Convention which me*.
at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, where the author, also a member, found him an ardent and dovoted sop

110 PEOP08ITION8 TO CENSUEE ME. ADAMS.
Some friends bf Mr. Adams had gone, to his seat and read the
petition, and learning its real character, with less solemnity than south
ern members thought becoming the occasion, intimated that the petition
was of a ' totally different character from that which seemed to be
attributed to it.
At this suggestion, Mr. Thompson appears to have been deeply
moved. He said he was " sorry to witness the lerity which was
attempted to be thrown over the subject. Is it a mere trifie to hoax '
members from the South ? (said he) to irritate almost io madness ihe
entire delegation from the slave States ?" To this Mr. Adams, remain
ing in his seat, replied : " I hope I may not be held responsible for aU
the follies of southern members."
Mr. Thompson then amended his resolution, dividing it into three
separate propositions, declaring —
1st. That the Hon. John Quincy Adams, by an effort to present a
petition from slaves, has committed a contempt of this House.
2d. That by creating the impression that said petition was for the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, he has trifled with the
House. 3d. That he be censured by the House for his conduct.
Mr. Pickens, of South CaroUna, addressed the House iu favor of the
resolutions of Mr. Thompson. He was a man of inteUect, a follower of
Mr. Calhoun. Although vehement and unpleasant in his manner of
speaking, he was listened to with great respect, and was among the
leading men of his State. He declared that the great error lay in the
resolution prohibiting the reading or reference of anti-slavery petitions,
which should have excluded them from presentation, yet the House was
.bound to protect its own dignity.
Mr. CambrelUng, of New York, was more cautious. He was a quiet,
shrewd man, always retaining his dignity of deportment, never speaking
on any subject which he did uot understand. He told the House dis
tinctly that the petition was itself a hoax, which was probably better
understood 'by the gentleman from Massachusetts than by his assailants.
Mr. Cushing, of Massachusetts, near tbe close of the second day spent
on this subject, declared that bis venerable colleague had neither in word
nor deed offended against parUamentary law or tbe rules of the House.
He said he would not say one word in relation to the resolution, but he
woiUd appeal to southem men " to define thefr position 1" To say in
porter of the doctrines which he so strongly deprecated In 188T. ms mental energies could not be
reatrahied by political considerations from maintaining the right, nor ills conscience paralyzed by
slaveholding influence. His last days were literally his best days.

HE VINDICATES HIMSELF. Ill
definite language whether they intended to punish members for enter
taining opinions different from their own ? He wished " to understand
whether members were to be expeUed for presenting petitions even from
slaves." But slaveholding members had become excited, and were not in a
condition to listen to either facts or arguments. They continued to
assail Mr. Adams with great bitterness.
For three days the storm rgged. During that time, the distinguished
olgect of this persecution remained in his seat, calmly Ustening to tbe
assaults made upon him as though he were one of the most disinterested
members of the body. He took no notes of what was said or done,
apparently feeUng no anxiety on the subject. But when the furor began
to subside, he rose to address the House. His age, his experience and
high position commanded attention. He was cool and collected. He
made no excuses, nor did he apologize for his course of action. He
declared that from tbe first it was his intention to raise the question
whether slaves may petition the House. Tbe Constitution had declared
that " ihe right of petition should never, be abridged."
The right is from nature, and is common to the race of mankind.
Every individual may suppUcate those around him, his superiors, or may
ask the proudest monarch that treads the earth for justice. Indeed, he
may send up his petitions to the Creator of worlds, to tbe common Father
of us all for mercy. This (said he) is the right which the Constitution
says "shall not be abridged." We cannot exclude the petition of the
meanest slave, without violating the Constitution. He Spoke with appa
rent, feeling, and a solemnity pervaded the minds of all.
Haring obtained control of the feelings of his audience, he tumed
upon bis persecutors, spoke of the spfrit manifested by them, of the
epithets which they had used ; then he became facetious, ridiculed the
impetuous desire to punish hun before they knew whereof they accused
him, convulsed the House with laughter at the literature of leading men
who sought bis overthrow; and then exposed the stupidity of Mr. Thomp
son, who had threatened him with an indictment by the grand jury of the
District of Columbia ; aud held up to contempt the statesman who per
formed his official duties under fear of a grand jury; and closed by
saying he had nothing to retract ; he took back no word he had
uttered ; but assured the House he would do the same thing agam,
should occasion offer.
This defiance of the slave power was unexpected. The oldest members
of the body had never witnessed such boldness, such heroism, on the
part of any northern member. Slaveholders and those acting with them

112 OEIGIN OF TEXAS ANNEXATION.
were evidently disappointed and humbled. They now began to reaUzs
that there was a power behind and above that of Congress and of party;
they feared the indignation of the people, and rejected the resolutions by
an overwhelming majority.
Mr. Adams was now vindicated. He had maintained his doctrines,
and the people of the free States were loud in his praise.
But our Governmeut was not satisfied -with sustaining slavery within
our own borders. The govemment of Mexico had decreed tbe abolition
of slavery in all its intendencies. Texas would not submit to this decree.
She rose in rebelUon rather than submit to this advance of civUization.
The Executive sympathized with the Texans : our army, at that time
stationed upon our southwestern frontier, entered Texas with the
apparent design of assisting her troops against the Mexican army ; whUe
a host of adventurers from our slave States hastened to Texas with arms
in their hands, professing to emigrate for the purpose of settUng upon the
rich lands of that State.
The Mexican minister remonstrated. The Secretary of War repUed
that " our army was sent to Texas in order io defend our own frontier
against the Indians." The minister demanded his passport, and left
the United States. This was the commencement of that intrigue
by wliich Texas was eventually brought into the Union as a slave
State, in order to extend the influence of slavery and perpetuate its
existence. But wbUe the spfrit of oppression had succeeded in diverting our
Government from the support of freedom, and had prostituted its powers
to the encouragement and support of slavery, the cause of truth and
justice was slowly operating upon the statesmen of other nations.
Britain had emancipated her bondmen of the West Indies ;• and those
beautiful islands became the homes of freemen ; and the infiuence of
advancing freedom was felt by the people of our slave States, and soon
presented questions for international correspondence between tbe British
and American Governments.
Several slave ships from our northem slaveholding States were
wrecked upon British islands, while making their way around tbe penin
sula of Florida, and the slaves landed on British soU became free, and
when under the protection of British laws, they refused to return to
bondage. Mr. Calhoun brought the subject before the Senate, by presenting
certain propositions which he deemed declarative of "international
law." The first of which was, that an American ship, saUing from one
American port to another, was not Uable to search. Tbe second

ME. CALHOUN ON THB LAW OF NATIONS. 113
declared that a ship driven by stress of weather mto a friendly port,
carries with her the rights and pririleges which she enjoyed whUe on the
high seas.
The object of these resolutions was to change that principle in the
law of nations which recognizes the sovereignty and laws of every govem
ment over its territory, harbors and waters, within a marine league of
the shore.
Nor should we at 'this day smile derisively at this attempt on the part
ofthe Senate of the United States by resolution to change the law of
nations, which is nothing more and nothing less than the dictates of that
immutable justice which is supposed to be the outbreathing of the Divine
wUl. The slaveholdmg influence had led our own Govemment to depart
from and disregard that wiU of the Creator ; and ambitious slaveholders
beUeved that other governments might be subjected to the same influ
ences. The resolutions were adopted, and the President called on for
the correspondence between our Government and that of England on the
subject of slaves wrecked on British islands. The President transmitted
to tbe Senate copies of the correspondence, from which it appeared that
British Ministers refused to accede to the dogma that slaves were property.
British officers and Government regarded human beings as persons, in
capable of being transformed into property, and they refused to com
pensate those dealers iu human flesh.
This position of the British Ministers was the more alarming and
daiigerous to the slave interest, because it was in exact accordance with
the decision of our House of Representatives, made in the case of
" D'Autrieve," nine years previously, and on the motion to refer the sub
ject, Mr. Calhoun took occasion to state that two ships, the " Comet"
and the " Encomium," had been wrecked on British islands, and thefr
slaves set free under British laws. He then declared ' that British
ministers had adopted one principle .which it was scarcely credible that
so inteUigent a government could assume. He referred to the principle
that " there could not be property in persons ;" such doctrine, he declared,
insulting to our Government, aud would strike at the independence of
our country. He then attempted to maintain the right of one man to
the body and services of another, by charging Great Britain with
hypocrisy. The principle (said he) which would abrogate the property
of one man iu the body of another, would abrogate the right of one
nation to govern another. If man by nature has the right to self-
government, have not nations an equal right ?
8

114 ME. Calhoun's object.
But Mr. Calhoun's object appears to have been merely to call pnbUc
attention to the subject, and to place his own riews and those of the
Senate before our people and the British Ministry. There were no fur
ther proceedings had on the subject at that time ; bnt as it afterwards
came up on different occasions, we shall notice the proceedings in thefr
regular order.

the twenty-fifth CONGEESS. 115

CHAPTER VII.
THE GAG-RULES INTRODUCED AND ADOPTED — EFFORT TO CHANGE THE CHAB-
ACTER OF THE GOVERNMENT  ^ATTEMPTS TO CHARGE THE ANTI-SLAVERY
men' WrFH EFFORTS TO VIOLATE THE CONSTTrOTION. J
Mr. Van Buren was inaugurated President of the United ..^^^
States on the 4th March. He had received a Uberal education,
had distinguished himself as a lawyer, had seived his country as Senator,
foreign mmister, and Vice-President. He was an admirer of General
Jackson, and a devoted member of the democratic party. In his
inaugural he made aUusions to slavery and the obUgations of the Govern
ment to maintain and uphold it ; but bis language was so vague that
no distinct issue could be taken upon it by his opponents whUe it was
unobject\uable to his friends.
Such were the financial difficulties under which tbe Governmeut then
labored, that he found it necessary to convene Congress in extra session
on the 4th September. In his message he made no distinct reference to
slavery, and the attention of that body was exclusively dfrected to the
subject which caUed its members together.
The regular session of the twenty-fifth Congress commenced on the
4th December ; but tbe President in his annual message made no dfrect
allusion to slavery or the slave trade. The subject, however, was soon
introduced by petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia. A long debate arose in the Senate in regard to the best
mode of quieting the popular mind, and soothing the disquietude in the
free States. But no proposition to modify or eradicate the evU was
brought before Congress. It was admitted by aU, that hostUity to
slavery and the slave trade was increasing and strengthening ; yet no
member either from the North or South intimated that the Senate must
eventually yield to the popular feeling ; must do justice, and sustain
Uberty ; on the contrary, every member appeared anxious to devise
some means to satisfy the people without remo'ring the cause of com-
plauit. In the House of Representatives Mr. Adams had been regarded as
the ablest and most devoted advocate of the right of petition; but he
went no farther. On two occasions he had expressed a desire that

116 ABOLITION IN THE DISTEICT OF COLUMBIA.
aU debate on the subject of slavery iu the District of Columbia might be
avoided. But another member now stood forth as an undisguised advocate for the
abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia. Hon-
Wm. Slade, of Vermont, born and educated m that State, had served in
the twenty-fourth Congress, he had quietly noticed the assumptions and
arrogance with which that body was led to the support of an institution
-which he detested. He presented resolutions from the Legislature of
Vermont and memorials from many citizens of that State for the abolL
tion of the slave trade at our national metropoUs, and appears to have
determined on ascertaining the feelings of the House in regard to that
commerce which had long disgraced our nation. He therefore pro
posed to refer the memorials to a select committee, with instructions
to report a Mil for its total abolition in the Disirid of Columbia. Ou
presenting his motion he made a few remarks, saying that petitions
on all other subjects were respectfully received and reported upon.
If he were to present a petition in regard to property to the amount
of twenty dollars it would be referred and a report in answer to it
would be made, while petitions involving the liberties of tbdusands of
native-born inhabitants were sent to the sUent tomb with tbe certainty
of clock-work. Mr. Legare, of South CaroUna, solemnly entreated Mr.
Slade to reflect on the consequences of his course. That gentleman
continued his remarks at some length. Mr. Wise, of Vfrginia, caUed
on members from that State to retire from the hall.
Mr. Halsey, of Georgia, invoked members from his State to follow
the example of Mr. Wise. Mr. Garland joined in this request, and
Mr. Rhett, of South CaroUna, said the members from his State had
already left the hall.
Mr. Slade retained the floor, but Mr. Rhett rose to a point of order.
Tbe Speaker declared that he had done all he could to prevent the gen
tleman from Vermont from debating the subject, and said if it were possi
ble he would allay the exdtement.
Mr. Tumey, of Tennessee, said, " I rise to a question of order."
Mr. Slade. " I ask leave to read a paper." ^
Mr. Garland. " I object to the reading."
The Speaker. " Tbe gentleman wiU take his seat."*
Mr. McKay, of North CaroUna. " Has not the gentleman been de
clared out of order 7"
* Mr. Benton, in his " Thirty Tears," while dcsci-lbing this scene, says : " John -White, of Ken
tucky, was Speaker." But that gentlemah was not elected Speaker until December, 1841, while
this scene occurred in 1838. Mr. Polk, of Tennessee, was Speaker from 1836 to 1841.

SOUTHEEN MEMBERS SECEDE. 117
The Speaker. "'He has."
Mr. McKay. " Then has he the right to proceed ?"
The Speaker. " I was about to propound that question tp the House."
Mr. Slade. " I propose to read a paper." ,
Mr. Turney. " I object."
The Speaker declared Mr; Slade out of order, and whUe that gentle
man was endeavoring to vindicate his strict observance of order, Mr.
Rencher, of North CaroUna, moved an adjournment. Mr. Allen, of
Vermont, caUed for the ayes and noes on this motion ; but it prevaUed,
166 to 63.*
¦ During these proceedings most members from Virgiuia, South Caro
Una, and Georgia had left the haU. This was ihe first secession on the
part of southern members of Congress. But when the motion to adjourn
was made it was found impossible to carry it unless the recusant mem
bers returned to thefr seats, inasmuch as Mr. Adams and his friends
opposed the motion. Soon as the Speaker announced the House ad
journed, Mr. Campbell, of South Carolina, in a loud voice, stated that
tbe " southern delegates were requested to meet immediately in the room
of the Committee on the District of Columbia." They did so, and hav
ing assembled by themselves, began to reflect upon their future course.
To leave the city because a northem member dared utter his honest con
victions in parliamentary language, appeared unwise. Thefr object had
been undoubtedly to frighten northern members. That expectation had
failed, and it appeared necessary to devise some means to avoid the ridi
cule which seemed Ukely to be thrown upon thefr action. They finaUy
adopted a resolution, wMch they agreed should be passed by the House
as the only condition on which they would return to their duties. It was
expressed in the following language :
"Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, and papers touching the
aboUtion of slavery, or the buying, selUng, or transferring slaves in any
State, or district, or territory of the United States, be laid ou the table
without being debated, printed, read, or referred, and that no action be
taken thereon.".
Mr. Patten, of Vfrginia, one of the recusants, was dfrected to pre
sent it to the House, and every seceding member was enjoined to be in
his seat to vote for it.
* Mr. Benton, in hia " Thirty Tears," declares " this opposition to the aiijoumment one of tbe
worst features of that unhappy day*3 work." The writer deems it one of the most fortunate fea.
tures of the day's work. Most southern members had left the hall, and Mr. Adams and his Iriends
determhied to proceed in the business before the House as though nothing unusual had happened,
and they would have done so had not the seceding members* returned to their seats and voted for
the adjournment.

118 THEY EETUEN TO THB UNION.
Accordingly, on the following day the members appeared in thefr
seats as usual. Mr. Patten introduced his resolution, and with great
solemnity spoke of the return of southern ¦members as a concession, declar
ing they would do what they could to save the Union, provided this reso
lution were adopted. He then moved the previous question.
This slaveholding cabal thus pubUcly, with au effrontery unrivalled,
declared their return to the Union should depend upon the unmistak
able violation of tbe Constitution, by abridgiiig the right of petition,
and suppressing the freedom of debate. But the proposition was made
to the democratic party who then held control of both Houses of Con
gress ; indeed every recusant was a Democrat, and nearly the entfre
party now voted for the resolution dictated to them by slaveholding
insolence as the price of the Union.
Southern members of both poUtical parties voted for the resolution,
assisted by the following members, to wit :
From Maine, Messrs. Anderson, Fafrfield, and Robertson, . . 3
From Connecticut, Messrs. Phelps and Holt,  2
. From New Hampshire, Messrs Athertou, Farringtou, Weeks
and WiUiams,  .4
From New York, Messrs. Moore, Kemble, Titus, Brodhead,
McClellan, Vail, Palmer, Spencer, Edwards, Loomis, Prentiss,
Parker, Noble, Birdsal, Andrews,  15
From Pennsylvania, Messrs. Fry, Wagner, Hubly, Risly, Logan,
McClure, Hammond, Morris, Klingingsnuth, Buchanan, Beaty, 11
From Indiana, Mr. Boon,  1
From Illinois, Messrs. Casey and Snider  2
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Vermont, New Jersey, and Michigan
gave no vote for the repudiation of the Constitution.
When the name of John Quincy Adams was called, the heroic old
statesman rose in his place, and with great solemnity of manner and Ian.
guage pronounced the resolution " a violation of ihe Constitution ;" but
his voice was then drowned amid the caUs to order by slaveholders and
their serrile " allies," and he proceeded no further with his remarks. But
the resolution was adopted by a vote of 122 ayes to 14 noes ; the Whigs
of tbe free States voting against its adoption.*
Another clause in the Federal Constitution was thus practically erased
* Hon. R. Barnwell Rhett, of South Carolina, in a published letter to his condlituents tefmed
this leaving the hall " a memorable secession of southem members," and stated that he had pre
pared two amendments to Mr. Slade's proposition ; 1st, declaring it eapedient tliat tlie Union
should be dissolved. 2d, appointing.a committee to report upon the best means for peaceably
dissolving it."
Mr. Benton, in his " Abridgment of Congressional Debates," by way ot note, on page 565, of the

ME. CALfiOUN's EESOLUTIONS. 119
from the great charter of American freedom ; Uke the othAr repudiated
portion^, it was surrendered at the dictation of the slave power by north
em representatives under pretence of "saving the Union."
But the term " Union," no longer had reference to that " moral
entity," that " union of purpose," " union of rights," and " union of
hearts " which crastituted the Government instituted by the patriots of
1176. The term was now understood to have re^rence to the as
sociation of States, whose people never uuited with the advocates
of liberty, nor adopted the prmciples of the Declaration of Indepen
dence. The right of petition and the freedom of debate appeared to be now
fuUy suppressed, and despotism inexorable and unmitigated ruled the
House of Representatives.
Manifestations of. dissatisfaction among the people were now too nu
merous to be disregarded. To debate the subject of slavery in the then
enUghtened state of the pubUc mind, would endanger the existence of
the institution. To refuse attention to the popular voice, would be insult
ing to the people. It was under these cfrcumstances that Mr. Calhoun
attempted to set bounds to the waves which agitated the sea of pubUc
thought, by a series of resolutions which he presented to the Senate for
adoption, in the foUowing language :
1. Resolved, That each State entered into the Union for the purpose
of securing to itself all natural, social and poUtical advantages.
2.. That each State retains its entfre power over its domestic institu
tions. 3. The Federal Govemment is the common agent of aU the States
so far as practicable, to protect and support thefr institutions.
4. Domestic slavery is an institution of the southern States.
5. That the intermeddling of any State or States, or thefr citizens,
with slavery in the District of Columbia, or in the Territories of the
United States on the ground that it is immoral or sinful, would be a
dfrect and dangerous attack upon the institutions of all the slave
States.* The use of the word advantages at -the close of the first resolution
instead of rights, constituted but a characteristic of the whole series.
18th Tolome, says, this was " the most disturbing movanent on the subject of slavery ever made
In Cpngrees." Jn his " Thirty Tears " he says, " It was the most angry debate which had ih&n
occurred." * Senator Benton, in his "Thirty Years," declares that during the debate on these resolutions, it
did not occur to him that Mr. Calhoun, as a member of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet, had approved the
exclusion of slavery from the territory north of 86 deg. 80 min. north latitutle, and signed a paper
stating this approval

120

THEEE ILLOGICAL CHABAOTEE.

For the intelKgent reader cannot faU to perceive the gross error and
iUogical character of the assertion, " that the intermeddling of any State
or States, or their citizens, with slavery in the District of Columbia,, or
in the Territories of the United States, on the ground that it is immoral
or sinful, would constitute a dfrect and dangerous attack upon the insti
tutions of the slave States."
jgg^j The re^jjutions were doubtless an expression of the honest
views of Mr. Calhoun. They evidently originated in that sphere
x>f thought in which his muid revolved. His entfre theory of govern
ment differed from that on which the founders of our institutions rested.
Hence the 1st, 3d, and 5th resolutions were in unmistakable conflict with
the Federal Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. The
statesmen who formed the Union declared its purpose was to secure all per
sons iu the enjoyment of "life, liberty and happiness." The fikt of these
resolutions declares it was to secure the several States in the enjoyment
of their sodal and political advantages. The third resolution declares
the Federal Government to be the agent of all the States so far as prac
ticable, to protect and support their institutions. This contained the
gist of the slaveholding theory. The purpose was to make the Federal
Govemment the supporter of slavery — tbe instrument for overthrow
ing the essential principles of liberty — its adoption constituted an im
portant step in the transformatiou of the Government to a slaveholding
oligarchy. But the fifth resolution was evidently aimed at Christianity
itself Tbe numerous petitions and memorials against slavery and the slave
trade in the District of Columbia, in the Territories, and on the high
seas, were based upon the principle that oppression of our feUow-men,
and the sale and transfer of human beings were revolting to the civU
ization of the age, were barbarous, were violations of justice, transgres
sions of the laws of nature, and of nature's God, offensive both to
God and aU good men. But the resolution tacitly admitting the con
stitutional right of the memorialists to ask for their aboUtion, denied
the right to ask it on account of its hdng immoral or dnful. Thus deny
ing the right of governments to -ac.t upon the clearly revealed. wUl of the
Creator. Tbe discussion of these resolutions was somewhat protracted, and
Senator^ deemed their adoption so important that each wrote out his
own remarks upon them in order that his views might net be subse
quently misunderstood.
But we rise from the examination of that debate with feelings of moi^
tification and disappointment, at finding no Senator from the North or

MK. Stevenson's challenge of o'connell. 121
the South -wiUing to vindicate the founders of our institutions in estab-'
Ushing a free government. No one appeared willing to deny the propo
sitions bf Mr. Calhoun.*
In aU ages of the world men high in office have imagined themselves
clothed -with powers and influence which they did not possess. Mr.
Calhoun and the Senators who were acting with him unquestionably sup
posed they were laying down doctriues and enunciating principles to
govern Congress in all coming time.f ,
In the course of the debate objections were made to the resolutions on
account of their dfrect reference to reUgious opinions ; but Mr. Calhoun
replied : " Tbe abolitionists assaU slavery because it is wicked and dnful,
aud I wish to meet them distinctly on thaf, point!'
Mr. Preston, of South CaroUna, proposed to discard the words "im
moral and sinful," hut Mr. Calhoun was inexorable. He declared that
religious fanaticism had sent thousands of victims to the stake, and abo
lition (said he) "is nothing else than rdigious fanatidsm."
Tbe resolutions were adopted by a vote of 35 to 9. '
Tbe members of the twenty-fifth Congress convened for their ^ggg
second session on tbe 3d December : and on the following day Mr.
Adams presented a resolution and preamble reciting that our minister at
tbe court of St. James had brought disgrace upon our nation by challeng
ing Daniel O'ConneU, a member of the British House of Commons, to
mortal combat, for haring said iu a pubUc speech, that " the American
Government was represented at the English court by a man who reared
men and women for market!'
O'ConneU was a distinguished orator and phUanthropist, and did not
hesitate to speak truth boldly and fra,nkly : Holding slavery in great
abhorrence, he referred to Mr. Stevenson, our minister at London, in a
public speech in terms more truthfid than respectful. Mr. Stevenson,
feeUng tbe pungency of the remarks, sent hun the chaUenge referred to ;
and Mr. Adams determined to expose the transaction. But the intro
duction of this resolution aroused the fre of slaveholders, and it W93 laid
* Mr. Benton was one of the strongest opponents of Mr. Calhoun's doctrines in regard to seces
sion ; but he' agreed with that Senator in regard to memorials concerning slavery and the slavo
trade, and in hia " Tliirty Years," says the petitioners "did not Uve in any State, Territory, or dis
trict subject to slavery. They felt none of the evils of which they complained, were answerable for
none of the supposed sins which they denounced, were living under a government which acknow
ledged 'j^op&rty in slaves, and had no right to disturb the rights of others." — F*tfe" Thirty
Tears," &c., vo^ii., page 184.
+ Mr. Benton in referring to this debate, says, " The resolutions and the debate upon them con
stitute the most important proceeding on the subject of slavery which has ever talcen place in Con-
gi-ess. They were framed to declare the whole power of Congress on the subject and were presented
for a test vote, and as a future plalform and pemnc/nent settlement of the law on the slavery
question." — Vide Benton's "Abridgment ot Debates," vol xiii., page 668.

122 INTEODUCTION OF ATHEETON GAG-EULES.
'on the table ; but, ever steady to his purpose, Mr. Adams embraced
the first opportunity to lay the facts before the country in a pubUc
speech. The first and most important business apparently claiming attention
of the democratic party, which then controlled the Government, was the
suppression of the constitutional right of petition and of debate. To
devise measures to effect that object, they held a caucus on the night of
the first day of the session, at which resolutions were considered, and
ordered to be presented to the House of Representatives. They were
said to have been penned by Mr. Calhoun — they certainly expressed
doctrines and asserted a poUcy which that Senator had previously
avowed ; but Mr. Athertou, of New Hampshfre, was selected as the
agent to present them. They were eridently intended as a part of the
system adopted in the Senate ; and demonstrate the character of that
government into which it was intended to transform the RepubUc. They
were couched in the following language :
" Resolved, That this is a Government of limited powers, and that by
the Constitution of the United States Congress has no jurisdiction over
slavery ui the several States of the confederacy.
" Resolved, 2d, That petitions for the aboUtion of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia and the Territories of the United States, and against
the removal of slaves from one State to another, are a part of a plan of
operations set on foot to affed ihe institution of slavery in ihe several States,
and thus indirectly to abolish it within thdr limits.
" Resolved, 3d, That Congress has no right to do that indirectly
which it cannot do directly ; and that the agitation of slavery in the
District of Columbia or the Territories, as a means aiid with ihe view of
disturbipg or overthrowing the institution in the several States, is against
the true spfrit and meaning of the Constitution, an infringement of the
rights of the States affected, and a breach of the pubUc faith upon which
they entered into tbe confederacy.
" Resolved, 4^A, That the Constitution rests upon the broad principle
of equaUty among the members of the confederacy, and that Congress,
in the exercise of its acknowledged powers, has no right to discriminate
between the institutions of one portion of the States aud another with a
view of abolishing one and promoting the other.
" Resolved, therefore, That all attempts on the part of Congress to
aboUsh slavery in the District of Columbia or the Territori^, or to pro
hibit the removal of slaves from State to State, or to discriminate
between the institutions of one portion of the confederacy and another
with the views aforesaid, are a violation of the Constitution, destructive

MENDAorrr of the eesolutions. 123
of the fundamental principles on which the union of these States rests,
and beyond the jurisdiction of Congress : and that every petition, memo
rial, resolution, proposition or paper touching or relating in any way, or
to any extent whatever, to slavery as aforesaid, or the abolition thereof,
shall on presentation thereof, -without any further action thereon, be laid
on the table without being debated, printed, or referred." ,
The unmitigated mendacity which imputed to the Christian philan
thropists of that day a design unconstitutionally to interfere with
slavery in the States, excited astonishment in the minds of honest men.
Among the petitioners thus assaUed were men of high moral and Chris
tian character. None were more patriotic, none more enlightened. But
the slave power and the democratic party felt it necessary to place this
official slander upon the joumals of the House ; and for a quarter of a
century it was repeated by servile poUticians and puerile demagogues.
The mover of the resolutions, on presenting them, made a speech
urging thefr adoption, and then demanded the prerious question. The
first reeolution was adopted by 194 to 6. Messrs. Adams, of Massa
chusetts ; Evans, of Maine ; Bveret and Slade, of Vermont ; Russel,
of New York, and Potts, of Pennsylvania, voting in the negative.
The second, or libeUous resolve, was adopted by a party vote of 136
to 65 ; the third was adopted by 164 to 40 ; the fourth by 114 to 24 ;
and the fifth by 113 to 26. They subsequently became famous as the
" Athertou gag." *
These resolutions constituting the record eridence so often quoted to
show that the advocates of liberty were seeking to invade the constitutional
rights of the slave States by abolishing slavery therein, renders it the duty
of the historian to say, that no petition praying Congress to interfere -with
slavery in the States had been presented in either House ; no resolution
or bill had been presented for that purpose ; no member of Congress had
advocated such measure by pubUc speech nor in private conversation, so
far as the author has knowledge, although for thirty years he held more
pubUc and private conversation with the lovers of liberty than perhaps
any other member of Congress : nor did the author during that time
ever hear or learn that any private citizen entertained an idea that Con
gress possessed the power, or expressed a desfre that that body should
interfere with the institution otherwise than by separating the Govern
ment and the people of the free States from its crunes and disgrace.
* The writer first took his seat in Congress during this session. On inquiring of Mr. Adams why
he^-oled against the first resolution, that experienced statesman informed him that, in case of war,
Conjrreag and the Executive would become possessed of full power over the institution, and might
aiioiinJi it if deemed necessary to save the Ooverument.

124 ¦ MB.
Southern Whigs appeared anxious to have it understood that they
were more devoted to slavery than their democratic rivals. For this
purpose Mr. Wise introduced propositions declaring " that petitions for the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or in the Territories,
were in violation of the Federal Constitution : that Congress had no power
to aboUsh slavery in the District of Columbia, on tbe high seas, or in '
.the Territories, as a means or with a view of overturning slavery in the
States : that tbe laws of Congress alone governed the arrest and return !
of fugitive slaves : that Congress cannot impose upon a* State tbe abo-'|
lition of slavery as a condition of its admission to the Union : and, '
finally, that the slaveholding citizens of this Union have the right volun
tarily to take thefr slaves to and through non-slaveholdmg States, and
to sojourn and remain with them temporarily in any of the States ; and
that the Federal Government is bound to protect the rights of tbe
slaveholding States ;" but Mr. Wise was unable to get his propositions
before the House for consideration.
Mr. Slade, of Vermont, was equaUy unfortunate. He presented a
series of resolutions setting forth the existence of the slave trade in the
District, describing its barbarous character, and declaring that the reso
lutions presented by Mr. Athertou and adopted by the House of Repre
sentatives were not intended to protect the traffic in human flesh.
When the ayes and noes were caUed on suspending the rules to receive
these resolutions, tbe name of John Quincy Adams was announced, being
the first on the list. That venerable member rose, and in a clear and
distinct voice said, " I refuse to answer, considering all tbe resolutions" —
The Speaker sprang to his feet, and striking his gavel rapidly upon the
sounding-board in front of him, caUed Mr. Adams to order, amid the
most clamorous cries for "order" from all parts of the haU. Mr.
Adams remained standing, and appeared to listen with great solemnity to
the admonitions of the Speaker ; and when that officer resumed his seat,
he added : " considering all the resolutions unconstitutional." This was
uttered in a clear voice .which was heard above the clamors of other mem
bers, and the excited voice of the Speaker, calling on all members to
assist him in restoriug order 1 As Mr. Adams resumed his seat, Mr.
Thompson, of South CaroUna, was recognized, and he pi-oceeded to say,
" the Speaker calls on members to assist him in restoring order, and I
am anxious to do so ;" and then, with subdued voice, inquired, " what
shall I do 1" The subdued voice of Thompson, the sUence that for a
moment pervaded the hall, the awkward interrogatory propounded, the
wMmsical position in which it placed both the Speaker and mterrogator,
appeared to impress members with a sense of the ridiculous, which was

A BLATE OOFFLE AT THE CAPITOL. 125
stUl further increased by the Speaker's declaring " the gentleman from
South Carolina out of order." *
' The motion to suspend the rules failed, and the resolutions were not
considered nor debated.
Petitions for the abolition of the coastwise slave trade, the interstate
slave trade, the slave trade and slavery in the District of Columbia and
in the Territories, and memorials against the annexation of Texas, -were
now constantly sent to members, presented to the House, received in
sUence, and entombed in the deep alcoves of the Clerk's rooms ; but
none were permitted to be read, debated, or committed.
Mr. Calhoun, of Kentucky, presented a resolution dfrecting tbe Com
mittee on the Judiciary to report a bUl declaring it a crime against tbe
United States for any person to aid or assist slaves to escape from thefr
masters ; but he faUed to obtain a suspension of the rules, in order to
consider it.
Petitions for restoring commercial relations with Hayti, aiid others
asking Congress to acknowledge the independence of the Haytien govem
ment, were presented. But these were all laid on the table, as they
were supposed to have relation to the " peCuUar institution."
Other petitions, praying Congress to take measures for removing the
seat of Government to some free State, shared the common fate of peti
tions against slavery.
Men in the mterest of the institution now mtroduced the practice of
sending threatenmg letters to Mr. Adams, informing him that his death
was determined upon ; that he was to be seized, carried out of the city,
and Lynched; dark intimations Were often given in the House, that if he
were to go South he would not return. It appeared that southern mem
bers, and southern men, beUeved that he could be operated upon through
fears of personal violence.
Au incident occurred on the 30th January, Ulustrating the ^^^
condition of the public mind on the subject of the slave trade,
A slavedealer came from the interior of Ma,ryland with some thirty
men, marching past the Capitol in double files, each fastened by the wrist
to a long chain passing between them from front to rear. Next came
nearly as many women in the same o'rder, but not . chained. Many of
them carried bundles of clothing. These were foUowed by a wagon
drawn by two mules, and containing the smaU chUdren of the party.
The slave merchant was on horseback, armed with pistols, bowie-
knife, &c., and bearing in his hand the "plantation whip." The whole
• This scene was reproduced in a lithographic caricature, whioh"waa widely circulated.

126 QUAEEEL BETVFEEN DUNCAN AND STANLEY.
procession gave a rivid impression of the barbarism at that time prac
tised at the seat of Govemment, and upheld and 'encouraged by the
democratic party and by the southem members of the Whig organiza
tion. The men and women appeared dejected and heartbroken as they
passed the Capitol, and the moumful procession exhibited a heathenism
apparently unsuited to a Chi'istian nation.*
The passing of this slave coflfie by the Capitol of the nation excited
attention. Mr. Slade, of Vermont, offered resolutions, reciting the facts
by way of preamble, and proposing to raise a committee to ascertain and
report what legislation was necessary to prevent a recurrence of such
scenes. The presentation of this resolution created excitement, but the
Speaker prevented all discussion by declaring that the resolution came
within the provisions of the general rule adopted on motion of Mr. Ath
ertou, and it was laid on the table, and all further exposure at that time
was prevented.
Hon. Edward Stanley was a Whig member from the State of North
Carolina. He was present when Mr. Slade, who was also a Whig, pre
sented his proposition to inquire into the slave trade ; but sat sUently
attentive to passing events, and permitted the slave trade to be assaUed.
Alexander Duncan, representuig the Cincinnati district of Ohio, now
charged the Whig party with encouraging abolition. Stanley, in reply,
read a letter signed by Duncan, addressed to the abolitionists of his dis
trict when a candidate for election, in which he declared his " high
resped for abolitionists."
Duncan was annoyed aud vexed at this exposure, and ou the follow
ing morning published a card in the papers of the city, stigmatising Stan
ley and other Whig members as cowards for endeavoring to fix on him
the charge of abolition, and saying they would not demand the satisfac
tion of gentlemen for the insult.
On the appearance of this article, S. S. Prentiss, of Mississippi, pre
sented a resolution proposing to appoint a select committee to inqufre if
Dimcan was the author of the offensive paragraph, and if so, to report
a resolution expelUng him from the House.
Prentiss was distmguished for his rhetorical powers, aud on present
ing his resolution made a characteristic speech. Other members joined
in the debate, and the day was spent iu efforts on the part of Whigs and
? The author was then a young member, and this was the first scene of the kind- which he had
beheld. It gave him new views of the Government under which he lived. Indeed, he looked upon
Congress which had authorized this traffic, the people who suffered its existence, the statesmen who
upheld and encouraged it, in a different light from that in which he had previously seen them.
They appeared thrown back into the darker ages, rather than existing in the nineteeth century.

ME. CLAt'b speech OF 1839. 127
Democrats to fix upon each other ^the odium of abolition. The debate
was cut short by Mr. Adams, who stated that he entertained doubts as
to the right of the House to deal with a member for disorderly conduct
outside the /lalls of legislation.
The popular feelmg in Congress and throughout the country ran so
strongly against the advocates of justice to the black as well as the white
race, that Mr. Adams now felt it his duty to explain his views upon the
aboUtion of slavery in the District of Columbia. He stated that much
had been said in regard to his course ; said he was almost daUy in receipt
of threatening letters ; and he felt it due to the pubhc to say that while
lie had strenuously maintained the right of petition, yet he was not
prepared to vote for emancipation at the seat of Government : on the
contrary, if the question were then presented he would vote against it.
He also defined his object in the course he had pursued ui regard to Mr.
Stevenson, our minister at London.*
The leaders of the whig party were anxious to bring forward Mr.
Clay as a candidate for the Presidency in the approaching canvass ; but
felt that it were in vain for him to aspire to that office unless his posi
tion on the subject of slavery were weU defined, although he had for
many years given unmistakable eridence of his devotion to the slave
interest. In his earUer Ufe, whUe a member of the Legislature of Ken
tucky, he had avowed his love of Uberty ; and that circumstance it was
thought would operate against him unless he gave proof of his present
adherence to southem interests.
To enable him to do this, a petition was circulated in the City of
Washington, praying Congress to suppress all agitation in that body hi
regard to slavery and the slave trade.
The proposition, coming as it did from a people dependent on the
legislation of representatives from the free as weU as slave States, was
regarded as an insult to the thousands of northern memorialists who
asked action on the subject. But this memorial, with a large number
of names, was placed in the hands of Mr. Clay, who presented it to the
Senate. On introducing the subject, he took occasion to speak of slavery in
the kindest terms, saying- that two hundred years of legislation had
* It should be bome in mind tliat Mr. Adams at this time was not supported in liis efforts by any
member except Mr. Slade, who, though a most conscientious philanthropist, and an avowed advo
cate of liberty, was not well calculated to defend his aged associate amid the raging elements which
often surrounded- him. Mr. Adams was at that time more than seventy years of age, and although
remarkable for his vigor of body#nd inteUect, he must have felt something of that lassitude which Is
ever attendant upon the decline of life. The author had served but a few weeks in Congress, and
felt entirely incompetent to lend any assistance to older members.

128 MK. MOEEIS CONFEONTS ME. OLAT.
"sanctioned and sanctified it," and declaring "thai is property which the
law makes property," and assailed the abolitionists with more severity
than he was accustomed to use.*
The speech drew from Mr. Calhoun compUmentary remarks at tbe
close, and it appeared in. the " National Intelligencer " tbe next liiorn-
ing. It gave offence to the Quaker population, and to the abolitionists
of the free States generally, and proved to be UteraUy the unfortunate
speech of his life.
Tbe second day after Mr. Clay had spoken, Mr. Morris, of Ohio,
repUed to him. This gentleman was a Democrat, bad been reared upon
the frontier, was indebted to his own industry and self-culture for his
position. A man of strong native inteUect, he always spoke his own
honest convictions without offence.
• On presenting a large number of memorials for the aboUtiou of the
coastwise slave trade, ' for the aboUtion of slavery and the slave trade m
the District of Colunlbia and in the Territories, he replied at" length to
Mr. Clay. He declared his high respect for the friends of liberty who
were seeking to abolish slavery and tbe slave trade where Congress held ,
the constitutional power, and frankly avowed himself in full sympathy
with them. He exhibited the unjust and unconstitutional mode of
entombing in sUence and forgetfulness petitions, which the Senate
ought to consider and promptly to act upon.
This was tbe first speech in favor of constitutional liberty made in
the Senate for many years. Mr. Morris had long been a leading mem
ber of the democratic party of Ohio ; but this speech forfeited the con
fidence of his poUtical supporters, who regarded devotion to slavery as
the highest policy which the party could adopt ; while many leading
men beUeved the speech of Mr. Clay excluded him from the Presidential
chafr. It is certain that nearly every slave State was democratic in •
character, as the term "Democracy" was then understood. WhUe
? The author, learning the character of the speech, at once addressed a note to Mr. Clay, asking
in 'dnd and respectful language, -whether that gentleman intended to discard the abolitionists from
his support in the coming Presidential election? The note was written under some degree of feel-
ing. Mr. Clay did not send an answer in writing, but came in person to see the writer. He had
been told that 1 was an active politician, wielding some influence in my State, and he assured me
that he desired to obtain tlie most general support of the people, and stated that northern -Whigs
had desired him to denounce the abolitionists. I assured him that the abolitionists were honest and
correct in regard to slavery ; that the public conscience of the North was with them : that the only
circumstance that would induce them to sustain him was his early devotion to liberty : that those
doctrines lay near my own heart, and I could not conscientiously support any man -who denied
tliem. Mt-. Clay replied kindly and seriously, declaring that my reasoning was sound, said that he
Bhould revise his Speech before it went to press, and would modify the language, so far as he could
with propriety, befor^ it appeared in print^
The writer believes that no act of his life gave Mr. Olay so much confidence in him aa this note
and the conversation which followed.

VEEMONT INSULTED. 129
almost the entire strength of the whig party lay in the free States. It
is also certain that every effort to strengthen the Whigs in the South
lost some portion of thefr moral and poUtical power in the North ;
whUe aU attempts to gain influence with the friends of Uberty, excluded
such statesmen from southem confidence. In .this position of parties, it
was supposed to be the interest of aU mere partisans to say as Uttle as
possible on the subject of oppression. And it was understood that those
members who insisted upon the right of petition or the freedom of debate,
or asserted the doctrine of man's inaUenable rights, could not expect the
support of either the whig" or democratic organizations.
The Legislature of Vermont, feeling the wrongs to which the northern
States were subjected, passed resolutions instructing her Senators, and
requesting her Representatives to oppose the passage of any law for the
annexation of Texas to the United States, -and to use thefr influence to
abolish slavery and the slave trade in the District of ColumMa, upon our
southern coast, and in our Territories. Mr. Prentiss presented these
resolutions to tbe Senate, and made the usual motion to print them.
This respect had always been awarded to the resolves of sovereign
States ; but the Senate hesitated on this occasion.
Mr. Calhoun seemed unusuaUy excited 'by this manifestation of
northern independence. He declared his perfect astonishment that the
people of Vermont did not see that this question struck at the very
foundation of the Union. Other Senators also assailed the Legislature
and people of Vermont in offensive language, and Mr. Lumpkin, of
Georgia, moved. to lay the motion to print on the table.
This motion was sustained by 29 to 8. Messrs. Swift and Prentiss,
of Vermont ; Knight and Robbins, of Rhode Island ; Davis, of Massar
chusetts ; McKean, of Pennsylvania ; Morris, of Ohio, and Smith, of
Indiana, constituting the negative : while Messrs. Pearce and Hubbard,
of New Hampshire ; Smith, of Connecticut ; Wright, of New Tork ;
Southard, of New Jersey; Buchanan, of Pennsylvania : Allen, of Ohio ;
Tipton, of Indiana ; Robinson and Young, of lUinois, voted with the
slaveholders ; and Messrs. Ruggles and WiUiams, of Maine ; Webster,
of Massachusetts ; NUes, of Connecticut ; Tallmadge, of New Tork,
and Wall, of New Jersey, neglected to vote.
This was the first instance in our history that such an insult had been
offered to the people of a sovereign State, and iu its perpetration ten
Senators from free States participated, and sis others were too indif
ferent to northern rights and northern honor, or too fearful of southern
frowns, to interpose their voices in favor of freedom.
As southem statesmen endeavored to suppress the right of petition,
9

130 ASSAULT UPON THE SLA-pE TRADE.
the people increased the number of memorials, until they became a "bur
den to the members who were willing to present them, and Mr: Adams
pubUcly declared that he had six hundred in his drawer awaiting pre
sentation. On the 4th of February, Hon. EU Moore, of New Tork, pre
sented to the Hsuse of Representatives a memorial numerously
signed by the people of the District of Columbia, asking Congress to
exclude from consideration all petitions aud memorials from the people
of any State praying, the abolition of slavery or the slave trade in said
District. Mr. Moore made a characteristic speech, arguing that the
people there had the right to continue the slave trade and slavery in tbe
District without interruption by the people of the free States. Some
members now began to feel the despotism to which they were subjected
They were constrained to sit iu sUence and hear thefr constituents
assaUed and slandered, but were not permitted to reply. '
On tbe 13th of February, the House, while in Committee of the
Whole on the state of the Union, took up for consideration a biU appro-
priatiag $30,000 for buUding a bridge across the eastern branch of the
Potomac, within the District of Columbia. Tbe object was to benefit
the .people of Washington City particularly, and those of the District
generally. Mr. Giddings now moved to strike out the enacting clause of j,he bfll,
and the motion being stated, he proceeded to declare his opposition to
any appropriation of pubUc treasure for tbe benefit of the people of that
District, so long as they maintained a commerce in tbe bodies' of thefr
feUow-men. They had but a few days previously asked Congress to
exclude from consideration aU petitions from the people of the free
States on the subjtect of this commerce, and he declared himself unwUUng
to repay such insults to his constituents by taxing them to build up a
slave market. The members had recently enjoyed an opportunity to
judge of the barbarism of this slave trade. While coming to the capital,
they had been con^peUed to turn aside, to make room for the passage of
a herd of human chattels, chained, and on their way to the slave
market. A sensation now ran through the haU. The writer was then a young-
member, having served scarcely sixty days, and was not expected to
assail the action of a majority. Mr. Rives, of Virginia, caUed him to
order. Mr. Giddings stated that he was merely assigning his reasons
for the motion which he had made.
The chairman, Mr. Rencher, of North CaroUna, a slaveholder, decided
that he was in order ; and he proceeded to say that while the people of

EXOITEMENT IN THE HOUSE OF EEPEE8ENTATIVES. 131
the free States were thus insulted, they would not forget thefr own self-
respect so far as ' to approve the appropriation now proposed. At this
point, he was again called to order, and again the chairman decided
that he was iu order ; aud he. continued saying that all northern mem
bers were wiUing and anxious to beautify aud adorn the city, to estab
lish, schools, and sueh a system of education as- would render it Worthy
of a free nation, when
Mr WilUams, of Tennessee, called hini to order ; but the chairman
again decided that he was in order.
Tbe excitement had now increased, and great disorder was manifested
in various parts of the haU, and before order was so far restored as to
enable hun to proceed, Mr. Howard, of Maryland, interposed a ques-"
tion. Tbe chairman required him to reduce his question to writing. Mr.'
Howard insisted that the rales of the House did not require him to
do so. The chafrman decided that they did requfre it. Mr. Howard
appealed. In arguing the appeal, Mr, Glasscock, of Georgia, insisted that if such
arguments as tbe writer had used were permitted, the Union would be
dissolved. To which Mr. Giddings repUed that the inference to be
drawn from such threats, was that the Union was based upon the slave
t¥ade. To which Mr. Glasscock rejoined in an undertone, and in language
more vulgar than statesmanlike, saying, "you are a d — d liar."
The excitement increased. Mr. Adams and Mr. Slade came to the
assistance of Mr. Giddings ; but the chairman appeared to be alarmed,
and at length decided that Mr. Giddings was out of order, and he was
compelled to resume his seat.
But tbe motion to strUie out the enacting clause of tbe bUl was
carried, and the biU was defeated. The success of the motion consti
tuted a rebuke to the slavedealers, and created much feeling through
out the city.
In the papers of the next day the author was assailed, aud one writer
declared that the vote defeatmg the bUl had depreciated the price of real
estate in the city. Mr. Putnam, of New Tork, replied to these attacks
through the papers, and there the subject rested.
- As the cession drew to a close, Mr. CambrelUng, of N^w Tork,
moved a resolution, authorizing each member to lay such petitions as he
had iu his possession on the table, and makmg it the duty of the Clerk
-to file and deposit them in thefr appropriate place in his office. This
proposition was adopted.
On the 25t-h February, Mr. Adams asked a suspension of the rules,
for the purpose of laying before the members a proposition so to amend

132 AMENDMilNT OF CONSTITUTION PEOPdSED.
the Constitution of the United States, as to abolish slavery in aU the
States after the 4th July, a.d. 1842, and providing there shall be
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the District of Columbia
after the 4th July, 1 845. He stated that this proposition was based
upon the petition of John Jay and forty-three other citizens of New
York. But the House refused to suspend the rules, and the motion was
not received.

LEADING CHAEACTEEISTIC OF T'WENTT-SIXTH CONGEESS. 133

CHAPTER VIII.
FURTHER EFFORTS TO INVOLVE THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT IN THE SUPPORT
OF THE SLAVE TRADE — THE NATURAL RIGHT OF AFRICANS TO LIFE AND
LIBERTY SUSTAINED BT THE JUDICIAL BRANCH OF GOVERNMENT  THE
SECOND SEMINOLE WAR.
The leading characteristic of the twenty-sixth Congress was an „^g
entire devotion to poUtical parties. Every member was supposed
to belong to one or the other of the two poUtical organizations, for
which he was expected to labor, and argue, and vote. No individual
was authorized by them to avow any doctrine or poUtical principle until
it had been examined aud approved in caucus. The democratic partj
were in power in aU branches of the Government, and had long been in
power. AU bills were at that time suggested by the Executive or sub
mitted to the heads of departments for approval prior to being placed
before either branch of Congress, and nearly every measure was supposed
to contain some provision favorable to the party iu power.
The ruUng spirits of both parties were slaveholders. Mr. Clay was
the favorite of the Whigs. Mr. Webster was also held in high respect,
though it was impossible for any man who submitted so quietly to the
dictation of slavery as Mr. Webster, to command that influence which
was necessary to constitute a successful politician.
Mr. Calhoun was the object of poUtical idolatry in South Carolina,
and wielded more influence than any other statesman of the nation ; but
his doctrines in regard to " secession," or as they were usually caUed,
" nulUfication," had brought hun in conflict with General Jackson, and
thereby ruined his prospects for the presidency. Tet he appeared to
cherish the hope of reaching that high office at some time ui the future.
On the subject of slavery and every collateral question connected with
tlfit institution, the entire South acted as a unit, whUe on other subjects
they were divided. The northern members of both parties felt eutfrely
dependent upon their southern friends, who dictated all movements of
their respective organizations.
Mr. Adams had attamed a position which forbade him to look to any
party as a guide to his conduct. Mr. Slade, of Vermont, was a Whig,
had held office in the State Department under Mr. Clay durmg the ad-
mitistration of Mr. Adams, was an ardent supporter of his party, but

134: MEMBEES OPPOSED TO BLAVEET.
entertained a sense of justice, a love of liberty altogether too strong to
obey the dictation of slaveholders. He acted with Mr. Adams gene
rally on the subject of slavery.
The author of this work had served only one session, and at the time
of which we are speaking, was regarded as a Whig of somewhat doubt
ful character, in consequence of the motion relative to the slave trade
which he made at the last session and his remarks thereon.
Another member now entered Congress as an acknowledged and avowed
supporter of human rights. Hon. Seth M. Gates, of Geuesoe County,
New Tork, was a lawyer of fair reputation, of high moral character,
an active, industrious supporter of what he believed right. He was a
most devoted Christian and phUanthropist, never faltering in what he
regarded the performance of duty.
These four members stood aloof from political parties whenever subjects
involving moral principle were agitated or the rights of humanity were
in issue. Many jiorthern Whigs sympathized with them, but the writer
is not aware that any other member was wiUing to vote against his party
on any question touching slavery. The author was perhaps as strongly
opposed to slavery as either of the gentlemen referred to, and felt as
deeply humUiated by the despotism to which members of Congress were
subjected, but as yet he had formed in his own mind no definite course
of action for himself further than a general opposition to slavery. There
were also in the conntiiy many abolition societies. They urged the
abolition of slavery iu general terms, but pro]josed no definite plan of
operations. jggg , This was the state of the slave question at the opening of the
twenty-sixth Congress, which was distinguished first by the great
contest in regard to the delegation from New Jersey ; and secondly, it
inaugurated a systematic and determined energy in the presidential can
vass which had never been known before. These measures so absorbed
the public mind that Uttle attention was paid-" to the subject of slavery.
Soon as the committees of the House were announced, however, Mr.
Wise moved a resolution declaring that whenever any petition, resolution,
or paper should be presented touching the abolition of slavery, or the
slave trade in the District of Columbia, or in the Territories ef the United
¦States, the question of reception shaU be made, and that question laid
on the table.
Mr. Wise was a Whig, and was evidently anxious to relieve northern
Whigs from the charge of complicity with abolitionists.
Mr. Adams opposed the measure, and most of the northern Whigs
voted against it. It Was subjected to some little modification, but after

DBTEEIOEATION OF PUBLIC M0EAL8. 135
much resistance and many propositions to amend, was adopted by the
House. The general historian -wUl find much to interest the reader in the pro
ceedings of tbe twenty-sixth Congress. At no period of our Govern
ment, has the morality of our pubUc men sunk so low-, or frauds and pec
ulations appeared so common : indeed, the doctrine introduced in the
Senate in 1811, by Mr. Smith, of South CaroUna, "that governments
are not bound by- moral law," had been pubUcly maintained by Mr. Cal
houn, and supported by every adherent of slavery, and its results were
now manifested in its practical operations in aU departments of the
Government. Leading Democrats, in order to gain poUtical power, charged the
Whigs with favoring abolitionists ; insisting that the only aboUtionists
who were members of Congress were also Whigs ; and resolutions, votes^
and proceedings of democratic meetings held in various parts of the
country were read as evidence that the whig party favored the doctrines
of freedom.
To counteract these efforts, Mr. Clay, in a pubUc speech deUvered iu
the Senate, avowed his satisfaction that certain pro-slavery publications
had been put forth exposing the fallacy of abolition, and he named " A
Reriew of Dr. Channing's Opinion of Slavery," "Abolition a Sedition,"
"Thoughts on Domestic Slavery ;" all of them he regarded as able works,
and commended them to pubUc favor.
Mr. Calhoun again complimented Mr. Clay and congratulated the
country upon the prospect that quiet in regard to slavery would soon be
restored to the country. • But thereupon, another debate arose? as to the
best mode of deceiving petitioners in regard to memorals. Mr. Buchanan
stUl insisting that the better plan would be to present the petitions, and
then move that the prayer he not granted ; but no member proposed to
refer the petitions and grant the prayer, or state the reasons why it ought
not to be granted, in the language of kindness and respect.
The Florida war was , yet in progress. It was found very difficult to
capture the negroes, aud as that object constituted the main stimulus for
its prosecution, those most deeply interested suggested tbe propriety of
sending to Cuba for bloodhounds trauied to the business of hunting
slaves. The Executive appeared to hesitate as to adopting so barbarous a
mode of warfare, even towards Africans. But while the Executive hesi
tated, the Legislature of Florida made au appropriation, sent au agent
to Cuba, obtained some thfrty bloodhounds, with Spaniards to attend
and train them. When the animals were obtained, the United States

idb BLOODHOUNDS USED TO CAPTUEE NEGEOES.
authorities took charge of them, and the funds of the nation were appro
priated to defray the expense, and the troops of tbe United States were
now called to act upon the field in company with piratical Spaniards,
professed negro-catchers, and bloodhounds.
The WJiigs, learning these facts, now charged the Administration and
democratic party with the odium of this barbarous outrage upon the
civUization of tbe age. n
Petitions were also sent to the Senate protesting against the use of
¦bloodhounds for the murder of innocent people. These assaults were
keenly felt by slaveholding Senators, who declared the Administration
was entirely unconnected with tbe transaction and in no degree respon
sible for it. Tbe petitions were referred to the Committee on MUitary
Affairs, of which Col. Benton was chairman. He caUed on Mr. Poinsett,
Secretary of War, for information. That officer was from South CaroUna,
a slaveholder, and accustomed to speaking boldly on all subjects touching
slavery. He admitted the employment of the bloodhounds by the United
States, and attempted to justify tbe policy. Tbe subject attracted atten- -
tion in the House of Representatives, and was noticed very generaUy by
the public press. On all hands the Whigs assaUed the democratic party
with having employed bloodhounds to prosecute the Florida war.
But while Mr. Calhoun and the democratic party and south
ern Whigs had long deprecated all agitation of the subject of
slavery in either House of Congress, it was now found important to
obtain further positive adtion in favor of the coastwise slave trade.
Having directed the energies of our own -Government to the support of
slavery, Mr. Calhoun now put forth an attempt to constrain the British
Ministry to acknowledge that worse than infidel dogma, that human beings
may by legislative enactment be transformed into property. The occasion
of this effort arose as follows :
In the year 1835, the domestic slave trade having become profitable,
a few individuals in the City of Washington, desfrous of sharing in the
profits arising from that commerce, buUt a ship for the purpose of em
ploying it in the transportation of slaves "from the Disirid of Columbia
to New Orleans and other ports far south."
The ship was called the " Enterprise," and .cleared from the port of
Alexandria on the 22d January, 1835, for the port of Charleston, with
a cargo of slaves coUected principally in the District of Columbia, and
it being her first trip her owners went with her, in order to inform them
selves more particularly in regard to the vocation on which they had
entered. Encountering severe storms, the ship was driven out of her course, and

DEMAND FOE SHIP-WEEOEIED SLAVES. 137
haring suffered severely iu her rigging, put into Port HamUton, Bermu
da, for repairs.
For a century it had been regarded as the settled law of nations that
the jurisdiction of every independent government was co-extensive with
its own territory, reaching a marine league into the sea. If a ship came
into the port of another nation, she was boarded by the health officer of
the port long before reaching shore ; Ucensed pUots and revenue officers
entered on board ; they called for bUls of health, manifests and informa
tion as to her cargo and the health of her people, and the persons on
board were amenable to the local laws. Such was the case with the
slaves on board the " Enterprise " when th% entered Port Hamilton.
They were no longer subjected to the American law of slavery, but
were under the protection of British laws, they therefore went on shore
in pursuit of their own happiness.
Tbe captain demanded of the local authorities assistance to hold
them in bondage ; but British laws recognizing no distinction between
masters and slaves, disregarded the captain's demand, and the slave
merchants, disappointed at the loss of thefr human chattels, returned to
Washington City, indignant that the laws of England should have thus
interfered with thefr anticipated speculations in human flesh.
They laid their complaints before General Jackson, at that time Presi
dent of the United States. He at once espoused their cause, and
through the Secretary of State demanded of the British Government a
compensation for the loss.
To this demand the British minister repUed : That by the law of
nations, the ship on entering Port HamUton became subject to British
laws. That there were three parties io the transadion. 1,\ The slave-
dealers ; 2, Tbe British authorities ; and 3, The slaves, who demanded
their Uberty. There was in that port no law of slavery, and no British
ofiicer could recognize the right of one man to hold another as property.
. This argument of the British Ministry was based upon the prmciple
that tbe slave trade was barbarous, and not to be encouraged by Chris
tian nations. This reflection was felt more keenly for. its truth; and
the assertion that men could not hold men- as property seemed to charac
terize slavery as an acknowledged despotism. It was, however, a reas-
sertion of the doctrine on which our Government had been founded ; for
the overthrow of which the advocates of human bondage had labored
long and ardently. ,
Stung by the reflection thus cast upon the institution, Mr. Calhoun
presented to the Senate three propositions, as he said, declaratory of the
law of nations.

138 The first asserted that, " a ship or vessel on the high seas in time of
¦peace, engaged in a lawful voyage, is by the law of nations under the
exclusive jurisdiction of the state to which her fiag belongs."
The second declared that, " should such a ship be forced by stress of
weather, or other unavoidable accident, into a friendly port, she would
lose none of the rights pertaining to her on the high seas. On the con
trary, she and her cargo and the persons on board, with their property,
and aU the rights belongmg to thefr personal relations as established by
the laws of the state to which they belong, would be under the protec
tion which the law of nation extends to the unfortunate under such
cfrcumstances.'' The third asserted, " that the brig ' Enterprise,' which was unavoid
ably forced by stress of weather into Port Hamilton, Bermuda, while on
a lawful voyage on tbe high seas, from one port of the. United States to
another, comes within the principles of the foregoing resolution, and that
the seizure and detention of the negroes by the local authorities of that
island was an act in violation of the laws of nations, and highly unjust to
our citizens to whom they belonged."
1840 '^^^^ advocates of human bondage seldom mentioned the word
".slave,'' or "slave trade." Neither was used in these resolu
tions ; but Mr. Calhoun and other Senators assumed that a ship engaged
in the coastwise slave trade was -pursuing a lawful voyage : that she car
ried with her the laws of the state from whence she sailed while upon
the high seas, and when constrained through stress of weather to enter
a friendly port, she carried those laws with her, and whUe in such port
the master enjoyed all the rights of buying and selling, of chastising,
aud in case of resistance, of slaying 4jis slaves, however repugnant those
acts may be to the lS,ws or the government into whose jurisdiction the
ship may have entered.
These propositions were sustained by Messrs. Calhoun, Grundy, of
Tennessee, and King, of Alabama. They were then referred to the
Committee on Foreign Affafrs ; and after a few days, reported back to
the Senateby Mr. Buchanan.
They were again advocated by Mr. Calhoun,- Mr. Clay and Mr. Ben
ton, and opposed by Mr. Porter, of Michigan. This gentleman had but
just taken his seat in the Senate, was a lawyer by profession, a man of
high moral character, but possessing no distinction as a statesman. He
had not even looked into this particular subject untiHt was presented, and
the resolutions were supported by the most distinguished Senators of the
nation. He now looked around him, and saw that Webster, and Davis,
and Wright were sUent. Obeyfrig the dictates of his own judgment and

ATTEMPT TO CHANGE THE LAW OF NATIONS. 139
conscience, he heroically met the overwhelming uifluence arrayed against
him, and showed the most cogent reasons for rejecting the resolutions,
by exhibiting the absurdity of an attempt to change the law of nations
by senatorial resolutions ; and the yest greater absurdity of the attempt
to induce the British Government to acknowledge the laws, of slavery
and of the slave trade to exist and be in force within her ports.
Mr. Porter concluded his remarks by moving to lay the resolutions of
Mr. Calhoun on the table, and boldly demanded the yeas and nays on
the question. And on the roU being called he alone voted in favor of
his motion : while every Senator from . the slave States and Messrs.
AUen and Tappan, of Ohio ; Buchanan and Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania ;
Dixon, of Rhode Island ; Hubbard and Pierce, of New Hampshire ;
Robuisou and Toung, of lUinois ; WUUams, of Maine, and his coUeague,
NorveU, voted with the slaveholders : and Messrs. Webster and Davis,
of Massachusetts ; Southard and WaU, of New Jersey ; Wright and
TaUmadge, of New Tork ; Ruggles, of Maine ; Smith and White, of
Indiana, and Knight, of Rhode Island, declined voting, apparently un
wiUing to take position either in favor or against the resolutions. The
Senate was divided as foUows : for the resolutions, 33 ; against them, 1.
Neither for nor against them, 10- ; one vacancy and five absent. Tbe
resolutions were theu adopted by 33 yeas. None voting in the
negative. The adoption of these resolutions constituted the first attempt to con
strain foreign governments to acknowledge the supremacy of slavery.
Another effort was made durnig the twenty-sixth Congress to render
our free States more entfrely subsidiary to the institution.
In May, 1831, the captam of the ship " Boston" of Maine, from
Georgia, homeward bound, after being some thfrty hours at sea, found a
colored man on board, who being landed in Maine, continued his journey
to Canada, where under British laws he became free.
These facts being known, the Governor of £reorgia demanded the
captain as a fugitive from justice, charged with " stealing a slave." No
such crime being known to the laws of Maine, the Govemor of that
State refused to surrender, him.
Tbe Governor of Georgia, apparently indignant at the people of Maine
for treating slaves as persons, and not subjects of larceny, transmitted a
message to the Legislature of his State setting forth the facts stated.
Tbe Legislature adopted strong resolutions caUing on Congress to
amend the law m regard to fugitives from justice so as to require the
surrender of persons charged with stealing slaves.
Mr. Lumpkin, of Georgia, presented these resolutions and sustained

140 EESOLUTIONS TOUCHING BLOODHOUNDS.
them by an elaborate argument, as did his colleague, Mr. Cuthbert, and
the resolutions were sent to the Committee on the Judiciary, where they
were buried ui silence, the committee deeming it improper to agitate
that question in the then excited state of the pubUc mind.
While these efforts of the slaveholders were being put forth in the
Senate, Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina, presented to the House of Repre-
,sentatives resolutions instructing the Committee ou Foreign Affafrs to
inqufre into the circumstances under which the slaves on board the brig
" Enterprise " were taken from thefr masters in Port HamUton, Bermuda ?
The resolution was laid on the table and never called up for con
sideration.jg^. The freedom of debate in the House of Representatives at the
period of which we are writing, was entfrely suppressed on tbe
subject of slaveiy, and members often resorted to the practice of embody
ing the substance of what they wished to say in resolutions which they
presented to the House;
On tbe 9th March, Mr. Adams introduced a resolve of that charac
ter, as foUows :
" Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to report to this
House the natural, political, and martial history of the bloodhounds;'
showing the pecuUar fitness of that class of warriors to be the associates
of the gaUant army of the United States ; showing the nice discrimina
tion of his scent between the blood of tbe freeman and the slave, be
tween the blood of the armed warrior and that of women or chUdren ;
between the blood of the black and the white ; between the blood of the
savage Seminole and the Anglo pious Christian. Also the number
of bloodhounds, and thefr conductors, imported by this Government, or
by the authorities of Florida from the island of Cuba, and the costs of
importation ? Also whether a further importation of the same heroic
race into the State of Maine to await the contingency of a threatened
northeastern boundary question, is contemplated ? Or, only to set an
example to be foUowed by our possible adversalry in the event of a con.
flict, whether measures have been taken to secure exclusively to our
selves tbe employment of this auxUiary force ? and whether he deems
it expedient to extend to the bloodhoimds and thefr posterity the bene
fits of the pension laws."
But as the resolution gave rise to debate, it was laid on the table. I
will be remembered that in a former chapter we spoke of the employ
ment of these bloodhounds, and refer to tbe subject only to give place to
the resolution just cited, as one of the passing incidents which marked
the proceedings of Congress.

CULMINATING POmT OF SLAVEET. 141
The oligarchs of our southern States were much annoyed by the flight
of their bondmen to the Canadas, where they were welcomed and soon
became useful subjects of the British crown. When they once reached
the jurisdiction of British laws they regarded themselves safe from
the master's scourge. To remedy this practice, Hon. Garret Davis, of
Kentucky, proposed, by resolutions, to call on the Executive to open
negotiations with the British Govemment, and if possible obtain a treaty
by which fugitive slaves should be surrendered, or tbe value of the slave
paid to the master by the government of England ; but the proposition
was not sustained by the House.*
The student of our poUtical history wiU in future regard the despotism
of slavery as havmg reached its culminating point during this first session
of the twenty-sixth. Congress. Northern submission then descended to
its lowest depths ; from that time resistance to the slave power became
stronger and more frequent. And although for a whUe tbe struggle
appeared unequal, the grasp of southern poUticians upon political power
began gradually to relax in proportion as tbe advocates of Uberty in
creased in numbers and infiuence.
The presidential campaign of 1840 contributed greatly to awaken the
public mind to the corruptions of the democratic party, and of the slave
power which controlled its operations. Oppression can only thrive in
quietude, and quietude under oppression can only be cultivated in the
sterile soil of ignorance. With the exception of four years, the demo
cratic party had been iu power for a quarter of a century ; during that
time it had become despotic, corruption keeping pace with despotism ;
and now, for tbe first time iu the history of the nation, the people were
directly and personally addressed and invoked to arouse and hurl from
office a party denounced as unworthy of public confidence. The Whigs
laid down no essential principle, no fundamental doctrine on which they
rallied ; they- took no distinct issue with the democratic party except
on some minor points of poUcy; but the canvass was conducted through
out by contmued exhibitions of the frauds, peculations, corruptions, des
potisms, and unworthiness of the democratic candidates. Southern
Whigs denounced them as favoring aboUtion, northern Whigs arraigned
them as the mere instruments for carrying out the despotism of slavery ;
showed that they had stricken down the right of petition, had sUenced the
freedom of debate, maintained the slave trade in the District of Columbia
and on our southern coast, and done many other things destructive of
liberty and free government. They flooded the country with Congres-
* Twenty-two years afterwards Mr. Davis was a member of the Senate, from Kentuci^y, and con.
tinned to utter Ilia preference for slavery without any apparent change of opinion.

142 ELECTION OP PEESIDENT HAEEISON.
sional speeches, reports of committees, aud official documents. Political
orators travelled every State and nearly every county and town, address
ing public meetings, and calling on the people to come forth in the true
spuit of our institutions, and by thefr votes save the Government and
country from that sure destruction which must in time await it, if exist
ing evUs were not corrected.
jg^, Mr. Van Buren was the democratic candidate ; he was an
able man, and had labored to correct and reform his party ; but
unfortunately for himself, was controlled by southem poUticians, who
were far less discreet.
General Harrispn, the whig candidate, was a citizen of Ohio. He had
distinguished himself in the war of 1812, aud had, Uke the sons of the
" first famiUes of Virginia," held office from his youth. He was not only
a son of the Old Dominion, but had been reared a slaveholder, and his
whole life had been acceptable to the slave power.
Some of the more active anti-slavery men of the country would uot sup
port either Mr. Van Buren or General Harrison ; bnt nominated Hon,
James G. Birney, a citizen of Kentucky, a lawyer of high moral character,
who, having been caUed to investigate the question of "property in slaves,"
became impressed with tbe absurdity of the dogma, as well as of the institu
tion itself. He emancipated his own bondmen, and avowed his hostUity
to the institution. He was sustained by " The PhUanthropist," a news
paper published at Cincinnati, Ohio, ably conducted by " GamaUel
BaUey, Esq.," who for twenty years had been a devoted advocate of
Uberty. The vote for Mr. Birney was small, but the mere fact that a man bred
a slaveholder had become an anti-slavery candidate for President, was
looked upon by southern statesmen as a portentous omen.
General Harrison was elected by a triumphant vote, and the prestige
of the democratic party was somewhat impaired, and the manifestation
of discontent under slaveholding despotism created uneasiness among
southern politicians, while it strengthened and confirmed northem men
iu their hatred of oppression.
The whig members of Congress had professed disgust at the gag-mles
nnder which they were constrained to sit, and the whig press of the
country had condemned the suppression of debate as weU as prohibiting
the right of petition ; and no one appeared to doubt that on coming
mto power that party would restore those natural and constitutional
prerogatives of the people.
^ , A new state of things existed at the meeting of the twenty-
sixth CongTess for the purpose of holding its last session. The

CASE OF THE "AMISTAD." 143
Democrats were going out of power, and the responsibilities of the
Government were soon to be assumed by the whig party. The ques
tion of slavery had not been an issue between the Whigs and Demo
crats, and no one expected the President elect would cast his infiuence
against slavery, further than to favor the right of petition and the free
dom of debate : on othen points the Whigs hoped much and the
Democrats feared much from the influence of the incoming Executive ;
yet tbe Whigs merely demanded that he should "favor a high tariff, a
national bank, and tbe distribution of the proceeds of the pubUc lands.
But during tbe early part of the session, Uttle was said on party ques
tions, which by common consent were pretermitted to a more conve
nient season.
On the first day of the session Mr. Adams gave notice of his intention
to move a repeal of tbe " gag resolution," as it was caUed, which now
constituted the 21st rule of ihe House.
The Legislature of South CaroUna having adopted a long report'
and resolutions expressing their approval of Mr. Van Buren's administra
tion, and lauding him for his devotion to southern interests, and denonnc-
Lag the election of General Harrison as having been obtained by disre
putable aTid unworthy appeals to ihe people, transmitted them to Senator
Preston, of that State, who presented them to the Senate. But no
Senator took exception to this supercUious reproof of those northern
States whose people had voted without respect to the wishes of South
Carolina. An incident now occurred well calculated to confirm mankind in the
phUosophy, that the will of the Creator is manifested in tbe laws which
goverii tbe moral and physical universe, giving to all men imprescript
ible rights to Uve and to that Uberty which shall enable them to support
Ufe, obtain knowledge and enjoy happiness. Indeed, history, observa
tion and experience show that a love of life and liberty inspires every
human soul to effort : "hence, every man or government that seeks to
enslave or murder innocent men or women, riolates this " law of nature
and of nature's God," and makes war upon the wUl of Omnipotence.
In June, 1839, a Cuban slave ship landed her cargo of human beings
at Havana ; the negroes were imprisoned in the barracoons of that city
a short time, when forty-nine of them were purchased by I. Ruiz, a
slavedealer, and three others by P. Montez. A pass for these fifty-two
persons was obtained from the Govemor by paying him the usual fee,
which constitutes a portion of his official perquisites for permitting the
foreign slave trade to be carried on in that island. This pass was
merely a Ucense to Moutez and Ruiz to transport certain Ladinos (or

144 QUESTION OF PEOPEETY IN MEN.
accUmated slaves), naming them, from Havana to Principe, on the south
of the island. ,
The slaves were shipped on board the schooner"' Amistad" about the
1st of July, and on the same day she saUed for her port of destination.
Tbe crew consisted of tbe captain, mate, and three sailors ; three pas.
sengers were also on board besides Montez and Ruiz and thefr slaves.
When four days out, and while saUing along the coast, the Africans
by preconcert suddenly rose upon thefr oppressors, slew tbe captain and
cook, and wounded two of the crew. The others surrendered, and the
slaves took possession of the ship, and in one half hour tbe " status" of
these parties was reversed. The Africans held their masters in subjec
tion, and the haughty slavedealer now meekly bowed to that class of
beings -whom but a few moments preriously he had called his "property."
But these Pagans were too sensitive to the dictates of natural justice to
hold their Christian victims in bondage. They immediately sent the
fcrew and passengers on shore in the boat, but retained Ruiz and Mon
tez, directing them by signs to guide the ship to Africa, thefr native
land, from which slaveholding cupidity had torn them.
But the Spaniards, taking advantage of tbe foggy weather, and of
the darkness of night, headed the ship northwardly, and at length came
to anchor near the east end of Long Island, on the coast of Connecticut.
Lieutenant Gedney, of the schooner " Washington," engaged on the
coast survey, took possession of the "Amistad" and cargo, clakning
salvage on both property and negroes, whom he believed to constitute
"property:" while he permitted Montez and Ruiz, the only criminals
engaged in the transaction, to go at Uberty. But the moral sense of
the community would have consigned them to the gaUows, and set the
slaves at Uberty.
The whole transaction was pubUshed in the papers, and created much
interest. People of the free States now saw the slave trade brought
home to the shores of New England. Its crudes and its horrors were
unveiled to the public view, while the native love of liberty had been man
ifested in the heroism with which these barbarians obtained possession of
the ship.
The Spanish minister, in the name of his government, demanded that
these heroic Africans should be sent back to Cuba and deUvered up to
the authorities of that island to be punished for regaining thefr freedom,
which by the people of our free States was regarded as a " heroie
virtue." But, to the extreme mortification of northem people, the President
favored the claims of the slavedealers ; aud instead of setting the

THE PKEBIDENT'S BAEBAEOUS INTENTION. 145
negroes free, they were seized and imprisoned under authority of the
United States at the instance of the Spanish minister ; while Montez
and Ruiz claimed them as thdr properiy. The United States district
attorney appeared on behalf of Montez and Ruiz as well as of the
Spanish mmister. The proceedings were had before the United, States
district court for the State of Connecticut. In the meantime the phil
anthropists of New England were not idle spectators of these incidents.
They engaged eminent counsel to appear on behalf of the negroes, and
maintain their natural and legal rights to freedom.
Southem statesmen were nervously excited. All trials for violations
of the law prohibiting the slave trade had been previously intrusted to
southern courts, and no person had been convicted. Indeed, such was
the sympathy of the people of the slave States for slavedealers that no
conriction for the crime of slavedealmg could be obtained before a slave
holdmg court and a slaveholding jury. But a trial for that crime among .
the freemen of Connecticut was looked to -with fear and trembling by
southern men. There every man felt that no slave could tread the soU-
of a State whose people had exhibited such au undying love of liberty :
yet it was known that the President and all southern statesmen were
anxious that the court should in some manner obtain a conviction of
those friendless Africans ; and most northern poUticians were timid and
faultering. »
WhUe the trial was progressing, the President sent an armed vessel to
New Haven with orders to carry those Africans to Cuba soon as they
might be delivered to the captain on board ; and at the same tune he
sent secret dfrections to the attorney and marshal of the district to hurry
the prisoners ou board the ship as rapidly as possible after the judge
should decide against them, without permitting their counsel or friends
to take an a;ppeal.
In the meantime, Mr. Adams, watchful and vigUant, introduced reso
lutions in the House of Representatives, caUing on the President to com
municate to Congress the process or authority on which these persons,
charged with no crime, were held in prison.
This calUng iu question the authority by which the Africans were
unprisoned, appeared to alarm the advocates of slavery; and the demo
cratic party rejected the proposition ; but whUe the court and councU *
were publicly arguing and examining the question whether these heathens
had received from the Creator the right to Ufe and Uberty, the House
of Representatives was engaged in the same investigation, and tbe news
papers were spreading the facts before the people.
Some pubUc men went farther, and asserting the weU known and
10

146 ME. ADAMS VOLUNTEERS AS COUNSEL.
acknowledged principle that slavery and slavedealing constitutes a per
petual war between tbe enslaver and the enslaved, they vindicated the
right of these Africans not only to rise and slay their captors whenever
they had the power to do so ; but to hold those who surrendered, as
prisoners, and the ship and cargo as thdr lawful prize : and that
our Government had no right to interfere between the Africans and
Montez and Ruiz, who were legal prisoners, nor 'to take from the Afri
cans the ship or cargo, which were thefr " legal prize."
These questions greatly annoyed the advocates of slavery, and the
democratic party, on whom the slave interest reUed for support.
After a long and patient investigation, the court pronounced judgment in
ifavor of the prisoners, notwithstanding the influence arrayed against them:
Holding that by the laws of God and man these people had the right to Uve,
and to that liberty which would enable them to cherish and protect life.
- The libellants were therefore constrained to permit the prisoners to be
set ai Jiherty, or appeal to the Supreme Court. They chose to appeal,
and the case stood for hearing before that august tribunal.
Mr. Adams had been educated for the bar, and -for some years had
practised both in State and United States courts ; but more than thfrty
years previously, he had retired from professional duties, devoting his
whole time to tbe public service. He bad taken a deep interest in this
case, which had been |veU and ably argued before the district court by
Governor Baldwin, of Connecticut : but when the appeal was entered,
and the case was Ukely to come before tbe Supreme Court, it assumed a
poUtical as weU as legal character. Marshall, who had so long presided
in that tribunal, had departed ; and a majority of the judges were at
that time comparatively inexperienced members of the democratic party
they were also slaveholders, and sympathized with those who were
endeavoring to sustain the institution.
The public men of the free States had confidence in Story and Thomp
son and M'Lean ; but Baldwin, though from a free State, had lono- been
among the ablest and firmest supporters of slavery; and tbe other five were
from tbe slave States, reared and educated in the love of oppression.
Under these circumstances, there was a strong desfre among the phUan
thropists to have Mr. Adams appear as counsel for the Africans not so
»much to argue the legal questions which arose in the case, as to avaU
themselves of his moral influence before the court and nation.
And now, after the distinguished statesman had been more than a
generation absent from the court, he reappeared as counsel for these
ignorant barbarians, who could not speak om* language, and with whom
he could not converse, except through an interpreter.

THE AFKICANS SET AT LIBEETT. 147
The trial constituted a scene deeply interesting. The Legislative
branch of Government had become entirely subservient to the slave
power : the Executive had not only exhibited a desire to send these
Africans back to a worse than heathen bondage ; but he had manifested
an anxiety to do so without even permittmg them to be heard before
the court of dernier resort.
The question was One which struck at the very existence of slavery :
Were these degraded, ignorant, superstitious heathen entitled to Ufe
and liberty ? Had the Creator endowed them with these prerogatives ?
These questions constituted the momentous issue to be tried : the Court,
clad in judicial robes, the distinguished Attorney-General, and numerous
members of the bar, Governor Baldwin acting as prisoners' counsel for
the Africans, associated with Mr. Adams, who had long since left the
Presidential chair, with the honors and blessings of a nation ; the vast
audience, the solemn bearing and dignity' of the court and officers, aU
conspired to render the proceeding one of high moral subUmity.
During the whole argument there was perfect silence ; but when
Mr. Adams, in his peroration, spoke of mankind as a race endowed with
inteUigence and hopes of unmortaUty, and then referred to the slave
trade and the slavedealer, painted his revolting crimes, and spoke of
Ruiz, when entering the. "dark valley," and earth receding from his
view, " when this sin should sit heavy on his soul," the feelings of the
audience nor of the court could be disguised.
Tbe judges, after due consideration, delivered their opinion, declaring
in substance that these people were born free, and had never been legally
held as slaves. That in rising upon the captain and crew, and taking
possession of tbe ship, they committed no crime, riolated no law, and
were amenable to no punishment.
The triumph was complete, so fai: as the Africans were concemed.
They were Uberated and sent back to their native land at the pubUc
expense : yet the court faUed to meet the great pomt which constituted
the real issue. They contented themselves with saying that these men
were not legally enslaved ; but did not say that the natural right to
Uberty was inalienaible ; that no human being could be legally enslaved :
that any human enactment authorizing one man to enslave another must
be void: that all enactments, agreements, covenants, oaths or obligations
professing to authorize or encourage the commission of crime, are not
only void, but the parties become accessory to the crimes committed
under such agreements, covenants or enactments. The court were not
probably unmindful that these principles were recognized in private Ufe,
were confirmed by daUy discussions in almost every municipal court ;

148 CONSULTATION OF ANTI-SLATEET MEMBEES.
but the doctrine that governments were bound by them, had long been
denied by both Houses of Congress and by the Executive ; and the
conrt appeared unwilling to come in conflict with those departments
. npon a question so vital to the institution of slavery.
The author of this work was now anxious to put forth some weU
defined Constitutional principle, on which aU supporters of Uberty could
unite in a distinct political organization.
Mr. Adams was cautious : indeed he was unwUUng to enter into any
combination ¦ that shoidd have the appearance of a poUtical party.
Mr. Slade fully agreed with Mr. Adams, while Mr. Gates favored tbe
proposition of the writer.
These four members held frequent consultations, in order to devise
some plan by which to regain the freedom of debate aud the right of :
petition. At one of these consultations the author proposed to bring the sub
ject of slavery collaterally into debate, while other matters constituted
the main subject of discussion. Mr. Adams, not apparently understand
ing the precise mode indicated, took occasion to urge the writer to try
the experiment, saying, that as he had bestowed thought upon his plan,
had been in the practice of law for many years, and would be better
able to make the experiment than any other member who had not
reflected maturely on the subject. To this proposition -the author
assented, and immediately commenced preparing for the experiment.
jg^j , On the 8th February, Mr. Thompson, of South CaroUna, under
leave presented a biU appropriating for the prosecution of tbe
Florida war, one hundred thousand doUars, to be expended under
fcection of the Secretary of War, for the benefit of the Seminole chiefs
and warriors who should surrender, for the purpose of emigrating west.
It was in fact intended to bribe certain chiefs to go west in order to in
duce others to follow.
The bUl came up " in committee of the whole House on the state of
the Union." This committee is known to no other legislative body. It
was adopted during the Revolution, and all facts and arguments rdating
to the Union are strictly within the order of deba'te, thus giving tbe
Speaker great latitude of remark.
When the bUl had been taken up, Mr. Thompson spoke iu favor of its

The -vmter next obtained the floor and at once declared his inten
tion to develop the cause of the war, and the objects of its contmuance.
He quoted the authority of Mr. Thompson, the Indian Agent, to show

FEEEDOM OF SPEECH ASSEETED. 149
that the Seminoles refused to emigrate west lest the negroes, who'
had so long resided with them, should be seized and enslaved by the
Creeks. That the object of constraining the Seminoles to emigrate was
to enslave these people ; that to effect this pfratical object the nation
had been plunged into war, and the blood and treasure of the people "
were being sacrificed for the enslavement of free negroes.
Mr. Warren, of Georgia, called hun to order, and the question was
debated, and the chafrman, Mr. CUfford, of Maine, a Democrat, declared
the remarks to be strictly in order,* and requested the speaker to-
proceed. This gave him confidence, particularly as Mr. Adams rose
from his seat, and walking into the area in front of the Clerk's desk,
with apparent solicitude watched every movement of the advocates of
slavery, who bad by this time gathered around the speaker.
The author proceeded to read documents sustaining his position ; but
was soon called to order by Mr. Habersham, of Georgia, for irrelevancy ;
but the chairman decided the remarks to be in order.
Mr. Giddings explained that he had no intention of discussing the
institution of slavery ; he did not expect to examine its merits or de
merits, not even to pronounce it wrong or right ; he only intended to
show that it constituted the cause of the Florida war, while neither
Congress nor the Federal Government held any authority under the Con
stitution to involve the people of the nation in a bloody war to support
the institution.
He then read reports of the Indian Agent to show that persons resid
ing with the Seminoles, though born free, had been seized aud enslaved
by desperate men from Columbus, Georgia; that a man named Douglass,
who kept a gang of bloodhounds, attended by others, had invaded
the Indian plantations, seized whole famiUes of free colored persons and
carried them to Georgia and sold them as slaves.
This course of debate appeared to arouse much southern feeling.
Messrs. Cooper and Black, of Georgia, and CampbeU, of South Carolina,
at different times caUed " to order ;" but tbe chairman overruled their
objections, and after some three hours mostly consumed by interruptions
and incidental debate thereon, Mr. Giddings concluded his remarks.
Tbe only merit of the speech consisted in bringing out facts with
which the public were not acquainted ; but which showed conclusively
* During the entire debate Mr. Clifford maintained his coolness and Impartiality, apparently
anxious to administer the Parliamentary law without fear or favor of either party. His impartiality
called forth some criticism from slaveholding members, of which Mr. Clifford complained. He
Insisted that the speech had been prepared for the purpose of bringtog the subject of slavery
to the view of the House and country without violathig the " gag-rule." This was of course literally
correct.

150 SUBSTANTIALLY MAINTAINED.
that the war then going on in Florida, had been waged for the purpose
of regnslaving tbe colored exiles residing in that territory.
Mr. Cooper, of Georgia, replied. He declared that he regarded the
speech as altogether aimed at the institution of slavery. He spoke of
aboUtion as a " moral pestilence " to be condemned and scorned by aU
good men ; referred to Messrs. Adams and Giddings as leaders in the
abolition ranks, while they were encouraged and cheered on by the
whig party ; and he particularly charged General Harrison, the Presi
dent elect, with encouraging aboUtionists, and thus involving the whig
party of Georgia in the odium of supporting the right of all men to
Uberty. He alluded to the case of a vessel from Maine that had carried
a slave from Georgia, when the Chair called him to order.
Mr. Black, of Georgia, insisted that Mr. Giddings had made an amti-
slavery speech, and Mr. Cooper ought to be allowed to reply. Mr.
Adams also interposed, saying the gentleman had made a pointed allusion
to him, and he hoped to enjoy tbe privilege of replying. Mr. Wise, of
Virginia, sustained Mr. Black, and on an appeal the House sustained
him, and Mr. Cooper proceeded to arraign the Governor and authorities
of Maine, as abolitionists.
j^g^j ., Mr. Black, of Georgia, next obtained the floor. He at once
arraigned Ohio for her cruelty to tbe colored people, declaring
that State stood preeminent for her wickedness in that respect. He was
called to order, decided to be out of order, but permitted by vote of the
House to proceed oui of order. He was nervously excited ; declared
that be intended to be personaUy offensive to Mr. Giddings, afid holding
a copy of the Bible in his hand,. read, "Thou hypocrite, first cast tbe
beam out Of thine own eye," as he pointed his finger directly at the
object of his wrath. He assured the House that if the member from
Ohio (Mr. Giddings) would come to Georgia he should be hanged.
Mr. Downing, who held a seat merely as a delegate from the Terri
tory of Florida, next addressed the House, and even outrivalled Mr.
Black in vulgar assaults upon Mr. Giddings. Mr. Thompson, of South
Carolina, was more refined in language and manner of attack, declaring
that tbe whig party were not responsible for the course pursued by " the
very obscurest of the obscure individuals belonging to that party."
Feeling tbe insult of Mr. Thompson perhaps too keenly, Mr. Giddings
replied that every statesman or member of Congress would select the
position which he chose to occupy before the people. History and those
who should come after us would judge that point ; but he would inform
the gentileman from South Carolina, that he did not possess tbe power
to designate the position which other members should fill in the public

EFFOETS TO SUPPEESS DEBATE. 151
mind, although he must choose his own. Nor would the speaker (Mr,
Giddmgs) say what niche in the Temple of Fame Mr. Thompson would
occupy. He said that he .well understood the insult offered him by the
gentleman from South CaroUna ; but he could not resent it in the man
ner common among southern gentlemen, as the people of the free States
would not permit their pubUc servants to practice that barbarous mode
of settUng difficulties ; that if permitted by the voice of his constituents,
his own conscience would not permit him to engage in that mode of
settUng difficulties. But he would rather say to the gentleman, in the
language of a mUitary veteran, who, after meeting the enemy in a hun
dred battles, happened to offend a young officer, who spat in his face,
expecting to caU out a challenge, but the aged warrior, taking his hand
kerchief from his pocket, coolly wiped the spittle from his face, saying,
" Could I as easily wipe the stain of your blood from my soul you should
not live an hour!' Instantly Mr. Alford, of Georgia, sprang from his
seat, and uttering profane threats, rushed towards Mr. Giddings -with
apparently hostUe intention. A sensation was manifested throughout
the haU ; members rose and rushed towards the parties ; but when Mr.
Alford arrived within a few feet" of the object of bis wrath. Governor
Briggs, of Massachusetts, stopped him and persuaded him to return to
his seat,
Mr. Thompson, in reply, assured the House and the country ^g^
that he spoke the feelings of both northern and southern Whigs
when he declared that the member from Ohio was " the very obscurest of
the obscure members of the whig party."
To Mr. Downing no reply could be made consistent with self-respect ;
but he had much business before the Committee on Claims, of which
Mr. Giddings was then chafrman, and when that gentleman next
approached him with the ordinary salutation of friends, Mr. Giddings
refused to give him his hand, ' assuring him that he was at liberty to
address him on official business, but on no other pretence, an injunction
which Mr. Downing carefully observed.
But notwithstandmg these unpleasant incidents, Mr. Giddings suc
ceeded in giving to the country an explanation of the causes of the
Florida war. The speech was a Uttle more than a compUation of pubUc
documents on that subject, but it was printed in pamphlet form and was
vridely cfrculated among the people.
General Harrison, the President elect, arrived in Washington on the
day of this debate, and on hearing that it had occurred; he expressed
great dissatisfaction, and declared that he would relieve the whig party
of aU odium brought upon it by Mr. Giddings' efforts in favor of free

152 PEESIDENT HAEEISON DEVOTED TO SLAVEET.
discussion, and when the author on the foUowmg day called to pay him
the customary respect, tbe President elect gave such evidence of beuig
offended that Mr. Giddings never_ caUed on hini afterwards, although
they were both from the same State, had served together in the war
of 1812, and Mr. Giddings had exerted such influence as he possessed,
and expended much money, to secure the election of tbe President.
But Mr. Thompson, who had publicly insulted Mr. Giddmgs for maui-
taining the freedom of speech, was rewarded with a mission to Mexico,
although no vote in South Carolina had been given in favor of General
Harrison's election.
True to the principles in which he had been educated. President Har
rison prepared a paragraph for his inaugural address which was highly
offensive to all who advocated the right of petition or the freedom of
debate. Mr. Clay, who was the leader of the whig party, was consulted upon
the inaugural, and took exceptions to the paragraph aUuded to. The
President requested Mr. Clay to alter it as he thought best. Mr. Clay
complied, and as that Senator often observed, made it so doubtful whe
ther it meant anything or nothing, that no one could take offence on
readmg it.
jg^ , These detaUs present some of the difficidties and embarrass
ments which were met by the advocates of Uberty. Messrs.
Adams, Slade, Gates and Giddings now found that the President whom
they assisted to elect, intended to wield the executive power and influ
ence in favor of suppressing the right of petition and the freedom of
debate, and that tbe same influence was to be exerted against the men
who advocated those rights. They saw and felt that persecution
awaited them.
The Supreme Court, however, made a decision which in some respects
encouraged the advocates of liberty.
By the constitution of Mississippi, slaves from other States were
excluded from her markets. But a slavedealer transported a number of
slaves to Jackson and sold them on a credit, taking in payment bUls
faUing due at a subsequent day. Suit was brought on these bills, and
two questions were presented for the consideration of the court :
First, Does the constitution of Mississippi, without any law to give it
effect, render the contract void 1 And secondly. Can a State exclude
property of any kind from sale -within its territory ? Thus raising upon
the records the distinct question whether slaves were property and there
fore the subject of commerce.
These questions being important were fuUy argued by learned counsel,

JUDGE MoLEAN SUPPOETS THE CONSTITUTION. 163
and submitted to the court for decision. And Judge McLean met them
promptly, fully, and ably ; showing by the most compact argument that
whatever individual States may enact, either by constitution or by law,
they could not encroach upon the powers of Congress, io regulate com
merce between ihe States : nor could they transform persons into property.
Taking the Federal Constitution for his guide, he showed that slaves
were referred to as "persons" and not as property in each of the four
iilstances in which they are spoken of in that instrument. He then
declared that Congress could not exclude persons from going from one
State to another. That as persons they were- subject to State laws :
and the Legislatures of New Tork or Massachusetts may exclude the
sale of slaves or persons in those States ; but could not prohibit the
importation oi property, which alone can be the subject of commerce, and
under the jurisdiction of Congress. But the other judges endeavored to
avoid the issue made upon the record by basing their decision on other
points, evidently unwiUing to meet the reasoning of the learned judge
who manifested the boldness to exanUne a question so important to the
existence of slavery.

154 TYLEE ASSUMES EXECUTIVE DUTIES.

CHAPTER IX.

DISBANDMENT OF THE WHIG PARTY.

-|^j A SPECIAL session of the twenty-seventh Congress was con
vened by proclamation of the acting President John Tyler, on the
31st May. General Harrison had departed this Ufe after enjoying the
honors of President but one short month, and the Executive duties devolved
upon a man who had never manifested any particular sympathy with the
whig party. Indeed he had always opposed some of thefr leading
political tenets'. He was a Vfrginian, entertaining aU the characteristic
errors and egotism which at that time gave to the Old Dominion its
principal importance.- He was of course a slaveholder, and from him
the advocates of freedom expected no particular favor. There was a
Whig majority of more than forty members in the House of Representa
tives, and seven in the Senate, and no party had ever come into power
with such opportunities to reform tbe Government and perpetuate its
own ascendency : but the leading members of that organization had
departed from the faitb of thefr fathers, who held that human governments
were based on human rights.*
The author was a Whig, an earnest supporter of the whig party and
wlug poUcy ; but is constrained to say that he was not aware that a
member of that or of the democratic party at that tiq|e entertained any
idea of a " higher law," applicable to human governments, than the
Constitution of the United States, which, as then construed by both
parties, recognized no rights in mankind lying behind aud above human
authority. The party had recognized no prunal truth, no fundamental doctrine
ou which its members united before election, by which the Executive
and Congress were to be guided when in power ; and now being iu
power, and the offices distributed, they could agree upon no doctrme ;
could unite upon no policy, aud before the close of the first session of
Congress, they separated into factions, the party was substantiaUy
broken up, and the sceptre of power had departed from them.
* The majority in the Senate is stated upon the authority of Col. Benton, vide his "Thirty
Tears" (vol..ii., page 215). In the House, John White had a majority "of 81 votes for Speaker,
while eight southern Whigs voted for Mr. Wise, who was an ardent Whig, and Messrs. Adams,
Slade, Gates and Giddings voted for Mr. Lawrence, of Pennsylvania.

PLAN FOE DECEIVING THE PECTPLE. 155
In the Senate Mr. Buchanan presented the memorial of the Society
of Friends in Pennsylvania, praying the abolition of slavery and the
slave trade m the District of Columbia, and in the Territories of the
United States. Mr. King, of Alabama, stated the practice of tbe
Senate ; saying it was the duty of the presiding officer, when petitions
of this character were presented, to consider the question of reception as
raised, and then await the motion of some Senator to lay the resolution
on the table, which left the petition in the hands of the Senator present
ing it.
This was the formula assumed by the Senate, in order to satisfy the
people by learing thefr petitions in the hands of the Senator who pre
sented them : yet this fraud was openly advocated as satisfactory to an
intelligent nation ; for Mr. Buchanan stated that he was aware that
such was the practice, and he thought much good had resulted from it,
and if followed up, there could be no doubt that the most salutary
results would 'follow. Only one other petition of that kind was pre
sented in the Senate during the extra session.*
1811] Soon as the House was properly organized, Mr. Wise moved
to adopt the rules of the last Congress. To which Mr. Adams
proposed an amendment, excepting the 21st or gag-rule : and this
amendment was adopted. Mr. Ingersol, of Pennsylvania, moved a
reconsideration df this vote, and on that motion' a long and interesting
debate arose.
Mr. Adams, in maintaining the right of petition, declared it an error
to say the people of the free States had nothing to do with slavery.
That in case of a servile insurrection, they.would be called on to inter
fere with it.
He also referred to the fact that the 21st role was a democratic
measure, to which the Whigs, as a party,, had been opposed, and he was
now surprised to find so many Whig members sustaining the measure
which they had formerly repudiated.
Mr. Ingersol, of Pennsylvania, replied to the argument of Mr. Adams.
He warned the South of the approaching danger to thefr institutions ;
and advised them to combine and move in solid phalanx in support of
southern interests ; and declared that he was surprised and horrified at
the doctrine advanced by Mr. Adams, saying that he had understood
* Eighteen years subsequently, Mr. Buchanan, while President, prompted by the same kind feel
ings towards the slaveholding interest, permitted the Governor of South Carolina to take possession
of the Arsenal situated at Charleston, containing immense quantities of arms and ammunition;
permitted most of the arms and ammunition in northern arsenals to be carried South ; and southern
arsenals to be seized, preparatory to the great rebellion. In all of which he was equally sincere and
honest, believing it the only mode of samng the Union.

156 50WEE TO ABOLISH SLAVEET.
that gentleman- to say that in case of a servUe insurrection breaking out
in the South, there would be an end of the Constitution ; and turning to
Mr. Adams, said he would be glad to know whether he correctly under
stood him.
Mr. Adams said, that he had stated that in case of servUe war, and
the people of the free States were called on by the President to suppress
it, they would have the perfect right to dictate the terms on which peace
should be restored ; if the free portion of the Union were called upon to
expend their blood and treasure to support that institution which had
the curse and displeasure of the Almighty upon it, the subject itself
*ould come within the constitutional power of Congress, and there
would be no such objection as that Congress had not ihe right to inter
fere : but the right would be acknowledged, and the duty admitted.
And when members of Congress should take tbe power into thefr hands,
they would and ought to dispose of the institution according to the
dictates of justice..
Mr. Ingersol repeated his own feelings of horror at the contemplation
of a servUe insurrection ; declared that he was ready to march at any
moment to assist his southern brethren in such case, but did not attempt
to answer tbe constitutional argument of Mr. Adams.
Mr. Ingersol declared there were more than 2,000 abolition societies
in the free States. Said that foreign books were circulated in this
country to get up -an abolition feeUng. AU these thmgs were a con
spiracy to destroy the institutions of the South, and he clearly mdicated
that no abolitionist ought to be permitted to hold office.
Mr. Wise appeared dissatisfied with the Speaker ; spoke of his
arrangement of the severarcommittees, and referring to that on claims,
said the chairman (Mr. Giddings, of Ohio) would never report a bUl to
pay a master for the loss of his slave if killed in the public service. Mem
bers seeing Mr. Giddings present, caUed on Mr. Wise to put his question
to the chairman of that committee. " Ask him " — " Ask him," resounded
from various parts of the hall, " I will " (said Mr, Wise) ; and turn
ing to Mr. Giddings, said, " I wiU ask the chairman if he would report
a biU to pay a master for the loss of a slave kiUed in the public
service ?"
That gentleman replied : , "I cannot say what the committee migh
do ; but I should myself foUow the precedents which are uniform from
the commencement of the Government."
Mr. Wise was dissatisfied : members smiled at his embarrassment.
He deelared it the first tune that he had known tbe chairman of the
Committee on Claims to dodge a question : but finally said that he was

PEESIDENT TTLEE FOE THE GAG-EULB. 157
aware that the precedents were against such payment, but the precedents
were wrong; and he was anxious to correct the error. He next assaUed
the Speaker for appointing Mr. Adams Chairman of the Committee on
" Foreign Affafrs." *
In the course of this speech, Mr. Wise gave the first public notice
that Mr. Tyler meant to be a candidate for reelection : and that inten
tion was yet more distinctly avowed by Mr. Cushing, of Massachusetts.
At this point, the difficulties which finally separated Mr. Tyler .^g^
from the great body of those who elected him began to be
developed. Hon. WilUam Cost Johnson, of Maryland, a slaveholding Whig, in
order to give weight and influence to his own argument, in favor of the
21st rule, said he had seen a letter from the President, Mr. Tyler,
recommending its support by members of the House.
Mr. Adams, noticing this arrogant interference with legislative duties
by tbe President, at once called for the reading of the tetter. Mr. John
son replied that such was the opinion of Mr. Tyler as an individual, and
not expressed in any official correspondence ; but the incident brought
out the fact that the President and Cabinet were in favor of the policy
' of suppressing debate and the right of petition on the subject of slavery.
A few Whigs adhered to the President, while far the greater portion
were opposed to him ; but at the close of the extra session, the disband-
ment of the party had become apparent to the pubUc.
• At that time the writer supposed and still believes it to have been the intention of Mr. Clay, If
placed in power, to use his influence to restore the freedom of debate and the right of petition, and
leave the Institution of slavery with the States. Such was undoubtedly the intention of Speaker
White in the appointment of Mr. Adams and Mr, Giddings to be chairmen of committees, second
In Importance only to that of " Ways and Means."

158 PETITIONS PEESENTED BT ME. ADAMS.
CHAPTER X.
the trial of HON. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
jg^. The contest upon the right of petition and the freedom of
debate eridently increased ; slaveholding members became irrita
ble, and northern members who sympathized with them appeared vexed
and discontented." Personal feeUng began to take the place of political
sympathy ; the social relations of members •frere broken up, and the
common civUities of Ufe were no longer observed by a portion of southern-
members. Personal bitterness was manifested towards the writer more
than towards any other member. There was not, probably, a dozen
slaveholding members who at that period recognized him whUe passing
on the street, or when meeting him in the Hall of Representatives.
These attempts at social ostracism extended in a degree to Messrs. Slade
and Gates, who were also regarded as obnoxious to southern members ;
but the high, moral, and social position of Mr. Adams placed him above
those puerile attempts to affect the official position of members.
Mr. Adams stood alone in iiis practice of presenting each petition
separately, and asking specific action thereon. One of these from
Massachusetts, prayed that colored men may be recognized as citizens
of the United States, and permitted to hold lands in our Territories.
Another invoked Congress to guarantee to each State of the Union a
republican form of government. Another prayed to be reUeved from tak
ing up arms in defence of a government which sustained slavery. Another
prayed relief from all support of slavery and of tbe slave trade. Another
prayed Congress to take measures to secure colored citizens from being
enslaved while travelUng iu our southern States. Another setting fqrth
that efforts were making to involve the people of the United States in a
war with England, in order to compel her officers to aid our slave mer
chants in carrying native Americans to market, declared that such a
war would exceed in guUt that which England waged against us in 1716,
in the same degree that slavery exceeds the political dependence in which
our fathers were holden by the British Govemment, and the memorial
ists prayed to be exempt from serving in such a war.
These petitions did not come withm the 21st rule ; they called forth
debate which at times became excited. On every hand Mr. Adams was
assailed, and each petition appeared to call forth the expression of more
bitter hostiUty.

ME. ADAMS ASSEET8 THE EIGHT OF PETITION. 159
That gentleman had served as a member of the Committee on
Foreign Affairs during the twenty-sixth Congress, whUe his coUeague,
Mr. Cusbmg, served as chairman. Now he was placed at the head of
the committee, and Mr. Cushing was a junior member.
On the 21st January, he presented the petition, as he stated, .jg^^
of. a respectable portion of the citizens of Georgia, setting forth
that whUe Mr. Adams possessed all the quaUties of a statesman in an
eminent degree, they regarded htm a monomaniac, and prayed that he
be removed from the position of chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Affairs. Having presented the petition, be declared "his desire to defend
himself against the charge of being a monomaniac.
Mr. MarshaU, of Kentucky, moved that Mr. Adams have leave to
defend himself, and show that he was not a monomaniac. This motion
was debated, and it was soon manifest that the slaveholders "were un
wiUing to have him address the House. They exhibited greater personal
hostility towards him than at any former time, and the motion was finally
laid on the -table.
Tbe next morning, Mr. Adams asserted his right as a question of
privilege, to defend himself against the charge brought against him.
This proposition called out an expression of still greater personal hos
tUity ; but the Speaker decided that it was a question of privilege.
At this point Mr. Warren, of Georgia, moved a reconsideratiou of
the motion laying the. subject on the table, which was sustained after
many objections, and Mr. Adams now obtained legitimate possession of
the floor for the purpose of defending himself. But he had no sooner
commenced his remarks, than calls to order were heard from all parts of
the hall. The Speaker was cool and firm ; he explained the question,
showed with great perspicuity the parliamentary rule. Mr. Adams also
bore himself with becoming dignity. He proceeded to expose the poUcy
of southern members.
The slaveholders and northern Democrats became greatly excited.
Mr. Adams at no time uttered half a dozen sentences -without being
vociferously caUed to order. The disorder increased ; the voice of Mr.
Adams was often drowned amid exclamations, epithets, and denun
ciations. More vindictive feeling was exhibited than on any former
occasion, and wbUe this storm of passion was raging a motion was made
and carried to lay the subject on the table.
Mr. Adams being in possession of the fioor, continued to present
petitions. One after another were laid upon the table on motion of some
slaveholder. Throughout the haU a deep feeUng of hostility towards the
distmguished statesman was manifested. Tbe day was far spent ; from

160 CELEBEATED PETITION FEOM HAVEEHlLL.
the reading of the journal in the moming the excitement had increased ;
yet the aged patriot remained upon his feet, deliberately continuing in
the discharge of bis duty, with no apparent intention of retiring from the
conflict. Near him were. Messrs. Slade, Gates, and Giddings, deeply
interested in what was passing ; while Wise, and Gilmer, and Holme?, and
Cooper, and Saunders, and other slaveholding 'members, were on either
hand, watching his words and actions with apparently intense interest.
At length he took from the file of papers before him one which he
opened and appeared to examine with more than usual interest ; then
turning to the Speaker, he said, " I hold in my hand the memorial of
Benjamin Emerson and forty-five other citizens of Haverhill, in the
State of Massachusetts, praying Congress to adopt immediate measures
for the peaceful dissolution of the Union of these States." As these
w'ords were uttered an obvious sensation ran through the hall ; but he
continued : " Ffrst, Because no union can be agreeable or permanent
which does not present prospects of reciprocal benefits. Second, Be
cause a vast proportion of the resources of one section of the Union is
annually drained to sustain the views and course of another. Thfrd,
Because, judging from the history of past nations, if the present course
be persisted in it will overwhelm the nation in utter destruction."
A number of slaveholding members now sprang to their feet, each
demanding leave to speak. The presiding officer called to order, declar
ing the gentleman from Massachusetts was in possession of the floor ; and
when order was again restored Mr. Adams continued, saying, " I move
the reference of this petition to a select committee of nine members, witB
instructions to report an answer to the petitioners, showing the reasons
why the prayer of their petition cannot be granted ?"
Vociferous calls for the floor were now heard from aU parts of the
haU. Mr. Hopkins, of Vfrginia, was first recognized ; but when order
was restored, and the attention of all was directed towards him, expects
ing some important proposition commensurate with the occasion, he
merely inquired of the Speaker if it would be in order to burn ihe pdi-
tion in ,ihe presence of the House 7 Other inqufries were propounded by
different members, but such was the disorder that the Speaker paid no
attention to any of them.
Mr. Wise inquired if a resolution to censure the member presenting
the petition would be in order ? In response to this, Mr. Adams, in his
seat, expressed his own gratification.
A motion to adjourn was made. Mr. Adams hoped the House would
not adjourn. " If," said he, " a vote of censure is to be passed, it may
as weU be done to-day."

ME. ADAMS AEEAKJNED. 161
At length Mr. Gflmer, of Virgiuia, offered a resolution declaring,
" That in presenting to the consideration of the House a petition for the
dissolution of the Union, the member from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams)
had justly incurred the censure of this House.''
A question was raised as to the reception of the resolution, when Mr-
Adams expressed his desir^ that it might be received and debated, and
that he would have an opportunity of defending himself ; but the House
adjoumed without further action.*
Public notice was given that a meeting of members from the slave
States would be held that evening in the room of the " Committee on
Foreign Affafrs," to make proper arrangements for the trial, which was
to proceed on the following day.
Most of the members showed no anxiety to leave the hall. Many
remained, and gathered into small coteries, earnestly engaged in conver
sation upon the extraordinary events of the day. Maiiy appeared
deeply indignant, and with knitted brows, compressed lips, and clinched
fists, uttered imprecations against all " agitators " and abolitionists ;
others exultingly declared Mr. Adams to be in the power of the demo
cratic party, as all southern Whigs would act with them, and they de
clared it necessary to make an example of him.
An effort was made to get a meeting of northem members who were
willing to stand by and assist Mr. Adams in meeting the persecutions
and dangers which surrounded him ; but to these efforts most northem
Whigs repUed, " that it would look like a sectional quarrel." But a few
members friendly to Mr. Adams convened that evening at the room of
the author. Messrs. Slade and Toung, of Vermont ; Calhoun, of Maa-
sachnsetts ; Henry, Lawrence and Simonton, of Pennsylvania ; Gates
and Chittenden, of New Tork, and Giddings, of Ohio, were present.
Besides these. Rev. Joshua Learitt, of Boston, and Theodore Weld, of
New Jersey, were also present ; although they were not members, they
were well known as able and zealous advocates of freedom and friends
of Mr. Adams. These two gentlemen were appointed a committee to
wait on Mr. Adams and inform him that they and the members convened
tendered him any assistance in thefr power.
They immediately repaired to the. residence of Mr. Adams, though the
hour" was late. They found him in his parlor, and without delay stated
the object of their visit. The aged statesman listened attentively, but
* The House had for years adopted mles to suppress debate, and had used parliamentary and
wnparliamentary means to prevent Mr. Adams from debating the subject of slavery, and he now
thought if permitted to debate this resolution he would have ample scope for arraigning the institu-
tloa ; that, however, was a result which southern men had not looked to.
11

162 ASSISTANCE TENDEEED HIM.
for a time was unable to reply, laboring under great apparent feeUng.
At length he stated that tbe voice of friendship was so unusual to his
ears, that he could not express his gratitude ; that he would feel thank
ful if they would examine certain points to be found in the authors of
vrhich he gave them a Ust, and have the books placed on his desk at the
hour of meeting the next day, and then dismissed them, and turned his
own thoughts to a preparation for the contest.
Prompt at the call, nearly all the slaveholding members met at the
place appointed that evening to consult on the best mode of conducting
the debate upon the resolution of Mr. Gilmer. That gentleman was a
member of the democratic party, and it was feared that this cfrcumstance
•would injure the moral effect of the proceeding, as it might be said that
it constituted a partisan persecution rather than a patriotic effort to
" save the Union." It was therefore proposed that some slaveholding
Whig should appear as prosecutor ; and Hon. Thomas F. MarshaU was
pominated and appointed to that duty. He was comparatively a young
maUj a nephew of the late John MarshaU, Chief Justice of the United
States Supreme Court. He seemed to have inherited tbe genius and
abUity of his ancestors, had already distinguished himself in the Legis.
lature of his own State, and had now come to Congress under more
favorable auspices than any other member west of the Alleghany Moun
tains. He was anxious to distinguish himself upon the new theatre on
which he had but just entered.
On the foUowing morning, long before the hour for the House to con
vene, the spacious galleries were filled to their utmost capacity, and aU
approaches to the hall were crowded -with anxious men and women, en
deavoring to get where they could hear the proceedings. Foreign minis
ters, " attachis " and privUeged persons filled tbe lobbies and the outer
space within the hall and outside the bar.
The" Speaker promptly called the House to order as the clock told the
hour of twelve, and soon as the journal had been read, Mr. MarshaU
proposed a substitute for the resolution offered by Mr. GUmer ou the
previous day. The substitute was in the foUowing language :
" Whereas the Federal Constitution is a permanent form of govern
ment and a perpetual obligation untU altered or amended in the mode
pointed out in that instrument, and the members of this House deriving
their poUtical character and powers from the same, are sworn to support
it ; and a dissolution of the Union necessarUy impUes the destruction of
that instrument, the overthrow of the American RepubUc, and of our
national existence : A proposition to the Representatives of the people
to dissolve the organic law framed by their constituents, and to support

maeshall's eesolutions. 163
t
which they are commanded to be sworn before they can enter upon the
execution of the political powers created by it, and intrusted to them, is
a high breach of privUege, a contempt offered to this House, a dfrect
proposition to the Legislature and each member of it to commit per
jury, and involves necessarily in its execution and its consequence, the
destruction of our country and the crime of high treason.
" Resolved, therefore. That the Hon. John Quincy Adams, a member
from Massachusetts, in presenting for the consideration of the House of
Representatives of the United States a petition praying the dissolution
of the Union,- has offered the deepest indignity to the House of which
he is a member, an insult to the people of the United States of which
that House is the organ, and will, if this outrage be permitted to pass
unrebuked and unpunished have disgraced the country through their Re--
presentatives in the eyes of the whole world.
" Resolved, further. That the aforesaid John Quincy Adams, for this
insult, the first of the kind ever offered to the Govemment, and for the
wound which he has permitted to be aimed through his instrumentaUty
at the Constitution and existence of the country, tbe peace, security and
Uberty of the people of these States, might weU be held to merit expul
sion from the national councUs, and the House deem it an act of grace
and mercy when they only inflict upon him their severest censure for
conduct so unworthy of his past relations to the state and his present
position. This they hereby do for the maintenance of their own purity
.and dignity : for the act they tum him over to his own conscience and
the indignation of aU true American citizens."
The resolutions having been read, Mr. Marshall proceeded to sustain
them by a speech characterized by that eloquence and force of argument
for which he was distinguished. The audience was attentive, and he pro
ceeded to apply the law to the facts with such force that he appeared to
leave but Uttle chance of escape to him who by a persistent discharge of
duty had rendered himself obnoxious to the slave power. Southem
members appeared encouraged and confirmed in thefr determination to
disgrace this aged advocate of freedom, whUe his northem friends were
depressed in a correspondfrig degree ; indeed, when they reflected upon
the spirit manifested by the entfre democratic party North and South,
together with the slaveholding portion of the whig party, there appeared
but sUght expectations of defeating these efforts to prostrate his in
fluence. Mr. Adams was expected to state the grounds of his own rindication
before any friend could venture to speak- in his defence ; accordingly,
when Marshall closed, he rose to address the House, and as that gen-

l64 . MB. ADAMS'S BASIS OF DEFENCE. ^
tleman had charged him with high treason, and represented him as
seeking to overthrow the Government, it was supposed he would nqw
reply with that overwhelnung severity for which he was distinguished ;
but he exhibited no such desfre. When the Speaker announced that he
was in possession of the floor, all eyes were instantly upon him. His
appearance was venerable ; he was dignified in his bearing. He looked
around upon his peers, who sat before him as judges, with a countenance
beaming with kindness : he had long served his country, had fiUed the
highest office on earth with honor to himself and friends ; and now, at
the age of seventy-five years, he stood arraigned on a charge of treason
to that country to which he had so long devoted his labors, to that peo
ple whose rights he was seeking to maintain.
At length, turning to the Speaker, he said : " It is no part of my
intention to reply to the gentleman from Kentucky at this time. I pre
fer to wait untU I leam whether the House wiU retain these resolutions
for discussion. I call for the reading of the first paragraph in the
Declaration of Independence." The Clerk at once sought the book con
taining it, and whUe seeking, Mr. Adams repeated, " the first paragraph
in the Declaration of Independence,"
The Clerk then read the introductory portion of the Declaration, and
hesitatingly turned his eyes towards Mr. Adams, as if to inqufre whether
he should read further, " Read on, read on ! down to the right and the
DOTY," said the aged patriot ; and the Clerk, in a clear and distmct
voice, read that portion which declares tbe natural rights of mankind
and asserts that govemments are instituted to support those rights ; and
with peculiar emphasis he read the sentence which declares, " that when
ever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the
right and the duty of the people to alter or abolish it and reorganize its
powers in such form as to them shall appear most likely to secure their inter
est dnd happiness."
Mr. Adams then proceeded to state that our Government had become
destructive to the lives and liberties of a portion of the people. That those
powers granted to secure, had been prostituted to destroy life and Uberty:
the powers ordained to the support of freedom had been prostituted to the
maintenance of slavery. That the people had tlie right to reform these
alDuses, aud bring the Government back to the performance of those
duties for which it was instituted. " They have (said he) the right to
ask Congress in respectful language to do anything which they in good
faith beUeve that body ought tO' perform : and it is the duty of Congress
to return respectful answers to such petitions, showing the reason why
their prayers cannot be granted"

OBJECTS OF THE SLAVE POWEE DEFINED. 165
He declared that the people were oppressed by the denial of the right
of petition and the suppression of debate, and "if this discussion is to
proceed (said he) I shaU ask for time to prepare my defence, for I shall
show that that portion of the country from which these gentlemen
(Messrs. Gilmer and Marshall) come are endeavoring to destroy the
right of ' Habeas Corpus' and of trial by jury. I' wish (said he) to look
into the controversy between New Tork and Vfrgmia, between Georgia
and Maine, and show there is a persistent intention to destroy the rights
of the free States and to force slavery upon them!'
He further declared his intention to show that a systematic effort was
making to force the country into a war with England in-order to main
tain the African slave trade. He asserted that for the re.storation of the
slave trade, our minister at London had put forth the most false doc
trines as constituting the law of nations.*
And, said he, if our rights are thus to be taken away by this coalition
between southem slaveholders and northern democracy, it is time the peo
ple should send thefr petitions here, and arouse the nation to protect our
constitutional rights.
As Mr. Adams resumed his seat, Mr. Everett, of Vermont, moved a
postponement of the further consideration for two weeks, to enable Mr.
Adams to prepare his defence, and that the resolutions of Mr. Metrshall
be printed.
Mr. Wise inquired if this motion was not debatable. The Speaker
responded in the affirmative, and Mr. Wise commenced a speech in favor
of adopting the resolutions occupying the remainder of that day, and
part of the day foUowmg.
This gentleman had long exhibited a personal hostiUty towards Mr.
Adams, and he now appeared to think the present a most favorable op
portunity to gratify his animosity. He charged Mr. Adams with con
spiring with British aboUtionists to destroy the Union ; he read extracts
from newspapers to show that British philanthropists were conspiring
with those of the United States to bring about a war between the two
* These prophecies were ali literally fulfilled in a much shorter period of time than Mr. Adams or
his friend then expected. The right of fietltlon and freedom of debate had been already stricken
down. The fugiUve slave law of 1850 denied the right of " Habeas Corpus " and that of trial by
jury, and strong efforts were made to carry slavery Into the free States, by authorizing the master
to carry bis slaves through such States and to reside temporarily with them in such States. And in
May, 1857, the Senate of the United States by resolution denied the right of British cruisers to visit
an American vessel sailing under American colors to ascertain whether she was engaged in the
African slave trade or not ; and by this means that commerce was for some years practically re
stored, and slaves were openly imported into our southern States. And although the law declaring
the slave trade to be piracy had been thirty years in force, no man had been executed under it
until the Republicans came Into power in 1861, when Captain Gordon was hanged in New York.

166 ME. ADAMS P.EPLIES TO MAESHALL.
governments in order to destroy slavery : and as if he thought it a
crime, declared that Mr, Adams had said that in case of a slave insur
rection, if the Federal Government was called on to suppress it, the
Executive might, if necessary to restore peace, emandpate the slaves 1 To
this remark Mr. Adams, retaining his seat, replied with unusual emphasis,
" Yes, sir."* He spoke of the world's anti-slavery convention held in
Europe, and said that Governor GUmer had received the proceedings of
that convention under the frank of a member of the House of Repre
sentatives (Hon. Seth M. Gates). He asserted that these things mani
fested a design to break down slavery, and he exhorted the democratic party
to come np to -the contest and put down aboUtion, or slavery would be
destroyed, and the great democratic principle of equality among men would
become obsolete.
Mr. Adams said he would speak at that time only upon the propriety
of retaining the resolution for debate ; and he replied to Mr. Wise with
marked severity, saying he understood that gentleman ; that he had come
to that hall two or three years previously with his hands dripping -with
human gore ; a blotch of human blood was upon his face. Mr. Wise
appeared incapable of forbearance under this allusion to the duel in which
Mr. CiUey of Maine feU, in which Wise had acted as second, and be inter
rupted Mr. Adams several times. But the aged statesman occupied Uttle
time in answering Mr. Wise, as he evidently felt that Mr. Marshall's address
was more important. He spoke of that gentleman with great kindness,
referred to the friendship which had existed between himself and-the ances.
tor of Mr. Marshall, the late Chief Justice, declaring that when he heard
of the election of the gentleman from Kentucky he anticipated a renewal
of that ancient friendship. He spoke of Marshall as having already
won an enviable fame in his own State Legislature by his earnest sup
port of human freedom, and then began to array that gentleman's errors
before the audience ; said he had charged him with " high treason," in
the preamble of the resolution, and in his speech. " Now," said he,
" thank God the Constitution of tbe United States has defined high
treason, and it was not left for the gentleman of Kentucky, nor for his
puny mind, to define that crime, which consists solely in levying war
against the United States, or lending aid and comfort to their enemies.
* Eighteen years after this speech, Mr. Wise was acting Governor of Vu-ginia, when the memor
able Insurrection under John Brown broke out, carrying consternation and dismay throughout the
Old nomiuion. Governor Wise carefully ayoided calling on the President for assistance, yet as
sailed the President for not sending the troops of the United States to assist Virginia in suppressing
the rebellion.. The President, Mr. Buchanan, very correctly denied that he could do so until called
upon officially. Still Mr. Wise would not trust a northern democratic President, lest he might
emancipate the slaves instead of slaying them.

A SCENE OF HIGH MOEAL 8UBLIMITT, 167
I, (said he), have presented a respectful petition from my constituents,
I have done so in an orderly manner, in the regular course of business,
in obedience to my sworn duty, and the gentleman calls this levyiag
war ! ! I Were I the father of that young man I could feel no more
anxiety for his welfare than I do now ; but if I were his father I would
advise him to return to Kentucky and take his place in some law school,
and commence the study of that profession which he has so long dis
graced." Mr. Marshall now saw that he was to receive the full force of the
veteran's severity ; and as if to bid defiance to his powers, he rose, and
folding his arms across his breast, looked his opponent fuU in the face.
This appeared to call forth aU the reserved powers of that intellect which
had attracted the attention of civUized nations. He appeared to his audi
tors to rise in stature ; his eloquence became more bold and lofty ; his
invective more terrific. He referred to the fact that Marshall had
attended a midnight cabal of slaveholders, and by the influence of " that
ambition which o'erleaps itself," had consented to act as the prosecutor
in endeavoring to prostrate and desti'oy one of the best friends he had on
earth. He showed him an ingrate, and as he became warmed up, and
rose in the dignity of bis subject, his language, and thoughts, a breath
less silence reigned through the hall and in tbe vast gaUeries. There
was no loud breathing, no rustling of garments ; reporters laid down thefr
pens, slaveholders were melted to tears. Marshall stiU retained his
position, " a standing corpse ;" he exhibited' no other sign of life thau a
nervous tremor which pervaded his system.
At length Mr. Adams concluded and resumed his seat, whUe Mar
shall remained apparently transfixed and unconscious until a friend inti
mated to hun tbe propriety of resuming his seat.
From this moment the friends of Mr. Adams entertained no further
apprehensions. With his mtelligence, experience, and mental power,
basittg hunself on truth, justice, and human rights, they were willing to
trust him single-handed, against the entfre democratic party, aided by
the slave power. For such was now tbe contest, and aU appeared to
feel that MarshaU was the champion of the slave power, and that Mr.
Adams had not only demolished his argument, but had prostrated his
infiuence in Congress.*
• Marshall was exceedingly sensitive to this rebuke, as the writer had full evidence. Soon after
the scene above described, he came across the hall and addressing Hon. John Campbell, of South
Carolina, who was sitting near the author, said: " Campbell, I wish I were dead." "Ob, no,"
says Campbell, " you are too sensitive." " I do," said Marshall, with an oath ; " I would rather
die a thousand deaths than again to encounter that old man."
But this feeling was subsequently expressed in different language. Mr. Kelm, of Pennsylvania,

168 ME. ADAMS ASSAILS THE SLAVE POWEE.
For twenty years southem members had threatened the dissolutiou'of
the Union ; had frightened northern members and northern people by
declaring that they would leave the Union unless the northern people
would cease to express their detestation of slavery, and the slave trade ;
while now they were thrown into convulsions when a few northern citi
zens kindly and respectfully asked them to carry thefr threats into
practice. Mr. Adams now began to arraign the slave power ; no longer
attempting to defend himself, he boldly stood forth as the accuser and
prosecutor of tbe slave interests.
He charged South Carolina and other slave States with seizing and
enslaving free colored citizens of the northem States, in riolation of the
Constitution, and presented resolutions calling ou the President for cer
tain documents wherewith to establish this charge. He also wished for
a copy of the letter of President Tyler to WilUam Cost Johnson,
advising him to support the twenty-first rule of the House. These
papers he deemed necessary for his defence, and the House adopted his
resolutions ; but the President did not answer them.
Other members now came to the aid of Mr. Adams ; Hon. John M.
Botts, of Virginia, alluded to the fact that on a former occasion a gen
tleman from South Carolina (Mr. Rhett) had drawn up resolutions
declaring the Union dissolved ; and was only prevented from presenting
them because he could not obtain the fioor. Mr. Arnold, of Tennessee,
also sustained Mr. Adams, upon the ground that the twenty-first rule
was itself a perfect violation of the Constitution.
Mr. Marshall again addressed the House, eridently preparing the way
for a retreat from the position he had assumed. On the 8d of Feb
ruary, Mr. GUmer, foreseeing the result, pubUcly proposed to Mr.
Adams to withdraw the petition which he had presented, and pledging
himself in such case to withdraw his resolution of censure.
Mr. Adams repUed that he had presented the petition from a sense
of public duty, from which he could not excuse himself ; and never

aa chah:man of the Committee on Military Affah^, in the previous Congress, made a report to
which Mr. Adams could not yield assent, and in speaking upon It, alluded pleasantly to some literary
defects. Kelm was irritated, and in reply assailed the literary character of Mr. Adams. The aged
member permitted no man worthy of his steel to assail him with unpunity, and he replied to Kehn
In a very different style from that In which he had spoken of Marshall. He put on the faceUous,
and reading from one of Sheridan's Irish plays, represented Keim as a retired military officer, and
soon found the House convulsed with laughter.
At this time Marshall entered the front door of the hall, and observing the disorder, turning to Mr.
Merrlwether, of Georgia, who was sitting beside the entrance, inquired the cause. Mr. Merriwether
answered that Kehn, of Pennsylvania, had assailed Mr. Adams, and the old gentleman was now
making a reply. " Well, well," said Marshall, " if Keim has fallen into old Adams' hands, ali I
can say is may God ha/ve mercy on his soul."

MR. ADAMS STATES HIS DEFENCE. 169
would he consent to violate his duty in order to obtain the favor or for
bearance of any man or number of men.
Mr. Adams then commenced stating his defence ; he cited various
acts and circumstances showing a combmation to remove him from the
post of chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs ; and the combi
nation of southern members entered into on the evening of the 24th
January, to prostrate and destroy his infiuence, in consequence of his
advocacy of the right of petition, which he held to be sacred.
He then referred to tbe fact that the resolution had been presented
by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. GUmer) ; said that he had long
entertained a high respect for that State, from the confidence which
General Washington had reposed in him forty-eight years previously
when that great man first appointed him minister to the Hague, at an
age so young that he was caUed " the 6oj/-minister." He spoke of the
early statesmen of Vfrginia with admfration, and closed his remarks for
the day by a quotation from Moore, saying he had hoped that the present
delegation from that State would have felt something of that
" Holy shame which ne'er forgets
What clear renown it used to wear,
Whose blush remains when virtue sets
To show her sunshine has been there."
On the following day Mr. Adams complained that his remarks were
not reported, but caricatured. He stated that from the commencement of
the trial he had been misreported ; said it was important that tbe people
should know what was passing in that haU, and he proposed a postpone
ment for two weeks in order that competent reporters may be obtained.
He declared the attempts to suppress what was said in favor of liberty,
constituted good reason for removing the seat of government to some
free State where slaveholding influence would not control the popular
mind. Mr. Marshall opposed the proposition, and charged Mr. Adams with
Note. — It was duiing this day that William Smith, of Vir^nia, formerly Governor of that State,
interrupting Mr. Adams, said he wished " to make a suggestion for the benefit of the gentleman.from
Massachusetts." Smith was a man of not very elevated character; and Mr, Adanis looking round
upon him with a scowl of contempt, replied, " 27bn tali a-uxaiUo." Smith had forgotten his Latin,
and not understanding the answer, stood in mute astonishment, not knowing whether to speak or
say nothing ; but finally turning to Hon. 0. M., who sat by his side, inquired what the expression
meant. The gentleman thus addressed was an incorrigible punster, and promptly replied, " He ia
very much enraged, and is telling you to ' gfo to A — W.' " Smith, astonished at what he supposed
the profanity of Mr. Adams, dropped back into liis seat, and was never known to interrupt Mr.
A<iams afterwards.

170 EEMAEKS OF ME. ADAMS OAEIOATUEED.
having said in the face of a British nobleman''' that the claim of England
to the right of search was just. This was denied by Mr. Adams, who
said he had never uttered a word in favor of the right of search.f
Marshall then insisted that Mr. Adams had advocated the Declaration
of Independence, in order to dissolve the Union, and Marshall moved the
previous question, in order to bring the House to a dfrect vote on the
resolution of censure.
Seeing this open and undisguised attempt to suppress whatever he had
to say in his own defence, Mr. Adams demanded the fioor on tbe reso
lution, and proceeded with his remarks.
In tbe meantime, tbe author had obtained a seat inside the bar for the
Rev. Dr. Leavitt, a very competent reporter, who thought be could
report Mr. Adams with tolerable accuracy. But Mr. Andrews, of Ken
tucky, seeing this, caUed on the Speaker to enforce tbe rule prohibitmg
all persons, except members and thefr officers, from sittuig within the
bar. This was also done with the undisguised intention to suppress
whatever Mr. Adams might say on that occasion. But Mr. Leavitt
obtained a seat outside the bar, where he could hear Mr. Adams, took
notes, and wrote out the remarks at night, and they appeared in one of
the Boston papers.^
Mr. Adams next proceeded to expose the effect of slavery upon tbe
pecuniary interests of tbe country — compared New York with Virginia.
Spoke of the schools, academies and colleges of the " Bmpfre" State,"
and compared them with the paucity of those institutions in " tbe Old
Dominion." He then referred to the canals and railroads, the internal
improvements, the industry, thrift and general prosperity, together with
the unlimited commerce of New York : then to the miserable highways,
the deserted plantations, the degraded slave population, dilapidated
dwellings, and general poverty of Virgiuia : of the inteUigence of one
State, and the number of men and women in the other, who could neither
read nor write.
* Lord Morpeth, an Irish peer, had occupied a seat politely tendered him within the bar. It was
in his presence that Mr. Adams had charged the slaveholding Influence of the House and Senate
with an intention to involve us in a war with England to sustain the African slave trade.
t British ministers at that day very justly claimed that as slavedealers were pirates, at war with
mankind, British and American ships of war, while cruising for them, on meetlng.with a suspected
vessel, had the right to stop her, and ascertain whether she was really a jpira^e or engaged in /ff «7-
ful coTmnerce. This was denied by the democratic Administration, who declared that snch right
cf visitation constituted a "rigM of sea/rch ;" and Marshall adopted this language, In order to
assail Mr. Adams more effectually.
X Mr. Leavitt wrote until about daylight, when he brought his manuscript to tbe author, who
franked It to the " Boston Courier," at that time published by Mr. Buckingham, a man of great
Integrity of purpose, an independent and able editor. He inserted the remarks, which occupied
nearly one page of the paper, and will be found in that publication of about the 5th February, 1842.

QXTESTION OF OEDEE OYEBEULED. 171
It became evident that slaveholders aud Democrats were greatly dis
satisfied with the whole proceeding. After laboring six or seven years
to suppress debate, and just at the time when they supposed they had
consummated that object, they had inadvertently thrown the door wide
open, had placed themselves, as it were, at the mercy of him who was
most able and most -wiUing to expose the entfre despotism of slavery.
It was under these cfrcumstances that Hon. Romulus M. Saunders,
of North Carolina, called Mr. Adams to order for thus comparing slave
and free States, which he declared to be in no way germain to the
question of censure.
The Speaker, with great force, aUuded to the fact that the petition
presented by Mr. Adams asked a dissolution of the TTuion on account
of slavery. That the whole proceeding and all tbe arguments had been
intended to uphold or to put down that institution, and whUe a member
was on trial under such charges, the Chair would not attempt to limit
his defence. Mr. Saunders appealed, but the House sustained the
decision of the Speaker.
After the adjournment, Mr. Adams desired to obtain a copy of the
correspondence between Governor Seward, of New York, and the
Governor of Virginia, upon the subject of surrendering persons for trial
in Vfrginia, who were charged with stealing slaves. Mr. Gates volun
teered to furnish all the documents in regard to that matter, and Mr.
Adams intended placing that subject before the country on the follow
ing day.
But on the next morning, as he rose to commence his remarks,
Mr. Merriwether, of Georgia, desired permission to make an inquiry.
He stated that some ten or twelve days had been spent in this trial :
that he was ready to vote on tbe resolution at any moment, and so were
all the southern members. That Mr. Adams himself was now occupy
ing much tune, and putting the nation to much expense, and he desired
to understand how much longer tune he expected to occupy in stating
his defence 1
Mr. Adams denied being responsible for one moment of the time spent
in the debate. He declared that the resolution of censure was intro
duced without his consent and against his desire. That he objected to
taking jurisdiction of it, declared the House ought not to entertain it
for a moment, and had during the whole trial been wiUing at any
moment to give way for a motion to lay the subject on the table : and
as to tbe time he would occupy in stating his defence, he could not
attempt to fix any precise period. When Sir Warren Hastings was
arraigned before the British ParUament, tbe trial occupied several years.

%%^ CLOSE OF THE TEIAL.
and Mr. Burke occupied some three months in one speech. He thought
those precedents perfectly appUcable to the present case, but he would
pledge himself to close the statement of his defence at the carUest
moment he could do so, consistently with duty to himself and the pubUc,
and he thought it probable he might close in ninety days.
This enunciation opened up to his persecutors a new field of thought.
He had already spent three days in arraigning the institution of slavery
and its supporters : and now proposed to continue that exposure for
three months longer. WhUe the people were dissatisfied with thefr
representatives for spending so much time and money in a useless attempt
Ijo censure a,n aged and venerable member : whUe to recede would be
^n ficknowledgment of the victory which he was evidently about to
obtg^in. But -Mr. Botts, of Virginia, moved to lay the whole subject on the
table, and his motion was sustained by a vote of 106 to 93.
During tbe trial, Mr. Adams had become greatly exhausted. He
informed his friends that during some of the nights he slept none, &,nd it
was greatly feared that he would not survive the straggle. But the
writer a-nd other friends believed that if he died under this persecution,
he -vv^ouid do more for the cause of liberty than he could in any other
way, and to this he did not object. But he had now met the advocates
of slavery upon their chosen field of combat, had driven them from the
conflict, and hi? victory was not only complete but important. The
right of petition was substantially^ regained, although the twenty-first
rule was not repealed untU some two years subsequently.

IHE SLAVE TEADE ON OHE OWN COAST. 173
CHAPTER Xt.,
AitRAIGNMENT, TEIAL AND CENSUEE OF THK AUTHOK.
oiBoj^ 1808 Congress had authorized the coastwise slave trade, jjg^
which had now become an important commerce between the north
ern Slave-growing States and the southern or slave-consuming members
of the confederacy. In the prosecution of this " American piracy," it
was estimated that not less than twenty-five thousand human beings were
annually transported from the States of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia,
North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky and Missouri, either by land or
water, to South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi,
Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas, where they were sold to supply tbe
places of those who had fallen into premature graves, by reason of the
hardships, privations and excessive toil to which they -were subjected.
By the treaty of Ghent, as has already been shown, the British and
American Governments had pledged themselves to the Christian world
to nse thefr best endeavors totally to abolish the "traffic in slaves."
The Commissioners who negotiated that treaty appear to have been
impressed with the idea that the crime consisted in buying and selUng
God's image, and not in the place of perpetrating it.
Yet after tbe approval of that treaty, our Government continued to
encourage the transportation and sale of slaves upon our own coast,
although the African slave trade was made piracy by statute ; notwith
standing, it was far less painful to the pagans of Africa than our domestic
commerce was to the christianized victims of America.
Although our Government, in violation of treaty stipulations, and in
violation of our Federal Constitution as well as of justice and Christian
ity, lent enconragement to this domestic piracy, yet ft was subjected to
many casualties. In passing around the peninsula of Florida, our slave
ships were sometimes wrecked on British islands ; and the slaves once
treading British soU, by virtue of English laws became free : and the
dealers in human flesh were ruined from tbe faUure of their speculations
in the bodies of ihen and of women. '
Under these circumstances, it became the interest of slaveholders to
obt.iin the cooperation of the goverunent of Great Britain, in direct
corlUct with the treaty of Ghent. 'The subject was brought before Con
gress in the following manner :

174 LOSS OF SLAVE SHIPS.
In the year a.d. 1830, the ship " Comet " sailed from Alexandria, in
the District of Columbia, with a cargo of slaves and property bound for
New Orleans. She was wrecked on the false keys of the Bahama
Islands, and the passengers and slaves were carried by the wreckers to
Nassau, in the island of New Providence, where the slaves sought their
own happiness under British laws.
" Tbe Encomium " also saUed iu 1834 from Charleston, South Caro
lina, with a number of slaves for New Orleans, was stranded near the
same place, and the slaves were released in the same manner.*
The slaveholders caUed on General Jackson, then President of the
United States, to obtam for them a compensation for this loss of their
human cargo. The President appears to have entertained no doubt
that these slavedealers, whom the common sentiment of civilized nations
regarded as unworthy of human association, and deserving only of the
halter and gallows, ought to be encouraged and sustained in the pursuit
of their vocation. f Mr. Van Buren, at that time Secretary of State,
in pursuance of executive instructions, transmitted orders to our minister
at the court of St. James, to press these claims upon the attention of
the British minister, saying, "they were among the matters most imme
diately pressing upon the attention of our Legation at London."t
Mr. Stevenson, of Virginia, was at that time representative of oar
Government at the British court. He had been bred and educated in
that political school which regarded slavery as the principal object of
government, which should at all times receive its fostering care. He
appears to have entered upon the advocacy of these slavedeaUng claims,
without very scrupulous attention to the facts which he asserted, or the
law which he professed to maintain.
In his -correspondence with the British Government, he asserted that
" under the Constitution of the United States, slaves are regarded as
'property:' that there is in fact no distinction between property in
' persons ' and ' property in things.' " He went on to assert that our
* Mr. Benton, in his " Thirty Tears," represents these Slaves ss forcibly detained by the British
officers : while the British authorities asserted that the slaves preferred to remain on the island, and
there was no authority known In British legislation to send them away. But. Mr. Benton, holding
that slaves were "property," In the same sense that inanimate goods were regarded, the refusal
of the British ofBcers to seize and deliver them to their mastei-s was. In his mind, in law a forcible
retention. + Mr. Benton, in his " Thirty Years," says that the slaves on board the " Encomium " belonged
to Messrs. Waddels, of North Carolina, who were among the most respectable inhabitants of that
State, ± There is no doubt that General Jackson did regard the support of slavery and the slave trade
among the most importamt inierests of ovir cottntry ; nor Is It doubted that he was sincere.
But it is difBcuIt to conceive how Mr. Van Buren, who was educated In the free States and hi the
doctrines of liberty, should have -entertained this view of the slave trade.

MnnSTEBIAL FALSEHOOD. 175
Government had " in ihe most solemn manner determined that slaves killed
in the public service of the United States, even in time of war, were to be
regarded as property, and paid for as such." *
When Mr. Stevenson made this declaration, the records and history
of the nation showed that instead of paying for slayes. Congress had in
every instance refused such payment. Yet by these misrepresentations,
the British minister was led to pay for the slaves lost from on board the
" Comet" and " Encomhim," as they were stranded prior to the emanci
pation of the West Indian slavery, and both governments violated thefr
solemn pledge " to use thefr best endeavors for the entire aboUtion of
the traffic in slaves."
But the British minister refused to pay for the slaves lost from on
board tbe ship " Enterprise," which the reader wUl recollect ran into
Port Hamilton, Bermuda, through stress of weather in 1835, after the
emancipation of British slavery. This refusal was entirely unsatisfactory
to the slaveocracy of the United States, which saw in it a progress 0/
human thought that would eventuaUy destroy the institution, if permitted
to increase and strengthen. This jealousy was yet farther stimulated
by the loss of slaves from on board the " Hermosa," which sailed from
Richmond, Vfrginia, in 1840, and was wrecked on the British island
Abacco, when the slaves, passengers and crew were taken to Nassau,
and the slaves obeyed the dictates of nature's law by asserting their own
Uberty. Mr. Barrow, of Louisiana, had presented the petition of certain insu
rance companies in that State, praying Congress to take measures for
obtaining compensation from the British Government for the loss of tbe
slaves from the last-mentioned ship. That Senator stated in explicit
language that tbe case might present the question of peace or, war with
Great Britain : he declared the people of the southern States were the
last to submit- to the principles of iutemational law as constmed by the
authorities of the British Islands ; and said, if they continued to inter
fere with our commerce our navy would sink them I
'Mr. Calhoun and other Senators concurred in the views of Mr. Bar
row, and referred the memorial to the " Committee on Foreign Affairs,"
* Mr. Stevenson was Speaker of the House in 1828, When the case of D'Auti-ieve was so long and
ably debated. It was the only case which at the date of this correspondence had been decided by
Congress on full debate. And in that case the doctrine that slaves were "property," was very
emphatically deniied, as the reader will recollect. Of these facts, Mr. Stevenson could not have
been Ignorant. But when he asserted that slaves killed in the public service had been recognized
as property, and paid for as such, he asserted that which was not only unsustained by the record
and history of our Government, but that which was distinctly opposed by both history and the
records of the nation, for our Govemment had refused such payment just so often as Congress bad
been applied to for it.

176 CASE OF THE
but advised the parties concemed to await the action of the British
Government in the case of the " Creole."
This ship had sailed from " Hampton Roads" on the 21th Octeber,
1841, with one hundred and thirty slaves on board bound for New
Orleans. On the 7th November the slaves rose against the ofBcers and
crew, declared thefr right to freedom, taking possession of tbe deck of
the ship at the same time. The alarm being heard below, one of the
slavedealers named HeweU, who attempting as he came on deck to shoot
one of the men, was stricken with a handspike and killed. The other
slavedealers, captain and crew surrendered, and these people caUefl
" chattels" were by tbe force of their own right arms, suddenly trans
formed into free men and free women ; and by the same turn of the
wheel of fortune, the captain, crew and slavedealers were changed from
lordling masters and dealers in human flesh into submissive vassals, in
every proper sense slaves, of thefr former bondmen.*
They now ordered the mate at first to steer the ship to Liberia ; but,
being assured that their provisions and water would not last them half
way, they consented to enter the port of Nassau. Being under British
laws, they were of course liberated . from slavery, went ou shore, aud
sought their own happiness. The men, however, who actuaUy rose in
arms and took possession of the ship, were arrested and imprisoned.
The captain of the " Creole" demanded them as criminals to be brought
back to the United States for punishment ; but the authorities of the
island refused untU they should consult the imperial government at
London.f • Mr. Benton, in his " Thirty Years " (vol. IL p. 409), appropriates an entire chapter to this case ;
In which he appears to think It necessary for the vindication of himself and those who acted with
him, to speak of the slaves as " mntineeirs" bound by tbe same laws- to which voluntary" passen
gers were subjected ; entirely Ignoring the fact that slavery is based upon no law but that of brxAe
force : that all publicists and ali impartial men understood It to be a perpetual war between mas
ter and slave, in which the master is seeking by all the means which God and nature have placed
at his control, to hold the slave in subjection to his own will, and if necessary he uses the scourge
and fetters and chains, and even slays hia victim if he resist. -While the only possible bearmg of
municipal law in his favor Is to exempt the master from temporal punishment for the crimes which
he commits against the slave -, but leaves the master with aU his moral guilt upon him. Th^t Ik
cannot and does not impose upon the slave any moral obligation to submit to the outrages, or to
abstain from avenging the wrongs perpetrated against him. But this view of slavery does not ap
pear to have been at any time entertained by the author of the " Thh-ty Years i" nor does he appear
to have deemed it necessary to combat this doctrine when advanced by others. Indeed, Mr. Calhoun
is believed to be the only slaveholder of character bold enough to attempt what he supposed a logi-
eal refutation of the doctrhies of the Declaration of IndependenOe. But when that distmguished
rtatesman undertook to refute the asserUon " that aU men are created equal," by saykig that
" men were not created— that children only are created," he was supposed to have belittled hia
own hitellect rather thai) the truths which he combated.
t Mr. Benton, In the chapter alluded to in the previous note, appears indignant at the idea that
these local authorities were to consult the British Government ? He says, " this was tantamount
to an acquittal or even a juBUfioalion of all they had done," whlmsicaUy adding, " as according t«

POSITION OF BOTH AMERICAN AND BEITISH GOVEENMENTS. 177
The slaves, once free, demanded their baggage ? The master of the
ship declared they had no baggage, that they were themselves ihe property
of tbe masters, and of course could hold no property ; but the British
authorities compeUed him to deUver to each negro his blanket and such
clothing as he had possession of whUe on board.*
The slavedealers returned to the United States, and at once called on
President Tyler, demanding the interposition of the Government to ob
tain compensation for this faUure of their speculation in human flesh.
It is beUeved that neither the President nor the Secretary of State,
Mr. Webster, entertained any doubts as to the legal or moral character
of the transaction : nor do they appear to have suspected that for them
to espouse the cause of these pfratical slavedealers, to encourage them in
thefr vocation by caUing on the British Government to pay them for the
bodies of those men and women who were lost to slavery and gained to
freedom, would affect our character among civilized nations.
The case was one in all respects calculated to test the principles and
the policy of both governments. These people had been held in servi
tude, were sold and bought by these slavedealers, aud were being trans
ported to market. There was no law of the United States professing to
give authority to those hucksters in human flesh to hold thefr victims in
subjection ; and had there been such enactment, it would not have im
posed on them any natural or moral obligation to submit to being thus
carried to the barracoons of New Orleans. They held the natural and
inaUenable right, derived from the Creator, to Uve and to enjoy thefr
Uberty. The American and British Governments were bound by thefr
solemn pledge given to the Christian world iu the treaity of Ghent to use
thefr best efforts *' totaUy to aboUsh the trafBc in slaves," rather than
encourage it.
The subject excited much interest and soUcitude on tbe part of both
slaveholders and the advocates of Uberty ; indeed, the Christian world
felt a deep solicitude on the subject, particularly members of the various
Protestant churches, for there were said to be members of the Methodist,
Baptist and Presbyterian churches among the people thus set free.
But the Senate, by resolution, called on the President for the corres-
all British decisions, a slaive has a right io kill hits master to obtaim his freedom t" Yet, Indig.
nant as Mr. Benton appears to have been at these decisions, it is believed that neither be nor any
other casuist of the present age has dared to deny that the slave clearly possesses this moral right
to slay his master if necessa/ry to obtain hia liberty. '
* The negroes, by all international and natural law, were entitled to the ship and cargo, as law
ful pme ; and all that the captahi and crew could legally claim in a neutral port was then- own
personal Uberty. But it would seem that the British authorities were unwilling to strike that blow
at the barbarism of slavery, as were our American philanthropists in the case of the " Amistad," to-
wtiich the attention of the reader was called In a former chapter.
12

178 ME. -Webster's dispatch.
pondence between our Government and that of England in regard to
this matter, and in answer to this call the Executive transmitted to that
body a copy of the instructions sent by our Secretary of State to Mr.
Everett, our minister at London, which, in justice to the President as
well as to the Secretary of State, we give the substance in the language
of that distinguished of&cer :
" The British Government," says Mr. Webster, " cannot but see that
this case, as presented in these papers, is one calling loudly for redress.
The ' Creole^ was passing from one port in the United States to another
on a voyage ^perfectly lawful^^ with merchandise on board, and also with
slaves or persons bound to service, natives of America, and belongmg to
American citizens, and which are recognized as ^ojperty hy the Constitu
tion of the United States in those States in which slavery exists.'f
'¦' In the course of the voyage some of the slaves rose upon the master
and crew, subdued them, murdered one man, and caused the vessel to be
carried to Nassau. The vessel was thus taken to a British port, not
voluntarily by those who had the lawful authority over her, but forcibly
and violently against the master's will, and with the consent of nobody
but the mutineers and mibrderers.\
* Mr. Webster nor his friends never condescended to show how a vessel engaged in the "traffic
in slaves " could be engaged ki a ^'- p&rfeoily Iwwful voyage " while " the supreme law of the land
had prohibited it ; nor did they ever attempt to show by what course of reasoning human enact
ment could change the imperscriptible right of men to life and liberty, which nature and nature's
God has conferred on every human soul.
t This assertion is wholly inexplicable. Sir. Webster certainly knew that so far from recognizing
.slaves as property, the Constitution of the United States had, in every instance, referred to them as
^^ persons " and not as "property." Nor could he have been ignorant that in framing that instru
ment Mr. Madison had declared "it ivrong to atZmit in the Constilmtion tJiat Tna/n, can hold
property in man," and that every member of the Convention acquiesced in this view.
t It is most extraordinary that a high officer of state, a man of the dignity of deportment and of
language which usually characterized Mr. Webster, should, in an official communication have used
epithets calculated to influence only the vulgar and stupid portion of the community. He weU under
stood that a " mutineer " was one who, being under lawful subjection to a superior officer, rises in
resistance to such authority ; that a " murderer " is one who, with malice aforethought, willfully
slays another who is observing the public peace. But all must have been aware that there was no
law of any legislature or government commanding these peopl? to obey the slavedealers, or the cap
tain of the ship. The slave laws of Virginia exerted jurisdiction over them while in that State, or
within a marine league of its shores; but when they passed beyond that line, and the ship entered
upon the " high seas," no laws but those of the United States had authority on board ¦ and surely
no statute of this Government gave the slavedealers authority to flog, or fetter, or slay these vic
tims of a barbarous usage, sustained only by crhne and brute force. Even the statute authorizing
the transportation of slaves from one port to another, merely exempts the slavedealers from tempo-
T9.I punishment, but it did not profess to establish any authority of the master over the slave • nor
did it Impose upon the slave obedience to the piratical dealer who transports him from one market
to another; and so far as the relations of the slaves and masters were concemed, both were left to
the dictates of " natural justice ;" neither having any authority over the other,- but both were
morally bound to " do unto the others as they would have the others do unto them." And when
the masters persisted in holdhig their slaves in bondage and in carrying them to market, the
slaves had the right to resist with just so much force as was necessary to maintain their lives and
libertieg.

CASE EEFEEEED TO COMMrTTEE. 179
" Under these circumstances, it would seem to have been the plain and
ob-rions duty of the authorities at Nassau, the port of a friendly power,
to assist the American consul in putting an end to the captivity of the
master and crew,* restoring to them the control of the vessel, and ena
bling them to resume their voyage and to take the ' mutineers and mur
derers ' to their own coimtry to answer for their crimes before the
proper tribunal."f
When the message of the President and this letter of instructions to
our Minister at London were read in the Senate, Mr. Calhoun rose and,
expressing his gratification, said, " The letter covered the whole ground
assumed by all parties in the Senate, on the subject, and he hoped it
would have a beneficial effect, not only in the United States, but in
Great Britain. Coming from the quarter it did, this document would
do more than in coming from any other quarter." The message was
then referred to the appropriate committee.
These proceedmgs of the Senate and of the Executive endeavoring to
place our Government before the nations of the world in the attitude of
patronizing and sustaining " a commerce in our own species," struck the
author with the most profound astonishment. Senators had openly
declared that " the question might become one oi peace or war." Avow
ing distinctly their intention to involve our nation in a war to support
this " commerce in mankind," if Great Britain did not quietly consent to
sustain it in her ports, and in that body not a soUtary voice, except that
of Mr. Porter, of Michigan, had been raised against this support of a
barbarous traffic ; and all expected the Committee on Foreign Affairs
in the Senate would reiterate these doctrines which had been expressed
in the case of the " Enterprise," referred to in a previous chapter.
In the HoUse of Representatives all debate on this subject was pro
hibited. The Representatives of the people were not permitted to expose
these attempts to subject the nation to the odium of sustaining the slave
trade, in the open sunshine of intelligence and civilization which charac
terized the forenoon of the nineteenth century.
* Ali the statements show and admit that the negroes did uot pretend to hold the master or crew
in captivity one moment longer than was necessary to secure their own freedom ; but soon as they
reached the port, and came under British authority, the negroes released them, not waiting for the
authorities of Nassau to aslc or demand their release.
t This assertion of Mr. Webster, substantially declaring it the duty of the British authorities to
aid these slavedealers in their piratical vocation ; and that for the reason that that nation was at peace
with ours, it became their duty to aid In carrying on this " traffic in slaves " in op&ti and ¦undis
guised molation ofthe solemn treaty stipulations between the two governments, was so extra
ordinary that the British Ministry refused to enter Into further correspondence than merely to
refuse compensation. This is the apparent state of the negotiation, for the public have not yet
been favored with the reply to the demand of Mr. Everett, or that any reply was made.

180 THE AUTHOe's PEOPOSrriONS.
1842 1 Under these circumstances the author determined to make his
own opinions understood in such manner as best he might.
Por this purpose he drew np certain propositions, which appear to have
become so essential to the history of important incidents then transpiring
in our Government, and between the American and British Govern
ments, as to warrant their insertion. They were expressed in the follow
ing language :
"Resolved, That prior to the adoption of the Federal Constitution
each of the several States composing this Union exercised fall and exclu
sive jurisdiction over the subject of slavery within its own territory, and
possessed fuU power to continue or abohsh it at pleasure.
" 2^, That by adopting the Constitution, no part of the aforesaid
powers were delegated to the Federal Government, but were reserved
by, and still pertain to each of the several States.
" Zd, That by the eighth section of the first article of the Federal
Constitution, each of the several States surrendered to the Federal Go
vernnient all jurisdiction over the subjects of commerce and navigation
upon the high seas.
" ith. That slavery being an abridgment of the natural rights of man,
can exist only by force of positive munidpal law, and is necessarily con
fined to the jurisdiction of the power creating it.
" 5th, That when a ship belonging to the citizens of any State of this
Union, leaves the waters and territory of such State, and enters upon
the ' high seas,' the persons on board cease to be subject to the laws of
such State, and thenceforth are governed in their relations to each other
by, and are amenable to, the laws of the United States.
" 6ih, That when the brig ' Creole,' on her late passage for New Or
leans, left the jurisdiction of Yirgmia, the slave laws of that State ceased
to have jurisdiction over the persons on board, and they became amen
able only to the laws of the United States.
" 1th, That the persons on board said ship, in resummg th'ek natural
rights to liberty, violated no law of the United States, incurred no legal
penalties and are justly liable to no punishment.
" Sih, That all attempts to regain possession of, or to reenslave said
persons are unauthorized by the Constitution or laws of the United States,
and are incompatible with our national honor.
" 9th, That all attempts to exert our national influence in favor of the
coastwise slave trade, or to place this nation in the attitude of maintain
ing a commerce in human beings, are subversive of the rights and injurious
to the feelings and interests of the people of the free States ; are unautho
rized by the Constitution, and prejudicial to our national character."

THET AEE PEESENTED TO THE HOtTSE. 181
The resolutions had been previously submitted to Mr. Adams for his
approval. He was perfectly frank in saying that he could not support
the one which denied the right of the Federal Government to abolish
slavery in the States, while he believed and held the principle that in
case of insurrection or war, the Federal Government might under the
war power abolish it. To that doctrine, the author replied, that the
resolutions being dra-wn and presented in time of peace, and having evident
relation io a state of peace, would not be regarded as applicable to a state
of war, which operated to suspend the laws of the country and subject
the rights of the people to despotic rule, in order to save the nation, and
that making exceptions as to a state of war might obscure the doctrines
and weaken the force of the several distinct propositions.
To this Mr. Adams rejoined, that the friends of slavery in future years
and during times of war, would quote these resolutions as denying the
right of the Federal power to interfere with slavery even amidst domestic
, insurrection or foreign invasion ; but he added, " / will cheerfully sustain
all but that which denies this right to the Federal Government."
Mr. Adams was a very cautious man, and the author could not at that
time see the necessity of making the exception to which his attention was
called, yet he was not unmindful of the almost universal error which
appeared to control our statesmen of that day, to wit, that human enact
ments professing to establish or to sustain slavery had some sort of unde
fined and indefinable moral force, beyond the mere exemption of the slave
holder or slavedealer from temporal punishment.
Fully aware that the resolutions were in direct conflict with those pre
sented by Mr. Calhoun in the case of the " Enterprise," and of the doc
trine avowed by the Executive in the cases of the " Comet" and " En
comium,'' as well as that now asserted by Mr. Webster, the writer en
deavored to couch them in language as explicit as he could command.
On the 21st March the State of Ohio was called on, under the pjg^„
rules of the House, for resolutions. Having obtained the floor,
the writer stated that he had prepared a series of resolutions in relation
to a subject which had called forth some mterest in the other end of the
Capitol, and in the country ; that he desired at that time to lay them
before the House for consideration, and would call them up for action
upon the next day which should be devoted to the consideration of reso
lutions. Having made these remarks, he sent them to the Clerk's desk,
in order that they should be read for information, and with the full ex
pectation that they would be published in the newspapers and considered
carefully by members in order to act upon them imderstandmgly on the
following week.

182 VAEIOTJS OPINIONS EXPEE8SED.
The reading of the resolutions attracted general attention, and after
the Clerk had read them through, some members called for another
reading ; and now the most profound attention was directed to the read
ing, and at the close there was some excitement apparent among slave
holders and northern members of the democratic party. General Ward,
of New York, inquired of the Speaker whether it was in order to
demand the previous question so as to bring the House to an immediate
vote? The Speaker replied in the affirmative.
Mr. Everett, of Vermont, moved to lay them on the table, saymg
they were too important to be adopted or rejected without considera
tion. Mr. Everett's motion was rejected by 125 to 52.
Mr. Holmes, of South Carohna, under great excitement, remarked,
" there are certain topics like certain places, of which it might be said — •
" 'Fools rush in, where angels fear to tread.' "
The vote on seconding the demand for the pre-rious question was
taken, and stood 122 to 61.
Mr. Everett, a man of experience and of influence in the whig party,
now rose and asked to be excused from voting, saying the subject was
18421 ^^^^ important, and would probably come before the Committee
on Foreign Affaii-^, of which he was a member, and he desired to
express no opinion until he should have time to examine the question ;
and he wished on that occasion to express his " utter abhorrence of ihe
fire-brand course of the gentleman from Ohio."
Mr. Fes,senden, a Whig of Mame, thought the resolutions were too
important to be voted upon without greater deliberation.
Mr. Floyd, of New Tork, a Democrat, said, " here were eight or ten
resolutions settling important questions between Federal and State
governments, which the members had only heard read, but had not seen."
He thought it important that every member should dehberately examine
them before voting upon them.
Mr. Cushmg, of Massachusetts, went to the Clerk's table and read
the resolutions ; then said, " they appeared to be a British argument on
a great question between the British and American Governments, and con
stituted an APPROXIMATION TO TREASON, OU which he intended io vote

NO

J!*

Mr. Adams called for a division of the question, saymg he wished to
* Mr. Cushing had been elected as a Whig, but when the separation between that parly and the
President took place, he adhered to the President, and was appointed Commissioner to China. He
was then regarded as the exponent of the President's -piews.

ME. BOTTS'S EESOLUTION OF CENSUEE. 183
support some and to vote against others, alluding .to those which
denied the right of the Federal Government to abolish slavery in the
States. After these expressions, Mr. Fillmore, of New York, inquired of the
Speaker, if it were in order to ask the author of the resolutions to -srith-
draw them ? The author was unwilUng to see members, acting under
the excitement of the momeht, commit themselves against doctrines
which he was conscious would meet the approval of their judgments in
moments of cool reflection ; and he withdrew the resolutions, saying he
had intended only, on that occasion, to caU attention to the subject, and
ask a vote at some future day, and as they would now be published, he
would withdraw them, and present them for action at the next day when
the resolutions should be in order.
Mr. Botts, of Virginia, now rose, saying, "the withdrawal of the reso
lutions did not excuse their presentation ;" he then offered the followLug
preamble and resolution for adoption :
"Whereas, The Hon. Joshua R. Giddmgs, the member from the
sixteenth congressional district of Ohio, has this day presented to this
House a series of resolutions touching the most important interest con
nected with a large portion of the Union, now a subject of negotiation
between the United States and Great Britain, of the most delicate
nature, the result of which may involve those nations, aiid perhaps the
CIVILIZED WORLD IN WAR : *
" And whereas. It is the duty of every good citizen, and particularly
of every selected agent and Representative of the people, to discounte
nance all efforts to create excitement and dissatisfaction and division
among the people of the United States, at such time and under such
circumstances, which is the only effect to be accomplished by the intro
duction of sentiments before the legislative body of the country hostile
to the grounds assumed by the high functionary having in charge this
important and deUcate trust :
" And whereas, Mutiny and murder are therein justified and approved
in terms shocking to all sense of law, order and humanity, therefore
" Resolved, That this House holds, the conduct of the said member is
altogether unwarranted and unwarrantable, and deserving the severest
condemnation of the people of this country, and of this body in
particular.'' Objection was made to the presentation of the resolutions by a mem-
* Mr. Botts was a man of wealth, an extensive slaveholder, and was undoubtedly well informed
as to tbe intention of the slave power " to vnnoVce the two nations in wair," if England refused
to pay for the slaves lost from on board our slave ships.

184 PEEPAEATION FOE DEFENCE.
ber from the State of Virginia, as the call had proceeded as far as the
State of Ohio : Mr. Botts moved a suspension of the rules ; but less than
two-thirds voting for his motion, it failed.
Mr. Weller, a Democrat, from Ohio, then offered them as his own,
and called for the pre-vious question.
There was much excitement in the hall, and a conversational debate
arose as to the propriety of ordering the previous question, but Mr.
Weller persisted in demanding it, and the Speaker decided that on a
question of privilege, the previous question could not cut off a member
from his defence.
1842] ^^- ^iUniO'"^, of New York, took an appeal from this
decision, and the House overruled the decision of the Chair by a
vote of 118 to 64,* and the House adjourned.
Confident that he would not only be permitted to defend himself, but
probably constrained to do so on the follo-sring day, the author spent
the entire night in prepai-ation, and until near the hour of meeting,
when he drove to the residence of Mr. Adams, for the purpose of con
sulting him.
The aged patriot was laboring under great depression. , He said the
House would not permit any defence to be made : that the vote would
be taken without debate, and that appearances indicated the passage of
the resolution of censure. To the latter proposition, the author readily
assented, but stated that the result was less important than the mode of
reaching it ; and that he had supposed the reflections of the night
would convince members of the impropriety of condemning a man unheard,
Mr. Adams answered, " You are not as famiUar with the slaveholding
character as I am. Slaveholders act from impulse, not from reflection ;
they act together from interest, and have no dread of the displeasure of
their constituents when they act for slavery!'
Conscious of the superior experience of Mr. Adams, the -writer then
began to apprehend the passage of the resolution of censure without
permitting any defence.
When the House had been called to order, the Speaker declared the
first business before it was on seconding the demand for the previous
question. Mr. Weller now proposed to withdraw his demand for the previous
question, provided the author would at once proceed in his defence, with
* Mr. Fillmore had been regarded at the time of his election an anti-slavery man. He was ambi
tious, and therefore not unwilling to enjoy the favor of both slaveholders and anti-slavery men
He served some years In Congress, and being elected Vice-President under General Taylor, he
became President on the death of that gentleman, but in all his public stations, he manifested a
desire to conciliate southern Interests and southern favor.

NO DEFENCE PEEMITTED. 185
the general understanding that Jihe previous question should be called
when snch defence was concluded.
The writer refused to make any terms for the purchase of his constitu
tional rights, and the vote was taken on seconding the demand, which
stood "Tl in the affirmative and "IO in the negative.
After the previous question was ordered, Mr Weller moved a suspen
sion of the rules to enable the writer to make his defence. The Speaker
declared that as the House had ordered the previous question, it must
be put before any other could be entertained. Mr. Adams suggested
that while the previous question might cut off all other members from
debate, it ought not to be apphed to prevent the accused from defending
himself. The Speaker reminded Mr. Adams that the House had decided that
the previous question applied to cases of pri'vUege, and it certainly could
not apply to one member and not to another, as the privilege of oAe was
the. privilege of all.
Members now appeared unwUling to pass the resolutions of ^.^^^
censure without permitting a defence to be made. A proposi
tion was made to hear the author of the resolutions, by common consent,
and it was announced that there was a unanimous desire to hear him.
He then rose, and uttered the following words : " Mr. Speaker, I stand
before the House in a pecuhar position." At this point, Mr. Cooper,
of Georgia, objected to this proceeding, and he resumed his seat.
Several gentlemen now gathered around Mr. Cooper, who was per
suaded to withdraw his objection. Hon. Wm. B. Calhoun, of Massa
chusetts, renewed the objection, declaring he would not see a member of
the House speak under such circumstances. '
In the meantime, the author, whilc'.sitting at his desk, addressed the
following note : " To the Reporter of the ' Intelligencer!
" When I rose so often during the confusion of business in the House
this day, and was so often called to order, the last time by Hon. Mark
A. Cooper, of Georgia, I had written out, and desired to have stated to
the House, what follows :
" ' Mr. Speaker, I stand before the House in a peculiar position. It
is proposed to pass a vote of censure upon me, substantially for the rea
son that I differ in opinion from a majority of the members. The vote
is about to be taken without giving me an opportunity to be heard. It
were idle- for me to say that I am ignorant of the disposition of a ma
jority of the members to pass the resolution of censure. I hare been

186 THE VOTE OF MEMBEES.
violently assailed in a personal manner, feut have had no opportunity of
being heard in reply ; nor do I now ask for any favor at the hands
of gentlemen ; but in the name of an insulted constituency, in behalf of
one of the States of this Union, in behalf of the people of these States,
and of our Federal Constitution, I demand a hearing in the ordinary
mode of proceeding ; I accept no other privilege. I will receive no other
courtesy! "
This note appeared the next moming in the current proceedings of the
House. The yeas and nays were taken on the resolution of censure, and it was
adopted by 125 yeas to 69 nays. The vote by States was as follows :
Maine. Yea — Messrs. Chfford, Littlefield, and Marshall, . . 3
Nay — Messrs. Fessenden and Randall,  2
Absent — none.
New Hampshiee. Yea — Messrs. Atherton, Burke, and Redding, 3
. Nay — none. Absent — none.
Massachusetts. Yea — ^none.
Nay — Messrs. Adams, Borden, Calhoun, Cushing, Hud
son, Parmenter, and Winthrop,  1
Absent or not voting — Messrs. Briggs and Burnell, . . 2
Rhode Island. Yea — none.
Nay — Mr. Cranston,  1
Absent or not voting — Mr. TiUinghast,  1
Connecticut. Yea — none. Absent — ^none.
Nay — Messrs. Boardman, Brockway, Osborn, Smith,
Trumbull, and WilHams  6
Vermont. Yea — none. Absent — Mr. Slade.
Nay — Messrs. Everett, Hall, Mattocks, and Young, . . 4
New York. Yea — Messrs. Brewster, Chnton, John G. Floyd,
Charles A. Floyd, Herrick, McClellan, Oliver, Riggs,
and Ward,  9
Nay. Messrs. Blair, Childs, Chittenden, I. C. Clark,
Davis, Doig, Ferris, Filhnore, Gates, Gordon, Granger,
Linn, and Roosevelt,  13
Not votmg— Messrs. Barnard, Babcock, Bowne, McKeon,
Clark, Foster, Hunt, Patridge, Sandford, Wood,
and Young,  11
New Jersey. Yea — Mr. Stratton, . ,  1
Nay — Messrs. Aycrig and Maxwell,  • . 2
Not voting — Halstead, Randolph, and York, .... 3

THE VOTE OF MEMBEES. 187
Pennsylvania. Yea — Messrs. Beeson, Bidlack, Black, Brown,
Fornance, Gerry, C. I. Ingersoll, J. R. Ingersoll,
Jack, Plummer, Snyder, Westbrook, Keun, Marchand,
andNewhard,  15
Nay — Messrs. Henry, James Irwin, James, and Sunonton, 4
Not vothttg — Messrs. Cooper, Lawrence, W. W. Irwin,
Ramsey, and Toland,  5
Delaware. Mr. Rodny did not vote,  1
Maryland. Yea — Messrs. Mason, Randall, Sellers, and Ken
nedy  4
Nay — none.
Absent — Messrs. Johnson and WilUams,  2
YiRGiNiA. ' Yea — Messrs. Barton, Botts, Cary, Coles, Gilmer,
Goggin, Goode, Hains, Hays, Hopkins, Hunter, Hub
bard, Mallory, Powell, Smith, Stienrod, Tallifiero, Sum
mers, and Stuart,  19
Nay — none.
Not voting — Mr. Wise  1
North Carolina. Yea — Messrs. Arrington, Caldwell, Daniel,
Deberry, Graham, McKay, Rayner, Rencher, Shepherd,
Stanly, and Washington,  11
Nay — ^none.
Absent — Mr. Williams,  1
South Carolina. Yea — Messrs. William Butler, Sampson H.
Butler, Campbell, Holmes, Pickens,* Rhett, and Rogers, 6
Nay — none.
Absent — Messrs. Caldwell and Sumpter -  2
Georgia. Yea— Messrs. Dawson, Colquit, Cooper, Foster, Hab-
bersham, and Warren,  6
Nay — ^none.
Absent — Messrs. Gamble, Nesbit, and King, .... 3
Alabama, Yea — Messrs. Houston, Hubbard, Shields, Lewis,
and Chapman  5
Nay — none.
Absent — Mr. Payne,  1
Mississippi. Yea — Messrs; Gwinn and Thompson,  2
Absent — none. Nay — none."
Louisiana. Yea — Messrs. Dawson, Moore, and White, ... 3
Nay — none. Absent — ^none.
* Mr. Pickens was Govemor of South Carolina at the breaking out of the great rebellion of 1S6J

188 WISE EEF08KS TO VOTE.
Arkansas. Yea — Mr. Cross  1
Nay — none. Absent — ^none.
Tennessee. Yea — Messrs. Arnold, McClellan, I. L. Williams, C.
H. WiUiams, W. B. CampbeU, Thomas J. CampbeU, Tur
ney, Carothers, Guntry, Waterson, A. V. Brown, MUton
Brown, and Johnson  13
Nay— none. Absent — none.
Kentucky. Yea — Messrs. Boyd, Triplett, Owsley, Thompson,
Green, Sprigg, Andrews, Davis, and Butler, .... 9
Nay — Messrs. Pope and Underwood,  2
Absent — Mr. Marshall,  1
Mr. Speaker White not voting  1
Ohio. Yea — Messrs. Doane, MedUl, Mathews, Sweeney, Hastings,
Dean, and Weller,  1
Nay — Messrs. Good, Morrow, Morris, Pendleton, Ridge-
way, Mason, Cowen, Mathiot, Stokeley, and Andrews, . 10
Absent — Mr. Russel,  1
Mr. Giddings not voting,  1
Indiana. Yea — Messrs. Thompson, Kennedy, and Lane,* . . 3
Nay — Messrs. White, Cravens, and Wallace, .... 3
Not voting — Mr. Proffit,  1
Michigan. Yea — none. Absent — none.
Nay — Mr. Howard,f ....  1
Illinois. Yea — Messrs. Casey, Reynolds, and Stuart, ... 3
Nay — none. Absent — none.
Mr. Wise, of Virginia, declared that he would not vote on such £
question ; Mr. Barnard, of New York, pubUshed a card declaring the
whole proceedmg uncdnstitutional, and that he would not lend his sane
tion, even by voting agamst the resolution of censure.
Mr. Slade, of Vermont, published a card saying he was confined by UI
health ; but had he been present, he certainly would have voted against
the resolution of censure.
1842] When the Speaker announced the resolution "carried," the
author rose, and taking formal leave of the Speaker and officers
of the House, of his coUeagues, of Mr. Adams, and a few other personal
friends, passed out of the haU. As he reached the front door, he found
Senators Clay and Crittenden, of Kentucky, whn had been spectators
of the scene just described. As Mr. Clay extended to him his hand he

* Mr. Lane is a republican Senator at the writing of these sketches in 1862.
t Mr. Howard Is also a republican Senator In 1862.

THE AUTHOE EESIGNS HIS BEAT. 189
thanked him for the firmness with which he had met the outrage perpe
trated upon him, declarit^ that no man would ever doubt his perfect
right to state his own views against the slave trade, particularly whUe
the Executive and the Senate were expressing theirs ia favor of it.*
- The Author at once sent his resignation to the Speaker of the House,
and a copy to the Govemor of Ohio, and left the city for his residence.
* Tills kindness and enconragement tendered by Mr. Clay at that time, will account, in part, for
the author's friendship towards him In later years.

190 THE ATTTHOR DENOUNCED.
CHAPTER XII.
THE SLAVE POWER BAFFLED.
j^. At the meetuig of the House, on the morning after the vote
^ of censure was given, members appeared dissatisfied. Mr. Adams
moved an amendment of the journal in order to make it show more ex
plicitly his o-wn opposition to the resolution of censure.
Mr. Everett, of Vermont, moved to print five thousand extra copies
relating to the censure, for distribution among the people.
Mr. Stanly, of North CaroUna, said : " If the gentleman from Ver
mont wUl include the resolutions presented by Mr. Giddings, I wiU vote
for twenty thousand copies.''
Mr. Everett. " I accept the amendment."
Mr. Adams. " Fifty thousand copies!'
But Mr. Stanly no longer urged his proposition.
Mr. Weller appeared anxious to have the journal so amended as to
show that Mr. Giddings had an opportunity of defending himself ; hut
the House refused the proposition.
Neither the slave power nor the democratic party had been willing to
take issue upon the propositions presented for the consideration of the
House. Even Mr. Calhoun, the leading advocate of slavery, while
frankly declaring the author to have been wrong in presenting his reso
lutions, was never known to deny their doctrines. No statesman, no
respectable editor of the democratic party, denied that the propositions
were a correct expose of constitutional doctriues ; but slaveholding
statesmen and democratic editors were loud in their denunciation of the
author for thus expressing his honest convictions. He was proclaimed
an " agitator," a " demagogue seeking notoriety," an " abolitionist ;"
and the reflecting men of that day saw most clearly that the masses of
.the democratic party and a large portion of the whig party, reaUy enter
tained the opinion that northern members of Congress had no right to
speak truth in regard to slavery and the slave trade upon the high seas,
m the District of Columbia, or in the Territories of the United States.
Indeed, it were difficult for men at this tune to conceive the political
degradation to which the popular mind of the North had been subjected
by the long and constant surrender of northern rights and northem
honor, that slavery and the slave trade might be upheld and encou
raged.

ACTION OF THE PEOPLE. 191
But this public censure of a member of Congress for uttering his sin
cere convictions did much to awaken the people to a consciousness that
their hberties were in danger. The anti-slavery press and a portion of
the whig press, published the whole proceedings with discreet and import
ant comments and suggestions.*
Public meetings were held in the principal cities of the free States,
declaring the right of members of Congress to express their views in
regard to slavery and the slave trade, so long as th5,t body "was called
on to sustain the institution.
In the author's district there was much indignation manifested, ;
large pubUc meetings were convened. The doctrines enunciated in his
resolutions, as well as his right to present them, were carefuUy and
fully sustained, and he was called on to stand as a candidate for reelec
tion without the formality of a nomination by convention. At some of
these meetings the primal doctrines of government were referred to, and
the rights of the people and of the States defined -with a precision that
would have done no discredit to the statesmen of that day.f
These proceedings and resolutions were presented to the consideration
of the House of Representatives, and were entered upon the record of
* The author would do Injustice were he to omit the fact, that " The New York Evening Post,"
edited by William C. Bryant, an able democraMo pa/peir, avowed the right of Mr. Giddings to pre
sent his resolutions, and the editor declared that were he a resident of Mr. Giddings' district, he
would use every honorable effort for that gentleman's reelection.
t The following resolutions were adopted at a large convention held in Ashtabula County :
JSeaolved, That our fathers, at the expense of much blood and treasure, established a representa
tive foi-m of government in which the voice of the people was recognized as the controlling power.
2d, That the right of representation having been purchased by the best blood of our ancestors,
can only be surrendered with the blood of their offspring.
Sd, That to the maintenance of our Govemment In its representative form we solemnly pledge
our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.
ith, That every attempt to abridge the right of the people to be heard through their representa
tives in Congress is incompatible with our Institutions, subversive of American liberty, and r&volu-
iionary in its tendency.
5th, That the vote of censure passed upon the Hon. Joshua R. Giddings on the 32d March last
was a flagrant violation of our rights and the rights of our State, subversive of one of the most im
portant features of our Government, and should be regarded as the commencement of an import
ant revolution.
Uh, That while those concemed.in the coastwise slave trade demand of the Federal Govemment
protection In their vocation, the traffic in human flesh must constitute a subject of legitimate debate
both in Congress and among the people.
1th, That as brethren of the same republican family, we call upon members of Congress who voted
to censure our Representative to declare explicitly whether they desire us to maintain the coastwise
Blave trade while they deny to us the expression of our own -views on the subject?
8<A, That the question now proposed to the American people is one that rises above all party
considerations. Involving the most vital principles of the Govemment, imperiously demanding the
united efforts of all parties in support ofthe Constitution and the rights ofthe people.
9(A, That these proceedings be signed by the president and vice-president, and certified by the
secretaries, and transmitted to the Hon. Patrick G. Good, of the House of Representatives in Con
gress, with a request that he lay them before that body.

192 THE AUTHOE EEELEOTED.
debates in that body. Some of these attracted attention, and were said
to rank among the ablest state papers of the twenty-seventh Congress.
The author was reelected by an overwhelming vote, and instructed by
the people to resume his seat, to reassert his doctriaes, and to maintain
them. At the expiration of five weeks from the time of censure, the author
resumed his seat in Congress, clothed with instractions from the people
of his district to re-present his resolutions and maintain to the extent pf
his powers the doctrines which they asserted. His return was hailed
with emotions of gratification by his venerable friend Mr. Adams, who
declared his entire confidence in the intelligence and disposition of the
people to reform the Govemment, if properly appealed to by public men.
Messrs. Slade and Gates were greatly strengthened in their hopes of suc
cess, and those members who had voted against the censure were cheered
and confirmed in their convictions respecting the freedom of deljate.
The Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Senate, to whom the mes
sage of the President on the subject of the " Creole," and the letter of
the Secretary of State to our minister at London, were committed,
appeared un-vrilUng to agitate the subject farther and made no report,
retaining those important state papers in unbroken silence. Mr. Cal
houn ceased to call the attention of the country to these clauns for
slaves : indeed, so far as the author could leam, Mr. Calhoun never sub-
¦ sequently mentioned the subject even in private conversation. The
Senate forbore all further discussion in regard to slaves freed under
British laws, and neither Mr. Webster, the Secretary of State, nor Pre
sident Tyler, nor his successor, Mr. Polk, were known to have taken fur
ther action on the subject : indeed, it was often asserted in the House
that the Executive had been sUenced by the voice of the people, and
southem members were taunted with receduig from their arrogant assump
tions ; to which they only repUed, that the claims were not abandoned,
though not then pressed upon the British Government.
But the most remarkable efi'ect of this popular feeUng was manifested
in the House of Representatives by the members who voted for the
resolution of censure. They weU understood the instructions of the
author, to again present the resolutions, which had now been pubUshed
throughout the free States, and to maintain the doctrines which they
asserted. If thus presented, the House must have adopted or rejected
them. But they could only be presented when the States were caUed
oh for resolutions, which by the rules of the House was on each alter
nate Monday. Yet a large majority had voted for the censure, and were
at all times able to control the business of the House ; and as often as

THE AUTHOE VINDICATES HIMSELF. 193
resolution day came round, a motion was made and- carried to proceed
to other busiiiess, ttereby defeating the author's intention to present hia
resolutions for consideration. During the remainder of that session and
the whole of the last session of the twenty-seventh Congress, the slave
power and the democratic party exhibited a moral cowardice enturely un
worthy of statesmen.
Finding the majority thus to have receded from the position they had
assumed when censuring the author, he seized upon the first, opportunity,
to vindicate in a public speech, the doctrines avowed in the resolutions
which the party would not permit him to present to the House. The
speech was Ustened to with respectful' attention, and although he spoke
with severity of language respecting the slave trade and of those who in
official stations encouraged that commerce in men and women, yet he
was not caUed to order. Indeed, without interruption he reasserted and
vindicated the doctrines for which he had been censured sixty days pre
viously. From that day the freedom of debate was substantiaUy regained,
althotigh the twenty-first or gag-rule continued to hold a place in the
manual for two years after this incident occurred.*
These extraordinary proceedings attracted attention in England. The
EngUsh press republished the proceedings, in the House of Representa
tives. The British Ministry had, however, refused indemnity to the slave-
dealers before the news of the author's expulsion reached that country.
in the meantime so many questions of difficulty had arisen between the
British Government and ours, that Lord Ashburton was appointed envoy
and minister plenipotentiary to our Government for the purpose of set
tling all matters existmg between the two nations, except those arising
from the release of slaves landed on British islands, including the " Cre
ole," on that he was authorized io hold no correspondence.
This was the first instance iu the history of our Government, on which
the popular voice was definitely and distinctly uttered in such direct con
demnation of the acts of either branch of our national Legislature ; and
few uQstances have occurred in which the voice of the people has been
proclaimed with greater potency.
• Mr. Benton, in his " Thirty Years," appropriates an entire chapter to the case of the " Creole,"
in which he evidently intended to justify himself and the Senators who voted and acted with
him on that subject ; but he makes no allusion to proceedings in the House, or to any of the Incl-
denta attending Its agitation In that body. It is, however, stlii more remarkable, th^ in his
*' Abridgment of Congressional Debates," which purports to give an abstract of all that was said
and done in that body, he does not allude to the resolutions presented by the author, nor to the vote
of censure, nor to any circumstance attending the author's resignation, and return to Congress.
But these facts show the efforts made to pervert the tmth of history. In order that our records might •
not bear testimony to the despotism and depravity of those who, for half a century, upheld and
encouraged crimes of tbe most revolting character. 13

194. ATTEMPTS TO EEMOVE ME. ADAMS.
The very general effort of the pro-slavery press and poUticians to.
misrepresent the history of the " Creole," and to suppress so far as pos
sible all knowledge of the real questions involved, constitute the author's
-vindication for speaking with perfect freedom of scenes in which he was
so prominent an actor.
The democratic party had looked to the visit of Lord Ashburton with
the hope and expectation that the Executive would induce the British
Govemment to surrender the right of visitation, which for many years
had been a subject of diplomatic correspondence. By " the right of
visitation," British statesmen rmderstood the right of every British ship
of war, when cruising for slavedealers, to visit suspected ships so far as
was necessary to determine whether |;hey were " pirates " or ships " en
gaged in lawful commerce." This right had been denied by our slave-
holding administrations, and as such visitation rendered the African slavp
trade more dangerous, and thereby enhanced the price of slaves, our pro-
slavery statesmen were anxious to exeiupt all ships sailing under Ameri
can colors from, such iaterruption.
¦ But this expectation faUed. The British minister made no concessioii ;
on the contrary, by the treaty formed between the two governments in
1842, the United States agreed to constantly maintain a naval force
up(!)n the African coast, of at least eighty guns, for the more effectual
suppression of the slave trade.
But the arrogant conduct of southern statesmen was weU ulustrated
by certain members who had been appointed to serve on the Committee
of " Foreign Affairs." Having faded to induce the House to remove Mr.
Adams from the position of chairman, Messrs. Gilmer and Hunter, of
Virginia ; Rhett, of South Carolina ; Johnson, of Maryland, and Proffit,
of Indiana, united m a written appUcation, addressed to the House of
Representatives, asking to be excused from serving on said committee,
as they were unwUUng to act -svith Mr. Adams as chairman, who, they
said, had " OAJOwed opinions, amd persevered in a system of conduct, which
in their .opinion, showed him an unsafe depository of public trust."* The
House by a vote readily excused them from further service on said com
mittee, and the Speaker appointed Messrs. White, of Louisiana ; A. H.
Shepherd, of North CaroUna ; Isaac E. Holmes, of South CaroUna ;
R. Chapman, of Alabama, and Mark A. Cooper, of Georgia, to act as
members of said committee m the place of the five members who had
* Of these gentlemen, Mr. Hunter Is, at the thne of wrlttag this note, an agent of the rebels, sent
ito England to obtain aid for the Southem Confederacy, and Mr. Rhett Is a member of the rebel
congress ; while the others have died without giving to the world any extraordinary evidence «t
their own patriotism.

COLOEED MEN HOLD THE EIGHT OP 8UFFEAGE. 195
been excused. Of these, Messrs. Cooper, Holmes, and Chapman, also
asked to be excused for the reasons set forth by their predecessors.*
These gentlemen were also excused by vote of the House. They aU ap
peared to entertam no doubts that their efforts to affect the reputation
of Mr. Adams, would exert an extensive influence upon the country.
But the aged hero appeared entirely unconscious of danger on that point,
nor did his friends exhibit ^ny particular alarm in regard to it.
A bUl to amend the charter of the City of Alexandria came up for
consideration, when Mr. Johnson, of Tennessee, moved an amendment,
grantiug the right of suffrage" to aU "free white male dtizens."
Mr. Adams moved to strike out the word " white," so as to extend
the right to aU "free citizens" without respect to color. In support of
this motion, he urged that the protection of Ufe, of Uberty, and property
was as dear and as necessary to the colored man as to the white man.
That the colored man contributed of his substance to the support of
the Governmenf in all cases the same as white men, and frequently is
taxed to educate the children of white men, in schools where they are
not permitted to send their own ; that the rights of Ufe and Uberty are
not involved in the right of suffrage, which is strictly a conventional,
and not a natural right ; yet no just reason can be assigned why the
right to vote should depend upon the complexion.
Slaveholders were enraged at this proposition, and stiU more at the
reason and logic with which it was enforced, yet no man presumed to
attempt any answer, but put an end to the discussion by laying the sub
ject on the table.
The second session of the twenty-seventh Congress was characterized
by stiU greater efforts in favor of despotism on the part of the southern
statesmen, and by corresponding exertions on the part of the advocates
of Uberty to defeat those designs of the slave power ; but reflecting men
saw clearly that the slaveholdiug influence had passed its culminating
pomt. The institution no longer exerted undisputed sway. The regain-
iog the right of petition and freedom of debate constituted the first step
in the important reformation which may be said to have been fairly in
augurated during the year 1842. The author was stigmatized as an
" agitator," a " fanatic," an " aboUtionist," and " exeiling no influence
in Congress." No man, no editor assailed the doctrines laid down in
the resolutions which brought upon him such a deluge of slaveholding
wrath. * Those gentlemen who felt it wrong to detract from thehr own dignity by serving on committee
with Mr. Adams, were permitted to retire from the public gaze, and the author cannot now say
whether they are living or dead.

196 ANn-SLAVBET PUBLIOA'HOIfS.
It was, therefore, necessary to make his real views known, m order to
maintain the position which he had assumed Mr. Adams better under
stood the difficulty, and had been unwUlmg to join in any platform of
prmciples, saying he would not Uve to vindicate them ; but at the same
time appeared quite wiUing that the authoir should avow his doctrines
and poUcy, beUeving, as he said, that the author would Uve to mamtain
them. During the recess of Congress the author wrote for pubUcation a
series of articles signed " Pacificus." They were first published in the
" Western Reserve Chronicle," a paper printed at Warren, Ohio. The
object of these essays was to draw the constitutional Une of demarkation
between the Federal Government and the institution of slavery. They
fully admitted the privUege of the southern States to maintain the insti
tution ; that although it was wrong, yet neither the free States nof the
Federal Government possessed constitutional authority to interfere with
it. But they asserted that the free States held the same right to be
entirely free and exempt from its disgrace and expense. That as the
slave States held the privUege to enjoy slavery, the free States held the
same privUege to enjoy freedom. Therefore the Federal Government
could no more aboUsh slavery in our southern States than it could abolish
freedom in the free States ; and as it was the equal agent of both free
and slave States, it could not interfere to uphold or put down slavery in
the South or Uberty in the North.
That in regard to the Territories, the District of Columbia, and the
high seas, no State authority or State laws could be recognized. There
Congress held supreme jurisdiction and was bound to carry out. the
doctrines avowed .by the fathers in lite, that human governments are
instituted to secure human rights.
In these articles the writer carefuUy touched upon the natural rights
\Thich the Creator had bestowed upon mankind. He referred to. the case
of a fugitive slave, asserting his right at all times to maintam his Uberty,
even though in doing so it becomes necessary to slay his master and aU
others who attempt to hold him in bondage.
jj^2 , These articles attracted attention, and were extensively repub
Ushed in newspapers and in pamphlet form. They were com
mended by editors, politicians, and statesmen. But anti-slavery men
found great difficulty from their mability to form an issue -with the sup
porters of slavery. In Congress and out of it members of the demo
cratic party carefully avoided every issue which the lovers of Uberty
tendered them. Prp-slavery statesmen and poUticians were loud in their
denunciations ; but careful to lay down no rule, doctrine, or principle,

ME. upshue's peoposition. 197
on which the advocates of human rights could take issue. Nor would
the advocates of slavery deny any specific doctruie, principle, or prunal
truth which the lovers of liberty mahitained.
But the poHcy of the slaveholding portion of ihe Union was indis-
cretely expressed by the Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Upshur, in his
annual report transmitted to Congress by the President at the opening
of the last session of the twenty-seventh Congress. Mr. Upshur was
a native of Virginia, educated in that State, and reared in the belief that
the Old Dominion was entitled to furnish the principal officers of Govern
ment, and to shape the politics of the nation. The failure of Mr. Cal
houn in his efforts to commit the nation to support the coastwise slave
trade, seemed never to have been heard of by Mr. Upshur, or if under
stood, he must have disregarded the example which that case afforded.
He now recommended an increase of the navy sufficient to prevent an
enemy from landing upon our shores ; and as an argument, he insisted
that the " pecuUar population " of the South would render it dangerous
to permit our enemies to make a lodgment within our slave States.
This proposition to tax the nation for the protection of slavery, how
ever indiscreet, constituted evidence of an intention to make the people
of the free States bear the burdens of the institution, and northern
advocates of freedom held up that policy to the condemnation of the
people, insisting that no appropriation should be made from the national
funds for that purpose, though the mstitution were to be swept from the
earth . That we would protect the South against invasion by calling
their slaves into service, as General Jackson had done in 1814, or we
would set the slaves free as he had done : But there was no southern
or northem Senator or Representative that would stand forth in defence
bf the Secretary's poUcy.
On the second day of the session, Mr. Adams introduced a resolution
repealing the twenty-first rule of the House, and caUed for the previous
question ; there was a second to the demand, but the House refused to
order the main question, and it was thus postponed from day to day for
some time, whep it was laid on the table by a bare majority ; members
appeared unwUUng to repeal it by direct vote, although it had moraUy
ceased to operate.
Another item of some political significance occurred at the opening
of this last session of the twenty-seventh Congress. The author had
been appointed chairman of the Committee on Claims at the first
session, which commenced in December, 1841, and having served the
whole of the first session and part of the second, resigned his seat under
the vote of censure, in M^ch, 1842, and another chairman had been

198 A'ITEMPT TO EEMOVE THE AUTHOE.
appointed to fill the vacancy, who, of course, held the place up to the
close of that session. Southern members now insisted that the SpeaW,
being a warm friend of Mr. Clay, would not dare to disregard southem
feeUngs so much as to reappoint the author. The -writer had forbidden
his friends to make any effort for his reappointment ; but the Speaker
'seemed to have no hesitancy. Indeed, he said pubUcly that the vote of
censure was an outrage to which he had always been opposed, and for
which he desfred to express his entfre disregard by reappointing Mr.
Giddings. The committee was composed of three northem Whigs, besides the
¦writer, to wit : Messrs. Tomlinson, of New York ; Osborn, of 'Connecti
cut, and Cowen, of Ohio ; while Messrs. Arnold, of Tennessee, and War
ren, of Georgia, were slaveholding Whigs ; and Messrs. Burke, of New
Hampshfre ; MediU,i of Ohio, and Hubbard, of Virginia, were Democrats.
Thus there was a Whig majority of three, and a pro-slavery majority of
the same number.
By the ancient rules of the House, the committees held the right to
elect thefr chairman ; but the practice had long been for the member
first named on the Ust to perform th'e duties of the office, and it had
come to be universally regarded as law. So universal was this under
standing that the majority of the Committee on Foreign Affafrs would
not assume the responsibility of electing a chairman in opposition to Mr.
Adams, who had been appointed by the Speaker ; but asked the House
to remove him, and resigned thefr places when the House refused. Not
so with the Committee on Clauns ; the three Democrats and two
southem Whigs had voted for the pubUc censure of thefr chafrman, and
for them now to sit in committee with that gentleman as presiding
officer, would constitute a humiliation to which they were unwilUng to
submit.* Mr. Warren, of Georgia, took care to inform the chairman that the
majority of the committee had determhied to remove him, and stated the
day on which it was to be done, and ad-rised a resignation. To this the
chairman replied that he had been appointed by the Speaker because of
his industry and generali character. That m presenting' his resolutions
he had acted according to the dictates of his conscience, and his constit
uents had effectually reversed the judgment of the House ; that such,
too, seemed to be the opinion of the Speaker. Under the circumstances
he felt no disposition to resign, but would meet any action of the com-
* Mr. Burke, in a personal conversation, on the mornmg after the resolution of censure was
introduced, and while it was pending, assured the author in the most solemn manner that if he had
tho power, he would hang him for introducing resolutions agahist the slave trade.

FAILUKE OF THE ATTEMPT. 199
mittee in such manner as best he might. Mr. Warren assured him that
he wished to avoid a vote ; but if compeUed to express his views, he would
be constrained to act in accordance with the sentiment of the South.
Not so with Mr. Amold of Tennessee : he was a slaveholding Whig,
and while he asserted his attachment to slavery, he declared that he
would never unite -with Democrats to perpetrate an outrage upon a mem
ber merely because he was opposed to that institution.
On the mornmg appointed for taking the vote, Mr. Arnold was not
present. Mr. MediU left the committee, as he said, to persuade Mr. Ar
nold to attend. Neither of them however appeared subsequently during
the day. The committee proceeded in the discharge of thefr duties, and
the next morning democratic members announced that Mr. Amold would
not sustain the proposition to remove the chairman, who continued in the
iluties of his office without ftirther interruption.

200 THE EIGHT OF VISITATION.

CHAPTER Xin.
ATTEMPTS TO OBTAIN . PAYMENT FOR SLAVES, AND EPFOETS AT PEKSONAL
INTIMIDATION.
jg^ , Aptee the " Treaty of Washmgton " had been concluded and
ratified, there was much discontent manifested among southern
men at its sUence in regard to the right of visitation. Sir Robert Peel,
in the British parliament, declared that his government had in no respect
modified its claun to exercise the right of visiting suspected ships, so far as
to ascertain whether they were employed in lawful commerce or engaged
in the slave trade ; whUe it had long been claimed on the part of our
Government that no cruiser had the right to stop any ship saUing under
American colors, to ascertain whether she were engaged in the slave trade
or not ; and so far was this opposition carried, that war had been threat
ened by leadmg members of the democratic party, if England continued
the practice. It was on this evidence that Mr. Adams based his asser
tion that it " was intended to involve our nation in a war with England
for the purpose of reopening the African slave trade." There could be
no other excuse for the hostiUty manifested by southern statesmen against
the efforts of England to abolish that traffic. But in making the Ash
burton treaty, this feeling in favor of the slave trade did not control the
Executive. The President was a Virginian, and decidedly in favor of
fostering the interests of that State. She had long been in the practice
of sending her surplus slave population to southern markets, which had
become profitable ; indeed, Virginia had UteraUy become a slave breeding
State ; and aU her friterests were opposed to the African slave trade,
which brought the imported Africans in competition with Vfrginia reared
slaves. President Tyler therefore found it no disagreeable duty to
give up the southern doctrine in regard to the right of visitation, and
enter into further covenants for the suppression of the African slave
trade. These thuigs created great dissatisfaction in the democratic
party, inasmuch as General Cass and other leading members had
warmly opposed the right of visitation, declaring it to be a revival
of the former "right of search," to which in fact it bore very Uttle re
semblance. Senator Crafts, of Vermont, presented to the Senate the legislative

SLAVE TEADE IU DISTEICT OF COLUMBIA. 201
Resolve of that State declaring it the duty of Congress to aboUsh
slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia ; but the Senate
raised the question of reception, and laid that question on the table,
leaving the resolution in the hands of the Senator who brought it
forward. By way of preamble, it recited "That the foreign slave trade was
regarded as piracy, punishable with death under our laws : That a
' traffic in men ' had long been carrieid on within sight of the haUs of
Congress and of the President's dwelling, characterized by aU the crimes
of the foreign slave trade, aggravated by its outrages upon the sensibUi-
ties of a Christian community, under and by virtue of the laws of Con
gress. Therefore,
" Resohied, That all laws in any way sanctioning or authorizing the
slave trade in the District of Columbia, ought to be repealed, and the
trade prohibited."
Mr. Slade, wishing to present this resolution to the House, and know
ing that the twenty-first rule prohibited its reception, moved a suspension
of the rales' in order to present it fpr action in that body. AU mem
bers from the slave States voted against the motion ; those from the free
States voted as follows :
Maine. Yea — Messrs. Bronson, Fessenden and Randall, ... 3
Nay — Messrs. Littlefield, Lowell, and MarshaU, .... 3
Not voting — Messrs. AUen and CUfford,  2
New Hampshire. Yea — none.
Nay — Messrs. Burke, Eastman, Redding, and Shaw, . . 4
Not voting — Mr. Atherton,  . 1
Massachusetts. Yea — Messrs. Winthrop, Parmenter, Hudson,
Baker, Briggs, Calhoun, Borden, BurneU, and Adams, . 9
Nay — None.
Not voting — Messrs. SaltonstaU and Cushing, .... 2
One vacancy.
Rhode Island. Yea — Messrs. Cranston and TUUnghast, ... 2
Connecticut. Messrs. TrumbuU, Boardman, Osborn, and Smith, 4
Not voting — Messrs. Brockway and Williams, .... 2
Vermont. Yea — Messrs. Slade, Everett, and Mattocks, ... 3
Not votmg — Messrs. HaU and Young  2
New York. Yea — Messrs. J. G. Floyd, McKeon, Roosevelt,
Ferris, Davis, Hunt, Barnard, Linn, Blair, Tomlinson,
Chittenden, J. C. Clark, S. N. Clark, Patridge, Bfrdsey,
? Morgan, Maynard, Granger, OUver, Childs, Gates, Fill
more, and Babcock,  26

202 VEEMONT mSULTED.
Nay — Messrs. C. A. Floyd, Wood, Ward, CUnton, Van
Buren, McCleUan, Herrick, Brewster, Gordon, and
Riggs  10
Not voting — Messrs. Egbert, Van Rensalear, Sandford,
Doig, Bowne, Granger, and Young,  1
Pennsylvania. Yea — Messrs. James, Ramsey, Cooper, Russell,
McKennon, Henry, and J. R. IngersoU  7
Nay — 0. 1. IngersoU, Brown, Fornance, Westbrook, New-
hard, Keim, Gerry, Marchand, Beeson, Bidlack, Irwin,
Jack, and Plummer,  13
Not voting — Jeremiah Bro-ivn, Edwards, Sunonton, Gus-<
tine, Irwin, Snyder, Reed, and Russel,  8
Ohio. Yea — Messrs. Pendleton, Goode, Morrow, Morris, Russel,
Ridgeway, Cowen, Mathiot, Andrews, Giddmgs, and
Stokeley  11
Nay — Messrs. Dean, Mathews, WeUer, MedUl, Sweeney, 5
Not voting — Messrs. Hastings, Doane, and Mason, ... 3
Indiana. Yea — Messrs. White and Cravens,  2
Nay — Mr. Thompson,  » .'.... 1
Not voting — Messrs. Proffit, Kennedy, Wallace, and Lane, 4
Illinois. Yea — Messrs. Casey, Reynolds, and Stuart,  3
Michigan. Absent — Mr. Howard,  1
Such was the respect of the several northern members for the rights
and dignity of a free State. The whole vote, including members from
the slave States, showed 13 yeas, 109 nays, and 34 members froin the
free States not voting.
The question of property in human beings was again brought before
the House of Representatives, but in a more objectionable form than it
had been presented in 1828.
When General Jackson invaded West Florida in 1814, the foUowers
of his camp took with them, on leaving the territory, more than a hun
dred slaves ; and when he again invaded it m 1818, he took from the
inhabitants provisions to a considerable amount.
By the ninth article of our treaty with Spain in 1820, it was stipu
lated " that the Spanish inhabitants shaU receive compensation for any
losses they may have sustafried by reason of the operations of the late
American army within that territory.''
1848.] Under this treaty aU claims arising from the operations of the
American army in Florida, during the year 1818, were regarded
as valid, and were adjusted. *
But those who had lost slaves during the invasion of 1814 now claimed

PEOPEETT" rsr SLAVES DENIED. 203
indemnity. Mr. Crawford, at that time Secretary of the Treasury, re
jected them.
They were then sent to Congress, and committed in the House of
Representatives to the Committee on Foreign Affafrs, of which Mr.
Archer, of Vfrginia, was chafrman, and were rejected. But the claim
ants, nothing daunted, again had them referred, at the next Congress,
to the Committee on Foreign Affafrs, at that time under the chafrman-
ship of Mr. Everett, of Massachusetts. This gentleman had voted to
recognize property in human beings, and was an advocate of that dogma ;
and although a representative from Massachusetts, he reported in favor
of paying for these slaves, although they had been so often rejected.
But the House did not sanction his report.
Mr. Woodbury coming into the office of Secretary of the Treasury,
and having always subserved the interests of the institution, the claim
ants now applied to his department for indemnity ; and he, not doubting
the validity of the claims, paid some thousands of doUars for their liqui
dation, when he learned the action wliich Mr. Crawford had taken in
regard to them, and refused further payments.
The claimants appUed to Congress again, and had their cases referred
to the Committee on Claims, whUe the author was a member of that com
mittee. The practice then was to make no report on claims for slaves,
in order to prevent agitation.
At the next session, they were referred to the Committee on Terri
tories, of which the Hon. James Cooper, of Pennsylvania, was chafrman,
who reported a bill for thefr payment.*
Mortified that the Committee on Territories should have thus reported
in favor of such claims, the author went among his friends in the House,
informed them of the character of the bUl, and requested them to ex
amine the case and aid in defeating it if they should find it of the charac
ter represented. He was particularly urgent with some men of talents,
who were in the habit of speaking in the House of Representatives ; but
could find no one wUUng to argue against the bUl save Mr. Adams.
Messrs. Slade and Gates would wUlingly have complied -with the request,
but Mr. Slade was in poor health, and Mr. Gates was unwUling to as
sume the character of a speaking member, as he had never -practised
addressing the House. In short, it was found that Mr. Adams and the
author were to meet the slaveholding influence upon a question which,

• The author was at that tune chairman of the Committee on Claims, and Informed Mr. Cooper
that these cases were suspicious, and had been taken from the Committee on Claims for the reason
that that Committee had refused to recognize them as valid.

204 DECISION SAME AS IN 1828.
in 1828, had been debated with more determination than had been mani
fested on any other question.
When the bUl came up for debate, the -writer assailea it -with such
arguments as he could command. The chairman of the Committee on
Territories, Mr. Cooper, on listening to his arguments, refused to snstam
the bill which he had himself reported ; but a number of slaveholders
spoke in its favor, occupying the remainder of the day, and the debate
was postponed for two weeks.
Mr, Adams became deeply interested, and sending to the Register of
the Treasury, obtained a list of some ninety negroes, male and female,
for whose bodies the people of the free States were now caUed on to
pay When the bUl came again before the House, the veteran statesman
spoke with great earnestness and in his own pecuUar manner. True,
neither Mr. Adams nor Mr. Giddings could advance any new arguments
after the very full discussion of 1828. The principal distinction between
the arguments on that case and those now advanced consisted in the
fact, that Messrs. Adams and Giddings pressed upon the consideration
Of members the moral character of slavery, and the cfrcumstance that
this claim was, to a certain extent, for females stolen by the army and *<
the followers of the camp. But Mr. Adams seemed to carry the mem
bers with him, as he progressed with the argument, and never did the
result of any question more distmctly appear upon the countenances of
Hiembers than on that occasion.
When Mr. Adams closed there was a general caU for the pretions
question, but the delegate fro'm Florida desired to reply. He was lis
tened to attentively, but made no impression npon the House ; indeed,
the overwhelming argument of Mr. Adams appeared to be rendered more
frresistible by contrasting it with the feebleness of this reply. The vote
was then taken on the bUl, when only thfrty-six members voted in sup
port of it.
This was the second instance in which the right of property in human
beings was distinctly debated in the House of Representatives ; and
although the argument was mainly confined to that subject, yet the con
struction of the treaty constituted a legitimate question, and undoubtedly
was regarded by some members as a good reason for votmg agamst the
bUl. Nor is it to be denied that the moral cfrcumstances aUuded to had
weight with some members.*
? Mr. Pickens, of South Carolina, came across the hall after this vote was taken, and, addressing
Ilia colleague, Mr. CampbeU, who sat beside the author, said—" Why did you not vote for Uiift

EXECUTIVE BUPPOET OF SLAVE TEADE. 205
Another mcident occurred near the close of the session which further
exhibited the wilUngness of northern statesmen to involve themselves and
thefr constituents in the crime and disgrace of sustaining the slave, trade.
In a previous chapter the attention of the reader was called in general
terms to the slave ships " Comet" and " Encomium," which were wrecked
near the British West India islands, and the slaves became free by being
carried under the jurisdiction of British laws. These were the first
slaves lost hi that manner for which indemnity was demanded. The claim
was pnt forth under the administration of General Jackson, attended by
indications that payment for the slaves must be made or a war would
result from the refusal. But this result was probably more strongly im-
pUed from the character of President Jackson than from any particular
language or other cfrcumstance. But these losses occurred whUe slavery
existed on aU the British West India .islands, and while that govemment
practically admitted the right of property in men. Under these circum
stances the British Ministry, consented to pAy some ^15,000 for the
benefit of slavedealers, whose crimes had been in some degree defeated
by " the act of God " and the operation of British laws.
In obtaining this money the President did not consult Congress.
Nor did he ask of Congress to point out the mode for its distribution.
He paid out all but four thousand dollars, for which no claimants
appeared. This sum remained in President Van Buren's hands, and
when he was about to retfre from office, he paid it over to the Treasurer
of the United States, who, -without any authority, gave an official
receipt for it.
After the retfrement of Mr. Van .Buren the claimants caUed for the
funds. The Treasurer, although he had received the money trithout any
authority, now refused to pay it out, unless Congress would pass a law
authorizing him to do so.
Up to this pomt, the whole proceeding had been carried on by the
Executive. He had placed our Government in the attitude of patron
izing this "traffic in slaves ;" and lent our national influence to the com
mission of crimes revolting to Christianity : But now the slavedealers
applied to Congress, to sustain them in obtaining the profits of thefr
piratical vocation.
Thefr petition was referred to the Committee on Ways and Means,
composed of Messrs. FUlmore, of New York ;.Botts, of Virgmia ; Mason,
bill?" Mr. Campbell replied, "Why did you not vote for it?" Pickens said, "Because I was
ashcimed to do so." "Such was my gase," said Mr. Campbell. Tet, while these advocates of
Blavery voted against the bill, members from New Hampshhre sustained it.

206 EFFOETS TO COMPEOMISE.
of Ohio; WaUace, of Indiana ; Marshall, of Kentucky ; I. R. Ingersoll,
of Pennsylvania; Jones, of Virginia ; Atherton, of New Hampshfre ;
and Pickens, of South Carolina; and, so far as we are informed, they
were unanimously in favor of taking this slavetrading transaction into
the hands of Congress, and carrying out the system commenced by Gen
eral Jackson. ' j
, The majority of the committee were Whigs, and would have probably ',
looked upon any other transaction of that functionary with suspicion.
But this had relation to the slave trade, and few members were wUUng ';
to oppose the proposition. '
The bUl was reported by Mr. FUlmore, and merely authorized the
Treasurer to pay over the money to the owners of the slaves in propor
tion to the number which each had lost.
Having informed himself of the character of this bUl, the writer
went to Mr. Stanley, of North Carolina, who had the matter in charge,
and in a friendly manner stated that the money was in the hands of the
Treasurer without any legal authority ; and could be paid out withqut
incurring any responsibUity; but as he, Stanley, was anxious that his
constituents should get the money, the writer would consent that the bUl
should authorize the Treasurer to replace it in the hands of the Execu
tive, who would doubtless pay it over as the claunants desfred. That tliis
would not involve Congress in the odium of the transaction, in which the
writer desired not to be involved, even by sUently permitting the present
bUl to pass without opposition.
Mr. Stanley declared the proposition honorable, and requested the
author to draw up such a bUl as he would consent to have passed. He
did so ; Stanley carefully examined it, declared himself satisfied, and said
when the bUl came up he would accept it as a substitute for the original
biU. This was done to the apparent satisfaction of aU concemed, and the
bUl, thus amended, passed the House of Representatives.
When it was taken up in the Senate, the original bUl, as reported by
the committee, was substituted for the biU which passed the House,
and it came back in the precise form reported by the committee. Aston
ished at this apparent violation of honor and good faith, Mr. Giddings
at once went to Mr. Stanley for explanation, but obtained none what
ever. Under the circumstances, the author desired to express his oppo
sition to the bUl when it should come np for consideration, so that no
man would thereafter charge him with having silently consented to its
passage. To this Mr. Stanley appeared to yield consent.
When the biU came before the House, Mr. Stanley, havmg charge of

LEGISLATIVE STEATEGT. 207
it, was awarded the floor, and demanded the previous question. Mr.
Giddings pubUcly requested him to -withdraw the demand. He refused.
Mr. Giddings demanded the yeas and nays on the passage of the bUl,
but Stanley exerted a commanding influence with the whig party, and
the bin, from its character, drew to its support the slaveholders and
democratic members, and the yeas and nays were refused. The ques
tion of concurring in the Senate's amendment was put and carried.
Discovering the artifice used to prevent him from exposing the char
acter of the bill, Mr. Giddings felt perhaps too indignant, and being
unwUling to be overreached in that way, at once moved a reconsidera
tion of the vote, and thus coming into legitimate possession of the floor,
stated the deception to which he had been subjected. The bUl, he said,
was intended to compensate certain slavedealing constituents of Mr.
Stanley for losses sustained in thefr vocation. He thanked God that
he held his seat in that hall by no such votes, and was under no obliga
tions to piratical slavedealers ; protested against the whig party
taking upon itself the odium of voting to sustain a commerce in human
flesh.* He next exposed the character of the bill; showed that it was
intended to sanction the act of General Jackson and lending the in
fluence of the nation to support a commerce in the bodies of men and
women born and reared on American soU. That in doing this. General
Jackson and his successor had acted without consulting Congress.
That the President of this RepubUc had condescended to become the
agent and solicitor of piratical slavedealers ; had disgraced the nation
aud Government by representing that it " fostered a traffic in the
bodies and souls of Methodists, Presbyterians, Baptists, and other
professing Christians : That he obtained a large sum of money
from England by falsdy representing to the British Ministry that this
Government, of which Congress constituted the legislative branch,
regarded slaves as property, and paid for them as such when lost in the
public service in time of war." He declared that the assertion was not
only untrue, but asserted that the reverse was Uterally true. Our
records (said he) show that in the only instances where this question
has been raised or debated in the House of Representatives, the doc
trine asserted by our minister at London (Mr. Stevenson), has been
repudiated. He made this charge of unmitigoted falsehood upon that
* Mr. Stanley exerted great iniiuence with the whig party, of which Mr. Giddings was then a
member. But in all his bearing and conduct Mr. Stanley exhibited an imperious contempt for
the supporters of liberty. He was undoubtedly sincere In his opinions, but on this occasion mani
fested them In an offensive manner. Mr. Oiddings felt at perfect liberty to utter his detestation
of slavedealmg and of slavedealers. The result was that these gentlemen never exchanged the
ordinary civilities of social life afterwards.

208 CHARGE OF FALSEHOOD.
minister because he saw around him able statesmen representing the Old
Dominion, of which our minister was a citizen, and knew that if this
House had in any instances decided that slaves were property, or had
paid for them as such, these representatives would find the record and
convict him of misrepresentation. He challenged them to the contest,
pronounced the doctrine " heathenish," and its assertion a libd upon Con
gress and upon the people ofthe nation. He would not be made a party to
the falsehood nor to the doctrine ; nor would he permit his constituents
to be involved in such infideUty to the precepts and doctrines of the
founders of our Govemment ; such infideUty to the principles of
jnstice. He asserted that he felt humbled, deeply humiUated, at looking
around him and seeing two hundred and thirty American statesmen
sitting in that hall gravely legislating in behalf of pfratical slave-
dealers, whose crimes had rendered them moral outlaws, unfit for human
association, fit only for the gaUows and the halter. Yet because the
Executive and Senate had engaged in the support of this inhuman traffic,
and had done all they could to commit the Government and nation to
its support, and had faUed to effect that object, members of the House
were asked to approve these efforts by the passage of the biU. He
would not be made the supple instrament of the President nor of design
ing slaveholders, though clothed with senatorial dignity.
He stated that he was fully aware that a large majority of the House
of Representatives were in favor of sustaining the doctrme of the
Executive and of the Senate : that they had by an unauthorized and
despotic assumption of power passed a vote of censure upon him for
the expression of his opinions on the subject of the slave trade, and
proceeded at length to vindicate the doctrine that Congress had no con
stitutional power nor just right to involve the people of the free States
in a war for the support of the slave trade.*
No member attempted to meet the doctrines put forth. Stanley
was silent. Mr. FUlmore, who reported the biU, made no attempt to
vindicate the principles involved. Mr. Gushing, of Massachusetts, repUed,
endeavoring to show that the money being in the treasury made Con-
* These remarks were not reported In the " Congressional Olobe," nor in any other paper. In
the report of the proceedmgs, as they appeared the next moming, it was stated that Mr. GIddtags
occupied an hour on the subject, but no allusion was made even to the substance of his remarks.
He, however, wrote them out, and obtained their publication In the Appendix to the " Congressional
Globe." It Is a -matter of curiosity that Colonel Benton, while professing to give an accurate abridgment
of all debates and proceedings in Congress, does not refer to this speech which appears in the
Appendix of the "Globe;" nor to Mr. Cuahing's reply, nor to any, transaction connected with the
bill referred to.

THE VOTE. 209
gress trastees for its distribution, and that body was bound to distribute
it, without looking back to the cfrcumstances which brought it to the
treasury.* After Mr. Cushing concluded, the yeas and nays were ordered on the
motion to lay the proposition to reconsider on the table, and it prevaUed
by a vote of 140 to 38.
The vote of the slave States was unanimously in the affirmative.
That of the free States was di-\rided as foUows :
Maine. Yea — Messrs. Allen, Clifford, Littlefield, LoweU, and
¦' MarshaU,  5
Nay — Messrs. Bronson, Fessenden, and Randall, ... 3
New Hampshire. Yea — Messrs. Atherton, Burke, and Eastman, 3
Not voting — Messrs. Redding and Shaw,  2
Massachusetts. Yea — Messrs. Cushing, and Parmenter, . . 2
Nay — Messrs. Winthrop, Hudson, Baker, Briggs, Cal
houn, BurneU, and Adams,  1
Absent — Messrs. SaltonstaU, Hastings, and Borden, . . 3
Bhode Island. Yea— Mr. Cranston,  i . . . 1
Absent — Mr. TiUinghast,  1
Connecticut. Yea — Messrs. Osborn, and Boardman, .... 2
Nay — Messrs. Smith, WiUiams, and Brockway, .... 3
Absent — Mr. TrumbuU,  1
Vermont. Yea — none.
Nay-^Messrs. HaU, Slade, Young, and Mattocks, ... 4
Absent — Mr. Everett,  1
New York. Yea — Messrs. Charles A. Floyd, John G. Floyd,
McKeon, Wood, Ferris, Davis, CUnton, McCleUan,
Herrick, Hunt, Barnard, Blafr, TomUnson, Sandford,
Doig, Brewster, Bowne, Gordon, J. C. Clark, Riggs,
Patridge, Foster, FUlmore, OUver, ChUds, and Young, 26
Nay — Messrs. Linn, Staley N. Clark, Morgan, Granger,
Bfrdsey, Chittenden, Van Rensalear,  1
Absent — Messrs. Babcock, Egbert, Roosevelt, Ward,
Gates, and Van Buren,  6
New Jersey. Yea — Mr. Aycrig,  1
Nay — Mr. Halstead, .  1
Absent — Messrs. Randolph, Stratton, MaxweU, and York, 4
• After Mr. Cushlng's return home he published a letter, charging the author with mlarepresen.
tation in saying that members who supported Has bill sustained the slave trade. The authoi
repUed, showing very definitely the Instances in which Mr. Ouslung had su^^.iined that traffic. Mr.
Owhing was defeated at the next election, and no more appeared in Congresi
14

210 BEfiACH OF PEIVILEGB.
Pennsylvania. Yea — Messrs. Charles Brown, Jeremiah Brown,
C. I. IngersoU,' Toland, Fornance, Westbrook, Newhard,
Keim, Gerry, Gustine, Bidlack, Snyder, Marchand, Bee
son, Plummer, W. W. Irwin,  16
Nay — Messrs. Henry, McKennon, Ramsey, ...".. 3
Not voting — Messrs. Sergeant, James, Sunonton, Cooper,
Dimmock, Lawrence, Jack, and James Irwin, ... 8
One vacancy.
. Ohio. Yea — Messrs. Pendleton, WeUer, Mason, Doane, Morris,
MedUl, Mathews, Mathiot, Sweeney, Hastings, Dean, . 11
Nay — Messrs. Andrews, Cowen, Giddings, Ridgeway,
Russel, and Stokeley  6
Not votuig— Messrs. Goode, and Morrow,  2
Indiana. Yea — Messrs. Proffit, and Thompson,  2
Nay — Mr. Cravens,  1
Not voting — Messrs. Lane, Kennedy, WaUace, and White, 4
Michigan. Absent — Mr. Howard,  1
Illinois. Yea-^Messrs. Casey, Stuart, and Reynolds, .... 3
When the -vote had been announced by the Speaker, Mr. Giddings
rose to a question of privilege, and stated an occurrence which had taken
place during the proceedings.
He said : WhUe speaking, he had noticed several persons standing in
front of the Clerk's desk, one of whom was Mr. Dawson, of Louisiana.
That the moment he closed his remarks he was violently pushed by
what appeared to be the elbow of a man pressing against his side ; and
at the same instant Mr. Dawson passed him on his way from the
outside towards the Clerk's desk. He approached from behind, and
was neither heard nor seen untU this manifestation of his displeasure.
Recognizing him as he passed, he spoke in an undertone, but so
loud as to be heard. Saying " Dawson P' when that member turned
around and seized the handle of a bowie-knife which partially pro
truded from his bosom, and immediately advanced towards the writer
untU within strUsing distance of his person. Looking him in the eye
he said, "Did you push me in that rude manner V He -answered,
" Yes!' " For the purpose of insulting me ?" " Yes," said Dawson, as
he partially removed the knife from the scabbard. Mr. Giddings rejoined,
" No gentleman wUl wantonly insult another. I have no more to say to
you, but turn you over to pubUc contempt as incapable of insulting an
honorable man."
By this time Mr. More, of Louisiana, and other members seized
Dawson and took him from the haU. The writer stated to the House

THE HOUSE F0EBEAE8 ACTION. 211
that he felt it due to the members of the body to lay these facts before
them. That he should leave the matter at that point ; wishing it
distinctly understood, that he asked no protection from the House, but
left that body to protect its own dignity.
Mr. A. H. H. Stuart, from Vfrgmia, stated that he had noticed the
appearance of Dawson whUe standing in front of the Clerk's desk
apparently engaged in conversation with other members. That he kept
his eye upon him as he left that place walking down the front aisle, when
he lost sight of him until he came round and entered the smaU aisle in
which Mr. Giddings was standing. That from the appearance of
Dawson's countenance he apprehended an intention of violence.
Mr. Wise and some other gentlemen expressed the opinion that Mr.
Pawson intended no insult.
Mr. Calhoun, of Massachusetts, insisted on reading the manual relat
ing to the privUeges of members : and Mr. Adams inquired whether
• Dawson threatened to cut Mr. Giddings' throat from ear to ear as he
had that of the gentleinan from Tennessee ? alluding to an incident that
occurred a few days previously when Mr. Amold, of 'Tennessee, said
something unpleasant to Mr. Dawson, who went to hun, and in a low
tone of voice assured Mr. Arnold that if he did not keep quiet he would
" cut his throat from ear to ear." The matter of privUege was dropped
at this point. Dawson had doubtless acted with the approbation of
several members, who probably intended to try the experiment of
threatening personal violence to deter members from the expression
of thefr views : * but the pubUc did not so regard it. Most men
beUeved that Dawson intended to have drawn from the writer a blow
which would have served as an excuse for assassination. The whole
scene served to arouse in the public mind a feeUng of disgust at the
barbarous habits Of our slaveholding population.
Resistance to the despotism of slavery was of frequent occurrence
during the twenty-seventh Congress.
* Hon. David Lee Child, of Massachusetts, In a published letter written on the same day on
which this scene occurred, says ;
" I was sitting in the gallery. I saw Dawson in the centre of the haU amidst a group of
southern members, all of whom were looking extremely wrathful, and one of them, as I am
informed by a member, said, with au oath, * I would like to cut off Giddings* ears.' In this
excited group Dawson was conspicuous. Being Intent on hearing, I did not follow him with the eye ;
but it is stated by reporters and members that, when he entered the small aisle leading from tbe
circular passage to the centre of the hall, he appeared intent upon some desperate action. Coming
from the rear, Mr. Giddings could not of course see him; and as he passed that gentleman he
gave him a violent push, with his left elbow, while his right hand was fastened upon the baft of
his bowie-knife; but he soon tumed round and slowly advanced towards Mr. Giddings, still holding
Us bowie-knife."

212 MONSTBE PETITION FEOM MASSACHUSETTS.
Encouraged by the exposures made in Congress, the people of Massa
chusetts now sent a petition askmg that body to pass such laws as would
forever separate the people of the free States from the expense, and
crime, and disgrace of supporting slavery, or the slave trade ?
The petition was said to be signed by twenty thousand citizens of that
State, and was forwarded to Mr. Adams for presentation. And on those
days allotted to the presentation of petitions by the rules of the House,
it was brought and placed upon the desk of the veteran statesman, who
patiently awaited an opportunity for presenting it. The petition did not
come under the twenty-first 'rule, and slaveholders and Democrats ap
peared greatly annoyed at seeing it ; and during the entfre session they
postponed by vote on each alternate Monday the presentation of petitions,
in order as they said to prevent Mr. Adams from presenting the
" monster petition."
As the session drew to a close, Mr. Winthrop, from the Conunittee on
Commerce, reported a series of resolutions declaring that the seizure of
free colored citizens in any part of the United States by the local
authorities, is a violation of the rights of citizenship guaranteed by the
Constitution. " That the seizure of colored persons on board the" ships of other
nations, is a violation of our treaty obligations."
Mr. Winthrop asked the adoption of these resolutions. But Mr.
Johnson, of Tennessee, moved to lay them on the table, and the motion
prevaUed by a vote of S 6 to 59.
In view of the approaching presidential election the friends of Mr.
Calhoun established a paper at Washington City, -with the admitted
intention of bringing him before the nation as a candidate for the
Presidency. It was called " The Spectator," and one of its avowed
doctrines was, that the Federal Government was bound to support
the institution of slavery in the States, and to extend it.
This bold avowal was novel to the people of tlie North. Up to a
recent period the pubUcly avowed doctrme had been that Congress had
no right , to interfere with slavery in ihe States. To this doctrine the
-writer had at all times yielded approval : whUe Mr. Adams only objected
to it, that in time of war, or insurrection, the Federal Government might
interpose to aboUsh slavery if deemed necessary to peace.
The intention of the leaders of the democratic pai'ty to render the free
States subsidiary to the institution, was now becoming rapidly developed
to the public view. They had been defeated at the last presidential
election, principally because of the extravagant and wasteful expenditure
of the public moneys. But the southern doctrine that governments were

PLAN FOE ANNEXING TEXAS. 213
not bound by the laws of justice and moraUty, had so far corrapted the
statesmen and poUticians of the country, that the Whigs as well as
Democrats carefully avoided the enunciation of any primal doctrine or
elementary truth as the basis of their organization, and were now greatly
divided, whUe the union of southern slavery with northern democracy
appeared to have been fully consummated.
The first great movement of this now consolidated and powerful
organization, was directed to the annexation of Texas : but no pubUc
avowal had as yet been made, and the great body of the hqrthern people
were ignorant of that conspfracy to break up the Union to which
the American people were so much attached ; and bring into the
poUtical partnership a new slaveholding State of vastly extended
territory, to wield an influence and power over the interests and honor
of our northem people, not merely equal in proportion to their numbers,
but far superior, as they would under the Constitution be clothed with
poUtical influence in proportion to the number of slaves they might
hold in bondage, counting five slaves equal to three of our northern
freemen. Mr. Adams possessed the means of obtaining perfect knowledge of
whatever transpfred in their most secret councDs. He assured his friends
that the effort to annex Texas was now to be made in good earnest ;
and as it was intended to strengthen, to extend and perpetuate the insti
tution of slavery, grecisely to that extent would it diminish and strike
down the hberties of the North.
Having obtained satisfactory evidence of thefr intention, twenty mem
bers of Congress united in an address to the people of the free States,
assuring them that the annexation of Texas was agreed upon by the
statesmen and poUticians of the slave States ; that the object and inten
tion was to extend, increase and perpetuate the institution of slavery ;
that it must involve us in a war with Mexico, for the support of an
institution which aU lovers of Uberty detested ; that no act could be more
dangerous than for a government to enter upon the conquest of territory
to enlarge its power ; that a dissolution of the Union would not only
result from this policy, but the act itself would be an abandonment of
the Union which we then enjoyed, and the formation of a new one with
foreign slaveholders. The address declared that no act of the Executive
or of Congress, or of all the departments of Government, could impose
npon the people of the free States any constitutional obligation to sub
mit to such a transfer, or to become subservient in any degree to the
foreign slaveholders of Texas. This address was penned by Hon. Seth M.
Gates, and was signed by John Quincy Adams, Seth M. Gates, WiUiam

214 PEOTEST OF TWENTY MEMBEES.
Slade, WilUam B. Calhoun, Joshua R. Giddmgs, Sherlock J. Andrews,
Nathaniel B. Borden, Thomas C. Chittenden, Johii Mattocks, Christo
pher Morgan, Jacob M. Howard^ Victory Bfrdsey, Thomas Tomlinson,
Staley N. Clark, Charles Hudson, Archibald L. Linn, Thomas W.
WiUiams, Truman Smith, David Bronson, George N. Briggs.
It was published at the close of Congress in the " National Intel
ligencer," and was generally copied into the whig papers of the North.
During the session the writer had received resolutions of thanks, votes
of approval, .and congratulatory addresses frod public meetings and
various societies in nearly every free State of the Union, for the doc
trines which he had avowed in Congress, for the steadfastness and firm
ness with which he had maintained them. Mr. Adams had probably
. received a much greater number. These taken in the aggregate
showed that at least individuals and societies and pnbUc meetmgs
in the free States were engaged in arousing the people to thought and
action :
Lecturers were also traveUing and speaking in aU the free States ;
"The Emancipator," "The Liberator," and "The Philanthropist,"
were at that time anti-slavery papers, ably conducted, and earnest in the
advocacy of the doctrines of freedom.
1848 1 '^^^ President had been elected by the whig party, without
any avowal of doctrines in regard to slavery. He was a slave
holder, and by force of education,, interest and inclination now united
his fortunes with the democratic party, for the purpose of annex
ing Texas to the Union. And as had been foretold, the work of con
summating that outrage was commenced on the 8th May, by the dispatch
of Mr. Upshur, our Secretary of State, to our " Charge de Affafrs " m
Texas. The fact that Brougham had declared in the House of Lords
that " ihe abolition of slavery in Texas would cut off the market for
slaves now sent from the slave-breeding States of ihe Union to Texas, a/nd
thereby tend to the abolition of slavery in the States," was cited by the
Secretary as an incident of an " alarming character ;" and he declared
that a letter had been received from a distinguished citizen of Maryland
(Gen. Duff Green), saying that "slavery would be abolished in Texas
within the next ten years, and probably -within half that time, unless it
were annexed to the United States." Uiider these circumstances, our
Charge de Affairs, Mr. Murphy, was .directed to consult the authorities
of Texas as to their disposition in regard to annexation.
Mr. Upshur nor the President appeared to entertain any doubt as to
the duty of our Federal Governmeut to support the coastwise slave'
trade and slavery in the States.

THE MEANING OF THE TREATY OF GHENT. 216
It should also be borne in mind that neither the statesmen, nor the
poUticians, nor the people, at that time appeared to be conscious that
we had pledged ourselves in the treaty of Ghent to exert our influence
for the entfre abolition of " the traffic in slaves." But when this solemn
covenant was referred to in the House of Representatives, slaveholders
said it only had reference to the African slave trade. But that construc
tion was denied by Mr. Adams, who was one of the signersof the treaty.
He assured the House and the country that the treaty meant just what
the language imported — " the traffie in slaves ;" that it was intended to
aboUsh the crime, making no distinction as to the place of committing it.

216 "the SWISS GUAEDB OF SLAVEET."

CHAPTER XIV.
MR. ADAMS' VIEWS OP THE GOVERNMENT — DEFEAT OP THE TREATY ANNEX
ING TEXAS  CHARACTER OF CONGRESSIONAL DEBATES.
•
jg^. At the assemblmg of the twenty-eighth Congress the sup
porters of slavery continued to exhibit great hostUity towards
those who were endeavoring to establish a Une of demarkation between
the Federal Govemment and that institution.
Messrs. Slade and Gates had>been unfaltering in thefr devotion to
justice and liberty. By their high moral bearing and assiduity they
had commanded the respect of all who admired freedom ; but they
had retired from Congress, their seats were fiUed by new and un
tried members, and Mr. Adams and the humble individual now engaged
in writing these memofrs were left to contend against a degree of arro
gance, despotism and persecution not easily appreciated by men of the
present day.
The past services, the high moral and social position of Mr. Adams,
enabled him to bid defiance to those who sought by every means which
they deemed available to affect his influence ; bnt the author was placed
nnder very different cfrcumstances. Slaveholders and those northem
members at that time characterized as " the Swiss guards of slavery,"
determined on his poUtical and social ostracism. At Washington he
continued to be stigmatized as an " aboUtionist," " an agitator," " one
who was seeking notoriety." PubUc meetings of the democratic party
adopted resolutions denouncing him ; and democratic papers assailed
him. Nor did the whig press sustain him. He did not receive those
civiUties usually extended to members of Congress : He exchanged
cards with but few ; and wholly abstained from making caUs of
ceremony. Havmg long served as chafrman of the Committee on Claims, he was
removed from that post, and assigned to the seventh position in the
Committee on Revolutionary Pensions, which having no business did not
meet. It was under these depressing cfrcumstanees that the author
resumed the duties which lay before him. His venerable coadjutor, Mr.
Adams, was seventy-six years of age. His hand was palsied and trem-
bUng : his voice was somewhat feeble and broken, his movements

ME. ADAMS DESPONDS. 21'i(
denoted age ; but his intellect appeared ummpafred, whUe his anxiety for
his country and his race increased. Although more depressed in spirit
than he had previously been, he declared there was but one course for
pubUc men, that was to "do their duty." Early in the session he moved
the appointment of a committee to report a code of rules for the govern
ment of the House : his motion was sustained ; he was of course ap
pointed chairman, and made a report omitting the obnoxious twenty-first
mle. The debate on this report occupied the morning hour for some
weeks. During the discussion he was often assaUed ; but, in violation
of the practice usuaUy observed, he was not recognized by the Speaker
as entitled to the floor for reply. Yet his juniors in service and in years
constantly assaUed him with unexampled bitterness. The author had
abstained from attempting to speak as courtesy, and parUamentary
usage seemed to assign the floor to Mr. Adams.
This state of things had continued for two Tveeks, when one morning
the writer entered the hall a little before the hour of meeting. He found
Mr. Adams already in his seat, but laboring under greater depression
than at any previous day. HiS appearance indicated the want of sleep.
He said bis health was good ; but declared that he had become nervous
and unable to sleep. He spoke most feelingly, declaring that our Gov
ernment had become the most perfect despotism of the Christian world :
avowed himself physically disqualified to contend longer for the floor :
said he must leave the vindication of the report which he had made to
the author, as duty to himself forbade further attempts on his part. He
said he had indulged the hope of Uving to see the " gag-rule repealed,"
but he now regarded it as doubtful. •
The author was thus left alone to contend in favor of the report
-I -I which Mr. Adams had made. In the course of a few days he obtained
an opportunity of speaking, and so far as able discharged the duty so
strongly impressed upon his mind by Mr. Adams.
It was during this debate that an incidental remark was made by
Mr. Adams, that was often quoted in subsequent years. Mr.
DUlett, of Alabama, a man of age and of talents above the mediocrity
of members, was speaking upon this report. Like other Representatives
from the South, he appeared anxious to assaU Mr. Adams. He held in
his hand the report of a speech delivered by the object of his assault to
the colored people of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. From this he read the
following passage : " We know that the day of your redemption must
come. The time and the manner of its coming we know not : It may
come in peace, or it may eome in blood ; but, whether in peace or in
blood, LET IT COME." Haviug read this sentence, he invoked attention to

218 A SOLEMN INVOCATION.
it, and in order that all might appreciate it, he read it a second time ;
and as his voice died away, Mr. Adams, in his seat, with peculiar em
phasis, added, " I say now, let it come." DUlett, apparently indignant at
what he regarded the audacity of Mr. Adams, added, " Yes, the gentle
man now says let it come, though it cost ihe blood of thousands of white
men." To which Mr. Adams rejoined : " Though it cost ihe blood of
MILLIONS OP WHITE MEN, LET K COME : Ld justice be done though the
peavens fall."
These words rose from the Ups of the aged patriot Uke the prayer of
faith from one of heaven's anointed prophets : A sensation of horror
ran through the ranks of the slaveholders : DUlett stood apparently -
lost in astonishment, and aU were sUent and solemn untU the Speaker
awoke members to the subject before them by declaring the gentleman
from Massachusetts was out of order.
The report of Mr. Adams, after occupying the morning hour for
four weeks, was laid on the table by a smaU majority.
1844 "1 -^ colored man named WUliam Jones was imprisoned in the jaU
at Washington under suspicion that he was a fugitive slave. He
found means to send a petition to the author, stating that he was a free
citizen of the United States, born in Virginia, and whUe residing in
Washington City, and demeaning himself peacefully and kindly towards
his feUow-men, and without any charge of crime or offence he had been,
seized and imprisoned, and after considerable expense had been incurred,
which he was unable to pay, he was advertised for sale to meet the costs
thus unjustly incurred. He asserted that he had no owner but God, and
owed no allegiance but to his cotmtry. He prayed Congress to protect
him in the enjoyment of his liberty. The petition being presented, the au
thor moved its reference to the Committee on the Judiciary. The presen
tation of this petition from one preswmed by southern laws and southern
men to be a slave created some sensation ; bnt there was no display of
ruffianism on the occasion, no attempt to censure the member presenting
the memorial, no display of bowie-knives, no indications of personal vio
lence. Indeed, the petition was respectfuUy received, but the debate
upon it was postponed untU the foUowing day, when Mr. Saunders, of
North CaroUna, declared that the law in all slave States presumed every
colored person a slave that could not prove his freedom : that such was
the law of the District of Columbia, and respect for those laws demanded
the instant rejection of the petition.
To this it was repUed, that no such presumption could be just or rea
sonable, or in accordance with the Constitution : that it was nothing
more nor less than a mode of enslaving free persons, and was piratical

THE NAVY MAINTAINS THE SLAVE TEADE. 219
in its character. Messrs. Adams, of Massachusetts; Stetsan, Davis, and
Beardsley, of New York; and Giddings, of Ohio, spoke in favor of the
motion, which was strenuously opposed by Messrs. Saunders, of North
Carolina; Campbell, of South Carolina: Cobb and Stephens, of Georgia;
McConnel and Payne, of Alabama; and A. V. Brown, of Tennessee.
But the motion was sustained by a vote of 15 to 40.
The committee were groslavery in character, and made no report
on the memorial, which, like all others touching slavery, was entombed
in the document rooms of the House of Representatives.*
A debate arose during the early part of this session upon the " home
squadron," which developed to the public view the employment of Uni
ted States vessels in the nefarious work of pursuing and capturing fugi
tive slaves who attempted to flee from Florida and from Georgia to the
British West India Islands. It appeared that the administration was
keepiiig this " home squadron." prmcipally upon the lookout for the re
Uef of slave ships employed in transporting human cargoes around the
peninsula of Florida to the New Orleans market, so that in yase of ship
wreck the slaves need not be taken to British islands. Thus, while one
portion of our navy was engaged in putting down the slave trade on the
African coast, another portion was employed in maintaining .\t on. the
American coast.
This employment of our na-vy in the disgraceful work of chasing down
fugitive slaves created disgust among the people, who entertained a laud
able pride in the glory of our naval victories in former time's.
On the same day Mr. Adams presented a petition from some two hun
dred and twenty citizens of Washington County, Illinois, praying Con
gress to acknowledge the Christian reUgion, by securing to the people of
the United States the right to enjoy life, Uberty, and happiness.
The petition excited much debate. Mr. Adams, with great force,
urged that statesmen and governments were bound by the precepts
of the Gospel " to do unto others as they would have others do
¦unto them," precisely as individuals in private Ufe were bound to treat
thefr feUow-men. Southern members were quite indignant at the doc
trine ; insisting that slavery nor the slave trade constituted a violation
of the Christian religion. The petition was, after fuU debate, laid on
the table.
Mr. Adams also presented a petition numerously signed by citizens of
New York, praying such amendments of the Constitution and laws of
* Colonel Benton, In his Abridgment of Congressional Debates, passed over this entire dlscns-
eion without even referring to it.

220 PETITION FOE AMENDING .THE CONSTITUTION.
the United States, as were necessary to separate the Government and
people of the free States from all support of slavery, which, bn motion
of Mr. Adams, was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, after full
debate, by a vote of 97 to 80.
From incidents which now occurred almost daily, it became evident
that the twenty-first rule of the House was rapidly becommg moperate
and obsolete.
By repeated declarations in the House of Representatives, the pubUc
mind had been directed to that feature of the Federal Constitution which
gives to the people of the slave States influence in the Federal Go
vernment in proportion to the number of slaves wliich they hold in
bondage, countmg five slaves equal to three freemen. All saw that
it did not operate in favor of the slaves, but only enabled the mas
ters to rivet thefr chains more firmly. The people of the North had
submitted to it quite cheerfully so long as those of the South per
mitted the subject of slavery to remain without agitation ; but now
they felt 1^at justice to the North required an amendment of the
Constitution in this respect ; and the Legislature of Massachusetts
adopted an able memorial calling on Congress so to amend the Con
stitution as to give equal rights and equal privUeges to the free people of
aU the States.
Mr. Adams presented the petition and moved its reference to a select
committee, which was ordered, after debate, and Messrs. Adams, of
Massachusetts; Rhett, of South Carolina; I. R. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania;
GUmer, of Virginia; Davis, of Kentucky; Burke, of New Hampshfre;
Morse, of Maine; Sample, of Indiana, and Giddings, of Ohio, were
appointed, Mr. Adams being chairman.
The question was important, and the proceedings of the committee
were conducted with great solemnity. The arguments for and against
the proposition were advanced -with much apparent sincerity, and the
most perfect decorum was observed by every member.
The first question propounded to the committee was on the adoption
of a resolution declaring it ^expedient at that time for the House of
Representatives to recommend such an amendment of the Constitution.
This was unanimously agreed to : and the chairman was directed to
draw up a report to that effect. This was done, and eyery member met
promptly at the appointed time to hear it read.
It was drawn with consummate abiUty : declaring tbat the provision
of the Constitution which gives the enslavers of mankind superior influ
ence and superior privUeges in the Government to those enjoyed by the

A CHEISTIAN GOVEENMENT. 221
scpporters of Uberty " is opposed to the vital principles of repubUcan
representation ; to ' the self-evident truths ' of the Declaration of Inde
pendence ; to the letter and spfrit of the Constitution itself ; to the letter
and spirit of the constitutions of almost aU the States of the Union ; to
the liberties of the whole people of the free States ; and to all that portion
of the people of the slave States other than the owners of slaves ; that
this is its essential and unextinguishable character in principle : and that
its fruits in its entire practical operation upon the Govem¬ment correspond
¦with that character."
Tiiese propositions were enforced with all that logic and terseness of
expression for which its author was distinguished. He then proceeded
to show that "the self-evident truths" of the Declaration of Indepen
dence were nothing more nor less than the essential doctrines of the Gos
pel, which teach that equal justice to all men should govern the conduct
of every individual, whether acting in a private or pubUc. capacity : that
this principle constitutes the chief corner stone of all republican
govemments, as weU as of all Christian organizations.
The report asserts that " the Declaration of Independence constituted a
sacred pledge in the name of God, solemnly given by each State, to
ABOLlSH SLAVERY SOON AS PRACTICABLE, AND TO SUBSTmjTB FREEDOM IN
ITS n.ACE."
It asserts that slavery is opposed to aU the teachings of the Gospel ;
is at war with God's attribute of jnstice, and should be eradicated from
the earth.*
It was at once seen that whUe Mr. Adams agreed that the time for
recommending a change of the Constitution had not arrived, yet the doc
trines enunciated and the process by which he arrived at his conclusion
were iu aU respects calculated to arouse a spfrit in the American
people that would be likely to effect that change at some future day. Mr.
Adams and the author signed this report : while Messrs. Morse, Sam
ple, and Burke each drew his own report. Messrs. Davis and Inger
soU signed another, and Messrs. GUmer and Rhett another. They are
not diffusive, but in the aggregate they constitute a volume which may
weU. interest the student of our political history.
The memorial and resolves of the Legislature of Massachusetts were
also presented in the Senate, where they were denounced " as resolutions
to dissolve the Union :" and the usual courtesy paid to resolutions of State
Legislatures was refused : they were laid on the table, but the motion
to priiit them was rejected.
• This Is beheved to be the first official document placed in the national archives after the peti
tion of Dr. Franklin In 1T90 which in loords asserts that reUgious truth constitutes tho basis of
huTTutn governments.

222 CUBAN PIRATES TO BE- COMPENSATED.
A few days subsequently Mr. Berrien, of Georgia, presented resolu
tions from that State in opposition to any change of the Constitution
which might take from the slave States the right of slave representation.
These resolutions were respectfully laid on the table a,nd ordered to be
printed.^ Mr. Bates, Senator from Massachusetts, caUed attention to
this difference in the respect shown to different States ; but neither he
nor any other Senator proposed to correct the gross insult thus offered
to the State of Massachusetts.
^g^, Tbe cfrcumstances relating to the slave ship "Amistad" and the
captives on board, were laid before the reader in a previous chap
ter. But at this session, Hon. Charles I. IngersoU, of Pennsylvania,
chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affafrs, made a long report,
assaiUng the decision of the Supreme Court declaring those Africans
free, and recommending an appropriation from the pubUc treasury of
fifty thousand dollars to compensate the Cuban slavedealers for the loss
of thefr victims. Ha-sing made the report, he moved to print ten thou
sand extra copies to be cfrculated among the people, with the obvious
intention to prepare the pubUc mind to support the slave trade. The
author opposed the motion ; and endeavored in a short speech to demon
strate Mr. IngersoU's errors of fact and of law ; and to hold up his
poUcy to the odium 'of the country. Mr. Giddings stated that as a na
tion we had pronounced those engaged in the slave trade " pirates " un
worthy to live ; but he denied that they were more guUty than those
members of Congress who encouraged their accursed vocation ; or those
who attempted to reconcUe the pnbUc conscience to that aggregation ot
aU the baser crimes which disgrace human nature.
The author's friends were alarmed at the severity of his remarks ; but
he "was perfectly aware that Mr. Adams would reply to Mr. IngersoU ;
and would not faU to vindicate his position. Mr. IngersoU himself
appeared to understand, that the man whom he most dreaded woidd
foUow him : for, instead of attempting to answer the remarks of Mr
Giddings, he yielded the floor to Mr. WeUer, of Ohio, who moved to .
lay the motion on the table ; and Mr. IngersoU himself voted to con
sign his own motion to that common receptacle of discarded proposi
tions. The address of the twenty members of Congress, to the people of the
free States, mentioned in the preceding chapter, caUed up the attention
of the Mexican government to the conspiracy then bemg formed in the
United States for dismembering that RepubUc. The Mexican Executive,
on receipt of this intelUgence, notified the President that Texas was
a revolted province, which the government of Mexico w^ endeavoriijg

SENILITT EEVEEENOED. 223
t
to bring back to its aUegiance by force of arms ; and that its annexation
to the United States tnust of necessity carry with it the state of hostili
ties in which Texas was engaged.
The President, in the meantime, proceeded with aU possible activity
to arrange and perfect a treaty of annexation with the authorities of
Texas. This was of course unknown to the people of the free States
nntU it had been signed. Nor did the President in his* Annual Message
intimate such intention ; but referred to the notice which the Executive
had received from the govemment of Mexico, in regard to existing
hostUities between her and Texas, and spoke of the action of the Mexi
can govemment as founded upon " newspaper reports ;" whUe at the same
time he entered upon an elaborate argument in favor of the propbsed
annexation, asserting, that it would not disturb ihe peaceful relations then
existing between 'Mexico a/nd ihe United States.
But the address of Mr. Adams ¦ and other members of Congress
had gone forth to the people, -was yet before the pubUc, and
it was deemed necessary to counteract the impression which it was
appasently making upon the pubUc mind. Immediately on the ap
pearance of that address, Hon.. Aaron V. Bro-wn, of Tennessee,
wrote General Jackson upon the subject, asking his .opinion of the
policy. The venerable ex-President had in former times been the acknowledged
oracle of the democratic party ; bnt was now spending the fading
twilight of his earthly existence at the Hermitage in Tennessee.
Understanding what was wanted, he -wrote Mr. Bro-wn, urging the
immediate annexation of Texas, lest Fngland should obtain it, and
saying, "it wUl be a strong iron hoop around the Union, and a bul
wark TO HOLD rr TOGETHER ;" and this utterance of seniUty, without
fact, argument or reason to sustain it, was pubUshed to the world,
under the democratic announcement " that it was a legacy of the greatest
Uving statesman, permitted by Heaven to advise his countrymen in the hour
of their necessity."
But this dictum of mental decrepitude had far greater effect among the
southern Lazaroni who could neither read nor write, than it had among
the educated laborers of the free States, where many of the democratic
party hesitated, and some refused to foUow the suggestions of thefr
southern leaders.
To reconcile conflicting opinions, it was proposed to adopt the general
policy, of obtaining territory wherever it was to be had ; and as we were
holding a joint occupation with the British government of Oregon, a
fair opportunity was presented for extending our exclusive jurisdiction

224 TEEATT WITH T;EXA8.
over it. This proposition appeared to reconcUe most northern Democrats
to the policy of annexing Texas.*
The Executive therefore renewed diplomatic correspondence with the
British government for the settlement of our territorial boundaries in
Oregon. FeeUng somewhat bound by the action of Mr. Van Buren, his
predecessor, he proposed to establish the line upon the 49th parallel of
latitude ; but the proposition was rejected and the negotiation failed.
With Texas the President was more successful. The Mexican gov
ernment had entered a d«cree abolishing slavery in all its intendancies :
to resist this progress of civiUzation, adventurers from our slave States,
had gone to that territory and raised the standard of resistance. For
years they shed their blood, and spent thefr substance in efforts to con
tinue the barbarous institution of African bondage ; and now were not
unwilUng to have the United States fight their battles and defray the
expenses of the further prosecution of this war for slavery.
Preparatory to entering upon the subject, the President had dismissed
Mr. Webster from the office of Secretary of State, and appointed Mr.
Upshur, of Vfrginia, and upon his death, had placed Mr. Calhonn in
that important position, with the apparent purpose not only of secur
ing the annexation of Texas, but at the same time to obtain the confi
dence of the democratic party, to whom he now looked for a reelection
to the Chief Magistracy.
jg^ Under these cfrcumstances, he easily effected such a treaty as
he desired, and in due season transmitted it to the Senate for
ratification, feUcitating himself -with the expectation that a lasting fame
would attach to this addition of a vast territory to our Union.
But this contest for anticipated glory was subjected to unexpected
difficulty. Mr. Benton of the Senate resisted the approval of the treaty.
He had been the early and distuiguisted friend of Texas, but he de
nounced the injustice of maMng the Rio Grande the southern and
western boundary of that Stq,te, as it would embrace a large part of
New Mexico, including " Santa F6 " its capital, as weU as large por
tions of Chiuaiua and CoahuUa, -with some of their most populous towns
and villages, and more than two hundred thousand square mUes of
territory to which Texas had no claim whatever. And secondly, he
insisted that as Texas was engaged in civil war with Mexico, the Senate
did not possess the constitutional authority to involve the nation in that
war by annexing Texas to the Union. These objections prevaUed, aud
the treaty was rejected.
* This statement Is founded upon the assertion of leading Democrats made in public debate on
the Oregon question during the first session, twenty-ninth Congress.

ME. WEBSTEE AND THE WHIG PAETY. 225
But the President, apparently undismayed, intently pursued his pur
pose. Soon as the Senate rejected the treaty, he transmitted a
message to the House of Representatives stating such rejection and
urging upon that body the great importance of uniting Texas to the
Union ; suggested that it might be affected by joint resolution, which
could pass the Senate by a bare majority, while it requfred two-thirds
to confirm the treaty.
From this time untU the close of the session the annexation of Texas
was debated, both in the Senate and House of Representatives. The
documents, including aU the correspondence on the subject, had been
transmitted to the Senate -with the treaty, and were published by order
of that body.
Leading members of the democratic party sustained the positions
assumed by the Executive, that it was necessary to unite Texas to the
Union in order to preserve slavery therein ; that unless annexed the
institution would be blotted from existence ; and the emancipated popu
lation of Texas would endanger the mstitution in the United States.
They boldly insisted that the Constitution hUd "guaranteed slavery to
the South," and quoted the letter of Mr. Webster, to our Mmister at
London, heretofore noticed as high authority on the subject : and the
doctrine enunciated in the resolutions of Mr. Calhoufi in the Senate of
1840, for which Mr. Webster and other Whig Senators dared not vote,...
and had not the manliness. to oppose, were now quoted as precedents of
high authority ; inasmuch as they had been subsequently referred to
by distinguished statesmen, in order to sustain the coastwise slave
trade. To discard these doctrines would constitute a repudiation of Mr.
Webster, and must offend his personal friends and adnurers : to sustain
them would of course drive from the party all who believed the Govern
ment and Constitution were ordained to sustain freedom. The highest
poUcy of the whig party, consisted in suppressing, so far as possible,
all exanaination of Mr. Webster's opinions on this and kindred subjects.
The presidential election was approachmg. Mr. Webster ~g^
was an aspirant for that office. Mr. Clay was also looking for
the nomination of the whig party. He was a slaveholder, and it was
perfectly apparent that the assertion of any prunal truth, or elementary
principle of government, would divide the whig party.
That organization now found itself paralized by the doctrines of Mr.
Webster, and the condition of Mr. Clay ; and thefr faUure in the approach
ing canvass was foreseen by all reflecting statesmen and politicians.
The real position of Mr. Adams and the author became obvious. Mr.
Giddings continued to adhere to .the whig party, and unhesitatingly
15

226 ME. Benton's plan foe annexation.
announced his own doctrines as those of that organization. He avowed
his determination to oppose any candidate who would involve the people
of the free States m the support of slavery, or of the coastwise slave
trade. Mr. Adams, however, continued to maintain an entire independ
ence of all poUtical parties, laying down no specific platform of poUtical
faith, but sustaining or objecting to measures as they came before him
for official action.
1844 1 ^^- Benton had introduced a biU into the Senate providing
for the annexation of Texas ; and in urging its passage he enter
ed upon a history of the efforts put forth to obtain the treaty of annex
ation, and assuming to himself the principal merit of the preparatory
movements, denounced Mr. Brown, of Tennessee, with "ha-ving been
charged with some vicarious enterprise against him" when addressing
General Jackson on the subject : And for a time the course of Mr.
fenton appeared likely to defeat the entfre object.*
But the leaders of that party wer-e usnaUy fortunate in avoiding aU •
difficulty arising among its members. Mr. Van Buren had been the
candidate of the party, and was defeated in 1840. He was an able man
and had ever yielded to the interests of the South ; but unfortunately
for himself, had expressed an opinion that the Constitution had made no
provision for annexing a foreign government to ours. It therefore be
came necessary to overcome the influences which were operating m favor
bf his nomination : to reconcUe these conflicting interests required the
exercise of all the tact and skUl of the slave power.
The Legislatures of Mississippi and of other democratic States adopt
ed resolutions in favor of imiting Texas to the Union. Memorials, from
the people, and proceedings of primary meetings in favor of that measure,
were forwarded to Congress, and " annexation" became the watchword
of the party : And no man was regarded as in full fellowship, and en
titled to its confidence unless he were able to pronounce that " Shibokth"
of the slaveholders.
The parties held their nominating conventions in the month of May,
and the Democrats announced thefr intention to obtain Oregon and
Texas as a part of their distinctive policy ; and nominated Hon. James
K. Polk, of Tennessee, as their candidate. The Whigs, as was expected,
nominated Mr. Clay as their leader ; but neither party proclaimed any
moral truth or essential principle as the basis of thefr claims for sup
port. * Many believed that Mr. Benton, as weU as Mr. Tyler, aspired to the office ot President, upon
the fame which was then expected by him who should exert the most efficient means for bringing
-in Texas as one of the States of tbe American Union.

DIFFEEENT CONSTEUCTIOjre OF THB CONSTITUTION. 227
And now " the Lone Star of Texas " was seen on every flag of the
democratic organization. In the North, " Oregon" was proclaimed
as an object of poUtical desfre ; while it was but seldom if ever
named in the South. But the doctrines of Mr. Calhonn, endorsed by
Mr. Webster, were urged by pubUc speakers at every convention of that
party. Northern Democrats now listened to pubUc speakers in the
northern States, who reiterated the doctrines avowed by Mr. Calhoun
and repeated by Mr. Webster, " thai the Constitution had guaranteed
slavery to ihe South."
In this way the democracy of the North were educated and „^^
instructed in the belief, that the people of the free States were '
under constitution^ obligations to sustain slavery and the coastwise slave
trade. Nor was this education confined to the democratic party. Whig
presses proclauned Mr. Webster to be " the expounder of the Constitu
tion :" They insisted that the people were bound to adopt the views of
distinguished men as the doctrines of the Constitution. PubUc
speakers ridiculed the idea that men in the ordinary walks of life were
capable of understanding that instrument, and they insisted that the
Supreme Court of the United States constituted the tribunal of dernier
ressort for construing the Constitution ; and . that their decisions
were binding upon all departments of the Government and upon the
people. The anti-slavery men insisted that the signers of the Declaration of
Independence and the framers of the Constitution intended the Govem
ment should uphold liberty and not slavery: That those instruments
were framed for that purpose, and that the people had a perfect right,
and it was thefr duty to elect to office men who" would -wield the influence
and power ofthe Govemment for freedom and justice, and against slavery
and oppression : That the people, having framed the Constitution and
having adopted it, possess the sole power to change or alter it ; may elect to
office men who hold to the popular construction of that instrament ; and
that such officer when elected, would, in good faith and honor, be bound to
carry dtit that constraction on which he had been elected : That the Presi
dent may be elected for the reason that he differs from the Supreme Court ;
and when elected he would be bound to appoint judges who agreed'
with him m doctrine, whenever vacancies occur ; whUe the judges of
the Court are bound to give that constraction which thefr judgments
dictate, and thefr "final decrees are binding only upon parties, and upon
privies in interest and privies in blood. The Whigs lost much influence
by efforts to sustain thefr position, the popular mind being against thefr
doctrme.

228 BLAVEHOLDmO DOCTEINES EXPOSED.
But the author having been publicly censured in Congress for deny-
1844.1 ^°S t^^* ^^7 right existed in the Federal Govemment to involve
the people of the free States in support of the slave trade, or
slavery, and having been specifically instructed by his constituents to
maintain this position, he felt neither hesitation nor delicacy in
carrying out his instructions ; and perhaps he can give no better
description of the spirit in which his doctrines were asserted, and
that In which they were received, ' than by the following extracts from
a speech delivered on the 21st of May, 1844 : " Mr. Giddings said,
I feel constrained, Mr. Speaker, to bestow a passing notice upon the
position assumed by the advocates of annexation, that the'Federnl Gov
ernment has guaranteed slavery io ihe southern States of this Union.
With aU due respect for thefr talents and learning I may be perinitted
to deny that any guaranty whatever in regard to slavery is found in
the Constitution I When the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Belser)
asserted this doctrine the other day, I inquired where it was to be
found ? He first said he found it in common sense ; but not satisfied
with that reference, he said it was found in common justice ; but finally
said it was in the Constitution I I inquired in what part of the Con
stitution ? He repUed that he had not then time io find it ! I wUl
now pause that he may inform the committee of the' section and article
in which it may be seen ? (Mr. Belser sat in sUence in his seat, and
after a pause Mr. Giddings continued.)
" I was fuUy aware when I propounded the question, that he had not
time then to find this important guaranty : I was conscious that he
would not have time during the hour allotted me to find it. And now
I say to the gentleman aiid to this committee that his lifetime will be too
short f(ifi/ad it ; nay,. Mr. Chairman, eternity wiU not disclose ity for rr
DOES NOT EXIST. Yet, sir, this senseless jargon ; this constant repetition
concerning the 'constitutional guarantees of slavery' is daUy soundmg
in our ears. . It is put forth by men of character, and those high m
office. Sir, I take this occasion to repeat my assertion that no such
stipulation exists or ever did 'exist in that instrument. And standing
here in the presence of so many learned and able statesmen of the
South, many of whom have repeated the unfounded assumption, I now
caU upon any one or all of them to refer me to any such covenant or
stipulation in the Constitution ! "
Mr. Brengle, of Maryland, stated, that at the formation of the Con
stitution slavery existed m most of the States, and slaves were regarded
as property, and in that light were the subject of protection as much as
other property.

GUAEANTT OF 6LAVEET EEFUTED. 229
Mr. Giddings. " WUl the gentleman point'me to the section in which
I may find this guaranty ?"
Mr. Brengle. " I don't refer to any section in particular, but to the
whole instrament." (Laughter.)
Mr. Giddings. "WeU, Mr. Chafrman, I have finally chased this
notable guaranty into the region of southern abstractions; but, I
declare, I never came so near finding it before. (A laugh.) But the
gentleman is entfrely mistaken when he supposes that the convention
which framed the Constitution regarded slaves as property. That
instrument, in every instance in which it refers to slaves, characterizes
them as ' pevsons,' and 'not as property."
Mr. Belser was a young member, and appeared somewhat mortified at
having advanced doctrines for which he could give no auiiiority. But
other southern members appeared to expect that the author would not
act with the whig party, and they appeared desirous of hastening a sepa
ration between him and that organization. In a subsequent part of the
same speech the foUowing extract may be found :
" Mr. Belser, of Alabama, said he desfred to put a question to the gen-
man from Ohio.
" Mr. Giddings. ' My time is fast spendmg, but if the gentieman will
be brief I will hear- him.'
" Mr. Belser. ' I wish to inquire if the gentleman from Ohio wUl
vote for a slaveholder at the coming presidential election.'
" Mr. Giddings. ' I should be led to think from the question that
the gentleman propounding it would not vote for a man who is opposed
to slavery. I have stated, Mr. Chafrman, that your rights and mine
were perfectly mutual. The great and leading feature of our national
compact is a perfect reciprocity of political rights among the several
States. ... I verily beUeve that Mr. Clay will administer the
government (if elected) with a strict regard to the constitutional rights
of all the States. This he stands pledged to do ; and a long life of
public service bas given me and the public satisfactory evidence that he
wiU wipe out the foul disgrace already brought upon our national cha
racter by attempting to make slavery and the slave trade subjects of
national support.' "
In a subsequent portion of the speech reference was made to Mr. Cal
houn's letter to Mr. Packenham as foUows :
" I am anxious to say a word in relation to the correspondence
between the Secretary of State and the British Minister resident in this
city. I refer particularly to the letter of Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Packen
ham, dated on the 18th of last month; and, Mr. Chafrman, I feel humbled,

230^ CONFLICTING VIEWS.
as an American citizen, wHen compelled to speak of that letter, in which
the Government and people of this nation are represented as soUcitous
to continue slavery in Texas, and to oppose the progress of freedom in
that government. Sir, for himself, and for the Executive, he was autho
rized to speak ; but for the -Government, at least for the legislative branch
of it, he was not authorized io speak. Sir, the representation that this
legislative body was desfrous of opposing, the progress of civil Uberty I
believe to be unfounded and untrue. For myself, as one ofthe members
of this branch, I declare it a misrepresentation. So far as that letter
imputes to the people of the free States, a desfre to oppose the progress
of human rights, and to extend and perpetuate slavery and the slave trade,
I regard it as a base slander upon northern character.
" Mr. Burt, of South Carolina, wished to interrapt the gentleman from
Ohio. " Mr. Giddings. ' I have but a minute pr two left, and I want to say
many things.'
" Mr. Burt. ' I want to know if the member from Ohio meant to say
that the Secretary of State has done, or is capable of doing, anything
base V
" Mr. Giddings. ' I am a little surprised at that question.'
" Mr. Burt (much excited). ' That was your language.'
" Mr. Giddings. ' Mr. Chairman, I hardly know how to understand
this southern dialect!
" Mr. Burt (amid cries of Order, and the rapping of the chairman's
gavel). ' Do you understand your own language ?'
" Mr. Giddings. ' If gentlemen wiU keep cool untU I get through,
I wUl then answer all the questions they may propound to me. --I had
remarked, sir, that so far as the letter in question imputes to the people
of the free States a desire to maintain a traffic in humam flesh, and the
curse of slavery, so far I regarded it a base slander upon the northern cha
racter ; and I would repeat the idea in more forcible language if I could
command it. I deny that any such feeling exists north of Mason and
Dixon's Une, and I characterized the assertion as basdy slanderous! "
These are given as specimens of the spirit in which the debates of
that day were carried on.
A distinctive feature in the policy of the slave power consisted in
maintaining that whatever Congress had done might be done again with
propriety. In short, the devotees of slavery insisted that the past action
of Congress constituted precedents binding upon statesmen and
¦¦' people of that day. To this it was replied that northern states-
• men had surrendered northern rights and northern honor at the dictation

ME. clay's OPINIONS. 231
of southern men. For this, the statesmen who had done it, were
responsible. They admitted that Mr. Calhoun had, in 1840, intro
duced resolutions into the Senate revoltmg to humanity ; that northern
Whigs dared not vote for them ; that they were destitute of that manly
independence which should have stimulated them to resistance. But
who would now admit that northern statesmen or people were
bound- to involve themselves in the damnmg iniq'uity of maintaining a
commerce in human flesh ? The men who committed that outrage were
responsible for thefr action, while those of the present day must act for
themselves, and are alone accountable for their own conduct. The idea
that the framers of the Constitution had authority to compel men of
that or a subsequent generation to support a traffic in " God's image"
— to murder or enslave colored men, was abhorrent to every principle
of Christianity. That the framers of our Govemment had declared its
object was to secure aU our people, black and white, in the enjoyment of
life and liberty : That neither God nor mankind had given to any
government legitimate authority to invade these rights of men to life,
or to that Uberty which was necessary to sustain life.
Mr. Clay was desirous of obtaining the nomination of the whig party
for President. With that view he spent the winter of 1843-4 in New
Orleans. On his way to Washington, in April, he made a speech at
Raleigh, North CaroUna, at the close of which he stated a synopsis of
what he regarded Whig faith ; by the 9th article of -which he declared it
to be " ihe duty of each State to sustain its own domestic institutions!'
Thus Mr. Clay in few words expressed the precise doctrine for which
the anti-slavery men were contending. It was plain that if South Caro
lina were bound to sustain her own slavery she could have no claim npon
the Federal Government to do it. He soon came on to Washington,
and to northern and southern men he asserted that the doctrines avowed
in the essays signed " Pacificus," -written by the author and pubUshed in
1842, contained the correct doctrines on which the Government had been
founded. This avowal, in bold and dfrect language, was indeed more than
anti-slavery men had expected. On this account, leading friends of Uberty
avowed thefr confidence in Mr. Clay, and desired his election.
The people of Kentucky caused another edition of his speech at Raleigh
to be prfrited, leaving out the synopsis of Whig faith. With this his
anti-slavery friends at the North were dissatisfied. The author wrote
Mr. Clay on the subject, and in due course oif niaU received a letter from
that distinguished gentleman, declaring _ that the edition of his speech
pubUshed at Lexmgton had been brought out without his knowledge or
consent ; but the doctrine which he had asserted was correct, and he

232 DEFEAT OF ME. OLAT.
would soon find an opportunity of reiteratmg it. Accordingly, on the
2d September, the " Lexington Observer " contained a letter from Mr.
Clay, in which that gentleman asserted, fri nervous language, that " the
maintenance, the continuance, the existence of slavery depends exdusiveiy
upon the power and authority of the States in which it exists." ¦
No issue could have been more dfrect and obvious than that formed
by this letter, and the resolutions adopted in the Senate, on motion of
Mr. Calhoun, in 1840. This exclusion of the free States and the Federal
Govermnent from the support of slavery was the very object for which
Mr. Adams and the author had so long labored and striven.
But when southern men called on Mr. Clay to avow his senthnents in
regard to the annexation of Texas, he answered so evasively, and mani
fested so Uttle opposition to that outrage, that anti-slavery men abandoned
him in such numbers as to occasion his defeat rather than incur the
responsibility of st^porting him.

THE admission OF TEXAS PJIOPOSED. 233

CHAPTER XV.
annexation of TEXAS  SLAVEHOLDING -VULGARrTY IN CONGRESS — POWERS
or A REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT TO ENSLAVE INNOCENT PERSONS
ASSEETED. At the reassembUng of the twenty-eighth Congress for its ^g^^
second and closing session, slaveholding members and those who
sympathized with them appeared perfectly confident that the democratic
party would resume permaneilt possession of. the government on the 4th
of March following, when Mr. Polk should enter upon his executive
duties. Joint resolutions were introduced in both Houses at an early day,
proposing- the admission of Texas as a State to the American Union.
Conscious that it had become a party measure, a committee was ap
pointed by a whig caucus, to ascertain the views of each member and
make report at a subsequent meeting. The committee reported that a
inajority of more than thirty members of the House of Representatives
avowed their determination to oppose the annexation by aU the legitimate
means in their power. But members of experience declared, they had
no confidence in those Democrats who professed opposition to any measure
favored by a democratic President. •
As the debate on the resolutions continued, members who had ..j^^
declared their opposition to the measure began to falter, and
soon as the President .elect reached the city preparatory to assuming
official duties, the change of opinion became obvious, and before the
vote was taken it was weU understood that a large majority were in
favor of the measure.
Of the several propositions offered for annexation, that presented by
Hon. MUton Brown, of Tennessee,- was adopted, sent to the Senate,
where it was amended and returned to the House, asking concurrence in '
the amendment.
On the 28th February the vote was taken, and showed, that 132
members were in favor, and tS against the bUl as it came from the
Senate, and it became a law. The member^ from the several States
voted as follows :
Maine. Yea — Messrg. Dunlap, White,' Hamlin and Cary . . 4
Nay — Messrs. Morse and Severance  2

234r THE VOTE ON ANNEXING TEXAS.
New Hampshire. Yea — Messrs. Burke, Norris, and Redding , 3
Nay — Mr. Hale  1
Massachusetts. Yea — Messrs. Parmenter and WilUams ... 2
Nay — Messrs. Adams, Winthrop, King, Abbot, Hudson,
Baker, Rockwell, and Grinnell  8
Rhode Island. Nay — Messrs. Cranston and Potter .... 2
Connecticut. Yea — Messrs. Seymour, CatUn, Stewart, and
Simons  4
Vermont. Nay — Messrs. CoUamer, Foot, and Marsh .... 3
Not voting — Mr. DUUngham.
New York. Yea — Messrs. Strong, Murphy, Maclay, Leonard,
Anderson, Russell, Seymour, Pratt, ElUs, Stetson, Ben
ton, Hungerford, Carpenter, Carey, Purdy, Robinson,
Wheaton, Rathbun, Dana, and HubbeU  20
Nay — Messrs. Phoenix, Davis, Barnard, Rogers, King,
Green, Patterson, Carrol, Tyler, Morely, Smith, and
* Hunt  12
New Jersey.- Yea — Messrs. Sykes, Farlee, and Kirkpatrick . . 3
Nay — Mr. Wright i . .  1
Not voting,— -Mr. Elmer.
Pennsylvania. Yea-^Messrs. Smith, C. I. IngersoU, Yost, Ritter,
Brodhead, Bidlach, Fuller, Black, Poster, and Hayes 10
Nay — Messrs. Morris, Jenks, Mcllvain, Brown, PoUock,
Ramsey, Irwin, Stewart, Dickey, Darragh, Reed and
Buffington  12
Not voting — Messrs. J. R. IngersoU, and Ness .... 2
Delaware. Not voting — Mr. Rodney.
Maryland. Nay — Messrs. Causine, Brengle, Wethered, Ken
nedy, Preston, Lucas, and Spence  1
ViEGiNLi. Yea — Messrs. Atkmson, Dromgole, Coles, Hubbard,
Bayley, Taylor, Chapman, HopMns, Steinrod, and Lucas 10
Nay — Messrs. Goggin, Newton, Chilton, and Sununers . 4
North Carolina. Yea — Messrs. Reid, Saunders, McKay, Daniel,
and Arrington  5
Nay— Messrs. Barringer, CUngman, Deberry, and Raynor 4
Tennessee. Yea— Messrs. Andrew Johnson, Cave Johnson,
Senter, Blackwell, CuUom, Jones, A. V. Brown, and
Dickinson , '  g
Nay — Messrs. Milton Brown, Ash, and Peyton .... 3
Kentucky. Yea — Messrs. Boyd, Caldwell, French, Tibbatts, and
'stone  6

CONTEMPLATED EESUXTS OF ANNEXATION. 235
Nay — Messrs. Green, Grider, Davis, and White ... 4
Not voting — Mr. Thomason  ' . . 1
Ohio. Yea — Messrs. Duncan, WeUer, Potter, St. John, Mc-
Dowal, Brinkerhoof, Morris, McCausUn, Mathews, and
Dean  10
Nay — Messrs. Schenck, Vance, Vanmeter, Vinton, John
son, Tilden, Giddings, HamUn, Florence, and Harper . 10
Indiana. Yea — Messrs. Owen, Henley, Thomas Smith, Brown,
Davis, Wright, Petit, and Kennedy  8
Nay — Messrs. Caleb B. Smith and Sample  2
Illinois. Yea — Messrs. McClernand, Smith, FickUn, Wentworth,
¦ Douglas, and Hogue  6
Nay — Mr. Harden  1
The following States voted unanunously for armexation, to wit : South
CaroUna, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana and
Michigan. It was eight o'clock in the evening when the final vote was taken.
No sooner had the Speaker announced the result than cannon upon
the terrace west of the Capitol sounded forth the triumph : Imme
diately bonfires lighted up the city, and the sound of revelry and
drunkenness was heard and seen in its various localities. Northem
Democrats and southern slaveholders rejoiced at a result which they
beUeved would place them in undisputed control of the government.
Members from the slaveholding States were rejoicing in the anticipated
profits which they expected to reap from the mcreased price of
human flesh.
Pensively and alone the -writer walked to his lodgings. Never before
had he viewed his country as he then saw it. The exultation of slave-
breeders and slavedealers, at thus controlUng the Congress of the United
States, constituted a spectacle that he had not expected to witness.
The barbarous war, the bloodshed, the devastation, the corruptions, the
civU war, which resulted from this triumph of the slave power, were at
no subsequent period of his life more -yividly before his mind than they
were that evening, whUe alone in his room, contemplating the results
that would naturally follow the action of Congress on that sad day.
The subject had occupied much time in the Senate, but the joint
resolution, as it finaUy passed the House of Representatives, was adopted
by vote of 21 to 25. The following Senators from the free States voting
in the affirmative, to -wit : Messrs. Fafrfield, of Maine ; Atherton and
Woodbury, of New Hampshfre ; NUes, of Connecticut ; Dickinson, of
New York ; Buchanan and Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania ; AUen and

236 MEMBEES ABANDON THE PAETY. '
Tappan, of Ohio ; Hannigan, of Indiana ; Sample and Breese, of Illinois.
While Messrs. Archer and Rives, of Virginia ; Bayard and Clayton,- of
Delaware ; Berrien, of Georgia ; Crittenden and Morehead, of Kentucky;
Pearce, of Maryland, and Mangum, of North Carolina, voted in the
negative. It had been expected that no Whig would vote for the measure, and
that many Democrats -^ould vote against it. But this expectation failed ;
some Whigs voted for, and some Democrats against it ; but the result
approximated very closely to a strict pa,rty division.
The demand, however, thus made by the slave power upon its
" northern aUies " was too great. Many leading members of the demo
cratic party could not reconcile their judgments, or consciences,, to the
measure. Having voted for the annexation of Texas, they refused to go
farther, and after some Uttle hesitation abandoned the party forever* :
and this measure, which the leaders of the democratic party had supposed
ordained unto life, they found directly tending to political death ; and
many servile poUticians who sought to save their Uves by thus subserving
the interest of slavery, lost their political existence.
Early in the session, Mr. Adams gave notice of his intention to move
a recision of the twenty-first rule of the House. For ten years he had
striven against this plain violation of the people's rights. . Ably and
persistently he maintained an open and undisguised warfare upon this

* Of those referred to in the text Hon. Jacob Brinkerhoof, of Ohio, was an example. He was
opposed to the measure from the first ; but from the solicitude of friends, was prev^ed upon to vote
for concurring in the Senate's amendment. With this he appeared dissatisfied, returned home, and
declined further action with the party, and at the formation of the republican organization consti
tuted one of its active members, was elected a judge of the Supreme Court of his State, where he
acquired reputation as an able jurist, and at the tame of writing this note, in 1862, he was em.
ployed in the discharge of tbe duties of that honorable position.
Hon, John P. Hale was a democratic representative from the State of New Hampshire, a State
more devoted to the interests of slavery than any other of the North. He had been nominated at a
State Convention for a reelection to Congress : but the same Convention adapted resolutions in
favor of annexing Texas to the Union. Mr. Hale declined the nomination, voted against the annexa
tion of Texas, returned to New H-ampshire, appealed to the people of that State to maintain their
right to be exempt from the expense, the disgrace and crime of supporting slavery and the slave
trade, was elected to the House of Representatives of that State, was made Speaker of that body,
then elected to the Senate of the United States ; and in the short space of two years New Hampshire
inscribed her name on the roll of free States, and up to the time of writing this note she has
maintained the position thus assumed : and Hale is still one of her representatives in the most
august legislative body of the world.
Hon. Preston King, of New York, had been a Democrat up to the consummation of the Texas
outrage. From that time he acted for fi-eedom, calmly, firhily, and steadily. He was several times
reelected lo tbe House ot Representatives, and thence to the Senate of the United States, where be
now, at the time of writing this note, Is doing honor to the cause for which he has so long labored,
and to the State which has honored him with her confidence.
But many otber citizens of distmction in the free States, who had long been members of the demo
cratic party, abandoned It at the passage of the joint resolutions for admitting Texas.

GAG-EULE EESCINDED. 237
infraction of the Constitution. In doing this he had bared his breast to
the shafts of calumny. For ten years the storm of slaveholding persecu
tion had raged around him. Slaveholders and Democrats had raUed
against him in vain : the day of his triumph had now. fuUy come. His
motion to strike that disgraceful rule from thje manual was sustained by
a vote of 108 to 80.
Of the host of members whom he often characterized as " the Swiss-
guards of slavery, fighting for pay," only the foUowing now voted against
rescinding the rule, to wit :

New Hampshire,
New York.
pennsylv.ania. Ohio. . .
Indiana. .
Illlinois. .

Messrs. Redding, Norris, and Burke, .... 3
" -Murphy and King,  2
" C. I. Ingersoll and Smith,  2
" Matthews and Stone,  2
" Brown and Davis,  2
" Smith, FickUn, and Hogue, .... 3

being fourteen in aU thd free States. Messrs. CUngman and Deberry, of
North Carolina ; Wethersed, of Maryland ; and White, of Kentucky,
voted for the repeal of the obnoxious rule.
Mr. Adams had devoted his energies, to the maintenance of .jg^
the right of petition, the author had labored to restore the free
dom of debate : and the restoration of these rights constituted the first
surrender of the democratic party, to the popular feeling of the north
ern States ; and, in that point of view, marked an era in " the regime of
slavery." Yet it should be borne in mind, that while the House of
Representatives thus ostensibly gave back to the people thefr constitu
tional right of petition, they had recourse to an expediency even more
dishonorable. Annually, when the Speaker arranged the committees,
he was careful to place a majority of pro-slavery members on each,
so that petitions, in regard to " the peculiar institution," sent to them,
were retained in sUence untU the close of the session, when they were
entombed in the archives of the House, from which there was no resur
rection .
But although there was no longer any rule of- the House restricting
debate or the right of petition, in regard to slavery, there was a very
general effort among slaveholders' and northern pro-slavery members of
both the whig and democratic parties to render the exercise of these
rights odious, by stigmatizing those who practised them as " agitartors,"
" aijolitionists," and the use of other unmeaning epithets.
To expose these efforts, the writer often referred to some disgraceful
cfrcumstance connected -with slavery, whenever he spoke of the instita-

238 SLAVEHOLDING EIBALDET.
tion ; and thus, while its supporters were assaiUng him personally, he
endeavored to exhibit to the public view the barbarism and corruption
which they were seekfaig to hide from the people.
An incident occurred, on the 6th February, which may give the
reader some idea of the spirit manifested on this subject.
The author was addressing the Committee of the Whole House,
,on the MU making appropriations to carry out our treaty stipulations
with the Indian tribes ; and for the purpose of exhibiting the corrup
tion, the base purposes of the treaty of " Indian Spring," he referred
to historical facts with which the reader was made acquainted m a for
mer chapter, in regard to the claim of certain slaveholders of Georgia,
who, after receiving one hundred and nine thousand dollars as a compen
sation for their fugitive slaves, demanded one hundred and forty-one
thousand more as a compensation for the offspring, which the females would
have borne to their masters, had they remained in bondage. And, he add
ed. Congress actually paid, mostly from the pockets of northern laborers,
that large sum, as a compensation for children who were never born, but
who might have been, if their parents had remained faithful slaves.
1845 1 ^^^ remark called forth some laughter, which appeared to irri
tate members from the .South, who began to manifest great in
dignation. Mr. Giddings at once began to 'make S mock apology,
expressing regret that these things existed ; but as they did exist, it be
came his duty to make them known, whUe he had no word of censure
for those who sought to erase these transactions from the historic record.
Mr. Black, of Georgia, obtained the floor to reply, and was immediate
ly surrounded by southern members. His vulgar abuse was sb gross, so
obscene, that no reporter attempted to repeat his language. Nor did
they even refer to some of his prominent ideas. Much less can the his
torian place them on record, at this day. Mr. Black has been caUed to
his final account ; most of those who stood around, encouraged and
prompted him on that occasion, are no longer inhabitants of earth.
During the seventeen years that have passed since that day, the storms
of Ufe have beaten severely upon him who pens these pages ; yet, duty
to all, require that some of the leading points of Mr. Black's speech
should be stated.
He referred to the insmuations, that Mr. Giddings was interested in
the horses and team which one Torry lost when attempting to aid negroes
to escape ; said that Torry had died in the penitentiary ; that the author
ought to be there ; that if the House could decide the question, he would
be sent there at once ; declared that Mr. Giddings had violated the law
by franking through the post-office a caUco dress, to his -wife, for which

FOEBEAEANCE EEVENGED. 239
he ought to be punished ; and closed, by advising him to return to his
constituents, and ascertain if he had a character ? — for he asserted, be
fore heaven, he had none in that hall.
The writer felt less indignation towards Black, than towards many mem
bers of higher character who stood around him, encouraging him in his
disgraceful vulgarity, and laughing at his obscenity. It is due to the
Democracy of the free States to say, that no member of that party,
north of Mason and Dixon's line, appeared to participate in this display
of slaveholding ribaldry.
The writer replied, that when the member from Alabama (Mr.
Payne) had, for the obvious purpose of slander, insinuated that he was
interested in the horses and carriage left by Torry, he said, distinctly,
that all he had ever seen, heard, or known of that transaction, was
drawn from the newspapers — but that had beeif said for the benefit of
gentlemen, of men who understood the decencies, the ordinary proprieties
of Ufe, and not for the satisfaction of the member from Alabama, or of
his less worthy confrere from Georgia, to whom he owed no other respect
than that which parUamentary law constrained him to observe ; that
what he aUuded to, in regard to the franking of a calico dress, the author
was wholly ignorant, and could form no opinion, and could say nothing
more'' at that time than to pronounce it an unmitigated falsehood ; but
if any fact should be developed, inculpating any member, he would
bring it before the House — as no charge, coming from one holding a
seat in that body, was unworthy of notice, however low, vulgar,, or ob
scene the private character of the member making the charge might
be.* * Impressed with the Idea that Black had heard something, out of which he had mannfactoredthe
charge of fra/nking a dress, the author, that evening, addressed a note to the Postmaster-General,
Mr. Wickliff, of Kentucky, (now, 1862, a democratic member of Congress,) inquiring If he had any
Information on the subject. That officer, evidently feeling that he was involved in Black^s ridiculous
charge, Immediately answered the author's note, saying that the postmaster at Painesville, Ohio, had
written that a bundle, apparently a lady's dress, had passed through his office ; and that he, Wick-
Ejff, had referred to this letter in conversation, and would at once call on the postmaster at Painesville
for definite information. The author then saw that the slander had doubtless been brought into
existence by other and more important members of the democratic party, and he awaited the denou-
ment with much curiosity.
Some ten days subsequently, the stately form of the Postmaster-General was seen on the demo-
cratlo side of the House, mingling with members, evidently engaged In grave consultation.
Soon after, in company with Hon. Emery D. Potter, of Ohio, another member of the democratic
party, he came across the hall, and the two gentlemen being seated beside the author, Mr. Wickliff,
with unusual gravity, proceeded to say that he bad received a letter from the postmaster at Paines
ville, saying,- that the bundle referred to in his former letter, " was a shawl directed to Sirs. Potter,
franked by McNulty, Clerk of the House, as a *pubUc docviment,' and attested by the name of
Mr. Potter," That as he was desirous that no feeling between the author and Mr. Potter might
arise, he had come personally, -with that gentleman, to make known the facts. The gravity with
vhich Wickliff and Potter now besought the author to say no more on the subject, the more than

240 A CONGEESSIONAL BULLY EXPOSED.
1846 '^^^ author stated that he weU understood the feeUng which
prompted slaveholders and their alUes to do aU in thefr power
to throw around congressional and Executive action in favor of
slavery, the protection of perpetual silence. He did not hold the
member from Georgia so much responsible for his conduct as he did the>
more respectable members who had stood around him while speaking,
and had prompted- the display of that brutal coarseness which nothing
but the moral putridity of slavery could encourage. That so far as he
had himself referred to the institution, he had simply repeated historic
truths, authenticated by official documents, which no member dared
deny. That even the member from Georgia, speaking for himself, for
those around him, and for the institution, dared not deny a word which
the author had asserted. But Mr. Black had attempted to assaU him
personally, for daring t* utter facts. To these rude assaults he would
make no reply. He stood on that floor, before the country, clothed -with
the confidence of an inteUigent and vfrtuous cotistituency, who, but a
few months previously, had indorsed his character by a fourth election ;
whUe his assaUant had been discarded after one election, as unworthy
longer to fill a place properly assigned to honorable men. And
now, as the chiUs of political dissolution were upon him, his " ruUng
passion " for vulgarity had fehown itself " .strong in death."
The author had a few moments previously observed that Black was
not in his seat. He had passed through the lobby behind the Speaker's
chair and entered the small aisle on the author's right, where he
was standing unobserved when the sentence last quoted was uttered.
Black was unable to restrain his feelings, and raising a large cane
which he held in his hand, said, "if you repeat those words I will
knock you down." The author, turning his eye to the right, saw Black
-with his cane raised, evidently under the excitement of extreme anger,
and, unable to resist the impulse of the moment, repeated the language
he had used in order to test the courage of Black, which he greatly
doubted. He continued his remarks, whUe some of Black's friends, seeing
the position in which he had placed himself, removed him from the halL
As Black was being passed out through the smaU aisle at which he
entered, the author continued his remarks ; and Mr. Dawson, of Louisi-
ludicrous combination of circumstances which now brought out the foolish and ridiculous action df
the democratic Clerk, the democratic Postmaster-General, and the leaders of the party who had
encouraged Black, and tacitly indoi-sed his slander, excited laughter in the author's mind. But
Potter was sad. He was an inoffensive man. He now insisted that Black's charge would not affect
the author, but if the facts were published they would ruin Mm ; and he was desirous that the
author would let the matter drop, and say no more about it. This appeal to the author's better
feelings overcame his desii-e to expose his enenues, and, to the great dissatisfaction of many friends,
he refused to make the exposui-e,

AN AEMED MOB DISPEESED, 241
ana, who assaulted the author on a previous occasion, now rose from his
seat, and, coming across the haU, approached within some four or five
yards of the author, and placing his hand in his pocket said, " I'U shoot
him, by G-d, I'll shoot him," at the same time taking care to cock his
"pistol so as to have the cUck heard by those around him. Instantly,
Mr. Causine, of Maryland, a Whig, rose and taking position in the smaU
aisle in front of the author and dfrectly between him and Dawson, folded
his arms across his breast with his right hand apparently resting upon .
the handle of his weapon, which was supposed to be concealed in his
bosom ; at the same moment Mr. Slidell, of Louisiana, Mr. Stiles, of
G-eorgia, and two other members on the democratic side of the haU rose,
and walked across the open area in front of the Speaker's chafr and took
thefr positions near Mr. Dawson, each man putting his hand in his pocket
as he was coming across the hall, apparently for the purpose of adjustmg
his weapon.*
At the same moment Kenneth Raynor, of North CaroUna, a Whig,f
and fuUy armed, left his seat and took position on the author's left.
Mr. Hudson, .of Massachusetts, came and quietly took position on the
author's right, and Mr. Foote,. of Vermont, placed himself at the
entrance of the aisle through which Black had made his exit. It was
-with armed foes in front and friends on either hand, prepared to meet
the hostile demonstration which for a time appeared imminent, that the
author continued his remarks. One by one the slaveholders in front
began to feel the awkwardness of thefr position, and quietly returned to
thefr seats. Dawson, however, remained standing in front, wMle Causine
stood firmly facing him untU the author closed his speech. Then Daw-
.son returned to the democratic side of the house, the author's friends
resumed thefr several positions, and the business of legislation pro
ceeded as usual.
This was the last effort to sUence a member of the House of .^g^
Representatives by threats of personal violence made during the
author's service in Congress.
A private claim of somewhat extraordinary character demanded the
attention of Congress during this closing session of the twenty-eighth
Congress. In 1836, soon after General Jessup assumed command of our
army in Florida, he entered into a written contract with certain chiefs
and warriors of the Creek tribe of Indians, by which they agreed to
* At the time of penning this note (1862) Mr. Slidell Is the agent of tbe Confederate States, sent to
France In order to obtain a recognition of the Southem Confederacy.
t Mr. Raynor possessed a high order of talent, was sincere in his friendship, somewhat Impulsive,
but honest. It is with pain that the writer adds, he Is at this tune (1353) engaged in the rebel
army. 16

24:2 PEI60NEE8 OF WAE ENSLAVED.
furnish two battalions of not less than six hundred men each, to serve one
year against the Semmoles, for which they were to -receive ten thousand
doUars and such plunder as they might capture from the enemy. Althoagh
the law had provided the mode of enlisting troops, and had specifically
determined the amount to be paid to each soldier, yet General Jessup'
does not appear to have supposed that he was violating the law by
entering into this contract ; indeed the contract was made irrespective,
-and in direct violation of the law. Yet the Executive and War Depart
ment approved the act, and the Creek warriors entered upon the stipulated
service. The Cherokees refused to furnish warriors for such a purpose,
and their principal chief, John Ross, addressed a most able letter to the
Hon. Secretary of War, solemnly protesting against the employment of
pagan warriors to fight the battles of a Christian nation. He also sent
a large deputation to visit the Seminoles, to induce them to make
peace without further bloodshed.
During the year these Creek warriors captured more than one hundred
negroes. These were claimed by the Indians as "plunder" coining
within the letter and spfrit of the contract, and were enslaved by thefr
captors. General Jessup and the Secretary of War concurred in this
construction of the contract ; and the practice of enslaving prisoners
captured in war, aftfer it had been abandoned by aU Christian natibhs for
at least two centuries, was now revived by the American Govemment
nnder the administration of General Jackson.
But provisions being scarce. General Jessup published an order Erect
ing eight thousand dollars to be paid to the Indians as a - compensation
for these enslaved negroes, whom he ordered to be sent to Fort Pike,
below New Orleans, declaring them to be the property oi the Government. •
This procedure was also sanctioned by the War Department, and ap
proved by the Executive. And so far as the authority of the President
extended, the people of the United States became slave-purchasers and
slaveholders. After these things had transpired, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs
appears to have entertained some misgivings, and in an official communi
cation suggested to the Secretary of War that fri the then exdted state
of tlie public mind it was doubtful whether Congress might not hesitate
in appropriating money to carry out this arrangement. He does not
appear to have doubted the propriety of enslaving men in Florida as
well as on the African coast ; nor does he appear to have entertained
doubts as to the abUity of the Creek Indians, aided by the Government
of the United States, to enslave men as legally and with as much pro
priety as did the slavedealers on the African coast, who were hanged

ATTEMPTS AT DISEEPUTABLE EVASION. 243
for crimes precisely simUar to those which our Govemment was perpe.
trating in Florida.
In the whole of these transactions there does not appear to have been
any doubts entertained as to the constitutional authority of the Execu
tive, nor as to his moral right to enslave men ; but the slave power feared
that aboUtionists would deny snch authority, and might criticise the
right of the Government to enslave innocent men and women.
While these questions were under consideration, a rich slave- .^^g^
dealer from Georgia, James C. Watson, happened to be iu
Washington. To him the whole subject was explained, and a proposition
was made for him to take these negroes, receive a bUl of sale from the
Creek Indians, to whom he should pay fifteen thousand dollars ; and as
the negroes were held by officers of the American army, the Secretary
of War shotUd issue an order to such officer as might have thenl in charge,
dfrecting thefr delivery to the slavedealer or his agent. There was no
documentary evidence as to the manner in which the United States
obtained the eight thousand doUars which General Jessup paid to the
Indians. It is presumed, however, that the Indians repaid it from the
money received of Watson.
But our military officers refused to respect the order of the Secretary
of War. General Taylor positively refused to interfere in the mat
ter ; and many other officers, among whom was the distinguished
General Gaines, . actuated by feelings of humanity, put forth ---grsat
efforts to keep the negroes from the agent of Watson, wH^ 'fift?r
encountering many difficulties and disappointments and incurMn^Wtiii
expense, returned without obtaimng any of the negroes : ^nfifWiJMli,
having paid out his money at the request of our pubUo (MlMeS,'i4^-^'''.§^t
his petition to Congress, asking that his money, inter«Stifda?E ISpS^es'ltfe
refunded by Government ? .naoonui n.ri 07i-;qyb oJ
The petition was presented by Mr. Dawson, -of 'iGfeoPgifc, ^d'wap re
ferred to the Committee of Clauns, but ]earnyifgs-tW4h^ Ah«)*,-''thM'la
member of that committee, would oppose tfieibitt[Hi,'itie'ttepMed tfMft
rio report be made upon it. .s'lom \aiU .hoiakir) fru/- .Oo-iui
At the commencement of the twenty&agMh'&^fegre^,w'tfeeAa.iitbSr
havuig lost the confidence of slavehoMeB^ttwaSBOBfeligefefefcffliJtteasiSo
preside over the Comnuttee of Claimsj^isilool boD imli -/m blun-ir ano
Ex-Governor Vance, of Ohio,- was iflaa'e cMiffifeflfi'BaJfad'iitiiever-seiifed
on the committee, and was compel)ed*t{r'Mrn>iHffii(3^jfi;!t(Jijtie^' from' his
coUeagues, who were older in service. But this claim -was cheMhed by
the democratic party, and to reBdfirL4tS(-.sgas8a(g6 1 safe, i Hon. HoweU
Cobb, of Georgia, was placed on the Committee, being one of 'tte

244 SLAVEDEALING EXPOSED.
most influential members from the South, and this davm was consigned
to his care.* Early in the first session of the twenty-eighth Congress
Mr. Cobb reported a biU to compensate Watson for the faUurS of his
speculation. Soon as the bill was printed, the author called on several Whig
speakers and invited thefr attention to it, assuring them that the demo
cratic party had never engaged in a subject which reflected greater dis
grace upon its members, nor had they assumed the support of any mear
sure more odious : But these leaders of the whig party, though anxious
to involve thefr opponents in disgrace, lacked the moral courage to effect
that object by appealing to arguments in favor of freedom.
^g^, - The -writer was detained from attendance on the sessions of
the House on one of the days devoted to private bills, when Mr-
Cobb proposed to take up this claim of Watson oui of order, Mr. Ad
ams objected. Mr. Cobb declared there could be no reasonable objec
tion to it, and the claimant was kept out of the use of his money because
the biU could not be brought before the House for action : But the
House refused to take it up.
At length it came before the House in due order of business, and the
author stated his objections to its passage ; he defined thg Umitation of
the powers possessed by human governments ; asserting that the laws
of nature, or the wUl of God, had endowed aU men with the inextin
guishable, right io live, to support life, and attain happiness and heaven.
That by these laws, the earth was divided into land and water, thne is
separated into night and day : By these laws men must have food and
sleep and rest. They must have raunent and babitation. To attain
these they must have liberty : That no human enactment can change
this law of Nature, which is but the manifestation of God's wiU : That
to deprive an innocent man of his Ufe is murder — ^to enslave him is equally
a crime, the character of which no human law can modify or change.
That when General Jessup and the Pagan Creeks undertook to enter
into a compact by which innocent women and chUdren should be cap
tured and enslaved, they merely entered into a covenant for the commis
sion of crimes revolting to Christianity ; crimes which we, is a nation,
have declared " pfracy " when committed on the African coast, whUe no
one would say that God looked upon the place of committing such
crimes as of any importance. That both General Jessup and the Creek
Indians deserved punishment for thus conspiring to deprive the Seminole
* Mr. Cobb was subsequently Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States and
afterwards Speaker of the rebel Congress, and at a stiU more recent period, a general hi the rebel
anny.

BILL DEFEATED. 245
negroes of the sacred rights which God had bestowed upon theih ; that
the Secretary of War, who sanctioned the contract,- simply made himself
a party to the crime,' and by every moral consideration deserved punish
ment. Nor was the President less guUty : His high position did not
exempt him from the just penalty due to his moral turpitude. Indeed,
men high in authority, and yet regardless of that justice which consti
tutes God's dearest attribute, should be the first to suffer. Therefore,
by the natural law, by the moral law, the President, the Secretary of
War, General Jessup, and the Creek Indians could, in no respect, change
the right of the negroes, nor give to the Creek Indians any power or
moral right whatever to enslave them : And no order of General Jes
sup, sanctioned by the Secretary of War, and approved by the Presi
dent, could give the people of the United States any authority over
those negroes.
The second proposition was, that the Constitution was based upon the
moral law, in letter and in spfrit. That it provides that " no person
shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, except by due process of
law." That is, without trial and conviction in a court of competent juris
diction. To enslave these innocent people was a direct and unmitigated
violation of the Constitution, as well as of the' moral law. It was the
exeifci^e of despotic powers, the commission of a crime of the first magni
tude, for which the Indians, the Secretary of War, and the President
deserved punishment : that Watson was a slavedealer who had attempts
ed to make merchandise of human souls, for which he deserved the gal
lows ; but surely no sane man would admit that Watson had any claim
upon the people of the North because he had faUed to commit the crime
which he intended to perpetrate.
Messrs: Cobb and Stephens, of Georgia, and Belser, of Alabama,
denied that the case involved the question of property in human flesh.
They insisted that the high officers of Government had advised Watson
to purchase the negroes ; to pay out his money, supposing they were
under the control of the Government : That he had thereby lost his
money, and the United States ought to repay it.
Mr. Adams repUed, that the Florida war was commenced and prose
cuted for the purpose of enslaving innocent people, and that all proceed
ings for that purpose were void as to Congress, and to all other per
sons, and criminal as to all who participated in the transaction ; and he
moved to lay the bUl on the table. But to prevent any vote involving
the merits of the biU, Mr. Hammet, of Mississippi, moved an adjournment,
which motion was sustained, and the biU was no more heard of during
that Congress.

246 PEIMAL TEUTHS DENIED.
The result was regarded as a defeat of the slave interest and a tri
umph of the whig party.
.„^ The primal doctrines of our Government were again brought
under consideration upon the question of admittmg Florida
to the sisterhood of States. The people of that territory, in
framing their State constitution, inserted a clause prohibiting the
legislature from abolishing slavery. Exceptions were taken to this
clause. In the discussion arising on this question, Mr. Douglas, of
lUinois, put forth the doctrine which in subsequent years he mam-
tained with such determination of purpose as to attract very general
attention throughout the country. He insisted that the people of a ter
ritory have the political and moral right, while framing a constitution, to
establish slavery if they choose : Thus boldly denying the doctrine of
the fathers, that " governments are instituted to secure the enjoyment
of Ufe and liberty." Indeed, he maintained that human govern
ments hold the same legitimate authority to murder, which they have
to secure Ufe ; the same authority to enslave mankind, which they have
to protect Uberty. These doctrines were at that time entertained, appa
rently, by the entire democratic party, and by leading members of
the whig party. From I'T 9 3, the Federal Govemment had been con
ducted iipon this doctrine, and Florida was admitted upon this prin
ciple. Mr. Bayley, of Virginia, was bold in his denunciation of every
member who would undertake to dictate to the people of Florida the
character of her constitution and government. A resolution Umitiug
the time for debating the bUl was adopted ; and the fioor was thence
forth awarded to democratic members, who occupied the time untU the
final vote, which was controlled entirely by party division, being 123 m
the affirmative to It in the negative. •
In pursuance of the resolutions adopted by the Democratic National
Convention for obtaining " the whole of Oregon," Mr. Duncan, of Ohio,
early in the session, introduced a bill to organize a territorial gov
ernment in air that portion of country which was then in the joint
occupation of Great Britain and the United States : And the policy of
the democratic party was declared to consist in obtaining " the whole
of Oregon" and " the whole of Texas." Northern Democrats justified
themselves in pledging their votes for the annexation of Texas, in con-
sideration of southern members having pledged theirs in favor of Oregon.
And when told that for the United States to take forcible possession of
Oregon would produce war with England, they repUed that a war with
England would silence agitation in regard to slavery, and thereby prove
a great benefit to the country.

THE WHOLE OF OEEGON CLAIMED. 247
There was a ftiU discussion of the bill in regard to Oregon. An amend
ment excluding slavery from the territory was adopted by 131 to 69.
The bUl also authorized the President to give notice to the British gov
ernment terminating the joint occupation of the territory, and passed the
House of Representatives by 140 to-5&..
During the debate on this biU, the policy of obtaining Texas was ad
vocated as a part of the policy adopted by the democratic party, and
while discussing the annexation of Texas, the same poUcy was constantly
avowed. AU apprehensions of a war with England were treated -with
contempt by the ruUng party, and most of those speaking on that sub
ject exhibited a desfre for hostUities.
Nor was the Senate inattentive to this subject. At an early period .
of the session a bUl was introduced into that body, authorizing the Pre
sident to take possession of all the Oregon territory up to latitude 54 deg.
40 min., and was debated untU the day of adjournment ; but they
took no final vote upon the biU before them ; nor did they consider the
bUl sent them from the House ; and the twenty-eighth Congress was
brought to. a close -without any definite action in regard to Oregon.
On the 4th March, Mr. Polk was inaugurated as President of the
United States. The bill for annexing Texas had passed and begame a
law, but that in regard to Oregon was yet in abeyance : The Presi
dent in his inaugural address assured the country that " our title to the
whole of Oregon was clear and unquestionable," and that he would use
his constitutional powers to maintain it.

248 WAE WITH ENGLAND DESIEED.

CHAPTER XVI.
ATTEMPTS TO EXCITE A WAR WITH GREAT BRrTAIN  ^THE MEXICAN WAR COM-
MENCEU  EXODUS OF FLORIDA EXILES.
jg^g. At the assembling of the twenty-ninth Congress, the President
in his annual message informed that body that aU attempts to
settle the Oregon question with Great Britain had failed, and reassertmg
that England had no title to the territory in disputp, caUed on Congress
to make the necessary provision for maintaining our rights in the disputed
territory. This appeal was heartUy responded to by the democratic party in the
House of Representatives, not one of whom appeared to doubt that a
war with England would sUence all agitation on the subject, of slavery,
aad insure to them the control of the Government for an indefinite time.
These facts impressed the pubUc mind with an expectation of war, and
many leading Whigs appeared anxious to cast responsibUity upon anti-
slavery men, and to hold them accountable for the folly and crimes of
those who sought a dishonorable war. Whigs and Democrats laid
it down as a predicate, that opposition to slavery in the District of
Columbia, in the Territories and on the high seas, could do no good: but
whUe it must fail of all beneficial results, it stirred up Ul-feeling among
southem members, which worked mischief to the body poUtic ; and
would eventuaUy destroy the Union.
Unfortunately a class of men called radical aboUtionists, regarding
the construction of the' Constitution entertained by leading Whigs as
correct, and honestly believing that instrument to have imposed npon the
people of the free States the burden of supporting slavery, pronounced
it "a covenant with death and an agreement with hell ;" declaring that
nothing short of a dissolution of the Union could relieve the people of
the free States from the moral gnUt of sustaining slavery.
PoUticians of all parties manifested an estrangement from Mr. Adams
and the writer, who then appeared to be the only members willing to
incur the odium of openly opposing the slave power. The Whigs, with
whom they had always acted, excluded them from th^fr consultations,
and held no poUtical feUowship with either of them. In regard to
poUtical action they consulted together, but with no other members.

ME. CALHOUN HESITATES, 249
Soon after the assembling of Congress, General Cass, the most expe
rienced and probably the ablest member of the Senate who acted with
the democratic party, moved resolutions instructing the Committee on
MUitary Affairs to inqufre into the condition of our fortifications on the
seaboard, and the means possessed by the Government for the defence
of the country : Also dfrecting the Committee on the MUitia to inquire
into that arm of the national defence : Also instructing the Committee
on Naval Affairs to inqufre into the condition of the navy and our naval
suppUes. Joint resolutions were also introduced into the Senate, dfrecting the
President to give notice for the termination of the joint occupancy of
the territory in question, declaring it to belong to the United States,
and that the Government held no constitutional power to surrender any
portion of it.
These resolutions were adopted by the Senate, sent to the ^j^j
House, and were referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs ;
who reported them back to the House with a recommendation of con
currence, and thus far every indication pointed to immediate war.
Mr. Adams and the writer were incredulous as to approaching hos
tiUties : They could not beUeve the slave power so reckless as to. enter
upon a war with England in the then state of pubUc feeUng respecting
" the peculiar institution."
At this time Mr. Calhoun reappeared in the Senate. He had retired
at the close of Mr. Tyler's administration and was not expected to appear
again in public Ufe. He now seemed anxious and care-worn, and to the
very general astonishment of his admfrers avowed himself opposed to
hasty action in regard to Oregon.
On the 5th February the resolution from the Senate requiring the
President to give notice for the termination of the joint occupancy of
Oregon came before the House for action ; and the writer took oocasion
in a pubUc speech to announce that the slave power had perfect control
of the Government, maintaining peace and making war as the supposed
interests of slavery might dictate : That the democratic party had become
the mere instrument for sustaining the institution of slavery. . That a
war with' England, in which Oregon and Canada were Ukely to be
added to the free TSTorth, would not be permitted by the slave power :
That such a war would prove to be one .of emandpation : That the black
regiments of the British West Indies would be landed upon our southern
shores : That devastation by fire and sword would render the cotton
States desolate : That the slave uiterest could not be induced to engage
in such a war. ,These av-jwals occasioned great sensation : But Mr. Adams

250 THE SLAVE POWEE FEIGHTENED.
^'oUowed them -with the distinct assertion that he was in favor of holding
the territory notwithstanding the consequences ; but he declared his
apprehension that tbe President would recede from his position, " and
would accept the British proposition to 'make the fojty-ninth paraUel of
latitude the boundary Ime between the two govemments.
The whig press throughout the country denounced Mr. Adams and
the writer as advocates of war ; but the President now faltered in his
course. In a message to the Senate he stated the difficulties which lay
in the way of obtaming the territory between the forty-nmth and fifty-
fourth parallels of latitude, and asked the advice of that^body as to his
future action. The Senate advised him to accept the British proposi-
.tion for making the forty-ninth parallel the boundary. The President
acted according to this advice, and the whole matter was pacificaUy
arranged. But while the slave power thus avoided a war with England, its ad
vocates appeared anxious for hostilities with Mexico. That government,
distrusted and feeble, was known to be utterly unable to resist a large
mihtary force, and it was beUeved that we could wage a war upon her
people with impunity.
No sooner had Congress passed the act of annexation than Mr. Tyler,
on the eve of retiring from the Presidency, dispatched a messenger to
inform the authorities of Texas of what had occurred. And Mr. PoUc
had scarcely reached the Presidential- chair, when he ordered our army
to " Corpus Christi," situated at the mouth of the Nueces, that being the
then • boundary between Texas and Mexico, and the farthest point to'
which Texan authority had extended.
When the President received notice that Texas accepted the terms of
annexation, he immediately informed the two Houses of Congress, to
enable that body to consummate the outrage upon the constitutional
rights of' the people of the free States, by dedaring Texas one of the
States in the Federal Union. Massachusetts and Connecticut had pro
tested against the consummation of the proposed union. Many re
monstrances from the people of other free States were presented
for the consideration of Congress. The writer, a member of the House
of Representatives, presented to the consideration of that body a series
of resolutions, declaring, " That the maintenance, the continuance and
existence of slavery must depend exclusively upon the power and authority
of the States in which it exists.
" 2d. That the Federal Government, possessing no powers except
those expressly delegated to it by the several States, is destitute of all
authority to establish, extend or perpetuate slavery.

THE MEXICAN WAE COMMENCED. 251
" Sd. That all attempts of Congress, or the Executive, to associate a
foreign slaveholding people in the administration of the laws of our
nation are in palpable violation of the Constitution, destructive to the
interests and honor of the free States, and subversive of the fundamental
principles of libert/.
" ith. That the admission of Texas to the Federal Union, upon terms
aUowing each holder of five slaves the same political influence and power
over the rights of- the free States as that exercised by four of our free
educated citizens of the North, wUl constitute an outrage upon the rights
and honor of the citizens of the free States unequaUed in the history of
civilized governments.
" bth. That a voluntary surrender of the rights of the free States to
the keeping of foreign slaveholders is unworthy of the representatives of
a free people."
These -resolutions were laid upon the table, and the annexation, of
Texas was consummated by a vote of 141 to 56. The entire democratic
party . voting ia the affirmative, whUe many of the whig party faded
to vote.
At this time General Taylor was in command of our troops, and his
advanced guard was at BrownsvUle, on this side of the Rio Grande
opposite Matamoras. It was at least one hundred mUes advanced into
Mexican territory, beyond the farthest point to which the jurisdiction of
Texas had extended : And the first blood that was shed in the Mexican
war was that of some deserters of our army, who, being pursued by a
sergeant and guard, attempted to swim the river, but were fired upon
and kUled by our own troops, without being arrested, tried, or sentenced.*
On the 12th April some sixty dragoons, whUe reconnoitering, „g^
were drawn into an ambuscade ; fifteen were kiUed and wounded,
and the whole party were taken prisoners.
On the 9th May rumors reached Washington of the commencement of
hostiUties. It was on Saturday, after the adjournment of both Houses
of Congress. During Sabbath the Committee on Military Affafrs met,
and before sunset it was rumored that they had agreed oh a report
declaring war against Mexico. HostiUties had been constantly foretold
* This exercise of a barbarous despotism was brought to the attention of the House of Represen
tatives by the writer, who cited a case frofai the American State papers, where, during the first
Seminole war, some deserters were shot by their pursuers, while the commandant of the troops, Col.
King, was absent from the post on business ; but on ills return he failed to arrest and try those who
perpetrated the murders ; and the facts* being known at headquarters, he was himself arrested,
courtmartialled, and sentenced to suspension from service and pay for five years. This sentence
was approved by the President; but Congress, learning tbe facts, adopted a joint resolution,
requesting the President to strike the name of Col. King from the roU of the army, and it -was done.
But no effort could Induce the democratic party now In power to examine the subject.

252 A CONGEESSIONAL FALSEHOOD.
by -those who opposed the annexation of Texas, and had been as con
stantly denied by the friends of that measure. But the latter now
changed their position, and unblushingly urged the necessity of war, the
conquest of territory, and the extension of slavery.
On Monday morning the President sent his message to the two
Houses of Congress, declaring that " American blood had been shed on
American soil," and arraigning the Government of Mexico for her past
neglect, of duty, caUed on Congress to provide the means for sustaining
the rigTits, interests and honor of the American people. .
The message being read, was, together with the accompanying papers,
referred to the Committee on MUitary Affafrs. They reported a bUl,
declaring that " war existed by the act of Mexico," and in one hour from
the reference of the message, the bUl, with this flagrant falsehood for its
preamble, passed the House of Representatives with only fourteen dis
senting votes. The names of members voting against the falsehood that
' war existed by act of Mexico, were from —
Massachusetts. Messrs. Adams, Ashman, GrinneU, Hudson and
King  5
Maine. . . . Mr. Severance  1
Rhode Island. Mr. Cranston  1
New York. . Mr. Culver  1
Pennsylvania. Mr. Strohm  1
Ohio. . . . Messrs. Delano, Giddings, Root, TUden and Vance 5
No sooner was this falsehood fairly incorporated in our legislative
annals, .than members of the democratic party boasted that Congress
would be no longer troubled with the agitation of matters relating to
slavery. This feeUng arose from the conviction entertained by poUticians
generally, that war was always popular, withont respect to its justice or
injustice. But the reformers of that day were not to be driven from
thefr purpose by unmeaning apprehensions founded on moral cowardice.
On the foUowing day, while the House were engaged in considering a
bUl to raise a company of miners and pontoniers, the wiiter in a speech
stated that our nation had waged a war of conquest against an unoffend
ing nation for the purpose of extending the curse of human bondage ;
and declared that God had no attribute that would permit him to smUe
upon such crime : That all past history and experience had proven that
when any government attempted to extend iis boundaries by conquest, by
robbing other nations and people of their territory, such aggressive govern
ment had fallen beneath the weight of its own crimes : That our nation-
would NOT PROVE AN EXCEPTION TO THIS RULE OF RETRIBUTIVE JUSTICE.

ME. CALHOUN LOSES HIS INFLTTENOE. 253
The Hon. Columbus Delano, of Ohio, also seized upon the first oppor
tunity to express his detestation of the war thus commenced, as did
Mr. Culver, of New York, and others as they had opportunity. The
bUl declarmg war came before the Senate the next day, when the par
tisans of that body appeared anxious to pass it without examination
or delay. Mr. Calhoun, the leader of the slaveholding hosts, now
found that he had " raised the whfrl-wind " but " could not direct the
storm." He had led in the annexation of Texas, cherishtng the hope
that he could extend the institution of slavery without involving the
nation in war ; but he now found himself the feeble instrument of a
powerful and inexorable party bent upon hostUities. It was in vain that
he asked delay. It was in vain that he declared the measure too im
portant for hasty action. Partisan leaders were excited under the
conviction that a war woidd confirm the democratic party in the pos
session of political power, and would effectually suppress aU opposition.
Every democratic Senator, except Mr. Calhoun, voted for the pending
biU with its mendacious preamble, declaring that war existed by the act
of Mexico, although it was notorious that our troops were at least
a hundred miles within the territory belonging to that government. Mr.
Calhoun hesitated, faltered, and refused to vote with his party on
a subject which he foresaw must bring upon its authors a responsibility
which he was unwilUng to assume. Messrs. Berrien, of Georgia, and
Evans, of Maine, who had acted with the whig party, refused to vote
either for or against the biU ; and Messrs. Thomas Clayton, of Delaware,
and Davis, of Massachusetts, voted against it. The bUl passed that
body by 40 ayes to 2 nays, and in one year from the annexation of
Texas the nation was plunged into a war of devastation and bloodshed,
which cost the expenditure of three hundred mUUons of treasure and
eighty thousand Uves.
The advocates of slavery now appeared to feel themselves perfect
masters of the Government ; and equaUy conscious that the advocates
of freedom were entfrely at the control of the slave power. They
spoke of those who voted against the war as ranking with the Federalists
who voted against that of 1812. They assumed that to oppose the war
was to oppose the Government ; and spoke of all who condemned the
war as traitors to the honor and the interests of the nation. The super
cUious arrogance with which slaveholders spoke of the advocates of liberty
became disgusting, and at times the resentment of members was not
dis'i^uised.''' • An instance of this character occurred In tho House of Representatives. Hon. Barclay
Martin, of Kentucky, assailed Hon. Luthbr Severance, of Maine, In abusive terms of personal

254 V INTEIGUE WITH SANTA ANNA.
While the war was thus inaugurated, there was at the same time a
plan set on foot for bringing it to an immediate close. This plan con
sisted of an intrigue with Santa Anna, the exiled President of the
Mexican repubhc, to get him back to Mexico, place him in power, and
then buy a peace of him. The plan succeeded in part. Santa Anna
entered wilUngly into it. He was permitted to pass our blockading ships
into Mexico by order of the 'Executive. But when in his own country
his influence was not sufficient to carry out the object of his return, and
the war continued contrary to the intentions and expectations of those
who commenced it.*
The people of the United States now found themselves precipitated
into a war for the extension and perpetuation of slavery. Yet among
both Whigs and Democrats a general impression prevailed that to oppose
a war in which our country was engaged would be unpopular, and but
few statesmen or poUticians were -wUUng openly to denounce hostUities
commenced and carried on for the support of slavery.
Reflecting men now saw clearly the necessity of a poUtical orgaiuzation,
based upon the principles of the Declaration of Independence, in order
to emancipate the people of the free States from the despotic domi
nation of the slave power. Every suggestion of such a plan was met,
however, with the cowardly objection that it would occasion the dis
solution of the Union. This had become the general, the conclusive
argument against every measure in opposition to slaveholding dictation.
The "Uberty party," as it was then called, oontroUed some fifty
thousand votes in the United States. At its head was Hon. James G.
Bfrney, a man of ability, a native of Kentucky. He liberated his own
slaves and proclaimed immediate unconditional emancipation -the duty
of every slaveholder, characterizing the institution as a poUtical, moral
disrespect, for having expressed his honest convictions in regard to the Mexican war. Mr.
Severance was a man of feeble physical powers, while Martin possessed more than an ordinary
athletic frame. On hearing the assault made upon Mi-. Severance, a few friends of his held a short
consultation and requested tho writer to reply to Martin. The request was complied with. Tho
writer assumed as his own the doctrines and views of Mr. ^verance, and then inquired by what
authority Martin had oflfensively assailed them? He closed by saymg the speech of Martin
** exhibited a sterile brain, a vicious haart, and a dastardly spirit." The offensive words
appeared in all the city papers on the following morning.
Martin feeUng uncertain as to the course which he ought to pursue, called his col
leagues together for consultation. It was at once declared Improper to challenge the writer, as
he would only ridicule the man who shonld do it. It was also agreed that it would be a hazardous
business to attempt personal chastisement on the street, as usual at the South. And It was finally
agreed that Martin's only course was a public reply in the House of Representatives. This ha
never attempted. On hia return home he was, charged with pocketing the Insult, was defeated at
the next elootion, aud never more appeared in public life.
* This statement is made principaUy upon the autliDrlty of Col. Benton, who was at the time a
leading Democrat, having access to their councils. ( Vide Benton's " Thirty Years in the Senate.")

INDUN TE()irBLES ON ACCOUNT OF SLAVEET. 255
and social cvU, and a violation of justice : He maintained the very obvious
truth that aU human enactments in favor of upholding it were moraUy
null and void, imparting no moral right to the slaveholder and imposing
no moral obUgation upon the slave.
But this doctrine, although correct, had since l-t93 been repudiated
by those who administered the government, and was now regarded as
very unpopular : The past action of men in public -Ufe was generally con
sidered conclusive upon statesmen and people, and it became evident
that the "Uberty party" could never obtain control of the Govern
ment ; and the hopes of reformers now rested upon the Declaration of
Independence and that construction of the Constitution which left to
each State the right to be perfectly free from the expense, disgrace and
turpitude of slavery.
Mr. Adams, possessmg more prestige than any other statesman of that
period, refused to unite in any political organization ; but acting inde
pendently of all poUtical associations, continued to advocate the doctrines
which had previously characterized his pubUc Ufe.
News from the Indian country, west .of Arkansas, informed -^g,.
Congress that several of those western tribes were on the verge
of wan The Creeks had thefr territory allotted to them by metes and
bounds. The Cherokees also Uved upon thefr own lands, set apart
by well defined Umits. The treaty of Payne's Landing had been
enforced upon the Seminoles without the consent of that tribe ; the ad
ministration having apparently determmed to compel them to settle with
the Creeks for the purpose of aUowing those savages to reenslave the
ExUes or colored people then Uving with the Seminoles, thefr ancestors
having fled from South Carolina in 1705.* But when the Seminoles
and thefr friends, the Exiles, reached the Indian country west of
Arkansas, they were not aUowed to go on to lands of their own, accord
ing to solemn stipulation ; but were told they must settle upon the
Creek territory, under Greek laws. This would enable the Creeks to
reenslave the Exiles, according to the obvious intentions of the admin
istration. These Exiles had for many years proven a great annoyance
to slaveholders, and the federal administration sympathizing with
the slave interest, was anxious to see them reSnslaved, in order to render
the institution more secure. But the Seminoles refused to go within the
jurisdiction of the Creek nation, and settled upon lands belonging to the
Cherokees. The Creeks were disappointed in not being able to reenslave
the ExUes. The Cherokees were dissatisfied at having thefr lands
* Tide " Exllos of Florida," where the historic facts In regard to those people are coUected in a
small volume.

256 SEMINOLES AND NEGEOES FLEE TO MEXICO.
occupied by the Semmoles, and the Seminoles were dissatisfied at not
having lands set off to them according to the supplemental treaty entered
into between them and the Government of the United States.
To save bloodshed, commissioners were sent to the Western Country -
to form a treaty with those several tribes and thereby mamtain peace on
our western frontier. This object was effected by inducing the Seminoles
and Exiles to settle upon the Creek lands. The President agreed to
settle aU questions of slavery between the Creeks and Seminoles, and the
United States to compensate the Creeks for aU slaves, to whom they
should establish a title. Before the treaty was pupUshed, a bUl making
appropriations for carrying it into effect was reported, and came before the
House for consideration. This policy, fraught with such corruption, was
exposed andthe attention of the nation caUed to it. The Creeks called
for indemnity under the treaty. The Executive, -with the eyes of the
nation upon him, appeared unwUUng to act upon questions in regard to
slavery. He disregarded the demands of the Creeks, who now seized
about one hundred of the ExUes and sold them into slavery in Louisiana.
The other Exiles and a portion of the Seminoles fled towards- Mexico.
pursued'by Creek warriors ; a battle was fought, many of the Creeks
were killed, and the remainder returned to thefr country, whUe the
Exiles and their Seminole friends pursued thefr way far beyond the Rio
Grande into Mexico, and settled near a place caUed " Santa Rosa,"
where they yet reside.*
A barbarous persecution of these inoffensive people had characterized
the action of the Federal Govemment since a.d. 1790, and now con
stitutes one of the darkest pages of American history.
• 7i<i«"Exaes of Florida."

AN ADDITIONAL MILITAET FOEOE CALLED FOE. 257

CHAPTER XVII.
THE WAR WITH MEXICO CONTINUED — THE LAST SPEECH OF A VENERABLE
STATESMAN.
At the opening of the second session of the twenty-ninth Con- „^^
gress the popular feeling against the Mexican war was far
more general than had been expected, on account of the greater
. expense of bipod and treasure than its advocates anticipated. To
meet this feeUng, the President, in his annual message, attenapted to
vindicate the course of himself and party. Relying upon the dignity
of his position to shield his message from just criticism, he embraced
within it gross fabrications, misrepresentations, and sophisms ; but its
weakness was ridiculed, its mendacity exposed, and its moral obUvious-
ness was held up to the condemnation of the public. Members now
spoke of the President as they would of an ordinary poUtician, and his
annual message was treated with the same criticism that was bestowed
upon the partisan speeches of members of Congress.
The advocates of freedom assumed a more bold and fearless position,
dpclaring that the time was rapidly approaching when the poUtical issue
would be made between slavery and freedom, without disguise or evasion ;
that it were in vain longer to threaten a dissolution of the Union : That
submission to the slave power had become intolerable and could not
much longer be borne by the people of the free States.
The President in his message called for an additional mUitary force,
in order to subjugate Mexioo. This proposition was resolutely opposed
by the advocates of freedom ; the biU passed the House of Representa
tives by aid of party discipline ; but met with resistance in the Senate,
where the influence of Mr. Calhoun was exerted in favor of a policy
which he characterized as one of " masterly inactivity."
The difficulties with which the biU was beset in the Senate aroused
the fre of some leading slaveholders ; and the venerable Thomas
Ritchie, editor of the " Union " and printer to that body, assaUed
the members with such offensive imputations on account of their want
of zeal in the prosecution of the war, that he was expelled from the haU
ia which its sessions were held. IT

258 THE PEESIDENT DESPONDS.
Early in the session Mr. Thommason, of Kentucky, who had voted for
the war, offered resolutions declaring the restoration of peace desirable,
and the acquisition of territory from Mexico impoUtic and wrong.
Mr. FickUn, of Illinois, offered resolutions vmdicating the war and
declaring it the duty of all good citizens to support it. But neither the
resolutions of Mr. Thommason nor those of Mr. FickUn were considered
or voted upon.
Mr. Schenck, of Ohio, who had also voted for the war, offered reso
lutions to withdraw our army from Mexico and to prosecute the war by
blockading the Mexican ports.
Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, offered resolutions for terminating the war
tWithout acquiring territory, and, on the question of adoption, they faUed
'Jby a vote of 76 ayes to 88 nays.
In the Senate, Mr. Calhonn proposed to withdraw the army to a
.certain Une, and to station it along that line, which should thereafter
I constitute our frontier, and the duty of the army should be confined to
its defence.
.1847 1 ^^^ army in Mexico was also suffering from sickness. Officers
and soldiers were falling victims to disease, and the difficulties
and burdens attendant npon hostilities appeared even greater than had
been foretold by opponents of the war.
It was under these circumstances that the President became dis
couraged, and dfrected an order to be made by the Secretary of War for
-withdrawing our troops from Mexico. The order was actuaUy made out
and was to be sent to General Taylor on the foUowing day, when Mr.
Benton, learning the facts, hastened to the Presidential mansion, and
dissuaded the Executive from a measure so just of itself, bnt which
would have defeated the very objects for which the war was commenced,
to -wit, the acquisition of territory over which to extend slavery.*
No effort was neglected that would conduce to the perfect transforma
tion of our Government to a slaveholding and slave-supportuig oligarchy.
On the 2d March, the civil and diplomatic appropriation biU was
. returned from the Senate to the House, with an amendment granting to
the owners of slaves on board the " Amistad " fifty thousand doUars, as
a compensation for their loss.
The reader wUl bear in mind that the slaves, while at sea, had achieved
their liberty by killing the master and mate of the vessel and taking
possession of it, and finally landed on the Connecticut coast. The first
question presented in considering the claim was, whether these ignorant,
• This statement is made upon tbe authority ot Colonel Benton in his " Thirty Teats."

ME. ADAMS LAST SPEECH. 259
barbarous Africans held, in common with the human famUy, the right
of Ufe and Uberty. For, if they had received this right from the Creator,
it must of course be proper and just for aU men and all nations, and
governments and people, to respect the rights with which the Creator
had endowed them.
When the amendment came up for consideration iu the House of Re
presentatives, the writer moved to disagree to it, and briefly assigned
his reasons, asserting that, in resuming their natural rights to life and
liberty, the slaves merely discharged a positive duty, which they owed to
themselves, to their posterity and the world of mankind ; and that, in
slaying those who held them in bondage, they had executed retributive
justice upon pfratical slavedealers, whose appropriate reward was the
gallows ; that it was an insult to the laboring men of, the free States to
ask them to contribute of thefr earnings to compensate men whose voca
tion was a traffic in human flesh.
WhUe the author was commenting on the facts of the case, the coun
tenance of Mr. Adams seemed Ughted up with an unusual glow of ani
mation. He had sustained a paralytic shock in December previous, and
for a time was not expected to recover ; but he possessed an unusual
constitution, which enabled hun to return to Washington. He at all
times insisted that this attack constituted his poUtical and moral death.
No persuasion could induce him to speak or write for the pubUc. But
on hearing this question debated, he appeared to forget his infirmity.
His love of truth, justice and Uberty appeared to glow in every Unea-
ment of his countenance.
No sooner had the writer closed his remarks than the illustrious
statesman arose to speak. Soon as he was announced in possession of
the floor, members, leaving their seats, gathered in a dense mass
around him, to Usten to what was regarded by all as the last public
speech of that moral hero. Reporters left their desks with pencU and
paper, and rushing within the bar, where they could hear his voice, now
eafeebled by age, endeavored to sketch the last speech of the vene
rable patriot. His utterance was low, and his voice tremulous ; but his
theme was worthy of angels. As he proceeded, his voice became stronger
and his utterance more distinct ; and although he had attained to the
age of nearly four score years, and was enfeebled by paralysis, -yet he
spoke worthy of himself and of his past life. Southern members, who
had in former times assaUed him with great bitterness, now got as near
to him as possible, in order to catch the last words of him whose voice
had so often resounded through those haUs, but who was now go ob
viously passmg away.

360 THE AMENDMENT EEJECTED.
When he had closed his remarks, the vote in favor of disagreeing to the
amendment of the Senate was taken, and carried ahnost unanimously.*
* This ^as the last speech of Mr. Adams. He lived more than a year subsequently to ita delivery,
and on two occasions expressed bis opinion on important questions, but attempted no argument.
The deep feeling which he entertained on the subject of liberty was illustrated wliile lying upon
what was supposed to be his death-bed. A few days after he was attacked by paralysis the writer
visited him.
Soon after he entered the room the attendants left it, and alone in that chamber of death he sat
beside the dying stateaman, who at once commenced a conversation upon the subject of human
rights. The writer told him that he was too feeble to converse on a subject in wliich his feelings
were so deeply interested. Tjooking the writer fully in the face, he said : " My dear friend, I am
on ihe verge o/eiemity; I shall never see you again. I must talk with yon on this subject which
lies so near our hearts." The writer made no further objection, and he proceeded in a conversation
which is yet deeply impressed upon the writer^s memory. At no period of his life had Mr. Adams
exhibited a deeper solicitude for our Govermnent, or for the rights of mankind, than he did on that
polemu occasion.

HON. E. 0. WTNTHEOP CHOSEN SPEAKEE. 261

CHAPTER XVIII.
DISCIPLINE OF POLITICAL PARTIES — PEACE WITH MEXICO  IMPORTANT QUES
TIONS ARISING UPON THE TREATY  THE LAST SLAVE" PRISON OF WASHIN8-
TON  DEATH OP MR. ADAMS — CLAIMS FOR DEPORTED SLAVES UNDER THE
TREATY OF GHENT.
At the assembling of the thfrtieth Congress, the whig party .^g^^
selected the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, of Boston, as thefr can
didate for Speaker. He was a gentleman of education and an accom-
pUshed parUamentarian, but he had exhibited indecision in regard to the
annexation of Texas, and after the outrage had been perpetrated, he
hastened to avow his concurrence in the act. He had also voted for the
Mexican war. From these circumstances some members were led to
distrust his devotion to the cause of freedom : and the Hon. John G-
Palfrey, one of his colleagues, sent him a note inqufring whether, if
elected Speaker, he would so arrange the committees of the House as to
secure respectful answers to petitions from the people of the free Staters
touching slavery ? To this kind inquiry Mr. Winthrop refused to give
any dfrect answer ; but referred his coUeague to his past action as
evidence of his future course. With this answer Messrs. Palfrey, of
Massachusetts, Tuck, of New Hampshfre, and the writer were not'
satisfied, and refused to vote for him although they had previously acted
with the whig party.
Fourteen Democrats refused to vote for Mr. Boyd, of Kentucky, who
was the candidate of the democratic party. Thefr objection to Mr.
Boyd was that he had voted for the Mexican war and against the exclu
sion of slavery from the territory proposed to be obtained from Mexico.
On the second baUot two Democrats refused to vote in order that Mr.
Winthrop might be elected. His vote being 110, the refusal of the two
southem Democrats gave him precisely a majority of one vote and se
cured his election.
It was well understood that leading Whigs in the North and in the
South were endeavoring to concentrate the voice of their party for
President upon General Taylor, an officer in the American army who
had never served his country in any civU capacity ; and whose popularity
had risen entirely from his gallant bearing upon the battle-field. To

262 PAETT DESPOTISM ILLUSTEATED.
sustain him for that high position, a paper called the " National Whig"
had been established in the city of Washington.
On the 10th December this paper appeared with its leader entirely
devoted to Messrs. Palfrey, Tuck and Giddings, arraigning them in lan
guage at once superciUous and offensive, for daring to vote against the
whig candidate for Speaker. The editor declared he would send two
thousand copies of the paper containing this article into thefr districts.
Thus was the watchword sent forth from the city of Washington that
these members were to be persecuted and denounced for maintaining
thefr independence.
Nor did the "National Whig" stand alone in this work of detrac
tion. Leadmg whig papers in the free States followed the example
of their national organ, and as the writer had served long in Congress,
the weight of their calumny was thrown upon him, apparently intending
to make an example of him in order to deter others from offendmg.
But this attempt to browbeat members into subjection to party dicta
tion proved unfortunate for the orgamzation : It drove many good men
from the party and constituted an important step towards its total dis-
bandment.* But this party discipline was carried out more perfectly in the demo
cratic organization. Indeed, the watchword of "party" had superseded
that of moral truth and jnstice in both organizations ; and at that
time controlled their action. The slave States were generally imited
upon the support of slavery, and the democratic party, ever subservient
to that institution, held almost undisputed sway over the Governmeflt
and nation.
These circumstances contributed to the formation of a thfrd party, dis
tinctly .founded upon those moral principles on which the Constitution
and Government had been based. But the anti-slavery party, to which
attention has already been called, was not only impracticable, but was
controlled by men wanting that political experience necessary to render
it popular.
These facts showed clearly that the new party must base its action
upon the Constitution, and maintain the rights of the free States to

* Leading papers in Ohio, and one of those published In the district represented by the writer,
openly pronounced him "«Ml a^postate," and attacked him with great bitterness for thus setting at
defiance the bel^est of the leaders of the party in order to maintain his devotion to moral truth and
politica^princlple. This called out the writer in vindication of his conduct, showing the reasons why
he would not vote for Mr. Winthrop. That gentleman feeUng aggrieved, repUed to the writer, and a
most unpleasant personal and political controversy arose between them, which continued for some
four or five years, when Mr. Winthrop, as the whig party diminished in power and influence, retired
to private Ufe.

OFFICIAL INTEIGUE OF THE SPEAKEE. 263
be exempt and entirely free from the burdens, disgrace and guilt of
supporting slavery. The action of Messrs. Palfrey, Tuck and Giddings
in the election of Speaker was regarded as the germ from which t^e free-
soU party of 1848 first sprung ; although neither of them had any such
thought or expectation at the time of voting.
The President, in his annual message, spoke more confidently of the
Metican war, referred with exultation to the victory won at the battle
of " Buena Yista," and openly avowed his intention to obtain from Mexico
territory as an indemnity for the vast expenses incurred, reiterating
the mendacious assertion that Mexico had commenced ihe war.
The Whigs had control of the House of Representatives. The
Speaker was a Whig, and the committees were all arranged by him in
such manner as to effect the political objects which he had in view.
The first of these was the election of General Taylor. But the next,
which appeared most important, was the furnishing to the democratic
President aU suppUes which he demanded for the prosecution of the
war, the devastation of Mexico, and carrying out the designs of the
slave power in obtaining territory over which to spread the institution
of human bondage. The committees were also arranged so as to make
no reports in answer to the respectful petitions of northern people for
the abolition of the coastwise slave trade, of slavery, and the slave
trade in the District of Columbia and in the Territories. Thus was the
influence of both whig and democratic parties united for the extension of
territory, the strengthening of the slave power, the increase of southem
influence, and preparation of the slave States to assert their indepen
dence, and overthrow the Government which all had sworn to support.*
The opening of this Congress was marked by the introduction to the
Senate of Hon. John P. Hale, a bold and able defender of the constitu
tional rights of the free States. He had been a Democrat ; but whUe
serving in the House of Representatives had opposed the annexation of
Texas, and was repudiated by his party. Returning to his native land,
he reared the standard of truth, justice and constitutional Uberty, and
after politically regenerating his State was returned to the Senate, having
richly earned the confidence which the people reposed in him for many
years. In the dignified body to which he now belonged he was regarded
* When the writer was first assailed for refusing to vote for Mr. Winthrop to the office of Speaker,
he foretold In the most expUcIt language that that o-Sicer would arrange the committees in the
manner described In the text. Friends remonstrated with him for asserting these things before they -
occurred, saying Mr. Winthrop would not do it after his action had been thus foretold and
denounced. But the writer repUed that he, well understood the elements of that gentleman's mind,
and that he did not possess the heroism, nor the moral courage, to do otherwise than the writer had
predicted.

264

QUESTION OF EXTENDING SLAVEET.

as a pioneer of a future organization, which many beUeved was destined
to sway the Government of the Republic.
The .war with Mexico was so palpably unjust, that the clergy of New
England, to the ndmber of two thousand nine hundred and thirty, ad
dressed a respectful memorial to Congress, asking the withdrawal of our
army, and that our Government would offer an atonement for the injury
inflicted upon her people. The memorial was presented by Mr. Hale,
and was committed to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, who, accord
ing to the poUcy of both Houses and of both the leading parties, con
signed it to the Clerk's office, from which it was never exhumed.
jg^g, Mr. Dickinson, of New York, offered resolutions in the Senate,
declaring it the true policy of our Govemment to obtain territory
of Mexico, but not to establish or prohibit slavery therein. Mr. Tnlee,
of Florida, sustained them ; but,- on motion of Mr. Foote, of Mississippi,
they were laid on the table.
;^r. Bagby, of Alabama, offered resolutions declaring that neither the
people nor the Legislature of a territory possess the authority to prohibit
slavery therein ; and that such Legislature has no authority, except such
as may be delegated by Congress, and that Congress has no power to
exclude slavery from any territory of the United States. These resolu
tions, after debate, were laid upon the table.
Senator NUes, of Connecticut, presented resolutions from the Legis
lature of that State, asking Congress to prohibit slavery in any and in
all territory that might be acquired from Mexico. Mr. NUes had long
been a leading Democrat of his native State ; had been honored with the
confidence of the Federal Executive ; and now, on presenting the reso
lutions, he declared they spoke the sentiments of the people of that
State and of himself ; said that this question must be met, and advised
the Senate to meet it promptly and justly.
Mr. Baldwin, of Connecticut, also presented resolutions, declaring
that it should be regarded as an unalterable law of every territory, that
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should exist therein.
Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, presented a memorial from the people
of Forwardsville, Vfrginia, asking Congress to appropriate the public
lands to the extinguishment of slavery. ,
Mr. Calhoun, having greater experience than any other statesman of -
the South, seemed alone to comprehend the difficulty which the slave
power would bring upon itself by obtaining territory from Mexico,
thereby increasing the intensity of that controversy which was already
pending. He had been active in obtaining the annexation of Texas,
for the purpose of extendiijg and perpetuating the institution ; but

ME. CALHOUN ABANDONS HIS PAETT. 265
he had at aU times insisted -that it would not involve our nation in
war. When told by the advocates of liberty that, as Texas was
engaged in war with Mexico, the annexation of the State would
necessarily bring with it the war in which the State was engaged, he
had denied the proposition : Seeing his error in that respect, he now
appeared to comprehend the evUs which must result from obtain
ing territory, and to avoid them he presented resolutions declaring that
the "conquest of territory from Mexico would be contrary to the
intentions of our Government in declarmg war, a departure from its
settled policy, subversive of our free and popular institutions ; and that
no poUcy should be adopted that would lead to snch disastrous conse
quences." In explaining thes^ resolutions, the distinguished Senator declared his
original opposition to the war, said it was unnecessary, and asserted
that the President had no authority to order our army into the dis
puted territory, whUe Mexico was in actual possession ; and asserted
that the preamble iri the bUl, declaring that " war existed by act of
Mexico, was untrue, and he beUeved would lead to great and serious
evils." No Senator appeared willing to take issue with him, who had so long
stood forth as the master ruling spirit of the South. He now fully coin
cided with the views of Mr. Adams and his political friends touchmg
the war and the consequences growing out of it. But the party had
advanced beyond his control, and the sun of his influence was evidently
waning, like that of his natural Ufe.
The President, who was now the exponent of his party, did not
hesitate to assume the most despotic powers incident to the prosecution
of the war. Without any action of Congress, or authority of law, he
levied a tariff of duties upon importations in all Mfexican ports of which
our army or navy held possession, and the long obsolete power of levying
contributions upon captured cities was resumed.*
The President justified these acts, saying they were equivalent to seizing
upon the revenues of Mexico, and applying them to the support of the
war ; thus denying that he was under obligation to await the action of
Congress authorizing such procedure. But as there was no law making
the President or the officers collecting this money responsible for its use,
they were left to dispose of it according to their own judgments and
consciences. In the House of Representatives, the war with its atrocities was the
* At the time of writing these sketches, the whole democratic party are denouncing the Federal
Administration and repubUcan party for confiscating the property of rebels.

266 MASSACHUSETTS SPEAKS.
theme of debate ; and as it had been 'commenced and carried on for
the purpose of extending slavery, it was constantly scrutinized, its bar
barities and horrors were held up to pubUc view, and the popular
hatred of slavery was increased, and the conviction that the powers
and influence of the Government were -wielded for its benefit became
more general.
In the month of January Mr. Palfrey, of Massachusetts, spoke upon
the President's message. He was a young member, but came to Con
gress -with a high reputation as a scholar and phUanthropist, having
emancipated a large number of slaves who descended to him by the death
of his father, who resided in the South. His speech was Ustened to with
strict attention, and was characterized J)y great abUity and a profound
devotion to the cause of truth. Mi*. Adams was an attentive listener to
the whole of Mr. Palfrey's address, and as that gentleman resumed his
seat the venerable ex-President, with a countenance glowing with inteUi
gence, exclaimed : " Thank God, the seal is broken ! Massachusetts
SPEAKS ! " apparently realizing the extent of the victory which had been
obtained in behalf of free speech.
1848 1 '^^^ treaty of peace with Mexico brought -with it a vast ex-
june 23. J tent of territory, from which slavery had - been excluded by
Mexican law. The ordaining of territorial governments in New Mexico
and California was .necessary, and the establishment in, or exclusion
of slavery therefrom constituted an important question for Congress to
decide. The annexation of Texas had been urged under the usual argument
that it was necessary to save the Union, '^\i.t the very act which southern
statesmen had urged as necessary to save the Union had produced agitar
tion and presented more difficult and more dangerous questions than had
been previously agitated.
Oregon, California and New Mexico belonged to the United States,
but their status in regard to slavery was to be decided, and the attention
of the people of the free as weU as of the slave States was intensely
turned to that question.
In speaking on this subject, Hon. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, said :
"The fact that the slave is property, which the owner may carry with
Mm into any part of the Union, is that which they (the South) are
desirous to see recognized. The clause in the Constitution relative to
the -regulation of commerce is a constitutional admission that a slave
is property. It is because slaves are considered property that' the im
portation of slaves from Africa has been carried on under this clause
of the Constitution. The words slaves or any other property m the Constitu-

VOTE ON THE ABOLITION OF SLAT^ET. 26T
tion are conclusive on this point.* If the existence of property in slaves
be admitted, what power has Congress to interfere with it ? Entering a
territory with his property, the citizen has a right to its protection.''
A number of citizens resident in Washington addressed a memorial
to Congress, asking that body to aboUsh the slave trade carried on in
that city. The memorial was intrusted to the writer, who moved its
reference to the appropriate committee. But Mr. CUngman, of North
CaroUna, moved to lay it on the table. All the members from the slave
States, except Mr. Houston, of Delaware, voted to lay the memorial on
the table, together with the foUowmg members from the free States,
to wit : '
Maine. . . . Messrs. Clapp, Clark, Hammons, WUliams, and
Wiley,  5
New HAMPSHmE. Mr. Johnson,  1
New York. . Messrs. Birdsall, Collins, and Murphy, ... 3
Pennsylvania. . " Brodhead, Brown, and Ness, ... 3
Ohio  " Dickinson, Kennon, MUler, Richie, and
Sawyer,  5
Indiana. ... " Petit, Robbinson, and Wick, .... 3
Illinois. ... " FickUn, McClernand, Richardson, and
Smith  4
The other members from the free States voted against laying the petition
on the table ; the vote standing 92 ayes, 92 noes, ^he Speaker voted in
the negative, and the motion bemg laid over never more came before
the House.
Slaveholders regarded themselves as possessing influence sufficient
to insure the success of any measure favorable to the institution how
ever absurd. Thus the President recommended in his annual message
an appropriation by Congress to compensate the Cuban slavedealers
for the loss of slaves, who asserted their liberty on board the schooner
" Amistad," to which the attention of the reader has been thrice dfrected.
On the usual motion to refer the messages the writer caUed attention to
this recommendation of the President, to tax the laboring freemen of
the United States to sustain the Cuban slave trade. The message was,
* This sentence may be regarded as a specimen of the accuracy and logic of the great body
of southern statesmen In regard to the existence of property in human flesh, Mr. Davis doubt
less supposed there was such a clause in the Constitution, but he would never have put forth the
assertion without knowing whether it were true or false, had he supposed that northern Senators
would expose his error.
This dogma, that " slaves are property," although denied by the Convention that framed the
Constitution and constantly denied by Congress, has been as often Iterated and reiterated by south
ern poUticians.

268 KIDNAPPING IN WASHINGTON.
of course, referred, but the committee treated this portion* of it as they
were accustomed to treat anti-slavery petitions. It was no more heard
from. The writer -was in the habit of attacking every movement tending
to make slavery a subject of national concern. And the barbarous
character of the institution is well iUustrated by an incident that
occurred at his boarding-house during this session of Congress.
A colored man, supposed to be free, with his wife and a boy of some
ten years of age, was serving at the house referred to. He had been a
slave, but by an arrangement with his owner, a widowed lady,, he agreed
to pay three hundred doUars for his freedom. Of that sum he held
receipts for two hundred and forty dollars, and both he and his wife
averred that the whole amount within fifteen doUars had really been
paid, and he was expecting to pay the remainder in a few days. Under
these circumstances a slavedealer of the city paid the owner three hun
dred dollars and took from her a bill of sale, of which the man had no
notice. The slavedealer came to the house where the man was at work and
with two assistants seized and bound him, and thrusting him into a hack,
drove away. The wife and boy were in great grief and consternation at
the abduction.
On inqufry the writer learned that the carriage had been driven to
wards the slave prison at the corner of Seventh street and Maryland
Avenue ; and with Hon. Abram R. Mcllvaine, of Pennsylvania, he
proceeded thither for information.
The evening was clear and the moon shone pleasantly when they
reached that abode of barbarous wretchedness. The prison' stood
near the centre of an inclosure containing perhaps an acre and a
half of land. The -windows were dark save one in which a fire Ught
flickered dimly. No shrubbery or ornamental trees were to be seen,
and the picket fence which surrounded the grounds was old and
dilapidated. As the -writer and his friend entered the gate, two men started from
the house apparently to meet them. As, they approached, one of them
inquired if the writer and his friend wished to see Mr. WilUams ? They
responded affirmatively. " He is not at home," said the man. " Then we
wiU see his agent," said the writer. " Beware of the dog 1" said the man.
At the same instant a fierce mastiff sprang at the -visitants, but his chain
was not of sufficient length to permit him to reach them. Passing
around to the left, in order to avoid the dog, they reached the front
door, at which they rapped loudly, there bemg no beU. A colored

THE LAST SLAVE PEISON IN THB OrTT. 269
servant responded to the call. Opening the door, he stood in the dark
passage and inqufred thefr business ? They told him they wanted to see
the agent of Mr. WilUams. Without bidding them to walk in he left,
and soon the supposed agent appeared. He was a large man, apparently
armed -with bowie-knife and revolver, on the latter of which his right
hand rested. The writer stated to him their business. He replied that
he " had bought ' the nigger' and had paid six hundred doUars for him ;"
assured them "the boy" was anxious to go South. The writer inqufred
where " the. boy " could be found. He answered, " that he had sent him
to Alexandria, that he was already on board the ship which would saU
that night." On this uiteUigence Mr. Mcllvaine and the writer placed
no reUance, but bidding the slavedealer good night, walked away.
Passmg through the gate, they turned to look at this " slave-pen,"
standmg in the midst of our national metropoUs. All was dark and
silent. The whole contour of the buUdings and grounds appeared in
harmony with the piratical vocation to which they were appropriated.
Its inmates, both slavedealers and victims, appeared to be isolated from
aU sympathy and association with the moral world around them, as they
were separated physically fi'om all other buildings of the city. As they
stood gazing at this monument of disgraceful barbarism, the writer re
flected upon the horrors, the unutterable grief, the despair, agony and
suffering to which the victims of this domestic slave trade had been sub
jected within its walls. There an' agonized mother, separated from her
home and husband, had been imprisoned -with her two chUdren ; and as
she mused upon the past, and contemplated the future, her mind was
wrought up to. frenzy, and in the madness of the moment she seized
upon her offspring and tore from them the life which God had given ;
and then severing the thread of her own existence, she rashed unbidden
to the presence of her final judge. Her pfratical purchaser, instead of
abandoning his accursed vocation, prosecuted the former master for seU-
ing him a vicious slave, and instead of receiving sentence of death for his
crimes at the bar of American justice, he obtained indemnity for his loss
at the hands of an American jury.
From this gloomy prison a female of nineteen made her escape, in the
vain hope that her eyes, might once more rest on her beloved home and
friends m Vfrginia : But the slavedealer and his assistant immediately
pursued her, and as she was crossing the " long bridge " south of the
city, they came in sight of her, and called to some men at the opposite
end to stop her. The men prepared to seize her. She turned towards
her pursuers, but seeing no chance for escape, she leaped upon the para
pet, and as an invocation for mercy escaped from her Ups, she plunged

270 A MELANCHOLT INCIDENT.
into the dark waters beneath, and sought from her heaveply Father that
mercy which would save her from the slave trade, which was then sup^
ported by both whig and democratic parties. This slave prison had
been the scene of more crime and suffering than the French BastUe :
and as the -writer and his friend turned to leave, they felt overwhelmed
with the consciousness that this " last slave-pen of Washington City,"
this memento of barbarism, had too long disgraced our American land.
On the following day the writer presented to the House of Represen
tatives a resolution reciting the principal facts above stated, and pro
viding for the appointment of a select committee to report a bUl repeal
ing aU laws of Congress which authorized the sale or purchase of human
beings within the District of Columbia.
A motion to lay the resolution on the table was made, and sustained
by aU the members from slave States, except Mr. Houston, of Delaware,
and Jameson, of Missouri. The members from the free States voted as
foUows :
Maine. Yea — Messrs. Clark and Williams,  2
Nay — none.
New Hampshire. Yea — ^none.
Nay — Messrs. Tuck and Willson,  ,2
Massachusetts. Yea — none.
Nay — Messrs. Adams, Abbott, GrinneU, Hale, Hudson,
King, and RockweU,  7
Rhode Island. Yea — none,
Nay — Messrs. Cranston and Thurston,  2
Connecticut. Yea — -none.
Nay — Messrs. Dixon, Hubbard, RockweU, and Smith, . i
Vermont. Yea — none.
Nay — Messrs. CoUamer and Peck,  2
New York. Yea— Messrs. BfrdsaU, Maclay, and NicoU, . . 3
Nay — ColUns, Conger, Duer, Gott, Hall, Homes, Hunt,
Jenkins, Kellogg, Sidney, Lawrence, William T. Law
rence, Petrie, Putnam, Rose, St. John, SherrUl, Sylves
ter, Tallmadge, Warren, and White,  20
Pennsylvania. Yea — Messrs. Brodhead, C. I. IngersoU, and
Brown,  '  3
Nay — Messrs. Blanchard, Butler, Dickey, Eckhart, Fa-
relly, Friedly, Hampton, J. R. IngersoU, Irwin, Mcll
vain, Mann, PoUock, Strohm,  13
Nbw Jersey. Yea — none.
Nay — Messrs. EdsaU, Gregory, Hampton,  3

ASSAULTS ON THE SLA'VTE TEADE. 2-71
Ohio. Yea-.-Messrs. Edwards, Farran, Kennon, Miller, RichCy,
and Taylor,  6
Nay — Messrs. Canby, Crowell, Dickinson, Evans, Fisher,
Fries, Giddings, Lahm, Root, Sawyer, Schenck, Yiuton, 12'
Indiana. Yea — none.
- Nay — Messrs. Cathcart, Embree, Henry, RockhiU, Smith,
and Thompson,  -6
Illinois. Yea — Messrs. FickUn and Richardson,  2
Nay — Messrs. Lincoln and Wentworth,  2
Michigan. Yea — none.
Nay — Messrs. Bingham and Stuart,  . 2
Iowa. Yea — none.
Nay — Messrs. Leffier and Thompson,  2
The whole vote in favor of laying the resolution on the table, . 85
Against it,  86
At the announcement of the vote great sensation was visible among
southern members. They appeared astonished that northem men
should dare encourage, any examination of the crimes attendant upon
the domestic slave trade. DUatory motions were next made and mes
sengers sent to call in absent members, and after an hour's delay
another motion to lay on the table was nlade, and carried by a vote
of. 94 to 88.
In the month of March, Mr, Tuck offered a resolution dfrecting
the Committee on the Judiciary to inqufre into the propriety of
prohibiting the sale tf persons under process issuing from courts of
the United States, but was unable to obtain a vote upon it : yet
the result of these assaults upon the domestic slave trade, upon slavery
in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories of the United States,
appeared to be attended with far more effect than merely defensive mea
sures. The consciences of members were appealed to in regard to the Mexican
war. Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, a Whig, offered a reso
lution thanking General Taylor, his officers and men, for their gallantry
in prosecuting the war with Mexico. And the question whether Con
gress would tender thanks to men who had exhibited courage and gal
lantry in a war for the extension of slavery was presented for each mem
ber to decide ; but 181, then present, voted for the resolution, the writer
alone voting in ihe negative.
When the vote had been announced, the writer offered a preamble
and resolutions,, setting forth that " the true honor and glory of our Re
public consist m encouraging education, diffusing inteUigence among

272 ME. HALE AND THE -WEITEE, BACH STAND ALONE.
the people, cultivating a knowledge of the arts and sciences, thereby pro
moting the happiness of mankind, leaving to other nations the enjoyment
of the same rights which we claim for ourselves : That the welfare of
our people requires that we shall abstain from all wars of aggression,
by whi6h a spirit of conquest is excited, and a love of mUitary fame is
stimulated, and the peaceful avocations and moral restaints of civU Ufe
are forgotten : Therefore, resolved that the thanks of Congress and
the gratitude of the people are due to Hon. Albert Gallatin for his dis
tinguished efforts in the cause of truth, justice, peace, aud humanity."
Mr. Dunn, of Indiana, moved to lay the resolution on the table,- and
the motion was carried by a vote of 132 to 45.
But the resolution of thanks to General Taylor, his officers and men,
having passed the House, were sent to the Senate for concurrence. In
that body, Mr. Hale opposed thefr adoption in an able speech, and on
the vote being taken his name alone was recorded in the negative.
For many years southern statesmen had urged upon the Government
a system of free trade as a measure of justice to all parts of the Uniop,
while some northern members felt that it would be destructive to slavery.
Hon. David WUlmot, of Pennsylvania, being earnestly in favor of free
trade, offered resolutions declaring that the expenses of the Mexican •
war ought to be defrayed l?y a system of dirett taxation.
For this Mr. Wilhnot was most bitterly assaUed by southern mem
bers, and charged with aiming a blow at the " pecuUar institutions of
the South," although he declared that in drawing up his resolutions,
nor in presenting them, did the subject of slavery enter his mind. But
the southern mind had become so excited, that every act of legislation
was approved or discarded, according as its supposed bearing sustained
or detracted from the influence of slavery.
g^. The fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth days of AprU were
rendered memorable in the history of slavery's regime : And
the -writer believes he cannot give the reader a better idea of the habits
and feeUngs of Congress, and of the people of our national metropolis,
than by relating the incidents of those days somewhat in detaU.
On the morning of the 13th, an old schooner, of some hundred and
fifty tons burden, was lying at the wharf below the long bridge, on the
south side of the city. She had discharged her cargo of wood, and the
captain, mate, and crew were lounging on the wharf, apparently waiting
for a return cargo.
At eleven o'clock that evening the writer was sitting in his room,
when a friend called to inform him that the schooner referred to had
Bailed with some eighty slaves on board, bound for the North : The

MOB VIOLENCE THEEATENED. 273
-writer at once pronounced the plan ill-advised, and stated his apprehen
sions of a recapture. His friend soon left, but sleep fied from his eyes.
To him it was an anxious night. He watched the winds of heaven, on
which the Uberty and happiness of so many human beings depended.
At length the morning dawned. It was the Sabbath. AU was
quiet in the city, but the -writer's thoughts, even while in church, dwelt
upon the unfortunate men and women who were seekmg liberty.
As he was returning from worship, he was told that a large number
of slaves had left the city, but no trace of thefr exodus could be disco
vered. At night, it was rumored that they had left on board a
schooner ; that large bounties had been bidden for thefr recapture and
return ; and that a steamer had been chartered, and had started in
pursuit of the fugitives. They had sailed with a' fair wind, as far as the
mouth of the river, but could not tum northward, as the wind was
against them, and they dared not venture out upon the ocean,, as the
vessel's timbers were rottCn. They therefore cast anchor, and lay quietly
until captured by the steamer ; and by eight o'clock on Monday morn
ing, all were brought back to the city.
A large crowd met them at the wharf ; and as the slave-catchers and
their victims slowly wended thefr way towards the city prison, the mass
of spectators became so dense that the police were called on to aid
the pfratical slave-hunters in conveying thefr victims to the prison. WhUe
passing through the most populous parts of the city, the excited mob
proclaimed vengeance upon every friend of liberty. The writer's name
was often mentioned, his residence described, and threats of violence
were uttered.
Friends, who heard these imprecations, hurried to inform him. Others
sent messengers ; and some sent notes, warning him to be on his guard.
But Captain Drayton, and his mate Mr. Sayers, of the schooner, with
the eighty-three negroes, were lodged in prison.
The two Houses of Congress met at the usual hour. Members ap
peared anxious and solemn, as if some great calamity had befaUen the
nation. During the day, the writer received several notes, informing
him of personal danger ; and at night, there was said to be indications
of a mob, on Seventh street, in the vicinity of the General Postoffice.
On Tuesday mornmg, after reading the Journal, the writer obtained
the floor ; and no sooner was he announced by the Speaker, than
southem members gathered around him. Soon as order was restored,
he asked leave to present a resolution and preamble, setting forth
"that Rumor represented that more than eighty persons were- impri
soned in the United States jaU, for the District of Columbia, witb-
18

274 A PEO-SLAVEET MOB.
out being charged with any crime or offence or impropriety, other than
an attempt to enjoy that Uberty for which our fathers had encountered
toU, suffei-ing, and death itself : and whereas such practice is deroga
tory to our national character, incompatible with the duty of a
Christian people, and imworthy the support of an American Congress,
therefore. Resolved, That a Select Committee of five members be ap
pointed to inquire into and report by what authority said prison is used
for the purpose of confining persons who have attempted to escape
from slavery ?"
Members appealred excited. Mr. Meade objected to the reading of
the resolution, and Mr. Holmes, of South CaroUna, proposed an inqufry,
whether " the scoundrels who induced the slaves to escape, ought not to
be hanged ?" But leave to introduce the resolution was not granted ;
;and such was the timidity of members, that the writer could not obtain
Jihe yeas and nays on the question of leave.
At evening, the mob again gathered around the office of the " Na-
;tional Era,'' an anti-slavery paper, and committed some violence, break-
,ing the windows and window-blinds, and threatening the editor. But
he behaved with great firmness, stepped out in front of his door, and
.addressed the excited mob ; and by his coolness, endeavored to prevent
•violence and bloodshed. And after a while, the police having made
several arrests, the mob dispersed,
Drayton and Sayers were in the prison, and constantly threatened
with death, by violent hands. The situation of those men rested with
much weight upon the writer's mind during the night, and he determmed
to visit them at the earliest suitable hour in the morning. Soon as
breakfast was oyer on Wednesday, he started for the prison, bnt
caUed to invite Mr. Hale of the Senate to go with him ; that gen
tleman w^s not in, and the -writer passed on to the office of the
"National Era,," hoping to find him there. As he approached the
building, the broken window-blinds and windows gave unmistakable
evidence of the mob during the previous night. He found the editor,
Dr. BaUey, at his table, writing a manifesto addressed to the public,
which he intended to publish that day. Dr. BaUey objected to the
writer's going to the jaU, saying he might find it more dangerous thau
he expected. But he met with the Hon. Lawrence Brainard, a Senator
from Vermont, who proposed to go -with him, and who behaved 'with
perfect coolness and firmness daring thefr visit to the prison. Hon. E.
S. Hamlin, of Ohio, formerly a member of the House of Representa-
,tives, also accompanied them.
As they reached the prison, ;they found a sentinel in the yard outside

THE PUBLIC JAIL A SLAVE PEISON. 275
the door, to whom they gave thefr names, and the object of their 'visit.
After some delay they were admitted, and found the vestibule of the
prison fiUed 'with men, most of whom were said to be slavedealers. At
the foot of the stairs they passed through an fron gate, which the jaUer
locked, and gave the key to the guard stationed there ; and ascending the
stairs, they passed through another iron gate, which admitted them to the
hall into which the cells of Drayton and Sayers opened. Throng the
grated doors the writer spoke to those men, stating his name and posi
tion, assuring them that he had come to inform them that they would not
be lynched as the slaveholders threatened, but they would have a regular
trial, and that friends would see thefr legal rights protected. They had
been in great distress, not knowing their fate ; and on hearing the voice
of friendship and kindness, they were melted to tears.
WhUe conversing with them, a mob obtained the key to the lower
gate, and ascending the stafrs, caUed on the writer to retfre immediately,
or his life would be in danger. He spoke kindly, saying he should
soon be through with his business, and would then accompany them
down stafrs. But the jailer assured them that the 'writer should not
leave the haU, until they returned and delivered up the key of the lower
gate to the guard. The writer 'continued to^ converse 'with Drayton and
Sayers, and the jaUer induced the mob to retfre down stairs to the
vestibule. After he had concluded his conversation 'with the two prisoners,
he looked into the other rooms, which were occupied by slaves and
slavedealers, who were examining thefr victims. They then descended
to the lower gate, where the mob in the vestibule appeared to be highly
excited. The jailer hesitated in permitting them to pas's through the
gate, into the presence and within the power of the mob ; but he was
directed, in a voice of kindness, to let them pass through. The mass of
beings before them was dense and highly enraged, uttering profane im
precations agamst the writer and all aboUtionists. The jaUer opened
the gate, and they passed through among the crowd, which pressed back
and opened a narrow defile through which the 'writer and his two friends
passed to the door, and soon found themselves in the jaU yard from
whence they entered the street ; and the writer went directly to the Hall
of Representatives, where he found his friends anxious in regard to his
safety, having learned that he had gone to visit the prisoners at the
jaU. To them he related the incidents that had occurred, and when the
House was caUed to order,' Mr. Palfrey, of Massachusetts, offered the
foUowing preamble and resolution : /
" Whereas common report represents that a kiwless mob has as-

276 DIFFEEENT DOCTEINES AVOWED.
sembled within the District of Columbia, on each of the two nights
last past, and has committed acts of violence, and set at defiance
the constituted authorities of the United States, menacing individuals of
this body, and other persons residing in the city, therefore,
" Resolved, That a Select Committee of five members be appointed to
inquire into the facts referred to, and to report their opinion whether
further legislation is necessary or expedient in the premises ; and further,
that they have leave to sit during the sessions of the House."
The resolution involving a question of privilege, . took precedence of
all other business, and an excited debate arose upon it. South
ern members appeared to be sincere in the opinion that the fugitive
slaves had committed a grievous wrong in leaving the service of thefr
masters, and that those who aided them in thefr attempt to escape had
been guilty of crime. They did not stop to reason ; but assuming that
the captain and mate of the vessel had placed themselves beyond human
sympathy, they spoke of the writer's visit to them as itself a violation
of law, and an act which rendered him an outlaw, and with an afr of
arrogance he was asked publicly before the House whether he had not
¦visited the prisoners ? He replied that he had visited them, not merely
because he possessed the moral and legal right to do so ; but he had
done it from a sense of imperative duty, from the performance of
which he had not been and never should be deterred except by positive
force. They appeared surprised at these views, and one of them, Mr.
Haskell, of Tennessee, at once inquired whether the writer beUeved it
morally right for a slave to leave the service of his master ?
Astonished at the question, he replied that he beUeved with Jefferson
and the Republican fathers " that aU men held from the Creator equal
rights to live and to enjoy liberty : That whenever an individual stepped
between God and his feUow-men to deprive them of this right, he does it
at his peril: That it was not only the right of the oppressed to obtain
thefr Uberty at the earUest moment they could do so, even by slaying
their oppressor, bnt it was thefr unquestioned duty to do so, even to the
taking of the life of every man who opposed them." Mr. HaskeU replied
that the -writer " ought to be hanged as high as Haman, but that his
effrontery was so much beyond his own conception he would interrogate
him no further." The debate occupied the entire day.
While this subject was agitating the House, Mr. Hale, in the Senate,
asked leave to introduce a biU to prevent riots and unlawful assemblages
in the city of Washington, on which a very exciting debate arose in
that body, and at the close of the day it was difficult to say whether the

EXCITING DEBATE AEISE8. 277
excitement was most intensified in the Senate, in the House of Repre
sentatives, or in the city.
Mr. Calhoun was the first to denounce Mr. Hale's motion, and -with
great solemnity spoke of the slave question as the one most Ukely to
dissolve the Union. He referred to all men who offered resistance to
the slaveholding poUcy as demagogues, and dangerous to the Govern
ment. He appeared to entertain no doubt that it was the constitutional
and moral duty of those who wielded the Government to support and
extend slavery,
Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, pronounced the biU of Mr. Hale to prevent
mobs, to be a " biU to protect incendiaries and kidnappers." Mr. Foote,
of Mississippi, charged Mr. Hale with complicity in the escape of slaves,.
and declared if he would come to his State, " he should be hanged by a
mob to the first convenient tree ;" but Mr. Hale bore himself with coolness
and decided abUity, meeting his assailants at every point with facts,
arguments, and logic, that could not be resisted by human reason.
On the following morning " The Union," a newspaper published in
the city of Washington, being the Administration organ, contained an
Sirticle asserting that the excitement in the city had been greatly increas
ed by the efforts of Mr. Giddings and others to lend aid and comfort
and counsel to the white prisoners Drayton and Sayers : That the aboU
tion incendiaries. Hale and Giddings, had thrown firebrands into the two
Houses of Congress, which had produced an excited debate in each of
those bodies. It stated that Mr. Giddings justified the kidnappers, de
claring that although the act was legaUy forbidden, it was morally right.
Mr. Hale, in the Senate, expressed himself willing to relax the laws
and weaken the protection given to slave property in the District. In
deed, the whole article was calculated to direct the violence of the mob
towards Messrs. Hale and Giddings.
At the reassembUng of the Senate on the foUowing day, that body
passed to the ordinary business of legislation, and bestowed no further at
tention to the question which occupied the previous day. But the House
resumed the debate on Mr. Palfrey's resolution with increased energy.
The discussion, however, was no longer confined to one side. Mr. Root,
of Ohio, a man of unusual powers in debate, always bold and gentle
manly, exposed with perfect fearlessness the despotism which southern
members were endeavoring to estabhsh.
While this debate was- progressing, one Hope H. Slatter, of Balti
more, a slavedealer, having purchased some fifty of the slaves who had
attempted to escape, marched his victims from the jail to Pennsylvania
Avenue, and along that court street of the city to the raUroad depot.

278 SACEEDOTAL HEATHENISM.
which then stood on the avenue near the Tyber. The scene was des
cribed by those who saw it as traly heartrending. In the mournful
procession were fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters, sons and
daughters, bidding a final adieu to their parents and friends, to all they
held dear on earth, conscious that they were on their way to southem
markets ; " that bourne from whence no slave returns." It was said that
all hearts were pained and all eyes suffused with tears, save those of
the slavedealer and of the chaplin'to the' House, Rev. Henry Slicer,
whose countenance appeared bland and smiling as he entered the car,
and walking between the agonized victims, greeted Slatter, shaking him
cordiaUy by the hand, and then turned aside to reprove one of the men
sitting near, a member of the same denomination to which Slicer be
longed, for having attempted to regain his Uberty. Indeed it was
asserted that Slicer had administered the Sacrament of the Lord's
Supper to this man a few days previously : And now amid the sighs
and groans, agony and despafr, the clanking of chains, the prayers of
victims, and the profanity of assistant slavedealers. Sheer was adminis
tering Christian reproof to a member of Ms own church for attempting
to regain the rights which God had given him.
On the following day, as the House was caUed to order and the
chaplain ascended the desk and spread his hands in the attitude
of prayer to mvoke the blessing of God, members appeared disgusted
at the sacrUegious hypocrisy, and one of them, putting on his hat,
began to swear as Slicer began to pray ; and while the latter invoked
the blessing of God upon members, one of them caUed on the same
Almighty Being to damn such preachers, and most of those present
appeared to feel that the prayer of one and the curses of the other
were about equaUy efficacious. If the reader should regret that these
detaUs are placed on record, the writer begs leave to say this work Is
not designed to keep facts out of view, but to transmit as nearly as
possible to posterity the incidents of that day simply as they transpired.
It had now become evident that southern members were satisfied that
bluster and arrogance, and threats of dissolving the Union were operating
against them, and that the sooner the debate was closed the better for
the interests of slavery. The writer saw that if he spoke on the subject
he must do so on that morning. Although the object of constant as
sault, he had forborne to speak, desirous of hearing his opponents fnUy
before he attempted to answer them. The debate had lasted three days,
and in the opinion of the writer was the most profitable to the nation
that had ever occurred in Congress ; and whether his own speech was
just or unjust to his opponents or to himself, he thmks he never addressed

THE STOET OE THE EDMUNDB0N8. 279
the House under circumstances more favorable. The principal charac
teristic of the qieech was its independence of thought and expression.
The resolution was laid on the table : And it is believed that this at
tempt was the last put forth by the slave power in Congress to sUence
the voice of northem phUanthropy by arrogant bluster and supercUious
attempts at intimidation.
" WhUe the writer was speaking, a note from a friend was placed before
him, saying that the " Edmundson sisters " and brother were among the
victims purchased toy the slavedealer Slatter. The brother had called on
the -writer a few days before to obtain from him letters of commendation
to northern phUanthropists, for the purpose of soliciting contributions to
redeem his two sisters. His complexion was light, his features were
Caucasian, his phrenological development bespoke a high order of talent,
his language was good and his deportment and bearing gentlemanly.
He said he had seven hundred doUars in money and could leave slavery
on any day as he commanded his own time, paying his master for it ;
" But," said he, " I never will forsake those sisters." Nor did he. He
was in the procession, walking by thefr side, at the time referred to ;
and whUe surrounded with indescribable suffering he appeared absorbed
in thought, anxious only to soothe and comfort the sisters to whom he
was devotedly attached. That manly form now toils beneath the lash,
or sleeps in a servile grave. The sisters were redeemed by northem
philanthropists at an extravagant price. The family ^as said to have
been one of the most talented in the State of Maryland, and the writer
fully concurs in that apinion.*
On the 3d April Mr. Cummins, of Ohio, a Democrat, offered to the
consideration of the House a series of resolutions congratulating the
French people upon the success of their then recent revolution and
tendering them the sympathy of our Government. The House sus
pended its rules for the purpose of considering these resolutions, to
which many of the whig members were opposed.
Mr. Ashman, of Massachusetts, proposed an amendment declaring
our full and hearty sympathy in the pledge of the French nation for the
immediate emancipation of slavery in the French colonies. To this
amendment Mr. Schenck, of Ohio, proposed to add the foUowing words,
"recognizing as we do the cardinal repubUcan principle that there shall
• A few days subsequently to the scene described In the text, the writer, on opening a letter from
New York, took from it a draft for nine hundred doUars. The letter was signed " A G^randson
of John Jacob Astor," who had been one of the wealthiest men in New York, In his letter he
desired the money to be used for the redemption of the Edmundson sisters. The whole amount
n':cessary to redeem them was made up, and tbe sisters were redeemed and subsequently educated
at Obei-Un College, Ohio.

280 PEIMAL TEUTHS AGAIN DEBATED.
be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude except for crime." Thus was
the House again at once precipitated upon the discussion of the subject
of human bondage.
Similar resolutions had been offered in the Senate, to which Mr. Hale
offered a similar amendment, and that body and the House of Repre
sentatives were thus simultaneously engaged in discussing the primal
truths on which govemments are instituted. After several days of
earnest debate in both Houses, the resolutions were adopted : But Mr.
Palfrey moved a reconsideration of the vote, and on that motion deUvered
one of the ablest speeches of the session.
In the course of -this debate the fugitive slave act of 1850 was very
thoroughly examined, and members appeared satisfied that no man nor
officer of the free States was under any constitutional obligation to aid
in the arrest or return of fugitive slaves : And that if such fugitive
were to slay his master and' all others who opposed his escape, there
was no law to punish him.
In foUowing these consecutive events we have failed to mention m
chronological order the death of the venerable Ex-President Adams,
who had so long stood forth as the leader of freedom's hosts. His
lamp of life had long seemed faintly to flicker in the socket. He often
expressed to the writer and others his consciousness, to use his own
words, of standing " upon the verge of eternity," and in continuing his
diary he termed his own writings, after the paralytic shock referred to
heretofore, as "posthumous," saying he was moraUy and politically and
almost physicaUy dead : Yet he continued cheerful and exhibited as great
a degree of interest in the cause of human rights as he had ever done.
1848.1 ^^ ^^ morning of the 21st February he was in his seat at the
usual hour of commencing business. The writer, as was his cus-
H;om, inquired concerning his health. He shook hands with his accus
tomed cordiaUty, whUe his ordinary smile seemed faintiy to .Ught up his
countenance. When the House proceeded to busiiiess he resumed his pen. He
had commenced an apostrophe to the Genius of History, which was
represented by the recording angel sitting on the clock of time at
the front entrance of the haU, when he was suddenly seized with an
apoplectic fit, was carried to the rotunda in apparently an unconscious
state and laid upon a sofa. WhUe there he gave utterance to those last
words so often quoted : " This is the last of earth, but I am prepared."*
* The writer here gives the words as he then understood them, but the committee appointed to
arrange the funeral ceremonies reported his last words to be, " this is the last ot earth, but I am
conimt." The word content the writer believes was seldom used by Mr. Adams.

LEGISLATION IN SDPPOET OF SLAVEET. 281
He was soon after removed to the Speaker's room, where he lay ap
parently unconscious on that and the following day, and at a quarter
past seven o'clock on the 23d he departed to his final rest.
Another subject connected -with slavery attracted attention near the
close of this session of Congress. In the long pending controversy be
tween our Government and Great Britain concerning deported slaves
under the first article of the treaty of Ghent, , a list of the slaves
claimed to have been lost was made out and presented to the British
Ministry. This list was subsequently found to be fraudulent, containing the names
of a large number of imaginary slaves who never had-existence : But it
had been made, the basis of negotiations, and our Government was not
only used as the instrument for supporting slavery, but it was disgraced
by a petty fraud unworthy of honest or honorable men.
After the money was obtained from England, the claimants being held
to strict proof as to the loss of slaves, and all such being paid for, there
were several thousand doUars remaining in the treasury. The money
properly belonged to the British Govemment, but no movement to refund
it was made.
A Mr. Hodges, of Maryland, now petitioned Congress for indemnity
for a slave who left the country on board a British ship in 1814. The
petitioner had not filed his claim under the treaty, nor did it come within
treaty stipulations ; but finding this money, which had been obtained
under pretence that the British navy had carried away a greater number
of slaves than had actuaUy left their masters, he called on Congress to
pay him for the loss of his human chattel from the money to which
neither he nor the Govemment had any moral right.
The petition was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, who
had been appointed by a whig Speaker (Mr. Winthrop). Six members
of that committee were from the free States, to wit : Mr. Smith, of
Connecticut ;" C. I. IngersoU, of Pennsylvania ; Marsh, of Yermont ;
Duer, of New York ; McClellan, of Michigan, and Duncan, of Massa
chusetts. WhUe Messrs. Rhett, of South Carolina ; HUliard, of Ala
bama, and Pendleton, of Vfrginia, represented the slave States.
This committee, apparently without a dissenting voice, reported a biU
to pay for this slave, and when it came before the House it was admitted
by aU that the slave was not embraced in the treaty nor in the subse
quent negotiation.
2d. That the treaty-making power could impose no obligation upon
Congress to interfere in support or in the abolition of slavery.
3d. It was urged that slaves were not property, and that no human

282 PUETHEE LEGISLATION FOE BLAVEET.
-legislation could confer any moral right on one man to hold another as
property. '
4th. That it was disgraceful to our Government for Congress to legis- .
late upon the price of God's image.
But although the whig party was then in power in the House of Re
presentatives, this bill was sanctioned by the committee of the whole
body, and when it came into the House, the friends of liberty could not
induce one-fifth of the members to vote for the Yeas and Nays, and the
bill received its thfrd reading and final passage without lea-ving any re-
Cord showing who voted for, or who against it : Northem members dared
not record thefr votes for the bill, and were afraid to vote against it.
On the 14th August Congress adjourned, having spent more time in
the discussion of slavery and questions connected vrith that institution,
than had been appropriated to that subject at any former session.

CONVENTION ASSEMBLES AT BUFFALO. 282

CHAPTER XIX.
THE SLAVE ^RADE IN THE DISTRICT OP COLUMBIA SUSTAINED — PROPERTY IN
HUMAN FLESH DECREED — THE MOMENTOUS ISSUE ON EXTENDING SLAVEET
INTO THE TEERrrORlES DECIDED.
DuEiNO the recess of Congress the Presidential election took .jg^
place. The friends of Mr. Yan Bm-en had been mortified and
dissatisfied with his defeat in 1840. He had served but one term, while
every southern President had been reelected. His friends determined
to nominate him again. But he had, while serving as President, ad
mitted the constitutional power of Congress to abolish- slavery in the
District of Columbia, and had refused to hold* diplomatic correspondence
with the authorities of Texas concerning the annexation of that coun
try, believing such an act would be unconstitutional. Southem states
men aUowed no faltering among thefr professed friends, and Mr. Van
Buren was defeated by southern infliience in the nominating convention,
at which his friends were greatly offended. They nominated General
Cass, however, who was a northern man.
The Whigs nominated General Taylor, trusting to his mUitary charac
ter to secure his election : But he was a large slaveholder and unaccept
able to the advocates of Uberty. Indeed, they would not support either ;
feeliug that the time had fully come when a distinctive organization
should be formfed upon such principles as would lead to the separation
of the Government and the free States from the support of slavery. A
large convention assembled at Buffalo, and adopting a platform of doc
trines, they nominated Mr. Van Buren as their candidate, who unhesi
tatingly pledged himself to the jlrinciples enunciated. His democratic
friends supported him, and by that means General Cass was defeated,
and General Taylor was elected President.
The democratic party now stood humbled before the country in conse
quence of its devotion to slavery ; while the Whigs held the executive
branch of government solely because of the divisions in the democratic
ranks. Tliere was yet no distinct issue between these two organizations :
Neither professed to draw any distinction between slavery and freedom,
between the barbarism of oppression and Christian civUization, between
right and wrong. The whig party came into power, but reflecting states-

284 ME. palfeby's bill,
men foresaw that its disbandment was near at hand, as they had united
upon no distinctive principle on which they could rally, after the offices
should be distributed and executive favors granted.
The advocates of liberty were known as " Free-soilers," from the fact
that they advocated freedom of the soU wherever Congress held exchi-
sive jurisdiction. They had broken the prestige of the democratic party,
and now looked to the breaking up of the whig organizatioji with great
confidence. Under these cfrcumstances Congress assembled; and early in December
Mr. Palfrey asked leave to introduce a bUl to repeal aU acts, and such
parts of any and of aU acts of Congress which authorize the existence
or support of slavery or the slave trade in the District of Columbia.
The intention of this motion was to place before the country the fact
that both political parties, whig and democratic, were wielding the power
of the Government for the maintenance of slavery and the slave trade,
whUe they constantly denied that the Government or free States were in
any -way interested or concerned in that institution. On Mr. Pal
frey's motion, all the members from the slave States voted against leave
to introduce the bUl, together with the foUowfrig members from the free
States :
New Yoek. , Mr. SherrU . !  1 .
Pennsylvania. Messrs. Brady, Brown, C. I. Ingersoll, Irwin, Le
vin, Mann, and Strong  ,1
Ohio. . . . Messrs. Kennon -find Miller  2
Indiana. , . " Robbinson and Thompson  2
Ilunois. . . " FickUn, Lincoln, McClernard, Richardson,
and Smith  ... 5
Iowa. . . . Mr. Leffler  1
Wisconsin. . " Lynde  1
Maine. . . . Messrs. Clark and WUey  2
Thus it wiU be seen that only twenty-one members from the free
States, all but one of whom were Democrats, were wUling to place their
names on record distinctly in favor of maintaining slavery and the slave
trade in the District of Columbia, while the following members put thefr
names on record in favor of the abolition of slavery and the slave trade
in said District, to wit :
Maine. . . . Messrs. Belcher and Smart  2
• New Hampshire. " Peaslee, Johnson, and Willson . . .3
. Massachusetts. . " Abbott, GrinneU, Hale, King, Palfrey,
and RockweU  6

THE VOTE THEEEON.

285

Vermont. Connecticut.
Rhode Island.
New York. .

New Jersey.
Penns-tlvania.
Ohio. . . .

Indiana. .
Illinois. .
Michisan.
Iowa.
Wisconsin.

Messrs. CoUamer, Henry, and Marsh . . . 3
" Dixon, Hubbard, Rockwell, and Smith . 4
" Cranstoii and Thurston  2
" Blackmer, Conger, Gott, Greeley, Hall,
Holmes, KeUogg, W. T. Lawrence, Sid
ney, Lawrence, Lord, McMellan, Mar
vin, Mullen, Nelson, Petrie, Putnam,
. Reynolds, Rumsey, St. John, Silvester,
SUngerland, Starkweather, Tallmadge,
Warren, and White  26
" Dickinson and Gregory  2
" "Blanchard, Eckhart, Friedly, Strohm,
Thompson, and WUlmot  6
" Canby, Farran, Giddings, Lahm, Morris, «
Root, Sawyer, Taylor, and Vinton . . 9
" Dunn and Embree  2
Mr. Wentworth  1
" Stuart  1
" Thompson  1
" Darling  1

Some members doubtless voted differently, from the dictates of their
own judgments, believing their people differed from them ; but this vote
was probably a fafr representation of the popular voice. It was the
opinion of candid statesmen, that sixty-nine out of every ninety-one
inhabitants of the free States would then have aboUshed slavery and the
slave trade in the District of Columbia, in bur Territories, and upon the
high seas, had they possessed the power. But every member from the
slave States was in favor of prostituting the power of the Federal Gov
ernment to uphold the institution and its attendant commerce in human
flesh. On the 18th December, the veriter asked leave to introduce a bill au
thorizing the people of the District to express by ballot their desfre as
to the abolition of slavery. Leave was granted ; the bUl passed its first
and second reading, but on the question of engrossment, Mr. Tompkins,
of Tennessee, discovered that it gave the negro an opportunity for
saying whether he desired to be held in bondage. Southern slavehold
ers became excited, and northern conservatives were alarmed, and the
bU! was laid on the table by a large majority.
'i1ie object of these movements was, to inform the people of the free
States that they were involved in the crimes and disgrace of maintain-

ME. GOTt's EESOLUTION.
ing slavery and the slave trade. For that purpose, Mr. Gott, of New
York, introduced the following preamble and resolution :
" Whereas the traffic now prosecuted in the metropolis of this repub
lic, in human beings as chattels, is contrary to jnstice and the fundamen
tal principles of our poUtical system, and is notoriously a reproach to
our country throughout Christendom, and a serious hindrance to the
progress of repubUcan Uberty among the nations of the earti ; therefore,
^ " Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to re
port a bUl soon aS practicable, prohibiting the slave trade in said Dis
trict." The mover demanded the previous question.*
Mr. Harrolson, of Georgia, moved to lay the resolution on the table ;
but Mr. Venable, of North CaroUna, also a slaveholder, declared that he
wished to see northern Whigs and northern Democrats constrained to
. show their hands, to let ihe country see how they voted. . He hoped that
southern men would vote against laying on the table. This proposition
was most heartily responded to by every " Free-soiler." The motion to
lay the resolution on the table was negatived, and the demand for the
previous question was sustained. This brought the House to a dfrect
vote, constraining every member to put his name on record in favor of
the domestic slave trade or against it.
Consternation rested upon the Countenances of northern conservatives,
as they called themselves ; but in common parlance, they were more
generaUy known as " dough-faces."
The advocates of freedom had long desfred to bring before the puWie
the name of every man who was willing to court southern favor by con
tinuing to involve the people of .the free States in crimes which were
pronounced "piracy" when Committed on the African coast ; and now
they were about to attain that object.
The members from the slave States, without exception, voted against
the adoption of the resolution ; whUe those of the free States voted as
follows :
Maine. Yea — Mr. Belcher,  1
Nay — Messrs. Clark, Hammons, Smart, WUey, and WU
Uams,  6
New Hampshiee. Yea — Messrs. Johnson, Peaslee, Tuck, and
WUUams,  4
Nay — none.
* Hfteen years after this effort of one of the disttogulshed sons of New Tork to lustrate the peo
ple from the disgrace and guilt of sustaining this " execrable commerce in human flesh," QoTernot
Seymour, of that State, characterized these acts as interfering with the rights of the South, ijidt
bis first Message.)

THE VOTE.

287

Massachusetts. Yea — Messrs. Abbott, Ashman, GrinneU, Hall,
Hudson, Palfrey, King, and RockweU,  8
Nay — ^none.
Rhode Island. Yea — Messrs. Cranston and Thurston, ... 2
Nay — none.
Connecticut. Yea — Messrs. Dixon, Hubbard, and RockweU, . 3
Naj — none.
Vermont. Yea — Messrs. CoUamer, Marsh, and Peck, .... 3
New York. Yea — Messrs. Blackmer, Conger, Gott, Greeley,
HaU, Holmes, Hunt, KeUogg, Lord, Lawrence, Law
rence, Mc'CleUand, Marvin, MuUen, Nicol, Putnam,
Rose, Rumsey, St. John, SherrU, SUvester, SUngerland,
Starkweather, Warren, White, and Reynolds, . . .26
Nay — ^none.
New Jeesey. Yea — Messrs. Gregory, Hampton, Newal, and
Vandyke,  4
Nay — none.
Pennsylv"anla. Yea — Messrs. Blanchard, Butler, Dickey, Far-
relly, Friedly, Hampton, J. R. IngersoU, Irwin, Mcll
vain, Mann, PoUock, Strohm,  12
Nay — Messrs. Bridges, Brown, and C, I. Ingersoll, ... 3
Ohio. Yea — Messrs. Canby, CroweU, Cummins, Dickinson, Ed
wards, Evans, Farran, Fisher, Fries, Giddings, Lahm,
Morris, Richey, Root, and Vinton,  15
Nay — Messrs. Kennon, MUler, and Sawyer,  3
Indiana. Yea — Messrs. Cathcart, Embree, Henley, Petit, Rob
binson, and RockhiU, . . . ;  6
Nay — Mr. Dunn  1
Illinois. Yea — Messrs, Smith, Turner, and Wentworth, , . , 3
Nay — Messrs. FickUn, Lincoln, and McClernand, ... 3
Michigan. Yea — Messrs. Stuart,-and Bingham,  2
Nay — none.
Wisconsin. Aye — Messrs. Darlmg and Lynde,  2
Nay — none.
Iowa. Aye — Messrs. Leffler and Thompson,  2
On this vote the free States cast ninety-four votes for the aboUtion of
the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and but . fifteen in favor of
continuing to involve themselves and constituents in the support of that
barbarous traffic. The members from the slave States, sixty-seven in
number, voted unanunously in favor of continuing this reUc of a more
barbarous age.

288 CASE OF LOUIS PACHEOO.
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Ver
mont, New York, New Jersey, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa, voted
unanimously for its aboUtion. Maine gave five votes, Pennsylvania,
Ohio and Illinois each gave three votes, and Indiana one vote, to con
tinue the sale of men and women in the District of Columbia. The
'final vote stood 94 in the affirmative, and 88 in the negative — nearly fifty
members not voting. Indeed, the attention of the House was particu
larly called to Messrs. Truman Smith, of Connecticut, and Caleb B.
Smith, of Indiana, who were in thefr seats, bnt apparently unwUUng to
vote either for against the resolution.
Wire-working politicians appeared to be alarmed at this vote, Mr.
Stuart, of Michigan, moved a reconsideration ; and after many incidental
motions and delays, the vote was reconsidered, by 119 to 81. Messrs.
Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, and Truman Smith, of Connecticut, who
were in their seats, but did not vote on adopting the resolution, now
voted for its reconsideration. Some twenty other members who failed
to vote, on adopting the resolution, now voted for reconsidering it.
While Messrs. GrinneU, of Massachusetts ; Lord, Nicol, and 'Tallmadge,
of New York ; VanDyke, of New Jersey; Butler, PoUock, and Thomp
son, of Pennsylvania ; Canby, Taylor, and Vinton, of Ohio, changed
thefr votes ; having voted for the resolution, they now voted to recon
sider. The resolution being reconsidered, passed into the orders of the day,
and was no more heard from.
jg^ , But -the slave power, no way daunted by these manifestations,
appeared determined to constrain members to admit that " slaves
were properly ;" although that idea had been repudiated by the conven
tion that framed the Constitution and rejected as often as it had been
presented to the consideration of Congress, slaveholders constantly as
serted and reasserted the revolting dogma that men created in the unage
of God, with inteUects clustering with immortal hopes, were property ;
and northern conservatives had caught up the disgusting phrase, and
constantly repeated " slaves are property ;" whUe the advocates of human
rights denounced the doctrine as barbarous and infidel in character.
The case was one of unusual interest. In December, 1835, Major
Dade, whUe lying at " Fort Brooke," near Tampa Bay in Florida,
with his battaUon of regular troops, was ordered to Fort King, one hun
dred and thfrty miles in a north-easteriy dfrection through an unbroken
forest. Neither Dade nor any of his officers was acquainted with the
road, and he sought a guide to conduct them on their way. He was
told that a slave named " Louis," belongkig to a man named Pacheco,

DADe'S MASSACEE. 289
Was well acquainted with the proposed route. On examining Louis, he
ftiund him remarkably inteUigent, speaking four languages with facUity,
weU bred and apparently the very man he wanted. By contract with
the master he was employed at twenty-e^ht dollars per month.
Louis, conscious that the Maroons, who had for nearly a century suf
fered persecution at the hands of the white people, were desirous of
openmg the second Florida war by some important blow that should
give them influence -with the Indians, gave them notice of the time that
Dade was to start from Fort Brooke and the route he was to travel.
The Maroons made the necessary arrangements, and inviting a certain
number of Indians to attend them, encamped on an island in the Wahoo
SwaiUp, three mUes from where Dade and his troops bivouacked on the
night of the fourth day from Fort Brooke ; and on the fatal 28th
December, a.d. 1835, massacred the battalion; only two of the whole
number escaping. Louis was with the troops a few minutes before they
were fired upon, but after the massacre was consummated he united his
fortunes with an Indian chief called " WUdcat," and with him was in
almost every battle of the Florida war, untU the convention between
General Jessup and the Indians in 1837, by which that officer agreed to
protect the Seminoles, who should surrender for emigration, and thefr
property. Soon after that arrangement was made, Wildcat appeared in General
Jefesup's camp with Louis, whom he claimed to hold as his own property,
declaring that he captured him at Dade's massacre.
The general recognizing the doctrine that " slaves are property," con-
sidared the honor of his Govemment pledged, and he sent Louis with
other negroes and Indians west of Arkansas, to settle in the Indian
country. Pacheco, finding that his slave had been sent to the Indian ,^^
country, presented his petition to Congress, asking that body to
pay him for the loss of his slave who had caused the massacre of an entire
battaHon of troops, besides the other injuries he had done in two years'
service with the enemies of the country.
The Committee on MUitary Affafrs was composed of five southem
and four northern members, and the petition of Pacheco was referred to
that committee. The southern majority reported a biU, but the northern
minOTity made a strong report against the claim. This was not usual in
that day : but Mr. Dickey, of Pennsylvama, presented a minority report^
which was signed by himself, by Hon. Dudly Marvin, of New York,
Hon. James WiUson, of New Hampshfre, and by Hon. David Fisher, of
oyo. 19

290 BOLD ATTEMPT AT FEAUD.
Mr. Dickey led in the debate, urging that slaves were not property.
Mr. Burt, of South Carolina, called him to order for discussing slavery :
but southern members were not long in discovering that when they caUed
on Congress to pay for slaves who had done the country as much mjury
as Louis had, northern members were inclined to examine the real merits
of the claim. Mr Burt was bold and manly, declaring the only questiop
that could arise in the case was that proposed by Mr. Dickey, that slaves
were or were not property. Mr. CoUamer, of Vermont, inquired whether.
other questions were not involved. Mr. Burt repUed that he would
leave no other loophole for gentlemen to escape. After debate the vote
was taken in committee and stood, for the bUl seventy, against it forty-
four. When it had been reported to the House, Mr. CroweU, of Ohio,
moved to lay it on the table ; but his motion faUed, by a vote of eighty-
five against sixty-six. The biU was then passed to its engrossment,
when Mr. Giddings moved a reconsideration, and on that motion th6 hUl
-was again debated, and the vote on its passage was taken by yeas and
>nays amidst the most intense interest.
The question was vital to the character of slavery. The biU had been
reported by a leading slaveholder, had been argued with aU the apparent
confidence which usually characterized southern members whenever the
institution was involved: it had also been boldly and ably opposed.
The doctrine of property in human souls and bodies was denounced' as
heathenish, barbarous and infidel ; and those who engaged in the debate
were anxious and excited.
As the deputy Clerk, a slaveholder, proceeded to call the names of
members, it appeared that the vote was to be nearly equal. Some mem
bers kept count for their own satisfaction. When the roU had been
caUed through, the Clerk appeared perplexed ; but after some delay,
handed his report to the Speaker, who announced the vote, ayes ninety,
noes eighty-nine, and as the Speaker then stated that it became his duty
to, vote whenever his voice would change the result, proceeded to give his
reasons why he should vote agamst the biU. WhUe doing this, the Clerk
handed him another report, when the Speaker, after looking at it, said,
the vote was reported ninety-one in th* affirmative, eighty-nine in the
negative, and he declared the bUl carried.
The countenance of the Clerk and his manner was such that members,
were satisfied of the fraud which he had thus attempted in the face of
the House : and Mr. Dickey unmediately caUed attention to what he
publicly characterized as the error of the Clerk, and showed from the
record of names and votes that eighty-nine votes had been recorded
agamst the bUl, and precisely the same number in favor of -it, whUe Mr.

GUILT OF THE CLEEK EXPOSED. 291
Farrelly, of Pennsylvania, declared that he had voted against the bUl,
bnt the Clerk had not entered his vote. Thus there had been actually
ninety votes given against the passage of the biU whUe only eighty-nine
had been given for it. On this exposure of fraud, the Speaker corrected
the journal and announced the biU as lost.
The supporters of slavery were mortified and depressed by this unex
pected result, which showed that southern influence and party dictation
»could no longer subject the conscience of northern men to the bar
barous dogma that men are property. The friends of humanity were
greatly cheered by this result. Of the twenty-two members from Ohio
only Mr. Ritchey, of Perry County, Mr. Cummins, of Tuscarawas, and
Mr. Taylor, of Ross, voted in favor of the bUl, while such Democrats as
Farran, Fries, Lahm, MUler, Morris, Sawyer, and Starkweather, voted
against it. No member from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode
Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Michigan, Wisconsin or
Iowa, voted with the slaveholders. But from Maine, Messrs. Clapp,
Clark, and WUliams; from New York, Messrs. BfrdsaU, Maclay, Murphy,
NicoU, and TaUmadge ; from Pennsylvania, Messrs. Brady, Bridges,
Brodhead, Charles, Brown, C. I. IngersoU, Levin, and Moore ; from
Indiana, Messrs. Dunn, R. W. Thompson, and Wick ; and from Illinois,
Messrs. M'Clernand and Richardson, voted to pay Pacheco one thou
sand doUars in consequence of General Jessup's having sent a most
dangerous enemy out of Florida.
To ease off the blow thus dfrected at the heart of the pecuUar insti
tution, a motion was made to reconsider the vote, and after searching
the city, one hundred and five menibers were persuaded to vote for the
biU, whUe only ninety-five opposed it ; but although it actuaUy passed the
House, the feeUng against it was so strong that its friends never brought
it before the Senate for action, and the claim was never renewed.*
In this debate an important principle was fuUy admitted by the ad
vocates of slavery. No one denied that a commanding general or
executive officer in time of war may capture, emancipate, or send
out of the country any or all slaves that he may deem necessary for the
pubUc safety. They adnaitted the power of General Jessup to capture.
and send Louis out of the country, and sustained the doctrine of Gen
eral Jackson, practised at New Orleans in 1814.
In January, Mr. Dix, of New York, presented to the Senate „,^^_
resolutions of the Legislature of that State, declaring that for the
United States to permit slavery to exist in New Mexico was revoltmg
to the spfrit of the age, and mstructing their Senators to oppose its
- Tide " Exiles of Florida," p. 106.

292 ISSUE BET'WEEN NEVT TOEK AND SOUTH OAEOLINA.
existence therein. The resolutions also instracted the Senators of that
State to use thefr best efforts to prevent the jurisdiction of Texas from
extending beyond the Nueces, and to preserve the territory between the
Nueces and Rio Grande to freedom.
These resolutions were regarded as offenMve to southern Senators,
some of whom objected to them as unworthy of that ordinary respect
which was usually extended to the resolves of sovereign States ; and an
angry debate arose, in which New York and other free States were
treated with disrespect and referred to 'with arrogant contempt ; but
the resolutions were finally ordered to be printed.
A few days subsequently, Mr. Wallace, of South Carolina, presented
to the House of Representatives resolutions adopted by the Legislature
of that State, declaring that the time for discussing the exclusion of
South Carolina from her equal share in the Territories was passed, and
that her " people were prepared to unite with- thefr sister States in
resisting the application of the ' WilTrwt Proviso ' to such territory at any^
amd at all haza/rds."
It was understood that these resolutions were intended as an answer
and a defiance to the doctrines asserted by the Legislature of New
York, and these two States were the first to form a distinct issue upon
the subject of freedom in our Territories.
In presenting the resolutions of South Carolina, Mr. Wallace re
marked that his State had deliberately taken her position, which she
would noi abandon.
This issue was regarded as most important at that time, as the vast
territory acqufred from Mexico was to be organized immediately vdth or
without slavery. The people of New York had declared through thefr
Legislatm-e that it would be "revolting to the spirit of ihe age for Con
gress to permit slavery to be introduced into that territory which was then
free ;" and South Carolina declared that her people " would not debate that
question, but would resist it." Thus was the subject of slavery extension,
or resistance and rebelUon by South CaroUna, presented to the consider
ation of Congress in 1849. It overshadowed all other subjects.
Durmg the early part of this session the Senate were eng^ed in
devising means to avoid the very issue which was now pressed upon
Congress. This issue had been foreseen and repeatedly foretold by the
friends of freedom, whUe the annexation of Texas was a pending ques
tion. It was often repeated during the Mexican war ; and they had
constantly done all in thefr power to prevent it. But the Government
had been precipitated step by step, first into the policy of obtaining
Texas, next the Mexican war, next the acquisition of Mexican territory, •

THE GEEAT ISSUE MADE UP. 293
until the mighty issue which was to decide the fate of slavery, and of
the Government, seemed to stare them in the face. One and only one
cfrcumstance appeared to encourage the slave power : The influence of
the slave States had prevaUed on every question touching the extension
of slavery which had arisen since 1193. It had subjected our own Gov
ernment to its control ; and England too had become tributary' to its
interest, while France had silently stood with folded arms, and looked
upon the dismemberment of Mexico without objection, or the utterance of
a protest. But the advocates of justice and truth stood undaunted, and
were ready for the contest.
The first day of the session on which resolutions were in order, Hon.'
Joseph M. Root, of Ohio, presented to the House the following :
" Resolved, That the Committee on Territories be instructed to pre
sent to this House with as little delay as practicable, a bill or bills pro
viding territorial governments for each of the territories of New Mexico
and California, and excluding slavery therefrom."
The presentation of this resolution constrained members of all parties
from the North and from the South to a consideration of the pending
issue, the magnitude of which but few statesmen then appeared to
comprehend. Mr. HaU, of Missouri, moved to lay the resolution on the table. This
motion, if successful, would have consigned the resolution to perpetual
silence. The yeas and nays were ordered, and while the Clerk caUed
the names and recorded the votes, members listened with great attention
and solemnity, and the voice of some trembled with emotion as they
responded to the call, and gave utterance to the vote which was to coii-
sign a vast territory to slavery, or preserve it to Christian civilization.
It were useless to repeat names. Every member from the slave States
gave his voice in favor of laying the resolution on the table, and were
aided by Messrs. Charles Brown and C. I. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania ;
Clapp, of Maine ; Kennon, Miller and Sawyer, of Ohio ; FickUn, Mc
Clernand and Richardson, of IlUnois ; and Van Dyke, of New Jersey.
These ten members from the free States belonged to the democratic
party, and sweUed the affirmative vote, including southern members,
to 80.
AU members from the free States, except those designated, voted
against laying the resolution upon the table, and the motion was
defeb,ted by 101 to 80.
The question now recurred upon seconding the demand for the previous
question which had been caUed by Mr. Root. At this moment, Mr.
Vinton, of Ohio, chafrman of the Committee of Ways and Means — a

294 SENATOE DOUGLAS ATTEMPTS EVASION.
man of influence with the whig party — began to falter. He inqufred
whether the resolution was peremptory, or whether it dfrected the Com
mittee on Territories merely to inqufre into the propriety of excluding
slavery from those Territories ? The Speaker repUed that it was
peremptory, ordering the committee to report such bids as early as prac
ticable, Mr. Vinton then said he hoped the previous question would
not be sustained. This indication of an unmanly disposition to surrender
the question by a leading member from Ohio, was listened to with pain
and disgust by the friends of liberty ; but every member who had voted
against laying the resolution on the table, now voted to second the
demand for the previous question, except Mr. Vinton, and the resolution
was adopted by a vote of 106 ayes to 80 noes.
A motion was next made by Mr. Robbinson, of Indiana, to reconsider
this vote. The discussion on this motion came up for debate a few days
afterwards, and it was laid on the table by 105 ayes to 83 nays.
jg^g , The subject of slavery now entered into the debates whenever
the House went into committee on the state of the Union, where
each speaker was allowed to select his own subject.
While the House was devoting its time and energies to the discussion
of slavery in all its various phases. Senators were not idle spectators of
passing events. On the first day of the session, Mr. Douglas, of
Illinois, gave notice of his intention to introduce biUs to organize terri
torial governments in Minnesota, Nebraska and New Mexico, and a bUl
to admit California as a State.
Ou the 11th he introduced a biU declaring Califomia one of the States
Of the Union, without referring to the subject of slavery. The biU was
referred to the Committee on Territories, of which Mr. Douglas was
chairman, and reported back without amendment. It contained one of
the grossest frauds ever perpetrated upon a free people. It provided
that all laws of the United States not inapplicable should extend over
and be in force in the contemplated State. Had the bUl been adopted,
this provision would have extended the domestic slave trade, authorized
by the 8th, 9th and 10th sections of the law of 1801, over the new
State, and the designs of the slave power in obtaining the territory
would have been attained, inasmuch as the laws authorizing the trans
portation and sale of slaves in California would have been construed to
authorize the holding of them in bondage while there.
As the subject was debated in the House of Representatives, members
became more bold and more earnest in favor of free soil and free men.
This gave evident pain to southern Senators. Mr. Calhoun spoke des-
pondingly. Other Senators from slave States resorted to intunidation ;

HIS Second attempt at feaud. 295
but Messrs. Hale and Baldwin stCadily and firmly vindicated the doc
trines of human freedom^ giving conclilsive evidence that they were not
to be moved from the position which they had taken Upon the attribute
of Uberty.
In the House of Repre's^ntWives, the friends of jnstice, aided by the
-^I'eat body of the Whig party, steadUy pressed the subject with deter*
milled purpose. Southern members threatened a dissolution of the
- Union. Northern members retorted fri bold defiance. Some northern
Whigs faltered, but in return were greeted with sneers of contempt for
their moral cowardice.
The Senate had always been and then was more subservieiit to the
slave power than the House of Representatives, but that body appeared
entirely incapable of agreeing upon any definite course of action.
Mr. Douglas reported another bUl, differing somewhat from the one
which he at first introduced, but retaining the objectionable feature in
regard to slavery. The fraud which lurked under that feature of the
bUl had been unveiled to the pnbUc . by the friends of Uberty, and this
attempt to subserve the cause of human bondage now operated as a dead
weight, retarding instead of accelerating the passage of the biU. Almost
every slaveholder and northern supporter of the institution, now had a plan
'of his own by which he appeared to think he could entice northern poli
ticians to lend their moral and poUtical influence to extend and per
petuate the institution of human bondage.
In the House various propositions to avoid aU reference to slavwy
and admit California as a slave State were presented ; but their real
character was invariably developed and exposed. ' Slaveholders and
Democrats complained tha/t the friends of Uberty were constantly agit-
¦ ting the questions of freedom and slavery : to which the, Pree-soUers
replied, " we opposed the annexation of Texas ; we opposed the Mexican
War ; we oppCsed the conquest of territory in order to avoid these irri
tating subjects ; but slaveholders and the democratic party forced them
npon us ; we have been driven to the wall, and now we are constrained
to vindicate ourselves, by extending civUization wherever our flag shall
float." On the 19th February, Hon. Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, moved to
make the biUs organizing territorial governments in California and New
Mexico the special order of each and of every day untU disposed of.
The motion was sustained, and reluctant members now saw clearly that
prompt and efficient action was determined on by a majority of the
body. The House had passed the ordinary bUl pi*oviding for the civil and

296 'WALKEe's CELEBEATED AMENDMENT.
-diplomatic expenses of Govermnent, and had sent it to the Senate for
concurrence. On the 20th, Mr. Walker, a Democrat, of Wisconsin,
offered to the consideration of the Senate his celebrated amendment,
providing that all acts of Congress for registering, licensing or enrolling
ships or vessels of the United States, should extend over the territory'
of Califomia ; and giving the President authority to estabhsh a terri
torial government therein. This proposition also in latent form extended
the coastwise slave trade to CaUfornia, although but few members dis
covered it npon a casual reading.
This mode of deception had long been practised by the slave power,
and northern members had been slow to expose it, when discovered.
1849] ^^ ^^^ ^'^^ February, Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, pro
posed an amendment, simply authorizing the President to hold
possession of CaUfornia and New Mexico, and to protect the inhabitants
in the enjoyment of liberty and property. The amendment of Mr.
Walker, however, was debated until the 26th February, when it was
a-dopted in the Senate by a -mEgority of two votes, members voting
generally with their political parties. On the foUowing day the House
resumed the consideration of the bUl to organize a territorial government
in California, and after a severe contest, members were brought to a
final vote upon its passage, and it was carried by a majority of 126 to
81 ; every member from the slave States voting against the bUl, aided
by Messrs. Bridges, of Pennsylvania ; Kennon, MiUer and Sawyer, of
Ohio ; whUe every other member from the free States voted in favor of
its passage. It was sent to the Senate for concurrence ; and on the
foUowing day that' body took it up for consideration, and it was read a
first and second time and referred to the Committee on Territories, and
was no more heard from.
The civU and diplomatic biU was retumed to the House with several
¦amendments, which the House immediately referred to its appropriate
committee, who reported it back, with a recommendation to strike out
the amendment of the Senate organizing a government in CaUfornia
which extended the coastwise slave trade to that territory, and to insert
an amendment simply authorizing the President to hold the territory an^
jffotect the people in the enjoyment of Uberty and property.
The two Houses were now at a dead lock. The Senate was in favor
of slavery in CaUfornia, and the House opposed it. It was Friday, 2d
March, and the Congress was to close on the 3d, by operation of the
Constitution. The mass of unfinished business before each House forbade
debate : yet the feelings of the advocates of Uberty had become intense,
whUe the supporters of slavery were stiU more excited. The magnitude

EXECUTIVE INFLUENCE FOE SLAVEET. 297
of the issue appeared more sublime as members approached the moment
of decision.
The report of the committee upon the amendment of the Senate to
the civU and diplomatic biU was taken up for consideration in the House.
That body agreed to the report striking out the Senate's amendment,
bnt disagreed to so much as recommended the insertion of the amendment
proposed by the committee : and the bUl was returned to the Senate,
, with the aniendment inserted by that body simply stricken out. This
was the condition of the question at the hour of adjournment on the 2d
March, while only one day pf the thirtieth Congress remained for the
disposition of the business before it.
On the morning of the last day pf tjie session, the cry was raised that
the friends of free soU in the House of Representatives were intending
to defeat every measure for establishing a government in California.
The incoming President, Genejral Taylor, his Cabinet, and others, were
said to have become anxious on the subject.* One of his Cabinet offi
cers, Mr. Preston, of Virginia, was a member of the House, and sat in
that body on the last day of the session. Other members left their quar
ters and appeared in the Hall of Representatives, endeavoring to per
suade members to accept some proposition for establishing a govern
ment in CaUfornia. This, too, was done while the bill for that purpose
had been matured and passed by that body, and was then on the
table of the Senate, and could have been passed in five minutes had
Senators been wiUing to exclude slavery from the territory. Yet no
member of General Taylor's Cabinet, nor friend of his Administration,
has to this day explained why no efforts were made to persuade the
Senate to pass the bill before it ; nor why they should have been so
anxious to have the House accept some plan of the Senate, whUe thpit
body presented no other proposition than one which would have planted
the curse of human bondage upon the soil of California,
When the House assembled at 11 o'clock, the friends of freedom felt
less confident than on the. previous day. Suspicions were entertained
that leading Whigs would surrender the question. Soon after the hour
of meeting, the Senate took up the amendment of the House striking
out that of the Senate, and disagreeing thereto, requested a conference.
The House consented ; but the Committee pf Conference could not agree,
jmd so reported to the two bodies.
Mr, McClernand, of IlUnois, now moved that the House recede from
its amendment striking out the Senate's proposition, and the motion
prevaUed 101 to 101. This vote caused some despondency among the
* Tide Letter of Senator Seward to fjie editor of the " National Intelligeneer," March 24th, 1849.

298 LIBEETT AND JUSTICE TEIUMPH,
friends of liberty. Every member from the slave States voted for Mc
Clemand's motion, aided by Messrs. Clap, Clark and WUly, of Mame ;
Brady, Bridges, Brodhead, Brown, Hampton, J. R. IngersoU, Irwin,
C. I. Ingersoll, Levin, Stewart and PoUock, of Pennsylvania ; Kennon
and Sawyer, of Ohio ; Ficklin, McClernand and Richardson, of IlUnois.
Five of the gentlemen mentioned from Pennsylvania were Whigs, active
friends of the President, and their vote was regarded as indicative of the
Executive wishes.
Mr; Thompson, of Indiana, moved to-insert in Ueu of the Senate's
amendment a proposition leaving the territory of Califomia as it was
before its cession to the United States. This made the territory free, and
the amendment was adopted 111 to 105, and the biU was again returned
to the Senate, at nearly one o'clock on Sunday morning, the 4th March.
From various quarters members were assured that General Taylor,
the President elect, was anxious that the House should accept the
Senate's amendment, and that his influence had been exerted for that
purpose. But gentlemen felt too much self-respect to change position on
so momentous a question thus suddenly, while every advocate of free soU
was active. Great excitement was manifested in all parts of the haU
and in the Senate, Members of irregular habits had recom'se to artificial
stimulants, which rendered the scene more gloomy.
The night was dark, the city was quiet, and most of the spectators
had left the galleries, while that great battle for freedom in CaUfornia
was fought within the Hall of Representatives, against aU the influence
of the slave power, and the blandishments of Executive favor, aided and
assisted by Senatorial influence. It was between three and four o'clock
on Sunday morning, that the Senate again took up the last amendment
of the House for consideration.
Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, now moved that the Senate recede from its
amendment. His tone and manner was subdued. His voice faltered,
and he spoke with evident emotion, saying that it had become evident
that the House would not agree to the Senate's amendment, and that
he regarded it as the duty of that body to save the bill and sustain the
Government. His motion was agreed to, the bUl was passed and signed,
and California was free.
This victory was obtained under the force of peculiar circumstances.
General Taylor had pledged himself not to interfere with the legislation
of Congress ; a man of sincere purposes, he abstafried from: interference
nntU the last days of the session, when it was too late for Whigs who
entertained feelings of self-respect to change thefr position.
The whig party now bemg in power, northern Democrats were

THE FATAL BLOW GIVEN, 299
•wUling that the new Administration should incur what they regarded
as the odium of maintaining freedom in CaUfornia. But that triumph
may be said to have defeated and demoraUzed both of the great poUtical
parties ; above all it was a most signal defeat of the slave power. CaU
fornia and New Mexico had been obtained for the purpose of extending
slavery over them ; and the establishing of freedom in those territories
was a fatal blow to the institution, from which it never recovered. And
its downfall may be dated from that eventful night.

300 CALIFOENIA EEQUE8TED TO FOEM A BTATE CONSTITUTION.

CHAPTER XX.
UNPRECEDENTED CONTEST FOR SPEAKEE — THE SPIRIT OF DISUNION DE
VELOPEi)  THE CONTEST UPON THB ADMISSION OP CALIFOENIA— PAYMENT
OF THE DEBTS OP TEXAS  DEATH OF ME. CALHOUN.
At the close of the thfrtieth Congress CaUfornia was left without the
protection of law. Soon after the adjournment the President dispatched
a messenger to the people of that territory, requesting them to form a
State constitution and apply at an early day of the next Congress for
admission to the Union. It is believed that he attempted to exercise
no influence in regard to the adoption or repudiation of slavery ; bnt
left that question entirely with the people, a policy which resulted in
the adoption of a free constitution and organization of a State govem
ment. jg^g -. At the assembling of the thirty-first Congress it was found
that the members had been elected from the whig and democratic
parties in nearly equal numbers. The practice of so arranging the com
mittees as to sUence the voice of northern phUanthropy had been fuUy
maintained by the whig Speaker of the former Congress. The advocates
of justice and of northern honor now determined that their votes should
be cast for no candidate who should refuse to pledge himself to abandon
this practice, so unjust and dishonorable.
Messrs. Tuck, of New Hampshire ; Allen, of Massachusetts ; King,
of New York ; WiUmot, of Pennsylvania ; Root and Giddings, of
Ohio -; Julian, of Indiana, and Durkee, of Wisconsin, had been elected
as advocates of constitutional liberty, and were expected to oppose every
encroachment upon the constitutional rights of any portion of the
Union. The poUcy had been mtroduced at the commencement of the former
Congress by Messrs. Palfrey, Tuck and Giddings, who refused to vote
for the whig nominee. The same gentleman was again nominated, and
those opposed to his election now numbered eight instead of three.
They boldly demanded of the candidates an avowal of principles. For
half a century the great effort had been to select candidates for federal
offices whose views in regard to slavery were unknown. But these eight
members now determined to vote for candidates whom they knew to be

THE CONTEST FOE SPEAKEE COMMENCES. 301
right, and not for men whose highest recommendations were that no one
knew whether they were right or wrong.
The two great contending parties were duly informed of this resolu"
tion, and were assured that when either should present such a candidate
he should be supported by the votes of the gentlemen named. It was
conceded that a majority of aU the votes was necessary to elect a
Speaker, and that neither poUtical party could control that majority.
Several other members from both political parties appeared anxious to
act with the eight Pree-soUers, as they were caUed from their advocacy
of freedom to the Territories : Among them Hon. John W. Howe, of
Pennsylvania ; Governor Cleveland and Hon.  Boothe, of Connec
ticut ; Hon. Horace Mann, of Massachusetts, and Hon. Joseph Cable,
of Ohio, were prominent.
At the usual hour the House convened and proceeded to ballot for
Speaker, and on counting the votes it was found that the whig candi
date, Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, had received 96 votes, Hon. Howell
Cobb had received 103 votes, and Hon. David WUlmot had received 8
votes. There were fourteen votes cast for individuals who were not candi
dates. Of these members 109 had previously acted with the whig party and
112 had previously acted with the Democrats. These facts clearly, in
dicated that the Whigs could only hope for success by putting in nomi
nation a candidate who should receive the support of the Free-soUers.
On the 4th December, the baUoting was renewed, but with no better
success. Five ballots were cast without any material change in the
position of the various candidates : And members of the two great
parties appeared astonished at finding the Free-soilers immovable in
the position they had taken. The oldest members of Congress had
never -witnessed such a phenomenon, and dark insinuations were thrown
out against members who would thus endanger the Union : But in
response to these intimations, both of those parties were assured that as
soon as either should present a candidate who was recognized as a sin
cere supporter of the constitutional right of petition, the Free-soilers
would sustain him.
On the 5th, three ballots Only were taken without arriving at any re
sults. Southem members had recourse to attempts at intimidation, bnt
the Pree-soUers paid Uttle attention to them.
On the 6th, various propositions were brought forward, all looking to
the appointment of a chafrman as a means by which the friends of Uberty
could be cheated into the support of one of the great parties, but they

302 ME. BEO-WN SUPPOETED,
were aU voted down : and the baUotings continued untU the 10th, when
members appeared frritated and spoke with much apparent feeUng on
the subject. To these manifestations of ill-feeUng Mr. Root, of Ohio,
responded in a vein of satirical humor that caused much laughter, whUe
he gave members to understand very distinctly that the Uttle party -with
whom he acted were not likely soon to change the position which they
had assumed.
• Mr. Sweetzer, a Democrat, of Ohio, now proposed an adjournment
sine die. Mr. Holmes, of South Carolina, expressed his apprpval^ but
no vote was taken npon it.
On the 11th, the baUotings were continued, with no other result than
the apparently satisfactory conclusion that the smaU band of Free-soUers
were nbt disposed to aid the election of a Speaker who would be likely
to treat the petitions of the northern people with disrespect.
The 39th ballot showed that WiUiam J. Brown, a Democrat, of
Indiana, had received 109 votes out of 226, being a larger vote than
any other candidate had received.
The whig candidate, Mr, Winthrop, now rose, and -with much apparent
emotion thanked his friends for their support, and -withdrew his name
from the list of candidates, and the House adjourned.
This was the first instance in the annals of American poUtics where a
candidate for Congressional honors had faded in consequence of his
devotion to the interests of slavery. Up to this tune it had been sup
posed necessary for candidates to manifest thefr interest in the institu
tion in order to obtain office, but the poUcy was now suddenly reversed.
The incident was regarded with intense anxiety, and showed very clearly
the increasing influence of the advocates of freedom.
During the evening, the Uttle band of Free-soUers was informed that
Mr. Brown was ready to pledge himself so to arrange the committees
as to 'secure reports upon petitions concerning slavery.
Neither the moral nor poUtical character of Mr. Brown recommended
him to the favor of just and honorable men. Yet the Free-soUers had
constantly assured the other parties, that whenever they would select a
candidate pledged to arrange the committees of the House so as to secure
the right of petition, they would vote for him ; and now aU but Mr.
Root, of Ohio, and Mr. Julian, of Indiana, consented to redeem then-
pledge. A committee, consisting of Messrs. WiUmot and King, was appointed
to wait on Brown, and receive from him the written pledge which he
was said to.be prepared to give. He was addressed in writing and
returned the foUowing answer ;

HIS PLEDGE. 303
"¦W^ASHiNQTON Cut, Dec. 10, 1849.
" Deae Sir, — In answer to yours of this date, I wUl state that should
I be elected Speaker of the House of Representatives, I will constitute
the committees on the District of Columbia, on the Territories, and on
the judiciary, in such manner as stall be satisfactory to yourself and
your friends. I am a representative of a free State, and have always
been opposed to the extension of slavery, and beUeve that the Federal
Govem¬ment should be fdieVed' from the'responsibility of slavery where they
have the constitutional p&wer to abolish it.
"W. J. BROWN.
" Hon. David Willhot:"
The pledge was ample, but the character of Brown was objectionable.
Mr. Root refused to sustain him. JuUan also objected, and was
detained from the House by indisposition ; but Messrs. AUen, King,
WiUmot, Durkee, Tuck and Giddings felt it thefr duty to Uve up to
the assurance previously held out.
On the assembhng of the House next morning, there was great ner
vousness among Whigs, and the writer was often inquired of whether he
intended to vote for such a man as Mr. Brown ? To these inqufries he
repUed that he believed it a duty to vote for Mr. Brown, in order to
maintain the constitutional rights of the people, which had been dis
regarded- by the Speaker of the previous Congress. Those members who
made the inqufry admitted that the -writer had acted frankly and hon
estly, but declared that they had not believed that he would ever vote
for Mr. Brown.
The Whigs had elected thefr candidate to the Presidency, and could
have elected a Speaker, by taking any member pledged to sustain the
constitutional right of petition, by a proper arrangement of committees ;
but they would not, and now they saw their party must soon be dis
banded. An unusual solemnity rested npon the countenances of members as the
Clerk, amidst the most profound sUence, commenced calUng the roll, and
when the name of Charles Allen was called, and that gentleman, in his
own quiet tone, responded " WiUiam J. Brown," there was a distinct
sensation manifested throughout the haU, and it was renewed when
Charles Durkee made the same response ; but a most, profound anxiety
and deep interest was visible when the Clerk commenced caUing the
names beginning with the letter G., and as the name of Joshua R. Gid
dings was caUed, and he responded " WilUam J. Brown," a murmuring
sensation ran through the haU. The fact that he should vote for a

304 THE VOTE AGAINST BEO'VVN.
Democrat of Brown's character seemed to strike the Whigs with perfect
astonishment. Southern Democrats had watched the vote of the Free-soilers
with interest, and when Messrs. AUen, Durkee, King, WiUmot,
Tuck and Giddings voted for Brown, several southern members changed
thefr votes, and left Brown in a minority. The vote standmg :
W. J. Brown  112
WUliam Duer  26
Edward Stanly  18
Charles S. Morehead  11
Robert C. Winthrop  11
Edward W. McGaughey .... 13
and some twenty other votes were cast for individuals who were not can
didates. Brown had been defeated by southern votes, and he felt the blow :
But just at the very moment when the whig party should have seized
upon the favorable moment to elect a Speaker pledged to the Constitu
tion, Mr. Stanley, a Whig, of North Carolma, offered a resolution, stat
ing that —
" The democratic party be requested to appoint three members to
confer with three members of the whig party relative to the choice of
proper officers of the House of Representatives."
In his address urging the adoption of his resolution, he appUed to the
Free-soUers terms and epithets unusual in legislative bodies. Mr. Bayley,
of Virginia, a Democrat, replied to Mr. Stanley,charging that gentleman
and the whig party -with electing a President who had been-sUent, not
daring to say anything on the sutg'ect of slavery ; but leaving every man to
imagine that when elected he would do as each of his supporters desfred.
But the debate soon turned npon the correspondence between Messrs.
WiUmot and Brown. The note of Mr. Brown was read pubUcly in the
House, and members engaged in debating the extraordinary cfrcum
stances, without aiming at any particular object.
As the House convened on the 13th, members again appeared solemn.
They now seemed to realize that the advocates of Uberty were not to be
driven nor flattered from thefr position. Stanley's resolution was
regarded as proof, that southern Whigs were more disposed to break up
the whig party than permit it to become the instrument of sustaining
the constitutional right of petition : and northern members of the whig
organization appeared to feel that it must be abandoned. Nor did it
recover. It had come into power without any avowed or definite prin-

QUAEEEL BETWEEN MEADE AND DUEE. 305
ciples, and at that point its triumph ended. There being no common
principle on which its members could raUy, the organization disbanded,
and this contest for Speaker constituted its last battle-field ; and the ,
movement of Mr. Stanley inflicted the fatal wound of which it died.
Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, offered a resolution declaring Howell Cobb,
of Georgia, to be Speaker, and addressed members in support of his pro
position. Other resolutions were offered and exciting speeches were de
Uvered. Mr. Meade, of Vfrginia, as if his patience had been tried to
the utmost, declared himself ready to vote for any man of any party,
who would crush this demon of discord now seeking the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia and in our Territories ; but if these
measures were to be carried, he trusted in God that he had looked upon
the last Speaker of the House of Representatives.
This distinct enunciation of disunion sentiments appeared to arouse
the patriotic feeUngs of Mr. Duer, of New Tork, who proclaimed him
self ready to vote for any one, " a Whig, or Democrat, or Free-soUer —
any man except a disunionist."
Mr. Bayley, of Virgmia. " There are no disunionists in this House."
Mr. Duer. " I wish I could think so, but I fear there are."
Mr. Bayley. " Who are they ? Point them out."
Mr. Duer. " I beUeve there are some from your State ; I think I see
one of them now" (pointing towards Mr. Meade).
Mr. Meade, in his seat. " It is false."
Mr. Duer. " Yon are a liar."
Meade now rushed at Duer : Duer's friends gathered around him, and
Meade's friends rushed to him. Different voices mingled in angry tones.
Profane curses and defiant imprecations constituted the only audible ex
pressions uttered by the hostUe parties. The Clerk called to order at
the top of his voice ; the Sergeant-at-arms seized the mace and bore it
into the midst of the crowd, whUe excited voices from various quarters
bade him " take away that bauble."
At length the tumultuous waves began to subside, and the excitement
-^aduaUy died away. Members came to themselves, and one after an
other retired to theii: seats, and when Mr. Duer's voice could.be heard,
he apologized to the House for having used language unbecoming the
place.* Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, was more honest than Meade. He was
vehement m his denunciation of Free-soUers for taking advantage of this
occasion to promote thefr objects, saying, " I do not hesitate to avow
• Ueade challenged Duer to mortal combat for thns charging him with being a disunionist in 1849,
but wflB one of the first to join the disunion rebellion thirteen years afterw.^rds.
20

306 DISSOLUTION THEEATENED.
before this House andthe country, and in the presence of the Uvmg God,
that if you seek to drive us from the territories of California and New
Mexico by excluding slavery therefrom, and aboUsh slavery m the. Dis
trict of Columbia, I am for dissolution!'
Mr. Duer now explained in a very undignified manner, disavowing any
intention to exclude slavery from CaUfornia or New Mexico, or of abo
Ushing it in the District of Columbia, and insisted that such imputation
was unjust to nine-tenths of the people of the free States.
Mr. Inge, of Alabama, inquired of Mr. Duer if he would vote for the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Toombs).
Mr. Duer replied, " I did not understand the gentleman from Georgia
to be in favor of a dissolution except in a certain contingency, and with
that understanding I would vote for him if necessary to organize the
House."* Mr. Baker, of lUinois, declared that the people had the right to ex-
,clude slavery from CaUfornia and New Mexico, and the District of Co
lumbia, if they desfred, and such exclusion would afford no cause for
dissolution.^ Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, declared that he approved of every word
that his colleague, Mr. Toombs, had uttered, and assured northern men
that whenever southern institutions were invaded outside of slave States,
either in the Territories or in the District of Columbia, the Union would
be dissolved.!
Mr. Cleveland, of Connecticut, in a very cool and sensible manner,
assured southem gentlemen that the people were free, and would exer
cise the rights of freemen wherever they had the constitutional autho
rity to do so!
Mr. Colcock, of South Carolina, agreed with Messrs. Toombs and
Stephens, that the Union would be dissolved whenever slavery should be
excluded from our Territories or from the District of Columbia.
1849.] ^^- -^llen, of Massachusetts, with dignity of manner and great
force of argument, defended the course of the Pree-soUers, and in
chaste and dignified language exposed the threats and superciUous bear
ing of southern members. The debate continued to a late hour, and
very fully and clearly manifested the mortification and disappointment
* Mr. Toombs, probably, had no more attachment to the Union at that time than he had whUe
acting as Secretary of War for the Confederate States thirteen years afterwards.
* Mr. Baker was a native of England, a man of fine talents and devoted to the Govemment. He
was appointed a Brigadier-General In the army of the United States, and feU at the battle of Ball's
Bluff, hi 1802.
t Mr. Stephens was the first Vice-President of the Confederate Government, a whig, and lilte Mr.
Btanley, wielded gi-eat influence with northern members of that party.

A FACTIOUS SLAVEHOLDEE.

307

which southern members felt at thefr failure to estabUsh slavery in CaU
fornia and New Mexico at the previous session. Threats and arrogant
bluster was regarded as the resort of the slave power.
Before the adjournment another ballot was had for Speaker, which
demonstrated the demoralization of both whig and democratic parties.
The debate and baUotings continued until the evening of the 20th De
cember, when the Whigs and Democrats met in separate conventions,
and appointed committees from the free and slave States to confer and
agree upon some mode of organizing the House.
The writer having heard some hints in regard to these meetings, called
out the facts in open session, by interrogating Mr. Ashman, a Whig, of
Massachusetts. The 21st December was entfrely occupied in debate. The House was
as yet an unorganized body of men. Each member was controlled by
his own sense of propriety. In accordance with this common propriety,
and from necessity, the Clerk had from the commencement of the govern
ment caUed members to order, at 12 o'clock on the first day of each
Congress, and calling to his assistance four members, had proceeded to
call the roll and receive the votes for Speaker, who, soon as elected and
sworn, assumed official functions ; but up to the 22d December the
members had been unable to elect a Speaker : yet all had demeaned
themselves in an orderly manner, save in the affafr between Messrs. Duer
and Meade, and they had quietly submitted all questions of order to the
decision of the Clerk, agreeably to former precedent. On the day last
referred to, Mr. Toombs, a Whig, of Georgia, claimed the floor, for the
purpose of addressing the House ; but was called to order from various
parts of the hall as the House were proceeding to vote on a pending
question. Toombs insisted on speakmg ; the Clerk declared the call for
yeas and nays on the pending question to have been carried, and com
menced calling the roll. Toombs, setting at defiance that courtesy and
respectful demeanor towards his fellow-members which had ever controlled
their action, continued in a lond tone of voice to address the House.
The Clerk proceeded in calUng the roll of members, and while thus em
ployed and the members were responding to their names, Toombs became
more boisterous in his tone and manner ; members, unable to hear their
names when called, left thefr seats and gathered around the Clerk's desk
and made their responses to the caU, whUe Toombs, apparently enraged,
now spoke at the very top of his voice to the members, not one of whom
was paying any attention whatever to his vehement tfrade, and no re
porter attempted to give any sketch of his remarks. The Clerk declared
the vote. Toombs continued speaking in the most boisterous manner.

308 SUICIDE OF THE WHIG PAETT.
and the Clerk and other members continued the regular busmess amid
great disorder for thirty or forty minutes, when, apparently from physical
exhaustion, Mr. Toombs suspended further effort, and Mr. Staunton, of
Tennessee, as chafrman of a joint committee of the whig and democratic
parties, stated that said committee had agreed to advise the House to
proceed to take three more" ballots for Speaker, and if no election be
bad, the roU should be again called and the candidate receiving the high
est number of votes should be declared duly dected.
1849 1 ^^^ writer then offered a resolution setting forth that as the
Constitution required a majority of all the votes given to elect a
Speaker, no vote of a minority of the members could elect such
officer ; but as one-fifth of the members were not in favor of this reso
lution, the yeas and nays could not be obtained, and it was rejected.
The House then adopted Mr. Staunton's report by a vote of 113 to 106.
On the adoption of this report there was some exultation, but the
older and more considerate members regarded it as a precedent for
setting aside the Constitution in coming time.
The three baUots were taken and the House reached the contmgency
contemplated in the report ; and the Clerk proceeded to caU the roU of
members for the final vote, being the ststy-thfrd baUot. After the roU
had been called, Mr. Tuck, of New Hampshire, rose ^nd changed his
vote from Mr. WUlmot to Mr. Winthrop. The other members of that
Uttle band remained firm to the last, and the vote was declared as foUows :
for HoweU Cobb, 102 ; for Robert C. Wuithrop, 99 ; for David WUl
mot, 8.
Mr. Stanley then rose and proposed a resolution declaring Mr. Cobb
to have been duly elected. This proposition was adopted by a vote of
141 to 34. Mr. Cobb then took the oath of office and was duly instaUed
as Speaker of the House.*
This contest was one of unprecedented duration. The fact that eight
members, acting npon what they deemed thefr constitutional duty, voted
for no man who would not pledge hunself to uphold the constitutional
* The whig party had ever been controlled in Its action by southem members. Indeed, a perfect
infatuation appeared to have taken possession of the northern members of that organization. At
any day durmg the three weeks of conflict they could have elected any member of the party whp
would pledge himself to sustain the constituaonal right of petition, by appomting committees iriio
would report on northern petitions. There was no pledge demanded that they should report in
favor of such petitions ; but the demand was that the peUtlons should be respectfully responded
to. Xet that party suffered Mr. Stanley, a slaveholder, to lead them to disbandment rather than
snstam the right of petition.
It should be further bortie hi mind that the Free-soilers proposed to vote for Mr. Stevens, of Penn
sylvania, without any pledge, as they regarded him committed to the support of the Constitution by
hia past life.

SPEAKEE ELECTED BT EESOLUTION. 309
rights of the free States, set at defiance the taunts and threats and per
secution of the two great parties, mat the slander and detraction of
partisan presses, and finaUy maintained thefr moral and political integ
rity, compeUmg the two pro-slavery parties to unite in order to preserve
the influence of the slave power, constitutes an important incident in the
" regime of slavery."
Experienced statesmen then saw that the whig party had voluntarily
surrendered up its existence sit the dictation of its slaveholding members.
Tme, it attempted to raUy on the Presidential election of 1852, but it
failed, and with this election of Speaker that party ceased to exist as a
potential organization.
This result also demonstrated the poUtical principle that the advocates
of slavery and the supporters of liberty cannot act . together when pro
perly confronted by those who would maintain the principles which lie at
the basis of our Government.
The House bemg organized, the President transmitted to Congress
his first annual message, informing the members that the people of CaU
fornia and New Mexico had formed State governments and adopted
State constitutions, and would at no distant day apply for admission to
the Federal Union. This circumstance was regarded as favorable to the
cause of human freedom, and was gladly haUed by the friends of human
rights. '
The -violent attacks of the whig press upon the Free-soilers who had
so firmly refused to vote for any candidate who would not pledge
himself to maintain the constitutional right of petition, attracted gene
ral attention throughout the country. They denied that those mem
bers were actuated by patriotic motives, but insisted that they had re
fused to vote for Mr. Winthrop for the purpose of destroying the whig
party. '
In consequence of these assaults, Mr. Root took occasion to inform the
House and the country that Mr. Cobb held the office of Speaker by
¦vfrtue of Mr. Stanley's resolution, and not by the votes of eight Free-
soUers. A debate of a mixed character, being in part personal and in part
political, foUowed, in which the writer participated, sustaining Mr. Root
and justuying the " Free-soilers," whUe Messrs. Winthrop and Rockwell,
of Massachusetts, and Schenck and Vinton, of Ohio, endeavored to
vindicate the whig party. The discussion manifested the intense hostiUty
of the Whigs towards those who devoted. their energies to promote the
cause of Uberty and civiUzation.
. Both Whigs and Democrats also appeared to feel that the interests

310 THE VOICE OF VEEMONT,
of humanity had been too successful in excluding slavery from QaUfornia,
and that measures must be adopted to placate the slave power.
On the 31st December, Mr. Root offered a resolution directing thp
Committee on Territories to repoi:t a bill organizing aU that territory
obtained from Mexico ; and laying east of Califomia, exduding slamery
therefrom. Delays were interposed untU the 4th February,. when the
resolution was rejected by a vote of 105 to 15.
In accordance with the policy adopted by the Executive in regard to
California, the people of New Mexico formed a State constitution and
govemment, excluding slavery, and applied for admission to the Union,;
but after some delay the appUcation was rejected, the democratic party
having control of the House, as it was then organized.
1850.] '^'^- 'Uptiam, of Vermont, presented to the Senate a resolution
adopted by the Legislature of that State, declaring " that slavery
is a crime against humanity and a sore evU in the body politic, that was
excused by the framers of our Federal Constitution, entaUed upon the
country by thefr predecessors, and tolerated solely as a thing of mexora-
ble necessity ;" and caUing on Congress to exdnde it from the Territories
of the United States, from the District of Columbia, from the high seas,
and from all other places where Congress holds exdusive jurisdiction.
The presentation of this resolution occasioned a spirited debate.
Mr. Yulee, of Florida, objected to its being printed.- He regarded
the language declaring slavery a crime as offensive to the people of
other States. Mr. Mason, of Virgmia, also referred to the language
in terms of condemnation.
Mr. Phelps, of Vermont, maintained the right of the people of his
State to speak their own views without restraint.
Mr. Boreland, of Arkansas, spoke with great severity, 'proclaiming, a
dissolution of the Union if language Uke that used m this resolution
was tolerated.
Mr. Chase, of Ohio, a new member from that State, thought that the
rule of the Senate should be maintained, that every State had the right
to express the views of its people upon all subjects, including that of
slavery, and assured Senators that the State of Ohio would be Ukely to
speak the sentiments of her people, irrespective of threats of disunion,
let them come from what quarter they may.
This was the first time Mr. Chase spoke in the Senate. He had
been one of the leading anti-slavery men of Ohio, and was elected
to the Senate as such. He had spoken and written in favor of
the natural rights of mankind ; and southern members were weU ac
quainted with his character. Mr. Butier, of South CaroUna, a man ot,

THE VOICE OF MISSOUEL

311

age and high position, replied to Mr. Chase, declaring that South Caro
Una had made great sacrifices hi smTendering to Congress the power
over commerce and navigation ; and then read a long letter -written by
Mr. Chase, declaring the doctrines which he had long maintained in public
and in private, manifesting the singular coincidence of action between these
two Senators : Mr. Chase having desired the public to understand his
views with the expectation that they would be sustained ; while Mr.
Butler read them to the Senate with the expectation of injuring the in
fluence of the Ohio Senator. The debate continued four days, but at its
conclusion the resolutions were ordered to be printed.
Mr. Benton presented resolutions from the Legislature of pgg^
Missouri, declaring that the Federal Constitution was a compro
mise of conflicting interests ;' that it gave no, power to Congress to
legislate upon the subject of slavery, except in regard to the African
slave trade and the return of fugitive slaves. " That any attempt to
legislate upon the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia or in
the Territories would be'a violation of the Federal Constitution tending
to a dissolution of the Union."
The students of our poUtical history will wonder at these ab
surd doctrines put forth by legislatures of that day. The Govern
ment had been founded upon the avowed right of every human being
to Uberty, and the Constitution had declared that no person should be
deprived of liberty without trial by due process of law : Yet professed
statesmen, under excitement, solemnly placed on record the opinion that
Congress could not legislate for carrying out the very purpose of its
existence. But the absurdity of these resolutions become most apparent
when we call to mind the fact that slavery and the slave trade in the
District of Columbia and upon the high seas had been established by
congressional legislation, and the power of Congress to repeal its own
enactments was then denied by the slave power.
The Legislature of Missouri, however, declared further, that in case
Congress legislated for the exclusion of slavery from the District of
Columbia or from the Territories, that State would be found acting with
other slave States in favor of a/ny measures deemed neassary to preserve the
rights of her people.
Mr. Benton, on presenting these resolutions, declared that the Legis
lature of his State had mistaken the fedings of her people, who would
never be found acting in favor of a dissolution of the Union.^
Mr. Hale presented the petition of citizens of Pennsylvania, praying
* Missouri was subsequently the first of the slave States to declare in favor of emancipation.

312 THE VOICE OF NOETH OAEOLINA.
Congress to take measures for the peaceful dissolution of the Ameri
can Union. This aroused the feeUngs of southern members, who
denounced the memorialists with great bitterness, in a. debate of two
days upon the propriety of receiving the petition, which was finaUy
excluded.* Mr. Mangum, a Whig, of North CaroUna, presented the resolutions
of a popular meeting in that State denouncing the people of the free
States as fanatical and dishonest, and threatening a dissolution of the
Union if, what they termed, the rights of the South were interfered
with. It is among the curiosities of slaveholding hterature that plainness
of language was never used where slavery was concerned ; thus, these
resolntions spoke of the rights of the South, meaning slavery and the
slave trade in the District of Columbia, in the Territories, and on the
high seas, and if these were interfered with,' the people of North Carolma
would secede from the Union.
Mr. Hale objected to the reception of this memorial which threatened
violent dissolution, as the petition which he had presented but a few
days before from Pennsylvania had been excluded from the Senate, be
cause it asked a peaceful dissolution.
But this memorial from North CaroUna was respectfully received and
referred to the Committee on Printing, to be pubUshed or withheld from
publication as they might think proper, only two democratic members
voting against the proposition, to wit, Messrs. Douglas, of . IlUnois, and
Bradbury, of Maine.
^ggu , Mr. Seward, of New York, presented the petition of some two
hundred and twenty citizens of that State praymg the aboUtion
of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and asked its
reference to the appropriate committee ; but its reception was refused.
Messrs. Bright, of Indiana; Dodge and Jones, of Iowa; Cass, of Michi
gan; Douglas, of Illinois; Dayton and Miller, of New Jersey, votmg
with the slaveholders to exclude the petition.
From aU parts of the free States petitions were now daUy presented
in each House of Congress for the aboUtion of slavery and the slave
trade in the District of Columbia, in the Territories of the United States,
and upon the high seas. Others requested that Congress would pubUcly
acknowledge the existence of a Supreme Being, and the duty of obey
ing His law : whUe from various slave States memorials were presented
• Thirteen years after this debate every southern member who assailed these memorialists with
invective, was sustaining an armed rebellion against the Union, which they had proclaimed sacred
to ffoery American,

A FEEE CONSTITUTION IN CALIFOENIA. 313
setting forth the .blessings of slavery, declaring it a divine institution,
and praying Congress to extend its benefits.
But the subject which attracted more attention than any other, was
the question of admitting California as- a free State. The people of that
far distant territory had, in accordance with the Executive wish, formed
a constitution and State govemment, and now asked admission to the
Union of States. They had expressly prohibited slavery, by the consti
tution, from existing in that important region, which the slave power
bad designed as the abode of abject servitude.
The advocates of slavery now learned by experience, that the ..^^^
slaveholder, with his servants domiciled around him, with his
plantation and its peculiar paraphernaUa regulated and adapted to the
taste, the habits, and wants of the owner, was not only unwUUng to
remove to a new cpuntry, but was positively unable to do so -without
great sacrifice of property, of ease, and of comfort. In consequence of
these difficulties, not a large slaveholder had removed to CaUfornia, and
but few owners of a smaU number of slaves were to be found there, at
the time the people were shaping the institutions of that embryo State-;
while young and enterprising citizens from every free State had taken
up their abode in the territory, almost as soon as the treaty had been
signed. These young and active men were lovers of liberty, and were
careful to give the proper character to the constitution and laws of
CaUfornia. Having failed to estabUsh a slaveholding government in the territory
acqufred for that purpose, the slave power was at once arrayed against
its admission as a free State. Accordingly, the debate on that question
was opened by Mr. CUngman, of North Carolma. He appeared clearly
to comprehend the danger to slavery arismg from the progress of Chris
tian civilization ; and that the institution could be preserved from imme
diate destruction only by obtaming further concessions in its favor before
California should be admitted. He was candid in his statement of the
views and designs of the anti-slavery men. He admitted thefr object
was merely to exclude slavery from the District of Columbia, from tbe
Territories, and from the high seas ; making a total separation of the
Federal Government from aU support of the institution.* He denounced
these objects as unconstitutional. He' spoke of the loss of slaves by
voluntary emigration to Canada, complained that northern men would
* It is a singular fact, that while some slaveholders were thus candid and specific In their
assertion of the objects of anti-slavery men, northern presses and northem pro-slavery politicians
denounced anti-slavery men In general terTnsj but never made any specific charges, which could
be met and disproved.

314 ABSUED CLAIM OF TEXAS.
not capture them ; and insisted that Congress was bound to enact a
more efficient law for thefr arrest and retum. He spoke freely of dis
union, and insisted that the northwestem States would unite -with the
South, if the Union were dissolved ;* and cautioned northem men to
beware. Mr. Howard, of Texas, said the pubUc ought to know whether a
southern President had induced the people of CaUfornia to adopt a
constitution excluding slavery ; declaring that the South had ever re
quired of Presidential candidates express pledges to maintain southern in
terests. But the burden of Mr. Howard's speech was the right of Texas
to aU the territory lying east and north of the Rio Grande.
Perhaps history records no instance of a more unfounded assertion of
claim, than that of Texas to the territory mentioned.
The intendency of Texasj and that of CoahuUa, had been originaUy
united under one government ; and when 'about to separate, a commis
sion was appointed to establish the Une between them. At the head of
this commission was General Almonte, for many years Minister to the
Uuited States. The Une of demarkation commenced at the mouth of
the Aransas, one hundred and forty miles north of the Rio Grande, and
extended northwesterly at about the same distance from that river to
the east Une of New Mexico. Most of this last mentioned intendency,
with' Santa Fe, its capital, its custom-house and many of its most
populous villages, lay east of the Rio Grande.
Texas revolted in 1836, and, by resolution, declared all the territory
north a-nd east of the Rio Grande to bdong to her people, and sent an army
to New Mexico ; but every man was killed or taken prisoner. Another
army had marched upon Mier, on the Rio Grande, withm the inten
dency of Chihuahua ; bat every man was kUled, taken prisoner, or made a
hasty retreat back to Texas. And the Mexican custom-house, lymg
north of the mouth of that river, continued to receive duties ; and aU
acts of jurisdiction were exercised by Mexico over the whole territory,
between the Nueces and the Rio Grande, untU the American army,
under General Taylor, marched towards BrownsvUle, when he met the
Mexican army, and the battle of Resaca de la Palma was fought upon
the territory which the slave power now declared to have belonged to
Texas.
1850.] ' "^^^ territory thus arrogantly asserted to be a part of Texas,
was of an average width of one hundred miles, and extended from
the mouth to the source of the Rio Grande, being some two thousand
* This Is now the watchword with the northern democracy, at the time of writing these sketches—
1868. They are merely repeatmg the language of Mr. Olingman.

A COEEUPT PEOPOSITION. 315
mUes — including some twenty towns and populous villages, whose people,
had never seen a Texan officer, nor obeyed any other than Mexican
laws. This vast country had been conquered by our army ; and by treaty,
the United States had acqufred title to it, paying Mexico its fuU value in
money. But Texas now claimed it, as a part of her original territory.
To yield this vast country to slavery, would be to obUterate the intenden-
ey of New Mexico, and an obvious violation of our treaty. Texas pro
claimed her intention to dissolve the Union, unless permitted to occupy
this whole country, thereby making it slave territory ; and raised an
army, under pretence that She was intending to take possession of it by
force of arms — although the United States was at that moment sup
porting an army on the frontiers of Texas, at an expense of more than
two miUion dollars annually, to defend the people of that State agamst
the Indians.
The advocates of justice insisted that Texas should be restricted to her
real boundaries, according to the provisions of the joint resolutions of
annexation. Thus was another important issue formed between the sup
porters of slavery and the adherents of Uberty. It had grown out of
the annexation of Texas, which the democratic party had assured the
people would forever settle aU controversy in regard to slavery. Never,
perhaps, was the great law of unerring truth and retributive justice
more clearly manifested than in these various attempts to extend slavery.
Indeed, the political history of the United States during these transac
tions is little more than the record of a connected series of retributions
for violating the rights of our fellow-men : Yet few of our American
statesmen appeared to comprehend the feebleness of human sagacity
when attempting a violation of immutable justice.
This proposition 4;o • give Texas the territory in question came before
the Senate, when Colonel Benton led off in opposition to it, but pro
posing to pay Texas fifteen miUion doUars from the pubUc treasury as an
indemnity for territory to which she had no more claim than she had to
Mexico itself.
l^r. Foote, of Mississippi, was greatly frritated at Colonel Benton's
proposition, and became so personal in his remarks that Mr. Benton
left the haU. He then compared the Senator from Missouri to Cati
line in the Roman Senate, and exhibited the most intense anger towards
him, Mr. Calhoun was now aged and infirm ; his .voice had. become .jgjjg
tremulous and his step feeble. Consumption had fastened upon
his system, and as he approached the consummation of his earthly exist-

316 LAST SPEECH OF ME. CALHOUN.
ence, he saw that all his plans for placing human servitude in a posi
tion of safety had failed, and he appeared desponding and gloomy.
Unable to speak in the Senate, he wrote out the thoughts which
he desired to express and asked a feUow member to read it to the
Senate. His speech opened with gloomy forbodings as to a continuance of
the Union, saying that our danger arose from the conviction of the
southern people that thefr rights were disregarded by those who dis
cussed the slave question. Assuming that aU discussion of slavery from
whatever cause it arose, whether from the annexation of Texas, the
Mexican war, or the consignment of CaUfornia to oppression, was
wrong and injurious to southern interests, he easUy arrived at the con
clusion that the lovers of liberty were really dangerous to the existence
of the Union, and expressed the opinion that nothing could save it but
such an amendment of the Constitution as jvould secure to it a suffi
cient support. This was the last speech of the greatest statesman of the
South. He said a few words on two subsequent occasions, and died
about three weeks afterwards.
Amid this feeUng of excitement in relation to the claims of slavery,
Mr. Benton publicly proposed that Mr. Clay should introduce some mear
sure of compromise in order to restore harmony upon the various ques
tions then pressing upon Congress. That distinguished statesman had
advocated the Missouri Compromise of 1820, and had again held out
the olive branch to Mr. Calhoun and his confreres in 1832. He was now
advanced in age, and time had made its mark upon his physical system ;
but, although in the decline of life, his influence was great, and in accord
ance with the apparent desire of the Senate, he brought forward a pro
position. First, To admit CaUfornia as a free State.
Second, An organization of the Territories without restriction of slavery.
Thirdly, Giving to Texas aU the territory lying east of the Rio
Grande, formerly belonging to CoahuUa and Chihuahua, but saving to
New Mexico her ancient territory.
Fourthly, The United States to pay the debts of Texas due at the
time of annexation. • ,
Fifthly, That slavery should not be aboUshed in the District of
Columbia while Maryland retained the institution, nor untU the people
of the District desired it.
Sixthly, That it is expedient to prohibit the bringmg of slaves from
the surrounding country into the District for sale.
Seventhly, That further provision should be made for the recapture
and return of fugitive slaves.

ME. CLAT 8 COMPEOMISE DEFEATED. 317
Eighthly, That Congress has no power to prohibit the inter-state
slave trade.
Mr. Clay, when he laid these propositions before the Senate, was sur
rounded by different circumstances from those which had given him suc
cess in 1820 and fri 1832. Slaveholders had grown arrogant, and the
advocates of Uberty were inexorable in thefr support of human rights,
and could no longer be misled nor deceived by men of distinction. In
deed it is difficult to-conjecture how he should have imagined that Con
gress could silence the popular voice against slavery in the District of
Columbia, or reconcile the people of the free States to the extension of
Texas over such a vast territory as that proposed ; or to paying that
State for so much of New Mexico as Ues east of the Rio Grande ; or to
the continuance of slavery m the District of. Columbia until Maryland
should abolish the institution ; or to become the instruments for catching
fugitive slaves ; or to the continuance of the coastwise slave trade.
However, he urged the adoption of these measures in an able speech ;
but was interrapted by Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, who inqufred if he held
to the constitutional power of Congress to abolish slavery in the District
of Columbia ?. Mr. Clay and his associates had always proclaimed that
men in a state of nature were equally entitled to liberty ; whUe Mr.
Foote, and most southern men a,t that time, believed that in a state of
nature the strong have a perfect right to enslave the weak; therefore
the holding of slaves must be a natural right, lying behind and above
human enactments and human constitutions.
To reconcile minds thus opposed to each other constituted a work
which no human power could accomplish. The resolutions were de
bated almost daUy during an entfre month, when they were postponed
indefinitely. On the 4th Febmary, Mr. Disney, of Ohio, presented a series „,^
of resolutions proposing such an amendment to the Consti
tution as would {ffohibit Congress from excluding slavery from the Ter
ritories of the United States, which, after coUoquial debate, were laid on
the table ; and responsive to this movement, Mr. Giddmgs introduced
resolntions declarmg, "Ufe and Ubferty to be gifts of God inherent
and inalienable, for the protection of which governments are insti
tuted among men. That in establishing governments in any territory it
is the duty of Congress to secure all the people thereof in the enjoy
ment of those rights."
la order to test the sense of members upon these essential doctrines,
the yeas and nays were ordered. Mr. Inge, of Alabama, moved to lay
the resolutions on the table, which was equivalent to a motion to reject

318 VOTE m EEGAED TO ESSENTIAL TEUTHS.
them ; and on this vote all members from the slave States voted 'm tl
affirmative, and the vote of the free States was divided as follows :
Maine. There was no vote in the affirmative.
Nay — Messrs. Gerry, Goodenow, Littlefield, Sawtel, and
Stetson,  5
New HAMPSHmE. There were no yeas.
Nay — Messrs. Peaslee and WUlson,  2
Massachusetts. Yea — none.
Nay — Messrs. AUen, Duncan, Fowler, King, Man, and
Rockwell,  6
Rhode Island. Yea — none.
Nay — Slessrs. Dixon and King,  2
Connecticut. Yea — none.
Nay — Messrs. Booth, Butler, Cleveland, and Waldo, . , 4
Vermont. Yea — none.
Nay — Messrs. Hibbard, Henry, and Peck,  3
New York. Yea — Mr. Briggs,  1
• Nay — Messrs. Alexander, Andrews, Burroughs, Clark,
Conger, Duer, Gott, Gould, Jackson, John A. Kuig,
James G. King, Preston King, Nelson, Phoenix, Putnam,
Reynolds, Risly, Rumsey, Sacket, Spaulding, Scher-
merhorn, Silvester, UnderhUl, Walden, and White, . , 25
New Jersey. Yea — ^none.
Nay — Messrs. Hay and Vandyke,  2
Pennsylvania. Yea — Messrs. Butler, Casey, FuUer, Mann, Pitt-
man, Robbins, and Ross  1
Nay — Messrs. Calvin, Dickey, Chandler, Friedly, Hampton,
Howe, Moore, Ogle, Reid, Stevens, Thompson, and
WiUmot  12
Ohio. Yea — Messrs. MUler and Taylor, ......... 2
Nay — Messrs. Cable, CampbeU, Carter, Corwin, Disney,
Evans, Giddings, Hunter, Morris, Olds, Potter, Root,
Schenck, Thurman, Vinton, and Wood,  16
Indiana. Yea — Messrs. Albertson, Brown, Fitch, Dunham, and
Gorman,  5
Nay — Messrs: Harlan and Julian,  2
Illinois. Yea— Messrs. Bissel, Harris, McClernand, Richardson,
and Young,  5
Nay — Mr. Baker,  2
Michigan. Yea — Mr. BueU,  1
Nay — Mr. Sprague,  1

ADMISSION OF CALIFOENIA OPPOSED. 319
Wisconsin. Yea — ^none.
Nay — Messrs. Cole, Doty, and Durkee,  3
Iowa. Yea — Mr. Leffier, . . .-  1
The aggregate showing 104 in the affirmative and 84 in the negative.
There was not an affirmative vote from the six New England States, nor
from New Jersey or Wisconsin. Of the twenty-six votes from New
York only one was in the affirmative, whUe the smaUer States of Michi
gan and Iowa each gave one vote against these doctrines. Two of the
sixteen votes from Ohio, five of the seven cast by Indiana, and five of
the six given by lUinois, were in favor of slavery, while only twenty-two
members from the free States were wUling to deny the great principle of
human rights.
On the 12th February,. Mr. Hale presented a petition, numerously
signed, praying the "exclusion of slavery from CaUfomia and New
Mexico, which gave rise to personal imputations by Mr. Butler, of South
CaroUna, which were ably met and exposed by Mr. Hale.
The President now communicated to both Houses of Congress copies
of the constitution of CaUfornia. In the Senate, Mr. Douglas moved its
reference to the Committee on Territories. This question of reference
being debatable, the whole subject of slavery in the territory obtained
from Mexico came under general discussion.
In the House of Representatives a similar motion was made ; and
tha.t body now engaged in one of the most intensely interesting debates
that ever agitated the nation. These discussions were the natural
and inevitable consequences of the annexation of Texas and the conse
quent war with Mexico. No sophistry could disguise this obvious
truth ; yet while it was in progress the democratic party asserted,'
reiterated, and constantly insisted that the agitation was the work of
the Free-soilers. t
The debate was occasionally intermpted by other questions touching
slavery. Mr. Dayton, of New Jersey, presentejj to the Senate a petition
praying further legislation against the African slave trade, which stirred
up much feeling iu that body, and the debate upon it occupied one entfre
day. Mr. Giddings presented to the House of Reiwesentatives a memorial
from the Quakers of Delaware and Pennsylvama, setting forth that
slavery was a -violation of God's attribute of justice, must bring upon the
nation a severe retribution, and prayed that Congress would take measures
for an immediate and peaceful dissolution of the Union.
Mr. Giddings moved its reference to a select committee with instructions
to inqufre —

320 DISEESPECT FOE THB PEOPLE.
Firstly, Whether dissatisfaction with our Federal Union exists among
the people ? If so, to. what extent ?
Second, From what has such dissatisfaction arisen ?
Thirdly, The proper means for restoring confidence among the
people ?
It appeared that few members were willing to meet this question in
an undisguised and friendly manner. It was admitted on aU hands that
Congress could constitutionally take no means for dissolving the
Union ; but, in favor of referring the petition, it was urged that every
cause of dissatisfaction should be frankly met, and explained or removed
in a spirit of respectful kindness. But this poUcy was opposed by the
entfre South, and by almost the entfre North. Messrs. Goodenow, of
Maine ; Allen, of Massachusetts ; Howe, of Pennsylvania ; Preston
King, of New York ; Giddings and Root, of Ohio ; JuUan, of Indiana,
and Durkee, of Wisconsin, only votmg for the reference.

A SOUTHEEN CONVENTION PEOPOSED. 321

CHAPTER XXI.
A MOVEMENT TOWARDS SECESSION  MIL WEBSTEr's POSITION  PUCmVE SLAVE
ACT — TEXAN EFFRONTERY  COKEUPTION UNDISGUISED  SENATORIAL DIGNITY
OUTRAGED  CALIFOENIA ADMITTED A3 A FREE STATE.
The first session of the thfrty-first Congress was rendered -gg^
memorable by the issuing of an address by southern members
of Congress to thefr constituents, calUng attention to the efforts about
to be made to exclude slavery from the territory of California and from
all the country then recently obtained from Mexico, and charging that
the people of the free States were not active in thefr efforts to arrest and
return fugitive slaves. The address further announced that northern
people were constantly agitating the subject of slavery, These were the
causes of complaint then urged by the united voice of nearly all southern
members of Congress against the people of the free States. They were
definite, and incapable of being misunderstood. Opposition to the
extension of slavery and to all participation in the crime of arresting and
retuming fugitive slaves, constituted the gist of thefr complaint. The
charge of agitation was then regarded as somewhat ludicrous, in view of
the fact that southern statesmen had urged the annexation of Texas for
the avowed purpose of extending and perpetuating slavery; but denounced
all opposition to that measure as " agitation." They were at that time
seeking to extend the institution over the territory acquired from
Mexico ; but characterized all opposition to that measure as " agita
tion." They were demanding a new and more efficient fugitive slave
act ; but asserted that opposition to it constituted "agitation."
This address appeared to be a well defined step towards a separation
of the States and the formation of a Southern Confederacy.
In response to this address, several southern States took incipient
measures for severing the bonds which had long bound them to the com
mon sisterhood. Mississippi was the first to move on this subject. Her
Legislature, by joint resoMions, declared that efforts had been madd for
the last thirty years to deprive the southern people of their rights in the
Territories of the United States : that the time had come for the southern
States to take 'action in favor of their own safety; and for that purpose,
a Southern Convention ought to be held.
These resolutions were presented to the Senate by Mr. Davis, who
21 '

322 OEIGIN OF THE FUGITIVE LAW OF 1850.
spoke briefly in support ofthe right of slaveholders to carry their "human
chattels " into the Territories of the United States, and to receive from
Congress the same protection which they received for other property ;
and he asserted that free govemments had been formed in Califomia
and New Mexico, under the apprehension that they .would not be recog
nized with slaveholding institutions.*
jggu .. The issue between skvery and freedom soon became more fuUy
developed. As the advocates of freedom resisted all encroach-
,ments upon the rights of the free States, the slave power became more
jassiduous in its demands for support. On the 6th March, Mr. Hun
ter, of Virginia, submitted to the consideration of the Senate a reso-
jlution calling on the Secretary of State for copies of all papers relative
•;to the deportation of slaves by the British army and navy during
(the revolutionary war ; and inqufring whether any measures had been
adopted since the treaty of 1194 for the recovery of compensation from
the British government. The proposition was received with marked
respect, and was referred to the appropriate committee^ but was never
reported upon.
These episodes in the regular debate were confined to the subject of
slavery, and constituted no change of the spfrit or the theme which now
occupied the attention of both Houses of Congress.
Mr. Mason, of Virginia, had, on leave, introduced a bill to amend
the fugitive slave law of 1193. It had been referred to the Committee
on the Judiciary, of which Mr. Butler, of South CaroUna, was chairman.-f
This bill excited much debate ; and much interest was felt to hear Mr,
Webster's views in regard to it, in consequence of the fame wMch he had
acqufred as a constitutional lawyer. It was known that he beUeved
the Constitution had given to Congress no authority to legislate in
regard to fugitive slaves, but that the power had been- reserved to each
of the several States.
In intellect he may be said to have stood at that time without a rival.
Nature had bestowed upon him her richest gifts. He was characterized
for extraordinary concentration of thought. His logic was compact,
and appeared to be irrefutable : atid no speaker used the English laa-
* It was on this occasion that Mr. Davis first committed himself fully to the doctrines of secession ;
an act wliich the author has ever believed that gentleman regretted, although he subsequently
liecame President of the Confederate States.
t It Is a matter of some curiosity that Mr. Butler, In his report, maintained the very doctrines of
¦the Free-soilers on this subject ; <leclaring that the Constitution had intended that the several
States should legislate for the return ot fugitive slaves ; that this construction had been held by
the founders of the Government ; but he stated, as the States had failed to do their duty in this
respect the obligation devolved upon Congress. The legitimacy of this sequence does not appear
¦ Tery clearly.

APOSTACT OF ME, WEBSTEE. 323
guage more appropriately. He had long stood among the leading
statesmen of the nation, and his mind had been enriched by an experience
to which few men attain. He was UteraUy the favorite statesman of
Boston, and as that city then gave tone to the popular feeUng of the
State, he was said to have a controUing influence in Massachusetts :*
Probably at the period of which we are now -writing, he exerted a
greater moral power throughout the free States than any other man,
although his poUtical influence had been somewhat diminished by his
service in the Cabinet of Mr. Tyler, whose administration had proven
unpopular. But he had great defffijts of character, common to the age
in which he Uved. He had been reared and educated in the school of
political expediency, which taught the separation of moral principle from
the duties of poUtical life. He regarded mankind as so ignorant-and
depraved, that no pohtical organization could be sustained upon the
basis of moral truth. He was ambitious, and pubUcly aspired to the
Presidency. He had given anti-slavery members of Congress to understand that
he would sustain their doctrines. He even submitted the skeleton of his
speech to the inspection of one or more leaders of that party, who pro
nounced it satisfactory, and Free-soUers anticipated that he would lend
his influence in favor of carrying forward the great moral enterprise of
redeeming the nation from the thraldom of human bondage. But the
great leading defects of his character disqualified him for the discharge of
that high duty. He did not beUeve in the omnipotence of moral trath.
In his judgment and conscience he drew a Une of demarkation between
moral duties and poUtical action. With aU his high qualities, his great
experience, his gigantic intellect, he had faded to understand that moral
trath and immutable justice constituted the only basis of true greatness
and of certain success m poUtical Ufe. He was ambitious, and after
mature reflection, he appeared to think that his only pathway to the
Presidential chafr lay through the regions of slavery.
In commencing his speech, known as his 1th March expose, he was
solemn in manner, and lucid fri his historical facts, clearly defining the
encroachments of slavery, and attributing the responsibihty of those
wrongs to the democratic party, whUe at the same time he gradually
laid the foundation for his own departure from principle by admitting
the past action of the Government to constitute precedents from which
he asserted that the then present age was not at liberty to depart.
He then declared that s(jU and cUmate had excluded slavery from
* It was said hy ex-President Adams that he himself was unable to obtain a seat in the Senate of
the United States, in consequence of Mr. Webster's infiuence in the Legislature.

324 HUMILL4.TI0N OF THE FEEE STATES.
California and New Mexico, and asserted that he would do no act to
prohibit its existence therein. Having thus placed himself in direct oppo
sition to the friends of liberty and to northern whigs, who, as a body,
had ever opposed the. extension of slavery ; he proceeded to declare in
regard to fugitive slaves, that he had ever regarded the Constitution as
referring the duty of capturing and retuming fugitive slaves to the
several States ; but said the supreme court had decided that the power
of legislating on that subject remained exclusively with Congress ; and
he declared it the duty of statesmen io obey that 'decision ; aud then he
expressed his concurrence in the propriety of passing the bUl before the
Senate, for the capture and return of fugitive slaves. He proceeded to
declare that their capture and return was binding upon the honor a/nd
consdence of the American people. Having thus asserted the revoltmg
infideUty that human constitutions may change or dictate the moral
duties of men, he proceeded to denounce those who sought to evade or
get round the commission of such crimes, or as he expressed it, the
" duties " of seizing and sending to slavery innocent men and women ; a
crime which, under the laws of Congress, was at that period punishable
with death, if committed on the African coast. He denounced the pubUc
press for speaking in offensive language of the institution, and referred
to what he characterized as "foolish speeches in both Houses of Congress!'
He declared secession impossible, and expressed his belief that the Nash
viUe (secession) Convention would be guided by high and just motives.
He proceeded so far as to admit the claim of Texas to the vast country
north and east of the Rio Grande, and asserted his wUUngness, if she
would surrender a portion to New Mexico, to grant her from the
national funds a just compensation.*
By this speech a blow was struck at freedom and the constitutional
rights of the free States, which, no southerfi arm could have given. It
shook the pillars of our American temple ; but its reaction prostrated in
poUtical death the giant who seemed to have dfrected his deadly aim at
the heart of liberty. At the close of his speech, those who Ustened to
him appeared to regard his poUtical prospects as totaUy annihi-
lated.f This speech greatly encouraged the supporters of slavery, Mr. Web
ster's friends were numerous and wealthy throughout Massachusetts- and
* The history of American legislation perhaps furnishes no parallel to the corruptions embraced
in the measures here proposed.
+ In the speech of Mr. Webster, as published, la a paragraph setting forth the wrongs perpetrated
by the slave States upon the colored citizens of the free States ; but he did not name it In the speech
when delivered. He inserted It afterwards, at the suggestion of a friend that he should have
niaintained the rights of the North in this respect.

INFIDELCTT AND COEEUPTION. 325
the North. In order to sustain hun they adopted his doctrines, and with
him united their poUtical fortunes to the South.
The speech occasioned great sensation in the free States. Mr. Web
ster was denounced as a traitor to human' rights and to the interests of
the free States. PnbUc meetings of the people, and several State Legis
latures by resolutions, repudiated the doctrines he had thus solemnly
asserted. Remonstrances against it were presented in both Houses of
Congress. These, and almost . every subject of legislation which came
before that body, furnished questions- for debating the institution of .
slavery in some of its phases ; and it may be truly said that four-fifths
of the time of each House was devoted to that subject during the first
six months of the session.
One of the questions to which the attention of Congress' and the
country was directed was presented by Mr. Crowell, of Ohio. On tbe
21th May, that gentleman asked leaye to present to the consideration
of the House a bill for the aboUtion of the slave trade in the District of
Columbia, and on this question of leave one hundred members, mostly
from the free States, voted in the affirmative ; while sixty from the slave
States, assisted only by Messrs. Miller, of Ohio, and James Thompson,
of Pennsylvania, voted against the proposition. Leave was obtained,
but the bUl never came up for action.
The philosophy of that day, which discarded moral principle from the
poUtical code, extended further than was generally understood by the
people. Many men who held office and were popular believed, that
corruption was necessary to the support of every form of government ;
th'St neither political parties, nor govemments, could be held together
without a free use of corrupt means. During the session of Congress now
under consideration, a resolution was introduced, calUng attention to the
fact that the Secretary of War had unjustly, and without any legal or
equitable claim, obtained from the treasury f 234,811 86, as the represen
tative of one George Galphin, an Indian trader, who, in 1113, obtained
a cession of lands -from the Indians which had by the revolution become
the property of the State of Georgia. That State had very properly
repudiated the claim as altogether fabulous ; but the hefrs of Galphin
appealed to Congress, and such was the influence of southern members
that the claim for $43,518 91 was granted. One-half of this sum was
received by Mr. Crawford, Secretary of War, as one of the heirs and
attorney for the others. But, not satisfied with this, he now demanded
of the treasury annual interest on that sum, amounting to $191,352 89.
He, being a member of the Cabinet, obtained the money. A select
committee having reported the facts to the House of Representatives,

326 SLAVEHOLDmO INSOLENCE EXPOSto.
declared that the money was obtained unjustly, and without legal or
equitable right. This report was confirmed by the House, and Mr.
Crawford retfred to private Ufe with a vast fortune, plundered from the
public treasury, in full accordance with the doctrine that corruption is
necessary to the support of govemments. This immense fraud resulted
fr'om slaveholding influence, and was the legitimate sequence of the doe-
trine which sustained slavery and had long controUed the Government.
The slave question was now rendered more compUcated, by a most extras
ordinary proceeding on the part of the Executive of Texas. As already
remarked, she claimed all that part of New Mexico which lies east
of the Rio Grande, including its capital Santa Fe, its custom-house and
its most populous towns and vUlages. Mr. Webster, and other poUticians
who were obsequious to the slave interest, admitted the claim to be just,
and the Governor of Texas sent a Commissioner, with orders to organize
counties in New Mexico, under -Texan laws, declaring that that State
owned the territory. The people of New Mexico were indignant. The
United States had guaranteed to them the enjoyment of aU their muni
cipal rights by treaty ; and the Texan Commissioner, finding himself in
danger, fled from the scene of his labors. The Goverrior of Texas now
called on the President to withdraw the Federal troops from the territory;
in order that he might send those of Texas, to enforce her laws in this
ancient intendency. He declared that, if the Federal troops were not
immediately withdrawn, he would send those of Texas to dislodge them.
This insolent threat was put forth only four years after the annexation
of Texas ; and its real character can only be appreciated by bearing in
mind that the war which followed annexation cost the United States
some three hundred miUions of dollars, and they had furnished an army
to protect the Texans from the miserable hordes of Indians that hong
upon her frontier, at an expense of three millions per annum.
Mr. FUlmore was President. He selected Mr. Webster for his Secre
tary of State, after that gentleman had made his 1th March speech,
declaring all the country east of the Rio Grande to belong to Texas,
and his willingness to pay Texas from the treasury of the United States
for such part of New Mexico as lay east of that river.
The President and Cabinet appeared greatiy alarmed at the threats
put forth by Texas. Leading Whigs and leading Democrats professed
great fears that Texas would dissolve the Union. And instead of sending
a military force to suppress the threatened rebellion, a biU was intro
duced into the Senate, proposing to pay the State of Texas ten miUions
of dollars, for the territory to which she never had the shadow of a
claim. This Surrender of our national dignity, m consequence of the

FIEST VOTE ON ANNEXATION. 327
harmless threats of the Texan executive, presented a melancholy spec
tacle to the patriots of that day. The popular mind attributed it to the
moral cowardice of those who controlled the action of Congress and of
the Executive ; but men who mingled in the public councils of the nation,
those who had the best opportunities for judging, attributed the course
of leading statesmen to an emotion far less honorable than cowardice.
Previous to this time, Texas bonds had been regarded as of little value.
They were sold as low as seventeen cents upon the dollar. Bnt it was
seen that- the proposed payment would raise the price of those bonds at
least to seventy cents upon the dollar. This proposition aroused the
mercenary feeUngs of stock jobbers and gamblers, who gathered about
the Capitol, and members' of the Senate and of the House of Represen
tatives became purchasers of Texas bonds. Even members of the Cabinet
were charged with having purchased large amounts at smaU prices, to
be returned in case the bUl alluded to should faU of becoming a law.
Members of Congress offered some of thefr fellow-members a hundred
thousand doUars of Texas bonds, to be paid for at seventeen cents upon
the dollar, and if the bUl passed they were to be received back by the
vender at sixty-seven doUars on the hundred, so as to give the purchaser
fifty thousand dollars for his vote. Indeed, it was asserted that the
value of Congressional votes was witnessed by the transfer books of
certain banks. Ladies of members threw off disguise, and insisted that
those members who had refused to become interested should purchase
Texas bonds, so as to secure the passage of the bUl and make fortunes
for themselves and famiUes.
The bill passed the Senate on the 10th August and came to the
House. Here it met -with great difficulties, the anti-slavery members
assaiUng it with force, publicly charging its supporters with bribery.
The first vote taken upon it was to refer it to the Committee of the
whole House on the state of the Union, which was carried by 101 to
99. This would have been equivalent to a rejection of the bUl ; but a
motion to reconsider was made and carried. The contest became spirited :
members changed from one side to the other. As the day wore a-Way
members appeared to settle into a determined purpose, and on the vote
for engrossing the biU, 80 members recorded their names in the affir
mative and 126 voted in the negative. Nearly all the southern members
voted for the engrossment, and were sustained by northem members as
foUows : From
Maine. . . . Messrs. FuUer, Gerry and Littiefield  3
New Hampshire. " Peaslee and WUlson,  2
Massachusetts . " ElUott and Grinnel  2

328 BILL DEFEATED AND EECONSIDEEED.
Vermont . . . Mr. Hebard, .  1
New York . . Messrs. Andrews, Briggs, Brooks, Duer, Gould,
McKissock, Phoenix, Rose, UnderhUl,
Walden, and White,  11
New Jersey . " James G. King, Van Dyke, and Wildrich, 3
Pennsylvania . " Butler, Carey, Chandler, Dimmock, Levfri,
Job Mann, Moore, Ogle, Pitman, Rob
bins, Strong, and Thompson, .... 12
Ohio .... " Disney, Hoagland, Schenck, Taylor, -Thur
man, and Vinton  "... 6
Indiana ... " Albertson, Brown, Dunham, and Gorman, 4
Illinois ... " Harris, McClernand, and Young, ... '3
Michigan. . . Mr. Buell,  ; . 1
Iowa .... Mr. Leffler,  1
Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Wisconsfri furnished no vote for the
bill. The result was declared by the Speaker amid intense excitement.
Many appeared disappointed at the failure. Free-soUers declared that
they had supposed the work of corruption to have been more perfect. But
Mr. Boyd, of Kentucky, a leading Democrat, moved a reconsideration.
On the foUowing morning a motion was made to lay the proposition
to reconsider on the table : And members who were supposed reaUy to
desire the passage of the Mil, but were unwUUng to vote for it, were
now constrained to vote against the pending motion to lay the proposi
tion to reconsider on the table, or suffer the bill to be defeated at this
' stage of the proceeding.
Many members who had voted against the passage of the bUl, appa
rently anxious for its defeat, now changed positions .and voted agamst
its defeat, apparently anxious for its passage. Those who thus placed
their contradictory votes on record were Messrs. Duncan, Mann, and
Rockwell, of Massachusetts ; Dixon and Kuig, of Rhode Island ; Meach-
am and Peck, of Vermont ; Burroughs, Conger, John A. King, Nelson,
Ramsey, Sylvester, and Schermerhom, of New York ; Calvin, Friedly,
GUmore, and Ross, of Pennsylvania ; Carter, Evans, Potter, Sweetzer,
and Whittlesey, of Ohio ; Fitch and Halloway, of Indiana ; Richardson
and Wentworth, of Illinois.
Thus was the bUl now saved from defeat by a vote of 135 to 11,
although it had been refused engrossment on the previous day by a vote
of 126 to 80.
It was near the close of the day when the House again arrived at a
direct vote upon the engrossment of the biU, and the foUowing members

A SECOND DEFEAT AND EECONSIDEEATION. 329
who had voted against it on the previous day, now voted for it, to -wit :
Messrs. Mann and Rockwell, of Massachusetts; Dixon> and King, of
Rhode Island; Meacham and Peck, of Vermont; Burroughs, Conger,
John A. King, Ramsey, Sylvester, Schermefhorn, of New York; Cal
vin and Friedly, of Pennsylvania; Carter, Evans, Sweetzer, and Whit
tlesey, of Ohio ; HaUoway, of Indiana, and Wentworth, of IlUnois.
As the count proceeded, and members saw the engrossment of the
bUl was again defeated, the excitement became intense, and the Speaker
was for a time quite unable to be heard, but at length he again de
clared the question lost. Mr. Howard, of Texas, again moved a recon
sideration ; but the Speaker promptly replied that a second reconsidera
tion was not in order. From this decision an appeal was taken, and the
House adjourned.
On reassembUng the next moming, the countenances of members
would have presented a rich scene for the pencU. Some sat with knitted
brows and compressed lips, sternly sUent amid the moral pestUence
which appeared to surround them. Others were nervous, and evidently
Ul at ease with themselves ; others appeared desperate, and determined
to secure fortunes for themselves by transferring money from the pockets
of the people to their own ; whUe the one usual and universal excuse for
all corruptions was iterated and reiterated, and constantly repeated on
every hand, that the passage of the bUl was necessary " to save the
Union." The first question was npon sustaining the Speaker in declaring that
the second motion to reconsider was out of order. He was himself a
slaveholder, aud supposed to be anxious for the passage of the biU ;
bnt would not violate his duty and parUamentary law in order to effect
that object. It appeared impossible for any man to mistake the law
of legislation which the Speaker explained so clearly. Opponents of
the measure declared the proposition to reverse the Speaker's decision
most obviously corrupt. They asserted that neither pusUlanimity nor
cowardice could induce members to vote for it : But it was sustained.
The vote given by the free States was as follows :
From Maine, Messrs. Gerry, Otis, Sawtelle, and Stetson voted in the
affirmative ; Messrs. Fulk-r and Littlefield in the negative. From New
Hampshire, Mr. Tuck voted alone in the affirmative, and Messrs. Hib
bard, Peaslee, and Willson in the negative. From Massachusetts,
Messrs. Allen, Fowler, Mann, and RockweU sustained the Speaker ; while
Messrs. Duncan, Elliott, and Grinnell voted against his decision. From
Rhode Island, Messrs. King and Dixon voted in the negative ; while aU
the members from Coniiectic»t, Messrs. Booth, Butler, and Waldo, voted

330 A MOST EXTEAOEDINAET VOTE.
in the affirmative. From Vermont, Messrs. Henry and Peck sustained
the Speaker's decision ; while Messrs. Meacham and Hebard voted to
reverse it. From New York, Messrs. Alexander, Bennett, Clark, Con
ger, Gott, Preston King, Jackson, Matteson, Sacket, and Schoolcraft
maintained the Speaker's decision, and Messrs. Andrews, Briggs,
Brooks, Burrows, Gould, Rose, Reynolds, Putnam, Ramsey, Jackson,
John A. King, McKissock, Nelson, Phoenix, Schermerhom, Sylvester,
UnderhiU, Walden, and White voted to overrule the Speaker's decision.
From New Jersey, Mr. Newell -voted in the affirmative ; and Messrs.
James G. King, Van Dyke, and WUdrick gave their voices in the negar
tive. From Pennsylvania, Messrs. Dickey, Howe, Read, and Stevens
voted in the affirmative, and Messrs. Butler, Chandler, Calvin, Casey,
Dimmock, Friedly, Gilmore, Levin, Mann, McLanahan, Moore, Ogle,
Pitman, Robbins, Ross, Strong, and Thompson voted in the negative.
From Ohio, Messrs. Cable, CampbeU, Corwin, CroweU, Disney, Giddings,
Hunter, Morris, Root, Schenck, and Sweetzer voted in the affirmative, and
Messrs. Carter, Evans, Hoagland, Olds, Potter, Taylor, Thurman, Viit-
ton, and Whittlesey voted in the negative. From Indiana, Messrs.
Fitch, Halloway, and JuUan sustamed the Speaker's judgment; and
Messrs. Albertson, Brown, Dunham, Gorman, Harlan, and Robinson
gave thefr votes to overrule it. From lUinois, Mr. Baker voted in the
affirmative, and Messrs. Harris, McClernand, Richardson, Wentworth,
and Young voted in the negative. From Michigan, Messrs. Bing
ham, BueU, and Sprague voted to sn.stain the Speaker's judgment.
From Wisconsin, Messrs. Cole, Doty, and Durkee voted to support
the Speaker's decision ; whUe Mr. Leffler, from Iowa, voted to over
rule it.
Fifty-four votes from the free States were*given in favor of the deci
sion of the Speaker, while seventy-two members from the free States
voted to overrule it, in order that the bUl might become a law. There
were men from the slave States who would not . place their names on
record in behalf of this obvious attempt to overrule all parliament
ary law : Messrs. Ash and Venable, from North Carolina ; Averet,
Bayley, Edmundson, HoUiday, Mead, Parker, and Powell, of Virginia;
Burt, Colcock, Hohnes, McQueen, Orr, WaUace, and Woodward, of
South CaroUA,; Bay, HaU, and Phelps, of Missouri; Haralson and
Jackson, of Georgia; Bowdon, Harris, Hubbard, and Inge, of Ala
bama; Brown, Feath°rston, and McWillie, of Mississippi; Johnson, of
Arkansas; La Sere and Morse, of Louisiana, and Staunton, of Tennes
see, constituting thirty-two members from the slave States, making in
aU eighty-six votes in favor of sustaming fhe Speaker's decision, while

FUETHEE EAEBAEISM PEOPOSED. 331
seventy-two votes from the free States and fifty from the Slave States,
amounting in all to one hundred and twenty-two votes, were cast to re
verse the Speaker's decision, in order that the bUl might pass.
Perhaps it were impossible for the reader, or any person not present at
the time, to form a correct idea of the scene presented on that occasion.
Every one seemed confident that the appropriation of this ten millions
would be an unmitigated robbery of the treasury to gratify the insolent
d-emand of Texas ; whUe southern statesmen tauntingly asserted that
they could carry any measure that would place money in the pockets of
northem members. It was also manifest that while many northem
men who dared not vote for the bill, even nnder the plea of saving the
Union, were quite willing to extricate it from the grave to which the
vote of the House and the Speaker's decision had legally consigned it.
There was no further difficulty encountered in the progress of the bill.
It reached its thfrd reading and final passage by a vote of 108 to 91,
and many members who were said to have left home poor, were reported
to have returned to their famUies with handsome fortunes ; whUe the
only excuse which they attempted to -render for thefr votes was, that
they were given " io save the Union." Indeed there appeared to be no
crime so damning that its perpetration could not be justified by this
plea. The Union became the professed ultimate object for which
American statesmen labored ; To attain that object the Constitution
was disregarded ; and truth, justice, and human nature were trampled
upon. It has been previously remarked that the framers of the Constitution,
and the early American statesmen, supposed that all legislation in
regard to the capture of fugitive slaves had been specificaUy reserved to
the several States. But the slave power, in 1193, prevailed on Con
gress to pass a law on that subject. The Supreme Court subsequently
decided that the State Legislatures could not interfere in the matter,
and that Congress alone held constitutional power to pass laws in
regard to it. From the passage of the act of 1193 it had been used
as a means for arresting aud carrying into bondage free colored persons
from the northern States. But the law itself was odious from its
passage. The people of the free States cherished the love of Uberty ;
they detested slavery, and most of them refused to be involved in
the crime of arresting slaves. The arrest of a man charged with no
offence but the love of liberty, the placing irons npon his limbs and
carrying hun to interminable bondage, could not be regarded by an
enlightened Christian people otherwise than barbarous ; and in a moral
view, really as piratical as to do the same thing in Africa. The sym-

332 A NEW FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW EEPOETED.
pathy of aU gocd men must of necessity be with the oppressed. Yet
at the period of which we are writing, the slave power demanded a
more stringent fugitive law than that of 1193, which itself was so odious
that it could not be enforced in many of the States.
After the passage of the act paying the State of Texas ten million
of doUars, the pretended value of territory to which she had no title or
claun, southern statesmen insisted that northem members would concede
anything which the South might demand ; and in demanding the passage
of the fugitive act of 1850, they appeared desirous of testmg the degree
of serviUty to which northem members of Congress had been reduced.
This bUl was early reported by Mr. Mason, in the Senate, and the
celebrated speech of Mr. Webster had been deUvered upon it early as
the 1th March ; but it did npt come up for general debate in the Senate
untu near the close of August. Mr. Webster had left that body
and was acting as Secretary of State under Mr. Fillmore ; but the bUl
was supported by Messrs. Butler, of South Carolina ; Foote, of
Mississippi, and Mason, of Virginia. They took the bold ground that
slaves were property in every moral sense, and to the same extent that horses
are property ; and that the framers of the Constitution intended that
Congress should compel the people of the free States to capture and
return them to their masters whenever they escaped.
The passage of the bill was ably opposed by Messrs. Hale and Chase.
They drew a marked distinction between persons and property ; showed
the absurdity of the doctrine that Congress could have any legitimate
power whatever over the life and liberty of innocent men, or authority
to place those prerogatives at the disposal of other individuals. They
maintained the very obvious phUosophy that Congress possessed no con*
stitutional or moral power to authorize one man or a number of men
to murder or enslave innocent persons. That no act authorizing or
requiring the people of the free States to murder or enslave men or
women who were innocent of crime could confer moral or constitutional
aufthority to commit those crimes ; nor would it impose any moral or
constitutional obligation upon the fugitive to submit to be mm-dered or
enslaved. They contended that the second section of the fourth article
of the Constitution gave to Congress no powers of legislation upon this
subject ; but that such powers had been expressly prohibited to Con
gress by the tenth article of the amendments.
On the question of engrossing the bUI, aU the Senators 'from the slave
States voted in the affirmative, and Messrs. Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania,
and Jones, of Iowa, were the only Senators from free States who voted!
with the South ; wJjUe Messrs. Bradbury, of Maine ; Upham, of Ver-

THE VOTE. 333
mont ; Davis and Winthrop, of Massachusetts ; Greene, of Rhode
Island ; Baldwin and Smith, of Connecticut ; Dayton, of New Jersey ;
Cooper, of Pennsylvania ; Chase, of Ohio ; Dodge and Walker, of
Wisconsin, voted against the bUl ; and Messrs. Hamlin, of Maine ;
Hale and Norris, of New Hampshire ; Phelps, of Vermont ; Clark, of
Rhode Island ; Seward and Dickinson, of New York ; Miller, of New
Jersey ; Ewing, of Ohio ;* Bright and.Whitcomb, of Indiana ; Doug
las and Shields, of Illinois ; Cass and Felch, of Michigan, constituting
one half of the Senators from the free States, did not vote. This faUure
to vote on a bill so barbarous caUed down npon the sUent Senators
severe criticism. The fact that they so far stifled the voice of their
several States on a subject of such importance was regarded by both
parties as unstatesmanlike, and unworthy of American Senators.
The bill having passed the Senate, was taken up in the House of Re
presentatives, qp motion of Mr. Thompson, of Pennsylvailia, who,
having made a speech in favor of its passage, moved the previous
question. There was great indignation felt at the attempt to press such
a bUl through the House without debate, and a motion was made to lay
it on the table. It -was the expectation and confident beUef that every
member really opposed to the bill would vote to lay it on the table, as
that would hav6 been a final defeat of the measure. On this motion
the members voted as follows :
Maine. Yea — Messrs. Otis, Sawtell, and Stetson,  3
Nay — Messrs. FuUer, Gary, and Littlefield,  3
New Hampshire. Yea — Mr. Tuck, . . _  1
Nay — Messrs. Hebbard and Peaslee,  .2
Massachusetts. Yea — Messrs. Allen, Duncan, Fowler, and ^
Mason,  4
Nay— Mr. Elliott,  1
Vermont. Yea-^Messrs. Henry, Hebard, and Meacham, ... 8
Rhode Island. Yea — Messrs. Di!S;on and King,  2
Connecticut. Yea — Messrs. Booth, Butler, and Waldo, ... 3
New York. Yea — Messrs. Bennett, Burrows, Clark, Gott, Gould,
Jackson, John A. King, Preston King, Matteson,
McKissock, Nelson, Ramsey, Sacket, Schermerhom,
Schoolcraft, Sylvester, and UnderhiU,  11
Nay — Messrs. Briggs, Brooks, and Walden, .... 3
* President Taylor died In Jhly, and the Vice-President FUlmore succeeded him In office, and
cali.-d to bis assistance Senator Webster ; and Mr. Winthrop was appointed to fill that Senator's
place. Mr Corwin, of Ohio, was appointed Secretary of the Treasury ; and Mr. Ewing was
appointed to fill his place In the Senate.

334 ANALYSIS OF THE VOTE.
New Jersey. Yea — Messrs. Hay and King,  2
Pennsylvania. Yea — Messrs. Calvin, Casey, Chandler, Friedly,
Hampton, Howe, More, Reed, Stevens, Mann, and
• McLanahan,  11
Nay— Messrs. Butler, Dimmock, Robbins, Ross, and
Thompson,  5
Ohio. Yea — Cable, CampbeU, Corwin, CroweU, Evans, Gid
dings, Hunter, Morris, Root, Thurman, Vinton, Whit
tlesey, and Wood,  13
Nay — Carter, Disney, Hoagland, MUler, and Taylor, . 5
Indiana. Yea — Messrs. HaUoway, Harlan, JuUan, Robinson, . 4
Nay — Messrs. Albertson, Dunham, Fitch, Gorman, Mc
Donald, and McGarghy,  6
Illinois. Yea.— Mr. Wentworth,  1
Nay — Messrs. Bissel, Harris, McClernand, Richardson,
, and Young,  5
Michioan. Yea — Messrs. Bingham and Sprague,  2
Wisconsin. Yea — Messrs, Cole, Doty, and Durkee  3
Iowa. Yea — Mr. Leffler, ........'..... 1
There were sixty-eight votes from the free States in favor of laying
the bill on the table, and thirty against it ; aU members from the slave
States voted against the motion, which was lost. ^ The bUl was then
put upon its passage, and Messrs. Carter and Disney, of Ohio ; Briggs,
of New York ; and Fitch, of Indiana, changed positions, and voted
against the bill, which they had just voted to preserve ft'om defeat.
While^Messrs. Andrews, Palmer, Phoenix, Spaulding, Reynolds, Rose,
White, Risley, Bokee, Conger, and Duer, of New York ; Baker and
Richardson, of IlUnois ; Cleveland, of Connecticut ; Gilmore, Levin^
Ness, Ogle, Pitman, Strong, and WiUmot, of Pennsylvania ; Ashman
and GrinneU, of Massachusetts ; Newel and Vandyke, of New Jersey ;
Schenck and Sweetzer, of Ohio, faded to vote ; but such was the feeling
among the people, that these efforts to avoid responsibihty by refusing to
vote, brought upon silent members more disfavor than they would have
incurred by voting for the biU, which was passed, 105 votes to 13.
The biU declared it the duty of all good citizens to be active and
vigUant in their efforts to arrest aud retum fugitive slaves ; and affixed
severe penalty on every attempt to aid or assist the fleeing bond
man to escape the fangs of the human bloodhounds who were pursuing
him. The cruelties which this bill authorized and required of northem citi
zens were so revolting to the public conscience, so dfrectly at war with

335
Christian civUiaation, that it was denounced in all parts of the free States
as disgraceful to the nation and the age in which it was enacted. Mr.
FiUmore, the President, with'Mr. Webstei; and Mr. Corwin among the
members of his Cabinet, approved the biU and it became a law, so far as
human enactments violative of the natural rights of mankind can be
called laws. Yet the action of the President, aided by the influence of
a majority of Congress as well as of his Cabinet, and by that of his
friends throughout the free States, could not stop the progress of that de
testation in which the people of the free States regarded this undisguised
attempt to make them the catchpoles of southern slaveholders.
Mr. Webster now began to comprehend the sad mistake he had made
in his speech on the 1th March, and yet hoping to save himself and
friends from the odium which seemed to await the advocates of this biU,
he wrote R-ofessor Stuart of the Theological Seminary of Andover, re
questing that venerable divine to address the Christian public on the
subject. The able professor now turned his attention to the plan of
guiding the reUgious sentiment of the country to a favorable considera
tion of this odious law. He pubUshed an essay entitled " Conscience
and the Constitution," urging the capture and return of fugitive slaves
as a religious duty. Other divines united their influence with that of
Professor Stuart, and a strong effort was put forth to prostitute the
religion of the free States to the commission of the revolting crime of
capturing and reeuslaving professed Christians who were fleeing from
bondage. Nor should we forget that the argument in favor of the pas
sage of the lafr as weU as in favor of its execution consisted in the asser
tion that it was " necessary to save the Union."
But a free aud enUghtened people could not be misled on a measure
so barbarous. They pronounced those divines who advocated the cap
ture of slaves " hypocrites unworthy of Christian FeUowship," and many
statesmen and members of Congress descended to, premature political
graves in consequence of their advocacy of this measure,* and no effort
on the part of the advocates of slavery seemed capable of staying the
feeling of indignation which appeared to prevaU throughout the free
States'. But each surrender of northern rights and northern honor most ob
viously confirmed southern men in the conviction that the northem

• Reverend Orvllle Dewey, a clergyman of the Unitarian Chm-ch, disMnguIshed for ability and
learning, in a public lecture was said to have declared that he would seize his " own mother and
return her to slavery in order to save the Union." The teamed divine modified his assertion, de
claring that he used the word " broth&r" instead of " mother," but this modification appeared in
no degree satisfactory to the pubUc mind.

336 A BENATOEIAL AFFEAT.
people were destitute of that moral courage, that- unbAiding integrity,
which would enable them to maintain a _government separate from the
slave States. Southern men began to utter the maxim that " cotton
is king," and many of them beUeved the commercial importance of
that article rose so far superior to all other considerations, that no
abuse, no degradation of the North, would stunulate thefr statesmen to
a resistance of southern dictation : and this idea was frequently put
forth after the passage of the fugitive slave act, and few northern mem
bers repudiated the dishonorable nnputation.
It was late in September before the bUl to admit California came up
for action. It had been delayed near seven months in order to pass the
biU to pay Texas ten mUUons dollars and this fugitive slave act. As
early as the 12th March the President had transmitted to the two
Houses of Congress copies of the Constitution of California %nd the cre
dentials of her Senators and Representatives ; but in the Senate the vote
on admitting that State had been postponed until the 13tli August,
when all the Senators from the free States, with Messrs. BeU, of Tennes
see ; Benton, of Missouri ; Wales and Spruance, of Delaware, and Un
derwood, of Kentucky, voted for the biU, and aU the Senators from the
slave States except those named voted against it.
The debate had been able, at times it was animated, aud aroused much
feeling on the part of those who participated in it. Indeed slaveholding
members could not disguise thefr chagrin and mortification at seeing a
free State formed from the territory acqufred at their instance for the
avowed purpose of estabUshing slave States. Mr. Benton had long en
tertained the conviction that Mr. Calhoun and other leading statesmen
of the South intended to dissolve the Union and erect a southern slave-
holding confederacy. For this conviction he became obnoxious to those
who were plotting the destruction of the Union in order to eternize the
institution of slavery.
Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, appeared desfrous of a personal altercation
with the venerable Senator ; but up to that period members of the Senate
had seldom forgotten the dignity due to thefr stations. Mr. Foote appear
ed incapable of restraining his feelings, and his language became so offensive
that the gallant old colonel appeared unable to withstand it longer. He was
a man of powerful frame, though sixty years of age, whUe Mr. Foote was
younger and very properly numbered among the " Ught-weights." Ben
ton's courage had been tested on the field, and although Foote had also
met his foe in the duella, hi^ firmness under danger was not so univer
sally acknowledged. When Mr. Foote's language appeared no longer
endurable, Mr. Benton rose and stepping into the outer aisle proceeded

BOUTHEEN PEOTESTS AGAINST CALIFOENIA. 337
with rapid strides directly towards Mr. Foote, with the intention as he
stated of passing out of the chamber at the front door. Mr. Foote
seeing the stalwart form of his opponent approaching under evident ex
citement,' concluded that " discretion was the better part of valor," and
starting from his seat retreated towards the presiding officer, at the same
time drawing a pistol, apparently intending to shoot his supposed assailant.
This "presentation of arms", exerted an electric effect upon the spirit of
Col. Benton, who now in a loud voice cried, " stand back, let him shoot,"
as he violently separated his clothing and exposed his bosom to the ex
pected shot of Mr. Foote. Instantly every Senator was upon his feet,
some caUing to order and others rushing between the parties. Several
Senators seized Col. Benton and conducted him back to his seat, when
he became unmanageable, and breaking from those around him, again
rushed towards Foote, using language too emphatic for record. Other
Senators rashed between them, disarmed Foote and conducted Mr Ben
ton again to his seat, and restored order ; and the Senate proceeded with
the business before it.
Mr. Benton was a Democrat, had long been a leading member of that
party, and was more perfectly informed as to the intentions of southern
men in regard to secession than any other m^n not engaged in the plot.
.ind while Mr. Webster in his speech on the 1th March had expressed
confidence in the " NashvUle Convention," Mr. Benton was impatient
at hearing any man doubt that the object of leading southem men and
of that convention was the disruption of the Union ; and the scene just
related may be regarded as the first senatorial demonstration of violence
between the lovers of the Union and Secessionists.*
The feeling of southern statesmen and people in regard to the exclu
sion of slavery from California was Ulustrated by pubUc meetings, held in
Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi,- at which resolutions, declaring the
admission of California as a free State would be a stupendous fraud upon
¦the people of the slave States, and threatening a separation from the
free States unless slavery were admitted to aU our territory south of 36
deg. 30 min. north latitude.
But these demonstrations could not intunidate northern members.
The vote in the House of Representatives upon the admission of CaU
fornia as a free State showed 151 members in favor of that measure, and
only 51 against it, nearly aU of whom were slaveholders.
This incident will long constitute an important era, in our political
history. We have already stated, that near the close of the . thfrtieth
• At the time of writing these sketches, a.d. 1868, Mr. Foote is an active member of the Confede
rate Congress; but Colonel Benton was an unwavering friend of the Union ^ntil his death, in 1858.
22 ¦

338 CULMraATION OF SLAVEET.
Congress, when the House of Representatives defeated the adoption of
the Senate's amendment to the civU and diplomatic bUl, which was in
tended to establish slavery in California, that institution passed its cul
minating point ; and from that date its permanent decay and final disso
lution commenced.
From the decline of slavery that of the whig and democratic organi
zations could not be separated. Both of these parties had sought to
propitiate the slave power. Each numbered many slaveholders as
members ; and the northern -wing of each appeared perfectly conscious
that withoiit the support of at least a portion of the slaveholding in
terest it must faU. The lovers of Uberty, under the name of " Free^
SoUers," were united, compact and determined in resisting every encroach
ment of the slave power. Every struggle tended to bring before the
people the moral power of those who based their action upon truth and
justice, whUe they constantly developed the crimes of slavery to the
public view.
It may prove useful for future statesmen and poUticians to understand
that leading Whigs and leading Democrats, instead of attemptmg to
reform their parties or to conform thefr own action to the laws of truth
and immutable jnstice, continued thefr efforts to destroy the reputa^on
and influence of those who stood forth most boldly as the supporters of
freedom and the equaV rights of mankind : And the -writer wUl be ex
cused for referring to himself so far as to say that he became the subject
apparently of much hatred and odium among the politicians of both
parties. They appeared 1;o regard every effort of his against slavery as
aimed at those parties, and during this first session of the thirty-first
Xjongress, as the writer and his friends had apparently defeated the ex
tension of slavery into California, and exposed the corruptions of the
bUl paying the debts of Texas, the feeUng against hun appeared to
know no bounds. He was charged with purloining papers from the
General Post-office : And the charge was published simultaneously in
the leading whig papers of Cleveland, PhUadelphia, New York and
Boston. Its appearance in those papers gave the author the first notice
that suspicion bf crime had ever rested on him. He at once demanded
an investigation ; biit such was the feeling of the House, then under
democratic rule, thdt the members would not grant a committee to
examine the case. But One of the Assistant Postmaster Generals, being
a Whig, sent to the House a reiteration of the charge, to which the
author promptly responded, declaring tho Assistant Postmaster General
guUty of falsehood and a -violation of official duty : and pledged him
self to show those facts if the House woidd grant a committee. This

DECLINE OF .^VEET. ^9
could not weU be refused. A slaveholding. Speaker selected men in no
respect friendly to the author, either personally or poUtically. They
met, and the first witness examined was the Assistant Postmaster Gene
ral who had reiterated the charges : But after a cross-examination he
asked the committee to place on thefr journal the fact that he then with
drew all imputation against the author. To this the. accused responded,
saying that the charge had been made and could not be recalled : He
therefore desired to disprove every circuinstance aUeged. To this propo
sition the committee consented, sent to Ohio and Boston for witnesses,
^nd having taken the testimony, reported the charges to have been made
without any foundation in truth ; and the slander which was intended lo
destroy the reputation of an individual recoUed -vrith great effect upon
the party whose interest it was intended to subserve.
Finding that the popular feeUng was aroused against the slave tra^e,
which was carried on with much activity in the City of Washington, the
Senate passed a-biU entitled "A biU to abolish the slave trade in the
District of Columbia." But although this was its title, it merely pro
hibited the bringing of slaves from the surrounding country to that city
for market. It also .authorized the Common CouncU of Washington to
abate as a public nuisance any slave-pen or hou^e kept as a maijket -for
slaves ; but left the slaves of the city liable to purchase and sale as they
had been previously to the passage of the act. The Hou^e at onpe
passed the biU as it came from the Senate,
The paissage of this bUl was a stUl further yielding to the demands pf
the people of the free States, and was viewed by the friends of liberty
as an important indication of further success.
With the passage of this biU ; with the admission of (CaUfornia as a
member of our common sisterhood of States, as weU as by the -passage
of the Fugitive Slave act and the grant of ten mUUon dollars to Texas,
the first session of the thfrty-first Congress may weU be regarded as
holding a prominent place on the page of our poUtical history. As the
slave power passed its culminating point 9,nd began itsi^escent to obli
vion, its corruption was developed more vividly to the pubUc -view :
And as its -power began to decUne, it was able to caU to its aid the
mercenary propensity of northern men, and thereby perpetrate crimes
which slaveholding mfluence could npt alone have effected.

34:0 OEIMES PEEPETEATED DNDEE THE FUGITIVE ACT.

CHAPTER XXII.
THE WORKINGS OP THE FUGITIVE SLAVE ACT. f
jgg. , The vacation of Congress afforded the President and members
of that body an opportunity to witness the operations of the
fugitive slave act. The first victim under that barbarous enactment
proved to be a free man of PhUadelphia, sent by the commissioners, at
pubUc expense, as a slave to Maryland. In this respect it may be said
to have met the designs and expectations of its friends. But when he
reached the plantation from which it was aUeged he had escaped, no one
recognized him, even the supposed master declared he had never seen
him, and he was permitted to return to his home and to freedom at his
own expense.
A husband and wife escaped from Georgia, and after much toU and
constant danger reached Boston. The master pursued them and at
tempted to arrest them ; but the husband manfully defended himself and
wife ; drove off the master, who could find no one to sympathize with or
to aid him ; and he returned to his own State, published a narrative of
his adventure and complained of the inefficiency of the fugitive slave
act. In the autumn of that year ten slaves escaped from Maryland, and
whUe in the mountains of Somerset County, Pennsylvania, were dis
covered and fired upon by those pursuing them. Three were kUled,
the others captured and taken back to servitude ; but no attempt was
made to arrest or punish the murderers.*
These crimes, perpetrated under color of the fugitive act, led to
the beUef that Congress had extended those barbarous laws of the slave
States, which authorize the master or his agent to shoot escaping slaves,
into the free States, and greatly contributed to increase the odium which
afready rested upon it.
In Chester County, Pennsylvania, a deputy marshal, with legal pro
cess, broke into the dwelUng of a citizen in order to aS-rest a slave who
was sleeping in the chamber. But the o-wner of the dweUmg and his
wife assailed the marshal with weapons and occupied his attention whUe
the slave escaped through a window.
* This statement Is made upon the authority of newspapers published ia that part of Pennsjl-
*»nla, and was afterwards confirmed by members of Congress fi-om that State.

THB PEESIDENT C0N6EATULATES THE COUNTET. 341
While these circumstances convinced the friends' of Uberty that th-e
fugitive slave act was arousing the public mind to the horrors of that
institution, and was therefore exerting an influence which must eventually
eradicate slavery from the American soU, President FiUmore appeared
to view them quite differently.
On the reassembUng of Congress, in his annual message he referred to
the fugitive act and the corrupt assumption of Texas debts approvingly ;
spoke of them as concession and compromises necessary to allay the asper
ities and animosities which he aUeged were rapidly alienating one section
of the country from another. In his comments he made no distinction
between right and wrong, between freedom and slavery, or between virtue
and crime. But in this he followed the example of those who were more
experienced in public life. Moral principle was at that period entfrely
excluded from political action : and the phUosophy which then pre
vailed in our Federal Govemment taught that crime and corruption
were necessary to maintain every form of govemment. But the ad
vocates of justice appeared more conscious of their moral power
than at any former period. Califomia had been admitted to the
Union as a free State, and now stood an enduring monument of their
fedelity and political prowess. The fugitive slave act had proven
more barbarous than they had expected, and now threatened to over
whelm with disgrace those who had lent thefr influence for its enactment.
It should be borne in mind, that while the President in obedience to
the demands of the slave power was doing all he could, assisted by his
Cabinet and by large majorities in both Houses of Congress, to induce
the people of the free States to capture and send back to servitude the
fleeing bondmen of the South, the people of that region continued to
seize and enslave the colored citizens of the free States who happened
to travel in the South without protection. And whenever a northem
ship entered a southern port with colored saUors on board, they were
seized and imprisoned untU the vessel sailed, when the captain or any
friend might appear and pay charges and the imprisoned . saUor would
be permitted to go on board his vessel and depart ; but if neither the
captain nor any friend of the saUor paid such charges, he was sold into
slavery. The pecjple of Massachusetts, generally active in good works, were
anxious to- prevent the enslavement of free blacks, and sent one of her
most respected attorneys to Charleston, South CaroUna, to institute
judicial proceedings in order to test the constitutionality of those southem
laws ; but he was driven from the city and from the State by mob
violence with the approval of its authorities.

^i2 FUNDAMENTAL DOCTEINES ASSEETED.
'this outrage upon the dignity and constitutional rights of Massachu
setts had the effect to stir up a more intense detestation of the fugitive
slave act, to which Mr. Webster and the President, and the supporters
ot slavery, had attached their political fortunes.
These cfrcumstances developed more and more distinctly the great
permeating issue between the " submissionists " and the phUosophic
reformer's, who maintained that, to enjoy the light of the sun, to breathe
the air of heaven, to drink the waters of earth, to obtain food, procure
raiment and habitation, were natural rights pertaining to every huvian
soul while innocent, conferred by ihe Creator, and ever to be held sacred
FROM invasion, "^Y INDIVIDUALS AND BY GOVERNMENTS. That thcse rights
-were held at the wiU of God, which constitiited a " higher laW " than
huinan enactments or human constitutions ; that the violation of this
law of heaven constituted cri-ine, whether it were done by individuals or
by men holding office, of actiiig as legislators, professing to authorize its
commission. The submissionists denied these ftmdamental doctrines, sneered at those
-who held them, and expressed their contenipt for inen who defined the
legitimate boundaries Of human governments, as "higher law -menf but
were careful never to argue the questipn nor to reason upon it.
Southern memlbefs, however, taunted the Adniinistration and its friends,
asserting that the " higher law " men controlled the sentiment of Massa
chusetts to siich an extent that the fugitive slave act could noi be enforced
in Boston. The idea that an act of Congress, however despotic and bar
barous, could not be enforced among the law abiding people of that city,
so distinguished for its obedience to law, appeared to a,rouse the pride of
every friend of the Administration. An approved catchpoll was sent
tb Boston for the purpose of enforcing this flagitious enactment, in the
preseiice of that Christian people.
A fugitive! named Shadrach was discovered, and the regular warrant
for his arrest procured, and placed in the hands Of the officer. In open
day, in the presence Of the people in the city of Boston, a Christian was
captured, pinioned, and led away, as was then supposed to interminable
sla-very. The people looked on and sighed and Wept at seeing a feUow-
being, whose soul like thefr own was clustering with immortal hopes,
thus led to the sacrifice.
« The Legislature of Massachusetts by statute had forbidden the iin-
prisonment bf fugiti-ve slaves in their jails, and the marshal conducted .,
his victim to the United States court-house, the only sanctuary for silch
crimes. The coirimisSiOnef being iinable to attend the proper examina
tion that day, the fugitive was placed in custody of three of fom'

AN IMPOETANT SLAVE CASE. 343
assistant catchpoUs, who were dfrected to hold him in custody until the
next day.
That was a night of sadness and sorrow to the phUanthropists and
patriots of Boston. Their fathers had led m the great Revolution of
1116, and many had died to estabUsh the doctrine that aU men hold
from the " Creator an inaUenable right to Ufe and liberty." Yet
after the lapse of seventy-five years, they were compelled to witness
a scene of barbarism, which no patriot of the Revolution ever con
templated. But a few colored men of that city, actuated by that law of our
nature which never fails to' call forth sympathy for the oppressed,
gathered around that court-house, entered its chamber, bade the minions
of slavery to stand aside, released Shadrach, and placed him in a
carriage, which rapidly hurried him toward a land of Uberty.
The news of this escape reached Washington by telegraph. The
friends of freedom were delighted. They viewed the whole thing as
a ludicrous exhibition of the folly of attempting to enforce crime by
Congressional enactment. But the effect on the President and Cabinet,
and- the advocates of submission to southern dictation, was quite dif
ferent. They exhibited a degree of vexation, of constemation and moral
cowardice, which excited laughter among their opponents. The Presi
dent caUed his Cabinet together for consultation, and the Executive) «f
thirty million people, with his constitutional advisers, sat itf grave delibe
ration upon the best means of averting the e-vils arising from the escape
of a friendless negro.
But Mr. Webster had staked his hopes for the Presidency upon the
favor of the slave power. He was now the ruling memb* of the Ad
ministration, and had no other course left than to carry out his plan,
by enforcing the enactment which he had advocated. The President
and the other members of his Cabinet had considered the act and
approved it, when it first passed Congress ; the President had again
indorsed it in his annual message, and they now regarded the success
of the Administration dependent upon the popularity of this enactment,
which was rapidly becoming detested by the people.
The result of this deUberation was a proclamation by the President,
calling on the good people of the United, States to be active and vigi
lant in enforcing the laws, and a general order from the Secretary of
War, addressed to the officers, non-commissioned officers and soldiers of
the United States, to be present at thefr posts pf duty, and ready to aid
the civU authorities in enforcing the law: And the Secretary of the Navy
issued a simUar order, addressed to that arm of our national defence.

344 THE NATIONAL- BUELESQUE CONTINUED.
The proclamation and general orders were published m the papers of
the following day.
Nor did this national farce end here. The further proceedings in
relation to the escape of this friendless negro exhibits the feeUng and
poUcy of the Admmistration more clearly than any other facts which can
be placed upon the page of history.
The President and Mr. Webster, and Mr. Corwin, of the Cabinet, had
been Whigs during thefr whole lives. The President had been elected
as a Whig, and Messrs. Webster and Corwin held seats in the
Senate as Whigs, when aspirants to cabinet offices. They were sup
posed to represent the whig party, which was by them fuUy committed
to the support of the fugitive act, and they felt it was very desfrable
that the Whigs, as a body, should sustain it.
Mr. Clay, now far advanced in Ufe, was stiU a member of the Senate,
and moved a resolution calUng on the President for information whether
resistance to the laws was manifested in any part of the United States.
2d. The means adopted to suppress such resistance. 3d. Whether
there be or be not defects in the existing laws for the capture and return
of fugitive slaves ?
Mr. Clay treated the subject as a matter of grave importance, and
Messrs. Davis and Foote, of Mississippi, sustained the views of Mr. Clay.
?Mr. Hale reminded Senators that there was but a single step from the
sublime to the ridiculous, and declared his conviction that the Senate
was about to take that step. But the resolutions were adopted by an
almost unanimous vote.
On the 21st February, the President repUed to the resolutions in a
message of Some length, declaring that nothing could have been more
unexpected to him than the escape of the negro : nor had he supposed
the people of Boston would set the laws of the United States at defi
ance. He characterized the escape of Shadrach as "flagitious," and
assured the Senate that in his opinion, had the people anticipated such
resistance of the laws, thousands would have put forth thefr best
endeavors to prevent it. In the whole message there was no indica-
tion that the President doubted the moral duty of Shadrach to sur
render his manhood, return to bondage, and doom his offspring to chains
and sighs, and tears and bitter suffering : He spoke of the escape of
Shadrach as "deplorable;" regretted that Massachusetts had prohibited
the use of her jaUs for the imprisonment of fugitive slaves,, declaring the
negroes who assisted Shadrach to escape were guUty of " insurrection;"
and transmitted copies of his proclamation and general orders, with his
message, to the Senate.

ME. . CHASE MEETS THE QUESTION. 345
To carry out this solemn burlesque, Mr.*Clay moved the reference of
the message and documetits to the Committee on the Judiciary, with in
structions to report with all convenient fiispatch, such further legislation as
they might deem necessary for the faithful execution of the fugitive
law.* Mr. Hale declared his entire satisfaction with the whole procedure.
Said the President was evidently rendering his administration ridicubns:
That nothing could have contributed to that purpose more than his pro
clamation : That the President's attempt to vindicate the fugitive act
must, in the nature of things, prove abortive.
These remarks called out Mr. Clay, who, with some feeUng, declared
that the aboUtionists throughout the country were stimulating the ne
groes to defend ihemsdves when pursued by their masters. f He declared
they were stimulated to slay, murder, and kill their pursuers, who were
endeavoring to persuade them back to thefr duty and to th% service
of their masters : He declared they were urged to this by speeches in
the Senate and in the Hoiise of Representatives : He asserted that
the proclamation aimed to put down all Who sought to put down the
law. It was a matter of astonishment to the reformers of that day, that
Mr. Clay and other statesmen ignored those famUiar principles which
pubUcists and phUosephers had constantly asserted for the last century,
that " enactments against the natural rights of man to life and liberty
are void, do not possess the elements of law, and in no proper use of lan
guage can be called laws ;" Yet that distinguished statesman spoke of
the fugitive act as law, although its entire object was to deprive the flee
ing bondsmen of liberty, and therefore not only void, but barbarous, des
potic, and criminal.
Mr. Masou, of Virginia, though a most unmitigated advocate of
slavery, took a more rational view of the subject, declaring it were in
vain to attempt the execution of the fugitive act where the people were
as much'opposed to it as they were in Boston.
Mr. Chase, of Ohio, referred to the construction of the Constitution,
given by those who framed it, denying all power in Congress to legislate
upon the subject of fugitive slaves, and insisting that that power was ex
pressly reserved to the several States : That in accordance with that
construction several of the States passed laws to carry out the compact.
* The committee, finding the subject had become a matter of ridicule among the people, suffered
the message to rest In silence, and made no report on the subject.
t Mr. Clay evidently did not believe that the first dictate of nature's law and of nature's God,
" self defence,'-'- belonged to the negro. He probably alluded to a case in Ohio, where the fugitive
slew his master and then made his escape.

846 THE EXISTENCE OF A HIGHEE LAW DENIED.
*
That the present difficulties were the legitunate sequence of the despotic
law. Messrs. Butler and Rhett, of South CaroUna, admitted the constrac
tion contended for by Mr. Chase to have been the -views of those who
framed the Constitution.
Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, denied that there was any law higher than
the Constitution ; said there never would he four members of the Senate
who would assert the existence of a " higher law :" But did not explain
the law or the motive power by which the planets performed their revo
lutions around the sun ; nor the law of gravitation, of electricity, of ve
getation, or the laws of Ufe, of the cfrculation of the blood, or that by
which aU men in all ages are inspfred with a love of life and of "Uberty :
nor did he pretend that human life and human affections existed by -vfr
tue of the Federal Canstitution or Federal laws.
Mr. Cass, of Michigan, read from a newspaper a resolution adopted
at a meeting in Weymouth, Massachusetts, declaring it a duty which
slaves owe to themselves, to posterity, and to God, to escape whenever
an opportunity should be presented ; and the aged Senator declared that
a more atrocious sentiment never disgraced any public meeting.
The absence of all regard for moral principle, of that manly indepen
dence which usuaUy characterizes the statesman ; of that self-respect
which constrains the acknowledgment of the right of others to speak
and think according to their own judgment, distinguished the debate to
which we have called attention.
The hostility manifested towards those who maintained the right
of all men to life and Uberty, was general among both poUtical par
ties. It constituted one of the principal modes of conciUating southem
• favor. WhUe Congress was in session, a woman, the mother of six chUdren,
all of whom were born in Pennsylvania, where she was lawfully married
and had lived twenty-two years, together with her husband, were seized,
brought before Commissioner Ingraham, of PhUadelphia, and feturaed
to bondage in Maryland.
Four colored persons, who had been liberated by their former master
in Western Virginia, were residing in Portsmouth, Ohio, when they were
kidnapped, carried across the river, sold South, and probably died in
' bondage. From official reports it was estimated that thirty thousand fugitive
slaves, resident in the free States, were now frightened from their homes
and from -the comforts of life, and subjected to hardships, privation, and
suffering. Some fled to Canada, others left thefr all and went to distant

FUGITIVE ACT DENOUNCED. 347
parts of the free States, unvrilUng to forsake the government which per
secuted them.
But the barbarism of slavery knows no bounds. Claims were sent
from slave States by men who never owned a slave, describing some
colored person who resided at a particular point. The slave-catcher
would take with him men who, for the purpose of sharing in the spoils,
would swear to the identity of the victim, and servile commissioners were
ready to consign the prisoner to bondage on such proofs, receiving
ten dollars fee under the law if the prisoner were remanded as a slave,
while if they found the prisoner to be a free man, and discharged him,
they would obtain but half that amount.
From all parts of the,- free States memorials were sent to Congress,
characterizing the enactment as " revolting to the moral sense of the dvil-
ized world'," as " barbarous," " a disgrace to ihe age," &c., and calling
for its repeal. It had been enacted under the plea that " it was neces
sary to save the Union," but it excited a feeling of hostility to the slave
power in exact degree as it involved the people of the free States in the
crimes and barbarities of slavery.
The incidents v/hich we are relating cannot fail to impress the reader
with a consciousness of that infatuation which appeared to seize upon
the Strongest minds from long and constant habits of thought. Mr.
Clay had been one of the commissioners who subscribed the treaty of
Ghent, pledging the British and American Governments to the entire
aboUtion of the " traffic in slaves!' He had during his whole life sus
tained the Institution in our own country, and by his efforts Missouri
had been admitted as a slave State thirty years previously : Yet during
the present session he denounced every man who agitated the question
of slavery : Bnt now, as the thirty-first Congress was drawing to a
close, he presented to the Senate resolutions directing the Committee on
Commerce " to inqufre as to the propriety of further legislation to pre
vent the prostitution of the American flag to the protection of the Afri
can slave trade." Thus, while denouncing those who exposed the
coastwise slave trade, the inter-State slave trade, the selling and buying
and transferring slaves from one plantation to. another, this distinguished
statesman was himself anxious to put down the same practices upon the
African coast. He was apparently unconscious that the foreign slave
trade, the coastwise slave trade, the inter-State slave trade, the buying
and seUing slaves from one plantation to another, the holding, punish
ing, torturing and murdering of slaves constituted an inseparable net
work of crime and guUt which could not be morally severed. The
subject occupied the attention of the Senate at times during the

348 A POLITICAL CONSPIEACY.
remainder of the session, without any definite action upon the resolu
tions, .^
Nor did the slaveholders of that day appear to regard their own action
in behalf of slavery as liable to criticism. Thus, whUe every southern
member was in the daily practice of denouncing their northern friends
for agitating questions touching slavery, Mr. Atchison, from Missouri,
presented the petition of Margaret Drew, of that State, praying com
pensation for a slave lost whUe in the service of a quartermaster of the
United States, at Leavenworth, in the territory west of Missouri. He
declared himself opposed to any reference of the petition, saying but
one question could arise, and that was, whether the quartermaster had
used due diligence to prevent the slave from escaping. The Senator ap
peared to have no conception of the uniform practice of the Government
in discarding all consequences arising from the unauthorized acts of its
agents ; nor did he appear conscious that by going into territory where
no law of slavery existed, the slave became, ipso facto, free ; nor to have
discovered that tfain of decisions by Congress, in which that body had
ever denied that slaves were property. The Senate, however, more
thoughtful than the mover, referred the petition to the Committee on
Claims, where it yet rests in silence.
, As the thirty-first Congress was about to close, and members, on look
ing back, found that every effort to suppress the conscientious con-victions
of the people on the subject of slavery and the slave trade m the District
of Columbia, in our Territories, and upon the high seas, and of the fugi
tive act, and the act giving Texas ten miUion dollars, had proven not
only abortive, but had greatly intensified the feeUng which previously
existed, they determined to make one more effort to silence the popular
voice, which appeared to be Uterally the voice of God finding utterance
through the organs of humanity. Entertaining no doubt as to thefr
power to control the moral and political sentiment of the country,
they entered into a solemn compact with each other to support no man
for public office who did not regard the measures adopted by Congress,
at its previous session as a final settlement of the slave question : or who
should agitate the repeal of any of the measures aUuded to.*
1 * This compact was In the following words : " The undei-slgned, members of the thirty-first Con
gress of the United States, believing that a renewal of sectional controversy upon the subject of
slavery would be both dangerous to the Union and destructive of its objects, and seeing no mode
by which such controversy can be avoided, except by a strict adherence to the settlement effected
by the compromise acts passed at the las't session of Congress — Do nECLARE their intention to main
tain said settlement inviolate, and to resist all attempts to repeal or alter the acts aforesaid, unless
by the general consent of the friends of those mea.sure8, and to remedy such evils, If any, as
time and experience may develop.
"And for the purpose of making this resolution effective, they further declare, that they will not

HOSTILITY TO SLAVEEX INTENSIFIED, 349
These various efforts to draw the Une of demarkation between the sup
porters of slavery and the advocates of Uberty, could not faU greatly to
diminish the influence of the former and increase the numbers of the lat
ter. But the leading statesmen of the South and their friends' of the
North felt that the safety of the principal political organizations, and of
the nation, depended on maintaining and confirming every act of Con
gress in favor of slavery, and holding it up as a precedent to be foUowed
in all subsequent tiitie. The oUgarchs now held slavery to be a perma
nent, enduring institution, and that all laws enacted for its support must
of necessity be sacredly preserved from modification and repeal : while
the Free-soUers of that day declared thefr policy to be the repeal of all
Congressional enactments in favor of slavery, leaving the institution en
tfrely with the States in which it existed: whUe no State which preferred
freedom should be involved in the support of slavery.
support for President, or for Vice-President of the United States, or for Senator or Representative
in Oongress, or member of a State Legislature, any man of whatever party who is not known to be
opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal in any form of agitation
upon the subject of slavery."
(Signed)— Henry Clay, Howell Cobb, Charles S. Morehead, Henry S. Foote, Wm. 0. Dawson,
Thos. J. Rusk, A. H. Stephens, Jeremiah Clemens, Robt. Toombs, Meredith P, Gentry, Thos. G.
Pratt, Wm M. Gwmn, F. E. McLean, A. G. Watkins, David Outlaw, Alexander Evans, C. H. Wil
liams, P. S. Haywood, A. H. Shepherd, David Breck, James L. Johnson, D. A. Bookee, J. B. Thomp
son, L. M. Andrews, W. P. Mangum, John B. Kerr, Jeremiah Moreton, J. P. Caldwell, R. J. Bowie,
Edmund Deberry, E. C. Cabell, Humphrey Marshall, Alex. P. Owen, from slave States.
Prom New York — ^William Duer, Robert L. Rose, J. Phillips Phoenix, George R. Andrews, James
Brooks, A. M. Schermerhom.
Prom Pennsylvania — James Cooper. From Massachusetts — Samuel Elliot. From Ohio — John
Q. Thurman. From New Hampshire — Henry Hlhbard. .

35T) ME. BOTD, OF KENTUCKY, ELECTED SPEAKEE.

CHAPTER XXIII.
ATTEMPTS TO ENFORCE THE COMPROMISE MEASURES — DEATH OP MR. CLAY —
KOSSUTH visrrs Washington — political parties pledge themselves
TO STOP ALL agitation.
1851 1 '^^^ thfrty-second Congress was composed of men differing in
' thought and opinions respecting slavery. The whig and demo
cratic parties appesJ^ed impressed with the conviction that final disrup
tion awaited them ; that they could only be held together for a time by
the most strenuous efforts of thefr members. Thus, on the day of assem
bhng, when the Clerk had caUed the members to order, Mr. Campbell,
of Ohio, proceeded to nominate as the whig candidate for Speaker,
Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, for whom the Free-soUers would
have gladly voted at the previous Congress, and his election would have
been secured could the Whigs have been induced to vote for him,
Mr. Jones, of Tennessee, nominated Mr. Boyd, of Kentucky, decUr-
ing that he did not make the nomination merely because that gentle
inan had been nominated by a democratic caucus, but because he was a
Union man.
Mr. Brooks, of New York, said the Whigs had that moming held a
caucus, and resolved to -maintain the compromise measures as a finoliiy.
And a long debate now arose between the whig and democratic parties
as to which was the most zealous supporters of the Union, which
was understood to mean the most zealous supporters of slavery ;
southern Democrats endeavoring to show. that northern Whigs were
opposed to slavery, and southern Whigs endeavoring to show that
northern Democrats were unfaithful to that institution. This debate
wsCs irregular, as the House was unorganized ; and Mr. Giddings,
being a Free-soUer, took occasion to remmd gentlemen that they
would have ample tune to show each other's crunes after a Speaker
should be elected ; and said he was greatly surprised to see gentlemen
pledged to sUence aU agitation, engage in debating the slave question
before a vote for Speaker was allowed to be taken. Pie hoped. the
country would notice that the House had been precipitated mto this
debate by Whigs and Democrats, and not by the friends of Uberty.
The House then proceeded to baUot for Speaker, and Mr. Boyd, of
Kentucky, was elected on the first baUot.

MISSISSIPPI PEBPAEES FOE SECESSION. ' 351
On the foUowing moming, Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, presented to the
Senate a resolution declaring that the fugitive slave act, the act estabUsh
ing territorial governments in Utah and New Mexico, and the act admit
ting California to the Union, were in the judgment of the Senate, to be
regarded as a definitive adjustment of the distracting questions growing
out of, and touching domestic slavery.
When the resolution came up for debate,- Mr. Foote made a long
speech to show that the several acts referred to ought to be regarded
as a final settlement of the slave question, and that all discussion of the
subject should be suppressed. This discussion of the propriety of dis
cussion attracted much attention. Those who witnessed it were amused
at its ludicrous character. Southem statesmen for years had introduced
subjects relating to slavery, but when northern members resisted such
measures they were at once charged with " agitating the slave question."
Mr. Foote declared that the people of his State, in solemn convention,
had approved those acts of Congress, and pledged the State to stand
by them ; and he then read a resolution adopted by said convention
declaring that the asserted " right of a State to secede from the Federal
Union was utterly unsanctioned by the Constitution." He then read fur
ther resolutions declaring,
1st. That any interference by Congress with slavery in the States, or
2d. With the slave trade between the States, or
3d. With slavery in the District of Columbia, or in other places
within the jurisdiction of Congress, or
4th. The refusal by Congress to admit new slave States to the Union, or
5th. The repeal of the fugitive slave act, or
6th. The prohibition of slavery in the Territories, would furnish suffi
cient cause for resistance on the part of the slave States.* Mr. Foote
also appealed very solemnly to the democratic party to stand by Missis
sippi and the slave States in maintaining the compromise measures of
the previous Congress. Messrs. Butler and Rhett, of South Carolina,
and Mr. Mason, of Virginia, joined in debating the propriety of debate.
These Senators had long before that time assured the pubUc, that all
agitation would cease soon, as the measures alluded to should pass Con
gress ; and now those poUtical prophets were active and loud in their
arguments endeavoring to convince the world that they had correctly
foretold the precise effects of thefr own measures. This unenviable
position of the slave power and its democratic friends could not faU to

* This movement In Mississippi was Intended as .the first step on the part of that State towards
secession, which was, ten years subsequently, earned Into effect.

352

EXPEDITION AGAINST C^BA,

provoke facetious remarks. Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, held up
the mirror before them, exhibiting thefr inconsistency.
This exposd called out reply, and the resolutions continued to be dis
cussed at intervals for more than two months, when members appeared to
realize the singular position which they occupied, in debating measures
that had been disposed of during the previous year, and the resolutions
were suddenly laid aside and no more caUed up.
1852] Amidst all the difficulties which now surrounded the slave
power, a policy was adopted by the friends of the institution for
obtaining Cuba, in order that it might be divided into slave States, and
being annexed to our Government, would give the slave interest a con
trolUng influence.
The projectors of this unauthorized expedition against Cuba have not
been exposed. That it was being fitted out was known to the British,
French, and Spanish governments, long before it sailed ft-om the
United States. The Spanish Govemment wa^ well aware of it and
gave notice to ofirs of the intended raid upon Cuba. The Presi
dent issued his proclamation, calUng upon all weU-disposed citizens to
enforce the laws against all such unlawful expeditions ; but no general
orders from the Secretary of War or of the Navy were sent as was done
in the case of the fugitive Shadrach.
But no law of the United States against the interests of slavery could
be enforced at that day within the slave States. The expeditipn was
commanded by a Spaniard named Lopez, and the whole number of
troops embarked did not exceed four or five hundred. They landed
near Cardenas, and after some Uttle time were all captured, and Lopez
and some fifty others were tried, condemned, and executed. The others
were sent^ to Spain, and eventuaUy, on application of our Government,
were given up and brought to the United States at the public expense.
The appropriation of money for this purpose by Congress, gave rise
to discussion which may be said to have been unpleasant to southern
members. Mr. Clay had now become well stricken in years, and those who
conversed with him at the commencement of the session were impressed
that his earthly labors were drawing to a close. He had long served
his country in official Ufe, and had mingled in all the debates of the
Senate on the subject of slavery while a member of that body. He
had also been active in that respect whUe a member of the House of ¦
Representatives. He was a man of dignified deportment, bland and
genial in his manner, amiable in his temper. Possessing great expe
rience, he of course wielded great influence hi the Government. That

DEATH OF ME. CLAT. 353
influence had been far greater in the North than that of Mr. Calhoun,
and was probably more efficient in favor of slavery than that wielded
by any other man ; but his eventful life drew to a close. He died at
the National Hotel, in the city of Washington, on the 21th day of
January, 1852.*
But whUe Calhoun and Clay were departing to their reward. Chase
and Seward entered upon senatorial duties, and uniting with Hale
and Sumner, boldly proclaimed that freedom and the free States were
entitled to a hearmg before the Senate and before the world.
That law of the human intellect which prompts us to love Uberty,
constrains us to approve and admfre its defenders. Louis Kossuth,
the distinguished Hungarian, after maintaining to the utmost of his
power, the rights of his people against Austrian despotism, fled and
took refuge under the Turkish Government; and was invited by the Pre
sident of the United States, to visit our American land.
On the first day of the present session, Mr. Foote, of Mississippi,
offered in the Senate, a joint resolution to appoint a committee of
the two Houses to make arrangements for a suitable reception of
the exUed Governor. Other slaveholding Senators appeared emulous
'of doing honor to this noble defender of human liberty, apparently
unconscious that in honoring him they were stimulating American
advocated of Uberty to follow his example, in the support of those
rights which pertain to the human race in all countries and in aU
times. But when Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts, paid a glowing
tribute to the patriotism, phUanthrophy, and justice of the noble stranger,
slaveholders began to falter. They had, however, gone too far to re
cede, and the resolution passed tke Senate, and was sent to the House
of Representatives.
It was obvious to reflecting men, that to encourage Uberty in Hungary
was in effect to approve its advocates in the United States. All felt
that Austrian despotism was mUd when compared with that of our
southern States. Yet the measure had become popular, and although a
few members of the House. of Representatives opposed the adoption of
* After Mr. Clay was confined to his room tho author visited him. He was sittmg in an easy-
chah-, able to converse in a low tone of voice ; but was evidently passing away under the slow
progress of consumption. He alluded at once to the former friendship that had existed between
them, the kindness and fidelity with which the author had supported him when a candidate for the
Presidency, and to the coldness which had grown up In consequence of slavery. Said he had no
doubt that his own feelings had been too strong. The writer responded in the same language, and
assured him that he could retain no feelings other than of kindness under the circumstances
In which they then found themselves. Mr. Clay said he had no unkind feelings towards any one.
After full explanations and mutual assurances of kindness, the conversation turned upon tbe
future, on which his thoughts appeared to dwell 23

354 NO ONE WILLING TO DISCUSS SECESSION.
the resolution, it passed that body. Kossuth was pubUcly reeeived
with imposing ceremony, adding influence and strength to the advo
cates of freedom : While the supporters of slavery soon viewed the
whole proceeding with sadness, apparently fearing that the rising spirit
of liberty would at no distant day wipe out the stain of oppression
from our American land.*
The doctrine of secession had been but Uttle discussed at the
time of which we are writing. Mr. Calhoun had avowed it in the
Senate. Messrs. Pickens, Rhett, and some others, had spoken favorably
of it in the House of Representatives ; but those men had disappeared
from the haUs of legislation, and no man was found in either House pos
sessing sufficient moral courage to pubUcly avow it : Yet it was dis
cussed in southern papers, land Mr. Gorman, a Democrat, of Indiana,
took occasion to denounce the doctrine as monstrous in prindple and
'destructive in practice. Although some members were supposed to enter
tain secession views ; yet no one appeared willing to reply to these
.denunciations. There were few subjects of general interest involving slavery discussed
at the first session of the thirty-second Congress ; but the Legislature of
Iowa being democratic, and desirous of expressing the allegiance of her
people to slavery, adopted resolutions laudatory of the fugitive act.
Senator Jones, on presenting them to the Senate, referred to the act as
wise, just, and in all respects proper. This provoked renewed discussion
of the subject, ,
Senator MUler, of New Jersey, also presented sunilar resolutions from
¦the Legislature of his State, and spoke in favor of the wisdom which
prompted the enactment of this statute ; and it is somewhat remarkable
that every subject involving the character of slavery which came before
Congress during this session was introduced by the friends of that insti
tution. Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, presented to the House of Representa
tives resolutions declaring the compromise measures of the thfrty-first
* During this debate Hon. James Brooks, of New Tork, said he would vote for the resoluBon,
although it was ill advised. He charged the author with encouraging its passage because it was
popiUar; and the public reception of Kossuth would give an hnpetus to the anti-slavery cause.
The author repUed that he had never constituted the member from New York the exponent of his
views ; that It was trae he greatly respected that public sentiment which would at no distant day
consign the gentleman from New York and all supporters of slavery to the " charnel-hmse of
political forgetfulness."
The prophecy appeared to have proven true. For some ten years Mr. Brooks adhered tp the
whig party whUeit Existed, then joined the " Know-Nothings," but remained In private life until
the voluntary disbancjpent of the Republican organization of New York, in 1861. Mr. Brooks
then joining with the.D^iQqcrats,iW^,s elected to Congress.

WATBOn's CLAIM EENEWED. 355
Congress, including the fugitive slave act, to be just, constitutional, and
obligatory upon all the States and upon the citizens of each State.
It again became evident that the friends of those measures were Ul at
ease as to the influence they were exerting upon the northem conscience ;
they were therefore anxious to re-argue thefr propriety, hoping to reason
the northern mind into the justice of seizmg innocent men and women
whUe fleeing from oppression, and sendmg them back to bondage.
Both whig and democratic parties appeared anxious to avow thefr
allegiance to the fugitive act and the Texas biU ; but the friends of
freedom, assured from history, from experience, and observation, that
the course pursued by those parties would Jead to thefr own destruction,
were content to sit in silence with folded arms, and witness this process
of political suicide.
The feeling now so prevalent among the pro-slavery parties was .^gg^
regarded as favorable to the re-presentation of the important claim
of J. C. Watson, for the loss of slaves whom he had purchased of cer
tain chiefs of the Creek tribe of Indians, in 1831. As stated in a
former chapter, in 1836 General Jessup employed two battalions of
Creek Indians to aid our troops in the Florida war, agreeing to give
them ten thousand dollars and aU the pl-wnder they might capture. In
doing this. General Jessup acted vrithout law and without authority, as
all soldiers were enlisted under well-defined regulations, receiving certain
wages. In the course of the campaign they captured about one hundred
colored persons, mostly women and children. The Indians had no pro
visions for feeding them, and by order of the commanding officer,
(General Jessup), they were turned over to the United States, and
eight thousand dollars paid tbe Indians for them. This, too, was un
authorized ; but the negroes were sent west and Watson caUed on Con-
gi'ess to pay him for the loss of those free persons to whom he had .no
legal claim whatever, even under slaveholding laws.
The absurdity of paying this slavedealer for the loss of human chat
tels, in which the people of the United States could have no pecuniary
interest, was quite. obvious ; but such was the obsequiousness of northern
members that the bUl givmg Watson more than twenty thousand dollars
passed both Houses of Congress, and the money was duly paid. Every
member from the slave States voted in favor of the biU, and were assisted
by Messrs. Appleton and Porter, of Maine ; Scudder, of Massachu
setts ; Hibbard, of New Hampshfre ; IngersoU, of Connecticut ; Brooks,
Dean, Martin, Schermerhom, Sutherland, and Walsh, of New York ;
Price, of New Jersey ; Chandler, Florence, Kuhns, McNafr, Robbins,

356 ESSENTIAL PEmCIPLES EEPUDIATED.
and Ross; of Pennsylvania ; Taylor, of Ohio ; Penniman and Stuart, of
Michigan ; Parker, of Indiana ; Clark and Henn, of Iowa, and McCorcle,
of California, The bill was discussed, and questiofls of slavery were
fully debated ; but southern members, abandoning the doctrme that
slaves were property, 'nrged payment of the claim upon the principle
that the action of the commanding officer in time of war was binding
upon the Government, even when professing to sdl free men into slavery.
The vote stood, 15 for the biU, 53 against it ; and, after fifteen years of
effort, Watson obtained indemnity for his loss of human chattel^ from
the pockets of the people.
The poUcy of the whig and democratic parties was weU Ulustrated in
their national conventions for nominating candidates for President and
Vice-President. The democratic organization assembled at Baltimore
in the month of May, and nominated Mr. Pierce, of New Hampshfre,
as their candidate, but asserted no primal truth, no moral principle, no
-poUtical doctrine, as the basis of their organization ; on the contrary,
they studiously avoided such avowal, but pledged themselves to resist aU
attempts in Congress to renew the agitation of the slavery question
under whatever shape or color the attempt might be made.
The Whigs held their convention in the same city in the week foUowing,
and nonunated General Scott as their candidate. They also adopted
a series of resolutions avoiding the assertion of any moral principle or
essential doctrine ; but declaring that they would deprecate all agita
tion of the slave question, and pledging themselves to discountenance all
efforts to continue or renew such agitation whenever, however, and wher
ever made.
These two great parties, now standing before the country as oppo
nents, long contending with each other, and each demanding support of
the people, presented to the world a political phenomenon morally inex
plicable. They fuUy agreed -with each other on the subject of slavery,
nor did they disagree on any other subject. Each of these parties had
in past time risen to power, not because of any principle which it advocated,
but on account of the incompetence and corruption of the opposing organ
ization, and by aid of the malcontents among the party in power. And
now they united in discarding from their ranks aU who advocated the
undying truths and immutable principles of human freedom. Each party
sought to obtain the vote of the slave States. To do that, they, were
compelled to discard the very doctrines on which the Republic -was
founded. They pledged allegiance to a despotism a thousand tunes more
barbarous than that for the overthrow of which their fathers contended,
bled, and died. Men who were able to cast aside the prejudice of

A POLITICAL ISSUE FOEMED. 357
party clearly understood, that the spfrit of our Government and institu
tions had already departed : That we merely retained the form of a
repubUc ; and their hope rested on the confident belief 'that the people
could be awakened to the support of the doctrines on which it had
originally been founded.
The Free-soilers, who had assumed tbat cognomen at Buffalo in 1848,
now assembled at Pittsburg. It was an imposing convocation of men of
moral and political character. Hon. Charles F. Adams, and Senator
Wilson, and many other good men and true from the old Bay State*
together with others of like character from each of the free States,
assembled under a deep and solemn sense of the responsibihty which
rested qn them, kno-wing the determined hostiUty of both the old parties
which they were to encounter. They put forth probably the most per
fect platform of poUtical faith which had then been enunciated since the
Declaration of Independence. They pledged themselves fully to the
support of Uberty wherever the constitutional jurisdiction of the Federal
Government was exclusive, leaving the slave States to support or abolish
slavery at the pleasure of their people. They nominated Hon. John P.
Hale as their candidate for President, and Hon. George W. Julian for
Vice-President, and entered upon the contest with a high moral prestige.
Intending to succeed eventually by the force of truth and justice, they
entertained no expectation of electing their candidates in that particular
contest. They assumed the name of Free Democrats, and entered upon
the work before them with a spirit and energy worthy of commendation.

358 THE 'WHIG PAETY DISBANDED.

CHAPTER XXIV.
RESULT OP THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION  ^DEATH OF MR. WEBSTER  CLAIM OF
WILLIAM HAZZARD WIGG.
^gg2 1 During the vacation of the thfrty-second Congress the Presi
dential election was determined as most reflecting men had
foreseen. The course pursued by the whig party on the election of
Speaker at the commencement of the thfrty-first Congress had impressed
leading politicians with the conviction that it had surrendered its own
existence at the dictation of the slave power. They had succeeded in
electing their President in 1848, without the enunciation of any essential
principle ; but soon as they came into power and the offices had been
distributed, there was no longer any raUying point or principle
to which the President, or any member of the Cabinet, or party,
was in honor bound ; and the people soon discovered that they
had gained nothing by the change of administrations. The subsequent
refusal to take a candidate for Speaker who was in favor of the consti
tutional right of petition seemed to have forbidden all Jiope of thefr
further success ; but relying upon the mUitary fame of thefr candidate,
they entered upon the contest with some show of force. When the
votes were counted, however, the whig candidate was found in such a
meagre minority that the party voluntarily disbanded and henceforth
ceased to exist. *
The death of Mr. Webster in the autumn of 1852, whUe holding the
office of Secretary of State, constituted an incident interesting and im
portant. He had disappointed the advocates of liberty by his speech in
the Senate, and by his subsequent exertions to placate the slave power
and win thefr influence to his support. Finding the people of the
free States hostUe to the 'fugitive act, on -which he had been wiUing
to stake his prospects, he then threw himself entirely upon the slave
power for support. His anxiety under these circunistances became
oppressive, and was noticed by those who were famUiar with him.
But at the nominating convention no vote was cast for him. The
slave power had obtained from him aU the assistance which its advocates
expected. His election would not increase the safety or prosperity of
the institution. And members of Congress who met him on the moming
after the nomination, were struck with the sadness which marked every

ME, websteb's death. 359
Uneament of his countenance. It was evident that ambition no longer
stimulated Mm to action. The blow was fatal. That mighty intellect which
had commanded the admiration of Europeans as weU as Americans, was
evidently falling a sacrifice to disappointed ambition. He lived scarcely
sbs months from the time of his disappointment, and evidently died of a
broken heart. He may be said Uterally to have faUen with the party
which he had so long supported.
At the reassembUng of Congress those members who had belonged
to the whig party were in an anomalous position. They had de-*
nounced both Democrats and Free-soilers, and now felt that pride of
opinion which would not permit them to act with either.
The Free Democracy, however, satisfied with their prospects, , pggg
were wUUng to permit others to introduce subjects of debate,
A bill was brought before the House of Representatives, for appro
priating money to bring from Spain the unfortunate members of the
Cuban expedition under Lopez, mentioned in the previous chapter. As
that expedition had been fitted out for the purpose of extending and
strengthening the slave power, it excited debate, during which leading
southern members declared thefr intention to obtain Cuba for that
purpose. During this session the author served as a member of the Commitr
tee on Terril^ries, who reported a bill to organize a government in
Nebraska. 'When this bUl came up for debate in Committee of the
whole House, Hon. John W . Howe, of Pennsylvania, publicly called on
the author to inquire why there was no prohibition of slavery in it ?
Mr. Giddings replied that, by the eighth section of the act admitting
Missftiri, slavery and involuntary servitude had been distinctly prohibited
ill all the territory ceded by France to the United States, in what was
called the "Louisiana purchase," north of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude :
That being excluded, no additional legislation was necessary on the sub
ject, and he, Mr. Giddings, had voted for the bill as it then stood.
. Mr. Howe declared himself satisfied. This incident showed that the lovers
of liberty were wiUing that the subject of. slavery in that territory
should rest, -without further disturbance. The bUl passed the House
without debate, and was transmitted to the Senate. That body were
unwilling to permit Kansas to be organized as a free territory, and
retained the bUl without any action upon it.
Late on the last night of the session a motion was made to suspend
the rules of the House, in order to take up and consider a bUl from the
Senate for the relief of " WUliam Hazzard Wigg," who was said to
have lost about a hundred slaves during the revolutionary war. He was

360 EXTEAOEDINAET CLAIM.
a resident of South Carolina, and the slaves were said to have been
carried away by the British. The reader wUl recollect the efforts put
forth by President Washington, to obtain compensation for the thousands
of slaves carried away during that war, and the' final surrender of aU
these claims, as related in a former chapter.
Thousands of northern citizens had been rained during that war, thefr
property taken by the enemy, thefr dwellings burned, their famUies
left destitute, but Congress had ever refused compensation. But here
was a case where men and women were assisted to gain thefr Uberty,
a,nd the grasp of the oppressor had been loosened by British power, and
the people of the free States were to contribute their substance to com
pensate the descendants of Wigg for the loss of slaves who had regained
their liberty more than seventy years previously. The bill had passed
the Senate without objection, although, on a motion to amend, Messrs.
Brodhead, of Pennsylvania ; Clark and James, of Rhode Island ; Dodge,
of Wisconsin ; MiUer, of New Jersey ; Weller, of CaUfornia, aud Wade,
of Ohio, voted for perfecting the bUl ; But, as no one opposed it, these
Senators, with all others present, must have approved its passage.
When it reached the House of Representatives, the author, under
standing its character, foresaw that an effort would be made to take
it up on the last night of the session, and in the hurry of business
to pass it. To prevent this he went among northern members, stating
the character of the bUl and foreteUing the effort to pass it on the last
night of the session, when it could not be debated or its character made
known to the House.
As predicted, at 11 o'clock of the last night of the session, Mr. Col
cock, a Democrat of South CaroUna, moved to take up this biU. *
Mr. Skelton, of New Jersey, a Democrat : " I object. The biU
ought not to be passed ; it introduces" — (Cries of " Order, order I"
from slaveholding members.)
Mr. Duncan, Whig, of Massachusetts : "I object, and wish to state
the reasons for my objection." (Cries of " Order 1 order ! ")
Mr. Colcock : " I mo^^e to suspend the rules, in order to take up
this biU."
Mr. Walsh, Democrat, of New York : " I hope that biU wUl be
taken up and passed."
Mr. AUison, of Pennsylvania, Whig, demanded the yeas and nays on
suspending the rules and laying aside aU other business, to take up and
pass this biU. They were ordered, and all the slaveholders voted in the
affirmative, together with Messrs. Appleton and Porter, of Maine ; Fay
and Gooderich, of Massachusetts ; Briggs, Brooks, Conger, Dean, Hart,

JUSTICE INSULTED. 361
Hawes, Russel, Schermerhom, Sutherland and Wal^, of New York ;
Bibighaus, Chandler, Curtiss, Dimmock, Florence, FuUer, Gamble,
Jones, Kuhns, Kurtz, Moore, McLanahan, Morrison, Parker, Robbins
and Ross, of Pennsylvania ; Marshall and McCockle, of CaUfornia ;
IngersoU, of Connecticut ; Stratton and WUdrich, of New Jersey ;
Carter, Disney, Edgerton, Olds, Gaylord, Greene and Taylor, of Ohio ;
Dunham, Fitch, Gorman, Lockhart and Mace, of Indiana ; CampbeU
and Richardson, of IlUnois ; Clark and Henn, of Iowa, These men
from the free States assisted in suspending the rules of the House and
all other business, in order to pass this bill, which, in every possible
aspect, was most insulting to our northern laborers, from whom the
money was principally drawn ; but no debate was allowed, nor were the
opponents of the bill able to obtain one-fifth of the members of the
House to vote for the yeas and nays on its passage. The effrontery of
southern men, in demanding compensation for the loss of these slaves,
was more than equalled by the base servUity of those northern members
who sustamed this fraud upon the pubUc treasury. But these surrenders
of northern honor and northern interest were all justified and vindicated
by the usual argument that " it was necessary to save the Union;" whUe,
in fact, they really made southern men believe their favor, theirsmiles
and approbation necessary to preserve the Government ; and to regard
northem members as iticapable of the exercise of the higher virtues of
patriotism and justice.

362 THE DE-MOOEATIO PAETT IN POWEE.

CHAPTER XXV,
CHARACTER OP PRESIDENT PIERCE  ^THE " AMISTAD " CLAIM — ^REPEAL OF THE
MISSOURI COMPROMISE — THE INAUGURATION OF CIVIL WAR  ATTEMPT OF THE
EXECUTIVE TO EXCITE A WAB WITH SPAIN  BLOODSHED IN BOSTON 
RESISTING THE FUGITIVE ACT  HUMILIATION OF SENATOR CASS  FIDELnT
OF HIS STATE  COMPENSATION FOR LOSS OF SLAVES ON BOARD THE
" CREOLE," THE " ENTERPRISE" AND " HEBMORA," PAffi BY GREAT BRTTAIN,
jgjg , The thirty-thfrd Congress convened under pecuUar circumstances.
The democratic party were in power. They held the Executive
offices and a majority of both Houses of Congress, and controUed the
Legislatures of nearly aU of the thirty-one States which then constituted
the Union. For many years the members of both whig and democratic
parties had charged the advocates of Uberty with agitating the " slave
question." The repetition of this assertion had become chronic with
those parties. Whenever the slave power introduced any subject of
legislation involving the interest of the institution, and the adherents
of freedom resisted it, the charge of "agitation" was iterated and
reiterated : and it was never repeated and asserted with greater em
phasis, than when they opposed the annexation of Texas^ the Mexican
war, the estabUshment of slavery in California, the givmg Texas ten
milUons of dollars, and the passage of the fugitive act.
Free-soUers having felt that these outrages upon the rights and inter
ests of the free States were arousing the indignation of all thinking men,
had during the last Congress refused generally to enter into debate
touching the institution.
This quietude was unsatisfactory to the slave power. Ambitious men
were unable to attract public attention on other subjects ; but all
could manifest aUegiance to slavery, which was usuaUy regarded as
the only mode for obtaining popularity. Nor were any members more
anxious for debating the slave question than those who at the close of
the thirty-first Congress had signed a -written pledge, binding them
selves not to support any man for President or Vice-President who did
not regard the compromise measures as a final settlement of the slave
question. Mr. Pierce, the Democratic President, in his first annual mes
sage, recommended that Cpngress should appropriate money to compen-

CHAEACTEE OF PEESIDENT PIEECE, 363
sate the owners of the slaves who on board the Spanish schooner
" Amistad " had by thefr own prowess won thefr right to Uberty,
The case was fuUy stated in a former chapter. Having been first
recommended by President Polk, and reported upon by the Committee
on Foreign Affairs, the writer had met it, and exposed it in a short
speech, when the motion to print the report was abandoned even by the
mover. The claim was again brought to the attention of the House by
an amendment of the Senate to the civil and diplomatic appropriation
bUl, and that amendinent was promptly defeated in the House. But
the case was important, as it involved the right of slaves to obtain thefr
Uberty by slaying their oppressors. It involved the life-giving doctrines
of the Government. But the Ufe of Uberty, is the death of slavery :
and the position of the Supreme Court, and the repeated decisions of the
House of Representatives, if sustained, must prove the destruction of
the "pecuUar institution." The first step towards a reversal of those
decisions, was necessarUy taken by the highest authority of the Govern
ment : and Mr. Pierce, from education, from habits of thought, from
poUtical affinity, was the proper man to take it. Few statesmen
of that period were more devoted to the party which elevated them.
In no way distinguished for the powers of his intellect, he was kind
arid gentlemanly in his deportment, and pleasing in his address.
Unconscious of the phUosophy of govemments; he studied thoroughly
the policy of his party, and was unfaltering in his devotion to the
interest of slavery. Under these cfrcumstances, he really believed
that Congress held the same legitimate power to legislate in favor of
slavery that it possessed to act in favor of freedom. He was sincere
in the opinion that colored men were in duty bound to become slaves,
to remain slaves at the wUl of the white race, and that it was
a moral crime for a black man to obtain his liberty by the display
of that virtue caUed heroism : and he strongly urged Congress to grant
from the pubUc treasury full indemnity to the Spanish slavedealers for
loosing their piratical grasp upon their fellow-men.
This recommendation of the President came under debate in „,.„
[.lOOo.
the House of Representatives on the usual motion to refer the
message to the appropriate committees. The writer, then the only
member of the House whose public life had been contemporaneous with
this claim, now for the third time met it with more than usual confidence,
repeating the positions which on the two former occasions he had
endeavored to maintain, and representing the President's position on
the subject in no enviable Ught. But to his main points he invoked the
attention of the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Mr.

364 THE "amistad" slaves again.
Bayly, of Virginia, regarded as one ofthe ablest ofthe southem delega
tion : and so pointed was the writer on this branch of his remarks, that
Mr. Bayly at once said that he would reply at the first opportunity,
and would show the justice of this claim. After the lapse of some two
weeks, the writer pubUcly called attention of the House to the promise
of the chairman of the committee, and complained that he had faded to
vindicate the President's views. The chairman excused himself, saying
he had not yet prepared such a vindication as he desfred, but would do
so at no distant day. After another month's delay, Mr. Giddings again
complained to the House that the chairman of the committee had suf
fered the President's -views to be assailed on tho important measure of
paying for the " Amistad " slaves, without vindicating them. To this Mr.
Bayly listened, bvrt made no response, nor did the committee to whom
this part of the message was referred ever respond to the propo
sition, and the claim again appeared to be set at rest. But demo
cratic members and democratic presses denounced Mr. Giddings for
" agitating the question of slavery" on debating the President's mes
sage, and declared that the Union could not continue if such agitation
were permitted.
But a question of far more pervading interest awaited debate.
As stated in the last chapter, a bUl organizing a territorial govern
ment in Nebraska had been reported to the House of Represen
tatives, and having passed that body was sent to the Senate. It was
silent as to slavery, and had therefore occasioned no debate.
jggg^ But as the vast territory west and north of Missouri was now
ready for the establishment of territorial governments, preparar
tory to admission as States, and as this whole country had been declared
forever free by the Missouri Compromise of 1820, southern men viewed
the addition of more free States from that part of our country as fixisg
the boundaries of slavery, which must inevitably result in the total
extirpation of the institution. They had endeavored to avoid this result
by the annexation of Texas, and obtaining C^ilifornia : But the sceptre
of power had already departed from the slave States. California was
free, and it was clearly seen that the addition of free States from the
northwest would reduce the slave power to a subordinate position
in the Government, which it had controlled for more than half a
century. Early in the session. Senator Dodge, of Iowa, introduced a biU in the
Senate on leave, organizing a territorial government in Nebraska. But
it is beUeved that neither .that Senator nor his confreres were conscious
of that vast tumultuous sea of agitation on which they were about to

THE KAN8A8-NEBEASKA BILL. 365
launch the democratic bark. The bUl was referred to the Committee
on Territories, of which Mr. Douglas, of lUinois, was chairman. He
was a man of some experience, having served in the House of Represen
tatives several years, where he failed to exhibit any extraordinary powers
of intellect. He was however a ready debater. His language was ap
propriate, but his arguments were more diffuse than logical, more plau
sible than profound. His great error was that which was common to
the age in which he Uved. He constantly lent influence to whatever he
supposed would subserve the interest of himself or party, rather than to
maintain enduring truth and unerring justice. It is believed that in his
whole public Ufe he never admitted the existence of a higher law than
human enactments, or of a power superior to human governments, or of
interests more important than those of the democratic party.
Mr. Atchison, of Missouri, was acting as Vice-President of the United
States, and feeUng a deep interest on this question, proposed to Mr. Doug
las to report a bUl authorizing the people of Nebraska to form a terri
torial goverfiment without excluding slavery, or he, Atchison, would
resign his position as Vice-President, and take that of chafrman of the
Committee on Territories in which Mr. Douglas had served several
years. Mr. Douglas, after reflection, preferred to report the bid himself
These facts were afterwards pubUcly stated by those gentlemen in the
Senate, and Mr. Douglas accordingly reported the bUl, accompanied by
an elaborate report, endeavoring to show that the people of a ter
ritory have the moral right to estabUsh slavery or freedom as they
may deem most for thefr own interest ; but he had not in language
provided for the repeal of the Missomi Compromise of 1820. The
Senate ordered five thousand copies of the report to be printed for distri
bution. Mr. Dixon, of Tennessee, gave notice that when the biU should [I854.
come up for consideration he would offer an amendment expressly
repeaUng the 8th section of the act admitting Missouri, which prohibits
slavery in all the Louisiana purchase north of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude.
Mr. Douglas moved a recommitment of the biU, which was agreed to ; and
he subsequently reported a bill organizing two territorial govemments,
one for Kansas and the other for Nebraska, declaring the Missouri
Compromise inoperative, and maintaining the right ofthe people to estab
Ush slavery.
It became obvious that a serious attempt to repeal the time-honored
compromise was now to be made under the prestige of the democratic
party : and those opposed to the extension of slavery felt the
necessity of an earnest and persistent effort to prevent such an outrage

366 ADDEES8 TO THE PEOPLE.
upon the people of the free States and the rights of humanity. They
prepared an address to the people of the United States. It was
signed by Senators Chase, of Ohio : Sumner, of Massachusetts ; Hale,
of New Hampshire ; Messrs. Gerrit Smith, of New York ; De Witt,
of Massachusetts ; Giddings aud Edwa'rd Wade, of the House. The
subscribers said in the address, "We arraign this bUl as a gross
violation of a sacred pledge ; as a criminal betrayal of sacred rights ;
as a part and parcel of an atrocious plot to exclude from a vast unoccu
pied region emigrants from the old world and free laborers from our
own States, and convert it into a dreary region inhabited by masters and
slaves." This was the tone and spirit of the address. It invoked the
attention of the Legislatures of the free States and called on the people
to meet in primary assembUes and speak their, opmions and wishes in re
gard to it. It invited ministers and all classes of people to examine the
subject and express their opinions respecting it. It was published in
most of the whig papers and in all those which sustained the free
democracy of that day. The names of Senators Seward, of New
York, and B. F. Wade, of Ohio, were also on the paper ; but those
gentlemen preferred not to appear before the pubUc in that way,
and erased thefr names before publication. Several members of the
House who - had signed the paper, followed the example of the two
Senators, and erased thefr names before the address appeared in
public* The address was written -with the - intention of calling out an expres
sion of the popular mind on the subject. Mr. Douglas appeared to feel
the blow ; and when the biU came before the Senate a few days subse
quently, he made a personal attack upon the signers, styling them an
" aboUtion conclave acting in the dark and governed by feelings of per
sonal unkindness." His remarks were somewhat offensive in thefr char
acter. Mr. Chase, however, was present and repUed to Mr. Douglas
with such force as to give him clearly to understand that in carrying his
biU through the Senate he would find argument necessary instead of epi-
* There was much said at the time In regard to the authorship of this address. The facts are as
follows : Mr. Edward W.^de, of the House, was sitting in the author's room one evening, convei-smg
upon the subject of Mr. Douglas' report. It was remarked that Its result would be defeat to the
democratic party. Mr. Chase, of the Senate, came In and joined in the conversation. It was agreed
by these members that an address to the people ought to be published. Mr. Giddings, regarding
Mr. Chase as an accomplished scholar, proposed that he should pen the address. Mr. Chase sug
gested that if Mr. Giddings would put his thoughts on paper, he, Mr, Chase, would revise and cor
rect them. Mr. Giddings wrote out the address, and placed it In the hands of Mr. Chase, who cor
rected and rewrote It. it was then submitted to Mr. Smith, who also made some verbal correc-
tldns and submitted it to Mr. Sumner, who also examined and corrected It, and the paper went to
press precisely as Mr. Sumner left It and may now be found at length in " Congressional Globe,"
ToL xxlU., pages 281-2.

PEOPLE DENOUNCE THE MEA8UEE. 367
thets and declamation. Mr. Douglas repUed, and instead of maintaining
the doctrfries or policy of his biU, reiterated his personal attacks upon
the signers of the address. Mr. Sumner rejomed in language of elo
quent severity touching the objects and purposes of the MU, which he
declared could not be described in language, saying it was " a souUess,
eyeless monster, horrid, unshapely and vast."
But , the great issue of slavery or freedom in our Territories .jg^^
was now made up and entered upon the record. The leading
members of the democratic party had expected it would prostrate the
opponents of slavery : whUe the friends of Constitutional freedom ap
peared equaUy confident that it would result in the overthrow of the
democratic party, and would eventuaUy place the friends of Uberty in
possession of the Government. The great prize to be lost or won was
nothing more nor less than the primal rights of human nature. Through
out the country and in Congress men prepared for the conflict. In the
Senate the debate became general and of absorbing interest, and
instead of- consolidating political parties, it soon became evident that it
was severing poUtical friends. Southern Whigs now united with south
ern Democrats in favor of the bUl, and northern Democrats united with
Free-soilers in resisting this extension of slavery into territory which had
thirty years previously been consecrated to freedom. The debate in the
Senate called out the able men of that body. PubUc meetings in the
country were held and the people passed resolutions disapprovmg of the
attempts to repeal the Missouri restriction. The Legislatures of seve
ral States adopted resolutions denouncing sueh repeal. People sent
petitions to both Houses of Congress remonstrating against this per
fidious violation of pledged faith. Three thousand and fifty minis
ters of various religious denominations in New England sent to Con
gress their solemn protest against the perpetration of this national crime
of extending slavery into territory once made free by the voice of the
nation. They protested- against it as a great moral wrong, justly incur
ring the righteous judgment ofthe Almighty.*
The presentation of this memorial may be said to constitute an era in
* The following Is a copy of this solemn protest :
'* We, the undersign ed clergymen of diflFerent denominations in New England, hereby, In the name
of ALMIGHTY GOD and In HIS presence, do solemnly protest against the passage of what is gene
rally known as the Nebraska bill, or any repeal or modification of the existing prohibitions of slavery
In -that part of our national domain which it is propos.ed to organise Into the territories of Nebraska
and Kansas.
" We protest against it as a great nationalwrong, as a breach of faith eminently unjust to the
moral principles of the community and BubTersIV9. of aU confidence In national engagements ; a
measure /u22 of 'danger to the peace and even to the eaistence of our beloved U-nion, and ex
posing us to the righteous judgments of the Almighty."

368 MOEAL ASPECT OF THE CONTEST.
the great moral and political revolution which was daily becoming more
and more obvious. The protest of these clergymen served to caU
public attention to the one point so destructive of slavery, to wit, its
crimes. Those ministers evidently hated slavery for its depravity ;
and held to the fundamental truth, that the natural law, which
they with perfect propriety usually call the wiU of God, had vouch
safed to every human soul the right to Uve,'to gain intelligence, and pre
pare for heaven ; and this memorial was hailed by the lovers of justice
as the harbinger of a corrected pubUc sentiment.
•1854 ] '^^^ memorial was presented by Senator Everett, of Massachu
setts, and having been read, Mr. Douglas appeared to feel keenly
the advantage which this moral view of the question gave his opponents.
He assaUed the memorialists, declaring they had foUowed the suggestions
of the address of the members of Congress ; denounced them as poU
tical preachers ; charged them with ignorance ; said the memorial was ¦
offensive and libellous, and asserted that the signers ought to be rebuked
and required to confine themselves to their proper vocation.
Mr. Houston, of Texas, defended the memorialists, declaring the right
of the clergy to speak their opinions frankly and fearlessly of public
men and pubUc measures, and expressed his own approbation of the
memorial. Mr. Mason, of Virginia, assaUed the memorialists, denying thefr right
to approach Congress as professional men, or to pronounce judgment upon
any proceeding of that body, and closed my moving that th^ memorial
be not received.
Mr. Butler, of South CaroUna, and Mr. Adams, of Mississippi, sus
tained the motion of Mr. Mason.
Mr. Everett repUed to these assaults upon the clergy. He was a
learned man, and an accompUshed speaker ; had served in early Ufe in
the House of Representatives, and more recently as mmister at London.
He defended the memorialists in kind and gentle language, -which
contrasted very distinctly with the violence of Mr. Mason and Mr.
Douglas. Mr. Petit, of Indiana, next addressed the Senate. He was a man of
more mental strength than mental culture. Long residence upon the
frontier of civUization had rendered him somewhat regardless of that
refinement of thought and of language which is always desfrable in public
men. N6r did the free expression of his thoughts, in the language most
natural to him, appear to be restricted by respect for those around him,
or for the body of which he was a member.
Mr. Seward, of New York, closed the debate by a lucid statement of

TOTE OF THE SENATE. 369
facts and arguments, which apparently left no one in dohbt as to the
propriety of the memorial, and which he respectfully moved to lay upon
the table, and the motion was agreed to.
This debate iUustrated the great advantage which the advocates
of Uberty and justice always wield over the supporters of slavery, by
referring to the moral view of that institution.
The bill was brought to' final action in the Senate on the 3d March,
and was passed by a vote of 31 to 14, Messrs. BeU, of Tennessee, and
Houston, of Texas, voting against it. All the other Senators from slave
States voted for it, assisted by Messrs. Brodhead, of Pennsylvania ;
Cass and Stuart, of Michigan ; Dodge and Jones, of Iowa ; Douglas, of
IlUnois ; Norris, of New Hampshfre ; Petit, of Indiana ; Thompson,
of New Jersey ; Toucy, of Connecticut ; WeUer and Gwin, of Califomia.
Before the bUl was taken up in the House, a meeting of the ..gj.
democratic members was held in the Capitol. Some denounced
the poUcy, and others declared their intention to leave the organization
rather than participate in the proposed outrage. Some left the party,
and never more acted with it ; but the slaveholders were inexorable,
and most of the members were constrained to assist in the passage of
the bUl.
When the bUl was taken froia the Speaker's table, Mr, Cutting, a
young member, a Democrat from the city of New York, moved its refer
ence to the Committee of the whole House, The motion prevaUed,
and it ^as expected at the time that it would defeat the bUl. Mr.
Cutting had been known to the public as an able lawyer, and a man of
a high order of talents : But loud and deep were the curses heaped
upon him by the slaveholders, who viewed his action as exciting an
insurrection against- southern influence.
A few days after, Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, spoke upon this
subject, although the bill. was not before the House for consideration
He, too, was a young and talented member. He had been reared
in a slaveholding community, and brought with him the " hauteur "
of southern life. He spoke of Cutting's motion to .refer the bill with
some severity : declared that he had represented himself as a friend
of the measure while he had done all in his power to kill the bill :
that his course had been like throwing his arm around the neck,-
saying, " How is it with thee, my brother ?" while with the other hand
he inflicted the fatal stab.
Four days afterwards Mr. Cutting repUed to this assault upon his
motives by Mr. Breckinridge. Apparently unwilling to submit to the
supercilious bearing of his southern confrere, he declared that the'
24

370 MOEAL EFFOETS CONTINUED.
Democrats of New York had contributed fifteen hundred dollars to be
expended in efforts to procure the election of Breckinridge to Congress.
Breckinridge explained, admitting the contribution, but insisting that it
was the duty of every member to sustain the Senate's biU. Cutting
rejoined, saying his opponent had skulked behind the Senate bill,
Breckinridge asked him to withdraw the remark, Cutting.refused, and
Breckinridge pronounced it false. Cutting responded, that this was
not the place to reply to such language.*
This conflict between two able members, each representing a section
of the democratic party, was regarded as somewhat ominous of the
effect which this measure was to exert upon that organization.
More than five hundred clergymen, mostly from IlUnois, transmitted
to the Senate a respectful remonstrance against the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise. A meeting of clergymen, held in the city
of Chicago, where Mr. Douglas resided, adopted resolutions dis-
:approving his remarks upon the memorial sent to the Senate by
niore than three 4;housand clergymen of New England. These evi
dences of dissatisfaction at the great moral outrage about to be
perpetrated, gave evident uneasiness to the advocates of the mea
sure. Mr. Douglas repUed to the memorial of the western clergy
with more severity than Christian forbearance ; and showed very
distinctly that he regarded political duties in no way aUied to moral
-obligation. -18S4.1 ¦^°'' ^^^^ ^^^ clergy so distinct and lucid in their views as the
occasion seemed to demand. They spoke of slavery as a sin, a
wrong in general terms, without referring to that consciousness of the
right to Ufe and liberty which the Creator breathes into every human
soul, and which is the outworkings of His wUl and the evidence of his
law. But the influence of the clergy, which had been inactive generaUy,
and in some instances exerted for the benefit of slavery, was now
exerted for freedom and justice. Sermons were preached demon
strating the criminal character of slavery. Many of these were printed
and widely distributed, and much information was disseminated among
the people on the subject.
B ut party discipline was used to counteract their efforts. The democratic
organization had been in power at least four-fifths of the time since the
election of Jefferson in 1800, and its members believed i± always would
* Rumor represented a challenge as being sent to Breckinridge the next day, and a duel was said
(to have been arranged ; the matter, however, was In some way settled, but the terms of settlement
were not published. At the close of that Oongress, Mr. Cutting retired to private hfe, biit Breckin
ridge remained, until. the rebellion, when he joined the rebels, and became a general In the Confe
derate service.

VOTE OF THE HOUSE. 371
control the Government, .and they were unwilUng to offend its leaders.
Adhering democratic members of the House, by frequent consultations,-
were finaUy prepared to act unitedly in favor of the Senate biU : and on
the 9th May they proceeded by vote to lay aside every biU holding
position on the calendar prior to that organizing governments in Kansas
aud Nebraska, and when that was reached, Mr. Richardson, of IlUnois,
offered the Senate biU as a substitute for that reported by the committee
of the House, and the whole subject came legitimately before that body
for final action.
The proposition excited intense interest, and elicited the best talent
of the HousCi Indeed, nearly every member gave utterance to his
own views. The leaders of the democratic party found that the subject
had got beyond their control. They could not lunit the debate,
which appeared interminable, and recourse was had to legislative
chicanery. Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, formerly a Whig but now acting with the
democratic party, moved to strike out the enacting clause of the bill ?
The opponents of the measure, supposing that this motion if carried
would defeat the bill, -voted for it. The motion prevailed and the Mil
was reported to the House as thus amended ; the previous question was
demanded, and the House was thus brought to a direct vote on its
passage. All members from the slave States voted for the bUl, as did also
Messrs. McDonald, of Maine ; Ingersoll, of Connecticut ; Henn, of
Iowa ; Hibbard, of New Hampshire ; Lilley and Vail, of I^ew Jersey ;
Clark and Stuart, of Michigan ; Latham and McDougal, of California ;
Disney, Greene, Olds, Shannon, and Taylor, of Ohio ; Davis, Dunham,
EngUsh, Hendricks, Lane, and MUler, of Indiana ; Brooks, Cutting,
Rose, Walbridge, Walker, Walsh, and Westbrook, of New York ;
Bridges, Dawson, Eddy, Florence, Jones, Kurtz, McNafr, Parker,
Robbins, Wright, and Witte, of Pennsylvania.
Thus forty members from the free States voted to repeal the Missouri
restriction in order to extend slavery into Kansas,, and Nebraska. Of
them it is beUeved that only two, Mr. Brooks, of New York, and Tay
lor, of Ohio, claimed affinity with the whig party. The others had
acted with the democratic organization. But it should be remarked
that southern WhigS and Democrats uniformly acted together on all
subjects involving the institution of slavery. ""
The bUl was returned to the Senate for concurrence in the amendments.
On debating these amendments, the agitating question of slavery in
aU its bearings was again discussed ; but in time the amendments were

372 POLITICAL PEOPHESTING.
agreed to and the bUl was approved by the President, and became a
law, • ;
^, This was Uterally a democratic measure, declared by its
advocates to be "necessary to silence agitation and save the
Union ;" while its opponents with unhesitating confidence maintained
that it would increase agitation and constitute an important step to
wards the dissolution of the Union. Events have proven that it was an
important incident in " the regime of slavery,"
The Senate presented an extraordinary spectacle on the morning when
the President's message approving the bUl was received,. General Cass,
a man of great experience, venerable for his age, arose and proclaimed
to the country that peace and harmony would now govern our pubUe
councUs, that there would be no more agitation concerning slavery. This
was doubtless the real opinion of the leading statesmen of the democratic
party ; whUe the entfre history of the Government showed that every
act in obedience to slavery had served to increase its demands, and
every step taken by the democratic or whig party to save the Union con
stituted an important adva/nce towards its dissolution. That the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise was tending to a dissolution of the Union
became evident soon after its passage.
The people of Connecticut felt the severe Jblow which civiUzation
received from this extension of slavery. The Legislature of that State
being in session, adopted resolutions deprecating the repeal, and declaring
their intention of never consenting to the admission of a slave State
from the 'territory.
These resolutions were presented to the Senate, and soon as they were
read, Mr. Cass, who but a few days previously had assured the country
that there would be no more " agitation " on the subject of slavery,
was the first member of the Senate to become agitated on hearmg
them read. He at once arose and in an audible voice and excited
manner said, "I hope those resolutions when put into plain EngUsh
do not mean another Hartford Convention."
This allusion to the convention held at Hartford in 1813, to devise
measures to relieve the people of New England from the sufferings which
the war had brought upon them, was supposed to have been intentionally
offensive to the Representatives of that State ; and Mr. Smith replied,
saying, the resolutions contained nothing to provoke the remarks of the
Senator from Michigan, who would in due time learn that they not
only spoke the sentiment^ of the people of Connecticut but of Michi
gan also.

PEEPAEATTONS FOE CIVIL WAE.- 373
This prophecy of Mr. Smith called forth a reply from General Cass,
in which he asserted the rightful powers of govemments to establish
slavery if their people choose, substantiaUy denying that governments
are formed to secure the enjoyment of liberty, in any greater degree than
to secure the existence of slavery.
Soon as this bill had received the Executive sanction, the democratic
party prepared for the next step tending to the dissolution of the Union.
A plan was adopted for invading the territory with an arnied force, tak
ing possession of the ballot boxes on the day of election, in order to
estabUsh a slaveholding government.
It is unknown to what extent members were involved in this plan for
initiating that civU war which has since attracted the attention of the
civilised world. Our statements rest upon well estabUshed incidents,
explained by those who professed to be famiUar with and were sup
posed to understand'the plot. It was known at Washington that Vice-
President Atchison left the Presidency of the Senate while that body
continued in session ; that he went immediately to western Missouri, was
active in instituting what -were called " blue lodges," and in his pubUc
conduct exhibited an intense anxiety to induce men to go to Kansas for
the purpose of estabUshing a slaveholding government there. His
secret consultations before he left, and the persons with whom he
consulted, are not so -vjell understood. It was said, however, that the
leaders of the democratic party were generally consulted and agreed
that force and violence and civil war must be resorted to if neces
sary, to establish slavery, and that arrangements were made for the
slave States to send men and money to Kansas in order to carry out
this plan.
Nor were the advocates of free soil idle. The " Emigrant Aid
Society " of New England was formed, and assistance was tendered to
every man and family who wished to remove to that territory. Funds
Were 'raised, and emigrants were on thefr way to that theatre of action
soon after the adjournment of Congress.
While pubUc attention was thus directed towards Kansas, some three
or four thousand citizens of Massachusetts sent to the Senate a petition
asking the repeal of the fugitive slave act. It was respectful in lau
guage and unexceptional in its tone and spirit. Senator Rockwell,
who presented it, remarked upon the cfrcumstances under which the fugi
tive act had been passed, and the feelings which it had excited. He
also stated that the peace and quietude of the country demanded its
repeal.

374

SPMNEE AND BUTLEE.

1854 1 ^^- Jones, of Tennessee, who had once acted with the Whigs,
appeared desirous of avowing his unquaUfied allegiance to slavery ;
and somewhat arrogantly declared that all who opposed the fugitive act
were opposed to the Constitution. , Senator Sumner, hearing his people
thus assailed, repUed to Mr. Jones with great energy of thought and of
language . He had regarded the fugitive slave act with abhorrence from
its first introduction, and now felt aU the stfrring emotions necessary to
arouse his intellectual powers. He hurled back the charge that those
opposed to the fugitive act were opposed to the Constitution ; and with
the force of obvious truth showed that those who voted for that act
violated the Constitution, and the rights of human nature, and the civi
lization of the age.
Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, interrupted him to inqufre if he would
arrest a fugitive slave ? Sumner turned partially around, and looking
Butler full in the face with a scowl of contempt that was inimitable,
and in a tone of voice and manner most withering, replied : " Is thy
servant a dog that he should do this thing?" He appeared to be
moved from the deepest recesses of his moral nature, and speaking
from the hoUest impulses of the heart, he could not faU to impress
those who heard him. Butler resumed his seat, apparently regretting
that he had propounded the insulting question ; intense sUence per
vaded the Senate chamber, and the whole scene was one not easily
forgotten. The friends of freedom in Congress were also greatly encom-aged by
the presence, the aid, and assistance of Hon. Gerrit Smith, a repre
sentative from central New York. He was a man of great wealth, and
had long been distinguished as a leading phUanthropist. He had been
well educated and was regarded as possessing a high order of talents.
At his first advent to the House he led off in the debate upon that
part of the President's message which related to the seizure of " Martm
Costa " on board an American vessel lying in a neutral port, showing
himself well versed in international law. His whole energies were
devoted to the cause of justice and liberty.
The Administration having been brought mto power by aid of
slaveholding influence, appeared anxious to subserve the interest of the
" pecuUar institution." In the month of February a steamer called the
" Black Hawk " cleared from MobUe for New York by way of Havana,
and arriving at that port, was reported by the captain as in ballast,
while she really had some five hundred bales of cotton on board that
were not mentioned in her manifest. These facts becoming known to the
proper officers, the steamer was seized and held for trial. It was gene-

EFFOETS TO CEBATE A WAE WITH SPAIN. 375
rally understood that the democratic party were anxious to obtain
Cuba, though at that time no open avowal of the fact had been an
nounced ; yet it was supposed that the leaders of the party would
gladly welcome a war with Spain in order to obtain that island.
On the 10th March, Mr. PhUlips, of Alabama, said he desfred to pre
sent a resolution upon a grave and important matter, involving the in
terest of his constituents and the honor of the nation. He then pre
sented a resolution caUing upon the President to communicate to the
House such information as he might deem proper in relation to
the seizure of the ship "Black Hawk," and the confiscation of her
cargo. The resolution was adopted without objection, and a few days sub
sequently the President sent to the House full information on that sub
ject ; and said that " other acts of aggression upon our commerce had
been perpetrated by her CathoUc Majesty for which reparation had
been delayed in a very unreasonable manner. That the Cuban authori
ties were wanton in their aggressions, while Spain delayed or refused
indemnity ;" and referring to the situation of Cuba, her proximity to our
coast, said, " it would be in vain to suppose that she could adopt a
policy unfriendly to our commerce and ' other interests,' without exciting
the most intense feelings of our people ;" and closed by declaring that
he should " feel disposed to carry out any measures which Congress
might see fit to adopt *in relation to the matter."
The message was clearly a recommendation of war, the object of
which was to obtain Cuba. Its tone, and language, and reference to
other interests, meaning the interests of slavery, could leave no doubt as
to the intention of the President.
The message being read, Mr. Bayly, of Vfrginia, chafrman of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, expressed his admiration of the manner
in which the subject had been treated, and moved its reference to the
committee of which he was chairman. The motion was carried, and
thus far all seemed to favor the objects of the slaveholders.
The next morning the writer moved a reconsideration of the vote
referring the message, and in a speech of an hour's length, exposed the
designs of the President and party for getting up another war for the
extension of slavery, referred to the war -with Mexico for that purpose,
and the defeat of its objects in part, and assured the friends of the war
now proposed that if Cuba was obtained, it would be made free before
it would be admitted as a State to our Federal Union. Mr. Bayly
replied, but denied none. of the objects imputed to the President and his
party ; yet this timely exposure, together with the existing difficulties in

376 NEGEOES AND DEMOCEATS COMPAEED.
regard to Kansas, probably prevented further efforts to produce a war
with Spain, for the increase of the slave power.*
1864.1 During this session northern servUity was stiU further ex
hibited. The bUl granting homesteads to actual settlers on the
public lands was under consideration, when Mr. Wright, of Pennsyl
vania, moved an amendment luniting its benefits to the white people, and
made a speech in favor of excluding blacks.
A FrCe-soUer moved a modification of the amendment, permitting all
persons "more than half white" to participate in the benefits of the
law. The mover proceeded to deprecate the policy of excluding the
descendants of Mr. Jefferson, and of- Martha Washington, who were
well known throughout the country to be more than half white,
although held in bondage. He declared that he had no intention
to interfere in the quarrel which was evidently going on between
the democratic party and the negroes ; as to which possessed the
best native talent : But it was well known that a few years before the
House had been engaged in estimating the value of a black man who
read and spoke four languages with facility ; and he doubted -whether
the gentleman from Pennsylvania was able to give such an exhibition of
literature ; yet by this comparison of the two gentlemen he intended no
, offence to the negro. The burst of laughter which followed appeared to
make a more serious impression upon • slaveholding members than the
most profound argument. They seemed to feel, for the first time, that
they were likely to become the subjects of contempt.
For years the advocates of slavery assailed the personal character
of all who devoted their energies to the support of truth and justice.
During the session of Congress now urider consideration they invaded
the sanctuary of the departed, and assaUed the memory of Mr. Adams.
His friends, however, met these attempts to disparage the character of
the Ulustrious dead, and vindicated the fair fame of the " old man elo
quent," as may be seen by reference to the report of congressional
debates in April, 1854.
The fugitive slave act had now been in force three years, and was far
more unpopular than when first enacted. Yet the friends of that measure
were stUl desirous of enforcing it in Boston. A fugitive, named Sims,
from Georgia, was arrested in that city and imprisoned iu the Court
house, and a force of armed men were left to guard him. These men
were generally of that base character, who, having stifled the natural
* Jefferson Davl?, at that time Secretary of War, In a public speech, while visiting Mississippi,
stated that the President did everything incumbent on him to produce a war with Spain ; but de
clared that Congress did not sustain his efforts.

A FUGITIVE SLAVE CASE. 377
sympathies of the human soul, were anxious to maintain the influence of
the political party to which they were attached by dooming a fellow-
being to degrading bondage. A few friends of Uberty felt that thefr
city was again disgraced by a barbarism unsuited to the age, or to any
Christian community, and anxious to maintain the reputation of thefr
ancient commonwealth, collected together and proceeded to break the
door of the Courthouse in which Sims was imprisoned.
A deputy marshal, -with his assistant slave-catchers who were in the
house, met those who were endeavoring to enter. Shots were exchanged,
and for an instant there was the clash of arms ; but as one of tbe guard
fell, those who were outside, as if conscious of the responsibUity which
they incurred, fled amid the darkness of the night without being
recognized. After they left it was found that one of the guard, named
" Batchelder," had been struck by some sharp-pointed instrument ; the
femoral artery had been pierced, and he died immediately.
The feelhigs of the people -were greatly excited. The man had fallen
whUe assisting to rob his feUow-man of liberty, which all regarded as far
dearer than Ufe, and no one doubted that he had received retributive
justice at the hands of the assaUants.
The United States troops were at once caUed from the fortifi- ,^^^
cations around Boston, and placed on guard. The Courthouse
was surrounded by chains. The victim was kept in an upper room,
which could only be approached through files of armed troops. A Com
missioner, named Loring, sat in judgment upon Sims' right to life and
Uberty. The fugitive was ably defended by Mr. Dana, one of the most
distmguished la-wyers of Boston. The trial lasted several days. It was,
however, a mere formality. At length Loring, the Commissioner, decided
that Suns did not hold his life and liberty at the wUl of the Creator, but
at the wiU of his master, and a decree for his deUvery was entered.
The victim was taken to the wharf, surrounded by a strong guard of
soldiers, who, by thefr bayonets, _ held the indignant people at bay.
Having reached the wharf he was placed on board a steamer, which
instantly left the shore, amid the tolling of bells ; whUe the flags in the
city and on board the ships in the harbor were raised at half-mast, as
an evidence of sympathy for a feUow-being who was thus consigned to a
moral grave.
The expense of sendin'r this man to servitude was borne by the United
States, and was estimated at $30,000, beside the Ufe of Batchelder.
The resistance which caused the death of Batchelder imparted to the
transaction a serious importance. l.Mit the President now issued no
proclamation, nor did the Secretary of War or of the Navy issue General

•" 378 EFFORTS TO PENSION A SLAVE-CATCHEES WIDOW.
Orders, as had been done when Shadrach escaped. The victim had been
secured and sent to slavery, whUe the transaction had awakened a
resistance to the fugitive act that was deep and abiding m the hearts
of the people.
In the House of Representatives, Mr. Faulkner, of Vfrginia, chairman
of the Committee on MiUtary Affafrs, moved to suspend the rales, in
order to introduce a bUl giving the widow of Batchelder a pension ; but
Messrs. Dean, of New York, and Jones, of Tennessee, Democrats,
objected ; while Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, was in favor of suspending the
•rules, provided the biU should be subjected to debate ; but the House
refused to suspend the rules. Indeed, so timid were northern Democrats
that very few of them voted with the slaveholders on that occasion.*
In the Senate, however, the bUl was referred, and Messrs. Clay, of
Alabama ; WiUiams, of New Hampshire, and Jones, of Iowa., reported
it back to the Senate recommendfrig its passage ; while Senators Sumner
and Seward made an able report against it. The bill passed by a vote
of 31 to 12, and was sent to the House for concurrence, but was never
taken up in that body.
The State of Rhode Island, through her Legislature, protested agamst
the extension of slavery, urged upon Congress the propriety of granting
to fugitives the right bf trial by jury, and approved the course of those
members of Congress who resisted the repeal' of tbe Missouri Com
promise. These proceedings were transmitted to Congress and presented
in the Senate.
^yg^ , At the reassembling of the thfrty- third Congress, after the summer
recess, it was believed that the subject of slavery would not disturb
its deliberations, as the session would continue only ninety days. But an
attempt to enlarge the powers of the Mayor and Aldermen of Washington
City brought before Congress the barbarous practice of imprisoning
freemen and seUing them for the fees, and an animated debate arose
upon it.
Many petitions were also presented for the repeal of the fugitive slave
act and against permitting slavery to exist in any territory of the United
States. But the progress of freedom was more strikingly evinced by resolu
tions adopted by the State of Michigan, declaring that slavery was a
moral, social and ixilitical evil ; that its introduction into Kansas was
violative of a solemn compact and of the Constitution, and was directly
tending to a disruption ofthe Union. They asserted that the people of
* Mr. Faulkner, at the time of recording these Incidents (1863), was an adjutant general in the
Confederate army.

MICHIGAN EEGENEEATED. 379
Michigan were opposed to the extension of slavery, in favor of its entfre
aboUtion in the District of Columbia and of repeaUng the fugitive
slave act.
Michigan had from its organization been a democratic State, and
General Cass had ever been sustained as a faithful representative of thefr
principles. He had publicly declared that, when he ceased to represent
their views, he would resign his seat in the Senate. He had voted for
the fugitive act and for the- act admitting Kansas and Nebraska to
establish slavery m those territories. He had long been a leader in
the democratic party, and at one time its candidate for the Presidency. •
He had grown old in the pubUc service, had to the utmost of his power
opposed the progress of that reformation to which he was about to fall
a victim. He now saw clearly the sentence of separation from those who
had long stood by him and sustained him m public Ufe, and as the aged
statesman, with more than usual solemnity, announced to the Senate
and country the change of pubUc opinion which was to consign him to
private Ufe, he exhibited much emotion, and the audience listened to hhn
with interest and with sympathy.*
His colleague, Mr. Stuart, a younger man, but a Democrat, who had
sustained the slave power -with fideUty, also spoke on the subject,
acknowledging the change of opinion that had been wrought in his
State.f This conversion of a strongly democratic State, in direct oppo- .^^^^
sition to their Senators, their Representatives and pubUc men, was
regarded by the reformers with great pleasure. It appeared ominous
of the approaching dissolution of that party ; for all men of all parties
were conscious that, whenever the sceptre of power should depart from
the slave States, the democratic organization would disband.
The Free-soUers, however, maintained the policy adopted by Mr.
Adams, of adhering to the fundamental doctrines of our Govern
ment. Every speech, resolution and biU which they presented had
1
* General Cass first went to Jlichlgan In 1812, as a colonel commanding a regiment of twelve
months' volunteers from Ohio, and the writer, at that time a boy of sixteen, served in the
militia of that State. From the close of the war until the breaking out of the great rebellion in
1861 they were personally friendly, but very decidedly opposed In politics. On the breaking out
of the rebellion General Cass abandoned the democratic organization, and when In 1862 the author
called on him at his residence in Detroit, they found themselves again in perfect political harmony
when the Government was In danger, although separated during half a century of peace.
t Michigan remained true to'her principles. "When in 1861, Ohio, New Tork and Pennsylvania
voluntarily surrendered the republican organization, and abandoned the doctrines which had been
proclaimed in 1856, for the purpose of uniting with a portion of the Democrats, Michigan refused
to join In that political suicide, bjit continued firmly adhering to the doctrines which her people
loved. And in 1863, when Ohio and New York were carried by the democratic party, Michigan
maintained her Integrity and retained her faithful Republicans In ofldce.

380 FUETHEE C0EEUPTI0N8.
dfrect reference to the doctrines proclaimed in the Declaration of Inde-
'pendence. They saw the people had been misled by pubUc men, who
taught them to believe it thefr duty to maintain slavery and the
slave trade in the District of Columbia, upon the high' seas and in our
Territories, and that Congress had authority and was bound to legislate
for the capture and return of fugitive slaves. In short, the whole theory
of the Free-soUers consisted in acting honestly towards the people,
towards themselves and thefr country : And they regarded the conver
sion of New Hampshire and Michigan as important fruits of their long
and arduous labors. True, many of their own friends had fallen in the
frequent personal assaults of the slave power, and their ranks appeared
thinned at times, but. they were soon fiUed again.
But the arrogance of the slave power knew no bounds. Its advocates
had proclaimed tbe compromise measures of 1850 to be a final settle
ment of the slave question, and many Of its statesmen had pledged them
selves to sustain no man for office who should agitate tbe subject of
slavery : Yet the men who thus deprecated agitation brought for
ward and maintained the repeal of the Missouri restriction, and now
demanded that Congress should add three and a half mUUons of dol
lars to the bonus granted to Texas by the compromise which was
said to be final. Speculators, stock-jobbers and lobby members became
soUcitous for a further donation to Texas. On this subject ladies were
employed : wives of Congressmen put forth thefr smUes and bland
ishments to induce members to vote for this proposition, than which
nothing could be more corrupt. But leading statesmen of the whig and
democratic parties held that injustice and corruption were necessary. to
snstam the Union, and this bUl soon became a law, and the people of
the free States were again taxed to purchase the loyalty of Texan slave
holders and save a union with that State which had been purchased at
an immense cost of blood and treasure.
1855.] ^^^''^ ^^^ ^^°^^ °f Mr. FUlmore's administration our Govern
ment entered into a convention with that of England for sub
mitting all disputed clauns- existing between the two Governments to
arbitrators, and in case of their disagreement an umpire was to be
selected. To them the claun of our Government for tbe loss of slaves
on board the " Creole," the " Enterprise " and the " Hermora " was
submitted. The two arbitrators disagreed, and the umpire, upon the
authority of Mr. Webster and Mr. Calhoun, decided that tbe British
Government was bound by the laws of nations to pay for the slaves lost
on board those ships. Thus did the resolutions of Mr. Calhoun, for
which Mr. Webster nor any northern Whig dared vote, in the short

THE SLAVE TEADE SUPPOETED. 381,
space of twelve years become a part of tbe international law controlUng
the Governments of England, and the United States. These two nations
now united in sustaining a traffic in slaves which in 1814 they pledged
themselves to abolish. Thus did the British and 'American Governments
yield to the slave interest ; and mstead of executmg justice upon the
piratical slavedealers, actuaUy paid them money as a compensation for
their misfortunes whUe speculating in the bodies of men aud women :
They united in acknowledging the supremacy of the slave interest, and
thus stimulated southern statesmen to regard the cotton-growing interes,t
of the South as the controUing element among civUized nations.

382 FOEMATION OF THE " KNOW NOTHING" PAETT.

CHAPTER XXVI.
STATE OF POLITICAL PARTIES  CONTEST FOR SPEAKER  COMMENCEMENT OF
HOSTILITIES IN KANSAS — OUTRAGE UPON THE PERSON OP SENATOR SUM
NER  FORMATION OP THE REPUBLICAN PAETT  ITS PRINCIPLES — PRESIDENT
PIERCe's LAST MESSAGE  THE SLAVE TRADE REPUDIATED.
j^ggg , The free-soil party was now rapidly increasing in numbers and
influence. The whig organization had disbanded : Yet its leaders
had too much pride of opinion to admit that the anti-slavery men were
right in their policy or in their construction of the Constitution. Indeed,
thefr prejudices were too strong to permit them to join any other exist
ing organization. They therefore instituted a new party caUed the
" Know Nothings " or " American party." Thefr leading policy was
the exclusion of foreigners from office. In fact, the real point at
which they aimed was the election of themselves to office. It was a
secret society, known to each other by signs, grips and pass-words.
It increased rapidly in numbers, and in the autumn of 1844 they elected
a large majority of officers in all of the free States. This, success
brought many to their ranks, and aspiring members appeared to think
that the only road to political preferment lay through the nocturnal
councUs of this new party.*
The effect of their success became apparent at the assembUng of the
thirty-fourth Congress. It had placed tbe democratic party in a very
decided minority in the House of Representatives.
The demoralization of the whig and democratic parties now stood
acknowledged by the country. Thefr disruption was admitted to
have risen from thefr devotion to slavery. While one of the
instrumentalities for effecting their overthrow was the ".American" or
" Know Nothing " organization: And the Free-soilers or RepubUcans
were placed in a most critical position. Their difficulty arose from the
determination of aspfring poUticians to give aU infiuence into the hands
of the organization which had recently sprang up.
Members of this new party were at the city of Washington son^p
weeks before the assembling of Congress, making such political arrange
ments as they regarded necessary to secure the success for the " Know
* Their lodges were said to be held In dark rooms and always In the night.

MEETING OF CONFLICTING ELEMENTS. 383
Nothings :" But aU were conscious that ^either they nor the Free-soUers
could succeed except by uniting with each other.
On Thursday evening, before the commencement of the session, notice
was given that a meetmg of members would be held at the "repub
Ucan rooms, qn Friday, at 10 o'clock a.m., for consultation."
At this meeting only about twenty-five RepubUcans assembled. These
were mostly new members, and appeared exceedingly timid. However,
there were several "Know Nothings" present, who assured the meet
uig that whatever the Free-soUers or Republicans might do the " Know
Nothings " would nominate a Speaker at thefr lodge that evening or the
next. To this it was repUed that they could not expect a nomina
tion made in secret lodge would be supported by those not admitted
to participate in making it.
When the RepubUcans collected at evening there were about forty
present, with a number of " ^now Nothings," and a debate upon the
comparative merits ofthe two .organizations opposed to the common
enemy was fairly opened and occupied that evening and most of the next
day. But late in tbe day a resolution was introduced pledging the
members to vot^e for any man on whom a majority of the members
should unite, provided he stood pledged by his past Ufe or present
declarations so to arrange the committees of the House as to- give
respectful answers to petitions concerning slavery. This resolution was
adopted by a unanimous vote of more than seventy members. But
the leading members of the " Know Nothings " did not appear at any
of the caucuses.*
It was in this unorganized form that members opposed to the exten.
sion of slavery met thefr associates on Monday in the Hall of Repre
sentatives, to enter upon a contest unegualled in the previous history of
our Government.
The House consisted of two hundred and thirty-four members — two
hundred and twenty-five of whom answered to their names at the first
caUing of tbe roU.
The first business in order was the election of a Speaker : And the
baUots being counted, it was found that William A. Richardson, the de
mocratic candidate, had 14 votes ; Lewis D. CampbeU, of Ohio, the
" Know Nothing " candidate, had 53 votes ; Hupiphrey MarshaU, of Ken-
* The resolution was drawn and introduced by the author, and was in the following form : —
" Hesolved, That we wIU support no man for the office of Speaker who Is not pledged to carry
out the parliamentary law by giving to each proposed measure ordered by the House a majority of
such special committee, and to organize the standing committees of the House by placing on each
a majority of the friends of freeiiom who shaU be favprable to making reports on all petitions com
mitted to them."

384: THE STEUGGLE CONTINUED.
tucky, the southern Know Nothuig candidate, 30 votes ; Nathaniel P.
Banks, of Massachusetts, was supported by those Free-soUers or RepubU
cans who refused to support any man placed in nomination by the Know
Nothings ; and Hfram M. FuUer, of Pennsylvania, received the votes of
11 members of the Know Nothing party who refused to support any
other candidate. There were several other baUots cast during the day,
with little change. The voting continued on the second, thfrd, fourth
aud fifth days, without material change, except that Mr. CampbeU's vote
rose on one occasion as high as seventy-five.
After tbe result of the twenty-third ballot was announced, Mr. Camp
bell withdrew his name from the list of candidates.
On the withdrawal of Mr. Campbell, Mr. Banks' vote rose regularly
untu the 15th December, when it reached 101.
In this protracted contest Mr. Fuller, of Pennsylvama, was sustamed
by about seventeen northern Know Nothmgs, and Humphrey MarshaU
by an equal number of that order frdm the South. These gentlemen
and their supporters frequently united, when thefr joint vote would rise
to the number of thirty or forty. Other individuals, acting -with the
Republicans generaUy, manifested a strong disposition to defeat the can
didate for whom they were voting.
The House continued to vote pretty steadily untU the fifty-ninth bal
lot had been cast, when Mr. Hickman, of Pennsylvania, a Democrat,
who had steadily voted with the democratic party, offered a resolution
declaring that after one more ballot, the candidate having the lowest
number of votes should be dropped at each voting until but two candi
dates remained, and the one having the highest number of votes should
be declared elected.
On this resolution a debate arose which continued for several days,
with occasional interruptions for the purpose of ta/king a vote.
Mr. Broome, of Philadelphia, proposed to refer the questions which
separated the poUtical parties to the Supreme Com-t. Little reply to
this proposition was made, except by general laughter.
On tbe 19th December, the baUot showed Mr. Banks to have 106,
and Mr. Richardson 15. Messrs. MarshaU and Fuller, with thefr adhe
rents, continuing to vote by themselves.
During tbe debates the RepubUcans were constantly assaUed, and as
the writer was the oldest member of that party, he felt constrained to
vindicate thefr cause. He assured the Democrats and " Know Nothings"
that the Republicans must soon come into power: And when once in power
they would not permit southern members to dissolve the Union. This
seemed to arouse much angry feeling. Mr. McMuUen, of Virginia, re-

FIKST PUBLIC ANNOUNCEMENT OF SECESSION. 385
plied with much spirit, declaring that whenever a northern President should
be dected the South would dissolve the Union. This is believed to be
the first distinct enunciation in Congress that the Union was to be dis
solved upon the election of a northern President. Northern Democrats
appeared mortified at the imprudence of Mr. McMuUen.
Mr. Banks, in a public speech made some two years previously in
Maine, had said, that if we were to extend slavery or dissolve the Union,
he would say, "Let the Union slide." This saying was now seized
upon by southern men as an insuperable objection to Mr. Banks' elec
tion : WbUe, at the same time, Mr. Brooks, of South Carolina, assured
the House and the country that unless slavery were extended he desired
to see the Union slide.
Members appeared by common consent to enter upon a general debate,
which was suspended on the 24th so long as to take a baUot, which
showed no substantial change in the parties.
On the 21thi four ballots were taken with a simUar result.
The newspapers showed that some excitement existed in the country.
The Conservatives were pained at seeing representatives from the free
States so regardless of the Union as to resist the South with such per
tinacity. Northern Democrats and many " Know Nothings" insisted that
the Union would be dissolved unless members consented to elect a Demo
crat who was known to sustain " southern interests ;" a term synony
mous with slavery.
But the advocates of the Constitution repUed, we wiU vote for no
man who by his past Ufe or present professions is not pledged to " sus
tain the constitutional right of petition:" They had laid -down a mle
without reference to parties or to indi-riduals. It was so plain that no
man dared deny its propriety : and they declared that " the constitu
tional rights of the States must and should be preserved whether the
Union continued or not." This doctrine, so entfrely at war with the ruling
motto of the old parties, had not been previously asserted ; nor did the
people appear to comprehend its importance. Indeed, many members
of Congress drew no distinction between maintairfing the Union of all
the States, and maintaining the Constitution over so many States as
were satisfied with the Constitution.
But it now became evident that individuals caUing themselves " Know
Nothings," but acting with RepubUcans, were seeking the defeat of Mr.
Banks. Thus, Mr. CampbeU, of Ohio, who had received seventy-four
votes for Speaker, presented a resolution declaring that Mr. Orr, of
South CaroUna, should assume the chair, and act as Speaker untU such
ofiicer were regularly elected. Mr. CampbeU was said tv be in daUy eou"

386 THE PEESIDENT SENDS MESSAGE TO CONGEESS.
sul tation with Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky, who was steadUy endeavoring
to defeat the election of Mr. Banks. He had been a Whig, and his avowed
object -w^s to unite aU parties in order to defeat the Democrats ; but with
out pledging those who should defeat that party to any particular prin
ciple or definite policy.* But Mr. CampbeU's proposition was rejected,
and by presenting it he lost the confidence of most of the members who
had previously voted for him.
On the 28th December tbe balloting was resumed, and continued
through that and the following day -without material change of parties,
and debate was again renewed. Southern members became grossly per
sonal in their remarks, constantly threatening to dissolve the Union un
less northern members ceased to press the subject of slavery upon the
.consideration of tbe people. Others attempted to ridicule northern mem^
bers for attempting to organize the House in opposition to the demo
cratic party.
These superciUous pretensions served to unite republican members
more strongly, while it placed the supporters of Mr. FuUer and Mr.
Marshall in no very enviable position.
Mr. Pennington, of New Jersey, was also a candidate, and many excel
lent members desired to support him. They had voted for Mr. Banks a
long time, and desired to bring Mr. Pennington forward as tbe candidate
of the Republicans. But the more experienced members united in saying
that any change of candidates would prove fatal, unless tbe man brought
forward could receive the entire vote then being given to Mr. Banks.
Others declared they would not change nnder any circumstances ; and
the difficulty which the Republicans had to contend with consisted in
harmonizing their party. That was only effected by adhering to the
principles adopted at the commencement ; and asserting their object
was not the success of any man or any party, but to mafritain the Con
stitution. The President of the United States sent his annual message to the
Senate on the 31st December, and his private secretary appeared at the
entrance of the House of Representatives and announced that he had
brought with him the annual message of the President, to be presented
to that body.
Aware that this was intended to exert an influence against the Repub
licans, the author at orice objected to receiving it, as it was an attempt
to introduce a new practice — for up to that time no President had ever
presumed to thrust his message upon an unorganized body — and that it
* At this time, 1868, Mr. Marshall Is serving as a brigadier-general in the Confederate army, and
Mr. Campbell is serving as a colonel in the army of the United States.

PEEPAEATIONS FOE A PEOLONGED CONTEST. 387
could not eonstitutionaUy be received by members untU a Speaker were
elected. But a majority voted to receive it. The next attempt was to
read it to the House ; but it was again objected that it was not ad
dressed to members in thefr disorganized condition, but was addressed
to the Senate and House of Representatives, which had not then been
organized. This objection was sustained, and although they had re
ceived the message, they refused to read it.
The new year found the House unorganized, with the Presi- ' ^gsg.
dent's message lying upon the Clerk's desk unopened and unread.
One baUot was taken. A motion was next made to take up and read the
President's message ; but, after debate, the motion was laid on the
table. Members now began to make arrangements for continuing tbe contest"
indefinitely. Most of them had expected to draw thefr mUeage to de
fray their current expenses ; but being unable to do that until the House
were organized, found themselves out of funds. In rdany repubUcan
districts the people met in pubUc conventions and passed resolutions ap
proving the action of thefr Representatives, made provisions for thefr
members to draw on thefr local banks for such funds as they deemed
necessary for defraying expenses at Washhigton. To meet these ex
penses, some State Legislatures made appropriations from thefr State
funds.* Soon as the repubUcan party became consolidated, its members became
more confident. Those of greatest experience assured their friends that
as the President, officers of government, and the army and navy must
go without pay untU the House should be organized, the pressure would
soon be so great upon the democratic party that they would be com
peUed to submit to the election of a repubUcan Speaker.
Some State Legislatures passed resolutions sustaining the action of
thefr Representatives, declaring the issue involved to be the extension or
non-extension of slavery. Indeed, the entire debate turned npon ques
tions touching that institution. The several candidates were interro
gated upon the subject of slavery ; but Mr. Banks was the only one
who avowed his concurrence in the doctrines of the Declaration of In
dependence. * Mr. Richardson, the democratic candidate for Speaker, had been acquainted with the writer
for some years, and, coming to his seat, suggested the absolute necessity of some compromise.
The writer spoke with some degree of determination, declaring that he h.ated the v&ry term com
promise, as it always meant some further surrender of northem rights and interests. " But,"
said Mr. Richardson, "how long do you expect to keep up this contest?" " Until the ith
March, 1837," said the writer. Richardson appeared astonished, and saying — " Tou be d — d f"
walked away.

388 EESOLUTION TO CLOSE THE STEUGGLE.
The debate and baUotings continued without any material change or
incident until the 25th January, when the President sent another mes
sage having relation to public affairs in Kansas. The members generally
feeUng some curiosity to hear what the President had to say in relation
to that territory, ordered the message read, and then very quietly re
sumed the discussion.
On the 29th Janua,ry several propositions were made for an immediate
orgamzation. They were rejected, but by such smaU majorities as to
indicate an organization at no very distant period ; and the RepubUcans
now felt one, and only one doubt in regard to success. The southern
" Know Nothings" had been Whigs, and bitterly hated the Democrats ;
and the question now presented was, whether they would unite with thefr
old enemies rather than see a repubUcan Speaker elected.
On the 3d February a resolution was presented, declaring that three
more ballots should be taken, and if no election were had, the candidate
having the highest number of votes on the 4th ballot should be declared
Speaker. Soon after this vote was announced the House adjourned.
Members now felt that the contest was drawing to a close.
The next morning, reports from members showed that every Repub
Ucan stood firm, and that the " Know Nothings " had pledged themselves
to vote only for their candidate ; the assurance of success appeared to
pervade every mind. All were solemn, and appeared conscious that the
action of that day was to tell upon our national character in coming time.
Mr. Aiken, of South Carolina, was announced as the democratic can
didate. And the first ballot, under the resolution, showed little change
of parties. Banks received 102 votes ; Aiken, 92 ; FuUer, 13 ; Camp
beU, 4 ; and WeUs, 2.
By this time the spacious gaUeries were fiUed with eager spectators,
the lobbies and passages were crowded by men and ladies anxious for
the result. The next ballot was taken without any change of parties.
A motion was made to adjourn, but it was voted down by 159 to 52.
Mr. Fuller announced that he was no longer a candidate. Tbe result
now appeared to be anticipated by aU, and as the Clerk commenced call
ing the roll of members for the final vote, there appeared to be tbe most
intense interest felt on aU sides of the House. As Mr. Barclay's name
was caUed, he arose and declared that he wanted further information as
to Mr. Aikin's views in regard to the " American, or Know Nothing
organization." The inquiry gave rise to a colloquial debate, which
lasted for an hour, detracting somewhat from the dignity of the occasion.
Confusion now reigned in various parts of the haU ; crimination and re
crimination was heard ; and members were seen standing np talking to

THE FINAL EE8ULT. 389
each other in great excitement as the Clerk proceeded in caUing the roU.
Various propositions were suggested, but the Clerk declaring all motions
out of order, proceeded to caU the names and record the votes of all
the members. When the roll had, been called through, there was so
much confusion that it was difficult for any one to be heard. But the
clerks and teUers proceeded in thefr duties, and when the count was
completed, Mr. Benson, of Maine — one of the teUers — rose, and in a loud
voice proclaimed that " On the* one hundred and thfrty-thfrd ballot
Nathaniel P. Banks had received one h-wndred and three votes; Mr.
Aikin had received one hundred votes ; Mr. Fuller had received six votes ;
and Mr. CampbeU had received four votes. That Mr. Banks having
reeeived the highest number of votes on this ballot, was declared duly elected
Speaker of the thirty-fourth Congress."
At this announcement the spectators in tbe gaUeries broke forth in
wUd excitement. Cheer after cheer went up, amid . the waving of hand
kerchiefs and demonstrations o# umestrained exultation, which were re
sponded to by hisses from the Administration side of the House.
Some feeble opposition was made to Mr. Banks assuming the duties
of the chair, when a resolution declaring him Speaker was offered aud
adopted by a large majority. This was in accordance with tbe prece
dent established in 1849, and rendered the election constitutional.
When .this resolution had been adopted, the Clerk, Mr. Forney, a
Democrat of PhUadelphia, caUed on Mr. Aikin, of South Carolina, Mr.
Fuller, of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, to conduct the
Speaker to the chafr. This being done —
Mr. Banks delivered an appropriate address, and the Clerk called on
the writer, being the oldest member of the House, to admmister tbe
oath of office. He walked into the open area in front of the Speaker's
chair, and, taking a position some thfrty feet ft-om him, desfred that
officer to raise his right hand, which he did, and the oath was admin
istered in a loud voice, according to tbe form practised in New England
from the time of the Pilgrims.
Thus closed this remarkable conflict, after a struggle of nine weeks.
In this contest the most discordant elements were brought to the support
of prmciple, and the power of truth in political contests was very fully
and beautifuUy iUustrated.*
* -When the writer, possessing a large physical frame and whitened hah-, walked out to the front
of the Speaker to administer the oath, the audience at once recognized him as having labored long
and steadily In the cause of human freedom, and another cheer was given for this result of his laboi-s.
This form of administering the oath had never been adopted on any former occasion, and It was
regarded with so much interest that the papers of the next morning described, the Incident, and
gave a verbatim report of the language used on the occasion.

390 MILITAET INVASION OF KANSAS.
The effect of this victory was felt through tbe country. Men now
saw the moral influence which a few individuals devoted to truth
and freedom had been able to exert upon Congress. Sixteen years
before this occurrence Mr. Adams and the author of these sketches
were tbe only representatives in Congress of the doctrines now sup
ported by a majority of the House.
Tbe slaveholders and those who sympathized with them appeared to
realize that political power was gradually escaping from their grasp, and
that tbe day was rapidly approaching when the people would resume
control of the Government and wield it for thefr own benefit.
Slavery and freedom had met in open conflict, and truth had again
prevailed. From the hour that slavery had been rejected from CaU
fornia, defeat and disaster had attended the advocates of the institution.
On Monday, 5tb February, tbe House proceeded to read the Presi
dent's message, and having completed its organization, commenced the
ordinary business of legislation.
But now the difficulties in Kansas attracted public attention. Many
emigrants from New England had settled in that territory and constituted
almost its entfre resident population. The -people of Missouri and the
other slave States had not been idle. They could not send emigrants to
cultivate its soO, but they prepared to enter the territory with an armed
force and to estabUsh the institution of slavery by mUitary power.
Accordingly, on the day appointed by the Governor for electing mem
bers of the General Assembly, and on the previous day, citizens from
Missouri with arms and banners entered the territory, took possession
of the ballot-boxes, drove the resident citizens from the polls, and pro
claimed their companions members of the Legislature. These men
professing^ to have been elected, assembled and enacted a slave cOde
for Kansas, which in point of barbarity had seldom been equaUed since
the darker ages had passed away.
Tbe resident citizens were unwiUing to recognize either the legislators
or the slave-sustaining enactments which they had passed.
The people of the free States in the meantime sent arms and
ammunition to their friends in Kansas to enable them to protect them
selves against the invaders, who were now endeavoring to establish
slavery by force of arms. The citizens of slave States also sent men
and arms to reenforce the harbingers of slavery.
MiUtary parades, driUs, and camp equipage became common. Skir
mishes were fought, victories were won and lost, men were slain,
prisoners were captured, and civil war with all its ordinary incidents ex
isted in that territory. The President espoused the cause of the slave-

the PEESIDENT SUSTAINS THB INSUEGENT8. , .391
holders, and sent troops of the United States to maintain the curse of
human bondage and enforce the worse than Draconian code enacted by
adherents of slavery from slave States.
The Senate called on the President by resolution to communicate to
Congress such information as he might possess in relation to the difficul
ties existing in Kansas. He replied by message on the 14th February,
and in it he assaUed the societies and men of the free States who had
assisted emigrants to the territory as "promoters of civil war,'' and
mUdly censured the invaders who had entered the territory with an armed
force and usurped the govemment ; but in the most emphatic terms
denounced as " insurgents " those who refused to obey the enactments
of their invaders. He referred to those who favored the formation of ti
free State, and to those who sympathized with them, as " enemies of tbe
Government " and " violators of tbe Constitution," and those who op
posed the extension of slavery he characterized as " agitators seeking
to overthrow the Government and institutions of the country.''
This extraordinary state paper did not fail to call forth the deep
indignation of those who were endeavoring to maintain the constitutional
rights of tbe free as weU as of the slave States. They spoke of the
President as the mere instrument, of the slave power, seeking southern
favor by treason to the Constitution and to freedom. They placed upon
tbe record of debates the fact that he had sent the army of tbe United
¦ States to aid the invaders, and sustain the usurpers of the govern
ment in Kansas.
In the Senate, Messrs. Hale, Sumner, Seward, WUson, HamUn, Fes--
senden, CoUamer, Foote and Wade, were outspoken and bold in exposing
the crimes committed in Kansas by tbe supporters of slavery. ' The
transactions in that territory, the attempts of the Executive and his
friends to sustain them, atforded an inexhaustible theme for criticism ;
and these exposures were the more unwelcome to the slave power in conse
quence of the approaching Presidential election, which was to take place
before the next meeting of Congress. But tbe Senate debated the
message of the President and the report of the committee to whom it
was referred, as well as the bill admitting Kansas to the Federal Union
as a State. These subjects were discussed until the 8th July, when the
Senate passed the biU authorizing the people of "Kansas "to form a
State constitution and government."
In the House of Representatives the message of the President was
examined with less severity. Members of that body appeared to regard
the association of the President with the Vice-President, Atchison a;id
the border ruffians of Missouri, to be so obvious as to deprive hun of

392 THE PEESIDENT AND HOUSE AT ISSUE.
that influence which could alone justify them in commenting upon his
conduct. On the 21th February, Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, chairman of the
Committee on Territories, in the House reported a biU declaring most
of the acts passed by the usurpers of Kansas void and securing the peo
ple of that territory in the enjoyment of thefr rights.
But as there appeared to be doubts thrown around many important
facts connected with Kansas, resolutions were introduced authorizing the
Speaker to appoint a committee of three members, who should visit tbe
territory, take testimony, and report to tbe House facts concerning tbe
invasion, the election, and action of the self-styled Legislature.
. This so-caUed Legislature of Kansas passed a pretended la^w profes
sing to authorize the people to elect a delegate to Congress, and a man
holding a certificate of election under these enactments, appeared and
demanded admission ; but after a full examination- tbe House declared
that tbe self-styled legislators had no authority, that their enactments
were void, and that the delegate had no claim to a seat in that body.
Thus did the House of Representatives spurn the enactments which tbe
President declared valid.
The report of the committee sent to Kansas to ascertain facts appear
ed to set all cavil at rest ; and the free-State men of the territory and
their advocates in Congress and in the States determined to encounter
the horrors of civil war rather than submit to this attempt to extend .
slavery over Kansas by force of arms.
But a difficulty arose in consequence of the uuT^UUngness of the Com
mittee on Ways and Means to exercise the legitimate functions which
the House possessed. In reporting tbe army appropriations, they placed
the whole amount in the hands of tbe President, without restriction,
instead of declaring that no part of it should be used to transport
troops to Kansas or to sustain them in that territory. Thus did that
committee propose to give the President means to carry on the civU
war. Older members of the House were dissatisfied with this action of the
committee, and when the biU came under debate, Mr. CampbeU, of Ohio,
chairman, on being publicly interrogated, reluctantly declared that be
would not look at sectional difficulties while legislating for the country.
But an amendment was proposed limiting the appropriation so as to re
strict the President from using tbe army for tbe subjugation of Kansas.
This amendment was adopted, and the bUl passed the House of Repre
sentatives ; but the Senate disagreed to this restriction, and the bUl was
finally lost on this disagreement.

SUMNEe's EEPLT TO BUTLEE. . 393
The feeUng of l^ostiUty which had grown up on the part of the
South towards the North, was manifested by the dictatorial bearing
of southern members. It had been confirmed and strengthened by
yielding up rights and interests on the part of northern members
untu slaveholding Representatives regarded themselves as the superiors
of those from the free States. They found it unpossible to mamtaui
an intellectual superiority whenever northern members boldly con
fronted them ; yet Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, a man usuaUy of,
gentle demeanor, was quite impatient of opposition upon questions
touching slavery. Whenever the institution came under debate he
assumed a dictatorial tone, spoke disrespectfully of his opponents, and
on matters relating to Kansas he became offensive to those who ¦
opposed him.
Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts, was erudite and always gentlemanly.
He had the advantages of a" fine education, improved by travel in
foreign countries. A man of pure morals, proud of the noble State of
which he was a Representative, and devoted to the cause of progress and
human elevation ; he devoted all his energies to the discharge of official
duty. On the 20th May, he delivered a speech on the bUl authorizing the
people of Kansas to form a constitution and State governnient, a part
of which was in reply to the remarks of Mr. Butler on the same subject.
No one doubted, nor did Mr. Sunmer deny, that he intended siich a
rebuke to Mr. Butler as would admonish that gentleman of the propriety
of observing a respectful courtesy towards his opponents ; yet no friend
of Mr. Butler or of slavery charged Mr. Sumner with overstepping
the bounds of order, or of strict parUamentary rules in his remarks ; but
-they were forcible, indeed withering towards Mr. Butler, who had ren
dered himself subject to the severest criticism. The force of his logic and
the obvious justice of his aUusions were woundmg to the pride of South
CaroUna : her Representatives were said to have held a consultation on
the subject. Thefr Senator and State had been placed in an unenviable
position, and the question appeared to be how they were to wipe out the
stain ?
Unfortunately, they believed in the practice and habits of the South,
and instead of maintaining the intellectual conflict, they had recourse to
physical violence.
Mr. Brooks, attended by Mr. Keitt, both armed, entered the Senate
chamber after the adjournment of the 22d May. Mr. Sumner remained
at his desk engaged in writing, with a few other Senators who were also
engaged at thefr desks, as was usual. Brooks approached Mr. Sumner

394r . ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION/ .DSI THE SENATE.
in front, with a heavy cane in his hand, saying : " I have read your
speech ; it is a Ubel on my State and Mr. Butler, who is a relative of
mine," at the same instant striking him. Sumner attempted to rise ;
a second blow, falling with fuU force, prostratfid him, at the same time
depriving him of consciousness. As he lay paralyzed and apparently
Ufeless, Brooks proceeded to inflict further blows, whUe Keitt, -with a
pistol in one hand and a cane in the other, ordered the spectators to
stand back. Mr. Crittenden, of the Senate, and Mr. Murray, of the
House, being present, seized Brooks and removed him ; while Mr.
Morgan, of the House, protected the apparently Ufeless body of Sumner
from further outrage.
Perhaps Massachusetts and South Carolina were never more faithfuUy
represented than by Mr. Sumner and Mr. Brooks. Tbe one was intelU-
gent, gentlemanly and kind, holding that all contests were to be decided
by reason, by the judgment and conscience ; the other holding that
violence, physical force, the dueUa, or battle-field, was the proper resort
of gentlemen and of nations. Tbe ideas of the one were refined and
pure ; the other adhered to the barbarism of former ages. Indeed, this
distinction was equally weU defined between the people of the free, and
slave States.
On the morning foUowing this assault, Mr. Wilson called the attention
of the Senate to the outrage which had been perpetrated upon tbe senar
torial sanctity of that body.
Mr. Seward moved a resolution of inquiry and tbe appointment of a
committee. Tbe resolution was adopted, but every member of the
committee, five in number, were Democrats ; no Senator opposed to the
Administration was appointed. This outrage upon parUamentary usage
w.as as great as the personal assault on Mr. Sumner. But tbe facts were
so well known that the committee could neither misunderstand nor mis
represent them, although they referred to the speech of Mr. Sumner as
the cause of the attack. As Mr. Brooks was a member of tbe House
of Representatives, a copy of the report was transmitted to that body
for its action.
But before this report was made to the Senate, Mr. CampbeU, of
Ohio, offered to the House of Representatives resolutions of inquiry in
relation to this violation of the privileges of the Senate by a member of
the House. The consideration of these resolutions was opposed by Mr.
CUngman and Mr. Craig, of North Oai-oUna ; Mr. Smith and Mr. Letcher,
of Virginia. Tbe Speaker, however, decided that the resolutions were
privileged under parliamentary law, and entitled to immediate considera
tion. From this decision Mr. CUngman appealed ; and every member

EEOOKS EXPELLED FEOM THE HOUSE. 395
from the slave States voted against the decision, together with Messrs.
Day, of Ohio ; English, of Indiana ; Florence, of Pennsylvania ; Fuller,
of Maine ; MarshaU, of IlUnois ; MiUer, of Indiana, and Valk, of New
York. But the Speaker was sustained by a large majority, and the
committee was appointed, and on the 2d June made a full report of
facts, accompanied by a resolution expeUing Mr. Brooks from the
House. This report was, however, signed by Messrs. CampbeU, Pen
nington and Spinner ; while Messrs. Cobb and Greenwood, belonging
to the democratic party, made an elaborate report, concluding with
the resolution that the House of Representatives had no jurisdiction of
the case.
On the 10th June, resolutions from the Legislature of Massachusetts
were presented, stating the rights of each State to be represented in the
Senate, and the sanctity of the persons of Senators whUe thns representing
thefr States, and in dignified language deprecating the late outrage
npon one of her Senators.
SimUar resolutions were received from the Legislatures of Rhode
Island and Connecticut, they being in session at the time.
Mr. Sumner being confined by his wounds, Mr. Butler repUed to
the speech of Mr. Sumner. To this Mr. Wilson, while his colleague
was yet prostrated, rejoined in an able manner. Mr. Evans, of
South CaroUna, also spoke upon the subject. Mr. Douglas, of Illinois,
spoke only in excuse of himself for" not interfering at the time of the
assault, as his object might have been misconstrued. Mr. Slidell, of
Louisiana, declared that he heard the blows, but felt no interest in the
matter. Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, openly justified the assault; To these
remarks Mr. Wade, of Ohio, responded witli earnestness, ^declaring the
assault " assassinlike and cowardly."*
On the 9th July, the House proceeded to th'e consideration of the
resolutions and report of the committee expelling Mr. Brooks. Mr.
CUngman, of North CaroUna, argued that the attack was a mere assault
and battery, of which the House could take no jurisdiction. Mr. Bingham,
of Ohio, replied with great force ; and after further debate the vote was
taken upon expelling Brooks, and stood 121 in the affirmative and
95 in the negative. All the members from the slave States, assisted by
* As Mr. Toombs had justified the assault -which Mr. Wade pronounced co-wardty, members
expected that Toombs would challenge him ; but he did not.
Mr. Brooks challenged Senator Wilson, who replied that the moral feelmg of his State would not
justify lum in meeting an opponent In a duel ; but the people expected him to defend himself
Tbis he expected would call out an attack upon the street, and he prepared for it. Indeed, the
feeling now ran so high that several Senators and Representatives carried arms upon their persons
wherever they went.

396 FUNDS FOE THE SUBJUGATION OF KANSAS.
Messrs. Florence, CadwaUader and J. Glancy Jones, of Pennsylvania ;
Denver, of CaUfornia ; English, .of Indiana, and MarshaU, of Illinois,
voted in the negative ; while all the other members from the free States
voted in the affirmative. •
There being less than two-thirds iu the affirmative, the resolutions
were lost. After the vote was declared, Mr. Brooks addressed the
House, by common consent, for an hour, endeavoring to justify his bar
barous violence in consequence of Mr. Sumner's speech. When he closed
he declared that he had already sent his resignation to the Governor Of
his State. '
On tbe foUowing day the House proceeded to consider another reso
lution reported by the committee, for expeUing Mr. Keitt for the part he
had borne in the affafr, which being so amended as to express the dis
approbation of the House, was adopted' by a large majority, and that
gentleman thereupon resigned his seat.
Thus ended the pubUc debate concerning a transaction which greatly
disparaged our Government with foreign nations, involving the people of
the free. States in that low degree of civilization which only belonged
to tbe slaveholding portion of the nation ; but the recoUection of
those scenes wUl long remain deeply impressed upon the memory of
those who witnessed them.
Tbe general indignation .of the northern people became intensified
when it was found that Mr, Sumner continued unable to attend his
duties in the Senate. He was subjected to painful operations at the '
hands of the most eminent medical men of Europe. He was temporarily
paralyzed, and suffered exceedingly for nearly two years before he was
able to resume his official duties.
The natural result of these outrages was the formation of poUtical
parties upon the question of slavery and freedom. Indeed, the necessity
for such poUtical organization was so ob-vious that few persons appeared
to doubt its propriety, when tbe first session of the thfrty-fourth-Con-
gress adjourned.
But that body having faUed to pass any bill makinig appropri
ations for the army, tbe President called the members together by pro
clamation, for an extra session ; and a sufficient number of northern
members now united with the Committee of the House to pass a biU
giving the President both funds and army for the subjugation of Kansas,
and the bill in that form became a law.
Long before the adjournment, the people began to move in favor
of a general political organization preparatory to the coming presi
dential canvass. Tbe " Americans " or " Know Nothings," were to

FOEMATION OF THE EEPUBLICAN PAETT. 397
meet at PhUadelphia, and the leaders of the free-soU party caUed a
meeting of their friends to be held in Pittsburg at the same time. The
Americans were unable to unite upon any platform in regard to slavery ;
and the Free-soUers, after consideration, passed resolutions declaring
their prmciples and expressing a desfre that all who held those doctrines
would meet in national convention for the nomination of candidates for
President and Vice-President. .
Soon after a general call for a convention appeared, inviting " all who
were opposed to the repeal of the "Missouri Compromise, to the exten
sion of slavery, in favor of admitting Kansas as a free State, and in
favor of restoring the Government to the principles avowed by Washing
ton and Jefferson, to meet at Philaddphia."
This restoration of the Government to the doctrines of our revolu
tionary fathers, had constituted the theme of contemplation by Mr.
Adams and his associates since 1831. No reformation short of adopting
those doctrines was regarded by them as of any importance. And this
caU was intended to carry out that object.
The convention, in pomt of numbers and of moral character, was
equal to any that had ever met in the United States.
At Philadelphia, on the 18th June, a.d. 1856, the RepubUcan
party was formed upon the principles expUcitly enunciated m the reso
lutions of which the following is a copy :
" Resolved, That the mamtenance of the principles promulgated in
the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Consti
tution are essential to the preservation of our repubUcan institutions •
and the Federal Constitution, the rights of ihe States and the union of
the States shall be preserved,
" Resolved, That with our repubUcan fathers, we hold to the self-
evident truth, that aU men are_endowed by thefr Creator with equal
and inalienable rights to life, Uberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
That-the primary object and ulterior design of instituting our Federal
Government was to secure the enjoyment of these rights to aU persons
under its exclusive jurisdiction. That, as our repubUcan fathers^ when
they had aboUshed slavery in all our national territory, ordamed by the
Constitution that no person shaU be deprived of life, liberty or property
without due process of law, it becomes our duty to mamtam this provision
against all attempts to violate it ; and to prevent the establishment of
slavery in any territory of the United States by positive legislation,
prohibiting its existence therein: And we deny the constitutional
authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any mdividual
or association of individuals to give legal existence to slavery in any

398 EEPUBLICANS DISCARD KNOW NOTHINGS.
territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shaU be
maintained."* There were also other resolutions relative to Kansas, to the ," Ostend
Manifesto," and to polygamy in Utah ; but. the two which we have
quoted show the primal truths, the essential dements on. wiich the.
founders of tbe repubUcan party based their claims for support.
These resolutions were intended to invoke a distinct and unmistakable
issue with all who held to the necessity of corraption, or fraud, or
oppression in our American Government. The writer wbUe serving
in Congress had pubUcly called on southem men to acknowledge
or deny these doctrines ; but be had never been able to obtain from
a slaveholder or a sympathizer with slavery a dfrect answer to the
question. The adherence of those who founded the repubUcan organization to
the doctrines enijnciated was well expressed by a subsequent vote. The
Americans or Know Nothings of New York, had appointed a large and
respectable committee to meet a similar committee from the Republican
Convention, in order to agree upon terms by which the Americans and
Republicans could unite. The committee had come from New Tork for
that purpose, and were in the convention when Governor Morgan, of
that State, proposed to appoint a corresponding committee on tbe part
of tbe RepubUcans to meet them.
To this it was objected that the Republicans had proclaimed their
doctrines, which were immutable, and no committee could change them.
If tbe " Americans " maintained those doctrines, they would of course
vote with the RepubUcans ; if they did not hold to them, they could not
and ought not to support them. Nor could any RepubUcan vote for
any man who denied these essential principles, and Governor Morgan's
proposition was laid upon the table with but Uttle opposition.
Tbe convention having assumed the name of " RepubUcan " as its
party designation, and nominated John C. Fremont as its candidate for
President, and WUUam L. Dayton for Vice-President, adjoumed.
But this assertion of primal truths as the basis of the organization was
novel to the politicians of the old parties. Messrs. Clay, and Webster,
and Calhoun, and Cass, and other statesmen had discarded this policy, and
its adoption now was regarded by their admfrers as ah imputation upon
the wisdom which those great men were supposed to possess. AU
* The first of these resolutions was penned by Hon, Preston King ; the latter was written by the
author In his library, at Jefferson, Ohio. Mr. King and the writer were both on the committee
appointed to report resolutions and platform to the convention, and these were adopted by unani
mous vote of tbe committee, and In convention there was not a dissenting vote.

THB ISSUE MADE UP. 399 «
admitted the doctrines, but many denied the poUcy of adopting them.
Some said the '' self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence"
were admitted by both the democratic and whig parties. Leading
Democrats in the free States, in public and in private, asserted that
thefr party held them firmly as RepubUcans. But the more ex
perienced' men of that day admitted that in practice both of the old
parties de'nied them.
There was mucfr difficulty encountered from that pride of opinion which
is natural to the human intellect. Old politicians who had grown grey
in maintaining the poUcy of a national bank, a protective tariff, and
distribution of the proceeds of pnbUc lands, could not understand how
these should be laid aside and the primal doctrines of govemment be
resorted to as the basis of a party organization. Men who had always
assailed thefr opponents as the only argument in favor of themselves,
could not understand why the platform of any party shoiUd fail to attack
those who opposed it.
The result of the election placed James Buchanan in the Executive
Chair ; but all saw that his success had been achieved by the united
support of northern men, who dared not deny the doctrines enunciated
by the RepubUcans ; or that the slaveholders practically repudiated
them. It was also well understood that the democratic party could
only be held together by the enunciation of some principle on which
all could unite.
The American or Know Nothing party had now sunk in poUtical death,
and only two parties were before the nation : of these the repubUcan
only avowed essential doctrines as its basis.
When the thirty-fourth Congress reassembled in December „ggg
for its third session, it seemed admitted by aU that the RepubU
cans had become a poUtical power in the nation. Thefr scattfered forces
had been collected, thefr principles had crystallized into definite form,
and. the members of that organization felt fuU assurance of success at
the Presidential election of 1860.
The civU war in Kansas contmued ; property was destroyed, buUdings
were burned, men were slain, and skfrmishes fought in order to estabUsh
slavery therein.
The President's annual message gave ample evidence of the feeUngs
of his party. Former Executives had been accustomed to express vrith
great dignity their views upon important questions of policy and of
prindple; but Mr. Pierce now descended from his official position to
read lectures to the people for discussing their rights : and he assaUed
those State Legislatures who passed laws for protecting the hberties

400 THE MESSAGE CEITICISED.
of their people ; and falsely charged the anti-slavery men with agi
tating the emancipation of southem slaves. Tbis misrepresentation-was
constantly repeated by men in office and politicians, so far as to become
evident that they intended to falsify the historic record in regard to it.
The message was criticised with great freedom ; the right of tbe people
to discuss whatever subject entered into the administration of govern
ment was maintained, and all attempts to usurp undelegated authority
by the Executive was denounced ; the imtruthful assertions in the mes
sage were exposed, and the President's friends were called on to vindi
cate him against these charges of official mendacity.
In the Senate, Mr. Hale reviewed the message with deserved severity
and with consummate abUity. In that work. Senators WUson, of
Massachusetts, and Trumbull, of IlUnois, engaged with a zeal becoming
patriots ; whUe the press of the country repeUed his attacks upon the
people for speaking thefr sentiments, declaring them new and without
precedent. In the message the whole subject of our Kansas difficulties was open
ed up for debate. The question of extending slavery was agam pre
sented, and the issue between the parties on that subject was rendered
unmistakable. This was the first fundamental issue ever formed be
tween the political parties of our nation. Although the leaders of the
whig party in 1844 professed opposition to the extension of slavery,
they had not dared to proclaim it as a principle in thefr national plat
form. Such, too, was the case when the Democrats were about to annex
Texas : Indeed, the joint resolutions in favor of that measure were intro
duced both in the Senate and in the House of Representatives by Whigs,
but now the repubUcan party, representing the principles enunciated at
its formation, stood compactly and immovably opposed to this leading
doctrine of the democracy.
jgg^, Tbe reopening of the African slave tra,de was much agitated in
the cotton-growing States. The Governor of Alabama, in his
message, called attention of the Legislature to this subject, and it was
said that several cargoes of slaves had been recently imported by its
citizens : Individuals boasted of having foUowed that barbarous traffic,
declaring that the laws of the United States against it could not be
enforced within any slave State. Southern men insisted that slavery was
right and proper ; that the Federal Government was bound to support
it : and taking this as the predicate, they declared that it was for tbe
interest of the cotton States to increase the nOmber of their slaves,
asserting with great confidence that if slavery be right, the slave trade
could -not be wrong.

ME. ETHEEIDGe's EESOLUTION. 401
On the 15th December, Mr. Etheridge, of Teimessee,"'offered a resolu
tion, declaring " tbe African slave trade to be shocking to the moral
sense ofthe civUized portion of mankind ; and that any act of Congress
conniving at, or legalizmg that horrid and inhuman traffic would justly
subject tbe Government and citizens of the United States to the reproach
and execration of all Christian people throughout the civilized world."
Southern members opposed the introduction of the resolution, but it
was finally brought to a vote, and adopted by 152 to 51, only one mem
ber from the free States, Mr. Florence, of Pennsylvania, voting with
the slaveholders, whUe Messrs. Etheridge and ZoUicoffer, of Tennessee;
Smith, of Alabama ; and Kennett, of Missouri, sustained the resolu
tion. The feeling against the slave trade became so strong that several
members who had voted for it, at the time of which we are speaking,
took occasion subsequently to declare thefr hatred of it.
During this last session of the thfrty-fourth Congress, constant hiti-
mations were thrown out in regard to the settlement of the constitu
tional right of carrying slaves into our Territories by the Supreme Court,
and northern men were inquired of as to the surrender of thefr opinions,
provided tbe Supreme Court should decide in favor of that measure.
But no one appeared to understand the aUusion.

402 THE CASE OF DEED SCOTT.

CHAPTER XXVII.
SUBSERVIENCY OF THE SUPREME COUET  CONSTITUTION OF KANSAS  PRESI
DENT'S MESSAGE  POLITICAL PRINCIPLES  " AMISTAD" SLAVES — CONSTTTU-
TION OF KANSAS REJECTED  WALKER's EXPEDITION  CLAIMS- FOR DEPORTED
SLAVES — RIGHT OF VISITATION.
jgjj^ , An important incident in " the regime of slavery " transpired
soon after the adjournment of the thirty-fourth Congress. The
important and well-defined principles of the RepubUcan party needed no
explanation, no vindication. They were not only "self-evident," bnt
they constituted the distinct and emphatic doctrines on which the
Government had been founded, without the maintenance of whicli it
must cease to be that estabUshed by, our fathers.
Tbe result of tlie Presidential election showed clearly that the demo
cratic party of the North dared not take issue upon those doctrines,
and had escaped defeat only by claiming them as thefr own ; whUe
tbe southern wing of that organization distinctly and emphaticaUy denied
the existence of those " self-evident truths."
jggg , All now appeared to see the overthrow of the democratic party,
unless some effective movement were made to prevent the on
ward progress of the republican organization. To effect this object,
recourse was had to the Supreme Court. A majority of the members of
that tribunal were slaveholders, and at least one of the non-slaveholding
members was believed to be as anxious to involve the free States in the
crime of sustainmg slavery, as were his feUow-judges of the South.* A
case was made up by counsel in Missouri, stating that a negro woman,
accompanying her master, who was a miUtary officer, by whom she was
held a slave, gave bfrth to a child whUe Uving in the Louisiana pur
chase north of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude, and subsequently moved to
and resided in Missouri. The child had been named " Dred Scott," and
having arrived at mature age, sued for his freedom. The case was car
ried to the Supreme Court of the United States, and during the month
of March, that tribunal took up the subject, and after hearing it elabo
rately argued, very gravely decided, that " although the language used
in the Declaration of Independence was broad enough to include the
* Judge Baldwin, of Pennsylvania.

ITS DECISION IN THE SUPEEME COUET. 403
whole human family, and if used in a simUar instrument at this day
would be so understood ; yet history informs us that such was noi their
intention ; they did not include, nor did they intend to embrace, colored
persons, the descendants of African slaves," and they proceeded to de
clare "that black men had -no rights that white men were bound to
respect." This denial of the essential truths announced in the Declaration of In-
pendence, astonished the people of the free States. But the barbarous
doctrine that white men were not bound to respect the right of black
men to live, awakened among the people an intense abhorrence not merely
of the principle but of the men who enunciated a doctrine so revolting
to Christianity. The people believed the black man's rights to life as
sacred as that of the white man. '
The intentional killing of black men was universally beUeved in the
fi-ee States to be murder ; yet it was well known that the Federal
Government had sent our army to Florida, where they butchered inno
cent men, women, and chUdren becaufee they were black. Indeed, the
reader wUl recollect that men were shot down in the State of Pennsyl
vania under the fugitive act. They were shot by deputy marshals of
the United States in Pennsylvania and in Ohio, and in every slave State
the master was authorized to slay his bondman if he resisted the master's
barbarous brutaUty. . And in aU the cotton-gro-wing States they were
driven so hard at labor as to render the average Ufe of persons after
reachmg manhood bnt seven years, and on the sugar plantations but
five years.* It was therefore necessary, in order to vindicate the insti
tution, for the Court to assert this doctrine, revolting as it was. But
when that tribunal assumed that .the signers of the Declaration, in
assertmg that all men were endowed by thefr Creator with inaUenable
rights to Ufe and Uberty, intended to assert only that aU white men were
entitled to these prerogatives of the human soul, the people at once
charged ignorance upon the Court rather than upon Jefferson and
Adams and Franklin and thefr associates.
That distinguished tribunal, however, became so excited as to assert
the undisguised falsehood that " history showed that the signers of the
Declaration regarded black men as ha-ving no rights that white men were
bound io respect."
This decision, however, recognized one essential doctrine of the anti-
slavery men. They had ever averred that the Declaration of Inde
pendence asserted the principles of the Govemment, and that the Con-
• Vide " Jay's views of the Federal Government" aad the slaveholders' address therein quoted.

404 THE CASE OF DEED SCOTT.
stitution was to be so construed as to carry out the essential principles
of the Declaration of Independence. But this had been denied by
southern statesmen and by leading Democrats of the North. The
Court, however, felt the necessity of admitting this doctrine, and were
unable to find any warrant for slavery under the Federal Government,
except by an attempt to show that the signers of tbe Declaration of
Independence faUed to express thefr own views, but asserted doctrines
directly opposed io those which they entertained.
jggg. The decision, however, shocked the public conscience. It
seemed to satisfy the pubUc mind that men who had so far vitiated
thefr own moral natures as to hold thefr fellow-men in degrading bond
age, would even pervert the truth of history in order to vindicate thefr
own conduct. The decision aroused, a spirit of investigation and of
independent thought among the people.
Upon its pubUcation slaveholders and northem Democrats hastened to
adopt it as tbe platform of thefr moral and political faith, and thus was
the great issue between the RepubUcans and Democrats distinctly formed
and placed unmistakably upon the records of the nation. The right of
all men to live, and to that Uberty which is necessary to cherish and
sustain Ufe, had been asserted by the republican Convention, and was
now as emphatically denied by the democratic organization north and
south. It was an issue broad as human nature, eternal as the wUl of
tbe Creator. Tet from the formation of tbis issue some professed
RepubUcans were dissatisfied. They had belonged to the whig party,
had embraced the doctrine so long adhered to by the leaders of that
organization, " that no poUtical party could succeed upon weU defined
principles ;" " that the people were not sufficiently enUghtened and vfr
tuous to maintain thefr own liberties, or to adhere to truth and
justice as the basis of govemmental organization ;" and " therefore
injustice, wrong, and even corruption, were necessary to the support
of our Government." They labored to convince those who had long
endeavored to organize a party upon the doctrines of the Declaration of
Independence, that such an organization coutd -not succeed. They ap
peared unwUUng to admit that Clay, and Webster, and Ewing, and
Corwin, and Fillmore, had been in error in their efforts to placate the
slave power instead of resisting it. And while they were struggling to
convi-uce RepubUcans of what they deemed errora of poUcy, they found
themselves constrained to practise the doctrines which they theoretically
deprecated. The persons elected by slaveholders from Missouri and other slave
States to constitute the Legislature of Kansa^ passed an act authorizing

A NEW ISSUE FOEMED. 405
the election of delegates to a convention for forming a State constitution
and government. The people generally refused to recognize those men .
as possessing any power, and regarding the enactment as void, refused to
appear at the polls or to vote for delegate. Of course, those who were
pro-slavery were elected, and a slaveholding constitution was framed.
But at this point a difficulty was discovered. The framers of this pro-
slavery constitution became convinced that the people of Kansas would
never adopt it if it were submitted to them for approval, and they pro
ceeded to declare it absolutely the constitution of that State ; and it
was transmitted to the President, for the purpose of being laid before
Congress preparatory to admission to the Federal Union.
At the assembUng of tbe thirty-fifth Congress there was more intense
feeling throughout the United States in regard to Kansas than had
existed at any former day.
Tbe "American" or "Know Nothing " party had disappeared, and
many Democrats who had left their party to attach themselves to this
novel association returned to thefr democratic friends,^ and a majority of,
members of the House were now obedient to tbe dictates of the slave
power. James L. Orr, of South CaroUna, was elected Speaker.
President Buchanan's first annual message was characterized by an
elaborate argument in favor of admitting Kansas under the slaveholding
constitution which had been adopted by the Convention, but not by tbe
people. He referred to the fact that the constitution of Kansas secured
to the master his property in slaves, according to the then recent " deci
sion of the Supreme Court and the dictates of justice ! " Indeed, the
general tone of tbe message recognized slavery as just and righteous,
exhibiting the entire devotion of the President to the institution.
Mr. Douglas, of lUinois, and many other Democrats, had given .,.„
the pubUc to understand that they did not believe' in the despo
tism manifested by the Convention in Kansas. They insisted that'the
people had the right to pass judgment upon a constitution which was to
bind them and their chUdren to an indefinite period of time. But the
message of the President showed them clearly that support of tbis slave-
holding constitution waS to be the test of democratic orthodoxy.
On referring the message to appropriate committees in the Senate, Mr.
Douglas took occasion to say that he differed from the President " on tbe
point alluded to ; and Mr. Stuart, of Michigan, declared his dissent from
tbe President's views ; whUe Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, sustained tbe
President. Other members were drawn into the debate, and it became
evident that a rupture of the democratic party must take place from
the agitation of this question. Southem oligarchs never permitted

406 THE DEMOCEACY DIVIDED.
their alUes to falter at any doctrine or principle which the slave power
had adopted ; and the more experienced statesmen foresaw that the hesi
tation of Mr. Douglas in adopting the Lecompton Constitution, without
permittmg the people to express their opinions upon it, would exclude
him from southern, support for tbe Presidency.
In the House of Representatives the message was criticised with
severity. It was debated at length, analyzed, dissected, and its moral
and political deformities exposed. The President, in former times, had
served both in the House of Representatives and in the Senate, when
silent and quiet submission to the dictation of slaveholders was practised ;
but he had been absent from the United States four years, and appeared
unconscious of the progress of pubUc sentiment during that time, and his
message had been far better adapted to tbe twenty-Mth than to the thirty-
fifth Congress.
The public mind was now absorbed with the difficulties in Kansas.
Emigrants from every free State resided there. They had left behind
them relatives and friends, who sympathized with them in their strug
gle for freedom. They sent to Kansas provisions, money, arms aud
ammunition, tents and all the paraphernaUa of war ; while most of the
southern States continued to send men and arms to maintain tbe bar
barous code of slave laws enacted by the miUtary usurpers ; and civU
war continued to desolate that devoted country.
At an early period of tbe session, Mr. Douglas introduced to the
Senate a bUl authorizing the people of Kansas to adopt a State consti
tution and form of government. Resolutions were also adopted, calling
on the President for copies of aU correspondence in relation to Kansas
not previously reported.
18581 ^^ ^^^ House of Representatives, Mr. Banks, from the Com
mittee on Territories, reported a simUar bUl. Other biUs, having
the same object in view, were also reported. These bUls were debated,
and questions relating to the extension of slavery, its moral character
and- its pecuniary bearings, were for some two months the theme of
remark. The Legislature of Ohio, in view of the difficulties into which the
democratic party was being precipitated, adopted resolutions declaring
their confidence in the President, their adherence to the Cincinnati Plat
form ; then, denouncing the Lecompton Constitution as unwise and
unfortunate, and asserting that every constitution ought to be submitted
to tbe people, they called on the Senators and Representatives from
that State to oppose the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton
Constitution.

POLITICIANS MOEALLT DEPEAVED. 407
The incongruity of these resolutions afforded , a rich theme for com
ment ; yet they showed that the democratic party could not stand
together on the issue which had been formed between them and the
Republicans. The Legislature of Tennessee, anxious to express the voice of her
people, adopted resolutions condemnatory of Senator Bell, of that State,
for his course in regard to Kansas, and instructing her Senators and
requestfrig her Representatives to exert their influence for the admission
of Kansas upon the Lecompton Constitution.
Mr. -Douglas now stood in avowed opposition to the President and his
policy in relation to Kansas. Senator Stuart, of Michigan, and Senator
Broderick, of California, also took position with Mr. Douglas. The last
uamei Senator was a man of great boldness and possessed a high order
of talent. . He frankly and fearlessly maintained his position against the
combined opposition of the party to which he had belonged, and finaUy
fell a martyr to his integrity of purpose. He was killed in a duel with
Judge Terry, of CaUfornia, and in his last moments declared that he was
murdered " because of his opposition to a corrupt Administration and the
extension of slavery."
On the 20th January, the President transmitted to the two Houses
of Congress copies of tbe Lecompton Constitution and other documents
connected with the formation of a State government.
The issues now being made up, the supporters of\lavery and the
advocates of liberty ranged themselves on opposite sides in well defined
order, while a class of poUticians, calUng themselves Conservatives,
appeared uncertain to which army they belonged ;, they appeared to be
vibrating between right and wrong, " preferring heaven, but choosing
heU." Others joined the RepubUcans, acted with them, but were at all times
anxious to induce that party to abandon its principles -and bring its
members back to the support of the exploded policy of tbe whig party,
of acting in opposition to the democratic organization -without referring
to essential principles for their guide . This Kjlass of politicians proved
more dangerous to the Government than its open enemies. Incapable
of understanding the force of moral truth, or of appreciating the
omnipotence of justice ; they at all times expressed the conviction
that success must depend on shrewdness of- management ; that sound
poUcy might require injustice to mdividuals and classes or to sections,
or it might requfre fraud and deception to carry it out ; that it might
even require bribery and corruption to maintain the Government.
These men were regarded by the experienced statesmen of that

408 DIFFICULTIES IN THE DEMOCEATIO PAETT.
day as political infidels, destitute of the first requisites of patriotic
politicians. No sooner had the issues been fully settled in regard to Kansas, than
Hon. Frederick P. Stanton, of Tennessee, a Democrat, long a member
of Congress and more recently Secretary for the Territory of Kansas,
published an address to the people of the United States, declaring that
the real difficulty had risen from the unlawful invasion of the territory
and the usurpation of its government by military force. These outrages
had been approved by Mr. Douglas ; at least he had insisted that the
enactmefits of the usurping Legislature were valid : Indeed, he had
expressed no disapproval of the miUtary invasion of the territory, and
the fact that Stanton now stood fairly upon the grounds as.sumed by
RepubUcans concerning Kansas served to discourage the leaders "of the
democratic party.
Mr. Stanton had resided in Kansas, was well acquainted with the
popular voice, and in his address declared that a large portion of the
people were determined never to recognize the invaders as thefr legitimate
rulers, and h,e confirmed the reports concerning frauds, oppression and
despotism practised upon the people of the territory.
This publication from the pen of a southern man of high moral and
political standing was a severe blow to the dominant party. Hon.
Thomas L. Harris, of IlUnois, a member of the House of Representar
tives, who had been elected to Congress as a Democrat, came out boldly
denouncing the invasion of Kansas, the usurpation of its government,
and repudiating aU poUtical fellowship with men who sustained these
outrages. Others in pubUc Ufe and thousands in private life now
abandoned the democratic party and joined the RepubUcans because
of thefr unchanging principles of Uberty and juStice.
As men now saw almost the' entire time of Congress occupied in some
form of agitation concerning slavery, they lost confidence in the predic
tion of Messrs. Clay, aAd Webster, and Calhoun, and Cass, and Polk, and
Pierce, and Buchanan, and all those leaders who had represented that the
gag-rules, the censure of membfers, the annexation of Texas, the Mexican
war, the payment of Texas debts, the Fugitive Slave act, and the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise was to silence agitation. Each of these
incidents had greatly weakened the influence of the free States, and had
strengthened that of the slave States ; and the agitation, at first slight,
had now crystallized into d-vil war, wHich threatened a dissolution of
tbe Union : And the prediction of Mr. Adams and his associates in
1843 had thus far been literally fulfilled.
To hide these facts from the great body of the people was now the

PEIMAL EIGHTS OF HUMAN NATUEE. 409
object for which the slave power, the democratic party and many old
Whigs appeared to labor. Indeed, some professing to have embraced the
repubUcan faith labored assiduously and others insidiously to bring
repubUcan doctrines into disfavor.*
The whig party hqld the decisions- of the Supreme Court to be of
binding validity on all departments of government, whUe the demo
cratic party correctly asserted that every officer sworn to support
the Federal Constitution must act on his o-wn judgment, and could
not be controlled by the opinion of any judge or officer against his.
own convictions. The doctrines of the Supreme Court in the case of
Dred Scott were examined with great ability, and the phUosophy of
human governments was more fully brought before the people than
at any former day. Statesmen insisted that He who created the earth
and ordained the laws by which its fruits were produced, had imparted
to men the appetite and imposed upon them the duty of obtaining
those fruits : That He who created the seasons had given to men the
means of providing protection against the storms of heaven ; had made
it their duty to obtain raiment and habitation. That to say tbe Creator
had imposed these duties upon men without giving them the inherent
and imprescriptible right to that liberty which is -necessary to obtain
them would be an impeachment of the Creator's justice, and downright
infideUty. They asserted that it was " self-evident " that every human
being possessed the right to enjoy the light of the sun, to breathe the
afr of heaven, to satisfy his hunger from the fruits of the earth, so 16ng
as he forbears to interfere with the rights vested in other persons.
They insisted that these rights and necessities are not given nor im
posed by human constitutions, or human laws, or human governments ;
but by the Creator ; and that human governments, constitutions and
laws should recognize these rights as constituting a part of the Divine

* Hon. Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, had been Governor of that State, a Representative and a Sena-
tor.in Congress, and more recently Secretary of the Treasury under Mr. Fillmore. On professing
to hold republican doctrines he was nominated for Congress. He attended a State republican con
vention, and was chairman of the Committee on Resolutions. The committee reported resolutions
modified in their tone from the platform adopted at Philadelphia. Soon as the regular business 'of
the convention was completed, Mr. Corwin was called on for an address. He complied, and spent
three-fourths of an hour in efforts to convince Republicans of the duty of catching and retur-n-
ing fugitive slaves. The writer was next called, and he spent an equal amount of time in ridi
culing and holding up to public contempt every " bloodhound " who chased negroes, whether on
two pr four legs.
Subsequently, Mr. Coi-win was reported to have boldly denied the essential truth that the natural
rights of mankind to life and liberty were derived from the Creator. He was reported to have said
that " all our rights are derived from, the Ckmstitution." To this the wiiter replied in a letter
to a friend, which was published ; and the editor oX the paper giving Mr. Corwin's speech then
stated that it had been erroneopsJy reported.

410 ME. CEITTENDEn's AMENDMENT.
WUl r That invasion of these rights must of necessity constitute crme,
whether such invasion be by individuals or by men associated in the
legislative or sexecutive administration of govemments. They asserted
that reUgion and phUosophy blended and united in support of these
principles, and that the duties of Christians and phUosophers, statesmen
and jurists were precisely the same in regard to them.
These doctrines, held by all true Republicans, were opposed and denied
by aU slaveholders and northem Democrats : But the Conservatives, as
they were called, would neither admit nor deny them ; but generally
bore themselves in such manner as to induce RepubUcans to believe they
held to them, and at tbe same time cause the Democrats to beUeve they
denied them.
1858 1 ^^ ^^^ character was Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky. He was
an honest man of tjie school alluded to. He had been a contem
porary of Mr. Clay, and held the policy which that statesman maintained.
He was eloquent and able : and his constant efforts at compromise arose
from the conviction that deception and fraud and oppression were neces
sary to save the Government. He introduced an amendment to the biU
for admitting Kansas with its slaveholding constitution. His amend
ment provided in substance that Kansas should be admitted under tbe
Lecompton Constitution, provided her people should at a subsequent
election vote in favor of adopting it.
This amendment was in accordance with Mr. Douglas' views, and
every RepubUcan in the Senate voted for it : But as tbe Senate was
strongly democratic, the amendment was rejected; the biU passed and was
sent to the House of Representatives.
Tbe Constitution of Kansas in Article 1, Section 1, declared that
" the right of property is before and higher than any constitutional
sanction, and the right of an owner of a slave to such slave and its in
crease is the same and is aS inviolate as the right of the owner of any
property whatever!'
The antagonism between this provision in the Lecompton Constitution
of Kansas and the American Declaration of Independence was so clear
and unmistakable that no intelligent mind could misapprehend the issue.
Tet repubUcan Senators had voted for this amendment, which if adopted
would admit Kansas as a slaveholding State.
The debate in the House of Representatives was long,' able and greatly
embittered by tbe violations of faith which had repealed the Missouri
restriction of slavery ; yet, the fundamental principle which denies the
right of men to enslave their feUows constituted the issue on which the
parties were contending.

• THB VOTE THEEEON. 411
The amendment of Mr. Crittenden was now pressed in private conver
sation upon the RepubUcans of the House, as the only means of defeat
ing the biU. It was nothing more nor less than a compromise be
tween slavery and freedom. But for its adoption in the. House most
RepubUcans were anxious, under the conviction that it would defeat the
Senate's bill. ;
At length the Senate's bill came up for hearing. The writer „^^
moved its rejection : Against this motion all the members from
the slave States voted, together with the foUowing, .from —
Connecticut. . Messrs. Arnold, Bishop, and Clark,  3
New YorS. . " Clarke, John Cochrane, Corning, Haskins,
Hatch, Kelly, Maclay, RusseU, Searing,
Sickles, Taylor, and Ward,  12
New Jersey. . " Adrain, Huyler, and Wortendyke, ... 3
Pennsylvania. " Ahl, Dewart, Dimmick, GUlis, J. Glancy
Jones, Owen Jones, Landy, Leidy, Mont
gomery, PhUlips, and White, . . . .11
Ohio. ... " Burns, Cox, Groesbeck, HaU, Lawrence,
Miller, and Pendleton,  1
Indiana. . . " Davis, EngUsh, Foley, Gregg, Hughes, and
Niblack,  6
Illinois. . . " MarshaU, Morris, and Shaw, , .... 3
California. . " McKibbin and Scott,  2
These forty-seven northern Democrats, with the slaveholders of aU
parties, constituted the negative vote on the motion to reject the biU,
makibg in aU 131, whUe the affirmative included the whole republican
force, amounting to 95 votes ; and the motion faUed by a majority of
forty-seven. Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Tsland, Vermont, Michigan,
Wisconsin and Iowa furnished no vote against the rejection of this bUl.
After tbe faUure of this motion, Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsylvania,
offered the amendment of Mr. Crittenden as a substitute for the biU, and
it was adopted by 120 ayes to 112 noes. The bid being thus amended,
passed the House and was • sent to the Senate for concuiTence. The
Senate rejected the amendment, as was expected. A committee of con
ference after much labor agreed upon a substitute for tbe bill, which was
finaUy passed. By it the constitution was returned to Kansas for adop
tion by tbe people. But as it was well understood that most of the
people of Kansas were in favor of a free State, there was but Uttle
chance for its adoption : Tet the friends of Afrioan bondage in the

412

THE BLAVE POWEE AGAIN DEFEATED.

Senate continued to press the matter of slavery in Kansas upon tbe
consideration of that body.
The admission had been defeated against the combined influence of
the slave power and the democratic party, aided by the Executive, who
declared that " Kansas was as much a" slave State as Georgia or South
Carolina."
jggg. The Legislature of New York having passed resolutions
against tbe admission of Kansas as a slave State, transmitted
them to Senator Seward, who presented them to the body of which he
was a member.
The RepubUcans became still more confident after this defeat of the
Slave power. Bnt although the great body of that party were hostUe to
the institution of slavery upon political and economical principles, there
were comparatively few who regarded it a crime, or asserted that life
and liberty were "gifts of God," lying behind and above human enact
ments : While the framers of the Lecompton Constitution did not
, hesitate to assert that " the right of property in slaves existed before,
and was higher than any constitutional sanction :" Indeed, this moral
phenomenon manifests itself throughout the history of the American
Government. The advocates of oppression, of despotism and crune,
have ever exhibited a boldness that almost commands respect : whUe
the advocates of Uberty, justice and Christianity have been modest,
retiring and diffident.
This defeat of the slave power was more deeply felt by southem men
than was generally understood. After tbe exclusion of slavery from
California, the supporters of that institution looked to Kansas as the
remaining source from whence to add another slave State to the Union.
That having failed, they seemed to comprehend their situation. They
felt, that they were to be rapidly dwarfed in poUtical power and influ
ence, preparatory to the final extinction of human bondage.
g^. Laboring under these gloomy forebodings, the advocates of
slavery appeared to feel that spfrit of desperation which usuaUy
precedes the overthrow of men and of nations. They now spoke boldly
of secession ; of separating from the free States, and gave distinct - indi
cations of that subsequent uprising in favor of oppression, which wiU in
coming time form one of the most astonishing incidents in the history of
nations. The President, in his annual message, had again recommended an
appropriation frOm the pnbUc treasury to compensate the Cuban slave-
dealers who professed to own the people on board the Spanish schooner
" Amistad." Tbis recommendation was' regarded by many northem

THE " AMISTAD " CLAIM DEFEATED. . 413
members as insulting to the people of the free States. It was so treated in
the House of Representatives. Mr. Leach, of Michigan, a devoted friend
of liberty, made an expose of its absurdity, and a democratic Committee
on Foreign Affairs in the House consigned this recommendation of tbe
President to the same silent repose to which northern petitions had been
coinmitted in former days. This was the fourth time that the Executive
had pressed upon Congress the propriety of appropriating the money of
the people to sustain this Cuban slave trade ; but, the rising of those
Africans, and assertion of thefr Uberty, was so palpably just, so evidently
in accordance with the law of nature, that Executive influence, aided by
that of the slave power, could not subject tbe people of the free States
to the humiUation of paymg the pfratical slavedealers .for the loss bf
thefr victims. *
But the Senate treated the message with greater respect. Mr. Mason,
of Virginia, from the Committee on Foreign Affafrs, reported a bUl grant
ing full indemnity to those slavedealers : And so zealous was the author
of the biU for its passage, that he obtained a vote making it the special
order, for a day certain at the next session, when it was to. override aU
other business ; bht learning the repeated fate of that measure in the
House of Representatives, and being aware that Messrs. Seward, Sumner
and Hale were prepared to resist its passage, he faUed to call it up for
debate, and tbis favorite measure of the slave power, after a struggle of
nearly twenty years, slept in sUence.
WhUe these incidents w.ere transpiring, the people of Kansas had
elected delegates to a convention for the purpose of framing a free State
government. The convention met at Topeka, and agreed upon a con
stitution. The Legislature passed resolutions in favor of admission
upon this constitution, and transmitted the resolutions to Congress,
They were respectfuUy received and ordered to be printed, and the
status of tbe territory. in regard to slavery appeared to be established,
although the slave power interposed every obstacle that could delay
its admission as a State.
The advocates of human bondage now realized thefr condition.
California was free : AU efforts to create a war with Spain, in
order to obtain Cuba, had failed, and the Ostend Manifesto had
fallen into apparent contempt. The last and greatest effort to extend
slavery into Kansas had been defeated, notwithstanding the entire
influence of the Executive and of the democratic party had been ear
nestly exerted in favor of the measure : and it was evident that no
fm-ther extension of the institution vrithin the jurisdiction of the United
States could be hoped for : The slave power found its energies para-

414- ANOTHEE PLAN FOE EXTENDING SLAVEET.
lyzed, its influence dissipated, and its prestige lost, 'flie popular feel
ing of the free States had been awakened to its moral and political
crimes : yet its devotees determined on one more effort to extend the
institution and increase its power for maintaining a separate and inde
pendent government, before leaving that which had so long protected
and cherished it. ,
.„„ , An expedition to Central America for the purpose of conquest
was now agitated among the people of the slave States. That
country was well adapted to slave labor. The people were supposed to
be somewhat effeminate, and unprepared to defend themselves against
an invading force. WUUam Walker, of Alabama, appeared to be the
master-soirit of this piratical foray npon an unoffending people : whUe
many leading men of the slave States were said to be active in aiding
him with men and money to carry out his desigij. Indeed so fnUy
were the people .of the slave States identified -with this unla-wful and
unauthorized invasion of Central America, that no man of the South
was known to oppose it. The subject was openly approved and encou
raged by some of the southern newspapers, whUe it i^ not known that a
paper in either of the slave States openly condemned it. It was said by
Walker, and believed by the pubUc, that he held conversations with the
President and other high officers of Government, stating to them his
intentions ; and Walker himself asserted that he had the President's
tacit consent to fit out the expedition, which was a most palpable
violation of the laws of the United States as weU as of the law of nations.
He went so far as to publish what appeared to be a correspondence
between himself and the Federal Executive on the subject, and which is
yet uncontradicted by President Buchanan : but the popular disgust of
the North became apparent. The northern press spoke out manfoUy in -
condemnation of all who aided or approved of this outrage upon inter
national as well as municipal law : and the President appeared to feel
constrained to make an effort to suppress the movement. Whether
this effort was made in good faith or not, is a question which the writer
is not authorized to pass npon, but it is due to the truth of history that
he should say the President at that tune could not have suppressed this
expedition gotten up among a people, aU of whom were m favor
of it.
It consisted of a few hundred men and three ships. They left our
shores and landed fri Nicaragua. Walker issued a proclamation declar
ing the establishment of a new government, constituting slavery one of
its essential elements.
The public indignation became so manifest after the expedition had

CAPTUEE AND DISCHAEQE OF 'WALKEE. 415
departed, that the President gave orders to Commodore Paidding to
pursue Walker and bring him back to the United States.
Walker was a man of daring and enterprise. He was cmel and
despotic. But placed in that sickly climate, with Uttle food and- less
medical attendance, his force diminished as he advanced, untU he found
himself unable to proceed further. He was soon surrounded by greatly
superior numbers, and appearances indicated that justice might speedily
be executed upon him and his followers.
In the meantime the brave old commodore, dreaming of no .jggg
deception, jDut regarding it his duty to bring back Walker, and
havmg reached the coast, sent all his disposable force m pursuit, and
Walker and his men were rescued from the grasp of an outraged peo
ple, by the men sent to arrest and bring them to the United States,
in order that justice might be executed upon them.
This faithful and Uteral execution of orders by the gallant commo
dore, appeared to have been unexpected by the President, as weU as
by the slave power. Walker was now in the United States, and in
the custody of their officers : Tet no efficient movement for his pun
ishment was made ; and southem statesmen, with characteristic effront
ery, charged both the President and Commodore Paulding with the
exercise of unla-wful authority in arresting Walker and his men whUe
within the territory of a fordgw pdWer. It was admitted that Jie had
violated the, laws of the United States, and would have been liable to
punishment had he been arrested on the water ; but inasmuch as he
was captured on land, they contended that the whole proceeding was
void, and they demanded the discharge of Walker and his men.
The President, always subservient to the slave power, dfrected the
discharge of Walker, not because he was innocent, nor because he was
uot properly held under the laws, but for the reason that he had been
arrested on land and not on water. The absurdity of the principle that
Walker ought to escape punishment because he had been arrested withfri
another government by consent of that government, wUl at once enable
the reader to comprehend both the effrontery of the slave power and
the abject obsequiousness of the Executive.
The Senate, by resolution, called on the President for such corres
pondence and information touching the capture of Walker and his men
by Commodore Paulding, as might be in possession of the Executive.
In answer to this resolution, the President spoke mildly of Walker's
offence, and expUcitly disapproved of his capture on land. The message
was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affafrs, of which Mr. Mason
was chafrman. He made a report, concurring in the views of the Presi-

416 ELATES IMPOETED FEOM AFEICA.
dent, and strongly censuring Commodore Paulding for the faithful per
formance of his duties. There was much debate on this resolution.
Slaveholding Senators approved Walker's expedition, and were there
fore unwUling to bear it denounced.
The subject also attracted much attention in the House of Represen
tatives. Southern members justified Walker and his expedition, whUe
the advocates of human rights denounced the invasion of Nicaragua as
an infraction of natural and of international law, for the worse than
piratical object of establishing slavery therein. They ridiculed the idea
that Walker's capture on land constituted anyreason why he should not
be punished : Showed that if any one had a right to complain of the
force which captured Walker, it must be the government of Nicaragua,
with whose consent the arrest was made : That tbe guilt or inno
cence of Walker was not affected by the place of his capture, and that
. nothing short of slaveholding audacity would raise the objection, and
nothing short of abject servUity would admit the validity of such an
argument. But these troubles to the slave power came not alone. As it was
known that slaves were imported into the southem 'States, and the
American Executive was supposed to connive at this crime, which our
nation and laws had pronounced " pfracy," the British Government sent
cruisers to tbe Gulf of Mexico to watch for piratical slavedealers. These
cruisers, vyhUe seeking for men who had waged a pfratical war upon hu
man nature, interrupted some suspected American merchantmen so far
as to ascertain that they were " Americans," and not " pfrates." The
masters of these ships, on reaching the United States, sympathizmg
with the slave interests, made complaint of having been stopped on thefr
voyage by British cruisers who claimed to exercise the " -right of search."
This rigM of search claimed by England in time of war to examine the
manifests and cargoes of neutral powers had constituted one of the prin
cipal causes of the war of 1812, and the very name was odious to the
American people. The slave power understood this cruising in the West
India seas and in the Gulf as an imputation upon the "peculiar insti
tution," and became excited, threatening vengeance upon Britain for
" thus attempting to put down the commerce of the United States," as
they expressed it. Tbe hereditary jealousy and long cherished prejudices
of American saUors in regard to England as a maritime power did not
fail to exaggerate every case in which an American ship had been visited
by British officers.
On the 14th May, Mr. Bright, of Indiana, presented a resolution
calling on the President for any information which might be in his

AN ABANDONMENT OF DOCTEINES. 417
possession touching encroachments upon our commerce in the Gulf
of Mexico.*
The President, in answer to the resolution, communicated such infor*
mation as he possessed, and the whole subject was referred to the Com
mittee on Foreign Relations.
On the 25th May, Mr. Mason, chairman of the committee, made a
report, setting forth the doctrine asserted by Mr. Stevenson,' our minis
ter at London, in 1838, that British cmisers, while searching for slave-
dealers declared pirates b_y England and the United States,' have no
right to intercept the progress of a suspected ship bearing the American
flag, even to ascertain whether it be engaged in the slave, trade or in
lawful commerce.
This doctrine had been met and combated by Mr. Adams in the
House of Representatives, and apparently abandoned by the American
Govemment in 1842, when, by the Treaty of Washington, the British
ambassador not only refused to acknowledge the exemption of suspected
vessels from such inquiry, but the Ainerican Government agreed to fur
nish a naval force to be kept near the African coast for the purpose of
suppressing the slave trade.
It appeared clear to the judgment of refiecting men, that every „ggg
master of a ship who detested the traffic in slaves, would gladly
exhibit his innocence whenever suspected. It was equaUy plain that
no nation whp held the slave trade in just execration, would complam of
such interruption of its ships when suspected of being engaged in that
inhuman traffic. But it was the intention of the slave interest to resist
the exercise of this legitunate power and duty by Great Britain and by
our own national ships, as southem men were at that time notoriously
engaged in the importation of slaves : and strange to say, not a Repub
Ucan m the Senate uttered a word against this arrogant doctruie, which
had been so successfuUy resisted by Mr. Adams eighteen years pre-
. viously. On the contrary, Messrs. Hale and Seward, and WUson and
Wade united in supporting the doctrine contended for by slavedealers
and successfully resisted by the advocates of Uberty for twenty years
previously. The resolutions of Mr. Mason, evidently concocted for the
purpose of securing our -ships engaged in the slave trade from visita
tion by British cruisers, were adopted by a unanimous vote of the
Senate : and the influence of that body was prostituted to protecting
the slave merchants of the United States from merited punishment.
* TUs gentleman was expelled firom the thirty-seventh Congress on acconnt of bia sympathy
with the rebels. 21

418 FUETHEE CLAIMS FOE DEPOETED SLAVES.
The subject was also debated in the House, where the doctrines assert
ed by unanimous vote of the Senate were characterized as a code for the
protection and encouragement of " American pfracy." In that body
the doctrines enunciated by Lord Palmerston, and maintained by Mr.
Adams, were reiterated and supported by argument.
In a former chapter the reader has been informed of the man
ner in which compensation was obtained for slaves deported by the
British army and navy after the treaty of Ghent had been entered into.
A list of aU slaves lost after entering into that treaty was made out,
and when ^compensation had been obtained from the British Govemmpnt,
notice was given to claimants to make proof of their loss and receive
the money. At this stage of the proceedings it was found that many
claimants had preferred fraudulent demands for slaves which they had
not lost. These fraudulent demands had swelled the amount received
from the British, Government much above the real loss of slaves. This
surplus remained in the treasury, and southern slaveholders, emboldened
by the success of the bill for the reUef of "Wigg," heretofore men
tioned, now presented a list of slaves said to have been ready lost at the
close of the war of 1812, but not claimed untU tbe present session. Al-
phia Jennirigs claimed four slaves; Henry A.Wise, one; Ann Robin
son, one; Edward Reed claimed a husband, wife, and four chUdren ;
Mary Martin, one slave.
Mr. Mason, of Virginia, presented the claims and reported the bUl in
favor of paying for them. He and Mr. Pugh, of Ohio, argued in favor
of tbe biU. Mr. Hale frankly avowed his hostiUty to the bUl, as it
acknowledged property in human- fiesh. Mr. Hamlin, of Maine, stated
that he was unable to find sufficient facts to require him to look into the
principles of the claim. Mr. Mason declared that Great Britain had
paid over the money, and he did not deem it necessary to debate the
opinions of Mr. Hale, as the humanitarian views of Great Britain were
becoming modified.
Mr. Seward, of New Tork, said he was a member of the committee
who reported the bUl, that he had opposed it in committee, and now op
posed it. He declared that no condition of things, no drcumstances, no con
siderations, should induce him to vote for any bill that recognized property
in man. He stated that he was not prepared to admit that the people or
government of Great Britain were modifying their views in regard to
slavery. The bUl, however, passed the Senate by a vote of 32 to 15.
Messrs. AUen, of Rhode Island ; Broderick, of CaUfornia ; DooUttle, of
Wisconsm ; Fitch, of Indiana ; Pugh, of Ohio ; Stuart, of Michigan.;
and Wright, of New Jersey, voting with the slaveholders.

COMPENSATION EEFU8ED. 419
I
In the House of Representatives the character of these claims was ex
posed by Hon. PMlemon Bliss, of Ohio, a modest, retfrmg Inan, but an
able and zealous defender of trath and justice : The biU was defeated.
During this debate Mr. Gamett, of Vfrginia, became personaUy insult
ing towards the author for opposing the biU. He was a slaveholding
Vfrgmian, and among the first in that State to encourage and pro
mote the rebeUion which occurred two years subsequently.*
* At tbe commencement of tbe rebellion Gamett received a brigadier-general's commission in
the Confederate service, and tell at the battle of Autietam, In 1862.

420 CHANGE IN POPULAE SENTIMENT.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
CHANGE OF POPmiAK SENTIMENT — PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE — THE " AMISTAD "
SLAVES.
1858] During the recess of the thirty-fifth Congress, tbe people of
Kansas elected delegates to a convention for the purpose of form
ing a constitution and State government. They met at Leavenworth,
and performed the duty assigned them, adopting measures for demand
ing admission to the Union ; and at the reassembling of Congress the
cause of Uberty appeared more cheering than it had at any time during
the preceding half century. Resistance to ' the encroachments of the
slave power had become the sentiment of the northern people ; submis
sion to slaveholding dictation had become unpopular ; northern members
of Congress no longer turned pale or trembled at the frowns or the
threats of slaveholders. Tet a class of servile politicians appeared per
fectly unconscious of the moral and poUtical change that was going
on around them. They seemed to imagine that, like themselves, the
world was approaching a fossilized insensibiUty.
There were also ambitious men, those who had opposed the repubUcan
organization untU its success became certain ; they then joined it for the
purpose of being in a majority. They could not readUy assume a leading
position in a party which they had long opposed. These men were
anxious for some change of parties that would place them more conspicu
ously before the pubUc ; and it was clearly foreseen that the cause of
human rights was to be in far less danger from the slave power than
from timid Conservatives and ambitious politicians, who, having long
served in the whig and democratic parties, were anxions to resuscitate the
ancient poUcy of those organizations, of avowing no moral truth or es
sential principle by which poUtical partisans were to be judged, or to the
support of which they might be committed. This class of men were look
ing at Presidential elections, contemplating the means of elevatmg them
selves and friends to office, while others were toUing for the reformation
of the Government.,
The President, in his annual message, represented the excitement in
Kansas as dymg away ; which was very true, as the armed forces of the
slave States had left, and the advocates of a free State were quietly
pursuing thefr own happiness. He next asserted that there was a gene-

A SENILE PEESIDENT. 421
ral acquiescence in the decision of the Supreine Court that a master
might carry his slaves as property into any territory of the United States,
and hold them under the guardianship of the Federal Constitution : And
then declared that it had been settled at the last session of Congress
that the people of a territory had the right under the Federal Constitu
tion to come into the Union with or without slavery.
He next avowed that aU resistance to the usurped government in Kan
sas had ceased, and that aU opposition to it had been a resistance to
rightful authority ; and characterized the efforts of the people of Kansas
in favor of the Topeka Constitution, and against that framed at Lecomp
ton, as grave errors.
It is no part of the historian's duty to explain these official statements,
and it is beyond his power to reconcUe them with truth as demonstrated
by acknowledged facts. So far from acquiescing in the decision of the
Supreme Court that a master may carry his slaves into any territory of
the United States and hold them under the protection of the Federal
Constitution, the feeling of hostiUty against the decision was much
stronger than when it was first published. It was however true that
resistance to the usurped authority in Kansas had necessarily ceased, as
no attempts to enforce that authority was then being made.
But it is due to President Buchanan to say, that during the last two
years of his administration a strange hallucination appears to have be
clouded his intellect. His v/hole energies were exerted to suppress th^
rising spirit of liberty, and to make the people beUeve that amid
civU war no discontent was exhibited. His assertion that the people
were reconcUed to the decision of the Court declaring human beings
property was wholly inexplicable. The doctrine had long been urged by
the slave power. It had ever been repudiated by Congress, and at the
date of this message it was looked upon with deep detestation by every
RepubUcan. In attempting to uphold this Atheism, the Supreme Court
had brought upon itself the disapprobation of the people, and had dissi
pated its influence.
The President stated in his message, that the people of Kan- .„„
sas had formed a new constitution, bnt argued that they ought not
to be admitted untU their population should reach the number of inhabi
tants necessary to constitute a congressional district ; nor did he appear
conscious that whUe the territory had a far less number of inhabitants
he had urged its admission under a slaveholding constitution, had even
declared it a " slaveholding State as much as Georgia or South .Carolina."
The President presumed so much upon his influence with the people,
that he now urged the acquisition of Cuba. He had while minister at

422 ANOTHEE ATTEMPT TO OBTAIN CUBA;
London met other diplomatic authorities ofthe United States at Ostend,
and united with them in advising the acquisition of that island. But
the advise was unheeded, and iiCw he urged it in his annual message.
There was but one argument in favor of this robbery of Spain; by wrest
ing from her that rich island, it would increase the power of slavery in
the Government, while it would diminish that of freedom in a corre^
spending ratio. But every cfrcumstance tended to show that the Presi
dent's bias in favor of slavery arose from a paralysis of his moral sensi
bilities, and that stupid dogma of a darker age, which forbade him to
connect moral duties with poUtical action.
As a further evidence of Mr. Buchanan's devotion to slavery,, he
again recommended the payment of money from the pubUc treasury to
the slavedealers claiming to own the persons on board the " Amistad."
The anxiety of the President and of the slave power to obtain indemnity
in this case, appears to have arisen from the desfre to reverse the
decision of the Supreme Court and the pre-rious votes of Congress on the
subject. All of those decisions admitted that these degraded heathen
held from God the same right to Uve and enjoy Uberty that white men
possessed. They went so far as to admit that in slaying the captam
and cook in order to regain thefr Uberty, the Africans committed
no crime, and were justly Uable to_ no punishment. The natural con
clusion followed, that every slave has the right to Uberty, and if he
can obtain it only by slaying his master, he may do so with impunity.
This was the doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, and of the
Government at its formation, which the slave power had long labored to
subvert.
1868.] -^* ^^ ®^'''y Period in the session, Mr. SUdeU, of Louisiana,
from the Committee on Foreign Affafrs, reported a bUl for the
acquisition of Vdha, ; and Mr. Mason, of Virginia, in speaking upon it,
gave satisfactory evidence that the democratic party were prepared to
respond to the President's view on that subject ; but it was equaUy
obvious that the northem members of that party were not prepared for
immediate action in favor of the measure ; and after a long debate, it
was laid aside and never again fc-ought up for debate.
The capture of Walker and his followers in "Nicaragua, and brmgmg
them back to tbe United States, appeared to be a death-blow to further
conquest of territory for the extension of slavery, and the friends of that
institution struggled hard during this session to adopt resolutions con
demning Commodore Paulding for pursuing Walker on land and cap
turing hun ; but thefr efforts faUed. Northern Democrats began to find
there was a point beyond which the people would not be led in support

A DEATH-BLOW TO SLAVERY EXTENSION. 423
of slavery. The resolutions referred to were not only rejected ; but
others approvmg his conduct, and tendering hun the thanks of Congress
for the faithful execution of his orders, were adopted;
This result appeared to extinguish the last ray of hope for the .jgjg
extension of slavery. Cuba could not be obtained ; conquest in
Central America could no longer be hoped for ; and the curse of human
bondage was Umited, and its boundaries estabUshed. On every side of
it Uberty, triumphant and prosperous, was rapidly developing blessings
to mankind. The age was characterized by the progress of human
thought : Christian civiUzation was advancing. Observation, experience,
philosophy and reUgion combuied to teach mankind that justice io all
men : the enjoyment of life, of Uberty and happiness by aU, was the
design of the Creator and the legitimate object of human governments.
Justice began to assert her prerogative in the Government ; and the
fate of slavery appeared to be written upon the tablet of the heavens
above us, and of nature around us. The times seemed propitious for the
introduction of practical measures to restore the Government to its
original purpose by repealing those enactments that sustained the insti
tution of slavery. WhUe the bUl making appropriations for legislative
and judicial purposes in Kansas was before the Senate, Mr. Hale pro
posed an amendment, repealing the first section of the law of the last
session for admitting Kansas to tbe Union ; but after a long debate, the
amendment was rejected. SimUar efforts were also made in the House
of Representatives, but they also faded. And it became evident that
tbe popular mind was not yet fully prepared for positive action in favor
of human rights.

424 JOHN BEOWN.

CHAPTER XXl^.
THE RAID OF JOHN BROWN IN VIRGINIA — ^MEETING OF THE THIRTT-SKTH
CONGRESS — CONTEST FOR SPEAKER  THE RIGHTS OF THE SLAVE STATES —
THB SENATE USURPS JUDICIAL POWERS — CONFLICT BETWEEN FEDERAL AND
STATE RIGHTS  THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
jggg , During the civU war in Kansas, individuals became accustomed
to scenes of blood and cruelty. Among them was John Brown,
a native of Massachusetts, a man of that ordinary education which it
is the pride of that State to bestow upon aU her chUdren. He had a
large family of sons, educated as thefr father had been, and possessing
in a good degree his quaUties of mind. Three of these sons eariy emi
grated to Kansas, and when the civU war broke out there, the father
foUowed them, in order to make himself acquainted with thefr situations.
One of the sons was barbarously murdered for his devotion to freedom :
and another was captured, subjected to snch abuse and suffering, that
insanity reUeved him from the consciousness of his condition.
These things aroused the feeUngs of the father, who, attended by a
younger son, took the field. He was bold and unmoved amid dangers,
maintaining the exercise of his judgment under the most trying cfrcum
stances. He distinguished himself on several occasions, and soon became
a leader, and visited retributive justice on several of the invaders, some
of whom were said to have been executed under his advice and
dfrection. After the termination of hostUities in Kansas, Brown retumed to
Ohio and New England. He at aU times, wherever he went, urged upon
the people of th£ free States the positive duty of emancipating the slaves
held in bondage by our southem brethren.
In the course ofthe spring and summer of 1859, he appears to have
engaged the services of a number of active, energetic and bold men.
He also rented a smaU farm some three mUes from " Harpers Ferry,"
on the Maryland side of the Potomac. He and his foUowers took pos
session of the farm and dweUing-house in September. In that buUding
he deposited his arms and ammunition. In October, a number of
negroes suddenly gathered to his standard ; thefr masters were in some
instances seized by Brown and his followers, and held as prisoners,
whUe he took possession of the public buUdmgs at " Harpers Ferry,"

HIS EAID IN VIRGINIA. 425
evidently intending to hold possession of them whUe the other portion
of his forces, with the negroes, should escape to the mountains, where he
intended to follow them, and thence escape to Pennsylvania : but they
were soon surroimded and fired upon. His two sons and two others of his
foUowers were kUled, and himself wounded, when he and his party
surrendered. The slaves returned to their masters, and those who were
expected to lead them into the mountains fled. ' >
The incident appeared to strike Virginia and the whole South with
astonishment. Throughout that State troops were called into service.
Arms were prepared and ammunition obtained, whUe wonder and amaze
ment sat on every countenance.
The President of the United States caught the alarm ; caUed out the
miUtia of the District of Columbia ; sent United States troops to
" Harpers Ferry ;" ordered arms and ammunition to be placed in the
City Hall of Washington, where they could be obtained on the shortest
notice, in case the slaves should rise ; whUe the govemor and people of
Vfrgmia app^red to regard themselves as in the midst of an extensive
slave insurrection.
There was at that tune an election pending in New Tork and in New
Jersey. Members of the democratic party, thinking that great odium
would attach to those who sympathized with Brown, now sought to in
volve the repubUcan party in the transaction. A committee of demo
cratic gentlemen in the city of New Tork were appointed to ascertain
and report facts concerning this invasion ; and the democratic press,
at all times licentious, now casting off aU restraint, attempted to
involve the best men of the nation in this raid, charging them with
having stimulated Brown to make an attempt to free the negroes of
that State.
Brown, wounded and a prisoner, was visited by Senator ^ggg
Maeon, of Virgmia, and Hon. C. L. VaUandigham, of Ohio,
who endeavored to draw from him matter that would impUcate Repub
Ucans. Thefr conversations with hhn were published, professing to impU
cate the author. He at once repUed in a card pubUshed in Philadel
phia, where he happened to be on business, declaring that the murder
of Brown's son in Kansas, and the barbarities exercised in that territory
nnder democratic influence had fropeUed Brown to pursue the course
which he had adopted. In response to this card, an advertisement ap.
peared in the papers published at Richmond, Vfrginia, promising a
bounty of ten thousand doUars to any one who would bring the person
of the author to that city aUve ; or five thousand for his head.
In the meantime Governor Wise, of Vfrginia, and other southern

426 THIETT-SIXTH CONGEESS CONVENES.
men oif distinction endeavored to magnify this transaction and give it
importance. A number of the foUowers of Brown were captured, and
aU of these, as weU as Brown himself, were tried for treason agamst the
State of Virginia, convicted, and executed.
The committee appointed by the democratic meeting in New Tork,
made report, asserting in substance that Senator Hale, tbe Hon. Gerritt
Smith, the author, and others, were involved in .the insurrection which
Brown had excited. But on receiving official notice to appear before the
judiciary to answer for the Ubel, they acknowledged the error, paid costs
and counsel fees ; and legal proceedings against them were discontuiuod.
The Hon. WUUam H. Seward, of New Tork, having returned from a
European tour, soon found that a bounty of thirty thousand doUars was
bidden in the papers of Richmond for the delivery of bis head in that
city. For these manifestations of barbarism, suited only to the darker
ages, the author heard no explanation.
1859 1 ¦'¦* ^^ under these cfrcumstances that the thfrty-sixth Congress
assembled. A large majority in the House of Representatives were
RepubUcans. They were men of talents and patriotism ; but were
wanting in that experience which was necessary to take tbe proper ad
vantages of their position. Most of them had been elected for the first
time. Members of tbe old whig orgamzation had been educated in
the belief that the avowal of no principles, and the assuming of- no defi
nite position, constituted the highest poUcy.
Thefr first duty was to elect a Speaker ; but they selected no candi
date before entering upon the baUot, and instead of supporting an in
dividual, as many as six candidates were voted for.
Soon as the result of the first baUot had been declared, Mr. Clark, of
Missouri, a democratic slaveholder, with the apparent intention of em
barrassing the RepubUcans, insisted on presenting a resolution declaring
that " the doctrines contained in a 'book entitled ' The Impending Crisis
of the South, how to meet it,' written by one HUton R. Helper, of North
Carolina, are insurrectionary, hostUe to the domestic peace and tranquil
lity of the whole country ; and that no member of tbe House of Repre
sentatives who has recommended that work is fit to be Speaker of this
House.'' The work referred to consisted merely of a compendium of facts
showing the effects of slavery upon the prosperity of the southern States,
and had been recommended by nearly every Republican member of the-
previous Congress ; and Mr. Clark proceeded to enforce the propriety of
the resolution by a speech ; whUe northern members frisisted on pro
ceeding with the ballot.

427
But the arrogance of Mr. Clark was equal to that of his proposition
settuig at defiance all parUamentary order as well as propriety ; he pro
ceeded to represent the book as advising the people of the " Union to
stop at nothing untU they put out of pubUc life, disfranchised, and mur
dered a large portion of the inhabitants."
This unfounded imputation appears to have alarmed Mr. KUgore, of
Indiana, who intermpted Mr. Clark, denying aU sympathy -with the
doctrine set forth in the book, and begged Mr. Clark to withhold
further remark until gentlemen who had recommended the work could
explain thefr action, protesting that he and his people were con
servative. This indecent haste of Mr. KUgore to manifest his own pusilanimity
provoked the contempt of Mr. Clark, who merely replied that he was
" glad the gentlernan was fleeing from the wrath to come." Mr. Farns-
wor'th, of IlUnois, appeared anxious to reUeve Mr. KUgore, and called '
for the reading of the work, saying he had no doubt that it contained
facts that would edify both Mr. Clark and himself ;^but Mr. Clark
would neither read nor suffer any other member to read any part of the
book which he was so earnestly condemning. But Hon. Clark B.
Cochrane, of New Tork, took occasion to say that he utterly condemned
the sentiments of the book.
Mr. .Clark, finding RepubUcans timid and alarmed, now firmly per
sisted in his, purpose. , Mr. KeUogg, of Illinois, said that his name
appeared among those who recommended the book ; declared he did
not know whether the senthnents were right or wrong ; but if the House
would adjourn he would be prepared on the foUowing day to snstam or
repudiate tbe doctrines of the work.
On the foUo-wing moming, Mr. Clark read a circular „g^
dated at New Tork, and signed by gentlemen from various
States commending the work, and advising its general circulation.
Then foUowed a certificate cordiaUy indorsing the opinions, and com
mending the enterprise set forth m the circular. This was signed by
about seventy members of the previous Congress and was followed
by a simUar commendation signed by Horace Greeley, John Jay, Thur-
low Weed, Wm. C. Bryant, Abram Wakeman, and several other
gentlemen. Then followed several extracts from the work showing its character.
. Exhibiting :
1st. The destructive effects of slavery upon the southern States.
2d. The ignorance of. the southern people.
3d. The barbarous character of the slave trade.

428 A SOUTHEEN BOOK FOE SOUTHEEN USE.
4th. The remedy — ^proposing :
1. A thorough political organization of non-slaveholders in the
South.
2. To elect no slaveholder to office.
3. To extend no patronage to slaveholding merchants, phy
sicians, lawyers, hotel-keepers, or mechanics.
4. No affiUation with slaveholders in reUgion, morals, or
poUtics.
5. No hiring of slaves.
6. Discountenancing aU pro-slavery newspapers.
1. To extend patronage to non-slaveholders only.
The work was written by a southern man and addressed to southern
men, and the object of those who recommended its cfrculation was to
introduce it North as well as South. This synopsis of the work being
read, Mr. Clark spoke in the most impassioned language condemnatory
of that part which recommended non-slaveholders to hold no commu
nion, religiously, morally, or politically, with those who held thefr feUow-
men in bondage, and thus to destroy tbe slave interest, drive out slave
labor, and dedicate the country to freedom. He closed by declaring his
intention to support tio man for Speaker who had recommended that
work. Neither the mover of the resolution nor any other slaveholder or aUy
of the slave power asserted that the work contained anythmg false, or
anything that was morally -wrong, or unjust ; but they insisted that it
was opposed to the inierests of oppression, to the policy of the South.
Opposed to injustice, a-nd wrong, and crime. Tet, although the support
ers of slavery commenced this agitation and continued it for many
weeks, they charged the whole debate upon northern men.
Hon. John Sherman, of Ohio, was the prominent candidate of the
RepubUcans. He was a man of education, of talents, and had the ad
vantage of some experience as a statesman ; but unfortunately he had
been educated in the school of northern diffidence, timidity, and submis
sion to slaveholding dictation. He appeared to regard it tbe duty of
Congress not only to sustain, uphold, and protect slavery, but also to
treat.it with respect. Gentlemanly and kind in his deportment, he had
not learned "the necessity for entertaining decided opinions, of uttermg
them boldly and adhering to them firmly when right and abandoning
them freely when wrong. The book contained nothing that did not
commend it to his judgment and conscience when he signed the recom
mendation : but now southern men assaUed him and determined to
oppose his election to the office of Speaker, because he had honestly

TUnDITT AND BOLDNESS CONTEASTED. 429
expressed the convictions of his own mind. Instead of boldly maintain
ing in a frank and dignified manner, his integrity and the truthful
ness of the work which he had recommended, he appears to have quailed
under the taunts, the sneers and denunciations of slaveholders and their
democratic allies. When thns assaUed for doing a just and creditable
act, he said he had never seen a copy of the work ; declared that he had
never used such language towards southern men as they had towards
him ; asserted that the repubUcan party had never during his service
in Congress introduced the subject of slavery ; and he trusted they
never would ; and for himself proclaimed that he never would trespass
upon the rights of any southern dtizen.
No sooner had Mr. Sherman resumed his seat than Mr. Leake, pjgj^
of Vfrginia, in true slaveholding style, characterized Mr. Sher
man as the " abolition candidate ;" demanded whether he indorsed or re
pudiated the doctrines avowed in the work alluded to ; said he vrished
to hold the candidate up to face the music. To this insolence Mr. Sher
man submitted in silence.
The debate on slavery now became general. The repeal of the Mis
souri Compromise, the civil war in Kansas, the raid of John Brown,
were all discussed ; and Mr. Keitt, of South Carolma, assuming that
Hon. WUUam H. Seward, of New Tork, was a prominent candidate for
President, criticised several of that gentleman's speeches, and arrogantly
demanded of northem members whether they indorsed the doctrines
which Mr. Seward had avowed ?
Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, obtained the floor. He was
a man of unusual powers of analysis, of mature age, of more experience
than any other member of the House, and, with aU these quaUfications,
he was bold and fearless. He appears to have become impatient at the
faltering timidity of his republican friends, and referring to the pro
tracted debate, and to the tone and style in which it had been conducted,
said he did not blame southern men for the course they were pursu
ing, "nor for the language of intunidation, nor for the threat oi rending
God's universe from turret io foundation ;" asserted they had tried this
course fifty times, and fifty times they had foimd wealc amd recreant trem
blers in the North who were ready to act from such intimidation. He
proceeded to say that all deliate was out of order, and that no business
or proposition ought to be presented to divert the members from electing
their Speaker.
Mr. Crawford, of Georgia, attempted to interrupt Mr. Stevens, who
said he would not be interrupted ; but Mr. Crawford, assuming a mUd
tone, was permitted to proceed. He soon became very defiant, intimat-

430 SECESSION CONDITIONALLT PEOOLAIMED.
ing that northem men dare not avow' thefr sentiments ; declared that
southem members wanted to know them. If they were for the abolition
of slavery, he assured gentlemen there would be no shrinking — ^no
cowardly falling back of southern men from the maintenance of thefr
rights. As Mr. Crawford closed, Mr. Stevens, who had been listening very
attentively, broke forth in mock admfration, saying, " that is right ! that
13 the way they frightened us before." At this RepubUcans applauded ;
and southern men, sttmg by the unperturbable coolness of Stevens,
sprang to thefr feet, and some rushed towards him as if intenduig per
sonal injury ; but" he was instantly surrounded by friends, and as
soon as his voice could be heard, he added, " now you see exactly what it
is, and what it has always been."
The newspapers generally applauded the boldness of Mr. Stevens,
and most of them were severe upon all those who appeared to hesitate
and falter during this struggle. Individuals felt restive under these
criticisms, and much time was spent by members in defining thefr
positions. But it is an historical curiosity that no member of the repub
Ucan party avowed the doctrines enunciated by the united voice of that
organization at the time of its formation. Nor did any Democrat assert
the doctrines proclaimed by the Supreme Court, and adopted as those
of the democratic party. Both appeared timid as to the avowal of
truth or the assertion of principle. Most RepubUcans appeared anxious
to excuse themselves for having recommended the book. But the com
plaints of southern men began to assume a definite form, and members
distinctly avowed the dissolution of the Union would foUow the deetion
of a northern President.
This threat of leaving the free States to themselves whenever they
should refuse to remain poUtical vassals of the South gave evidence of
the southern poUcy, and distinctly foreshadowed the approaching
rebellion.1859.] Southern statesmen were unanimous fri proclaiming the doc
trine that the Federal Government was.bonnd by the Constitution
to protect and defend slavery m the Territories, whUe most northern
members faltered in thefr course, hesitating to avow the distmctive prin
ciples of their party. Some leading men were endeavoring to prepare
the mmds of RepubUcans to disavow aU doctrmes as the basis of party
organization, while others endeavored to show tUat the repubUcan party
had no common prmciple of action. Hon. Thomas Corwm had long
served in pubUc Ufe, possessed remarkable powers as an orator, but
he adhered to the Whig school of poUticians, which avoided aU decla-

" A PEOPHECT QUOTED. 431
ration of priiiciples : Tet he had been elected upon a distinct
avowal that he held the doctrmes enunciated by the RepubUcans at
PhUadelphia. Such, too, was the case with all those members who were
striving to induce RepubUcans to abandon thefr principles as weU as
those who denied that the party had distinctive principles. These men
had all been elected upon their avowal of the very doctrines which they
now repudiated. Mr. Corwin declared himself as much of an exponent
of repubUcan doctrmes as any other man, and proclauned them to be the
same as those avowed by Mr. FUlmore ; but asserted that the party
united upon no pri-ndple, apparently unconscious that the doctrines of
the party were proclaimed by the unanimous vote o£ those who formed
and constituted it, and were carefuUy placed on record where they re
main, and will continue in aU coining time.
Mr. Cox, of Ohio, repUed to Mr. Corwin, and quoted a speech deUv
ered some eleven years previously, by the writer, while a member of the
House of Representatives, in reply to threats then thro-wn out in
favor of a dissolution of the Union, wherein he said : " When that
contest shall come ; when the thunder shall roll and the lightnmgs flash ;
when the slaves of the South chaU rise in the spfrit of freedom, actuated
by the soul-stirring emotion that they are men, destined to immortality,
entitled to the rights which God bestowed upon them : When the mas
ters shaU turn pale and tremble ; when thefr dwellings shaU smoke and
dismay sit on each countenance ; then, sfr, I do not say we -will laugh at
your calamity, and mock when your fear cometh : But I do say, the
lovers of our race will then stand forth a/nd exert ihe legitimate powers of
this Government for freedom. We shall then have constitutional power
to act for the good of our country and to do justice to the slave : We will
THEN STRIKE OFF THE SHACKLES FROM HIS LIMBS. Thc GoVCmment wUl
then have power to ad bdween slavery amd freedom, and rr can then
MAKE PEACE BT GIVING LIBERTY TO THE SLAVES : And let me teU you,
Mr. Speaker, that time hastens : The President is exerting a power that
will hurry it on ; and I shaU haU it as the approaching dawn of that
mUlennium which / know must_ come upon the ea/rth."*
Mr. Cox, apparently beUeving that he was rendering the slave
power a service by such exhibitions of truth, next caUed on the Hon.
John A. Bingham, of Ohio, to state whether he agreed -with Mr. Corwin
in regard to the fugitive slave act ? That gentleman had served some
four years in Congress, and had attained the reputation of an able legis-
* This language, which now appears so prophetic, was uttered eleven years before the commence
ment of the rebellion, and thirteen years prior to the President's proclamation of emancipation.
Time has demonstrated Its perfect accuracy.

432 TWO INDEPENDENT MEMBEES SPEAK.
lator and an accomplished scholar. He was also a man of high moral
character, distinguished for his probity and candor, and now, in reply to
Mr. Cox, he very frankly declared that he dissented from Mr. Corvrin's
views in relation to the fugitive slave act, said that he utterly repudiated
it as entirely unconstitutional.
Mr. Cox next turned to Mr. Sherman, the candidate for Speaker, and
commenced interrogating him. That gentleiiian refused to answer,
although he must have known that Mr. Banks, four years previously,
had by his open, frank and undisguised answers when thus interrogated
secured his election as Speaker.
„_„, The debate contuiued vrith occasional baUots nntU the 23d
1859.] I
December, when Mr. Famsworth, of lUinois, varied the scene
somewhat. He was a lawyer by profession and had attained a fafr
standing at thc bar, was an early friend of the slave, and accustomed to
think and act for himself He commenced his address by assuring the
House that he should not deUver a speech in regard to Helper's book.
He stated that his constituents read such books as they pleased, a/nd recom
mended such as they thought proper, and sold them io those who wanted to
bity. He declared that he held such right, and now gave southern gen
tlemen due notice that he should exercise it without asking permission
of them or of anybody else. He then read extracts from a democratic
paper, which purported to have been taken from an essay in favor of
the African slave trade, and inquired of southern gentlemen whether
they were in favor of restoring that traffie.
Mr. Miles, of South Carolina, declared that under favorable cfrcum
stances he would vote to restore it.* Other gentlemen declared thefr wish
to repeal the law prohibiting the slave trade, saying it was unconstitutional.
At this point, Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, interrapted Mr. Famsworth to
say that so far as Helper's book justified slaves in rising in insurrection
he utterly abhorred and detested it. Mr. Stanton did not explain
whether he denied the primal rights of all men to liberty, or whether he
intended to say that when a man is once enslaved it is his duty to remain
a slave rather than assert his own liberty. But this faltering of northem
members ; this anxiety to gaiti southem favor by representing slaves as
morally bound to remain in bondage when they could escape by insur
rection, had tbe effect to strengthen the slaveholders in thefr opinions
regarding secession, whUe it paralyzed the influence of the repubUcan
organization. Mr. English, of Indiana, a Democrat, sought to render assistance to
* At the time of writing this work (1808) Mr. MUes was a,otmg 03 a brigadier-general in the Con
federate service.

SECESSION MOBE BOLDLY AVOWED. 433
the South by exhibiting the proceedings of a reUgious meeting held m
Chicago, in which slavery was declared to be a sin against God and a
crime against mankind, and churches were advised to hold no feUowship
vrith persons guilty of those iniquities.
The solemn truths on which the Government was founded were now
regarded by Democrats as endangering the Union. No one seemed to
hold those who threatened its dissolution responsible for the crime which-
they proposed to perpetrate : On the contrary, the democratic party
asserted the flagrant falsehood, that the men who sustained the Con
stitution, the rights of the States and of the people, were responsible
for the action of southern traitors who were daUy threatening to secede
from the Union.
For- the apparent purpose of intimidating northem members,.
a preamble and resolution adopted by the Legislature of South
Carolina was read, as foUows : —
" Whereas, The fraternal relations are dissolved between the North and
the South, the slaveholding States demand a dissolution of the Union to
be consummated : Therefore, be it resolved that $200,000 be placed at
the disposal of the Governor, to be used at his discretion accordmg to
the exigencies of the times."
Amid these incidents the republican candidate for Speaker remained
silent, apparently wanting the moral courage to avow the doctrines on
which the Government had been foimded, and which now should have
constituted the watchword, the rallying cry of the party to whom he
looked for support. But in doing this he merely foUowed the practice
of the, former whig party.
WhUe Republicans were thus contending against the common foe
without any apparent reference to the great truths which our fathers
declared to be "self-evident," they were saved from defeat by difficulties
equally great in the democratic party : One portion of that organiza
tion had declared themselves in favor of restoring the African slave trade,
whUe another portion regarded that policy as destructive to the party.
The debate, with occafflonal baUotings, continued. On the 23d De
cember Mr. Smith, of Vfrginia, deUvered an elaborate speech in support
of the doctrines of the Supreme Court proclaimed in the case of Dred
Scott, that the Declaration of Independence did not refer to colored
men. He spoke of the doctrines avowed by John Quincy Adams, and
of the effort to censure him, saying he (Smith) was not then a member,*
* Smith was a member, as shown by the Journal and report of debates, and received a most
withering rebnke at the hands of tbe venca-able Ex-President, which one would suppose he would-
not have forgotten. 28

434 SECESSION DISCUSSED.
but that he understood Mn Adams agreed to vex the South no more
with petitions if the resolution of censure were laid on the table.*
On the 30th December a general debate upon northern rights and
southem aggression arose, when Mr. Hickman, of Pennsylvania, a
Democrat, spoke plainly and strongly in favor of justice and Uberty, as
claimed by the people of the free States.
Mr. Boyce, of South CaroUna, a man of candor and boldness, frankly
met the doctrmes of the repubUcan party as enunciated in thefr platform
at PhUadelphia.
Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, instead of maintaining the moral, religious
and philosophical truth that all men hold from the Creator equal rights
to Uve, acqufre knowledge and prepare for heaven, insisted there was ho
denial of tbe legaUty of slavery in the States, apparently admitting the
authority of State Legislatures to modify, repeal or reverse the WiU of
God as manifested in the laws of nature.
The doctrine of secession was again discussed, the physical power
of the North and South compared, with the apparent expectation that
thefr relative strength would be tested at no distant day. Mr. Boyce,
declaring that the first campaign would cost the North a hundred
million dollars, asserted that the free States could not raise that a-mount
of money.
At length, many RepubUcans who had been elected upon weU-
defiued principles, which every member was expected to maintain,
now faltered and pusiUanimously submitted to hear them assaUed and
ridiculed without reply. Indeed, during this contest it became evi
dent that a strong influence in Congress was exerted in favor qf the
doctrine that no party could be sustained upon principles of immutable
truth and justice. Hence it foUowed that some were determined to vote
for no man who had rendered himself obnoxious to the slave power by
recommending Helper's book -; aud Mr. Sherman, regarding himself shut
out from avowing truth and justice as the basis on which he stood,
and finding it impossible to unite the party in his support, very pro
perly withdrew : And although the slave power had lost its abiUty
to elect a Speaker, it dictated to the friends of Uberty whom they should
NOT ded.
I860.] ^® RepubUcans in the House of Representatives now retumed
to the ancient whig policy of selecting a candidate not for Ms
* Mr. Smith is not only unsustained to this respect by the record, but Is palpably "contradicted by
It. The report of the debate shows that Mr. Gihner, who presented the resoluUon, publicly pro.
posed to -Kithdram the resolution of censure if Mr. Adams woulS, withdraio the petition.
Mr. Adams pubUcly amd solemnly refused, and the trial proceeded, and was continued until
the slaveholders abandoned It.

A SPEAKEE ELECTED. 435
weU-known qualifications, nor on account of his attachment to principle,
but for the reason that his doctrines were -wnknown, and his quaUfications
had not been tested.
The choice feU on Mr. Pennington, of New Jersey, a gentlemanly,
good man, unknown to the pUbUc outside of his State ; a man who was
believed never to have expressed his devotion to the primal troths on
which the repubUcan party was based.
On the first day of February, upon the 34th ballot, Mr. Pennington
was elected. This result was purchased, however, by the surrender of
the doctrines and poUcy adopted in the election of Mr. Banks in 1856,
when, standing upon principle, with only ninety-two members, they con
strained thefr opponents to yield ; and elected the candidate of aU others
the most obnoxious to the slave power, whUe the present Congress, vrith
at least one hundred and seventeen professedly repubUcan members, were
compelled to give up thefr candidate and take one less objectionable to
the South.
WhUe the contest was progressing in the House of Representatives,
Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, presented to the consideration of the Senate a
resolution, dfrecting the Committee on the Judiciary to report a bill for
the protection of States against invasion by authority or by the inhabit
ants of other States.
On debating this resolution, Mr-. Douglas insisted that the doctrines
of the repubUcan party tended dfrectly to create invasion and civU war.
To this Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, responded that, as slave labor and free
labor were antagonisms, the promotion of one must necessarily tend to
the destruction of the other, and the idea that the Federal Govemment
should pass a law to prevent discussion among the people, would not
enhance the prospect of Mr. Douglas' election to the Presidency.
Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, charged the Legislatures of repubUcan
States with unconstitutional legislation for the protection of their free
colored citizens. Those laws were denounced as treasonable. The
republican platform, doctrines and policy were denounced by Mr. Toombs
as destructive of slavery. But that Senator, nor any other member of
either House, appeared conscious that when the people of the free States
had petitioned Congress for laws to protect free colored persons, that
body, under slaveholding influence, had retumed for answer that each
State was bound to enact its own laws for that purpose*
These assaults upon the essential doctrines of the Government were
• Mr. Toombs did not appear conscious that those laws for the protection of free colored citizens
had been Enacted at the suggestion and by recommendation of Congress, as appears In former
chapters.

436 THE OCCASION FOE SECESSION STATED.
made in the presence of repubUcan Senators, several of whom were
regarded as candidates for the Presidency. Tet not one of them
attempted a vindication of those " self-evident truths," which were held
so sacred by Jefferson, and Adams, and Franklin, and their associates.
Bnt Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, met the proposition of Mr. Douglas more
fuUy and emphatically than even Mr. Fessenden had done. He denied
the authorit]^ of Congress to pass laws for the punishment of unlawful
combinations, declaring that the States held the only power over that
subject, wMle the Federal Govemment possessed authority to suppress
insurrections. Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, took occasion very kmdly to remind the
eastern States of their dependence upon the West, and of the difficulties
which those sections must encounter in case of separation. He admitted
slavery to be a relic of former ages, characteristic of a crude state of
society, which would disappear before the progress of Christian civUiza
tion ; but denied that the North could do anything with tbe slaves if
emancipated, and he then proceeded to discuss the approaching rebeUion.
And as northern members continued to hesitate and falter and remain
sUent, slaveholders became arrogant and overbearing.
Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, offered resolutions declaring it the duty of
territorial governments to provide for the protection of all kinds of
property, recognized by the Constitution and held under the laws of the
United States. He also introduced a bill declarmg sla-iies to be property.
But Mr. WUson, of Massachusetts, met the threats of dissolving the
Union put forth by southern Senators, dehberately inqufring if there
were any other explanations of these attempts at intimidation than the
plain import of the language used ? Southern men were sUent, and he
proceeded to state the condition of the North and the South, and closed
by saying, the " Union must and shall be preserved."
But this declaration merely provoked further threats from southern
Senators, who declared that the election of Mr. Sherman to the office
of Speaker of the House of Representatives would be good and sufficient
cause for southern Senators and members of the House of Representatives
to leave Congress and return to their constituents.
The language of Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, used in a public address in
that State, was now explained by that gentleman as intending to assert
the duty of the people of Mississippi to withdraw from the Union when
ever the enemies of slavery should obtain possession of the Federal Govern
ment. In these superciUous threats the Democrats of the North seemed
to concur ; not one of that party objected to, or uttered a protest
against them. Indeed, they appeared anxious to convince the slave-

OCCASION FOE BECE6SI0N DEFINED. 437
holders that, whenever their party should come into power, these
demands should be compUed -with. Mr. Pugh, of Ohio, had, early in
the session, introduced lESolutions directing the Committee on the Judi
ciary to report a bUl repealing so much of the laws organizing territorial
governments in Utah and New Mexico as required the acts passed by
those territorial Legislatures to be submitted to Congress for approval.
"But this movement of Mr. Pugh called out from southern members severe
rebuke. He was told, in the most explicit language, that the South
would never hold poUtical feUowship with any man who denied to Con
gress the power or duty to sustain slavery in the Territories. -And Mr.
Douglas and his friends were given clearly to understand that no advocate
of the Kansas-Nebraska bUl could receive the support of the slave States.
In February, Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, introduced resolutions [.jgg.
declaring the rights of the States, asserting that negro slavery
fo.rmed a part of the poUtical institutions of various States ; that the
Union of the States rested upon the equaUty of rights ; that it was the
duty of Congress to provide for the protection of slave property in the
Territories, as it was to protect other property of the citizens ; that the
inhabitants of a territory, when forming a State constitution, may pro
vide for the continuance or the aboUtion of slavery, and that the fugitive
slave act ought to be enforced.
These resolutions were discussed and amended, and finaUy adopted,
most of the republican Senators refusing to vote for them.
Early in the session Mr. Mason, of Vfrginia, introduced a resolution
for appointing a committee, to investigate aud report to the Senate the
facts connected with the invasion of Vfrginia by John Brown and his
foUowers. They summoned before them many -witnesses, whom they
examined ; but they now made report that John Brown, Jr., of Ashta
bula County, Ohio, and James Redpath, of Maiden, in the State of Mas
sachusetts, refused to appear before the committee. They also reported
a resolution that warrants be issued to the Sergeant-at-Arms, to take
the witnesses and bring them before the Senate, to answer for contempt
of its authority.
This assumption of judicial authority by the Senate was voted for by
Messrs. Bigler and Cameron, of Pennsylvama ; CoUamer and Foot, of
Vermont ; Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut ; Grimes and Harlan, of
Iowa ; DooUttle, of Wisconsin ; King and Seward, of New Tork ; Pugh
.and Wade, of Ohio ; Ten Eyck and Thompson, of New Jersey ; while
only Messrs. Sumner, of Massachusetts ; Hale, of New Hampshire ;
Bfrigham, of Michigan, and Toombs, of Georgia, voted agamst the pro
ceeding.

438 CASE OF THADDEUS HYATT.
It is certain, the Constitution had given the Senate no other judicial
powers than such as were necessary to protect its own body. If these
men had committed crime or offence, they should have been indicted in
the district where such offence was committed ; and the Senate had no
authority to bring them from Ohio or from Massachusetts to answer in.
Washington City. If they had committed no crime, surely neither the
Senate, nor any other branch of Government, had authority to take
them. from their homes to Washington. But the slave power demanded
it, and northern Senators voted for it. «
1860.] ^"^ *^^ ^•'-^^ February, Mr. Mason reported that Thaddeus
Hyatt, of Massachusetts, had refused to appear before the com
mittee and give testimony, and he presented a resolution requfring
the Vice-President to issue his warrant to the Sergeant-at-Arms, com
manding hfrn to take said Hyatt into custody and bring him to the bar
of the Senate. Mr. Hale now stated his reasons for voting against the
resolution, showing that tbe duties of the Senate under the Constitution
were purely legislative, -with no other judicial authority than to preserve
order in its own body and protect itself against intruders.
Mr. Pugh, of Ohio, stated that he had investigated the subject
since tbe former vote, and had come to the conclusion that no such
powers vested in the Senate ; and Mr. Chesnut, of South Carolina ;
Clark, of New Hampshire ; Durkee, of Wisconsin ; Hamlm, of Maine ;
Wade, of Ohio, now changed positions, and voted -with Mr. Pugh
against this usurpation of undelegated powers. But the motion pre
vaUed. This usurpation by the Senate brought about the most important
conflict between the State and National Governments that has occurred ;
but, being done at the instance of the slave power, it occasioned but
Uttle agitation among the people.
I860.] ' ^^ ^^^ ^^^ AprU, Mr. Sumner presented the memorial of F.
B. Sanborn, of Concord, Massachusetts, setting forth that on the.
3d April, certain persons who had been prowUng about his neighborhood,
under shelter of nighl, by a fraudulent pretence, drew hun to his door,
seized, handcuffed, and, by force, attempted to convey him to a carriage ;
that by the efforts of a refined lady the neighbors were aroused, the
bells rung, and the kidnappers were delayed untU a writ of habeas corpus
was obtauaed : that he was then taken before Chief Justice Shaw, of
that Commonwealth, who, without going into the question of jurisdiction,
decided that the Sergeant-at-Arms could not delegate his authority to
any other person : and the memoriaUst asked redress for the outrage to
which he had been subjected.

CASE OF F. B. SANBOEN. 439
Mr. Mason said that Sanborn had been rescued by a mob.
On presentuig the memorial, Mr. Sumner remarked that Mr. Sanborn
was a teacher, of high respectabiUty, and as the Senate had caused his
rights to be outraged, it was proper that suitable redress should be
awarded him. The petition was finaUy laid on the table.
On the 13th AprU, Mr. Sumner presented authenticated documents
in the case of Mr. Sanborn, showing the writ of habeas corpus, the retum
thereon, and the entire record ; which, being read, he referred to the
remark of Mr. Mason, made on the 10th, saying Sanbom had been res
cued by a mob, and characterized the remark in appropriate terms, and
moved a reference of the papers to the proper committee.
Mr. Mason moved to reject them, and in the course of debate, it was
made to appear that Governor Wise, of Vfrginia, had stated in a letter
to the Senate, that he had satisfactory evidence that a plan existed
in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and other States, to invade Vfrginia, and
northern Senators were anxious to summon him before them to leam
the source from whence the evidence was derived. Southem Senators
refused to call him before the Senate, and it was more than inti
mated that the refusal was dictated by a wish to save Mr. Wise from
the, disgrace which must attend thC exposure of his attempt to alarm
the pubUc.
Senators began to understand that men of intelUgence intended to
test the constitutionality of thefr proceedings before the bar of the peo
ple ; and they became more deUberate in their movements, and Mr.
Mason withdrew his motion to reject, and the papers were referred. Bnt
as the committee had been selected by slaveholders, they retained the
papers in perpetual silence.
The Sergeantat-Arms made report that, in pursuance of the warrant
of the Speaker, he had arrested Thaddeus Hyatt, and now held hun in
custody. Mr. Mason moved a resolution that the Speaker inqufre of Hyatt —
1st. What excuse have you for not appearing before the committee, to
give testimony ? 2d. Are you now ready to testify ? The resolution was
adopted ; and Hyatt, saying he was not prepared to answer, was re
manded to prison.
On the 9th March, he was again brought up, and the President of the
Senate inquired with great formaUty — " Mr. Hyatt, are you now ready
to answer the questions propounded by order of the Senate ?"
Mr. Hyatt answered — " Tes, sfr, I am. I have my answer here, but
am not able to read it. I hope the Clerk will read it for me."
Mr. Mason said he had read the answer, which denied the authority

440 THE COMMITTEE EEPOET.
of the Senate of the United State?, by process,"to invade the domicUe or
arrest peaceful citizens charged -with no crime.
2d. That the Senate were bound to legislate upon matters wHch they
deemed necessary ; but had no authority to compel citizens from distant
States to appear before them to give information as to thefr duties on
any subject.
The answer was read at length, and the question of disposing of the
prisoner was next presented. He was, however, remanded to the cus
tody of the Sergeant-at-Arms, and the next moming Mr. Mason pre
sented a resolution, committing Hyatt to the jail of Washington for
contempt of the Senate, untU he should express a wiUingness to
testify. The subject of jurisdiction was fully discussed, and Hyatt was com
mitted by a vote of 44 to 10 — Messrs. Bingham, Dixon, Hale, Hamlin,
Sumner, Harlan, Simmons, Toombs, and Wade, voting against the com
mitment. The jaUer, being govemed by law, could not recognize the
commitment as coming from any legalized source ; but he received
Hyatt, gave hun a comfortable room, which was suppUed with good
parlor furniture ; and, the prisoner being a man of wealth, obtained the
most recent pubUcations, and occupied his time agreeably as he could
under the circumstances.
j^gp , Tbe Senate now found itself powerless to carry out thefr designs
by imprisoning Hyatt. They had turned aside from thefr con
stitutional duties to compel the witness to testify what he knew of
Brown's invasion of Vfrginia ; and whUe in conversation he declared
that he knew nothing, yet he determined to refuse saying so-^under
senatorial process. The Senate could not torture him — ^they could not
fine him — nor could they induce him to testify.
On the 25th June, the committee appointed to inqufre into the cfr
cumstances connected with the raid of John Brown made thefr report.
But Hyatt was yet in prison. Mr. Sumner had previously presented a
petition numerously signed by colored men, askfrig his release. The
petition was referred, and the committee reported it back, with a re
commendation that the Secretary hand it to the Senator who presented it,
Bnt a majority of the Senate were not prepared to sustain the proposed
insult, and the report was laid on the table, and Mr. Hyatt was dis
charged. The committee, in reporting upon the subject for which it had been
raised, frankly admitted that they could trace no knowledge of the m-
vasion to any other persons than to Brown and his foUowers.
But this invasion of Vfrginia struck the entfre slaveholdfrig population

KANSAS APPLIES FOE ADMISSION. -441
-trith horror. It brought the subject of slavery and the horrors of slave
insurrections before the people of the country in a practical point of
view, and gave slaveholders to understand that they were not free from
danger, when thefr enemies were provoked too for.
Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, introduced a biU in the Senate for punish
ing offences against slave property in the Territories ; but it was not
debated, and attracted but little attention.
BiUs were introduced for the more effectual suppression of the African
slave trade ; and petitions were presented praying Congress to aboUsh
slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia and in the Ter
ritories of the United States ; against the admission of any more slave
States ; and against the employment of slaves by govemment. Most of
these were laid npon the table without debate.
The constitution of Kansas, recently adopted by tbe people of that
territory, was now presented to both Houses of Congress, with an appU
cation for admission to the Union as a State. The subject was referred,
and a bUl for the admission reported, debated, passed the House of
Representatives, and '^^^ sent to the Senate for concurrence.
In the Senate there was great resistance to the admission, as it woidd
increase the number of free States ; and so determmed was the opposi
tion, that the biU was yet pending before the Senate at the adjourn
ment. Mr. Buigham, of Ohio, introduced a bUl early in the session declaring
all laws of New Mexico estabUshing, authorizing, or protecting involun
tary servitude void. All southern members voted against this bUl,
together 'with Messrs. Thayer, of Massachusetts ; John Cochrane,
Haskin, and Reynolds, of New Tork ; Adrian and Riggs, of New
Jersey ; Burch and Scott, of CaUfornia ; Cooper, of Michigan ; Florence,
Montgomery, and Schwartz, of Pennsylvania ; Howard, Martin, Pendle
ton, and VaUandigham, of Ohio ; Davis, Holman, and Niblack, of Indi
ana ; Larrabee, of Wisconsin ; Logan, Morris, and Robinson, of Illinois ;
and Stout, of Oregon. These twenty-four northem members were un
wUUng to give Uberty to the slaves of that territory. But the biU passed
the House of Representatives by a majority of seven votes.
A bUl from the Senate to prohibit the African slave trade was sub
jected to a protracted debate in the House. That provision of tbe bill
wMch authorized the support of the recaptured -victims of that com
merce for a certain time after being rescued from the slavedealers was
objected to as -tmconstitutional ; but it passed the House by 122 votes to
56 against -it.
On aU questions touching slavery, slaveholders appeared to graduate

442 AN IMPOETANT BILL DEFEATED.
their moral principles by the latitude in which they Uved. Thus, in
Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri most slaveholding members voted
to aboUsh the African slave trade, whUe those from South CaroHna,
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, usuaUy voted
against every attempt to put down that pfratical traffic. .
^gjg , A bUl providing for the general organization of territorial gov
ernments, excluding slavery therefrom, was debated for some time
in the House of Representatives ; but Mr. Thayer, of Massachusetts,
elected as a RepubUcan, united vrith Mr. Douglas and his foUowers to
prevent any action on this subject, and by the assistance of those caUed
Conservatives defeated the biU.
The perseverance with which the slave power always pressed the
claims of southem men for the loss of slaves was well iUustrated during
this session. In 1814, General Jackson entered -west Florida with-
his army. He was foUowed by a class of desperadoes who stole negroes
from the inhabitants ; but no one then pretended that Govemment
was in any way responsible for these acts.
In 1818, General Jackson, in prosecuting the" first Seminole war
again invaded Florida, and in order to support his army, took posses
sion of all provisions which fell in his way.
By the ninth article of our treaty -with Spain, in 1820, the American
Government agreed to indemnify the Spanish officers and inhabitants of
Florida for such injuries as they had sustained by the late American
army. There was at that time no doubt entertained in regard to this
stipulation ._ All appear to have imderstood it as applying to the hte
army, or the army of 1818.
But the people who had lost slaves and property in 1814 soon after
applied for indemnity, and their clauns were rejected. They then peti
tioned Congress, but obtained no relief They next caUed on the Trea
sury Department, and Mr. Woodbury, Secretary of the Treasury, was
saiid to have decided favorably upon this class of claims, and that some
ten thousand dollars were paid on them before he learned that they had
been previously rejected.
The claunants agam called on Congress, and the memorials were
referred to the Committee on " Indian Affafrs," who made an elaborate
report^ with a bUl for thefr payment. But when it came up for investi
gation, fri 1843, Mr. Adams gave such an 6xpos^ of its demerits that
only thfrty-three members voted for it.
After the lapse of a few years they were presented to the Court of
Clauns, where they were again rejected. But now, after forty-six years
had gone by, they were presented to the Senate, and a very elaborate

DEFEAT OP ME. BLAKE's EESOLUTION. 443
report was made in favor of paying them. There was, however, strong
opposition to the biU, which was postponed to the next session.*
Mr. Blake, of Ohio, presented to the House a preamble and resolu
tion, in the foUovring words :
" Whereas, Tbe chattelizing of humanity, and holding of persons as
property, is contrary to national justice and the fundamental principles
of our poUtical system, and is notoriously a reproach to our country
throughout the civilized world, and a serious hindrance to the progress
of repubUcan liberty among the nations of the earth ; therefore
" Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to in
qufre into the expediency of reporting a bill giving freedom to every
human being, and interdicting slavery wherever Congress has the con
stitutional power to legislate on that subject."
This resolution was resisted by every member from the slave States,
and by Messrs. French, of Maine ; Thayer, of Massachusetts ; Barr,
Briggs, John Cochrane, and Kenyon, of New Tork; Campbell, Florence,
Hickman, Montgomery, Morris, McKnight, McPherson, MUIward,
Schwartz, and Scranton, of Pennsylvania ; Riggs and Nixon, of New
Jersey ; Allen, Cox, Martin, Trimble, and VaUandigham, of Ohio ;
Davis, Dunn, Hughs, and Niblack, of Indiana ; Fouke', Logan, Morris,
and Robinson, of Illinois.
The resolution was in exact accordance vrith the platform to which
every true Republican was committed ; yet out of the one hundred and
seventeen Republicans who voted for the Speaker only sixty, or Uttle
more than half the real number, voted for this resolution ; and it was
defeated by one hundred and nine votes in the negative.
This want of harmony among the Republicans grew out of the dif
ferent opinions entertained by the members. Men who had long acted
with the whig party, under the conviction that its poUcy and principles
were correct, found themselves abandoned by thefr associates with whom
they had long acted, and were constrained to unite with Republicans or
remain isolated from political society. Coming into the republican
organization, they sought to change the party with whom they united
rather than admit that they had been wrong fri former times.
Another class were office seekers. They had opposed the repubUcan
organization untU they saw its success was inevitable. They then joined
it ; but this occurred as it were at the eleventh hour, and they could
not assume a leading position whUe admitting themselves , to be foUow-

* Probably the secession of the slave States saved the Treasury from the eventual payment of
these claims.

444 DIFFICULTIES IN THE EEPUBLICAN PAETT.
ers. These men were desfroiis of adopting some other policy, m order
that they might lead in its support.
They sought to draw off pubUc attention from the great issue
which had been formed between the RepubUcans and Demo
crats, upon the primal truths of the Declaration of Independence ; not
because those doctrfries were wrong, but for the reason that they had mt
led in thdr avowal, AU these men beUeved the people too ignorant and
too depraved to maintain a free and just government. They asserted
and constantly maintained that wrong, injustice, corruption, and crime
were necessary to support any form of government. This theory charac
terized the democratic party. They held it was necessary to maintain
slavery and tbe slave trade in the District of Columbia in order to sup
port the Union. Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster, Mr. FiUmore and his
Cabinet, all held that it was necessary for northern men to seize and
retum to slavery those who were fleeing to a land of Uberty. This out
rage upon human nature was perhaps the most revolting crime which
men could commit against their fellow-men; 'yet leading Whigs and lead
ing Democrats asserted that it was necessary that the people of the free
States should commit it in order to save the Union.
The friends of liberty saw clearly that their danger arose from malcon
tents within the republican organization. They had no fears of the demo
cratic party. They were open and frank in the avowal of poUtical crimes,
and reflecting men knew that all honest, patriotic adherents of truth
and justice must oppose them so long as the then existing issue was
adhered to.
The author was then in private life, but he saw clearly 'the efforts
making to modify the issue between the Democrats and RepubUcans
in order to render it less distinct. To meet those efforts he sought
the appointment of delegate to the Chicago Convention for nomi
nating President and Vice-President. He said pubUcly that his object
was to induce the repubUcan party to adhere to its doctrines, to
stand firmly npon the issue which had been formed. On reaching
Chicago, he found a large haU where thousands were convened.
Other speakers argued in favor of thefr respective candidates, but the
writer at once avowed that the maintenance of principle should constitute
the object of the convention. That parties were a deception when they
ceased to represent principles. That aU ought to support the doctrhies
enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, and repeated by the Re
publicans at tbe PhUadelphia Convfention. He also made known to the
delegates of his State that he wished to serve on the Committee of Re
solutions, as he had done at PhUadelphia when the party was formed,

DIFFICULTIES IN THE EEPUBLICAN PAETT. 445
and that his object was to induce the committee amd the convention to adhere
to republican prindples.
But the delegation appointed another gentleman who had not been
kno-wn to the pubUc as an adherent of these principles. The committee
reported a series of resolutions declamatory in thefr character, assailing
the democratic party, and disapproving tbe extension of slavery into
free territory, but entfrely omitting aU reference to the elementary
truths enunciated in 1856.
The report being read, the author proposed an amendment, reasserting
the " self-evident truths " of the Declaration of Independence. Its adop
tion was opposed by Mr. Carter, of Ohio ; Mr. Thayer, of Massa
chusetts ; and a gentleman from Indiana. . But no other member rose
to sustain the amendment, and it was rejected.
UnwilUng to sit in a convention that hesitated to reassert the primal
truths on which the Government was founded, the author left the haU.
As he went to his lodgings, gentlemen from different States accompanied
him, wishing to have another convention called of men who would abide
by ihe dodrines of the Government. But while conversing on the subject,
Mr. Curtiss, of New Tork, offered, substantially, the same amendment,
and sustained it by an able speech. Mr. Nye, of that State, also sup
ported it, and it was adopted ; and, on being informed of this fact, the
author and his friends resumed their seats in the convention.
As these movements stand connected with impertaut historic ^^.^^
events, it is deemed proper to place them in detaU before the
reader. Among aU the candidates for President, only one had been numbered
among the advocates of freedom previous to the convention at PhUadel
phia in 1856. Mr. Chase, of Ohio, had been an early advocate of
human rights.
As it was evident that the RepubUcans must succeed, the friends of
the various candidates urged the claims of their favorites, and aU were
anxious to pledge themselves and thefr candidates to stand by the doc
trines of the party. But men had arrayed themselves so strongly in
favor of one and against the others, that it was found necessary to select
one against whom 'there was comparatively Uttle pr^'udice. Mr. Lincoln,
of Illinois, was nominated. He was literally a self made man, a native
of Kentucky, possessing an intellect of unusual astuteness, and of unim
peachable integrity. He had served one term in Congress, but was
eviflently destitute of that experience in public- life which was neces-
sar.f to qualify a man for the Presidential office. His early training and
habits of thought had led hun to believe the slaveholder had some moral

446 NOMINATION OF ME. LINCOLN.
or legal right to the services of his slave ; and although an eloquent
advocate of Uberty, it appeared difficult for him to beUeve that the
right to Ufe and Uberty had been bestowed on black men equaUy
with the white race. But from his candor, his frankness, and integrity,
the anti-slavery men had confidence that he would respect thefr
principles in due time. ^
, In all former presidential elections, members of Congress had given,
direction to the pubUc mind in regard to candidates. But Mr. Lincoln
had very little congressional support, and his nomination was received in
Washington with wonder and surprise. But the members generaUy sup
ported him.
The importance of this election did not consist so much in the devo
tion of the repubUcan party to the great doctrines of Uberty, as in the
fact that the nomination and election resulted from the independent
action of men who reftised to be controUed by the slave power. Pro
bably hundreds of thousands voted with the repubUcan party under the
expectation of success, caring little for the slave.
The democratic party, as had been foreseen, could not effectuaUy re
sist the power of moral principle. Southern members of the party were
anxious that the slaveholding constitution of Kansas should be received
by Congress, and the State admitted without submitting the adoption
of it to the people of the territory.
Northern leaders saw clearly that such policy must result in the
overthrov^ of their organization. Southern statesmen demanded that
Congress should legislate for the protection of slavery in the Terri
tories. The northem members , refused to adopt that doctrine, urging
that the people of the territory may either admit or reject slavery, as
they pleased.
Thus was the party divided, and when thefr delegates assembled at
Charleston for the purpose of nommating candidates for President and
Vice-President, they were unable to agree upon a platform of prmciples,
and separated into different conventions, and nonunated different candi
dates. The northern portion of the party united on Mr. Douglas, and
those of the South on Mr. Breckinridge. This division of the demo
cratic organization left no doubt of thefr defeat, and the election of Mr.
Lmcoln was rather a matter of form than the solution of a doubtful
question.
I860.] ^® ®^^^® 'poTjev, by the exercise of its influence, had elected
Mr. Jefferson in 1800, and had dictated the election of every
subsequent President up to that of Mr. Lincoln, in 1860, except that of
Mr. Adams, in 1824. And in the election of Mr. Adams the question

THB FOECE OF TEUTH TEIUMPHANT. 447
of slavery was not distinctly involved, nor was he elected in opposition
to the slave power.
Bnt now the victory was obtamed by the force of trath operating
upon the popular mind. During the canvass there was no- poUtical
strategy, no disguising of principles, no subterfuge, no metaphysical
theories to deceive or mislead the people. It was achieved by the open
avowal and undisguised maintenance of "self evident traths." The
result constituted an era in Christian statesmanship. The old theory
of poUticians had been discarded. The dictation of the slave power
had been repudiated. The Govemment was to be regenerated and
redeemed, when the existmg Admimstration should close its consti
tutional term of service.

448 PEEPAEATOET MEASUEES FOB EEBELLION.

CHAPTER XXX
STATE OP FEELING AFTER THE ELECTION — ^OFFICIAL MENDAClTT OF PRESI
DENT BUCHANAN  FEELINO IN CONGRESS — FE0POSITION3 OF ME. CErriEN-
DEN  WTTHDEAWAL OF SOTITH CAKOLINA^HEK DECLARATION OF CAUSES —
SHE SENDS DELEGATES TO WASHINGTON  A CONVENTION OF DELEGATES
FROM THE FEEE AND BORDER STATES  INAUGUEATION OF THE EEBELUOIT
AND CLOSE OF THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION.
jgg. , The expectation that the Republicans would elect thefr candi
date to the Presidency, had led several of the southern States to
take preparatory measures for inaugurating the rebelUon ; but when
the result was known, the pending storm appeared to gather more
rapidly. Congress was about to assemble, and in order that South
Carolina should not be misunderstood, her two Senators resigned thefr
positions, and refused to take seats in the body of which they bad been
members. Govemor Letcher, of Virginia, in his message to the Legis
lature, declared that the administration of Mr. Lincoln could not and
would not be submitted to. Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia and Florida
also began to make pubUc demonstrations in favor of rebelUon.
At the reassembling of the twenty-sixth Congress, the members found
themselves surrounded by novel and interesting cfrcumstances. The
voice of the people had been uttered In favor of equal rights, and equal
justice to all men. They had emphaticaUy repudiated the heathenish
dogma that " black men have no rights that white men are bound to
respect." Nor was this vote of the people less a repudiation of the men
who held such barbarous doctrmes. It was quite obrious that the poUcy
of sustainmg slavery could no longer control the Government. States
men of experience, lookmg through the vista of coming events, read the
doom of oppression, which now appeared to be -written upon the
moral world around us.
But a hallucination appeared to have seized upon the southern
mmd. The advocates of slavery constituted the only persons m exist
ence who believed that slavery could survive a civU war : yet they
appeared to think that insurrection alone would sustain the institution.
They insisted, however, that the free States had always yielded to the
demands of the South, and that the people of the North'wonld give up
the administration of government to southem hands rather than see the

THE CHANGE IN THE PUBLIC MIND. 449
Union dissolved. No southern man appeared to have the least idea that
the people of the free States would ever meet them in armed hostiUty,
rather than surrender the Government and thefr hberties to the keeping
of slaveholders. Indeed, northern Democrats and some northem presses
proposed that the RepubUcans should give up the administration of
government to southem oUgarchs, and that the President elect should
quietly retfre to private Ufe.
Old men who had long served in the whig and democratic parties
were astonished at the change. They had never dreamed that there was
an inherent, immutable.power in trath and justice. They felt that Messrs.
Clay, and Webster, and Cass, and Calhoun, and FiUmore, and their
associates, were traly the greatest men, and the ablest statesmen of the
world : That under thefr influence, the interests of slavery had controlled
the Government, in its days of apparent prosperity : they saw no evUs
in the fugitive slave act, nor in the slave trade, or in slavery on the high
seas, in the District of Columbia, or in our Territories. They believed
it necessary to sustain the slave trade to pay the debts of Texas, to wage
a war with Mexico and butcher her people, jn order that we might
prosper ; and they were overwhelmed vrith surprise that the people
should desire a change of policy. Nor was this feeling uncommon. It
pervaded aU classes to a greater or less extent ; even professed RepubU
cans were unconscious of the responsibUity now thrown upon their
party. President Buchanan was an old man. He had served during his
poUtical Ufe in the democratic party, and was supposed to truly repre
sent the voice of those who continued to act -with him.
In his annual message, he caUed attention to the disaffection of the
South. With mendacious effrontery he asserted that the hostUity of the
South had arisen from " the long continued and intemperate interference
of the northern people with the question of slavery in the southern
States." This assertion had been so often put forth by irresponsible
poUticians and members of Congress that the President, although con
scious of its falsity, did not probably think it would be exposed : but he '
as wed as the writer had long moved in pubUc life, and must havfe
known that no member of Congress, or pubUc man, or man of character,
had ever offered or presented a resolution, or bUl, or memorial, or speech,
or proposition to interfere vrith slavery in the States. The author
speaks with some eamestness on this subject : conscious that for many
years he was regarded as the most radical, the most ultra- republican
and anti-slavery man who served in Congress, he appeals to the records
of that body as showing conclusively that at all times, under aU circum-
29

450 VARIOUS EFFOETS TO SAVE THE UNION.
stances, he denied for himself and friends the constitutional power to
interfere in time of peace with the institution in the States. Bnt this
declaration of the President greatly encouraged southem rebels, as it
led them to cherish the expectation that the democratic party would
unite -with them in carrying out the rebeUion. "*¦
Soon as the message had been read in the House, Mr. Boteler, a slave
holder of Virginia, moved to refer so much of it as related to the
perilous condition of the country to a committee of one member from
each State. The motion prevaUed by a vote of 145 in the affirmative
to 38 in the negative.
Unfortunately the Speaker, through timidity, or from not knowing
the character of .the members, appointed at the head of this important
.committee Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, who had served in Mr. FUlmore's
.¦Cabinet ; and had ever approved and advocated the fugitive slave act,
and aU those measures of Congress in favor of slavery, which were so
offensive to the lovers of Uberty ; and a large majority of the committee
were either slaveholders or supporters of the slaveholding policy. They
made several reports, one of which waS in favor of a more stringent
fugitive slave enactment, and for the adoption of further compromises
on the part of the free States, which, although rejected by the House,
served to increase the confidence of southern men that the northern
people would surrender to the demands of the South.
The Representatives and Senators of Vfrginia, -with an afr of importance,
now proposed to act as mediators between the North and South, in order
" to save the Union!' But every suggestion coming from them, merely
indicated that the people of the free States should make further sur
renders, and give further guarantees to slavery.
To these suggestions northern Democrats generaUy assented, whUe
RepubUcans listened to them in sUence.
Various propositions were offered to the consideration of the Senate
and of the House for amending the Constitution. Some proposed to
divide the territory, and make it the duty of Congress to support Uberty
north of a certain line, and slavery south of it. Some proposed to
amend the Constitution, so that the United States should pay the owners
of fugitive slaves the value of those who should escape, thuS taxmg the
people of the free States to support slavery. Others proposed to pay
the master from the funds of the State to which the slave might
flee. But every proposition for amendmg the Constitution or laws,
had for its object further surrender of northern rights. That which
attracted most attention and commanded most influence, was presented
to the Senate by Hon. John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky. He proposed

MB. .GErrTENDBai's PEOPOSITIONS. 451
such an amendment of the Constitution as would establish slavery
south of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude, and mauitain freedom north
of that line. i
2d. That Congress should have no power to abolish slavery in any
place under its exclusive jurisdiction ; should not interfere with slavery
or the slave trade in the District of Columbia while the State of Mary
land should continue the institution : And that the owners of slaves
might transport them from one State to another by lamd or water.
This would give them the right of transit through the free States, and in
fact would render every State a slaveholding government.
3d. That payment of the value of fugitive slaves should be made from
the pubUc treasury whenever they should be rescued or assisted to
escape. These propositions were in most suignlar contrast vrith tbe President's
message, in which he asserted that all which the slave States demanded
was " to be let alone." WhUe these false assertions of the President were
before the two Houses of Congress, every proposition from members re
presenting slave. States or from northem Democrats, demanded further
concession, further yielding of northern rights, further support of slavery
from the northem people : Every proposition was in direct antagonism
with the essential principles of Uberty and justice set forth in the Decla
ration of Independence ; and not one of them could be adopted and car
ried into effect vrithout overthrowing the vital doctrines on which the
Government had been founded.
On the 21st December, the Representatives of South Carolina, .^^^^
by a written communication addressed to the Speaker of the
House of Representatives, announced that the people of that State had
resumed the powers delegated to the Federal Government, and took
final leave of Congress.
In professing to withdraw from the Union, South Carolina, through
her convention, asserted that by the compact expressed in the fourth
article of the Constitution, the several States stipulated to retum fugi
tive slaves ; that fourteen of those States had faded to perform thefr
several covenants in this respect : Tet every Senator and Repre
sentative of that State had voted in favor of exercising the ungracious
task of capturing and returning fugitive slaves by the Federal Governr
ment. Indeed, the then existing fugitive act was reported by Sena
tor Butler, of that State, and the Supreme Court, in accordance
¦with southem views, had decided that aU State laws on the subject
were' void.
This failure to capture and retum fugitive slaves by northern citi-

452 CAUSES OF THE SEPARATION.
zens How constituted the leading and principal cayse avowed by
South CaroUna for dissolving the Union which her people had sworn to
support. The next cause assigned was, that the people of the free States de
nied the right of property in human flesh : and the assertion of this
principle, taught by Christianity, enforced by pur Declaration of Inde
pendence, and emphatically asserted by the Constitution, was proclaimed
by the people of South CaroUna as sufficient cause for separating from
the Government instituted by our fathers.
The next cause assigned was the agitation of the slave question by
the people of the free States. Perhaps nothing better Ulustrates the
feeUng of despotism which ruled our slave States, than this idea of de
nying to northern people the right to speak their sentiments on aU moral
and political questions. The right had been most solemnly guaranteed
by the Constitution, whUe its exercise furnished South Carolina with a
supposed -rindication for separating from the Union.
The nexi; and last cause of complaint was, that some of the northern
States had elevated to citizenship persons (blacks) whom the people of
South CiroUna declared were incapable of becoming such under the
Constitution. This assertion, however, was sustained alone by the dicta
of slave States, for surely the Constitution of the United States had made
no distinction on account of complexion. Not a word, or sentence, or
thought in this declaration of causes which impeUed South Carolina to
the separation, has allusion to any subject but slavery. No other sub
ject was alluded to as furnishing any cause of complaint : And it is be
lieved that this constituted the first instance in the history of the world
where a people have re-volted against a government on accou-nt of its deeo-
tion to liberty. None of the other seceding States based thefr vindication
upon any other than this general charge : that the people of the free
States had been and were opposed to the despotism of slavery.
Representatives and Senators from all the cotton-growing States, now
held towards the Government the language of defiance and in frequent
instances that of contempt. Northern Representatives appeared, paral
ized under these insane demonstrations : WhUe northern Democrats and
members caUing themselves Conservatives, were active in their efforts to
adopt such measures as the advocates of slavery demanded.
In perfect keeping with the doctrine that frauds and crime are neces
sary to support governments, it was at this time ascertained that the
Indian Trust Fund had been robbed hj the action of the Secretary
of War and the Secretary of the Interior, of some eight hundred
thousand dollars ; but • this gigantic peculation seemed to have no

SECESSION EE8I8TED BT FOEOE. 453
influence in attaching those who committed it to the support of the
Government. Several individuals now appeared in Washington, claiming to be a
delegation from South Carolina, openly proposing to treat with the Pre
sident for the surrender of forts and arsenals belonging to the Federal
Government situated upon the coast of that State. Instead of unpris-
oning these traitors, the President entered into a written correspondence
with them, surrendered up to the people of South CaroUna forts, arsenals,
custom-houses, and post-offices situated within the jurisdiction of that
State. He also permitted the Secretary of War to transport arms, ammu
nition, and the paraphernalia of war, from northern arsenals to those of
the South, and they were deUvered to the custody of men known to be
engaged in treasonable designs against the Government.
These acts were so flagrant that Secretary Cass, finding his own repu
tation in danger by his association with the Executive, resigned tbe
Treasury Department, refusing longer to be identified with an Adminis
tration which he had assisted to elect, and with which he had been asso
ciated from its inauguration.
An order from the Secretary of War for tbe removal of some seventy
pieces of ordnance from Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, to Mississippi, was
resisted by a popular demonstration in that city. Tbis constituted the
first manifestation of force in resisting the progress of rebeUion. But in
consequence of this display of the popular feeUng the order was revoked,
and the guns remained in Pennsylvania.
While these scenes were being enacted, Mr. Bingham, of Ohio,
faithful to his Govemment as well as to his own reputation, intro
duced a resolution instructing the select committee of thirty-three,
appointed nnder Mr. Boteler's resolution, to report to the House such
additional legislation as they might deem necessary to put down the
rebdlion. ^
Mr. Morris, a Democrat, of IlUnois, offered a proposition that tbe
members unite in a solemn assertion of thefr devotion to the Govern
ment : And Mr. Hutchins, of Ohio, offered a resolution for protecting
the free blacks of northem States from being enslaved by the people of
the South. But none of these propositions were debated or voted upon.
Indeed, the House appeared unwUUng to debate or vote upon any pro
position that did not contemplate further surrender of northern honor
and northern mterests.
Nor was the Senate either idle or silent. Soon as the message of the
President had been read, Mr. CUngman, of North Carolina, responded

454 CONFLICT OP OPINION.
that its tone was eminently patriotic : But he asserted that the President
elect was a dangerous man, and declared that he had been elected be
cause he was dangerous. . He spoke of the inevitable rale to which the
repubUcan organization was destined, and asserted that the South could
not endure the admmistration of any man elected upon the principles
enunciated by that party.
He made no complaint of the past ; but assured the Senate that un
less tbe people of the North should give further guarantees in favor of
slavery, several slave States would be out of the Union m ninety days.
He was a bold man, and usually stated the position of the RepubUcans
candidly, and made no scruple in demanding further guarantees of
tbe North for the slavery of the South. Indeed, most southern mem
bers were frank and apparently honest in demanding that the North
should sustain thefr institutions, whUe to the President and other north
ern men they left the unenviable task of misrepresentation on this
subject.^gg(j , On the following morning. Senator Green, of Missouri, offered
a resolution proposing an armed police to be stationed along
the line separating the slave and free States, for the efficient execution
of the fugitive slave act, and to preserve the peace. In debating this
resolution. Senator Green boldly maintained that tbe proximate cause of
the rebelUon consisted in consecrating the soil of CaUfomia to freedom,
after it had been acquired for the purpose of extending slavery. He
asserted the opinion that the platform on which the incoming President
had been elected was in direct conflict with the Constitution, and read
a letter from Senator DooUttle to a friend, saying, " the election of Mr.
Lincoln was indeed a great triumph ;" that we should " have no more
congressional slave codes, no more slave territory, no more slave States,"
and the honorable Senator regarded these expressions with peculiar
horror and bitterness. •
Mr. Hale insisted, that when analyzed, the President's message was
found to contain three propositions. 1st. South CaroUna has just cause
to secede. 2d. She has no right to secede. 3d. The Governmeut has
no right to prevent secession. He declared, however, that the move
ments of the South meant war, and that the Senate ought to look the
subject full in the face, and prepare to meet it. He characterized as
traitors those northern editors who were sustaining southern secession,
and asserted vrith great force that all pretence that the North had fur
nished any cause for secession was false and slanderous, thus exposing
the mendacity of the annual message ; and, with becoming dignity, he

SLAVEHOLDINa" AEEOGANCE. 455
hoped that the inconung President would maintain the doctrines on
which he had been elected.*
Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, asserted that if there was to be war, the
North must make it, as the South would not.f
Senator Iverson, of Georgia, regarded the general hostiUty to slavery
which existed among the people of the North as utterly prohibiting aU
attempts to preserve the Union ; and declared that the repeal of " per-
sonp,! Uberty bUls" by northern Legislatures, or other concessions, would
not induce the South to remain longer in the Union. But he asserted
there would be -no war, and aUuded in offensive language to northem
cowardice.J Mr. Powell, of Virginia, as weU as Mr. Crittenden, appeared to think
that the Union coiUd only be preserved by so amending the Constitution
as to change the essential character of the Government, making it a
slave-sustaining confederation, instead of adapting its energies to secur
ing liberty ; and he proposed an amendment that would secure the right
of properiy in slaves ; beUeving such amendment necessary to save the
Union. To this Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, repUed that Vfrginia was deeply
interested in preventing secession ; for if the cotton States seceded,
Virginia would find no market for her slaves, without which that State
would be ruined. To these remarks neither Mr. PoweU nor his colleague
took exception.!
The arrogance and self-importance of Senators representing cotton-
growing States increased in proportion as northern members expressed an
anxiety to save the Union. Thefr superciUous bearing was well Ulustrated
by Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, who, alluding to the contemplated rebeUion,
spoke in the Senate as foUows : " / say Cotton is King, and that he
waves his sceptre not only over these thfrty-three States, but over the
island of Great Britain, and over Continental Europe. And there is
* This Is beliered to be the first assertion in the Senate, after the election, of a determination to
sustain the doctrines on which Mr. Lincoln had been elected.
t This was said to have been the agreement between northern and southern Democrats ; that the
South would not coTnimence hostilities, and that noi-thern Democrats would prevent Republicans
from shedding blood. And the nortborn democracy subsequently complamed that by commencing
a cannonade on Fort Sumter, the South violated their compact.
t General Cass was, perhaps, better acquainted with the views and feelings of southern Demo
crats than any other northern man. After the -rebellion broke out, he declared to the writer his
conviction that the South would never have rebelled if they had entertained the belief that the
uorthern people would have met them in arms.
§ Virgmia at that time was receiving a greater Income &om the rearing and selling of slaves than
from any other object of Industry ; indeed, many Virginians computed the income from the sala of
slaves greater than that derived from all other sources. ( Tide Debates in her Convention ol
1832.)

466 SOUTHEEN GEIEVANOE,g STATED.
not a crowned head upon that island, or upon the Continent that does
not bend in fealty and acknowledge allegiance to that monarch."
This was an earnest expression of the real feeling of both Senators
and Representatives of the cotton-growing States. They really felt that
France and England were dependent on them for the important article
which constituted thefr staple product. This feeling had risen from the
yielding of Great Britain to the demands of the slave power, and com
pensating our slave merchants for thefr human chattels lost by being
shipwrecked on British islands. France, too, had stood with folded
arms and witnessed the annexation of Texas ; and when officially
informed that it was done to extend slavery, she did not even utter a
protest in behalf of our common humanity.
The past policy of the Govemment was now rapidly approaching its
culmination. Since 1793, northem politicians and statesmen had yielded
their interests, their rights, their honor, thefr constitution, to the de.
mands of the slave power. The feeUng of southern superiority had been
fostered, flattered, strengthened, and confirmed, untU it was now de
veloping itself in open rebeUion.
Senator Wade, of Ohio, cooUy and firmly met the threats and super
ciUous declamation of Messrs. WigfaU and Iverson, saying that the con
test would be nothing more than the world had often witnessed ; it
would be merely a trial of strength between the loyal and the rebelUous
States ; that one party would be victorious, and the other would suffer
defeat. As to the doctrines of the republican party, which had been
denounced as unconstitutional, and under which it had been said the
South could not Uve, he would merely say they were the doctrines of
Washington and Jefferson, and their associates, in founding the Govem
ment, which was organized upon these principles ; and he desfred to
understand definitely the acts of which the South complained.
To this call of Mr. Wade, Mr. PoweU, of Virginia, responded that
Govemor Dennison, of Ohio, had refused to deUver up to the Executive
of Kentucky a man charged with stealing negroes. This language was
understood to mean nothing more and nothing less than assistmg slaves
to escape from bondage, which was regarded by the Christian world as
an act of humanity, and no crime. Tet Mr. PoweU, and slaveholders
generaUy, believed that whatever the Legislature of a slave State
should see fit to declare " cri-me," the'Pederal Government was bound to
regard as coming vrithin the constitutional provision concerning "felony."
Nor did Mr. PoweU stand .alone iu thus basing his vindication of the
rebeUion upon gross errors of constitutional law, as aU action of Con
gress involving the people of the fr'ee States in the expense and dis-

NOETHEEN PUSILLANIMrrT. 467
grace of sustaining slavery was ob-riously unauthorized and unconstitu
tional. The northern mind was not prepared for the bold attempt now mak
ing to destroy tbe Union. From the adoption of the Constitution, com
plaints had been made that slave-catchers from southern States had kid
napped free colored persons in the northem portions of the Union.
These complaints were for many years presented to Congress, but the
memoriaUsts received in answer dfrections to apply to their several State
legislators, whose duties requfred them to protect thdr own people. Ac
cordingly, several northern States enacted laws for the protection of
thefr free colored citizens. These enactments were now assailed by the
successors of those members of Congress who had advised their enact
ment ; and several of the free States, in consequence of denunciations of
southern men, changed their position, and in derogation of thefr awn
dignity, repealed the laws which protected the rights and hberties of
colored citizens born among them.
These acts of northern Legislatures strengthened the advocates of
slavery in the conviction that the entire North would surrender every
point which the South demanded. Southern agents in England and
France assured tbe people of those govemments that there would be no
war in the United States ; and this opinion was very generaUy enter.
tained by pubUc men in England, who could not believe that after such
long forbearance the people of the free States would make resistance
to the demands of the slave power.*
Men now saw that every argument and every effort in favor of yield
ing up northern interests, northem independence, and northem honor, to
the demands of the slave power, under the specious plea of saving the
Union, had contributed to its dissolution, by leading southern men to
beUeve the northern States were entfrely subservient to the interests of
the South.
On the 12th January, the Representatives from Mississippi, by ^gjj
a written communication addressed to the Speaker of the House,
informed the country that thefr State had withdrawn from the con
federacy ; but on the 14th, Mr. Brown, of that State, informed the
Senate that he and his colleague had not received official notice of the
withdrawal of their State ; but they would no longer participate in the
business of tbe Senate. ,
Georgia, Alabama, Florida, and Louisiana, now followed these exam
ples of secession which were rapidly precipitating the nation into civil war.
* This remark is made upon thc authority of intelligent Englishmen, with whom the author met
in tbe years 1861-3.

458 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTTTDTION PEOPOSED.
On the 28th January, the President communicated to the two Houses
of Congress resolutions of the State of Vfrginia, proposing a convention
of delegates from the various States to meet in Washington City " for
the purpose of agreeing upon such compromises as were consistent with
the Constitution, so as to afford the people of the slaveholding States ade
quate guarantees for security of thdr rights!'
Tbis suggestion of a convention unknown to the Constitution was
itself revolutionary. But the caU upon the free States to give security
for thefr abiding by the Constitution was regarded by men of spirit as.
insulting to their dignity. Yet some of the executive officers of free
States were so anxious to exert every instmmentaUty to save the
Union, that they appointed delegates, and finaUy aU the free States
yielded to this superciUous caU of Vfrginia to appear in national con
vention to consult on such further guarantees for the support of
slavery as would satisfy those States who had afready proclaimed
their departure from the Union. And whUe South Carolina was
actuaUy gathering and disciplining her army, erecting fortifications, and
preparing for hostUities, delegates from the free States gravely met ia
convention at Washington City, to consult on such further humiliation
as would satisfy tbe demands of the slave power. The character of a
majority of the delegates to this convention was well illustrated by the
choice of John Tyler, of Vfrginia, to preside over thefr deUberations.
His name had become odious to the lovers of liberty from his efforts to
obtain compensation for the slavedealers who lost thefr bondmen oa
board tbe " Creole," in 1840, his approval of the gag-rules, his apostacy
from the party who elected him, his labors in frtvor of the annexation
of Texas, and his uniform devotion to slavery.
By the selection of such a man to preside over its proceedings, the
convention lost all prestige, and after several weeks a majority of its
members advised the regularly constituted Congress to recommend
the State Legislatures to agree to such amendments- of the Federal
Constitution as would secure the master a compensation for his fugitive
slave when assisted to escape, or when rescued : To estabUsh slavery
in aU our Territories south of 36 deg. 30 mm., north latitude: To
secure the admission of any slave State that may apply to become a
member of the Union : To prohibit Congress from aboUshing slavery
in the District of Columbia, or the coastvrise slave trade.
These pro^iositions were transmitted to the two Houses of Congress for
approval, but were rejected unceremoniously by the Senate ; nor were
they treated with greater respect by the House of Representatives.
Senator Seward had been a candidate for nomination of President

ME. SEWAED ON THE QUESTION OF UNION. 459
before the convention at Chicago, and received the highest vote of any
candidate except the President elect. From this cfrcumstance it was
generally expected that he would be selected as Secretary of State
under the incoming Administration. He was regarded as possessing a
hjgh order of talents. Durmg the Presidential campaign he had spoken
boldly in favor of freedom ; and the advocates of Uberty generally
beUeved bun a firm supporter of the doctrmes which all regarded as
vital to the 'support of a free govemment. Under these circumstances he
was expected to foreshadow the policy of the incoming President ; and
great mterest was manifested to hear hhn. On the 12th January,
while speaking on the President's Message, he referred to various expe"
dients for saving the Union, which had faded. He next refeiTed to the
advantages resulting from the " Union," by which term he appeared to
refer to the association of States and of the power of their concentrated
influence : But he seemed to avoid all reference to the " essential
truths," on which the States confederated ; which constituted the moral
entity called tbe " Union ;" without which the association would not
have been formed and could not have existed. Nor did he speak of the
primal- objects and ulterior designs of those who founded the Govern
ment. He manifested a strong desfre that tbe States should main
tain their alUance with each other ; but he expressed no wish to maiuT
tain the essential truths on which the association had been formed.
He said, somewhat oracularly, " Republicanism is not Union ; Demo
cracy is not Union — Republicanism is subordinate to Union as everything
else is and ought to be. Republicanism, Democracy, every other political
name and thing — all are subordinate, and they ought to disappear in the
presence of the great question of Union, and so far as I am concerned, it
SHALL BE so."
For seventy years the slave power had endeavored to exclude all
democratic, all republican principles from the administration of govem
ment, in order to render it a slaveholding oUgarchy. For twenty-five
years the advocates of reform had labored to restore the Government to
those republican and democratic principles on which the fathers founded
it. A party distinctly avowing these doctrines had been formed ; had
grown up ; had elected a majority of the Senate and of the House of
Representatives. They had elevated the President elect to the highest
office of the nation, with the full expectation that he would support the
principles avowed by them ; but Mr. Sewsfrd now declared, that so far
as he was concerned, these doctrines should be discarded in order to save
the Union, which had afready been transformed to an insupportable des
potism nnder slaveholding influence. Republicans would not believe

460 THE PEACE CONGEESS AND THE CONFEDEEACT.
that he spoke the views and feelings of the President elect, nor would
they admit that he intended the ordinary import of his own language.
Others were uncharitable. They quoted the language of Mr. Iverson,
who had openly declared that there would be no war ; that " the far-
reaching satesmanship of the Senator from New York would prevent .a
war," and suggested that the two Senators were acting in concert. It
is certain that many republican Senators entfrely dissented from the
policy enunciated by Mr. Seward ; and this difference of opinion con
tinued and became stUl more distinct after that gentleman assumed the
duties of Secretary of State. Another point in this address was quite
unsatisfactory to Republicans. That party had laid it down as a uni
versal principle that every human bemg holds from the Creator an impre
scriptible right to live and enjoy liberty. The Supreme Court, on be
half of the democratic party, denied this doctrine, saying, " Black men
have no rights that white men are bound to respect." Tbis constituted
the issue. And Mr. Seward now tacitly espoused the doctrine of the
Court instead of the republican principle, saying that the fugitive act
was constitutional and ought to be enforced. He further asserted that
all State laws which interfered with it ought to be repealed.
But these pledges of subserviency to the slave power appeared to
have no favorable effect upon southern rebels. Alabama, Georgia,
Florida, Mississippi, and Louisiana, proceeded to declare thefr separa
tion from the Union ; whUe South Carolina steadUy continued to raise
troops, erect fortifications, discipline her army, and make every possible
preparation for tbe coming confiict. Early in January hostUities com
menced. The steamer " Star of the West," carrying suppUes to Fort
Sumter, entered Charleston harbor under the flag of the United States.
The rebel batteries on Morris Island opened fire upon her and compeUed
her to retum without landing. Bub whUe the rebels were thus firing
upon our flag, the "Peace Congress" was engaged in deUberating upon
further surrenders and further guarantees to slavery : Indeed, whUe that
body was thus engaged, a convention of delegates from the seceding
States were actively laboring to form a constitution for the new Con
federacy, and organizmg a government so as to combine all thefr forces
against the loyal States.
This Convention was sitting at Montgomery, Alabama. The support
of slavery constituted the first and most prominent feature of the con
stitution of thc " Southern Confederacy." It was the first instance m
which a people had associated under a written constitution, pledging
thefr powers to the support of oppression.
Mr. Floyd, the Secretary of War, had sent to Texas ordnance, arras,

TWO GOVEENMENTS IN OFEEATION. 461
ammunition and vast miUtary suppUes, under pretence of furnishing
the army stationed upon the frontier of that State. As yet Texas had
passed no ordinance of secession ; but fearing that these Stores would be
reclaimed by the Federal Government, her authorities demanded of
General Tvriggs, then in command of the troops, the deUvery of this
vast amount of public property to them.
General Twiggs was a citizen of Mississippi and a secessionist. He at
once surrendered some two thousand troops and four millions dollars
worth of miUtary supplies to the commander of a few hundred miUtia of
Texas. During the month of February, the Senators and Representatives of
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida vacated their seats
ia Congress, having received official notice that those States had severed
thefr connection with the Federal Government.
The constitution of the Southern Confederacy was adopted, and six
ofthe thfrty-three States were acting under a separate confederacy, and
had their army in the field ; four other States were rapidly perfecting thefr
acts of secession : and the two hostUe governments were in fuU operation
before' the close of th^ democratic administration. For more than half
a century the slave power had ruled the nation under the disguise of
Democracy. That organization had devoted its energies to the encourage
ment and support of slavery. Its members had identified themselves
with the institution to such an extent that, when the regime of slavery
ceased, the democratic party could no longer maintain its former
prestige. Yet its leaders, in thefr bUndness, seized upon the pUlars of
the political temple, and disappeared amid the moral and poUtical ruins
which they had brought upon the country, leaving to the RepubUcans a
dismembered Government and civU war.
The rebelUon had progressed thus far at the close of the thfrty-sixth
Congress. Yet the RepubUcans of that body made no movement —
passed no law, provided no means for suppressing hostUities. The
reasons assigned were that it was hoped that the rebeUious States would
return to their loyalty ; if the northern States would repeal their per
sonal Uberty laws, enforce the fugitive slave act, give further guarantees
to slavery, abandon the doctrines of Republicanism and disband that
organization, as had been proposed.

462 ME. Lincoln's inaugueal addeess.

CHAPTER XXXI.
.INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN  HIS POSITION REGARDING SLAVERY —
ACTION OF CONGRESS  ^HIS PROCLAMATION OF FREEDOM — RAISING OF NEGRO
TROOPS, AND A WAB FOB FEEEDOM.
The 4th March, a.d. 1861, wiU long mark an incident in the history
of tbe United States. A repubUcan President was then inaugurated,
and the Government passed into the hands of the party who elected him.
Many, very many electors who voted for the incoming President had,
since the speech of Mr. Seward, entertained gloomy apprehensions that
they were once more to be deceived ; that the new Administration would.
surrender the doctrines of the party and become subservient to the slave
power. Opponents also boasted that a republican Administration could
not guide tbe Government amid the storms and strifes of civU war, wliich
now appeared imminent. Yet the President's most intimate friends
entertained a perfect -confidence in his integrity. That was the only
pledge he had given. His experience in pubUc Ufe had been limited ; he
had never enjoyed the opportunity of gi-ring to the nation evidence of
liis capacity for the high position to which he had been elected ; yet, the
eyes of tlurty milUons of people were upon him, watching every word
and every act.
In his inaugural he simply reasserted the doctrines of those who
elected him in regard to slavery in the States amd in the Territories.
With them he also discarded the doctrine that the Supreme Court were
to oonstrae the Constitution for other departments of govemment.
In relation to the rebelUon he was conciliatory bnt firm. This was
looked npon as the great point in his inaugural address. It was regarded
as the seminal thought from which all other questions of poUcy must
spring. He showed no disposition to surrender any legitimate interest
for the purpose of inducing the seceding States to return to thefr loyalty;
whUe he stood forth boldly in advance of all his predecessors, demand
ing legal protection for northern colored citizens whUe travelUng in the
South. But he had not studied the phUosophy of human governments, nor
analyzed their powers, so far as to see clearly that neither human laws,
nor human constitutions, nor human power, could give to one man, or to

COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILTnES. 463
any set of men, rightful authority over the Uves or the liberties of an
innocent and unoffending people. On the contrary, he asserted that the
Constitution had provided for the surrender of fugitive slaves, either by
the States or by the Federal Govermnent, and he seemed to acknowledge
that the framers of the Constitution possessed the legitimate power to
impose upon thefr descendants some sort of obUgation to seize thefr
fellow-men whUe fleeing from oppression and retum them to bondage.
On this point it was evident that his mind had not been led to analyze
the transcendent crime of enslaving or of reenslaving innocent persons.
Yet the writer would do injustice to Mr. Lincoln were he to omit
saying that his inaugural was just what his friends who were best
acquainted with him expected. They understood his positions, and in
pubUc and in private insisted that the logic of events would bring his
mind to the full appreciation of the crimes of slavery.
Nor would the writer do justice to the reformers of that day .^ggj
were he to omit saying they did not expect Mr. Lincoln to make
up his Cabinet from those who had long been pronunent in the advocacy
of Republicanism. They only demanded three of the seven Cabinet
officers. To that request the President cordiaUy responded : and in
compliance appointed Messrs. Seward, Chase and Wells as members of
his Cabinet ; whUe Messrs. Cameron, Bates, Smith and Blair were
regarded as more conservative in character. To them no objection was
made by the advocates of Uberty, as aU beUeved they, too, would come
up to the support of truth and jnstice, as events should constrain them
to meet the responsibiUties of thefr several positions. With tbis Cabinet,
and under these cfrcumstances. President Lincoln entered upon that
mighty conflict between freedom and slavery, between justice and crime,
which has attracted the attention of the Christian world.
The cannonade of Fort Sumter, and the attempted massacre of the
Massachusetts troops whUe marching through Baltimore to the reUef of
Washington City, aroused the people of the free States to a realization
of the fact that they were afready precipitated upon a momentous dvil
war. The President issued his proclamation calling for seventy-five thousand
troops, under the law of 1795, in order to suppress the rebelUon.
In aU parts of the free States volunteers were called for ; compames
and regiments were formed, and hm'ried to the field. The attention of
all was directed to our armies, and the subject of slavery was apparently
forgotten in the all-absorbing interest of existing hostiUties.
The battles fought and the victories lost and won during that
war wUl long mark an important era in the progress of Christian

464 EEBELR IN ALL DEPAETMENTS OF GOVEENMENT.
civUization ; of them it is not the intention of the writer to . speak.
That duty must devolve upon some younger, some more ambitious his
torian ; but the writer stands pledged to lay before the reader a carefol
narrative of the efforts of the Federal Govemment to support, extend,
and perpetuate slavery, and of its final separation from that msti
tution. jggj , For more than sixty years Congress had legislated for the bene
fit of oppression, in direct and unequivocal hostility to the doc
trines laid down as the basis of our Govemment. At the tune of which
we are now writing, however, a large majority of our statesmen, poUti
cians, and people entertained the opinion that there was some vague,
some undefined moral or poUtical obUgation resting upon the Govern
ment and people of tbe free States to uphold and encourage slavery. It
is certain that a majority of the poUticians of the free States, forgetting
that our Government had been established for the purpose of securmg
life and Uberty to every human soul, reaUy beUeved that they were
bound to seize the fugitive slave as he fled from bondage and carry him
back to chains aud suffering. In short, they now felt and urged that
patriotism consisted in depriving a portion of mankind of those preroga
tives which the government had been instituted to secure.
This feeling was cherished by adhering Democrats, and by aU that
class of men who, having once belonged to the whig party, now refused
to unite with the radical RepubUcans.
Advocates of oppression were found in aU the States and in aU depart
ments of the Government. Many were holding nominal relation to the
repubUcan party, and were among the most clamorous appUcants for
office. They held seats in both Houses of Congress; and much of the
patronage of each House was bestowed on men whose influence was ex
erted for the support of slavery. In the executive departments and in the
army were men whose sympathies were in favor of that institution. Thefr
latent influence was at all times exerted in favor of it, paralyzing the
efforts of the President, and of those who were striving to suppress the
rlebeUion. Indeed, General Butler, whUe marching the troops of Massar
chusetts to the defence of Washington, took occasion to assure the Gov
ernor of Maryland that the army under his command would put dovra
any slave insurrection that might arise in that State, and that any caU
of the Governor of Maryland for troops to be used for such purpose
would be promptly compUed with by the officers and men of Massa
chusetts. But this voluntary prostitution of the miUtary power of Massachu- '
setts to uphold slavery in Maryland attracted the attention of Governor

MoCLELLAN PEOCLAIMS DEVOTION TO SLAVEET. 465
Andrews, chief magistrate of that first commonwealth of New England,
who remonstrated with General Butler ; and that officer, acting before
the public under such responsibility, saw his error, discarded the claims
of slavery, and soon became one of the most distinguished supporters
of repubUcan doctrines employed in the mUitary service of the Govern
ment. Major-General McClellan, placed in command of the Ohio troops, on
entering Westem Vfrginia issued his proclamation mforming the rebels
of that region that he and his troops would not only-abstain from as
sisting slaves to obtain thefr freedom, but they would crush any insurrec
tion of slaves against those who were employed in shooting down our
troops : Nor are we informed that General McCleUan at any time
changed his mind on this subject. Indeed, officers in command of our
troops often employed them in guarding the property of rebels serving
in the Confederate army. It was charged, through the public press,
that the dwelUng and property of General Lee, fri Eastern Vfrginia, was
carefuUy guarded by order of General McClellan, while our sick soldiers
¦were subjected to the inclemancy of the weather, and died without shel
ter m sight of that princely residence, preserved from occupation by loyal
bayonets. During the vacation of Congress, Virginia, Texas, Arkansas, Ten.
nessee, and North Carolma passed ordinances of secession, and united
thefr arms vrith those of the States which had previously rebelled.
On the 4 th July the thfrty-seventh Congress met, in pursuance ~gjj
of the President's proclamation, in order to proride the necessary
means for suppressing hostiUties. On caUing the roll of members, eleven
States did not appear. The withdrawal of so many slave States left the
repubUcan party in undisputed control of both branches of Congress as
well as of the Executive Departments. No party had ever been in pos
session of such undisputed control of our Federal Govemment. Thefr
doctrines commended themselves to the judgment and conscience of the
Christian world : Indeed, no Democrat, no slaveholder could be induced
pubUcly to take issue upon the principles inscribed upon the repubUcan
banners. To deny their doctrines would have been a denial of the essen
tial truths on which the Union had been founded ; and no northern man
dared utter an argument in favor of the rebeUion, although many
secretly favored it.
A strange haUucination now appeared to come over the minds of
members of Congress. Mr. Seward had declared that " RepubUcanism
ought to disappear in the presence of questions touching the Union ;"
and so far as he was concemed, he declared it should be so. With
30

466 ME. SEWAEd's POLICY ADOPTED.
these avowals he had assumed the office of Premier of the repubhcan
Administration. As Secretary of State he instracted our representa
tive at the Court of St. James to assure the Ministers of her Britannic
Majesty that the President intended to bring back the rebel States with
thefr institutions unchanged ; indeed, he insisted that they were to be
reinstated in all thefr former rfelations to the Government and to the
people of the free States.
Upon these official avowals of our own statesmen, European ministers
asserted that neither the cause of jnstice nor of Uberty entered into or
constituted any part of the objects or motives for suppressing the rebel
lion : That as these objects were discarded by our Executive, there
could be no other design than merely to hold the southern States m
subjection to the free States, contrary to the doctrine of our revolution
ary fathers.
Mr. Seward was regarded as one of the most profound poUticians
of the age. His suggestion for an abandonment of the repubUcan
doctrines, the enforcement of the fugitive slave act, and repeal of aU
•State laws enacted for protecting northern freemen was in precise.
accordance with the desfre of those who adhered to the democratic
party, and of aU who were in favor of sustaining slavery. Mem
bers of Congress, instead of boldly asserting the doctrines on which they
could only hope for vindication — doctrines on which they had themselves
been elected to office — and at once providing ample means for suppress
ing the rebelUon, proceeded to advise tbe people to surrender those
doctrines and to unite cordially with 'men who had ever favored the
iprostitution of the Federal power to the support of slavery.
„„- On this as on other subjects the writer would do no injustice
to any of the public men of that important period of our history.
He can only speak with positive assurance of the RepubUcan Senators
and Representatives of Ohio. It is certain that they uuited, in a letter
addressed to the repubUcan committee of that State, advising them to
call a convention of all men, without distinction of party, who were in
favor of the Union and of suppressing the rebellion, without asserting
any prine^les as the basis of their action. It is also certain that the
three large and commanding States of Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New
York, no longer adhered to the doctrines proclaimed at PhUadelphia.
New En^and, Michigan, and one or two other States, adhered to their
integrity, promptly refusing to unite in this poUtical suicide : But in
Ohio, Pennsylvama, and New York, men were nominated and elected to
office by RepubUcans who had ever sustained the institution of slavery,
.and persistently opposed the vital principles of republicanism. They

DEBATE IN THE ENGLISH PAEUAMENT. 467
were, however, loudest in thefr protestations for restoring the Union,
and anxious to put down the rebelUon by rendering the people of the
free States stiU more subservient to tiie slave interest.
Northem Democrats were now inspired with the hope that Republicans
would surrender the poUtical power which they had obtained after years
of toU, and consent that the democratic party should resume control
of the Govemment.
Messrs. Cobden and Bright, and other members of the British Parlia
ment, known to be decided advocates of repubUcan principles, no longer
spoke in favor of our efforts in the cause of civUization. The reformers
of England and of Europe generally became sUent in regard to the doc
trines for which the reformers of our own country had so long and so
steadily contended.
But while the friends of Christian progress in Europe became sUent
on the subject of American freedom, the supporters of aristocracy
assumed to speak of American statesmen and the American Govern;
ment in terms offensive and arrogant. An extraordinary instance of
- superciUous impertineuce deserves a place among recorded events of
that day.
General Butler was in miUtary command of New Orleans, „ggj
having driven the enemies' troops from that city. Many female
residents, sympathizing vrith the rebels, so far unsexed themselves as to
insult our soldiers while on the pubUc streets. These insults became
common, and in order to prevent thefr recurrence, the commanding
general issued an order that females who should pubUely insult soldiers
upon the streets, should be arrested and punished as " women of the
town!' This attempt of a miUtary officer to mamtain order, and command
the respect of the people, was complained of by secessionists, and the
subject became a matter of grave debate in the British ParUament.
Noble lords, standing before the civilized world, gravely debated the pro
priety of this order of a miUtary officer concerning ihe lewd women of a
rebel city, complaining that such treatment of rebel females of doubtful
character, was mhuman and barbarous, a fit Subject for criticism in the
legislative councUs of a friendly nation.
The efforts of our mUitary officers to capture and return fugitive slaves
to thefr rebel masters became so common as to reflect disgrace upon the
army. They could not plead either the laws of any State or of Con
gress in extenuation of the crime which thus degraded American
soldiers. Thefr action was purely voluntary ; and Mr. Lovejoy, of
IlUnois, feeling indignant at the disgrace thus brought upon our arms,,

468 VOTE ON SLAVH-CATOHING.
presented a resolution declaring that "the capture and return of
fugitive slaves constituted no part of the duty of American soldiers."
Yet this resolution was opposed by adhering Democrats and pro-
slavery members generally. The vote bf the several States was as fol
lows, to wit :
Maine. Yeas-^Messrs. Walton, Fessenden, Rice, and Pike, . . 4
New Hampshire. Yeas — Messrs. Rollins and Edwards, ... 2
Vermont. Yeas — Messrs. Walton, MorriU, and Baxter, ... 3
Massachusetts. Yeas — Messrs. Eliot, Buffinton, Thomas, Rice,
AUey, Gooch, Train, Delano, Dawes, and BaUey, . . . ,10
Connecticut. Yea — Mr; Loomis,  1
Nay — Messrs. EngUsh and Woodruff,  2
New York. Yeas — Messrs. WaU, F. A. ConckUn, Van Wyck,
Baker, OUn, McKean, Wheeler, Sherman, Franchot,
R. ConckUn, Duell, Lansmg, Clark, Sedgvrick, Pome-
roy. Chamberlain, Diven, Van Volkenburg, Ely, Frank,
Van Horn, Spaulding, and Fenton,  23
Nays — Messrs. Smith, OdeU, Wood, Haight, Ward, and
Steele,  6
New Jersey. Yea — Mr. Stratton,  1
Nays — ^Messrs. Nixon, Steele, and Cobb,  3
Penns-tlvania. Yeas — Messrs. Verree, Kelley, Davis, Hickman,
Stevens, KiUinger, Campbell, Hale, McPherson, Blafr,
Covode, Morehead, WaUace, Patton, Babbitt, . . . 15{/
Nays — ^Messrs. Cooper, Ancona, Wright, Johnson, BaUey,
Lazear  6
Ohio. Yeas — Messrs. Gurley, Ashley, Shellabarger, Trimble, Wor
cester, Blake, Cutler, Edgerton, Riddle, Hutchins, and
Bmgham,  '  11
Nays — Messrs. Pendleton, VaUandigham, AUen, White,
Noble, Horton, Cox, and Nugen,  8
Indiana. Yeas — Messrs. Dunn, JuUan, Porter, White, CoUax,
MitcheU, Shanks,  f
Nays — Messrs. Cravens and Holman,  2
Illinois. Yeas — Messrs. Washburne, Amold, and Lovejoy, . ' . 3
Nays — Messrs. KeUogg, Richardson, McClernand, Robin
son, Fouke, and Logan,  6
Missouri, Yeas — Messrs. Blair and RolUns,  2
Nay — Mr. NoeU,  1
Michigan. Yeas — Messrs. Granger, Beaman, KeUogg, and Trow
bridge, . .  4.
\

VOTE ON FEEEDOM AND CONFISCATION. 469
lowA. Yea — Mr. Vandever  1
Wisconsin. Yeas — Messrs. Potter and Sloan  2
Minnesota. Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich and Windom,  2
Kansas. Yeg. — Mr. Conway  1
Rhode Island. Nay — Mr. Sheffield,  1
Delaware. Nay — Mr. Fisher,  1
Maryland. Nays — Messrs. Crisfield, Webster, Thomas, and Cal
vert,  4
Virginia. Nays — Messrs. Whaley, Carlisle, and Upton, ... 3
Kentucky. Nays — Messrs. Burnet, Jackson, Grider, Harding,
WickUffe, Dunlap, Mallory, Menzies, Crittenden, and
Wadsworth,  10
A bUl confiscating the property of rebels was debated at great length
in both Houses, and was so amended as to give freedom to all slaves
who should be employed in aiding the rebeUion by erecting batteries,
forts, or in digging rifle-pits. This biU met vrith strong opposition, but
upon its final passage, members from the various States voted as fol
lows : From Maine, Messrs. Walton and Fespenden ; from New Hamp
shire, RolUns and Edwards ; from Vermont, Walton, MorriU, and
Baxter ; from Massachusetts, Eliot, Buffinton, Thomas, Rice, Alley
and Train voted in the affirmative ; from Connecticut, Mr. Loomis voted
aye, and Mr. English no ; from Rhode Island, Mr. Sheffield voted aye,
and Mr. Browne no ; from New York, Messrs. R. ConckUn, OUn,
McKean, Wheeler, Sherman, Franchot, Puell, Lansing, Clark, Sedg
wick, Chamberlain, Frank, Van Horn, Spaulding and Fenton voted for
the bUl, while Messrs. Diven, Smith, OdeU, Haight and Steele voted
against it ; from Pennsylvania, Messrs. Verree, Kellej^ Stevens, Blair,
Covode, WaUace and Babbitt voted in the affirmative, and Messrs. Mc
Pherson, Ancona, Hale, Johnson and BaUey voted in the negative ;
from Ohio, Messrs. Gurley, Hutchins, Ashley, SheUabarger and Bing
ham voted for the bill, and Messrs. Morris, Pendleton, Vallandigham,
AUen, Noble, Horton and Cox voted against it ; from Indiana, Messrs.
Julian, White, Colfax and Mitchell voted in favor of the biU, and
Messrs. Dunn, Holman, Porter, Cravens, Law and Voorhees voted
against it ; from IlUnois, Messrs. Arnold, Lovejoy and Kellogg voted
for the bUl, and Messrs. Robinson, McClernand and Fouke voted
against it ; from Missouri, Mr. Blafr voted in favor of the bill, and
Messrs. RolUns, Norton and Reid voted against its passage ; from
Michigan, Messrs. Granger, Beaman and KeUogg ; from Wisconsin,
Messrs. Potter and Sloan ; from Minnesota, Messrs. Aldrich and Win
dom voted for the biU ; from Maryland, Messrs. May, Calvert, Webster,

4Y0 GENEEAL FEEMONT PEOCLAIMS LIBEETT.
Thomas and Crisfield ; from Kentucky, Messrs. Bumet, Jackson, Grider,
Harding, WickUffe, Dunlap, Mallory, Menzies, Crittenden and Wads-
worth opposed its passage ; and Mr. Shiel, of Oregon, united with them.
The biU passed the House by a vote of 67 to 48.
, „., , This enactment became memorable as the first law of Con-
lool.j gress, enacted subsequent to ] T87, that gave Uberty to any por
tion of the enslaved population of these United States. The legislation
of Congress had been in favor of continuing and extending the institu
tion since 1793, thereby increasing and strengthening the very crime
wMch now struck at the nation's life. Men saw that Messrs. Clay,
and Webster, and Fillmore, and Jackson, and Van Buren, and Polk,
and Pierce, and Buchanan, had contributed to the existing rebeUion
just so far as they had lent their influence to strengthen slavery :
it was equally obvious that Mr. Adams and those who acted with him
in striving to separate the Federal Government from all support of
that institution, had exerted their influence to preserve our Govern
ment, and to prevent rebellion. Indeed, members of Congress who
a few weeks previously advised the abandonment of the republican
principles and party, now voted for this biU, finding themselves con
strained to vote for the very doctrines which they had so recently
repudiated. Nor did the President hesitate to sign the bill : and
Mr. Seward, constituting one of the Cabinet, is supposed to have
yielded his approval, as there is no evidence of his having dissented from
his associates. The old men of the nation who had long felt the
necessity of purifying our Government from the crimes of slavery,
now felt that Congress and the Executive had taken a step in the
right dfrection ; for they saw clearly that the institution had throttled
the Gt)verninent ; that slavery and the Union were fri a death-strug
gle ; that one only could survive, while the other must perish. It had
been in the' power of Congress to withdraw its influence from slavery,
and thereby save bloodshed, untU within the last five years ; but that
poUcy was not adopted, and now it was too late, and the life of the
nation could only be preserved by the death of slavery.
But this was an extraordinary session of Congress, called to proride
ways and means for prosecuting the war ; and no further action was
had directly affecting slavery untU the reassembUng of that body iu
December following.
General Fremont, placed in command of the Western Department,.
issued a proclamation, emancipating the slaves within his miUtary
district. It was a policy which appeared not only just, but necessary.
Y'et there was such a strong feeling in favor of slavery among men who

GEN. HALLECK EXCLUDES SLAVES FEOM HIS LINES. 471
adhered to the democratic party, and those Whigs who cherished thefr
ancient prejudices, and among military officers ; and such were the re
monstrances presented to the President, that he issued a counter order,
setting aside that of General Fremont, declaring that he had reserved to
himself the question of emancipation, by military authority, and would
act upon it at the dictates of his own judgment. General Fremont was
soon recalled, and General Halleck was appointed to command that
department. Aware of the dissatisfaction vrith General Fremont's
attempt to give liberty and do justice to the enslaved people of his
department. General Halleck issued an order excluding fugitive slaves
from the Unes of his army, under pretense that those who thus sought
liberty, were in the habit of giving thefr rebel masters information of his
miUtary movements. This excuse was not satisfactory to the friends of
Uberty, and this order number three of General Halleck became some
what notorious, and seemed greatly to impair the confidence which loyal
men had reposed in him.
During the summer of 1861, most of our .commanding officers occa
sionally employed thefr soldiers in sending back fugitive slaves to be sub
sequently used by their masters in raising provisions for the support of
the rebel army, or of rebel masters and their famiUes. They also em
ployed the soldiers in protecting the property of rebels. The wives of
officers serving in the Confederate army were in the practice of boldly
demanding of Federal commanders a guard to protect them and their
property while the Federal army was encamped in the vicinity of their
residences ; but General Hunter, commanding the military district of
South CaroUna, Georgia, and Florida, issued a general order, declar
ing all slaves within those States to be free. This order was said to
have created great alarm among the secessionists, who hastily fied from
that region ; and it was beUeved if General Hunter had been permit
ted to follow up his order by enlisting negroes, he would have sup
pressed the rebelUon in his district vrithout calUng another white sol
dier to his assistance ; but this order was also set aside by higher
authority, because it was offensive to slaveholders and those who sus
tained the institution. It was hoped that this undignified respect for the
prejudices and the long-cherished crimes of pro-slavery men, would attach
them to the standard of Uberty ; and it is believed that -vvhile the Pre
sident refused to permit our miUtary officers to strike the death-blow to
the institution, many joined the ranks of freedom, while a far greater
number were led to beUeve that he wanted the firmness to give the fatal
stroke which would lustrate the nation from the contagion of oppression.

472 PEOPOSITIONS TO ABOLISH SLAVEET.
The Executive embraced an early opportunity of uniting with Great
Britain in a solemn treaty for suppressing the African slave trade.
The treaty recognized the principles so long contended for by the
British ministry and the American reformers : but the democratic party
had been vociferous in opposing every proposition having in view a com
bined effort of independent nations for the destruction of that scourge
of the human race.
That influence having ceased to control the Govemment, measures
were soon adopted for placing the United States in an attitude towards
the slave trade which became a Christian nation.
1861.] '^^^ thirty-seventh Congress convened on the 2d December for
its first regular session. The vacation had given members an
opportunity of -vritnessing the operations of the rebels, and of meditating
upon the most efficient means for suppressing the widely-extended insur
rection which lay before them. European statesmen were charging the
attempted revolution to the democratic character of our institutions :
But every impartial observer saw most clearly that it was the despotism
of slavery which now involved our people in all the horrors of civU war.
Men of experience understood that the only mode of restoring peace was
to resume and carry out those republican and democratic doctrines
which the Secretary of State, and so many members of Congress, had
recently advised the people to abandon.
At the soUcitation of the slave power, Congress, in 1793, had assumed
undelegated authority over slavery, in order to uphold and sustain it :
and now, after sixty-eight years of experience, the law of self-preserva
tion compeUed that body to exert its powers for the destruction of the
institution which it had so long cherished.
On the first day of this session, Mr. EUot, of Massachusetts, offered
a resolution declaring the right of the President, and of aU miUtaty offi
cers commanding departments or districts, to emancipate all slaves
vrithin their several jurisdictions.
Mr. Campbell, of Pennsylvania, presented a proposition for confiscat
ing all slaves of rebels : and Mr. Stevens, of the same State, presented
a joint resolution, requesting the President to emancipate by proclama
tion the slaves of all rebels, and to dfrect all mUitary officers to carry
out such proclamation within thefr several jurisdictions.
AU these propositions were more radical than those brought forward
by Mr. Adams or by the writer, or by thefr associates m the earUer
days of the reformation. They merely proposed to separate the Fede
ral Government and the people of the free States from aU support of

VAEIOUS PEOPOSITIONS OFFEEED. 473
slavery, leaving the institution entirely vrith the States in which it
existed : But the ' propositions now made had in view the destruction
of that relation which existed between master and slave, wherever the
master was .engaged in efforts to overthrow the Govemment which
had protected him. This destruction of slavery had been rendered
necessary by the rebellion.
Mr. Bmgham, of Ohio, now among the most experienced and ablest
members of the House, gave notice of his intention to offer a bUl
emancipatmg the slaves of aU rebel masters, and confiscating their pro
perty. There is a pride of opinion among men in public and in private life,
which renders them generaUy un-wiUing to admit haring cherished politi
cal or moral errors : Thns many who had long advocated the support
of slavery by Congress, now, from mere pride of opinion, opposed the
exercise of legislative powers for its destruction. They also insisted that
in dealing with the rebels. Government was bound to act entfrely within
the Constitution, and guarantee to the armed foes of the nation the
same security which was extended to its most devoted supporters : They
contended that neither the President nor Congress possessed any right
to aboUsh slavery, even to save the nation's Ufe : And although driven
by argument to admit that rebels may be shot, or hanged, with perfect
propriety, they denied, with unyielding pertinacity, that their slaves could
be emancipated by the just exercise of governmental power.
In the Senate, Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois, gave notice of his in- .^^^
tention to introduce a bill to emancipate the slaves of rebels and
to confiscate their property. These several propositions called forth
much debate, and constituted the principal subjects of discussion during
the sessjon. Those persons who held slaves were, in fact, as friendly to
free governments now as they had been in former- times. They had not
changed their views. They had ever sought the overthrow of those
doctrines which recognize the equal rights of all men to life and liberty.
Indeed, Congress and the Executive had long practically denied the ex
istence of these rights, and had legislated for depriving fugitive slaves,
and slaves in the District of Columbia, and on the high seas, of those
prerogatives which the Creator had vouchsafed to them : and when
northem statesmen changed thefr views and determined no longer
to violate those rights, southem men seized the sword, in order to main
tam and continue the crimes which the people of the free States refused
longer to encourage.
On the third day of the session, Senator WUson, of Massachusetts,
offered a joint resolution, instructing the marshal of the District of

474 city maeshal aids the eebellion.
Columbia to discharge all persons confined in the common jaU of the
District, against whom no charge of crime or misdemeanor had been pre
ferred : and the Senator showed from official documents that some sixty
persons were then held in prison by the marshal, upon " suspidon of
being fugitive slaves." Many of these were freemen, born in the northem
States, but had engaged in our mUitary service as teamsters, bfficers'
servants and nurses for the sick. Of course they were attached to the
troops, and under the military protection of the United States ; but
they were seized without ceremony by the minions of slavery as soon as
they reached the nation's capital, and thrown into prison, where they
were detained until the inarshal's fees for arrest and imprisonment wei-e
paid, thus aiding the rebeUion by taking efficient men from the service
of our army.
Others had fled from Virgima, seeking an asylum from bondage
within our nation's capital. These were seized and held untU an oppor
tunity presented for sending them back to tbe serrice of thefr rebel
masters, where they were employed in furnishing provisions for the rebels
or in laboring upon rebel fortifications, batteries, rifle-pits, &c. Others
were committed by rebel masters to the ja,U for safe keeping untU a sale
could be made ; and when the slaves were thus committed, the masters
usually left for the rebel army, and contributed their influence and
efforts to overthrow the Government, whose marshal had their negroes in
safe keeping.
jggj , ¦ Members of the Senate exposed these facts, and called on the
marshal to state by what authority he thus outraged the Consti
tution and the common dictates of humanity.
On the same day, Mr. Hutchins, of Ohio, moved a simUar resolution
in the House of Representatives, and the attention of that body was
caUed to the subject. The marshal was unable to refer to any law for
his proceeding ; but asserted that -the practice had long existed : Indeed,
the reader vriU recollect that the practice had been eloquently exposed
in 1816 by Hon. John Randolph, of Vfrginia, and more recently by
different members of Congress.
But the marshal, instead of abandomng this moral pfracy, gave
orders to the jailer to admit no persons to the jail, unless they should
present a written permit from hunself, thus excluding Senators and
members of the House from inspecting the pubUc prison : and such was
the state of feeUng in Washington City in favor of the marshal and of
his piratical course, that the President appeared unwilling to remove
him either for his treason or his insolence.
But this conduct of the marshal exhibited the barbarism of the

SLAVEET ABOLISHED IN THE DISTEICT OF COLUMBIA. 475
metropolis, and aroused a very general indignation among all members
of Congress who really desired to suppress the rebellion, and bills were
introduced into both Houses providing for the entire aboUtion of
slavery in the District of Columbia. These bUls were debated, and
thefr passage opposed, and resisted by adhering Democrats and by
some professed Republicans ; but the final passage of the bfU through
the House of Representatives was effected bn the 11th April, when each
member recorded his vote according to his judgment, and as ne wished
to be judged by posterity. Messrs. Walton, Fessenden, MorriU,, Rice, and
Pike, of Maine ; Rollins and Edwards, of New Hampshire ; Walton,
MorriU, and Baxter, of Vermont ; Eliot, Buffinton, Thomas, Rice, AUey,
Gooch, Train, Delano, and Bailey, of Massachusetts, and Loomis, of Con
necticut, voted for the bill ; but Messrs. English, and Woodruff, of the
latter State, voted against it. From New York, Messrs. F. A. ConckUn,
R. ConckUn, Van Wyck, Baker, OUn, McKean, Wheeler, Sherman,
Franchot, Duell, Lansing, Clark, Sedgwick, Pomeroy, Chamberlain,
Diven, VanVolkenburg, Ely, Frank, Van Horn, Spaulding, and Fenton
voted for the bUl ; whUe Messrs. Smith, OdeU, Wood, Ward, Haight,
and Steele voted against it. From Pennsylvania, Messrs. Verree,
KeUey, Davis, KiUinger, Hickman, Stevens, Campbell, Hale, McPherson,
Blair, Covode, Morehead, Wallace, Patton, and Babbitt voted for the
bill, and Messrs. Wright, Johnson, BaUey, and Lazear opposed its
passage. From Ohio, Messrs. Gurley, Ashley, Shellabarger, Trimble,
Worcester, Blake, Egerton, Bingham, Hutchins, and Riddle sustained
it, and Messrs. Pendleton, VaUandigham, Allen, White, Noble, Morris,
and Nugen voted against it. From Indiana, Messrs. Dunn, JuUan,
Porter, White, Colfax, MitcheU; and Shanks voted for the biU, and
Messrs. Law and Holman voted against it. From IlUnois, Messrs.
Washbume, Amold, and Lovejoy sustained the bill, as did also Messrs.
Aldrich and Windom, of Minnesota. Potter and Sloan, of Wisconsin,
Granger, Beaman, Trowbridge, and KeUogg, of Michigan, and Blafr
and Rollins, of Missouri, voted for the biU ; whUe Messrs. Steele, of
New Jersey, Thomas, of Maryland, Crittenden, Grider, Harding,
WickUffe, Dunlap, Menzies, and Mallory, of Kentucky, voted against it.
It passed by a vote of 93 to 38. The Senate concurred by a propor
tionate majority. The bUl was approved by the President, and it
became a law. The institution had been established in the •District
in 1801, and the straggle for its abolition commenced in 1805. The
contest had continued for fifty-six years. During that period slavery
and the slave trade had been sustained in our national metropolis by the
influence and votes of northern as well as southern Senators and Repre-

476 BAEBAEOUS CONDUCT OF MILITAET 0FFICEE8.
sentatives : And should the record of crimes perpetrated in that District
under the sanction of Congress ever be made up and exposed to pubUc
examination, it must reflect discredit upon aU the States.
,„.. , The old men of the nation who had labored long and steadily
to redeem our Government from the accursed traffic in the
bodies of men and women, now rejoiced, thanked God, and took cou
rage. The devotees of despotism in the city of Washington no longer
controlled the action of Congress. The advocates of Uberty, gathering
courage from success, no longer waited to be assailed by the minions
of slavery ; they assumed the offensive, and -without scruple exposed the
conduct of our miUtary officers who aided the rebels by capturing and
sending back fugitive slaves to aid in carrying forward the rebelUon in
which most of the slave States had engaged.
Early in the session Mr. Sumner called attention to the order of
General Halleck prohibiting fugitive slaves from entering the lines of
the army under his command. He,,exposed the pretence of that officer
in representing those men and women who had fled from bondage as
informing their traitorous masters in regard to the movements and inten
tions of those who afforded them an asylum.
On the same day a similar investigation was going on in the House
of Representatives. Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois, proposed a resolution
requesting the President to direct General HaUeck to withdraw his
general order number three.
In debating tbis resolution, Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, a man of a
high order of talents, of great experience and influence, declared his
beUef that General Halleck had issued his order " number three," now
become notorious, more for the purpose of affecting the character of
General Fremont than from any feeUngs of barbarism. He declared
the practice of seizing and retuming slaves had risen from the proclama
tion of General McClellan, in Western Vfrginia ; said that the example
thus Set had been foUowed by General Dix and other commanding
officers of districts. He also described a case in Western. Virginia,
where two wounded soldiers, having hidden in the woods after a battle,
were discovered by two fugitive slaves, who kindly supplied them vrith
food and water, and nursed them untU able to travel with assistance,
when they conducted them to the nearest American camp. But Gene
ral Tyler, learning these facts, ordered the negroes arrested and sent
back to their rebel masters. Indeed, if the pubUshed accounts of that
day are to be credited, miUtary officers sent back fugitive slaves to in
human rebel masters, who, in frequent instances, scourged the returned
fugitive untu death brought reUef to the victims of their fiendish rage ;

TEEASON STALKS UNEEBUKED. 477
and hundreds were said to have been shot down by their masters
for no other cause than the tardiness of thefr flight from Feijeral
troops. Various resqlutions and bUls were presented both in the Senate „^^^
and in the House of Representatives relative to this undisguised
support given the rebeUion by officers and troops in Federal employ
ment. The aid and comfort given the enemy would, in any impar
tial tribunal, have subjected e^eij military officer thus employed to the
punishment aUotted to traitors : Yet the President felt constrained to
await the tardy movements of the public mind. The discussions arising
npon the various propositions were protracted. The officers who thus
¦riolated both law and humanity had, most of them, belonged to the
democratic party, and were carrying out in practice the views and
theory of that organization ; and they looked upon it as a matter of
partisan policy rather than of treason to the Government. Under these
cfrcumstances the President and Cabinet appeared to feel it necessary to
await the logic of events, to show these officers thefr error rather than
attempt to convince them by striking thefr names from the rolls of the
army. But thefr conduct had so far disgraced the army, both at home and
abroad, that Congress passed a law dfrecting the dismissal in disgrace
of every officer who should longer indulge in that barbarous prac
tice. The President readily approved the biU. The law was promulgated,
and those who continued to offend against its provisions were dismissed
in disgrace from the public service.
The various bUls and resolutions touching slavery and its connection
vrith the Federal Government were debated, referred to appropriate
committees, reports were made upon them, and they were again dis
cussed. MeiiiJ)ers of Congress were now constramed to look at facts
and to examme principles. They could no longer refuse serious investi
gation. They saw clearly that by consenting to legislate for the benefit
of slavery the Govemment had departed from the purposes for which it
was founded. That every step in favor of upholding, extending, and
strengthening that mstitution had restricted the liberty, not merely of
the blacks, but of our white citizens, and hastened the rebelUon which
now threatened the nation's life.
The leaders of the rebelUon officiaUy announced to the world that
the intended revolution had for its object the estabUshment of a
government to be based on human bondage. This intention to re
verse the onward march of civilization and return to the barbarism of

478 EMANCIPATION BILL.
slavery, had been proclaimed with all that apparent confidence vrhich
characterized our separation from Great Britain, in order to establish a
government based upon that revealed vrill of the Creator, which gives
to every human soul a right to live, to attain knowledge, happmess, and
heaven.
1862 ] Under the circumstances, phUanthropists and Christians in aU
, lands felt that our duty bade us plunge the dagger of justice
through the very heart of slavery ; to strike down an institution which
had waged war upon Christianity, and raised its puny arm against the
clearly revealed will of the Creator. To destroy slavery it was oiUy
necessary to carry out the doctrines, and maintain the principles on
which our Government had been founded, by giving Uberty to all per
sons under the legitimate jurisdiction of Congress and the Executive.
In short, it had become obvious that we, as a nation, must do justice to
the slaves of the South in order to maintain the Uberties of our ovni
people, and after months spent in debate and examination the various
propositions before Congress on this subject were consoUdated into one
bUl, pro-riding : 1st. For the emancipation of all slaves of persons con
victed of treason. 2d. For the emancipation of aU who were held by
persons engaged in the rebeUion. 3d. For the emancipation of aU who
were held by persons who aided or in any way assisted those engaged in
the rebellion. 4th. That no slave should be returned to any master
untU the loyalty of the master be proven. 5th. The biU authorized
the President to employ any number of Africans wMch he might regard
as necessary in the service of the United States.
jgg2 1 -^U history had taught that slavery could only Uve and thrive
when and where silence in regard to Uberty, truth and justice
was imposed upon the people ; yet many did not appear to comprehend
the consequences of the contemplated law. In terms, it proposed to
give freedom only to the slaves of disloyal citizens ; but statesmen could
not faU to comprehend that the. enactment of this biU would be foUowed
by a total demoraUzation and final disappearance of the institution ;
indeed, it was at this time constantly asserted that the cannonade of
Fort Sumter had, in its effects and legitunate consequences, rang out
the death-kneU of the institution.
This bUl was also calculated to draw the line of demarkation between
the friends of government and the advocates of slavery. It had become
obvious to the pubUc mind that no supporter of oppression could be a
friend of free govemments. Surrounded with considerations thus im
portant, on the 11th July tbe House of Representatives proceeded to vote
on this biU, than which no act of Congress was ever more important.

VOTE ON EMANCIPATION. 479
Those members of the House of Representatives who on that historic
occasion recorded thefr names for and against this curse of our country
were as follows : Mr. Loomis, of Connecticut, yoted for the bUl ; and
Messrs. English, Burnham, and Woodruff, of that State, failed io vote.
Messrs. Phelps and Sargeant, of California, Mr. Fisher, of Delaware,
and Messrs. Dunn, JuUan, Porter, White, Colfax, Mitchel, and Shanks,
of Indiana, voted for it ; while Messrs. Law and Holman, of the latter
State, voted against it ; and Messrs. Cravens and Voorhees refrained
from voting. Messrs. Amold, Kellogg, Lovejoy, and Washburne, of
Illinois, sustained the biU ; and Messrs. Knapp and Fouke, of that
State, opposed it ; whUe Messrs. Richardson and Robinson did not
vote. Messrs. WUson and Vandever, of Iowa, and Conway, of Kan
sas, refused to vote. Messrs. Crittenden, Grider, Harding, Dunlap,
MaUory, and Menzies, of Kentucky, voted against the biU ; and Messrs.
Jackson, Powell, and Wadsworth did not vote. Messrs. Goodwin,
Walton, Fessenden, MorrUl, Rice, and Pike, of Maine ; EUot, Buffin
ton, Rice, Hooper, AUey, Gooch, BaUey, and Dawes, of Massachusetts,
voted for the bUl ; and Mr. Thomas, of the last mentioned State,
voted against it ; whUe Mr. Train did not vote. Messrs. Crisfield,
Thomas, and Webster, of Maryland, voted against the biU ; while
Messrs. Leary, Calvert, and May refrained from voting. Messrs. Bea
man, KeUogg, and Trowbridge, of Mchigan ; Aldrich and Windom, of
Minnesota ; RolUns and Edwards, of New Hampshfre, supported the
biU ; and Mr. Marston, of the latter State, did not vote. Mr. RolUns,
of Missouri, opposed the bUl ; and Messrs. Blafr, Norton, Phelps, and
Noel, of that State, did not vote. Messrs. Nixon and Stratton, of New
Jersey, voted for the bUl ; Mr. Cobb, of that State, voted against it ;
and Messrs. Steele and Perry expressed no opinion. Messrs. WaU, F.
A. Concklm, Roscoe Concklm, Ely, Sedgwick, Wheeler, Sherman,
DueU, Lansing, Frank, Van Horn, and Fenton, of New York, recorded
thefr votes in favor of the biU ; and Messrs. OdeU, Wood, Kerrigan,
Ward, and Haight voted against it ; while Messrs. Delaplaine, Van
Wyck, Steele, Baker, OUn, Coming, McKean, Wheeler, Vibbard,
Franchot, Clark, Pomeroy, Chamberlain, Diven, and Van Volken
burg did not record thefr names on either side of the question.
From Ohio, Messrs. Ashley, Bingham, Blake, Cutler, Gurley, Hut-
jchins. Riddle, Shellabarger, and Worcester voted for the bill ; and
Messrs. Pendleton, VaUandigham, AUen, Cox, Nugen, and Morris
voted against it ; while Messrs. White, Harrison, Noble, Horton, and
Edgerton did not vote. Mr. Shiel, of Oregon, voted against the
biU. From Pennsylvama, Messrs. Kelley, Davis, Stevens, CampbeU,

480 AN EEA m THE PEOGEESS OF FEEEDOM.
Hale, McPherson, Blair, Covode, McKnight, Patton, Babbitt, More-
head, and Wallace voted for the biU ; while Messrs. Lehman, Biddle,
Ancona, and Lazear voted against it ; and Messrs. Vance, Hickman,
Cooper, Wright, Johnson, and Morehead did not vote. Mr. Brown,
of Rhode Island, voted against the biU ; and his coUeague, Mr. Sheffield,
did no't vote. Messrs. Maynard, of Tennessee, Baxter and MorriU, of
Vermont, voted for the. bUl ; and Mr. Walton was detained at his resi
dence by iU health. Messrs. Upton, Brown, and Whaley, of Vfrginia,
did not vote ; whUe Mr. Blafr voted in the affirmative. Mr. Potter, of
Wisconsin, voted for the biU, whUe Messrs. Sloan and Hanchett did
not vote.
The bUl passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 82 in the
affirmative to 42 in tbe negative.
On the foUowing day it passed the Senate, Mr. Foster, of Connecticut,
voting for it, and Mr. Dixon not voting. Mr. McDougal, of Caltfornia,
voted against it ; and Mr. Latham, of that State, faded to vote. Messrs.
Bayard and Sanlsbury, of Delaware, recorded thefr names in opposition
to the bid. Mr. Bright, of Indiana, had been expeUed ; and Mr. Lane,
of that State, voted in favor of the biU. Mr. Trumbull, of IlUnois, sus
tained the bUl ; and his coUeague, Mr. Brovvning, opposed it. Messrs.
Grimes and Harlan, of Iowa ; Lane and Pomeroy, of Kansas ; MorrUl
and Fessenden, of Maine ; Sumner and Wilson, of Massachusetts ;
and Chandler, of Michigan, voted for the bill. Mr. Powell, of Ken
tucky, and Kennedy, of Maryland, voted against it ; whUe Mr. Pearce,
of the latter State, did not vote. Messrs. Polk and Johnson, of Mis
souri, did not vote. Messrs. Clark and Hale, of New Hampshire ;
Harris and King, of New York ; Wade and Sherman, of Ohio ; Foote
and CoUamer, of Vermont ; Simmons and Anthony, of Rhode Island ;
and WUmot, of Pennsylvania, voted in the affirmative ; and Mr. Cowen,
of the latter State, voted against it. Mr. Nesmith, of Oregon ; Johnson,
of Tennessee ; and CarUsle, of Vfrginia, did not vote. Mr. DooUttle,
of Wisconsin, voted for the bUl, and Mr. Howe, of that State, did not
vote. The bUl passed the Senate by a vote of 27 to 12. The President
approved it, and it became a law.
The passage of this biU marks an important era in the legislative his
tory of the country. Although in terms it did not aboUsh the coast
wise slave trade, nor the fugitive slave law, yet its passage demonstrated
such progress of public sentiment as to indicate that Congress would
soon entirely lustrate the free States and the Federal Governmeut from
aU support of slavery. Indeed, they had afready waged a war against
the very existence of the institution in consequence of the rebeUion.

THE 'WAE POWEE OF GOVEENMENT EXEECISED. 481
The supporters of oppression became frritable, advancing arguments
in opposition to the progress of freedom which were not only absurd,
but ludicrous. Politicians of the present and future time wiU do weU
to study the debates on this and the bUl estabUshing freedom to all
persons vrithin the Territories of the United States.
The last mentioned bill was origmaUy introduced to the House of
Representatives by Mr. Arnold, of Illinois, and when reported by the
appropriate committee, it not only proclaimed freedom to all persons
vrithin the Territories belonging to the United States, or which should
thereafter be purchased by them, but also to persons on board American
vessels sailmg upon the " high seas ;" thus striking a fatal blow at the
coastwise slave trade, which had been sustained and cherished by Con
gress since the year 1808.
Members who adhered to the democratic party now gave unmistak
able evidence of the desperation to which they were driven. With
the frenzied grasp of drowning men in shipwreck, who seize upon the
anchor in order to float ashore, these men seized upon oppression, and
with it sunk beneath the waters of poUtical forgetfulness and were
seen no more. The passage of this biU was resisted by nearly the
same members who opposed the one last noticed ; but it was carried
through both Houses by about the same majority ; was also approved
by the President, and became a law.
The resistance offered to the passage of l;hese acts by men from the
border States was somewhat remarkable. Messrs. Crittenden and
WickUffe, of Kentucky, had long been regarded as among the able men
of the West. They had served in pubUc Ufe with Mr. Clay, and, on im
portant constitutional questions, were supposed to entertain the doctrines
of that distinguished statesman. These gentlemen, with the entfre
democratic party, denied the constitutional power of the Executive and
of Congress to interfere with slavery in the States jn times of rebellion
even to save the nation. Mr. WickUffe introduced resolutions in the
House of Representatives to that effect ; an^ the supporters of sb,very,
vrith all who adhered to the democratic party, now acted with him.
Indeed, some professed RepubUcans hesitated, and appeared to be in
doubt on the subject. Few members referred to those plain elementary
principles which teach us that, in time of hostUities, every citizen is at
war with every citizen of the beUigerent government, and is bound to
contribute his property and Ufe to save the government to which he has
swom aUegiance ; that a state of war necessarily throws upon the
Executive of every nation and of every form of govemment despotic
31 .

482 INEXPEEIENOE OF OUK STATESMEN.
powers, to be exercised under control of the executive judgment, re
strained and upheld by the intelligence of the people.
The statesmen then ruling the nation had however been born
and educated in times of peace. They had studied neither the
necessities nor the laws of war, and now spoke and acted without that
examination and thought which should ever characterize the conduct of
men in high position. Indeedj this subject had been discussed in Con
gress 07dy by Mr. Adams, who was acknowledged by all to have been
one of the most learned and patriotic, as well as the most experienced
men of the nation.*

* On the 14th April, 1842, Mr. Adams, referring to the resolutiona presented to the House of
Representatives bythe author, and for whiph he was censured, remarked:
*' I said, that as far as I could understand the resolutions proposed by the gentleman from Ohio
(Mr. Giddings), there were some of them for which I was ready to yote, and some which I must
Tote against ; and I will now tell this House, my constituents, and the world of mankind, that the
resolution against which I would have voted was that in which he declares that what are called the
slave States have the exclusive right of consultation on the subject of slavery. For that resolution
X never would vote, because I believe that it is not just and does not contain constitutional doc
trine, I believe that so long as the slave States are able to sustain their institution without going
abroad, or calling upon other parts of the Union to aid them or to act on the subject, so long X will
consent never to interfere.
*' But if they come to the free States and say to them, you*must help us to keep down our slaves,
you must aid us in an insurrection and a civil war, then, I say, that with that call comes a full
and plejiary power to this House and to the Senate over the whole subject. Xt is a war power. I
say it is a war power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether it be a war of invasioa
or a war of insurrection. Congress has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on according
to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war an invaded country has all \\a laws and municipal
Institutions swept by the board, and martial law takes the place of them. This power in Congress
has perhaps never been called into exercise under the present Constitution of tbe United States.
But when the laws of war are in force,-what, I ask, is one of those laws? Xt is this : that when a
country is invaded, and two hostile armies are set in martial array, the commanders of ^oik
armies ha/ve power to &mcmcvpate all ihesla/oesin the w/vaded territory,
" Nor is this a mere theoretic statement. The history of South America shows that the doctrine
has been carried into execution within the last thirty years. Slavery was abolished in Colombia,
first by the Spanish General Morillo, and secondly by the American Oeneral Bolivar. It was
abolished by virtue of a military command given at the head of the army, and its abolition con
tinues to be law to this daj^ It was abolished by the laws of war, and not by municipal enact
ments. The power was exercised by military commanders, under instructions, of course, from
their reE()ective govemments. Congress is now about passing a grant to refund to General Jack
son the amount of a certain fine imposed upon him by a judge under the laws of the State of
Louisiana. You are going to refund him the money, with interest ; and tbis you are going to do
because the imposition of the fine was unjust. And why unjust? Because General Jackson was
acting under the laws of war, and because the moment you place a military commander in a dis
trict which is the theatre of war, the laws of war apply to that district. I have a correspondence
between General Jackson and the Governor of Georgia, during the Seminole campaign, in which
General Jackson asserts the principle that he, as Governor" of a State within his (General Jack
son's) military division, had no right to give a military order while he (General Jackson) was in
the field. The Governor contested the power of General Jackson, and said all he could for State
rights ; but General Jackson had given an order, and that order was carried into effect, while 'the
¦order of the Governor was suppressed. General Jackson had the right of the question.
*' X might furnish a thousand proo& to show that the pretensions of gentlemen to the sanctity of
their municipal institutions, under a state of actual invasion and of actual war, whether servile,
civil, or foreign, are wholly unfounded ; and that the laws of war do, in aU such casra, take the

SLAVEET THE STEENGTH OF THE EEBELLION. 483
He had, however, been unpopular from his inflexible adherence to
the Constitution. He, and those who acted with him, had spurned the
policy of Messrs. Clay, Webster, FiUmore, Calhoun, Cass, Van Buren,
and Polk ; and now the ardent followers of those distinguished men
were slow to relinquish the policy in which they had been educated,, and
adopt the doctrines of men whom they had ever regarded as misguided
opponents of slavery.
Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State, had avowed his intention to
surrender republicanism and democracy ; and it was believed that the
Executive would maiatain the policy which had guided the administra
tions of Messrs. Harrison, Tyler, Taylor, and Fillmore. Ohio, Pennsyl
vania, and New York had already abandoned republicanism.
But against all these influences, members of Congress were .^g^^
now impelled by that natural law, that will of the Creator,
which underlies all human action, constraining them to carry out the
doctrmes enunciated by the reformers and avowed by the Republicans at
Philadelphia; although they had been so recently renounced by Senators,
Representatives, people and States.
As the rebellion ej^anded in its proportions, the danger to which the
Govemment was exposed became more apparent. It was perceived
that all support of slavery contributed tg, strengthen the rebellion ;
while the liberty of a single slave subtracted so much from the power
now seeking the overthrow of the Government.

precedence. I iay tliis down as the law of nations. I say that the military authority takes, for
the time, the place of all municipal institutions, slavery among the rest. Under that state of
things, so far from its being true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive manage
ment of the subject, not only fhe President of the United States, but the comanander of the
armiy, has power to order the -universal ema/ncipation ofthe slaves.
" I have given more in detail a principle which I have asserted on tliis floor before now, and ot
which I have no more doubt than that you, sir, occupy that chair. I give it in its development,
in order that any gentleman, from any part of the Union, may deny the truth of tliis position, if
he thinks proper, and may maintain his denial, not by incUgnation, not by passion and fury, but
by sound and sober reasoning from the laws of nations and the laws of war. If my position can
be answered and refuted, I shall receive the refutation with pleasure. 1 shall be glad to listen to
reason, aside, as 1 say, from indignation and passion. If by the force of reasoning, my under
standing can be convinced, I here pledge myself to recant what I have asserted.
" Let my position be answered ; let me be told, let my constituents be told, let the people of my
State be told (a State whose soil tolerates not tbe foot of a slave), that they are bound by the
Constitution to a long and toilsome march, under burning summer suns and a deadly southei-n
clime, for the suppression of a servile war. That they are bound to leave their bodies to rot upon
the sands of Carolina ; to leave their wives widows, and their cliildren orphans ; that those Tvho
cannot march are liound to pour out their treasm-es, while their sons and brothers are pouring
out theh: blood, to suppress a servUe war, combined with a civil or foreign war ; and yet that
there exists no power (beyond the limits of the slave State where such war is raging) to emanci
pate the slaves. Let this be proved, I say. I am open to conviction ; but till that conviction
comes, I put it forth, not as a dictate of feeUng, but as a settled maxim ot the laws of nations, that
in such a case the miUtary power supersedes the civil power.^'

484 HOSTILIT'T TO THE EAISUSrO OF OOLOEED TEOOPS.
It became quite obvious that the colored people of the nation must
soon be united with the whites of the free States, in defence of those
rights which God had bestowed equally on all races of men. The
acts of Congress to which we have just directed the reader's atten
tion, constituted Important steps towards the consummation of this
purpose. Strong eiforts were made to induce the President to authorize the
raising of negro troops. It was urged that in the E,evolution and in
the war of 1812, colored men had made the best soldiers in the service.
It was ftirther urged that to admit them to bear arms would 'inspire
them with ambition, and thus prepare them for that liberty which it
was foreseen they would at no distant day enjoy. It was urged that
the service of negroes would save the lives of white men, particularly in
the southern portions of the Union, where the negroes alone were pre
pared to meet the dangers of the climate. To these propositions the
entire democratic party were hostile. Officers serving In the army pro
claimed their Intentions to resign if negroes were admitted to bear
arms. The President refused to grant authority for raising colored
troops, evidently regarding that policy as somewhat in advance of the
popular mind.
When General Butler captured New Orleans, he found the white
population almost unanimously in favor of secession, while the colored
people were all anxious for suppressing the rebellion. He also found
an existing law of the State, authorizing the enlistment of colored
troops. He Immediately ordered a regiment of black men to be enlisted ;
but whether he then had authority from the War Department to employ
them In the service of the IJnited States was not understood by the
public.* It was also said that authority had been given to raise a regiment of
colored men at Hilton Head, South Carolina, during the summer of
1862, but it was not brought into service until late in the autumn of
that year.
The rebels appearing in force in Kentucky, apparently intending
the capture of Cincinnati, a brigade of colored men were called to
act as laborers In digging rifle-pits, erecting batteries and fortifica
tions. They readily volunteered, faithfully performed the service, re
ceived the public thanks of the commanding general, and retired to
their homes.

* One re^ment of colored troops was actuaUy mustered into the service of tbe United States early
I tbe month of September.

THE PBEBIDENt's PEOOLAMATIOJSr OF FSEESOli. 486
Transpiring events* constrained the President to action. On the 22d
September he issued his proclamation, setting forth that " all persons
held as slaves iu any State, or ia the designated part of any State, which
should be, in .rebellion, against the United States on the first day of
January, following the date of said proclamation, should be thenceforth
and FOREVER free, and the Executive Government, including the military
and naval authorUies, will reeognize and maintain the freedom of such
persons." This proclamation was read with the most thrilling Interest through
out all 'the States. The advocates of liberty rejoiced in the conviction
that our Government had not only ceased to uphold slavery, but had
now pledged its influence and powers for liberty and jnstice, to main
tain the primal traths for which it was instituted.
The great and good of other lands now responded in deep sympathy
for the cause in which our Government and the people of the free States
were contending. Philanthropists in England and France, in Russia
and Austria, expressed their gratitude to Him who sways the destinies
of men and of nations for having guided our statesmen to the support
of those rights which He has bestowed on men in all ages and all
nations ; and Christianity uttered her invocation for our success.
Even before the proclamation was issued, colored men were enlisted
Into the military service in South Carolina and Louisiana, and during
the autumn four regiments of Louisiana native guards were mustered
into the service of the United States at New Orleans.*
The news ofthe President's proclamation reached the slaves throughout
the States. All felt they were to be free on the 1st January. None be
lieved they were tb be excepted ; while thousands in Missouri, Kentucky,
Maryland and Delaware, and m the vicinity of New Orleans, refused to
wait for the new year to announce their freedom ; but availed themselves
of th'eu: powers of locomotion to seek their own happiness. In those
States the institution became demoralized, and It was obvious that the
emancipation of those in the rebel States would constitute substantially
an emancipation throughout all the States.
Ou the first day of January, a.d. 1863, the President issued his sup
plemental proclamation, declaring Eastern Virginia, North and South
Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Arkansas, Texas; and parts of

* The writer having contended for the humanity of the colored race for more than tliirCy years,
had the pleasure to leam that his youngest son mustered into service these four regiments of Louisi
ana guards, and subsequently tbe still further pleasure to leam that these and other regknents of
colored men had exhibited unusual courage and gaUantry, more than vindicating aU the author had
said in favor ofthe African race.

486 THE peesident's supplemental peoclamation.
Tennessee and Louisiana, to be In rebellion against the United States,
and the slaves therein to be theneeforth amd forever free : Their liberty
became thus Identified with the existence of the Govemment ; which
thenceforth ceased to maintain slavery : And the rights of all men
to live, to that liberty which Is necessary to support and protect life,
acquire knowledge, enjoy happiness, and prepare for heaven, consti
tuted the prize for which the existing war was subsequently maintained.
The history of that war, with its incidents and results, must be con
signed to the pen of some younger, some abler historian.

THE END.

INDEX.

Abolition of Slavery nnder the Confederation,
11; Two thousand Societies, 156.
 in District of Columbia, 35, 41, 96, 97 ;
One thousand Citizens Petition for, 98; Un-
constitutional, 108, 104, 267.
 Radical Abolitionists entertain erroneous
ideas of Constitution, 248.
Abbott, Amos, Mass.. 234, 270, 284, 286.
Abduction of freemen, 18.
AbbvHaon^ HatlbOniel, Ind., 318, 828, 880.
Adarns, Johm,., Serves on Committee to Draft
Declaration of Independence, 10; Is a Com
missioner to Negotiate Treaty of 1783.
Adams, John Quincy, Senator from Massachu
setts, opposes Bill to Suspend Commercial Re
lations with Hayti, 36.
 as President, proposes to send Commis
sioners to Panama Congress, SO.
 as Representative, presents Petitions for
Abolition of Slavery in District of Columbia,
96, 97; Inquires concerning Petition from
Slaves, 107; Proceedings thereon, 108-111;
Calls attention to Challenge of Mr. Stevenson
to Mr. O'ConneU, 121; Explains his Views,
127; Presents Resolution touching Employ
ment of Bloodhounds, 140 ; Is Counsel for Am
istad Slaves, 145; Asserts duty of Government
to interfere with Slavery in case of Insurrec
tion, 155; Reiterates doctrine, 156; Maintains
Right of Petition, 157 ; Presents Petition for
Dissolution of the Union, 159; Is arraigned
therefor, 162; Incidents of Trial, 162-170; At
tempts to remove him from Chairmanship of
Committee on Foreign Relations, 194; Argues
question of Property in Man, 204; Vote, 209;
Signs Address, 218; Solemn Ejaculation, 217 ;
Reports on Memorial from Ma^^sachusetts, 221 ;
Obtains Repeal of Gag-rules, 236 ; Votes gainst
Mexican War, 250 ; Last Speech, his Death,
280 ; His Memory Vindicated, 876.
Address of the Cfontinental Congress, 11 ; Of
twenty Members of Congress on the Annexa
tion of Texas. 213
Adrain,' Garnet B., New Jersey, 411, 441.
4/V*ioan5 enslaved in South Carolina, and Amer
icans in Tripoli, 84, 40.
Ahl, Joh/n A., Pa., 411.
Aldiich, Cyrus, Minnesota, 469, 475, 479.
Alabama,, Stace of, Secedes, 457.
Alleo, Eli&ba,,Me., Votes, 209.
Allen, Oharles, Mass., an Advocate of Liberty,
8U0; Votes for "W. J. Brown, 804; Defends
Free-soilers, 806; Votes, 318, 820, 829, 834.
AUen, Philip, Rhode Island, 418.
AUen, WilUam, Ohio, 448, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Allison, John, Pa., 860.
AUey, John £., Masa, 463, 469, 475.
Alexander^ H. P., New York, 818, 828, 830.

Amif^d Sla/oe-ship,, History of, 143-147; Re
port in favor of paying for, 221 ; Senate votes
for paying, 258,269, 862-864; Payment again
Recommended 412 ; It is opposed in the House
of Representatives, 413 ; Senate reports Bill,
418; Not acted on, 418.
Amendments of the Constitution Prohibit from
Legislating for return of Fugitive Slaves, 13.
Arnold, Isaac N., 111., offers Bill Emancipating
all Slaves in Territories and on board Ships,
475, 480,
Arnold, Samuel, Ct, 479.
Anthony, H. B., Senator from Rhode Island,
480.
Ancona,  , Pa., 468, 469, 4S0.
Andrews Sherlock J., Ohio, 210; Signs Address,
214; Votes, 186.
Andrews, George, New York, 318, 330,
Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts, Remon
strates with General Butler, 464, 465.
Arrogance of Slaveholders, 428.
Arkansas, Slavery admitted. 53; Secedes, 465.
Ashly, James M, Ohio, 46S, 469, 479.
Ashburton, Lord, Not authorized to Negotiate
in regard to Shipwrecked Slaves, 198.
Ashmun, George, Mass., Votes, 252, 279, 236.
Atchison, D. R., Missouri, leaves Washington to
establish Blue-lodges, 872.
Atherton, Charles G., New Hampshire, Votes,
113; Moves Gag-resolutions, 122; In favor of
paying for Slaves, 206,
Ayerig, John B., New Jersey, Votes, 186, 209.
Babcock, Alfred, New York, 186, 209.
Babbit, Elijah, Pa , 468, 469, 475, 444.
Bailey, Joseph, Pa., 468, 469, 475.
Bailey, G. F., Mass., 479.
Baker, Stephen, New York, 468, 475, 479.
Baker, Osmyn, Mass., 209.
Baker, Edward D., 111., 806, 318, 330.
Baker, David, New Hampshire, 90.
Baldwin, Bo^er, S., Ct, Vindicates the Natural
Rights of Mankind, 295. 830.
Sanke, 2/athaniel P., Mass., Ts Candidate for
Speaker, 884 ; Declares his Views, 885 ; Ad
heres to the Declaration of Independence, SS7 ;
Elected Speaker, 889 ; Reports Bill for Consti
tutional Convention in Kansas, 406.
Barbary States, Capture and Enslave Ameri
cans, 34; Permit their Redemption, 35.
Barr, Thomas J., New York, 443.
Barnard, D. D., New York, Publishes Card, 188,
209.
Batchelder,  , a Slave-catcher of Boston
slain, 877; Movement for giving widow Pen
sion, 878.
Bayley, T/tomas J., Va., Denounces Advocates
of Liberty, 274.

488

INDEX.

JSayley, ffamaliel, Threatened by Mob, 274;
Office Injured, 474
Bayard, Jamies A., Senator from Delaware, 480.
Beaty, William, Pa,, 118.
Beardsley, Samuel, Argues Case of a Fugitive,
219
Beeson, H. W., Pa., 187, 210.
Belcher, Hiram, Me., 230, 286.
Benton, Charles S., New Yorlt, 284.
Benton, Thomas B., Missouri, Denouuce8:Abo-
litionists, 103; Inquires as to Bloodhounds,
136; Opposes Treaty with 'Texas, 224; Intro
duces a BiU for same Object, 226; Prevents
withdrawal of Army from Mexico, 258 ; Pre
sents ]2esolations of Missouri, 311 ; Is Assailed
- by Mr. Foote, 315; Causes a Ludicrous Scene,
386.
Bennet, Henry, New York, 830, 334.
Bidlack, Benjamin F., Pa,, 186, 210.
Biddle, O/iarles J., Pa., 480.
Bingham, Kingsley S., Mich., 271, 287, 830, 834,
440.
Bingham, John A., Ohio, Advocates Expulsion
of Brooks. 896 ; Answers Interrogatories
promptly, 431 ; Presents Bill to Abolish Slav
ery in our Territories, 441; Presents Bill de-
- - daring all Laws of New Mexioo in favor of
Slavery, void, 441, 469 ; Proposes to Emanci
pate all Slaves of Bebels, 472, 47S.
Birdsall, Ausbii/m, New York, 267, 270, 291.
Birdsey, Victory, New York, 209 ; Signs Ad
dress on subject of Annexing Texas, 2J4.
Bishop, W. D„ Ot, 411.
Bissel, W. H., III., 318, 884.
Black, Edward J.,- Georgia, Assaults Author,
288; Ludicrous Incident, 239.
Black, James, Pa., 234.
Blackmer, Esbond, New York, 285, 28T.
Blair, Francis P,, Missouri, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Blair, 8. S., Pa, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Blake, Harrison G-,, Ohio, Presents Beaolution,
448; Votes, 46S, 475, 479. ¦
Blessings of Liberty, Should be extended to all
persons, 14
Bliss, Philemon, Ohio, Opposes Bill providing
payment for Slaves, 419.
Biue-lodges, Established in Missouri, 372.
Bloodhounds, Kesolutions concerning, 140; Em
ployed in Florida War, 155, 156.
Boardman. William W., Ot, 186.
Boon, Katlif; Ind., 118.
Booth, Walter, Ct, 801, 818, 829, 8S6.
Borden, Nathaniel B., Mass., 186, 209 ; Signs Ad
dress, 214.
Botts, John M., Ta.," 183, 187, 210.
Bowne, Walter. New York, 186, 209.
Brady, Jasper E,, Pa., 284, 291.
Bradbury, James W., Me., 882.
Brainard, Lawrence, Senate, Vt, 270.
Breckenridge, John C, Ky., Assails Mr. Catting,
369; Democratic Candidate for President,
446,
Brewster, David P., New York, 186, 209.
Bridges, 8. A., Pa., 287, 291, 295.
Briggs, George N., Mass., 186, 187.
Briggs, George, New York, 818, 328, 880, 883.
Brinkerhoof, Jacob, Ohio, His Political Course
in Vote, 286.
Broadhead,- Richard, Pa,, 869.
Brockway, John H,, Ct,, 286, 291, 298.
Broderick, D. C, California, Opposes a Slave-
' holding Administration, 407 ; Falls in a Duel.
407.
Bronson, David, Me, 209 ; Signs Address, 214.
Brooks, James, New York, Announces Action
of Whigs, 260; Votes, 85:1, 860, 871.
Brooks, Preston 8'., South Carolina, Assaults Mr.
Sumner, 894 : Resigns his Seat, 896.
Brfiwn, John, 424; Takes Harper's Ferry, 435;
Two Sous Killed and himself Woanded, Sur

renders as a Prisoner, 425 ; be and his folIo,w-
ers Executed, 426.
Brown, John, Jr., Befnses to appear before Com
mittee of Senate, 437.
Brown, George IL, Ehode Island, 469, 480.
Brown, Aaron V., Tenn., Addresses General
Jackson, 228.
Brown, Charles, Pa,, 187, 209. 267, 270, 284, 298,
298. .
Brown, Jeremiah, Pa., 234.
Brown, William J., Ind., 285, 802; Gives Pledges,
308, 818, 828,
Buchanan, Andrew, Pa,, 118,
Buchanan, James, Elected President, 399; First"
Message, 405; Encourages Invasion of Centrid
America, 414; Discharges Walker, 415; Sus
tains Slavery in the Territories, 421 ; Declares
Slaves Property, 422; Advises Payment for
Amistad Slaves, 422; Alarmed at Brown's
Baid, 424; His Official Mendacity, 449; Holds
Correspondence with Rebels, 453; Cummnni-
cates Proposition of Virginia, 458; Betires,
leaving War and a Dismembered Govemment
461.
Bucl, AL W., Mich,, 318, 328. 830.
Buffington, Joseph, Pa., 284
Burke, Edmund, New Hampshire^ 136,209.
Burnel, Barker, Mass., 186, 209.
Burch, John C, Cal., 441.
Burns, Joseph, Ohio, 411.
Burnham, A, A., Ct, 479.
Burroughs, Lorenzo, New York, 818, 328, 830,
334.
Bntler, Chester, Pa., 270, 287, 2SS, 318, 828, 830,
834
Butler, Thomas, Ct, 329, 884..
Butler, Benjamin I*"., Proposes to put down Slave
Insurrections 464; Discards claims of Slavery,
465; Orders Enlistment of Negroes, 484.
Cable, .Joseph, Ohio, 301, 818, 834
Cadwallader, John, Pa., 896.
Calhoun, Wm, B„ Mass. Attends meeting Ac,
161. Votes, 186, 209. Signs address, 214
Calhoun, John C. Denies the "self-evident
truths" on which the Government was founded,
97. Declares the abolition of slavery in D. C.
unconstitutional, 102, Attempts to suppress
anti-slavery publications, IO.*). Regards slavery
jii.st, 106. Attempts to change international
law, 112, 118. 114 Proposes to suppress agi
tation, 119, 120. Hesitates in regard to slave-
trade, 193. His doctrines, 212. Opposed to
Mexican war, 253, Proposes to witlidraw
army, 258. Declares preamble of act false,
265. Denounces Mr, Hale's mation, 277. De
sponds, 294 His last speech, 815. Deatb, 316.
California. Eill orsranizing free government
in, 298. Walker's amendment, 296. Bill
passes House. 296. Senate does not concur,
298. Left without a government, 809. Asks
admission, 818. Vote in Senate, 386. In
House, 337.
Calvert Charles B,, Maryland, 469, 479.
Calvin, Thomas, Pa, SIS, 82S, 334
Cambrelling, C. C„ New lork, 110,
Campbell, Lewis D,, Ohio, 818, 83ii, 334 Candi
date for speaker, 8SS. Intrignes with Mar
shall, 885. Loses confidence of bis friends,
886. Will not look at national diffieolties,
892. Otfers resolutions of inquiry, 894
Campbell, James H,, Pa., 443, 468, 469. Offers
resolution confiscating slaves, 472, 475, 479. .
Cameron, Simon. Appointed Secretary of War,
463. '
Carter, David K., 318, 828, 829, 880, 884, 36L
Opposes adoplion of priuml truths, 44f
Carpenter, Levi D., Now York, 284.
Carey, Shepliard, Me , 283.
Carlbile, John S., Ya., 480.

INDEX.

489

Carrol, Charles H,, 284
Cass, Lewis. Makes no objection to the ensla^Ee-
"ment of freemen, 148. Candidate for Presi
dent, 283, 888, Declares it atrocious to advise
slaves to escape, 846, 369. Congratulates
country on passage of Kansas bill, 872. His
character, 279, Exhibits emotion on retiring,
379. Discards policy of adhering to primal
truths, 398. Besigns office of Secretary of
State, 458.
Carev, Joseph, Pa., 818, 823, 830, 384.
Carthcart, Charles W,, Indiana, 271, 287.
Chase, Salmon P. Demands a hearing in behalf
of the free States, 353. Signs address to the
¦people of the United States, 866, The only
candidate for President who had been an early
advocate of human rights, 445. Appointed
¦ Secretary of the Treasury, 463.
Childs, Timotliy, New York, 209.
Ohittenden, Thomas Q, New York, 186, 209.
Signs address, 214.
Ohaiaberlin, J, P., 408, 469,
Chandler, Zecharlah, Mich., 480,
Chicago Convention. Adopt amendment enun
ciating elementary truths, 445, 446.
Clapp, Asa W., Me,, 267, 291, 293, 298.
Clark, Daniel. New York, 48,
Clark, Franklin, Me.. 267. 270, 284, 291, 298.
Chirk, John C, New York, 209, 214
Clark, Staley N., New York, 209.
Clark, Lincoln, Iowa, 356, 861.
Clark, J. H., Rhode Island, 860.
Clark, Ezra, Ct, 411.
Clark,' Horace F„ New York, 411, 468, 469, 4T9.
Clark, Samuel, Michigan, 870.
Clay, Henry. Distinguished as an advocate of
liberty, 51. By his'^vote eslablihhes Blavery iu
Arkansas, 66, Resigns office, 68. Proposes
compromiee, 71, 73, Assailed by Randolph,
81. Candidate for President, 127. Presents
memorial in favor of slavi-ry, 127. Approves
prO'Slavery publications, 185, Avows anti-
slavery doctrines, 281. Is candidate for Presi
dent, 236. Is inconsistent 347. His death,
862. Contributed to the rebellion, 4T0.
Clayton, Thomas, Del. Votes against Mezicaa
War, 253.
Clergy. Three thousand and fifty remonstrate
against extension of slavery, 86T. Five hun
dred fi-otn Illinois remonstrate, 870. They
resolve against it, 3T0.
Cleveland, Chauncey F., Ct Acts with repub
licans, 801, 806, 818,
Clifford, Nathan. Me., 209.
Clinton, James, New York, 186, 209.
Clingman, Thos, L,, North Carolina. Threatens
dissolution of the Union, 208, 214
Cobden, Richard, and other European statesmen,
become silent on American liberty, 467.
Cobb, Howell, Georgia. Reports in favor of
paying for slaves, 2i4. Elected speaker, 308.
Oobb, George F., Now Jersey, 468, 469, 475,
479.
Cochrane, John, New York, 411, 412, 441, 445.
Cole, Orsetnus, ;Wis,, 818, 830, 384. /
Colerain. Treaty of, 21,
Oolfex, Schuyler, Indiana, 468, 469, 476, 479.
CoUamer, Jacob,,Vt, 480.
Collins, 'William, New York, 267, 270.
"Comet" A slave ship. Indemnity claimed
for slaves ou board of, '205.
Compensation for slaves lost or killed in the
public service, 40,
Compromises of the Constitution. 12. Of Mis
souri, 63. Of Congress, 343. Eiingular com
pact in rocard of, m note, 34S. Mr, Foote's
resolutions to support 851, Pronounced wise
and just 854, Xhey fail, 408.
Conkhn, F. A„ New Vork, 468, .175, 479.
Conkliu, Roscoe, New York, 46S, 469, 475, 479.

Ooniceeliaift. Legislature of deprecate repeal
of Missouri Compromise.
Confiscation and emancipation, act for, 469, 470.
Conger, James L., Midi,, 360.
Conger, Harmon S., New York, 270, 285, 287,
818, 328, 829, 330.
Congress convenes ilnder Pre.sident's proclam
ation, 465. Singular hallucination of members,
466. Pass a law for dismissing officers who
catch slaves, 477.
Constitution. Amendments of, 12. 13. Prohib
its Congress from interfering with life or hb
erty, 18, 87.
Cooper, James, Pa,, 188. 209.
Court, Supreme. Precious instrument for sup
porting slavery, 402, Ca,«e of Dred Scott
402-8. Shocked Public conscience, 404
Corwin, Moses B,, Ohio, 818, 830, 384,
Corwin, Tliomas. His political character, 480,
Announces himself an exponent of republican
doctrines, 431.
Cowen, Benjamin S., Ohio, 183, 210.
Cowen, Edgar, Pa., 480,
Covode, John, Pa, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Gox, Samuel, Ohio, 411, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Cravens, James A., Indiana, 463, 469, 479.
Crimea of Slavery, 36S, 3T0,
Crisfield, John W., Maryland, 469, 4T0, 479.
Crittenden, John J,, ICy. Seizes Brooks, to pre
vent assassination of Sumner, 844, Politically
conservative, 410. Would change Constitu
tion, 455, 469, 470, 475, 479. Denies power of
Congress to emancipate slaves, 481.
Cuban slaves. Ought not to be liberated, 80,
Cuba. Plan for obtaining, 25i. Efforts to ob
tain, 874, 422. Bill introduced, 422.
Cnmmins, John D., 0 , 279, 287, 290.
Curtiss, G. W,, New "Tork, Proposes to ins^
elementary principles in Chicago platform,
445.
Cushing, Caleb, Mass. Declares resolutions of
the author "au approximation to treason,"
182, 186. Vindicates slave-trade, 208, 209.
Catting, Francid" B., New York. Moves reference
of Kansas-Nebraska bill, 869. Replies to Mr.
Breckenridge, 370, 371.
Cutler, W. P., Ohio, 469.
Dana, Amasa, New York, 234,
Darling, Mason C, Wis., 285, 287.
Darragh, Cornelius, Pa., 284
Davis, Garrett, Ky. Proposes to obtain fugitive
slaves from Canada by Negotiation, 141.
Unites with Mr. Ingersol in report on Consti
tution, 221.
Davis, John, Mass., 129, 189, 28!^
Davis, Eichard,D., New York, 186, 309, 219, 284.
Davis, John W,, Ind,, 285.
Davis, John G,, Ind,, 271, 411, 443.
DaviS) Jefferson, Miss,, asserts that slaves are
property, 266; Quotes Constitution, 267; Pro
nounces resolutions of Mr Hale calculated to
protect kidnappers, 277; Presents resolutions,
821; Supports Blavebolding Constitution for
Kansas, 405 ; Asserts duty of his State to se
cede, 436; His resolutions, 437.
Davis, M. M., Pa,, 468, 479.
Dawes, H. L, Mass., 468, 469.
Dawson, John B.. Louisiana, Assaults Author.
210 ; Threatens to shoot him, 241.
Dawson, John L. P,, 371.
Dean, Ezra, Connecticut 188, 210,
Dean, Gilbert, New York, 853, 864: Objects to
pensioning widow of Batchelder, 878.
Delano, Columbus, Ohio, Exposes crimes of Mex
ican War, 253.
Delano, Charles, Mass., 468. 47S.
Democrats educated to believe it a duty to sup
port slavery, 237.
Democratic party avows no essential principle,

490

INDEX.

8156 ; In power, 362 ; Members believe party in
vincible, 370, 371 ; iPrepare for another step to-
wa*d8 dissolution of the Union, 873; Members
desire civil war, 873; Fall into minority, 882;
Hasten to adopt the Dred Scott decision, 404;
Seek to hide facts from the people, 408 ; Seek
to revive former policy, 420 ; Regard decep
tion, fraud, and crime necessary, 444 ; Unable
to withstand the force of truth, 446 ; One por
tion unites with Douglas, another follows
Breckinridge, 446; Expected to unite with
slaveholders in carrying out rebellion, 449;
Devotes its influence to support slavery, 461 ;
Disappears amid the ruins of that institution,
466; Inspired with hope, 467; Members be
come desperate, 481.
Democratic Committee of New York appointed
to report on raid of John Brown, 425 ; They
report that Hon, John P, Hale, Hon. Gerrit
Smith, and the Author, were involved in it,
426,
Denver, J. W., Cal,, 896.
Deported slaves, under treaty of 1783, claims for,
19, 49, 82, 103 ; Claim of Hodges under treaty
of Ghent, 281, 2S2 ; Mr. Hunter's motion rela
tive to deported slaves, 831; Compensation
claimed, 418; vide "Treaty of Ghent"
Dewart W, L„ Pa., 411.
Dickey, John, Pa, 284 270, 287; Ecports against
claim of P. oheco, 289; Leads in Debate, 290,
880.
Dickinson, Eodolphus, Ohio, 267, 270, 287.
Dickinson, Daniel 8„ New York, 883.
Dillingham, Paul, Vt, 234
Dimmock, Milo M„ Pa , 861.
Dimmock, W, H,, Pa., 411.
Dirney, Daii-id F., Ohio, 361, 871.
Dissolution of the Union if a Northern President
were elected, -384, 386,
Diven, A. S., New York, 468, 469, 475, 4T9.
Dix. John A,, New York, Presents resolutions
of that Stale, 291,
Dixon, James, Ot, 270, 2S5, 287,
Dixon, Nathan, Ehode Island, 318, 328, 329.
Doan, William, Ohio, 185, 210.
Dodge. A, C, Wis., 360,
Dodge, Henry, Iowa, Introduces Nebraska bilL
864, 869.
Doig, W. A., New York, 186, 209,
Doty, James D., Wis,, 818, 330, 834
DooUttle, J, R,, Wis,, votes to pay for deported
slaves, 41S, 480.
Douglas, Stephen A,; Denies the existence of a
higher law, 344; His character, 865; Reports
bill to repeal Missouri Compromise, 865 ; As
sails those who signed address to people, 866,
869 ; Denounces Ministers, 868 ; Assails reso
lutions of Clergy at Chicago, 870; Excuses
him in regard to attack on Mr. Sumnor, 895 ;
Opposes despotism of Convention in Kansas,
405 ; Opposed to the President, 407 ; Approved
invasion of Kansas. 408; Charges Republicans
with cherishing offensive doctrines, 485; Is
sustained by a portion of his party, 446.
Dred, Scott, Case of, 402, 408, 404 ; Examined, 409.
Duel, R. H., New York, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Duer, William, New York, 270, 281; Holds collo
quial debate, 806, 818, 828,
Dunn, McKee, Ind., 448, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Dunn, George H,, lnd„ 285, 287, 291.
Dunham, Gyrus L., Ind., 318, 828, 380, 884, 861,
370.
Dunlap, Robert P., Me., 288.
Dunlap, G. W,, Ky„ 469, 470, 479.
Duncan, Jamas, Mass., 818, 828, 829, 860.
Duncan, Alexander, Ohio, Offers a bill for taldng
possession of Oregon, 246; Votes for annexing
Texas, 28,'i.
Eastman, Ira, New Hampshire, 209.

Eckhart, G. W., Pa,, 270, 235.
Eddy, Norman, Pa., 871.
EdTnondeon, Brother .& Bisters, their histoir, 279.
Edgerton, Alfred P., Ohio, 861.
Edgerton, Sidney, Ohio, 468, 475, 479.
Edsal, Joseph, New Jersey, 270,
Edwards, Thomas M, New Hampshire, 465, 469,
475, 479.
Edwards, Thomas O., Ohio, 271, 287,
Edwards, Ninian, III., Announces his own moral
cowardice, 61,
Ellis, Oheselden, New York, 284
Elliott, Samuel D,, Mass., 327, 329, 834.
Elliott, T. D., Mass., 468, 469 ; Presents resolution,
472, 479,
Ely, Aliped, New York, 468, 479.
JE^ancipation and Confiscation Act, 469; An
other act of Emancipation, 478, 479 ; An era in
American history, 480; Proclamation of; 485;
Quakers direct, at their yearly meeting, 22, 2S.
Emancipated Persons in North Carolina re-en
slaved, 23; Petition of, 24; Those of Hayti
excluded from our Slave States, 31.
Embree, Elisha, Ind., 271, 285, 287.
Emigrant Aid Society, 37-3,
English, W.H., Ind., Opposes expulsion of Brooks,
895, 396; Beads proceedings of a religions
meeting in Chicago, 482.
English, James E., Ct, 463, 469, 475,479.
Etheridge, Emerson, Tenn., Offers resolutioil
against slave-trade, 401.
European statesmen speakoffensively of our gov
ernment, 467; Noble Lords criticise General
Butler's order, 467, 46?,
Evans, Nathan, Ohio, 271, 287, 818, 828, 329, 880,
834
Everett, Edward, Mass., Eeplies to attacks on
clergy, 368; Holds slaves to be property. 90.
Everett, Horace, Vt, Moves to lay autlior's reso
lution on -the table, li^2; Moves to print 5,000
copies of proceedings, 190, 2u9,
Ewing, Thomas, Ohio, Fails to vote, .338.
Exiles of Florida flee to Mexico, 256.
Farrirgton, Jamei*, New Hampshire, 118.
Fairfield, John, Me.. 118
Farlee. Isaac, New Jersey. 234
Farrelly, John W., Pa., 270. 287.
Famsworth, John F., Confronts slaveholders, 482.
Farran, James J,, Ohio. 271, 2S5, 291.
Fetteli, Alpheus, Michiaan. 333.
Fenton, Reuben E., New York, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Ferris, Charles G., New York, 186. 209.
Fessenden, William P.. Me., 1S6, 209 ; Replies to
Mr. Douglas, 485, 480.
Fessenden, Samuel C. Me,, 468, 469, 475. 479.
Ficklin, Orlando B., IU., 285, '271, 2S4, 287, 293,
298.
Fillmore, Millard, New York, Reports bill to pay
money to slave-dealers, 206 ; "Votes for it, 209;
Selects Mr. Webster as Secretary of State, 8*26;
Alarmed at the threats of Te.vas, 826; Obtains
convention for payment of sla\ es lost from on
board Creole and other ships, 880 ; Contributed
to rebellion, 470.
Fisher, George P., Del,, 409, 479.
Fisher, David, O., 270, 287 ; Reports against pay
ment for slaves, 289.
Fitch, Graham, 861, 418.
Fitch, Graham N., Ind,, 818, 828, 830. 384
Florence, Thomas, Pa., 865, 860, 361, 371, 396, 400,
441,448.
Florence, Elia«, O,, 23.5,
Floyd, John G,, New York, 186. 209.
Floyd, Charles A., New York, 18G, 209.
Florida, Purchase of. 50; Asylum for fugitives,
BO ; First Florida War, 46-49 ; Second Florida
War, 99-101 ; Causes kept from people, 103 ;
Causes exposed, 150 ; Bloodhounds employed,
185; She secedes, 457.

INDEX.

491

Foley, James B., Ind., 411.
Foote, Henry S, Mississippi, Desires tw hang Mr.
Hale, 277; Assails Col. Benton, 815; Affray
with, 836; Sustains Compromise, 851; Dictates
course to be followed, 853.
Foote, Solomon, Vt, 234, 241, 480.
Forname, Joseph, Pa,, 209.
Foster, A.Lawrence, 209,
Foster, Henry D,. Pa,, 234
Foster, L, F. S., Ct, 480..
Fowler, Oriln. Mass., 318, 829, 834
Fouke. Philip B., 111., 448, 468, 469, 479.
Franchot, Richard, New York, 468, 469, 475,
479.
Frank, Augustus, 468, 469, 479.
French, E. B., Me., 443,
Fremont, John C, 898 ; Issues proclamation, 470.
Free States called to give security for good be
havior, 454,
Freemen selling freemen into slavery in D. C.,
,878.
Free-Soilers nominate J. P. Hale for President,
and G. W. Julian, Vice-President, 357, 349, 879,
382, 885, 397.
Friedley, John.'Pa,, 370, 285, 287, 818, 328-830,
884.
Fries, George O,, 270, 387, 291.
Fugitive Slaves : Delivered under confederation
by States, 12 ; No authority in Constitution to
legislate on subject, 17 ; Passage of Act of 1798
first departure from Constitution, 17, 18 ; In
dians stipulate to redeem F, 8., 19 ; History of
those on the Appalachicola River, 20 ; Georgia
peremptorily demands return of 100 slaves un
der treaty of New York, 20, 21 ; Southern mem
bers complain that slaves find food and cloth
ing at the North, 31, 82 ; Many leave their mas-
, ters, 38 ; B'ugitive Act used to enslave freemen,
44; Us barbarous character, 44; Attempts to
make a more stringent law, 44 ; Opponente of
slave-trade denounced, 45 ; Bill lost 46.
' Fugitive slave bill of 1850 introduced and report
ed, 822 ; Is sustained by Mr. Webster, 828 ;
Opposed by Messrs. Hale and Chase, 883, 884 ;
Is passed through House, 884 ; The vote, 835 ;
First victim under it a freeman, 340 ; Slaves
murdered in Pennsylvania, 340 ; President ap
proves act, 841 ; Shadrack arrested in Boston,
843; Proclamation of President and general
orders of Secretary of War and Navy, 848 ; The
act declared revolting, &c., 847 ; Sims arrested
in Boston, 876, 877; Efforts of military officers
to capture, 467 ; Sent back by military officers,
471 ; Thirty thousand fngitlves leave their
homes, 846; Infamous frauds, 847; Petitions to
repeal law, 878.
Puller, J. D., Me., (spelled Porter iu text), 865,
860. . '
Fuller, Hiram, Pa., 861 ; Candidate for Speaker,
884
(,'a'g-resolutions of Mr, Pinckney, 105; Of Mr.
Atherton, 122; Libellous, 123; Of Mr. Wise.
124 156. . -^ .
Gag-rules repealed, 286, 287.
Gates, Seth M., New York, Ch8r8oter,134; Unites
with Messrs. Adams, Slade, and Oiddings. 134;
Meets with friends of Mr. Adams, 161 ; Writes
address on annexation of Texas, 218.
Galphin. A term synonymous with fraud and
peculation, 825.
Gamble, James, Pa„ 861.
Georgia establishes Slavery, 9; Demands troops
to watch her slaves, 1 1 ; Slaves leave their mas-
I ters, 88 ; Attempts to recapture, 89 ; Presents
claims for fugitive slaves, 98; Party to a dis
graceful fraud, 94; Demands captain of a ship
as H fugitive from j ustice, 189 ; Calls for further
leglslatlou In behalf of slavery, 140; Secedes,

Gerry, Elbridge, Me.. 818, 337, 828, 834
Gerry, James P., 187, 209.
Ghent, Treaty of. Prohibits traffic in slaves, 109.
Giddings, Joshua R,, Ohio, As,sail& slave-trade In
D. C, 130, 131; Tests gag-rules, 148, 149; In
sulted, 150; Denounced by President Hamson,
171; Presents resolutions touching coast-wise
slave trade, ISO ; They are pronounced an ap
proximation to treason, 182 ; Is arraigned, 1^4 ;
Censured, 187 ; Cheered by Mr. Clay, 189; Re
asserts doctrines, 193 ; Publishes article signed
Pacilicas, 196 ; Ai-gues question of property in
men, 210; Signs address, 214; Removed from
Committee on Claims, 216 ; Contends for Mr.
Adams' Report 222; Avows doctrines, 227,
228; Holds colloquial debate, 2^3 ; Avows doc
trines, 226 ; Denounces annexation of Texas,
238; Scene described, 239; Declares himself
for war, 249; Votes alone, 271; Offers resolu
tions, 272; Visits prison, 274; Vindicates his
course, 278, 279; Introduces bill to abolish
slavery in D. C, 285, 287 ; Offers resolutions
declaring life and liberty " gifts of God," 817;
Presents petitions and moves instructions, 819,
830, 334 ; Maintains Kansas bill, 359; Argues
case of Amjstad Slaves, 8 ; Signs address,
806 ; Administers oath to Republican Speaker,
389; Eeplies to Vallandigham'a attack, 426;
Ten thousand dollars bid for his head, 428;
Democratic Committee of New York report
that he was privy to Brown's Raid, 4-,iG ; His
speech quoted by Mr. Co.v, 431 ; Urges support
of essential doctrines at Chicago Convention,
444 ; Proposes amendment of report, 446.
Giliis, James L,, Pa.
Glascock, Thomas, Georgia, Insults author, 181.
Goode, Patrick G,, Ohio, 188, 309.
Goodenow, R. K., Me., 210,318,
Gorman, Willis A,, Ind,, Declares Secession mon
strous in principle and destructive in practice,
854, 361.
Gooch, D. W., Mass,, 268, 276, 379.
Goodwin, John N,, New York, 479.
Goodrich, Zi, Mass., 360.
Gordon, Samuel, New York, 186, 309.
Gott, Daniel, New York, 270, 286 ; Offers resolu.
tion against slave-trade, 386, 287, 813, 830,
834. . I . > I
Gould, Herman D, New York, 828, 330, 884
Governments, British and Ami-rican, Unity in
supporting a traffic in slaves, 831,
Granger, B. F,, Michigan, 468, 469, 475,
Granger, Francis, New York, Expresses surprise
at course of Mr. Adams, 109, 136, 2o9.
Greeley, Horace, New York, 285, 287.
Green, F. W., Ohio. 361, 871.
Green, John 8,, Missouri, Proposes an armed po
hce along the line between Slave and Free
States, 454
Green, A. K., Ehode Island, 883.
Green, Byram, New York, 284
Gregory, D. S., New Jersey, 270, 285, 287.
Gregg, James M., Ind,, 411.
Grinnell, Joseph, Mass., 252, 370, 288.
Grider, Henry, Ky., 469, 470, 479.
Grimes, James M., Iowa, 480.
Groesbeck, W, 8., Ohio, 411,
Guriey, John A., Ohio, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Gnstine, Amos, Pa,, 210.
Height, Edward, New York, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Hale, John P,, New Hampshire. His political
course, in note, 236 ; Sfuiee against resolution
of thanks to General Taylor, 272; Introduces
bill to prevent riots, &c., 276; Is assailed by
Calboun, 277 ; Presents resolutions of Quakers,
812; Assailed by Butler, 319; Opposes fugitive
act, 882; Holds up mirror to slaveholders, 862;
Nominated for President 367 ; Signs address,
866; Reviews President's Message, 400; Unites

492

INDEX.

with Blsveholders in denying right of visitation,
417 ; Opposes payment for slaves, 418 ; Charg
ed with partici[)ating in raid of John Brown,
426 ; Analyzes P,resident's Message, 454, 480.
Hale, Artemus, Mass., 270, 284, ,287.
Hale, James T,, Pa,, 468, 469, 479.
Hall, N, K,, New York, 270, 285, 286.
Hall, Highland, Vt, 168, 209.
Hall. L W., Ohio, 411.
Hallstcad, William, New Jersey, 186, 209.
HaUeck, General, Excludes fugitives from his
lines, 471.
Halloway, Ramson, 828-830, 834
Hallucination of Members of Congress, 465.
Hamlin, Hannibal, Me,, Opposes payment for
•deported slaves, 418, 441.
Hamlin, B, 8,, Ohio, 234
Hampton, Moses, Pa,, 270, 287, 298, 818, 884.
Hammond, E, H,, Pa., 198.
Hampton, James G., New Jersey, 270, 287.
Harding, Aaron, Ky,. 469, 470, 475, 479.
Harding, .1. J,, III., 385.
Harlan, Andrew J,, Ind,, 818, 330, 884
Harper, Alexander, Ohio, 286.
Hart, E. B., New York, 360.
Harrison, W. H,, Ohio, 82; Elected President,
143 ; His inaugural, 152 ; Lives' but a month,
154.
Harrison, Richard A., Ohio, 479.
Harri^ Iri, New York, 480.
Harris, Thomas L,, III., Denounces Lecompton
Constitution, 408.
Haskins, John B., New York, 411, 441.
Hastings, Israel, New York, 411.
Haws, John U,, New York, 861.
Hay, A. K,, New Jersey, 834
Hayes, Samuel, Pa., 284
Hayti, Commercial relations with, suspended, 85,
Hibbard, William, Vt, 818, 328, 380, 834
Hendricks, Thomas A., Ind., 871.
Henley, Thomas J., Ind,, 285, 271, 287.
Henry, Thomas, Pa., Meets with friends of Mr.
Adams, 161 ; Votes, 187, 210.
Henry, William, Vt, 28.5, 318, SjO, 834
Hibbard, HaiTy, New Hampshire, 8Ef9, 884, 885,
371.
Hickman, John, Pa_, Offers resolution, 384
Higgler Laio, Its existence denied, 846,
Holmes, Elias B., New York, 270, 285, 287.
Holmes, Isaac E., South Carolina, Is eloquently
inspired, 183.
Hoagland, Morris, Ohio, 318, 838, 330, 884
Holman, W. 8., Ind,, 441, 468, 469, 476, 479.
Holt, Orrin, Ct, 113.
Hoge, Joseph P., III., 235.
Hooper, Samuel, Mass,, 497.
Horton, Gilbert, a man of color, advertised for
sale In Washington, 88, 34
Horton, V. B., 468, 469, 479.
Howe, John W., Pa, 801, 320, 830, 884, 859.
Howe, Thomas, Pa,, 318.
Howard, William, Ohio, 441.
Howe, Timothy, Wis., 480.
Howard, Jacob M., Michigan, 188; Signs address,
214, 480.
Hubbard, Henry, New Hampshire, 129, 139.
Hubbell, W, 8., NeW York, 234
Hudson, Charles, Mass,, 1S6, 209 ; Signs address,
214 ; Prepares to defend author, 252.
Hungerford, Orville, New York, 284
Himter, General, Issues order emancipating
slaves, 471.
Hunt Hiram P., New lork, 186, 209,
Hunt Washington, New York, 281, 270, 287,
Hutchins, John, Ohio, Would protect free blacks
in Southern States, 458, 468, 469 ; Would direct
Marshall to discharge all persons not imprison
ed for crime, 474, 475, 479.
Huyler, John, New Jersey, 411.
Hyatt, 'Thaddeus, Mass., Refuses to appear before

Committee,488 ; Is committed, 440{ Is arrested.

Illinois, Bill admitting State of, 56; Pas.<ed, 57.
Indiana Territory, Petition for Slavery in, 82;
Petitions again, 36; Quakers remonstrate
against it, 86. . ¦ ,
Indians, Seminole, Treaty of Camp Moultrie,
79 ; Stipulate to Surrender Slaves, 80 ; Called
ou to deliver up, 99. .
Ingersol, Charles J,, Pa., Misrepresents Mr, .\d-
ams, 155; is Corrected, 156; Votes to Censurei
Writer, 186; Votes to sustain Slave-dealCTSj,
209; Makes Eeport in favor of paying, ft>r
Amistad Slaves, 222; Moves to Print 1I1,S0»
Copies, and votes to lay his Motion on the Ta
ble, 222.
Ingersol, Collin M., Ct, 865, 361, 877.
Ingersol, Joseph E,, Pa , Unites in Report to pay
Slave-dealers, 206 ; Votes for Bill, 2li9 ; to Cen-s
sure Author, 187; Unites with Mr. Davis in'
Report, 221.
Irvine, James, Pa,, Votes, 186, 209, 234, 234, 287,
298.
Iverson, George A., Georgia, Declares that all
attempts to save the Union tnust ikil, 456, 460.
Irwin, William W., Pa., 187, 209.
Jaclcson, Andrew, Xdvises removal of Maroons
from Florida, 78, 79 ; Consistent supporter of
Slavery, 98; Declares Anti slavery Unconsti-
tutional, opposed to Hvmhanity and BeUg-
«on, 102; Advises Annexation of Texas, 228;
Patronized Traffic in Sbives, 206. 470,
Jackson, W. F., New York, 818, 830, 834
Jackson,  , Ky,, 469, 470, 479.
Jack, James, Pa., 180, 209.
James, Frtmais, Pa,, 187, 209.
James, C. F,, Ehode Island, 360.
(/"ay, (/"oAfl,,. Negotiates Treaty, 19; Declares de
mand on England for deported Slaves is
Odious, 19.
JeJ-erson, Thomas, Writes Declaration of Inde
pendence, 10 ; Leader of Eepublican Party, Sfi ;
Pardons men convicted of violating Sedition
Law, 80; is Alarmed at tbe Slave question,
66, 67.
Jessup, Oe-neral, Makes Contract with Indians,
241; its peculiar character, -242; Declares
Slaves the property of the United States,
243.
Jenks, Michael, Pa,, 2.34,
Jenkins, Timothy, New York, 270.
Johnson, Andrew, Tenn., 4S0.
Johnson, Perley B., Ohio, 285.
Johnson, Philip, Pa., 468, 469. 475, 480.
Johnson, James H,, New Hampshire, Votes
against Abolition of Slave-trade. 267, 284, 2><!,
Jones, J. Glancy, Pa,, 361, 871, 896, 411.
Jones, Owen, Pa,, 41 1.
Jones, George W., Iowa, 832. 354, 363, 369,
Jones, William, a Colored Man, advertised for
Sale, 218, 319.
Julian, George W., Ind., Elected as an Advocate
of Liberty, 800 ; Fails to vote for W. J. Brown,
808, 818, 880, 884; Nominated for Vice Presi
dent, 857, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Kansas, Demands attention, 890. Invaded by
military force, and civil war commenced, 891.
Bill admitting as a slavo State passed by Sen
ate, and President approves the war, 891.
Acts of self-styled legislature void, 893. Civil
war continues, 899. Self-styled legislature
pass an act for form'ng a constitution, 404.
Refuse to submit It to vote of people, 406.
Lecompton constitution transmitted to Con
gress, 407. Eetnrued, 411. People elect dele
gates to form a free State constitution, 413.
Topeka ooustitutiou formed, 413. People foun

INDEX.

493

anoth^ and demand admission, 420. Bill
passed, 441,
Ka^mas-Nehraska. Bill introduced, 865. Passes
Senate, 369, Vote in House, 871. Passed
Senate as amended, 872. Country congratu
lated, 872.
Kellogg, James W„ Mich., 468, 469, 475, 479.
Kellogg, Orlando, New York, 270, 285, 287.
Kellogg, William, III , 427, 463, 469, 479.
Kelly, John D., Pa.. 468, 469, 478, 479.
Kelly, John, New York, 411.
Kemble, Gouverneur, New York, 118.
Kenedy, Andrew, Indiana, 188, 210.
Kenon, William, Ohio, 271, 284, 287, 298,298.
Kenyon, W, 8., New York, 443,
Keim, George M,, Pa, Anecdote, in note, 167.
Kerrigan, James E,, New York, 479.
King, Preston, New York. Tide note page,
286. Votes, 237, 800, 802, 818, 380, 883.
King, Daniel P,, Mass., 284, 252, 270, 286, 818,
820, 830, 384
King, James G,. New Jersey, 818, 828, 830. 384
King, John A., New York. 815, 328, 329, 380.
King, George P., Rhode Island, 828, 329, 388.
Eillinger, J: W., Pa, 468, 476.
Ktlgore, David, Indiana, 437.
Kirkpatrick, Littleton, New Jersey.
Klinging, Smith, John, Pa., 118.
Knapp, A. L., III., 479.
Knight, N, R„ Ehode Island.
Know-Nothing party, 882. Their doctrines,
383. Hold convention, 397. Propose union
with Bepublican4 897. Their political death,
899,
Kossuth. Invited to the United States, 353.
Effects of his visit, 858.
Kuhns, Joseph H,, Pa., 855, 861.
Kurts, W. H., Pa,, 861, 871.
Lahn, Samnel, Ohio, 371, 286, 287, 291.
Lane, James H,, Kansas, 871, 480.
Lane, Henry B„ Indiana, 183, 210, 480.
Landy, James, Pa,, 411.
Lansing, New York, 463, 469, 475, 479.
Larabe, Charles H , Wis., 441.
Latham, M. 8., Cal,, 480.
Law, International, 880, 881.
Zcm, Higher. Its existence denied, 846.
Law, John, Indiana, 469, 475, 479.
Lawrence, William, Ohio, 411.
Lawrence, Joseph, Pa., 161, 187, 210.
Lawrence, Sidney, New York, 270, 285, 270.
Lawrence, W. P., New York, 270, 285, 270.
Lasear, Jesse, Pa., 463, 475, 480.
Leach, De Witt C, Mich,, 412.
Leary, 0. L, Maryland, 479.
Leavltti Eev, Joshua Meets with friends of Mr.
Adams, 161. Acts on committee, 163.
Lehman, W. E,, Pa., 4so.
Leidy, Paul, Pa., 411.
Levin, Lewis C, Pa., 284,291, 298, 828, 830.
Life, Hberty, and happiness are natural rights,
10. Equally the gift of God to all men, 17.
No person to be deprived of by Federal Gov
ernment, 88.
Lilly, Samuel, New Jersey, 871.
Louis, Archibald, New York, 186, 209, 214.
Lincoln, Abraham, Illinois, 271, 284, 387. Nom
inated for President, 445. Has but little Con
gressional support, 446. A dangerous man,
4."4, Inaugurated President, 462. Asserts
doctrines, 462. His cabinet, 468. Convenes
Cungress, 465, Tide "President."
Limited powers of Government, 10, 60, 61.
LittK-deld, N. 8,, Me,, 186, 309, 318, 827.
Lockhart, James, Indiana, 861.
Logan, Henry, Pa., 118.
Logan, John A., III., 441, 448, 468.
Loomis, Arphased, New York, 186, 209, 214
Loomis, Dwight, Ot, 468, 469, 475, 479.

LouislanaaecedeB, 457.
Lovejoy. Owen, XIL Presents resolution, 467
468,469,475,476,479.
Lowell, Joshua A,, Me,, 209.
Lynde, William P., Wis., 284, 287.
Mace, Dan, Ind.. 361.
Maclay, W, B., New York, 284, 2T0, 291, 411.
Maine, Admission of opposed, 59; Bill for, at
tached to that of Missouri, 63 ; House disagrees,
64; Senate recedes and Bill passed, 64; Gov
ernor of, called to deliver up Master of Ship,
139.
Mann, Abijah, New York, Avows doctrine, 109,
Mann, Job, Pa, 370, 284, 287, 813, 828, 3S..
884
Mann, Horace, 318, 828, 829, 834
Marchand, Albert G., 18T, 209.
Mallory, Eobert, Ky,, 469, 470, 475, 479.
Martin, F. S,, New York, 856.
Martin, Charies D., Ohio, 441, 443.
Marsh, George P., Vt, 284, 281, 285, 28T.
Marston, Gillman, N. H„ 479.
Marshall, Thomas F., Ky., Moves amendment to
Eesolution of Expulsion, 163; his Speech
thereon, and Incidents, 1^, 165, 168.
Marshall, Samuel 8., III., 395, 896, 411.
Marshall, Edward, Cal., 361.
MarSnal of District of Columbia, Impnuons free
Fersons, 474 ; Eefuses to abandon this moral
iracy, 474
Marvin, Dudley, 285, 239.
Maroons of Florida, 76 ; Massacred at Blount's
Fort, fT; Removal of, 78; they Massacre Dade
and his Command, 78.
Massachusetts. People petition to be exempt
from the crimes ahd disgrace of Slavery, 213 ;
Petition for Equal Representation, according
to Population, 220 ; Reports thereon, 221 ; Sen
ate refuses to print Memorial, 221 ; Sends
Agent to South Carolina to test Law, 841 ; For
bids the use of her Jails to imprison Slaves,
342.
Mason, Sampson, Ohio, 188, 209.
Mason, James M, Virginia, Opposes printing
Resolutions from Vermont, 810; Introduce..,
Fugitive Slave Bill, 322; Makes Eeport in
favor of discharging Walker, 415; Makes Ee-
. port against right of Visitation, 417; Interro-
gates John Brown, 425 ; Makes Eeport from
ommittee, 487 ; Asserts that a Mob in Massa
chusetts released Mr. Sanborn, 4-39.
Mathews, James, Ohio, 188, 309, 235.
Mattocks, Jonn, Vt, 188, 209.
Mattuot, Joshua, Ohio, 183, 209.
Matteson, O. B., New York, 830, 834.
Maynard, Horace, Tenn., 480,
Maxwell, P. B., New Jersey, 186, 209.
McCauslan, William, Ohio, 285.
McClellan, Robert, New York, 281, 285, 28T, 298.
McCleUan, General, Issues Proclamation promis
ing to put down Slave Insurrection, 465.
McClernand, John A., Ill,, 235, 267, 28.4, 287, 291,
S98{ 818, 328, 380, 384, 468, 469.
McCorcle, Joseph W., Cal,, 356, 861.
McDonald, Moses, Me., 831.
McDonald, J, E., Ind., 384
McDougal, James H., Cal., 371, 480.
MoDowal, J. J., Ohio, 235.
Mcllvain, Abraham E., 334 868, 270, 23T.
McKissock, Thomas, New York, 82S, 830, 834
McKean, J. B,, New York, 468, 469, 476, 4T».
McKnight, Eobert, Pa,, .443.
McKeon, John, New York, 168, 209.
MoKennore, Thomas F,, Pa., 209.
McLanahan, James H., Pa., 86t
McKibben,J. C, Oal„4U.
McNair. John, Pa., 365, 871.
McPherson, J, W., Ky., 469, 470,476, 479.
McGaughey, E. W., Ittd., 884,

494

INDEX.

Meacham, .lames, Vt, 828, 329, 880, 884.
Medill, William, Ohio, 186, 209.
Meade, Eichard K, Scene between him and Mr.
Duer, 306.
Menzes, J, W,, Ky., 469, 470, 475, 479.
Michigan, Protests against the Extension of
Slavery, 878, 379!
Miller, J, W,, New Jersey, Pronounces Compro
mise just, 364 360.
Miller, Smith, Ind., 871, 395.
Miller, Joseph, Ohio, 411.
Miller, John K., Ohio, 267, 271, 284, 287, 291, 293,
818,334
-Missouri, Bill for admitting, 53-56; Subject ab-
' sorbs public attention, 60 ; Compromise, 68 ;
Constitutionality of, 64, 65; Mr. Adams' opin
ion, 65, 66 ; Excludes colored persons, 69 ; Ob
jected to, 70-72; Mr. Clay's Eesolutions, 72;
State admitted, 73,
Missouri Compromise, Proposition to Eei>eal,
365 ; Address respecting, 366 ; Three thousand
aud fifty Clergymen Eemonstrate, 367 ; Vote
in Senate, 369.
Mitchell, William, Ind., 468, 469, 476.
Montgomery, William, Pa., 411^ 441, 44.3.
Moore, Eli, New York, Presents Memorial for
Slavery, .130.
Moore, H, D,, Pa,, 818, 828, 830, 861.
Morehead, James K,, Pa,, 468, 475, 480.
Morgan, Christopher, New York, 209 ; Signs Ad-
, dress, 214.
Morgan, Edwin D,, New York, Protects Sum
ner's body, 394.
Morrill, Anson P,, Me,, 475.
Morrill, Justin L., Vt, 468, 469, 480.
Morrill, Lot M,, Me., 480.
Morris, Calvary, Ohio, 188, 210.
Morris, Jonathan D., Ohio, 818.
Morris, E. Joy, Pa,, 448.
Morris, James E., Ohio, 469, 475, 479.
Morris, Isaac N,, 111., 468, 441, 448.
Morris, Joseph, Ohio, 235, 286, 287, 291, 830,
834
Morrison, John A,, Pa„ 861.
Morrow, Jeremiali, Ohio, 188, 210.
Morse, Freeman H., 321, 333.
Moseley, W. A,, New York, 284.
Mississippi, State oii Secedes, 457.
Murray,^mbrose L., New York, 894.
N'ationai Whig, assails Messrs. Palfrey, Tuck,
and Giddings, 263.
Natural rights of all men to life, liberty, and
happiness, 10, 88, 82. North American States
hold to, 81. Enactment against void, 38, 842.
Basis of Republican government, 8'2.
N'egro Troops. President urged to enlist, 484
A brigade of at Cincinnati, 486. Four regl-
ments^at New Orleans, 485.
Nelson, William, New York, 285, 318, 828, 880.
338,
Ness, Henry, Pa,, 284, 267.
Newell, W, A,, New Jersey, 287, 330.
New England, adheres to platform adopted at
Philadelphia, 466.
New York Legislature resolves against admis
sion of Kansas as a slave State, 413, ' Abandons
Philadelphia platform, 466.
New Jersey opposed to extension of slavery,
220.
Nesmith, J. W,, Oregon, 480.
Newhead, Peter, Pa, 187, 210.
Niblack, W. E., Indiana, 411, 441, 448.
Nicol, Henry, New York, 270, 287, 290.
Nixon, John, New Jersey, 443, 468, 475, 479.
Noble, Warren P., Ohio, 468, 469, 476, 479.
North Carolina secedes, 465.
Nortliern States repeal their laws for protect
ing firee colored people, 459.
Nugent, Eobert H., Ohio, 466, 476, 479.

O'ConneU, Daniel, The Irish Statesman, chal
lenged \ij Mr. Stevenson, 121.
Odell, Moses P., New York, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Ogle, Andrew J., Pa., 818. 828, 3-30.
Ohio, Democratlclegislature of assert doctrines,
406.
Olds, Edson B,, Ohio, 818, 8.30, 861, 371.
Oligarchs. Hold slavery a permanent blessing,*
849.
Olin, Abram B,, 468, 469, 476, 479.
Oliver, William, New York, 186, 209.
Oregon. Bill to take possession of, 247-9.
Oppression, Advocates of serving in all depart
ments of Government
Osborn, Thomas A., Ct, 186, 200.
Otis, Harrison G., Mass. Changes position, 61.
Otis, John, Me,, 829, 384
Owen, Robert Dale, Indiana, 235.
PacJieco, Lewis, Case of, 288, 239; Vide, "pro
perty in men,"
Packer, Andrew, Pa,, 361, 371.
Palfrey, John G., Mass., Is assailed, 263; His
character, 266 ; Speech and' incident, 275 ; His
motion and speech, 280 ; Asks leave to intro
duce a bill, 284, 286.
Palmer, John, New York, 118,
Parmenter, William, Mass., 186. 209.
Parker, Amasa J,, New York, 118.
Parliament of Great Britain discusses General
Butler's Order, 467.
Parker, Samuel W.. Ind.
Partridge, Samuel, New York, 186, 209.
Patterson, Thomas J., New York, 234
Patton, John, Pa., 468, 475, 479, 430,
Paulding, Commodore, Pursues and brings back
- Walker from Central America, 414; Receives
vote of thanks, 422.
Pierce, Franklin, as President, recommends pay
ment for slaves on board Amistad, 862 ; Sends
his annual Message to House pending election of
Speaker, 836 ; Sends second Messagewbil^ that
body is unorganized, 388; Reads lectures to
people In his last Message, 899; Charged with
official mendacity, 400.
Pearee, James A., Maryland, 4Sr.
Peac6 Congress proposed, 450 ; Elects John Ty
ler to preside, its action, 458.
Peaslee, C. H., New Hampshire, 284, 286, 318,
827 834
Peck,' Lucius B,, Vt, 270, 287, 318, 828, 329, 330.
Pendleton, Nath. G.. Ohio, 210,
Pendleton, G. H., Ohio, 411, 441, 468, 469, 475,
479.
Penniman, E. J., Michigan, 355.
Pennington, Alexander M. C, New Jersey, Can
didate for Speaker, 886 ; Signs report fof ex
pelling Mr. Brooks, 395.
Pennington, late Governor of New Jersey, Elect
ed Speaker, 485.
Pennsylvania abandons doctrines enunciated at
Philadelphia, 466.
Petit, John, Ind., 868, 369.
Petition, Eight of, suppressed, 119 ; Debated, 155,
158.
Pugh, George E., Ohio, Advocates payment for
deported slaves, 413; Rebuked by Southern
men, 436; Denies that Senate possesses Judi
cial power, 438.
Phelps, Launcelot, Gt, 118.
Phelps, Samuel, Vt, 310, 333.
Phelps, John 8.. Missouri, 479.
Phelps, F. G., Cal., 479.
Philadelphia protests against importing slaves to
New Orleans, 34
Philosophy which teaches that deception, fraud,
and crime are necessary to the support of gov
ernment, is dangerous, 404, 407, 444 452.
Pike, P. A., Me^ 468, 475, 479.
Pitman, F. C. 'W., Pa., 818, 828, 880.

INDEX.

495

Plummer, Arnold, Ha., 187, 209.
Polkl'James K, in his Inaugural, claims whole
of Oregon, 247 ; "Asks advice of Senate and re
cedes, 250 ; Proposes to withdraw army from
Mexico, 268.
Pollock, .lames. Pa., 284, 270, 287, 388, 293.
Pomeroy, F. M, New York, 468, 469, 478y 479.
Pomeroy, 8. C, Kansas, 489.
Porter, Augustus, Michigan, Eefiises to support
coastwise slave-trade, 188 ; Votes alone for
laying resolutions on table, 140.
Porter, Albert G,, Ind., 468, 469, 475, 479.
Potter, E. D , Ohio, 234
Patter, Elisha. Rhode Island, 384
Potter, John P., Wis., 469, 475.
Pratt Zadoo, New York, 384.
President's Attempts to follow European, 18 ;
President regards them binding, 75.
President Lincoln convenes Congress, 465 ; Signs
Confiscation and Emancipation bill, 470: Sets
aside General Fremont's proclamation of free
dom, 471; Sets aside General Hunter's pro
clamation of emancipation, 471; Eefuses to re
ceive negro troops, 484; Constrained to act,
485; First Proclamation of Freedom, 485;
Second Proclamation of Freedom, 485.
Price, E. M., New Jersey, 858.
Primal Truths, Policy of asserting, discarded by
Clay, Webster, and Calhoun, 898; Asserted
and explained, 409 ; The invasion of these rights
constitute crime, 410, 412, 423; Are evaded,
444; Are not vindicated by Eepublican Sena
tors, 886 ; Proposition to assert them In plat
form rejected, 446 ; President elected on Plat
form, 447; Voice of people, 448; Are the cause
of South Carolina's secession, 452; Congress
legislated for Slavery, 464: But are compelled
to retain primal truths, 488 ; The constitution
the price for which war was waged, 485.
Prentiss, John H,, New York, 118.
Prentiss, Samuel, Vt, 123.
Profit, George H., Ind., 188, 194, 210.
Property In man 40; Denied, 86, 87-91; Sus
tained by Judiciary, 91, 92 ; Said to be clear,
103; Denied by Justice McLean, 152, 158;
Again rejected, 243-245.
Purdy, L N., New York, 284
Putnam, Harvey, New York, 270, 285, 287, 318,

Quakers, petition for abolition of slave-trade,
15, 19, 26, 37, 38, 43, 43, 93. Withdraw fellow-
Bhip from slaveholders, 22. Persons emanci
pated are re-enslaved, 22. They protest against
Introduction of slavery into Indiana, 86. As
sert that free negroes are kidnapped in New
Jersey, Maryland^ and Pennsylvania, and sold
South, 37.
Eamsy, Eobert, Pa,, 210.
Eamsey, Alexander, Pa, 284
Randall, Benjamin, Me,, 186, 209.
Randolph, John, 'Va,. Eloquently exposes bar
barism of slave-trade in D. C, 41. Moves to
reconsider vote admitting Missouri, 64. As
sails Mr, Clay, 81. Lectures Southem mem
bers, 87.
Eathbun, George, New York, 284
Eaynor, Kenneth, North Carolina. Takes posi
tion to defend author, 234.
Redding, John E,, New Hampshire, 186, 209.
Eedpath, James. Refuses to appear before Sen
ate committee, 437
Eeed, Charles M., Pa., 284
Bold, Eobert R,, Pa,, 818, 880, 884
Eeynolds, Gideon, New York, 285, 287, 818, 330.
Eeynolds, John, 111,, 267, 284, 391, 298, 880, 834.
Return of uinther and six children born in Penn
sylvania to bondage, 866.
Republican Party, pledged to vote for no

manwbo would not sustain right of petition,
888. The contest opened, 383. Gei>eral move
ment in favor of reorganizing, 886, The call
for convention, 897. The platform, 397-8.
Discard Know-Nothings, 39S. A political
power, 899: Oppose extension of slavery, 400.
Success becomes evident, 402. Their danger,
407. , "They become confident, 412. Have a
large majority in House of Eepresentatives,
iiS. Difficulty from Whig members, 436.
They fear infiuence of slaveholders, 430. Ex
hibit pusillanimity, 484. Eesort to Whig prac
tice, 435. Abandoned by Mr. Seward, 459.
Make no preparation for war, 461. A Eepub
lican President inaugurated, 463, Come into
full possession of Government, 465, Senators
and Eepresentatives from Ohio follow Mr.
Seward's policy, 466. In several States they
nominate and elect Democrats whobad always
supported Blavery and opposed Republicans,
466. Eepublican doctrines only means of re
storing peace, 472.
Beformers. Spurn policy of Clay and Webster,
and Cass and Calhoun, 488.
Ehode Island protests against extension of Blav
ery, 378.
Eice, John H., Maine, 468, 475, 479.
Eice, A. H., Mass., 468, 469, 479.
Eichardson, W. A., 111., 267, 234, 291, 293, 298,
830, 384, 861, 388, 468, 479.
Eiddle, A. G., Ohio, 468, 469, 479.
Eidgeway, Joseph, Ohio, 188, 209.
Elggs, Lewis, New York, 209.
Eiggs, Peter E,, New Jersey, 441, 443.
Eisley, Eluah, New York, 818,
Eitchie, Thomas. Expelled from Senate cham- **
ber, 257.
Eitchey, James, Ohio, 267, 271, 287, 291.
Bitter, John, Pa., 384
Bobbins, Asher, Rhode Island, 139.
Robinson, Orville, New York, 284.
Eobinson, John L., Indiana, 267, 284, 287, 294,
818, 880, 384, 855, 861. 871.
Bobbins, John, Pa., 318, 828, 834.
Eoblnsonj J. C, III., 441, 445, 463, 469, 479.
Boohhill, William, Indiana, 271, 287.
EookwelL Julius, Mass,, 284, 270, 286, 818, 828,
329. .>...,
Eookwell, John A., Ct, 284, 287.
Eogers, Charies, New York, 334
Boiling James S., Michigan.
Rollins, E. H,, New Hampshire, 463, 469, 475,
479. i- . . ¦ ,
Eoosevelti James J.; New York, 186, 209.
Eose, Eobert L., New York, 270, 287, 228, 280, 871.
Boss, Thomas, Pa,, 865, 861.
Eool^ Joseph M., Ohio. Exposes slaveholding
management, 293. Elected as an advocate of
liberly, 800. Eefuses to vote for W. J, Brown,
803. Vindicates himself aud friends, 809. Of
fers important resolation, 310, Maintains it,
818, 820, 330, 884
Eumny, David, New York, (Ramsy, in text)
.285,287,818,838.
Russell, Jeremiah, New York, 284.
EusseU, W. T., New York, 411.
Sacket, 'W. A., New York, 380.
Sample, Samuel C, Ind., Makes Eeport, 23L
Sanbom, P. B., Presents Petition, 488,
Sandford, John, New York* 209.
Sargeant, John, Pa., Opposes Slavery in Mis
souri, 70, 209.
Sargeanti A. A., Cal., 479.
Sawtel, Cullen, Me,, 313, 329, 334
Sawyer, William, Ohio, 267, 270, 235, 287, 391, 395,
298,
Sanlsbury, William, Del,, 480,
Schermerhom, A. M., New York, 318, 823-330,
384, 355, 861.

4:96

INDEX.

Schenck, Eobert C, Ohio, 285, 271 ; Offers an
Amendment, 279; Proposes to withdraw Ar
my from Mexico, 253.
Schoolcraft, Jolm L., New York, 818, 880, 384.
Scranton, G. W., Pa , 443.
Scott, C.Z., Cal., 411, 4+1.
Scudder, Zeno, Mass., So5.
Secession. First Secef^sion. 116-118; Firstmove-
ment towards Final Secession, 320 ; Secession
foretold, 387; Declared Monstrous in Princi
ple, and Destructive in Practice, 854; Deemed.
necessary to preserve Slavery, 4i51,
Searing, John A., Now Tork, 411.
Sedffewick, 0. B., New York, 468. 469, 475, 479.
Seward, William H., Presents Petitions, 302,
333; Demands hearing for Free States, 853;
Cloaes Debate on Clergymen's Memorial, 368 ;
Offers Kesoluticin respecting Outrage on Mr.
Sumner, 394; Unites .with Mr. Mason in de
nying right of -Virti ation, 417; Declares he
will not recitgn ize Property in Man, 418 ; Thir
ty thousand ¦•dollnr8 offered for his head, 426;
is Candidate for President, 458; Remarkable
Speech, 459 ; Mr. Iverson says he will not
fermit War, 46U : is Appointed Secretary of
tate, 468; his Cnrrespiindence with our Min
ister at London, 466; Followed Policy of Har
rison, Tyler, Taylor, and Fillmore, 483.
Shank, John C, Ind., 468, 475, 479,
Shannon, Wilson, 871.
Shaw, Tristram, New Hampshire, 209.
Shaw, Aaron, 111., 411.
Shell, George K., Oregon, 479.
Shellebarger, Samuel, Ohio, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Sherman, J. N., New York, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Sherman, John, Ohio, is Candidate for Speaker,
428 : is timid under taunts and sneers of Slave
holders, 429; Kefuses to answer Interrogato
ries, 432; Withdraws as a Candidate, 480.
Sickl-es, Daniel E., New York, 411.
. Simmons. J. F., Ithode Island, 440, 480.
Simonds, Samuel, Ct., 284
Skelton, C. II., New Jersey, 360.
Slade, William, Vt, Presents Petition, 116; Pro
vokes Secession, 117; Presents Eesolutions,
124; Attends meeting of Friends of Mr. Ad
ams, 16l;'PubliBhe8 Card, 188; Signs Address,
214; Untiring in his labors, 216.
Blades, Deported, -uide Deported Slaves.
 Imported into New Orleans, 84; into
United States, through Amelia Island, 68.
 Annually Imported into United States, 76.
 ~ Set free by Shipwreck on British Islands,
114; Compensation for, 112, 118, 114.
 Are not Property, 65-91.
 CofQe passes Capitol, 125, 126.
 Fugitive Slaves surrendered under Con
federation, 12; Northern Members vote for
Fugitive Act, 29; Act used to enslave Free
men, 25; Indians agree to return, 20; Proposi
tion to pay Masters for, 21; South demands a
more stringent Law, 81 ; Provokes Debate,
82 ; Leave their Masters and settle in Florida,
38; Freemen Enslaved, 44; the South again
demands a more eflOicient Law, 45; Cause of
the first Seminole War, 46; Cause of the
second Seminole War, 99-101 ; Massacre of
Major Dade and bis Command, 101; these
Causes kept fi-om the People, 102; Blood
hounds employed, 135;
•  New Fugitive Bill introduced, 823; Op
posed, 882; Passes Senate, 883; Tote of House,
834, 835; First Tictim, 340; Fugitives in
Pennsylvania shot, 840; President approves,
341 ; Shadrack escapes to Canada, 842 ; Presi
dent's Proclamation, 343.
Slaves who Mscape, Declared atrocious, 846 ;
Masters authorized to slay, 408; are shot by
Deputy Marshals, 408. ^ '
Slave-trade, Coastwise, Prohibited by Treaty of

Ghent, 173; 'Slave-Rhipa, 174; Creole, 176;
Mr. Webster's views, 177; Declares Traffic
Lamfid, 178; History nf this Traffic, 175-173;
Author presents Eesolutions concerning, 174,-
ifi Censuretl; 188.
Slo/ves of rebel masters Emancipated. 469.
Slavery, Forty Members from Free Stat^ vote
to extend, 371; Stavtry and Freedom meet in
open conflict, 890; Biitiles fought to establish
Slavery in Kansas. 899; Constitutes leading
feature in the Southern -Confederacy, 460; At-
rican Slave-trade reopened, 400; Secured by
Eesolution of Senate, 417; Slavery and the
Union in death-struggle. 470; Eight to Eman
cipate Slaves denied. 473; All support of Slav
ery endangers Government, 483.
Slaveholders, while denouncing Northern men
for agitating qnesti<)ns of Slavery, denounce
Northern men for replying to them, 347; Felt
the sceptre of power sliding from Uieir grasp,
890.
Slave-catcher slain, 377.
Slwoe^oweir, Paralyzed, and its prestige lost, 414.
Sloan, A. S., Wis., 4ti9, 475, 480. .
Slicer, Eev. Henry, Looks upon horrors of Slave-
trade unmoved, 278; Incidents, 278.
Smart, E. K., Me., 284, 236.
Smith, Truman, Ct, 186, 209; Signs Address,
214; Joins in Eeport to pay for deported
Slaves, 261, 285, 333.
Smith, Albert, New York, 234.
Smith, Thomas, Ind., 235.
Smith, Caleb B., Ind., 235, 267, 254, 287.
Smith, E. H., New York, 468, 469, 475.
Smith, Gerritt, New T.irk, Character of, 874;
Signs Address, 376, Eeported by Democratic
Committee of New York as involved in Kaid
of John Brown, 426 ; Commences Soit, and the
Committee back down and pay Costs, 426.
South Carolina, Lectures Northern States tor
electing Harrison, 247 ; Eesolutions of her
Legislature, 432; Her Eepresentatives retire
from Congress, 451 ; Causes of Secessipn, 451.
Southern Confederacy formed, 466.
Southern Members arrogant and dictatorial, 89S. '^
Spaulding E. G., New York, 468, 469, 475.
Spinner, Francis E., New York, 375.
St John, Henry, Ohio, 285.
St John, Daniel B., New York, 270, 235, 387.
Starkweather, G. A., New York, 2So, 2S9.
Stetson, Samuel, New York, 234, 818, Sil), 334
Steele, W. G.. New Jersey, 468, 475, 479.
Steele, John B., New York, 468, 469, 475» 479.
Stewart, John, Ct, 234.
Stewart, Andrew, Pa, 234, 293.
Steveup, Thaddeus, Pa., Nominated for Speaker,
850. Confronts SlRveholdert=, 429. Tantalizes
them, 230, 469, 475. Charges design upon
General Halleck, 476. 479.
Strong, Selah B., New York, 284.
Strong, William, Pa., 284. 328.
Strohen, John, Pa.. 252, 27n, 2S.5, 287.
Stokely, Samuel, Ohio, 186, 209.
Stuart, John P., III., 1S8, 210.
Stuart, Charles E., Mich , 856, 369,. 371. Admits
change of Opinion in his State, 379. Opposes
Lecompton Constitution. 405. Opposed to the
President, 407. Totes to pay for deported
Slaves, 418.
Sturgeon, Daniel, Pa., 383.
Sumner, Charles, One of the Senators who de
manded a hearing for the Free States, 858.
Signs Address to the People, 866. Character
izes Bill repealing Missouri Compromise, 867. .
Eeplies to Senator Jones, 374. Is severe on
Mr. Butler, 89a Is stricken down in Senate
Chamber, 394. Eepresenta Massachusetts, 894.
Unable to attend to duties, 896. Presents tac
tion of Mr. Sanborn. 438, 440, 441, 4S0.
Sweetser, Charles, Ohio, 302, 32S, 829, saO

INBBX.

497

flTlve«ter,.P. II., Sev Toik, STO, !86, SBT, 818,
,829, 330, 384.
flykes, George, New Jersey, 284.
Trtllmarlge, Jomes, New York, I'-opopes to make
Ireodom the basis of governnieftt in Missouri,
.W; His proposition adopted, 55 : Declares he
would not argue barbarous character of slavery,
.^6,
Tallmadge, Frederick A,, New Tork, Votes, 270,
i%; Changes position, 288, 318, 825. 328, 3,14,
Tiillmadgo, N, 1',. New York, 129, 139.
T.'ippan, Benjamin, Ohio, Votes against Mr, Por
ter's motion, 139.
Taylor, .John L, Ohio, 866, 861, 371.
Taylor, John W,, New York, 'Proposes freedom
in Arkansas, 52; Opposi'S Slavery in Missouri,
r,S ; Elected Speaker,. 69 ; Is defeated, 74,
Taylor, Znoliary. Candidate for Pre.sident, 267:
Elected, 283 ; Exerts his influence against free
dom in Californis, 297,
Taylor, George, New York, 411.
Tfiyltir, Jolm h., Ohio, Votes to sustain slave-
trade in District of Columbia. 270,285 ; Changes
position, 2S3, 291, 31.S, 330, 334.
Tennessee, Si;cedefl, 465
Tc^-an. Annexation Of, Foretold in an Address
by- Members of Oongress, 213 ; Mexico
alarmed,. 222 ; Ti*aty of Annexation, 223 ;
Genenil Jackson consulted, 224; Mr. Web.ster
dis)ni,..sed in, order to enter upon subject, 224;
'I'reaty Kejected, Mr, Benton introduces Bill,
226 : Passed Senate, 235 ; its effect on Demo
cratic Party, 236; Governor of, threatens to
expel United States Army, 826,
Terras Debts, Bill to pay debts of Te.vas, 327;
Price uf votes, 826 ; the Vote, .127, .329, 380, Tex
as demands three and a half millions dollars
mnrf., -ISO; Stock-jobbers and gamblers enter
inro Texan interest, 3,S0;' tliey seize upon
Government Stores, 460. 46^.
Tlioina-. Fialicis, Md,. 409, 4711. 47,^
Tliayeij Eli, Mass.. Op[)Obes adoption of primal
traths, 441,445; Defeats Bill Prohibiting Siav-
ery.in Territories, 442.
Thomason, William P., Ky,, Proposes peace .with
Mexico, 258.
Thompson, J, E,, New Jersey, 869.
Thompson, William, Iowa, 285, 287,
Thompson, EichardW.. Ind.,210,271,284,291,298,
Thompson, Waddy, South Carolina, Whimsical
position of, 124: Insults Author, 150: Ke-
warded, 152.
Thompson, James, Pa., Votes, 218 ; Changes po
sition, 288 ; Votes, 318, 825, 828, 384,
Thurman,  , Ohio, 318, 828, 830, 834
Tilden, Daniel E., Ohio, Votes against Annexa
tion of„ Texas, 285; against- Mexican War,
252.
TiUinghast, Joseph, Ehode Island, 186, 209,
Tipton, John, Ind., 129.
Titus, Obadiah, New York, 118. ,
Toland, George W., Pa,, 187, 209.
Toombs, Eobert, Georgia, Avows himself for
Dissolution, 805; Sets House at Deflauce, 807,
TomUnson, P, A,, New York, 209; Signs Ad
dress, 214,
Touoey, Isaac, Ct, 369,
Traffic in Slaves, Vide Treaty of Ghent.
Train, Charles E., Mass.. 469, 470, 475 479
Treaty o/1788, Clsinis for Slaves deported in
violation 0^ 18, 19; Debate on, 22; Claims
pronounced Odious, 19.
'^''^^'¦Vff Ghent, Forbids deportation of Slaves,
89; Forbids traffic in Slaves, 89; Compensa
tion for deported Slaves claimed, 49 ; Eefused,
57; Controversy closed. 82.
Freaiy of Payne's Landing, 99; Stipulation
for separate Territory to Seminoles, 100
eatj- of gamp Moultrie, 75. Its Objects, 76.

Treaty with Oreat ilrltain to suppress Afrioan
Slave-trade, 472.
Trimble, Carey A,, Ohio, «48, 476.
Trumbull, Lyman, 111,, Eeviews President's Mes
sage, 400. Gives notice of Bill to emancipate
all Slaves, and confiscate all property of Kebels,
473, 480,
Trumbull, Joseph. Ct, 186, 209.
Trow.bridge, E. E., Mich,, 468, 475, 479.
Tuck, Amos, New Hampshire, Votes against
Whig candidate, 262. Votes against Slave
trade, 270, 271, 286, 800, 304, 808, 32^ 384.
Turner, Thomas J., Ill,, 28?.
Tyler, General, His Barbarism, 476.
Union, Its Dissolution threatened, 27, 28, 61, 70.
Shadowed forth in the Contest between Hayne
and' Webster, 97. No real Union between
Freedom and Slavery, 106, People dissatis
fied, 119, Petition for Dissolution, 159. Vide
J Q. Adsrns.
UnderhiU, Wnlter. New York, 318, 328, 380, 334.
Upham, William, Vt, 332,
Vallandigham, C, L,, Visits John Brown, and
endeavors to implicate Author in the invasion
, of Virginia, 42.5, 441, 443, 468, 475, 479.
Van Valkenburg, E. B., New York, 468, 475, 479.
Vail. George, New .Jersey, 871,
Van Wyck, C. H,. New York, 468, 469, 475.
Van Ham, New York, 468, 469, 471, 479,
Van Buren, John, New York, Votes, 209.
Vance, Joseph. Ohio, Votes, 235, 252.
Van Dyke, John, New Jersey, 286, 288, 293, 328,
;330,,
Vanmeter, John J,, Votes against Annexation of
Te.xa-t, 235,
Van Rensalser, Henry, Votes, 209,
Vandever.  , Iowa, 469, 479.
V»rrie, John P,, Pa,, 4r,8, 469, 475.
Vinton. Samuel F., OLio, Votes, 285 271, 285
294,:31.S,82i, :;3n. ;3-34.
Vlrgiitiii, Ifi.r Itepr.-seiitstives propose to act
as mediators between Slave and Free States,
but propose nothing but further guarantees
for Slavery, 450. Slie Secedes, 465.
Vibbard, Channoy, New Yori, 479,',
Tisitation, Eight of exercised by British ships,
416. Eesolution of Senate concerning, 416.
Eight asserted and m'aintained, 417, But de
nied in 1858, by Messrs, Mason, Seward, Hale,
Wade, and others, 417.
Voorhies, D. W., Ind,, 469, 479.
Wade, Edward, Ohio, 361).
Wade, Benjamin F„ Ohio, Pronounces assault on
Sumner cowardly. 395. Unites with Messrs.
-Mason, Seward, Hale, and others in denying
right of Visitation, 417, 441. Maintains El?
publican doctrines. 466, 540,
¦Wadsworth, W. H., Ky., 469, 470^479.
Wagner, David D., Pa., 118.
Wallbrldge, Henry T,, New York, 871.
Walden, Hiram, New York. 328, 830 3-34
Waldo, Loren P,, Ct, 318, 329, 3.34.
Walker, Isaac P,, Wis., 296, 3-33.
Walker, Amasa, Mass. (Watson, In text), 475.
Walker, William A., New Tork, 371,
Walker, William, and followers, invade Central
America to establish Slavery, 414, 415.
Wall, Garret New Jersey, 129 189
Wallace, John W,, Pa, 468, 469, 47,5, 480.
Wallace, David, Ind,, 206, 210, 188.
Wall, William, New York, 479.
Wallbrldge, Iliraiii, New York, 411, 47ft
Walsh, Michael, New York, 855, 360, 371
Walton, E. P., Vt , 468, 469.
Walton, Charles, Me., 468, 469, 475, 479.
Warren, Cornelius, New York, 270, 286, 287
Washbtirne, Elthu B,. 468, 476, 479,

498

INDEX

W'lr. The TTnf*«d States engaged in two Wars
with Barbary Powers to abolish Slavery,
and two with Seminole Indians to sustain it,
4S.
War with Mexico foretold, 213, 224, 251. Com
menced, 252. Its advocates disappointed, 257.
Propositions to close, 258. Remonstrate
asiiinst, 2G4, *
War. Preparatory Ut Civil War, arms and am-
ninnition were transported Sonth, 453. First
nianifestiition of force in resisting Eebellion,
453, Miiht be ac.t of the North, 454. Southern
Statesmen assured the people' of other Nations
there would be no War, 457. Hostilities com
menced, 4G(i. Cannonade of Sumter, and at-
tfinpted Massacre of Troops in Baltimore, 468.
Throws upon the Executive despotic powers,
4b2.
Webster, Edwin H., Md., 469, 479.
Ward, Klijah, New York, 4i68, 475, 479.
Ward, Aaron, N. Y., 186, UU.
Watson, J. C, Paid for Slaves, 855, 856.
Webster, Daniel, Contest with Hayne, 97. Es
teemed by Whig party, 97. His views of
Traffic in Slaves, 177. Instructs our Minister
at London, 178. Indorses Mr. Calhoun's doc
trine, 272, 294. His 7th March Speech, 325. Is
Secretary of State, 326. Approves Fugitive
Act, 835. Discovers errors, and calls Religious
influence to his aid, 335. Cal)inet Council,
343. His death, 858. Contributed to the Re
bellion, 470.
Weld, Theodore, Attends meeting of Mr. Adams'
friends, 161. Acts on Committee, 162. ¦
Weller, John B., Ohio, Presents Resolutions for
censuring Author, 184. Wishes to amend
Journal, 190. Votes for Slave-dealers, 210.
For Annexation of Texas, 235, 36(1, 369.
Wentworth, John, Illinois, 235, 271, 285, 287, 380,
334
Westbrook, John, Pa., 187, 309.
Westbrook, T. R., New York, 871.
Wheaton. Horace, New York, 234.
Wheeler, W. A., New York, 468, 469, 475, 479.
Whig Party. Paralyzed by doctrines of Mr.
Webster, 226. Avow no doctrine at Conven
tion, 356, Discard Advocate.3 of truth and
justice, 856. Surrenders its own existence,
353. Believed that deception, fraud, and
crime were necessary, 404. Anxious to revive
former policy, 420. Seek to deny Republican
doctrines, 448.
Whitcomb, James, Ind., 388.
White, Allison, Pa., 411.
White, Albert S., Ind., 189, 468, 469, 475, 479.
White, ChUton A., 468, 475. 479.

White, Hugh, New York, 270, 285, 287, 818, 888,
330.
White, Joseph L., Ind., 188, 210.
Whittle-sey. W, A, Ohio, 328, 829, 380, 834
Wickliffe, Charies A., Ky., 469, 470, 475, 481.
Wick, William W., Inrl., 267, 291.
Wigg, William H., Paid for Slaves deported
during the Revolution, 359, 360.
Wigfall, L,, Texas, Declares cotton to be king,
455.
Wildrioh. Isaac. New Jersey, 828, 330,361.
Willmot, David, Pa,, Would support Mexicn
War by taxation. Assailed therefor, 272. 'Ib'o.
Elected as an advocate of Liberty, 300. Vott-s
for Brown, 3(14,313, 480.
Wilson, James, F., Iowa, 479.
Wilson, Henry, Mass., Ciflla attention to Outrngei
on Mr. Sumner, 394, Eeviews Pieb^ident's
Message, 4U0. Unites with Mr, Ma=on and
others, 417. Confronts Slaveholders, 436. Of
fers Resolution directing Marshal of District of
Columbia to discharge persons against whom
no charge existed, 474. 480.
Wiley, James S., Me.. 267, 284, 286, 298.
Williams, Thomas W., Ct^ 186, 2U9. Signs Ad
dress, 214.
William.^, Ilenry, Mass., 234
Wilson, James, New Hampshire, 270, 2J-8. Re
ports against paying for Slaves, 289. Votes,
318, 327; 329.
Windom, William, Min . 469, 475, 479.
Wiuthrop, Robert C, 186, 209. Reports Bill pro
hibiting imprisonment of colored persons. 212.
Opposes Annexation of Texas, 234. Candidate
for Speaker, 261. Elected, and aiTanges Com
mittees, 261, Promotes election of General
Taylor, 263. Candidate for re-election, 301.
Defeated, 308.
Wise, Henry A., Excuses Dawson''s attempted
violence, '.ill.
Witte, W. H., Pn., 371.
Wrisrht, Hendricks B.. Pn., 371, Moves *o ex
clude blacks from public lands, 876, 463, 475,
481.
Wright, W., New Jersey, 418.
Wood, Fernando, New York, 186, 209.
Wood, Amos E., Ohio, 318, 834.
Wood, Benjamin, New York, 463, 475, 479.
WoodruflF, George C, Ct, 468, 475, 479.
Worcester, Swnuel T.,.Ohio, 468, 475, 479.
Wortendike, Jacob, New Jersey, 411.
Young, John, New York, 186, 209.
Young, Augustus, Vt, 186, 209.
York, Thomas Jones, New Jersey, 186, 209.
Yoat, Jacob, Fa., %84.