E B.ein.D

:>!S

ORATION,

ttiONOUlIC.ED,

At the Recjaest ofthe CoromUtec Df>lrrangem6nt3, ajtpdititcd Uy the Noi-folk Voldtitcers,

IN THfi NEW EPISCOPAL cntrricu, . .

Kn thelloi-ousit of ^otriol^,

OU THB 4TH OP JTCT/1831,

BY
HUGH BLAIR GRIGSBY, Esq.^

WZTS A STAVZUMISMT Or 7aZI ^ROCESSIOXf, &C. &C.

NORFOLK, VA.

PUBLISIIEt) BY C. HALL.

sBiltva h ABnounx, iSIirTKRs, hbaco:?! urricii.

ORATION, PRONOUNCED,
At the Request ofthe Committee of Arrangements, appointed by the Norfolk Volunteers,
IN THE NEW EPISCOPAL CHURCH,
Kn til? jBorouflfi of iffiorfolft,
OH THE 4TH OP JTJL?, 1S31,
BY

HUGH BLAIR GRIGSBY, Esq.

WITH A STATEXXEICT OF THE rBOOESSIOZT^ UO. &0.

NORFOLK, VA.

PUBLISHED BY C. HALL.

SBIILBS tc ASBBCBN, EKINTXBg, BBACOK OITICE.

PHEPAGE.
IT was the desire of our fellow citizens that some memorial of
the extraordinary celebration of the late anniversary, more apt
to be retained, and susceptible of a more easy reference, than
the files of a News-paper, should be preserved. It was also due
to those who originated the idea of a Procession, as well as to
those of our fellow citizens, who so zealously contributed their aid
in imparting to it a brilliancy unsurpassed by any similar exhibi
tion in this section of the country. The stateraent of the Proces
sion has been selected frora the News-papers of the day, and is
believed to convey as correct an outline as can easily be obtained.
A request was made to Mr. Grigsby for a copy of his Oration for
publication, to which he has consented. As an undertaking like
the present could not be made without considernile expense, tho
publisher confides in the liberality of the public for a fair remune^
ration. THE PUBLISHER.

ORDER OF PROCESSION.
FIRST DIVISIOX.
The Chief Marshal— Waiter F. Jokf,."!, Esq.
The MiUtary— The Norfolk IndepcndentVolunteers.Capt.Capron;
Light Artillery Blues, Capt. King;
The Juniors, Lieut. Com'dt Newton.
SECOND DIVISION.
The various branches of the MECHANIC ARTS, in the fol
lowing order:
1. TAILORS — with a rich and splendid Banner, repre-
Benting on either side the Tree of Knowledge nf Good and Evil,
¦with Adam and Eve shaded by its foliage, the latter receiving
from the serpent the forbidden fruit — the inscription on one side
"J -was naked nnd ye clothed me ;" on the leverse " Tf'e are united."
The members wore a badge of Llue riband, with the same device
and inscription as the banner.
2. BLACKSMITHS— on a Car, 9 feet by 10, bearing a
portable Forge, Anvil and other essential tools — and surmount
ed by aBminer of white, with an athletic arm, poising a hand ham
mer—an anvil, pair of tongs, and an anchor, with the inscription
" Strike ivhile the iron is hot.'' The forge in full operation, mak
ing hooks, thimbles, spikes, nails, horseshoes. Inc. as it moved
along, enveloped in a cloud of black smoke. The car was fol
lowed by Master Smiths and Journeymen of Norfolk and the
Navy Yard.
3. CARPENTERS— A Car £2 feet long, the bed of it about .5
feet— work benches the whole length, extending o\ er about 22
inches on each side, a two story small house in the centre with a
portico extending the whole length, with an open Piazza on the
top, and a steeple rising from the centre of the roof terminating
with a Banner bearing the inscriptions ''r6,"'/7t the uildtrness we
found friends, und by faith and perseverance ue gained nnr inde
pendence." Tiie Car was covered with Cedar, Pine and other
boughs, representing a forest. The Mechanical operations were

going on during the prnces.sion wiHi 3 workmen — 4 Axemen and a
pair of Sawyers, following the Car. The whole was got up at the
sole expense of Mr. Levelt Fentress.
4. STONE CUTTERS, MASONS, BRICKLAYERS.PLAS-
TERERS and SLATE I; S, formed in one body. They had a hand
some Car, the panels of which were finished imitations of brick
and stone masonry, representing the base of a building, with
scaffold poles around it, and a niimber of persons employed with
in in slating and laying bricks. They turned a beautiful arch on
their way, with a key stone of marble, on which was cut, •¦ Jbit
4th, 1831." The decorations were a large and elegant gilt eagle
in an elevated position, with a wrcatli of laurel, interwoven with
flowers, in the beak, and a banner representing a nuporb mansion
house on one side, and the implements of tfie trade on the other,
5. THE PAINTERS AND GLAZIERS had a highly de
corated car, with canopy and drapery, drawn by two beautifully
variegated horfies. It was an exact imitation of the interior of
a paint shop, in which men were employed in the different opera
tions of painting, grinding, and mixing colors, &.c. while an art
ist sat very composedly at his easel, painting a portrait. Aloft
waved the " star spangled banner," and in the rear a less bril
liant but very pretty one was carried.
6. TANNERS, CURRIERS and MOROCCO DRESSERS.
These had a beautiful Car, in which were persons engaged in the
occupation of currying and finishing Morocco skins, which were
commenced in tlieir rougii state, carried through the whole pro
cess of currying, dying, drying and dressing, and when completed
were sold from the car and the cash received before the procession
was dismissed. Their banner presented on both sides the coat of
arms of their trade, with the mpttos, " May love and unity support
our trade," and " God is our trust."
7. CORDWAINERS— These added much to the strength and
attraction of the procession. Their Banner represented a work
man in his seat ; the Boss (or mastei^ on his right, with one
hand pointing to the workman, and with the other to the Presi
dential Chair on a distant eminence, with the inscription ^^'Twas
here I began my career and there may it cmd."— On the reverse side.

6
the Goddess of Liberty giving support to the Bald Eagle, with the
inscription " Jlmerican genius envied by the Old World — ^ Pattern."
The members wore a white apron, trimmed with Rlue Riband, on
the front of which three Goat Heads, forming a triangle ; and a
square emblematical of tlieir profession.
8. HATTERS— This was one ofthe most attractive and inter
esting objects in the whole line of procession. A beautiful large
Car with a canopy (16 feet by 8) drawn by 4 sorrel horses, with
fur skins of every description hanging from the rail ; the interior
representing a complete Factory in full operation, where the whole
process of mafeinj' a fliji, from bowing tbe fur to the finishing
touch, was distinctly seen in all its details — the fur flying from
the bow soraewhat resembled flakes of snow, and created much
merriment, as it covci ed the procession in the rear, for a conside
rable distance. The Banner of white trimmed with red, w hich
was surmounted hy a large Hat, with the inscription " We cover
all," presented at the top a Beaver, with the motto ". With the
industry ofthe Beaver we support our rights." Two Hatter's
Bows crossed, with a Hat and Bonnet on the right and left —
and at the foot a Chapeau de Bras with the motto " We assist each
other in time qf need."
9. COPPERSMITHS, BRASS FOUNDERS and TIN
PLATE WORKERS— These carried a splendid Silk Banner with
a Heraldic emblem of their professions, on each side,and numerous
devices embossed in gold — the inscription on one side " God is
theonhj Founder," and on the reverse, " Brass Founders, Copper
Smiths and Tin Plate Workers." The members wore a white
apron with a Still painted on the front, and trimmed with blue
riband. Most of the members carried Brass Rods ornamented
with blue riband.
10. THE PRINTERS followed next, with appropriate badges,
and bearing a banner, on which appeared in hold relief,
The Pkess, scattering its light abroad and dissipating the clouds
of superstition and ignorance ;— motto, '^ Vox Fopuli — Custos
Reipublicce:" — on the reverse side, a winged messenger proclaiming
" INDEPENDENCE" to the nations of the earth— with the date
of its declaration inscribed on the trumpet. The junior part of

the train plied their vocation on the way, and circulated among
the throng on either side, copies of the Immortal Manifesto, in
neatly printed sheets to be preserved as memorials of the celebra
tion. 11. GUNSMITHS — These carried a very handsome and
appropriate Banner with Guns crossed, Pistols, &c. — and the
staff surmounted with a pair of Pistols, the inscription on the
Banner — " In peace prepare for war."
12. WATCHMAKERS, JEWELLERS, SILVER SMITHS
and ENGRAVERS. Watchmaker's side— Time seated on a hill
with his Hour Glass behind him, tumbling over — his Scythe in his
right hand — his left hand pointing to an old Stockholm Clock —
The motto over his head, *' A time for every purpose." — The Clock
hands stand at a quarter to 12 — at the feet of Tirae the motto " /
was from the beginning." Silversmiths' side — The Chair of
State elevated, with an Eagle in the round of the back, his claws
on the cross-bar, with one claw holding the chain of a watch
which lays on the seat ofthe chair — in the other claw he holds the
"Papspoon" — the motto '^Protection to all" — opposite to the
Chair of State, a Silversmith at his block striking up a spoon— rthe
motto " We strike up for all" — Designed and painted by Mr. L.
R. Pollard.
13. ROPEMAKERS — These carried a Banner representing
on one si(i&. A Rope Walk in full operation, and on the other
^ueen Elizabeth, the early patron of their art. Following the
Banner were a number of Hemp Spinners, with their bodies begirt
with this valuable material. THIRD DIVISION.
1. MARINE SOCIETY— Banner of white, trimmed with blue,
with the devices — A foul Anchor, Hogshead of Tobacco and Bales
of Cotton. — Inscription "Mrfolk Marine Society."
i. SEAMEN — A number of Seamen brought up the rear of
the Marine Society, bearing on their shoulders a small neatly
rigged ship, which they carried through the Procession with per
fect order, producing too, a very pleasing efifect.
3. TEACHERS and PUPILS— The attendance was not as
general as was anticipated: Mr. Campbell, Mr. Davis, and Mr. Butt,

8
attended with their pupils, uniformly and neatly dressed, forming
a most interesting group of (let us hope) the future great men of
our land. The pupils of Mr. Davis and Mr. Baft bore vei7 hand
some and appropriate banners, while those of Mr. Campbell car
ried handsome specimen.^ of Drawing, Painting and Geometry.
The Procession was formed at the Court House at 10 o'clock ;
from which place it took up its line of march by the following
route :— Down Main street to Granby street ; up Gianby to Free
mason street; along Fieemason street to the residence of Dr. N.
C. Whitehead, where the Orator of the Day and the Reader ofthe
Declaration of Independence were received into the line. It then
moved to the new Episcopal Churcli, when the icspcr tive bodies
composing the Procession were escorted to tlie seats reserved for
them on the first floor j while tlie galleries were already occupied
by a numerous concourse ofthe fair daughters of our land.
The services of the Church were opened by a deeply eloquent
prayer from the Rev. Doct. Ducachct, in whicli tlie fervid feel
ings of the Patriot and the Christian Vicre beautifully blended. —
The Declaration of Independence was read by the Hon. George
Loyall, and the Oration delivered by H. B. Giigsby, Esq.
At the conclusion of the Oration, the Independents' Band
played a splendid piece of music composed by Rossini, and selected
from the opera of Cinerendola.
The Procession again formed, and proceeded down Catharine
to Main street ; up Main to Church street; up Church to Holt
street; thence through Fen Church into Main street again, and
along Main street t(» Market Square, when the Volunteers halted,
formed line, and saluted the Procession as it passed on, when they
again formed column, and having resumed their station, the Pro
cession was dismissed ; and the Volunteers marched to the foot of
Market Square, where they fired a salute and were also dismissed.

I REJOICE to behold the proud spect acle before me. I rejoice to
behold the people of the land, with gladsome hearts and streaming
banners, come up, on this eventful anniversary, to pay at fhe shrine
of patriotism the homage of grateful spirits. We bid you wel
come. VVelcom«, f(,re^'er welcome be the dawn of this glorious
morning. Welcome, in all time, be those vivid emotions, that
now linger abDut every bosttm, and beam from every eye.
Let us be alive to the solemnity ofthe occasion. We come not
here to give play to sounding phrases, or to indulge in the pomp
of idle declamation. Our purpose, we trust, is loftier. We have
met to commemorate the deeds of our fathers. We have met. in a
time of profound peace, in the midst of general happiness, in our
own, our favored land, to contemplate their hardy struggles, their
gloomy reverses, their brilliant triumphs ; to trace, as far as the
occasion will allow, the principles that governed their actions, and
to meditate u|)on those schemes of government, which their wis
dom devised. Above all, we have met to lay our passions and
our prejudices on tiie altar of our common country, and to avow,
befoie God, our deep, devoted fidelity to the institutions of our
fathers. It is fruitful thus to dwell upon the past. It is a theme which
may well create the highest and purest emotions in the breasts of
our countrymen. And it is only by a just contemplation of the
past, that we may riglitly e.stim'ate the'present; and as we consi
der the past and the present, such is the rapid succession of events
transpiring around us, that we find ourselves imperceptibly in the
niid.st of posterity.
Our theme is the Americax Revoxution; and in order to give
our thoughts, at least, the semblance of connexion, we propose to
discuss it in two main points of view — the peculiar character of the
Revolution itsdf; and its infiuence on the destinies qf mankind.
In exhibiting the peculiar character ofthe Revolution, it will be
expected from us, on an occasion like the present, to touch cursori
ly on the habits and raanners of those who achieved it; the princi
ples which it presumed to support ; and tbe spirit with which it
was maintained. 2

10
We experience feelings of honest exultation in reviewing the
character of our fathers. It is a topic on which we would wish to
dwell. It is natural for man to examine the history of those
from whom he sprang, and to whose impress he owes whatever of
good or evil his institutions may possess. This subject happily
presents no mystery to the eye of an American. The origin
of our country is so recent, that we may be almost said to be
hold the first landing of our fathers with the distinctness of pa.ss-
ing life. We mark their assiduous toil, and are eager to cheer
them with our sympathies. We can present to our minds, almo.st
without the aid of imagination, the arrival of "the first vessel ofthe
colonists. We can behold the eye of the patriarch as he leaned
against the shrouds of liis sea-tost vessel, intently gazing on the
land of promise, and mark in the distance the wary native shrink
ing with fearful emotions at the unearthly spectacle. We can still
point to the spot on which they landed, and we can still behold the
rains of the temple which they erected, within whose enclosures
they buried their first dead, and at whose altar they knelt to
breathe out to tlie God who guided them over the waters, tlie tribute
of deep-felt gratitude and praise. They have now landed their
little all, and the forest and the foes of the New World await them.
With what mingled sensations of hope and fear, must they have
watched the setting of the fis-st sun, the gathering ofthe shades of
the first night, above them in the wilderness; how often, how anx
iously, during that first, long, sleepless, rayless night, did they
strive to distinguish the faint streak of earliest dawn; and how
joyfully did they hail the brightness of the coming of the New
Morn. What, too, must have been tlieir feelings, as they saw
their bark, lighted of its living freight, gUding past them, on the
bosom of the Janies, in its progress to their island home; — asfliev
saw tbe last link severed that hoiind them to the scene of tlieir
affections, what thrilling emotions must have pervaded them ! 
Honest, worthy men! Could a single glance at futurity have
bfen given them ; could thry have thought, amid their toils and
struggles, while wrestling with the tcriiilc lorms of disease, or
bi sit with the wiles of the treacherous Indian ; could they have
indulged the hope that themselves— that their posterity would
reap such a rich harvest, how it would have sweetened their rigid

II
ti'II; how disease would have been shorn of half its power; how
the war-whuop that sunk along the heart of the mother and
roused the infant in his cradle, would have lost its terrors, and
woidd have been almost regarded <is the harbinger of coming joy;
if they coidd have thought that that child or that their children's
children would live to behold such a reward as was reserved for
their labors. But, in the all -wise Providence of God, such a pros
pect never opened to their eyes.*
Thus a key to the character of our futhers will he found, in the
peculiar circu-msiances of their condition. Having secured their
rights by a charter, in which they were fully and accurately defin
ed, they found it not only easy to refer to tiicm, but often abso
lutely necessary, in order to prevent imposition from without, and
confusion witiiin. Tiiey were thus habituated to discern with ac
curacy the nature and extent of tlie privileges which they shared,
and to estimate tiiem at their proper viiluc.
The habits of industry and alertness, which necessity and inter
est conspired alike to create and establish, gave them an ability
and readiness for action, which it would have been difficult to
have acquired in a mode of life more congenial to repose. Hence
tlieir ingenuity in detecting the slightest movement prejudicial to
their riglits. Hence the wonderful alacrity and raanly boldness
with which they resisted every attempt to injure them.
We are not surprised, tlierefore, when our historians tell us, that
frequent collisions took place between the colonie.3 and the mother
counti-y. Causes of controversy would naturally spring up from
the relation which the Colonists bore to the parent State. It pos
sessed not only a revisory power over every local regulation which
the Colonists might enact, but might also revoke the charters
themselves. This power, too delicate to be lodged in the hands of
a distant nation, must sometimes be exercised ; and when its exer
cise was felt, it was calculated to crieate warm feelings of jealousy
in the bosoms of men, characterised, in a far less degree, than the
Colonists were, for a knowledge of their just rights, and incessant
vigilance and activity in guarding and maintaining them.
We have not time to dwell on the character of the various con-
"See Note ./I.

12
troversies that arose between them, prior to the revolution ; al
though an examination of them would lend in an eminent degree to
dcvelope the character of our ancestors. A distinguished Colonial
writer informs us, (I quote his own words.) "Our freedom has
been the object of envy, nnd to make void the charter of our liber
ties, has been the work of an undiminished race of misguided men.
One cabal having fniled of success, new conspirators have
arisen, and what the first would ' make void,' the next ' humbly
desired to revoke.' So great has been (he credulity of the British
Court from the beginning, or such has been the activity offal.se
brethren, that no tale, however inimiciil to the coloriie«, however
false and absurd, but what hath found credit with the administra
tion, and operated to the prejudice of the country. Tlius it was
told and believed in England that weweie f\r,t in earnest in the
expedition against Canada, sit the beginning of this centuiy, and
that the countiy did all in its ]lov^er to defeat the success of it ;
and the misfortune of that attempt ought to be attributed to the
Colonies alone ; w hile nothing could lie more obvious thiin t! at our
country exhausted her youngest hlocd, and all Iter treasure, in the
undertaking." So says this writer.*
Dissentions did surely exist between the two roimlries ; and -As
is often the case with disputants, it is jirobable thai both niiiy have
occasionally erred. It must not be siwpccled, however, that the
Colonists faltered, for a single moment, in their aflTcrtion for the
parent state. It was true they had differences ; but these seldom
extended farther than the immediate jioint of controversy ; and lo
e^ery thing that affected the honor and glory of England, thry
were feelingly alive. It will be recollected, w ith what generous
indignation the eloquent writer just quoted, repels the chaige of
backwardness in defending the reputation of England in the
Canadian expedition ; and with what animation he declares that his
country " exhausted her youngest blood, and all her treasures in
the iindertaking."' In al! the English wars oiiour Continent, from
the distant Quebec — with her solemn ramparts and immortal
heights ; to the Southern Havanna — with her hurricanes in her
hand, and disease feeding on her pallid brow — the colonists bore

13
an active part, and incurred groat expense. But we have, fellow
citizens, the proud consolation of reflecting, that in these schools
our fathers were gradually acquiring that skill and confidence
whicli were, in the process of time, to be employed in accomplish
ing the greatest event of the era in which they lived. Intelligent
to discern their rights and privileges, and alert to defend them ;
distinguished for their acti\ity and adroitness that sprang up from
their condition, and for that sense of independence which agricul
ture, their main employuicnt, is so well calculated to inspire;
skilled in the practical afTairs of life from theii- commerce as well
as their frequent controversies with the parent State; and hot
unaccustomed to the dangers of actual war ; — such whs the cha
racter of our ancestors when that series of aggressions com
menced, which ended in the American Revolution.
Having arrived at this point, we will rapidly sketch the principles
on which it was founded. In order to estimate with accuracy the
principles on wliich the revolution was founded, it is indispensa
bly necessary that the peculiar relation existing between the
Colonics and the parent State should he in some degree undei'stood.
AVhat then was the relation between them ? It was contended
generally among our statesmen, that while the Colonists possessed
the right of framing their iiitei'iial regulations, subject to the
revisal ofthe king, the Parliament possessed the right of regulat
ing their commerce. On the other hand Mr. Jefferson thought
differently. Let him speak for himself. " In this (alluding to a
draught of instructions,) I took the ground that from the begin
ning I had thought the only one orthodox or tenable, which was,
that the relation between Great Britain and these Colonies, was
exactly the same as that of England and Scotland, after the acces
sion of James and until the union, and the same as her present
relations with Hanover, having the same Executive Chief, and no
other political connexion : and that oar emigration gave her no
more rights over us than the emigration of the Danes and Saxons
gave to the present authorities ofthe mother country over England.
In this doctrine, however, I have never been able to get any one
to agree with me but Mr. Wythe. He concurred in it from the
first dawn of the question^ what was the poUtical relation between

14
ns and England. Our other patriots, Randolph, the Lees,
Nicholas, Pendleton, stopped at the half-way house of John
Dickinson, who admitted that England had a right to re-ulate
our commerce, and to lay duties on it for the purposes of regulation,
but not of raising revenue. But for this ground there was no
foundation in compact, in any acknowledged principles of coloni
zation, nor in reason; expatriation being a natural right, and
acted on as such by all nations."* So thought Mr. Jefferson, and
whether his doctrine be true or false, all must admire the moral
boldness of its conception. Against this doctrine, however, it may
be urged,that the alleged similarity between the Danes and Saxons
colonizing England, and England colonizing America, does not
exist; inasmucli as the former held no charters from the mother
cmmtry, and the English did ; an important distii.ction, decisive
of the question; that tlie.se charters contained the rights, territo
rial and otherwise, ofthe Colonists duly defined ; were granted in
the name ofthe King and holden of him, and liable to he amended
or revoked entirely at his pleasure : and farther, if Mr. Jefferson's
conception ofthe relation be just, then it follows that all laws
heretofoic passed by tlie Parliament touching the Colonies, were
not laws, strictly speaking, but endured by sufferance. On the
other hand the relation as generally defined by the statesmen of
the Revolution, is undoubtedly liable to the strong objections urged
by Mr. Jefferson, They contend that while the Colonists pos
sessed the right of framing their internal regulations, subject to
the revisal of the King, the parliament possessed the right of
re^ilating their commerce. Mr. Jefferson denies this right and
inquii'es whence do they derive it .'' It is founded in no charter,
in no acknowledged principles of colonization ; how is it ascer
tained ? and if not deducible from those legitimate sources, it must
fiow, if it exist at all, from that dark and unfathomable gulf, on
whose waters he was unwilling that the hark of his country's safety
should be endangered, — the supremacy of Parliament :f We
have not time to enter into the reasoning with w hich these several
opinions may he upheld ; yet viewing them at this distance, the
opinion of Mr. Jefferson, open as it undoubtedly is, to several
?Jefferson's Works, vol. 1, page 6. +See Note £.

15
strong objections, seems nobly calculated to sustain the Colonists
in the position which they wore afterwards compelled to assume. —
Indeed it will be seen that Congress by a sidewind seems to coun>
tenance it in the Declaration of Independence, which repeats with
marked severity the acts of the king, but does not mention Par
liament throughout, which would seem to be any. thing else than
a matter of course with those who differed from Mr. Jefferson. —
It may be said, that Mr. Jefferson drew the declaration, and would
model it to meet his own views ; but it may be conclusively replied,
that the declaration was the act, not of Mr. Jefferson alone, but of
the Congress itself, who would not have adopted, on such an im
portant occasion, any opinion that did not command their entire
approval. Wiiatever may have been the opinions concerning the
precise relation existing between the two countries, the questions,
that grew out of it, were discussed with an ability that called forth
the praises of Chatham, who declared that the state papers issued
hy the Colonists, surpassed any composition, fond as he was of
history, that ever met his eye. Whoever will examine them, at the
present day, will find that they have not lost their lustre ; that they
are glorious masterpieces of thought, rich in diction, and glowing
with that hallowed fire that lighted the meditations of a Locke, and
burned in the bosom of a Sidney.*
Such was the relation deemed to exist between the two countries,
when the right to regulate commerce, which up to that time was un
derstood in no other sense than port charges, f was construed into
a right of raising revenue for the British Government. On this
subject there did not exist the slightest difference (;)f opinion among
tlie friends of America. Tliey regarded it as a palpable violation
of one of their dearest rights — the birthright of every Briton —
that right, the guardian of all their other rights, and a loss of
which was despotism ; — the right of having a voice in the assess
ment of all taxes whatsoever ; a right conceded by some of the
ablest statesmen of England to belong to the Colonists, and
which the Earl of Chatham deemed of such extent, so far as the
inhabitants of England were concerned, as to declare that the
Commons, i. e. the representatives of the people, alone possessed
the right of laying taxes ; and that the assent of the Lords and the
•See Note C.
tSee Burke, Jefferson, Franklin, Dickiuson, and colonial writers, generally.

16
King to a money bill was merely necessary to close in with the.
forms of a law.*
The violation of this principle appeared in the most odious light
to our ancestors. They saw in the violation of this principle a
violation of all their rights, and tlieir contest became, according
ly, a contest in defence of all their rights; and assumed the deepest
hue. They opposed, tlierefore, all acts recognising an opposite prin
ciple, whenever and wherever they were attempted to be enforced,
with an ardor and unity of actum throughout the Continent, which
their posterity, drilled as they all have been in Presidential elec
tions, can scarcely believe to be possible ; and from the passage
of the stamp act in 1765 to the Declaration of Independence in
irre, the first and last chapters in the book of Colonial oppression,
this sympathy of support and singleness of purpose universally
prevailed. An interesting spectacle was then presented to tiie
world. A collection of thirteen small Colonies, descended from
different nations, separated, in a great measure, by extensi\e
wiidernes.ses, and having little or no previous connexion with each
other ; now bound together in an indissoluble league, and contend
ing with the greatest earnestness for mere abstract principles; for
their ability to bear the taxes imposed by Parliament, so far from
having been hinted at by the Colonists, was so evident, that their
opponents argued the justice of their taxes from their manifest
ability to bear them ; and farther, as yet the idea of independence
had not entered the mind of a single human being.
We have presented hofore you the great leading principle, on
which the revolution was founded, and tho incidental ones that
immediately grew out of it ; as for the various other acts of
aggression, in which this great principle was not directly involved ;
acts, undoubtedly, of sheer injustice and perverse misrule ; but
which would not, of themselves, have produced, in all probability,
such decisive results ; they are detailed, as w ell as the grounds on
which they are opposed, with such minuteness in tiie Declaratiim of
Independence, which will presently be read, as to require no far
ther observation.
Such were the principles which governed our fathers ; princi
ples so just, so honorable, that grateful as we are for the happy
•See Note D.

17
government they have left us, our gratitude, if I may so speak, is
heightened hy the noble mode in which they acquired it.
But we must glance at the spirit with which they were maiu'^
tained. Man impelled by violent emotions, and kindled by the
contagion of a crowd, will quickly accoraplish whatever his na
ture IS capable of accomplishing, and will soon gain titles to the
admiration of the world. But all violent emotions are from
the economy of our nature, of short duration ; and unless a single
effort is sufficient to gain the end in view, he is apt to be over
powered, if once foiled, and defeated on the first failure. Our an
cestors were no such men. They saw the wrongs which they en
dured, and they resolved to have them redressed ; but their's was
an intellectual struggle. They saw their way clearly before them,
and they were determined to prove to the world the justice of their
cause. The calmness, ability and dignity, with which they per
formed their duty, will ever reflect on them the highest honor.—
Cool and self poised in the onset, but catching warmth from those
fires that were lighted to consume them, they displayed in their
addresses a severity and splendor that corresponded with the oc
casion, aud which increased as the crisis drew near. That crisis
was now at hand. England had ceased to listen to the voice of
supplication, and had resolved to command obedience. The sword
had been unsheathed on the plains of Lexington, and Bunker Hill
was yet moist with the blood of Warren. The hope of recon
ciliation was now dispelled, and our fathers resolved to abjure all
political communion with the power whose arm was now upraised
to shed their blood.
We feel a deep interest, as Americans, in tracing the progress
of our fathers tliroughout this interesting procedure. We will
find them displaying the same intellectual vigor and mild dignity,
which had hitherto marked their actions. Let it not be for
gotten, however, that although their armies had been in the field
for more than a year, no brilliant successes had yet crowned their
arms. A British detachment, more than a twelveriionth previous
to this period, had severely suffered in retreating from Concord ;
and Samuel Adams, rapt in vision, had exclaimed, ' What a glori
ous morning is this.' More than a year had also elapsed since

18
the battle of Bunker Hill; and the joy, with which the gloryof
that struggle had animated the American people, was chastened
by the lapse of time, and the increasing difficulties of their situa
tion. And as if to place the character of our fathers in a yet
bolder relief, every wind from the ocean brought on its wings an
accession of fresh forces to their enemies. They were then not
impelled to a declaration of independence by the promptings of
vanity, or by the suggestions of a wild ambition. Nor, on the
other hand, were tbey intimidated from doing so, by the fearful
odds which every moment was arraying against them. Prosperi
ty could not lift them above, nor danger depress them below, the
level which a just philosophy and a lofty patriotism bad prescribed.
We love to contemplate the character of such men ; and we con
fess our admiration, that such men, so wise in council, bo delibe
rate in action, should have had the singular sagacity, or good for
tune, to select an individual who would seem to have been raised
up for the special occasion ; who led their armies w ith a glory and
success that gained the applause ofthe world ; and who gave to
the age in which he lived, bis own, bis honored name. But let us
trace the history of the declaration.
It was accordingly moved in Congress on the 7th day of June,
iT76, by Richard Henry Lee, "that the.se united Colonies are,
and of right ought to be, free and independent States." This
resolution was, doubtless, deeply considered. Though offered on
the7thdayof June, it was not definitively acted upon until the 1st
day of July, when it received the assent of Congress ; and then the
Colonial connection was sundered forever. The breach was now
made, irrevocably made by this act; nothing could make it wider.
If these great and good men, after the ado|)tion of this resolution,
had left it to find its way abroad by the press and busy rumor ;
deeply engaged as they must have bceii in warding off that war
which had been raging for more than a twelve month, and which
was now about to gather up its darkest clbuds and roll its loudest
thunders ; had tbey suffered this resolution to make its way mere
ly as other resolutions had done, wlio would have breathed the
slightest censure upon them ? Who would not haye said that it
was just, it was prudent, it was wise, to act as they did ? But

Id
they did not think so. So far as England was concerned, they
cared not how soon or late it might reach the ears of the British
King. They acknowledged the supervision of another and a
loftier power— the opinions ofthe wise and good of every clime ;
and impelled by such feelings, they resolved to make a declara
tion of the fact, and of the causes which impelled thera to the se
paration. Accordingly on the second day of July, the Declara
tion was presented, discussed on tliat and the following days,
when it was unanimously adopted, and oflicially signed on the day
of which this is the anniversary. It is said that when the Decla
ration was read, a solemn stillness pervaded the assembly. What
an assembly was there ! How worthy to be the fathers of the
Republic ! There was he against whom Britain had hurled her
loudest anathemas — the rebel Haxcock, presiding over their de
liberations. There was Samuel Adams, the inflexible Samuei
Adams, another outlaw from English mercy. There sat the elo
quent RuTLEDGE, the patriotic Rodney; the philosophic Frank-
iiN, The classic Lee — the venerable Wttbe — the young Rvsh,
on whose forehead fame had already set her seal, were there-
There was RouGR Sherman in all his Roman simplicity; and
there — first among the first — were seen the mild but firm and un
daunted Jeffeesox, and the open, bold, uncompromising John
Adams. Silence, solemn, painful, profound, ensued ; and well
it might. For on their deliberations rested the honor of their
posterity ; on their decisions hung the destinies of empire.*
It is well known with what effect at this delicate crisis, John
Adams addressed the assembly. Mr. Jefferson tells us, <<John
Adams was our Colossus on the floor. Not graceful, not eloquent,
not always fluent in his public addresses, he yet came out with a
power, both of thought and expression, that moved us from our
seats," Beautiful tribute of the author of the Declaration of
Independence to its eloquent supporter ; first, they assuredly were,
in the great cause of Independence— and sacred they will ever be
in the recollections of posterity.
The Declaration was adopted, unanimously adopted by the Con
gress. With what dignity tbey declared their wrongs ; with what
calmness they vindicated their rights ; and with what solemnity
*See Note E,

20
they appealed to nature's God, you will learn from that instru
ment which they hallowed by their devotion and consecrated by
their blood.
[The Declaration of Independence was here read by the Hon.
Geo, Loyall, who prefaced the reading with a few brief but
eloquent remarks. When the Declaration was read, Mr. G.
resumed his address.]
That Declaration was nobjy sustained— that pledge proudly
redeemed. We may not, at this time, trace, step by step, the
spirit ofthe people during the entire war. But we know that
they bore themselves in a becoming manner. There were no
doubt occasional despondencies that came over the minds of our
fathers. They might wish to look beyond the present prospect, and
to catch a glimpse, however faint, ofthe future. Natural sym
pathy could not cease. The mother wailed her son who fell In
the deadly strife. The widow lifted her voice in prayer to her
God, to vouchsafe his promise unto her fatherless children ; and
she, the recollection of whom nerved the arm of the young warrior
to strike more manfully for his country — she may have shrunk
frora the sound of hostile artillery heard from afar ; for she knew
he was there — in the midst — daring death ; and when the wardoiid
rolled away, she may have wept as she threw the votive cypress on
his fresh turf. — These things have been and must be. When the
altar and the fireside are invaded by the foe — the father, the son,
the lover must fall. But they fall not in vain. Their country
weeps above them. History wjU record their names for future
generations. Poetry, in the holiest tonei of the lyre, will sound
their requiem ; and gratitude will embalm them forever. But in
such a contest others soon sprang up in their places with vigorous
arms and united purposes. Indeed it astonished Europe to behold
a people, amongst whom it was supposed that every element of
depopulation was in full play, rapidly increasing in numbers, and
becoming stronger and more formidable as the contest advanced.
Our victories, both in the field and on the wave, speak loudly the
spirit ofthe people, even at the gloomiest period. The battle was
indeed long. Year after year passed away, and the. steel still
glittered in the hand of the soldier. But the day of tri-

21
uraph was near. Ilcr soldiers vanquished, her honor tarnished,
and her emjiire severed, England finally yielded her opposition,
and acknowledged our Independence. Many an eye, that wept not
during that hardy struggle, was then suffused with joy. Many a
voice that had swelled the battle-cry, gave forth the jocund shout.
Many a smile met the warrior as he touched his horae. And all —
the young and the old*— the beautiful and the brave — so long
accustomed to the darkness of war, smiled with joy as they saw
spanning the whole sky the radiant bow of Triumph, Peace,
Independence.* Such was the American Revolution achieved by our fathers.' —
How eloquent in the cause of human nature ! What a deep, deep
lesson it reads to mankind ! May their posterity, in God's good
providence, read it aright. We have seen the Colonists able, firm,
zealous; sincerely devoted to the glory of England ; yet oppressed
by a reckless administration, whose rajiacity knew no limits. We
have seen the Colonists petition, remonstrate, protest ; but their
petitions, remonstrances and protests passed by unheeded and
despised. We have seen the British Ministry forgetful of mode
ration, pursue to an unwise extent principles which our fathers
deemed violative of their rights ; and on which just men might
well hesitate to have acted. We have seen them driven to open
resistance, and to the last solemn appeal to the God of nations. —
But mark the result. That wicked administration was scattered
to the winds ; the British empire was rent in twain ; and
America — the young and virtuous America won the brightest
Jewel that can adorn a nation's brow.
As we have finished our ha.sty view ofthe Revolution, we
propose to exhibit its influence on the destinies of mankind. And
great as the American Revolution undoubtedly is, and brightly as
it shines out upon us amid the mercenary strifes and vassal con
quests of the old world ; yet it appears in itself almo^ inconsider
able, when We consider its great, increasing, illimitable influence
on the destinies of mankind.
We will point out its actual influence in our own country iir
JMPROVING THB SCIENCE Or GOVERNMENT, AND IN £NXARGING
THE SPHERE 07 INTBLLECTVAI. EXERTION.
•See Note F.

22
It has improved the science of government, not only by the
establishment of principles hitherte obscured, and by the introduction
of novel and important schemes, but by a judicious selection of those
means most likely to ensure to a political system strength and perpe
tuity. And here we cannot refrain from expressing our admiration at
the moral prospect of a people, struggling against the strongest
power in the world, in tbe midst of that struggle, calmly framing
systems of government, marking their several checks, weighing
their several balances, and setting accurate liraits to their opera
tions with such judgment and skill ; as if no hostile clarion had
been sounded in the land, and no enemy set foot ujion their shores.
The first and most important principle established — I say
established in government, is that on which all others are depend
ent ; THAT ALL POWER RESIDES IN THE PEOPLE. TIlis principle
which we now regard as the merest truism, was not admitted or
acted upon in any government then existing. Man, collective man
did not possess that rank to which he was justly entitled. Instead
of regarding government as the structure of his own hands, reared
for his own convenience, beseemed to regard it as an engine which
oppressed him, or by the use of which he might oppress his neigh
bor. In looking over the history of nations then existing, the eye
does not rest on a single empire in which man was placed in his
proper sphere and filled it with propriety. England was the only
government in which man may be said to have had some share in
framing the laws that bound him. Even in England, towards
whom, by the way, so far from cherishing ill will, we are ever
ready to acknowledge our gratitude for many excellent principles,
which our fathers selected from her system, and transplanted into
our own ; but of her institutions, we will speak with the freedom
of history — even in England, this principle cannot be said to he
either admitted or acted upon. We know that it was the asser
tion of this principle that covered Milton with disgrace, drove
Locke into exile, and placed Sidney on the scaffold. Or if this
principle would occasionally appear (o be admitted, it was never
theless regarded as an abstraction gathered from the writings of
pliilosophers, particularly Locke, whose principles Blackstone so

23
frequently derides ; and it is manifest that whenever doctrines
justly flowing from it are acted upon, the able commentator on
the laws of England speaks with ominous caution. For in
stance, if it be true, that the people are the source of all
power, it is a fair inference that they may entrust that pow
er into whatever hands they may think proper. Yet when
the revolution of 1688 took place, and another sovereign
was placed on the British throne, Blackstone passes it over with
a forced although florid ju.stification, and cautiously intimates to
us that instead of regarding this revolution as justifying any other
that may hereafter be deemed necessary, the peculiar circumstan
ces of the contemplated case must correspond with this precedent.
We know not whether it was gravely proposed to our fathers, be
fore they resisted the British government, to examine precedents
of justification in English history; but we can say, that if they
had acted accordingly, whoever would have filled this house, this
day would never have been singled out from the lists of common
days ; we would never have met in the spirit of grateful comme
moration ; and the names of Washington, Jefferson and Franklin
would not have been found on tbe lips of praise.
What rich conquests this principle is destined to achieve ! How
in ail time when the lofty marble our hands might raise, will have
crumbled with age, this principle will stand firm, unshaken, im
moveable. Eloquence will dwell upon it, and admiration linger
about it. Even philosophy, cold as she is, will kindle as she con-
teraplates it, and will mark it in her own book for the solace of her
chosen ones. And on the tongues of eloquence, in the triumphs
of philosophy, and in the admiration of mankind will be found the
fame ofthose illustrious men who first established it, and brought
it out in successful operation.
The next important improvement in the science of Government
was the establishment of Representative Republics. The
elemental principle having been established, that all power resides
in the people, it followed that they must exercise that power for
self preservation ; and the question immediately presented itself,
in what manner shall it be administered ? In settling this ques
tion, if our fathers had favoured a pure democracy, they could not

24
have accomplished it. The scattered population absolutely for
bade it ; and the only other mode in which this power could Ue ad
ministered was by representation. It i.s not to be presumed, how
ever, that our fathers would not, under all possible circumstances,
have adopted a representative republic. The lamentable history of
pure democracies, as well as the severe responsibilities with which
they guarded the agents of the people, prove this beyond a doubt.
History spoke in a tone not to be mistaken on the subject. Greece,
in whose history there are many passages on which the eye of the
orator, philosopher and jioet may delight to dwell, was composed
of pure democracies; but frora the radical error of their .system,
passion, not reason, prevailed. There was no fixed and perma
nent rule of action. Justice was often imputed a crime, and merit
often met no other approbation than exile. Their republic seem
ed a shoreless sea, perpetually agitated by discordant winds. —
While history therefore, gave no instance of the successful opera
tion of pure democracies, even on the smallest scale, they saw the
beneficial influence of the representative principle in the British
Parliament, as well as in our own Colonial assemblies ; they
therefore adopted it. Let me not be misunderstood. We do not
contend that they originated the representative principle ; far from
it ; it was visible, as we have before said, obscured indeed, but still
visible, in the British Constitution, and it was also in force in our
own Colonial systems. I nierely state that our fathers, guided
alike by the lights of history, and the peculiar circumstances of
our condition, adopted the representative principle, for tbe first
time, in a republic; and it is unquestionably their claim of having
first exhibited to the world the model of a Representative Republic.
Our fathers had now done much; but something yet remained
to be done. They had established the principle that all power
resides in the people, and had pointed out the mode in which it
was to be administered ; but it was of vital importance to ascer
tain how much power they intended to confer on their agents, and
wAaijjorfion they reserved for themselves. And this object was
sought to be obtained by means of written constitutions :
another improvement in the science of government to which our fa
thers may lay claim. Whatever benefit may flow from the noble

25
aciieme of embodying the rights ofthe whole society, so far as
human government is concerned, in an instrument framed by the
whole people in their conventional capacity; to be regarded as the
source of law and paramount to all law; a scheme by the happy ope
ration of which the minority is shielded from the momentary whim
and caprice ofthe majority; from the neglect of which caution all
other republics have mainly fallen ; a scheme that woidd reflect honor
on any age or nation ; — whatever benefit may flow from this source,
to them all the credit is due. The term constitution is indeed as
old as the English language, and has been applied to governments
time immemorial. We read of the Roman constitution, the Greek
constitution, and who has not heard of the British constitution ?
And as constitutions to be known must be recorded, wherein con
sists the merit of our ancestors ?
To shew this, let us glance at tiie British constitution- The
English themselves admit a distinction between ordinary legisla
tive enactments and the constitution. The exact line has hot been
drawn, and the term constitution is frequently applied to their
entire civil polity. They consider it a part of the constitution,
that the legislative power should consist of a King, Lords and
Commons; yet no charter, no law prescribes them; they exist
and have foicc simply because they have existed, and have had
force in times gone by. Indeed at this day, instead ofthe English
yeoman being able to tell you how long he has possessed the pri
vilege of a House of Commons, the learned antiquary would be
confounded atthe question. The late debate in the House of Lords
on the Reform question, particularly between Lord Brougham and
the Duke of Wellington, is instructive on this subject. For it is
a matter of history that this identical question has engaged the
attention ofthe English for more than two hundred years; in a
portion only of which time the American continent has been set
tled, American rights acquired, and, as if to take due warning from
the example of England, and to forestal the remote possibility of
the existence of this vexed question, American rights have been
defined with a simplicity that will not foil -even the way faring
man. But it is universally admitted, that so far as the power of
Parliament is concerned, there is no distinction between one law
4

26
or custom and another, constitutional or otherwise. Its power is
suprerae ; and every privilege however valuable, every right how
ever sacred, will cease to exist, when the discretion of Parliament
shall so determine. It is to provide against deficiencies like these
that our fathers devised the scheme of a written constitution. —
They were not fond of uncertainties. They desired that the fun
damental laws of the land should be accurately defined, and gene
rally known ; not to he gathered by obscure tradition ; and above
all they desired that the legislature should be bound by restraints
equally severe with the other departments of government ; and
with this view, they defined the form of government in such a way
as to be easily understoood, and in such a shape as to bo univer
sally accessible.
May we not hope that a further improvement in this respect is
yet reserved for us ; and that as we have our fundamental law of
the land clearly defined, so it will happen, that the other laws of
the land, scattered throughout a thousand volumes, and written, I
had almost said, in a foreign tongue, will be gathered together in
closer communion ; and that the period will arrive, when everv
citizen may read not only the constitution of his country, but those
other and deeply important laws, on which eminently depend his
life, his fortune, and his fame.
There is one now living, within tbe confines of our own Comraon
wealth, who has only to breathe on the dark chaos of the law the
breath of his genius, and the law will start forth with new life 
Her ancient forms, the relics of a barbarous age, will have been
cast off; but her sparkling gems, polished hy many a master
intellect, will beam with a more dazzling lustre. Siic would walk
abroad in all her native majesty, and assume her proper station
beside her elder si.stcr, the constitution. Could a scheme like this
engage his great mind, he would add another and a greener laurel
to the wreath that adorns his brow, and found another and a loftier
claim to the gratitude of his country.
There is yet another and t!ic last imjmivemeiit in the science of
government hy new political schemes, that wc will mention. The
people had assumed their sovereignty, and had entrusted its
administration to agents under the limitations prescribed in the
fundamental law. All provision was hereby made for letrislation

27
on every subject connected with human aflairs. Such was the
condition of each State, a pure and separate sovereignty. Now, as
man is a social being, he would be soon disposed to form engage
ments, not only with his immediate neighbors, but with foreign
nations ; and he must adopt the ordinary mode of obtaining the
privileges of intercourse. The question would, therefore, soon
arise, shall these privileges be acquired by each State acting solely
on its own sovereignty, or by a league formed hy all the States for
this purpose ? I of course here allude to the period intervening
between the close of the Revolutionary war and the adoption of the
Federal constitution, when the old articles of Confederation
were con.sidered almost a nullity ; and when such questions as the
one supposed, were freely put and fearlessly met.
Thus a federal comjiact was formed for purposes mainly foreign,
by pure and distinct sovereignties, each exercising in its own limits
all the functions of empire. Thus far there was nothing novel, —
Nations from the foundation of the world to that moment, had
formed alliances, the objects of which were mainly foreign, and
were duly expressed in an ordinary treaty, or so plain as to be
understood and acted upon without such formality. Nor did the
fact of their being Republics alter the case ; as we have frequent
examples of such alliances among Republics. I need only mention
the Amphyctionic, the Achaian, and the Lycian confederacies. —
The claim of our fathers dues not rest on these grounds. Where
is it exhibited ? I answer, in the peculiar character qf the compact
so formed. It is first evident in the successful introduction of
popular representation. Not the slightest glimmering of the
exercise of this principle in a league, either monarchical or
republican, in ancient or modern times, could be found. Yet in
spite of the old maxim of the law, they may be fiaid not only to
have originated this principle, but at the same time to have brought
it to the degree of perfection of which it is capable. It will occur
to all that the Amphyctionic and the Achaian confederacies knew
not the popular representative principle, nor did the individual
States composing them, as we have before observed, understand it
at home. In more modern times, the Germanic body^ the Cantons
of Switzerland and tbe United Netherlands, were the-most impor-

38
tant confederacies; in none of which did the popular representa
tive principle exist. The Germanic body was composed of
princes, who have been seldom known, at home or abroad, to
represent the people. The Cantons of Switzerland tan be scarcely
said to have had any standing league, but merely assented to
mutual treaties to protect them from existing emergencies ; while
the United Netherlands maintained aristocratic governments at
home. Our fathers then first introduced the great pi incijde of
popular representation in a federal compact. They also carried it
out with such judgment, that at this day, however much some
may denounce the equality of tho States, great and small, in the
Senate ; and talk mysteriously about the introduction of ihe mixed
principle in the House of Representatives, it would be impossible
even for the present generation to settle these vexed questions in a
more favorable mode than the one which our fathers devised.
The only other original feature in our federal compact, to which
I shall at present allude, is that which gives it the appearance of a
perfect government, possessing every attribute of sovereignty ; I
mean, the concentration, w ithin itself, of the three great depart
ments of government — Legislative, Judicial and Executive. Thus
our fathers presented to the world the model of a confederacy,
which, although justly obnoxious to the charge of not being visi
ble in the original work of Wolfius, or in its luminous abridgment
by Vattel, is notwithstanding well qualified, if honestly administer
ed, to fulfil the purposes of its creation.
Such are some of the important improvements made by our
ftithers in the science of government, by the establishment of prin
ciples hitherto obscured, and by the introduction of novel and im
portant schemes. They command our admiration, our enthusi
asm, our devotion. Yet we are far from being impelled by such
a feeling of propagandism or detraction, as would urge ns to de
molish every government different from our own, or to believe that
all other institutions except our own, must be, in the nature of
things, inimical to freedom. We are not mainly solicitous about
forms of human government. We all know and feel what a plas
tic effect physical and moral causes, beyond the control of raan,
exert on them. Our first, our last, our perpetual desire is, that
the PEOPLE of the earth may be free, united aud happv.

29
Nor do we believe that our fathers exhausted the subject, of po
litical science. We are no believers in the perfectability of man,
but we do believe in the perfectability of science. We believe that
we hail the rising sun only ; and that it is reserved, if not for us,
for no remote posterity, to behold something of his meridian splen
dor. Our fathers laid the deep, imperishable foundations of a
free structure ; and we tru.st that hand on hand, and age after age,
will raise upon them, until the grandeur and subliraity of the edi-
fice will conimand tbe admiration ofthe world.
In establishing a system of popular government, duly limited
and clearly defined, our fathers performed their responsible duty
with fidelity and skill ; but it now became necessary to adopt those
measures most likely to ensure to their .system a full, fair, and
lasting operation. They carefully scanned the causes that ob
structed other systems, and resolved to avoid thera. They saw
wherever ignorance, superstition and immoderate wealth had
sway over mankind, human rights gained nothing from their in
fluence; and they were determined to counteract it. Hence on a
foundation not to be assailed with impunity, they established free
dom of the press and freedom of religion, and abolished the laws of
entails and primogeniture.
The Press ! with that single word, what recollections crowd
upon the mind ! From earliest infancy to drivelling age, how
great our dependence upon it. Of the past, without its assistance,
we can know almost nothing ; of the present, how small a portion
of human affairs pass under our own iraraedlate observation; for
the rest, we are indebted to the Press ; and in the wonderful ra
pidity of its course, it outruns time itself, and futurity, with its
dooms and destinies, its rising empires, its broken sceptres, ita
deserts reclaiming the ancient city, and its cities adorning the so
litude of desolation ; futurity itself is before us. To its capa
city for good or evil, no mind can set limits ; and in the cause of
either it is equally powerful. Wielded by man, it may be ruled
by interest ; and enlisted in the cause of ambition, how formidable
to the rights of man. What guards can he stationed about it tu
ensure its proper exercise ? What remedy against its misuse ? —
Strange to say, the Press is the only giiardiaa of the Press. Its

30
safety is alone found in its freedom. Its influence is indeed pre
dicated upon a certain degree of pre-existing intelligence; for to
Jiroduce the desired effect, its productions must be read. But it
nobly repays this debt, and intelligence soon becomes its debtor.
Wherever intelligence exists, it will expand itself; its scattered
sparks will soon concentre their light and heat ; and every breath
vill diffuse the blaze. Experience tells us, wherever intelligence
exists, it will speak with a thousand tongues to human bosoms of
justice, humanity, devotion. And thus it is that this mighty pow
er, however free, fearful, uhtrammelled, is perpetually erecting
by its own exercise a barrier that controls itself; a limit, in its
wildest exce.sses, and most convulwive throes it may not overleap,
ihe moral and intellectual mfiuence that springs from itself.
The freedom of the Press seems naturally to draw after it at
least, in a republic, freedom of religion. For as a republic pre
scribes equ.il rights to all, it is fair to suppose that any inequality
would he quickly seen, and readily denounced ; and as an estab
lished religion must necessarily be exclusive, it would soon share
tbe fate of all monopolies. This was not exactly the result.—
Some exertion was still necessary to attain it ; and it was not un
til '86, ten years after the declaration of Independence, that the
Art of Religious Freedom was adopted in our own State. Let us
not be unju.st to those good men who opposed the act of Religious
Freedom. Among them were many who had shed their blood,
and poured out their treasures in their country's cause. They were
but men, though great and good men ; yet liable to the passions
of humanity. And if one passion is more apt than another to
fasten itself about the heart of man, it is an affection for religious
rites. \Ve naturally love to worship at the same altar at which
our fathers worshipped before us, and adopt the same rites which
they hallowed by their devotion. From this feeling the transi
tion is easy to an eager support ofthe Church itself in its just and
lawful privileges ; especially when it would seem, as it did to our
fathers, that no example of a separation had hitherto appeared to
guide them in safety. They hesitated to make the breach, but it
was raade ; and the union, to our eyes unnatural union, between
Church and State was sundered, we trust, forever. And could

31
those good men look out from their abodes on the scenes of their
earthly affections ; could they behold the religious concord that
pervades the land ; the wide and increasing diffusion of pure and
undefiled religion ; and if we could suppose that natural affections
still lingered in their bosoms, could they see the then small flock
with which they were wont to assemble on earth, now large and
swelling in numbers; firm in the faith of their fathers ; gathering
in its folds the great and the good and the beautiful of the land ; and
resting its claims to the affections of men, not on the infidel arm of
the secular power, but on the deep, generous, everlasting influences
of piety and love ; could they gaze on a scene like this, would a sin
gle sigh of regret escape them ? Could they desire a brighter or a
lovelier prospect ?
Indeed it is delightful to every one who is not dead to a sense
of religious feeling, to contemplate the beauty of religion, as it ex
ists in our land. Alike in the humble cabin just emerging from
the forest, and in the awful temple, whose turrets pierce the air,
piety collects ber votaries, and devotion breathes her prayer. The
genial sabbath, with its solemn bells, its kindling anthems, and
the voices of the eloquent, invites the wayward to a thousand
sanctuaries ofthe living God. And as we meet to worship Him
at our own altars, and with the rites of our fathers, shall not gra
titude whisper of those who wrought out the happy privilege, and
piety catch a holier impulse from the recollection ?
The abolition of the laws of entails and primogeniture, acts
about which at this day there exists but one oidiiion, were not ef
fected without a struggle. Some of the statesmen of the Revolu
tion thought that in establishing a republican form of government.
they had gone sufficiently far, at least for the present, and were
willing to rest awhile from their labors ; while others seemed en
veloped in a temporary mist, and were unable to discriminate be
tween wild innovation and salutary reform. We blame them not.
They had struggled hard for their liberty, and were fearful of a
sudden aud radical change. Others appeared in perfect day, —
No confusion beset them. There was one, who, from the earliest
dawn of the contest, stood out in the broad sunlight of Freedom.
With fearless hand, he smote Freedom's rock, and forth is.sued

32
streams of living waters. He saw, or thought he saw, in an es
tablished Church and in the laws of entails and primogeniture, a
subservient priesthood, and a monied aristocracy. With the aid
of these, it does not require much skill, at the present hour, to
divine what power would have predominated in the government ;
they must fall, and who regrets their downfall ? The healthful
operation of the statute of descents and distributions is every
where seen and felt. The greatest mass of wealth a single indi
vidual may accumulate, the just reward of honest industry, would
have but a trivial influence, if improperly employed, in undermin
ing our liberties ; and at the remove of a single generation, by
the excellent operation of this statute, it is probable that the mass
will be so divided and reduced, that an individual without portion
or patrimony, may aspire without rauch presumption, not only to
equal, but infinitely to surpass it. Thus the sons of the rich and
the poor stand on the same ground. They enter the same lists
and join in the same generous struggle for the alluring rewards of
honor, wealth and fame. These were the sentinels our fathers sta
tioned on the outer works of the constitution ; freedom of the
Press, freedom of Religion, and security from immense heredita
ry wealth. They did not underrate their influence. Unless tbey
have full and legitimate .scope, you may, indeed, unfold the scroll
on which your constitution is recorded ; you may exhibit the
weighty check, the ingenious balance, the exact partition, and the
precise limits of power ; you may retain the form, but you will
have lost the substance of freedom. If these have a partial ojiera-
tion only, the government will, accordingly, be, more or kss.prar-
tically free ; and if they could prevail in all their largest and most
salutary power throughout Christendom: then might the biil-
liant scheme of Henry the Fourth, emhellished by the genius
of Rousseau, be realized; then it would be scarcely other than the
dictate of .sober truth, unaided by imagination, to declare, that
all civilized nations, so ripe would they soon become in intelligence
and freedom, might unite with the dearest ties, and in the strictest
bonds of social communion.
We here conclude our view ofthe actual influenceofthe Revo
lution, in our own land, in improving the science of government.

33
not only by the establishment of principles hitherto obscured, and
by the introduction of novel and important schemes, hut by a judi
cious selection ofthose means most likely to ensure to a political
system strength and perpetuity. And in examining the wisdom
displayed in the institutions which our fathers have left us, we are
almost overwhelmed in the contemplation. And when we reflect
that our fathers had been educated in English schools, and grown
old under English institutions ; that removing the film of preju
dice from their eyes, they carefully selected what was good, and
avoided what was evil ; and finally, produced such a wise system;
may we not believe, that the same God who guided them over the
waters, and crowned their struggles with victory, still led them
onward to this glorions consummation i
We will briefly touch on the influence of the Revolution, in en
larging the sphere of intellectual exertion.
What has the Revolution done for the human mind? or rather,
let me ask, what has the Revolution not done for the human mind ?
Did it not shield the limbs of man from the fetters with which ty
ranny would have boun<il him 7 Has it not chased superstition
from the land, and chained her in a dungeon she may never break?
Has it not torn away every trammel with which a false policy
would have cinctured the press? Look out upon the land — its
vcrilant valleys smiling with fertility; its lofty mountains rich
with inexhaustible minerals; its streams stretching their long
arms over vast regions, inviting enterprise ; look at the exten
sive limits of our country. In the East, the Atlantic, with its
waste of waters, bounds it, and the Pacific limits it in the West.
A peoide, more than twelve millions in number ; intelligent — a-
mong whom the seeds of knowledge arc raore extensively diffused
than in any other nation on earth ; active — whose enterprise visits
every sea, and collects the treasures of every clime; a population
doubling itself in a single generation ; spreading itself in the far
West, breaking the slumbers of the wilderness with such effect^
that the forest, whose verdure but yesterday felt nought of human
power save the tread of the noiseless moccasin, or which rung
only with. the shrill death-sound of the rifle, is now filled with
strange voices, and alive with the animating bustle of civilization;
5

34
a country so extensive, yet from its rivers and lakes subjected by
the genius of Fulton, so compact, that the centre is only a few
days' distance from the extremities ; so linked by a common inte
rest and, what is greatly important in our present view, by a com
mon language; a language more extensively spoken, if we include
England and ber possessions, than any other living tongue; a
Country so linked as to be found acting on all great occasions with
one head and one heart. Now can the imagination conceive a
tiobler field for the exertion of the faculties of raan ? Has any
human event, fabulous or well founded, ever opened a more splen
did arena for intellectual exertion, or displayed a bolder scope for
the range of mind ?*
While our country displays a splendid field for the cultivation
of those powers of the mind, that are called out in active life •
while it has produced the ingenious mechanic, whose skill has
introduced a nevv sera in science ; the fearless navigator, who
unfurls the glorious ensign of our republic in every sea; the
enlightened merchant, who reads the map of nations almo.st with
the skill of prophecy ; the laurelled victor, the learned piiysician,
the eloquent divine, the able lawyer, and the wise statesman ;
while it has produced these, and will, we trust, continue to pro
duce them, it would be well worthy of our attention to consider
how far it presents a field for literary productions not bearing
directly upon the business of life, but of a purely intellectual
character. This subject would present an interesting field of
discussion, but we have not leisure to explore it.
We have thus endeavored to point out the actual influence of
the Revolution in our own land, in improving the science of go
vernment, and in enlarging the sphere of intellectual exertion.—
We have not time to consider its probable influence on foreign
nations. This topic would itself form a theme sufficiently exjian-
sive for a single oration. The establishment of American Inde
pendence, doubtless, produced a deep sensation in Europe,—
Catharine of Russia, catching the glow of the moment, and in
spired with a Quixotic passion for Republics, thought' that the
period was now at hand for the completion of a scheme that had

•See Note O.

35
engaged the attention of the royal house of Russia for nearly twd
hundred years ; and leagued with the Empei-or of Germany, both
alike forgetful ofthe tenures by which they held their own power,
was resolved to light up the Ionian sea with flourishing Republics.
Even Catharine, who first devised, and with Prussia and Austria
carried into execution, the iniquitous scheme for the partition of
Poland, A striking commentary on the Republican consistency of
crowned heads.
France soon caught the flame, and every American bosom
bounded with the kindest emotion.s, as its genial lustre diffused
itself around. But it is the vice, the damning vice of despotism,
that it first enslaves, and then unfits for freedom ; thus painfully
verifying that sentiment of the Greek poet, which is on the lips of
every scholar, " Let but the iron despot rule a dat/.
And virtue's fairy frostwork melts away."*
And when the fetter is felt, and the victim rends his bonds asun
der, he is, indeed, free ; no arm is upon him to bind him anew,
and to rivet the iron afresh on his limbs ; but despotism has brood
ed above him, and he has felt its withering power. He is free ;
but light is not before him ; he is, at be.st, but the strong man in
the terrific darkness of night. His unnatural strength is soon
exhausted, and despotism, in a new form, and in an alluring
shape, resumes its victim. We hailed k-egenerated France; but
ouradmiratian was turned into other and deeper emotions, when
we beheld its sad traii'^it from the Republic to the Empire. Blood
gushed in torrents ; and not Europe alone, but every civilised
nation felt, in some degree, the excesses of the period. The world
then saw, iu the emphatic language of Mr. Jefferson, the agoniz
ing spasms of infuriated man. Yet it must be confessed, that
occasional scenes of excessive splendor adorned this dark drama ;
just as we see, in an angry sky, some truant sun-beam gilding
with brightness and beauty the rolling grandeur of the thunder
cloud. f But at this distance of time, with our present lights, we
may ask, did not this fearful suffering work out a weight of good?
It assuredly did. Through its instrumentality a feeling df liberty,
*This couplet is a loose and joaccurate tranelatioa of a single liexameter line,—'
Bernini gar t'aretea, He. Uc.
tSee Note //.

36
was diffused ; and though a Bourbon again filled tlie throne, the
Revolution may be said still to have held its sway, and with greater
influence, than when it covered fields witii the slain, and gathered
the spoils of war. We beheld the establishment of a Representa
tive government, and as Americans, we can fully estimate its in
fluence. We saw established the trial- hy jury, that immortal
bulwark of popular fre^dimi ; "vre saw, a few years since, the
signal defeat ofthe French ministry in tlieir endeavors to re
establish the right of primogeniture. We marked again and
again the triumphs of a free spirit in resisting the measures that
were designed to limit the operations of the jiress. These were
triumphs, obtained in peace, gained by intellectual power, and
impossible to be won back. 7'iieir influence was great and grow
ing. And the people calmly awaited tlie hour of final action. It
arrived. Butyesterday, we gave back their shout of triumjih. —
We celebrated with every demonstration of joy their glorious
three-day struggle. We hailed the presence of him, who, in nur
own land, had bared his noble bosom for us, and who breasted
with our fathers the shock of battle ; who beheld, on his own
shores, the fair forra of liberty, her garments trailed in blood,
and her arras pinioned at her side, kneeling at the altar of despo
tism; and for whom this sight was reserved to gladden his aged
eyes, ere tbey looked for the last time on the light of day. Every
American heart still beats high with the kindling impulses of the
occasion, and the tongue of every American still pronounces free
dom to the French ; for in their triumjihs he (an never foi ;;ct that
he wins a trophy ;. and in their freedom, he sees an unquestioned
emanation of his own.
Itis beyond the power of man to divine the ultimate result of the
lateRevolution in France, It would appear, unless ill omens deceive
us, that it is an episode only in the great Epic of the French Revo
lution begun, in the last century, but whose consummation the fu
ture only can determine. The way of the French is now open to
freedom. There are lights, brilliant and fixed lights, in the politi
cal firmament, to guide them. Their destiny is within their own
controul. But if the King should prove false to himself ; if the right
of suffrage be not enlarged to such an extent, as to enable the people

37
to exercise .something more tiian a mere nominal influence in the
government; if knowledge he not diffused, and education provided
for; blood must yet be shed. The sceptre may yet pass from its pre
sent possessor ; and, perhaps, he broken. But wc know, that when
a people have resolved tobe free, they will finally prevail. The
tyrant and his tribe of sophists may, fur a season, delude them. The
banners of a venal soldiery may float on every breeze ; and
legions, moving with the pomp of war, may mock them. The
tempest may gather above tliem and its liglitnings play around
them ; and their summer friends may flee from them ; but they
will conquer. The world is with them. The brave will rise up
to fight their battles. The pious will beseech Heaven in their
behalf, Tlie very elements will war with those who oppose them.
They will gain, soon or late, a sure and lasting triumph.
In England we have seen a progressive improvement in the
opinions ofthe people, who have resolved to breathe the spirit of
the age. What the immort.il eloquence of Fox, failed, forty years
siuce, to aco(miplish, we have seen attained, in our day, almost
without a struggle, and the timorous of the Englisli statesmen will
learn that the glory of England, instead of being darkened, will
borrow fresh brightness from the repeal of the Corporation and
Test acts. It may he, while we are now speaking, that the pro
pitious winds are wafting to our shores the tidings of one of the
greatest political victories ofthe age, the final triumph of English
Reform. Thus will the king of England have recorded his name
on a Magna Charta on which it will shine with unfading splendor
forever ; and England, by yielding to the people a fair representa
tion atone, in some degree, for the blood of her martyred sons here
and at home ; and thus will she have learned a bright lesson from
the example of her offspring. The mere scheme of equalizing
representation in Scotland has filled that ancient land with
acclamations of joy ; and if success should finally attend it,
she will share henceforth more of that liberty for which
she has so often fruitlessly poured out her blood. And
Ireland — the land of eloquence and song — we feel for Ire
land on ber own account; and we feel for her as the island home
of many ofthose brave aud generous spirits who achieved our own

38
revolution. We wish Ireland well. The spirit of Independence
is abroad in her land. We are ready to hail that day, that happy
and we trust not distant day, when the spirit of aGrattan, a Flood,
and a Curran, will re-kindle the flame of independence in her an
cient Senate house, and Ireland's self shall rule the destinies of
Jierown children. Our own continent is alive in the great struggle.
From the magnificent St, Lawrence to Cape Horn, hot a single
foot of earth confesses a foreign proprietor. The song of Li
berty has been sounded. The Mississippi has caught the strain,
and borne it to the seas of Mexico, The Andes will repeat the
sound, and will reverberate it amid a thousand cliffs and vales, —
All Araerica will join the solemn chorus, and chauiit tive triumph
of Liberty, It has been already wafted over the Atlantic, Tlie
Moslem is cowering beneath it, and the Sultan is trembling on his
throne. Its echoes are visiting Greece. It is rearing the dome of
thought — it is kindling the spirit of song. I see the long desecra
ted temple again rising from its ruins, I see the Parthenon once
more ascending in all its beautiful proportions, and I catch sound
ing along its walls the glowing hallelujahs of that language which
burned on the lips of a Demosthenes and a Homer, and which
fell from the son of God as he stood confessed in huuianrty.
Let us not forget, fellow-citizens, tbe solemn responsibili
ty that is resting upon its. Our fathers have retired from the
sphere of active life. The grave has already closed above
almo.st all the founders of the republic. To us are committed
the honors and responsibilities of our country. Through us,
the institutions of our fathers must pass to future ages, bright
ened by our virtues, or sullied by our disgrace. As Americans,
we cannot but feel a thousand emotions that kindle our gratitude,
our affections, our patriotism. These are ties that may never be
sundered. Recollections, rich and precious recollections of the
past, animate us ; blight visions of the future cheer us. But we
must perforin our proper task. Let us promote the diffusion of
knowledge; let us watch with unceasing vigilance those who ad
minister our affairs; and let us maintain, atthe hazard of life, of
lame and of fortune, the purity of our Constitutions. If we shall
fail in our duty to our fathers and ourselves ; if the blood of the

39
Revolution shall have been spilt for us in vain ; if we lose or sell
our birth-right, then we will have committed a sin of the deepest
dye ; then we will fall without a single claim to the sympathies of
mankind ; but we may not tarnish the glory of our fathers. If
such a fate shall attend us, we might wish that their memory were
blotted from the breasts of men, lest tbe eye that looked on the
characters ofthe father.s, might rest on their descendants, and our
infamy form an awful contra.st to their renown. But such a con
solation, meagre as it is, would not be left us. Their glory can
not fade ; it will shine forth forever. Their names are recorded
where every eye in future time shall read thera, and every tongue
pronounce them. And let us hope that the love of liberty is so
deeply felt, that our free institutions are so firraly fixed, that no hu
man power can weaken the one or impair the other. We cannot,
indeed, win that dazzling glory which encircles those venerable men
who have left us. They had the singular glory of laying the broad
foundations of our free institutions ; and it is our duty only to
preserve them. There is yet a large field for the exercise of all
our faculties, and for the gratification ofthe noblest desires. Let
us prove to the world that man is capable of self-government ; let
us display the beauty of our republican system, diffusing its mild
radiance, like the sun in the heavens, with equal glory over all ;
let us shew to mankind, that on our shores, in our own, our dearly
beloved country, truth, justice and humanity, that have so often
wept tears of blood in other lands, are enthroned in our midst,
and their sceptres are the only sceptres that we revere and obey.
We will thus emulate the glory of our fathers, and reflect its image
abroad. Already we have seen nations directing their eyes to
our land. Already we have read the name of liberty on the ban
ners of Europe, and the name of Washington, on both conti
nents, thrills the bosoms of the brave. Survey the ample map of
civilized man ; and it is impossible to deny that human feelings,
within the last half century,havetaken a new direction, and are im
pelling men onward in the cause of free principles. Every day
developes new light, and every hour confirms our experience. —
And where the voice of Liberty is heard among the nations, it will
vpeak the praises of our fathers. They were freedom's firmest

40
patriarchs. They first led the way. TlhCir example ia before the
world. It is eloquent to guide. And in God's name, it will guide
man in the ways of freedom, till time shall be no more.
Note A.— Paoe II.
The words " children's children" are of course, used figuratively ; but they may have
heen ustd in a literal sejise without violating the bounds of possibility. There is a
female now living, or was alive last fall, Mrs. E.tperience Clapp, in Marshfield, Mass.
who was intimate with and attended the funeral of a daughter of Peregrine White, who
was born in 1620, imraediately after the arrival of the Colonists at Plymouth. Pere
grine White v/3,i thejirst iomiji the ne^v-world. This lady, Mrs. Clapp, was also related
to Peregrine. Now we have only to suppose that tbe intimacy, which did actually exist,
between the daughter of Peregrine, andthis lady no-w living, was existing 55 years ago,
¦which may have been the case ; and then it will appear that a child of the child in his
cradle, while the Colonists were constructing their first habitations, may have read the
Declaration of Independence.
I learned the fact of the existence of Mrs. Clapp, from tlie able discourse ofthe Hon.
Mr. Sullivan, atthe Plymouth commemoration of 1830.

Note B. — P;ige 14.
It will be perceived that the relation, as defined by John Dickinson, ctjncedes the prin
ciple of taxation without representation to a certain extent, viz: the regvliition of Pirt
dutiet ; and the limit to the exercise of this right is to be found in the discretion of Par
liament only. From this objection, Mr. Jefferson's definition is free.
I trust that an apology for the superficial views taken of the various topics introduced
in the Oration, will appear from a consideration of the character of the occasion.

Not* C— Page 15.
I allude to the encomium pronounced by the Earl of Chatham, on the 20th of Jan.
1775, in his speech " for requiring the immediate removal of the British troops from
Boston" ; it should be inscribed on the heart of every American.
" When your lordships have perused the papers transmitted us from America, when
you consider the dignity, the firmness, and the wisdom, with which (he Americans have
acted, you cannot but respect their cause. History, my lords, has been my favorite
study ; and in the celebrated writings of antiquity have I often admired the patriotism of
Greece and Rome ; but, my lords, I must declare and avow, that, in the master-state*
of the world, I know not the people, nor the Senate, who, in such a complication of
difGcnlt circumstances, can stand in preference to the delegates of Amerioa, assembled
in General Congress at Philadelphia. I trust it is obvious to your lordships, that all
attempts to impose servitude on such men, must be vain, must be futile,"

41 I
The text was written, in the country, at a distance from my library ; and I relied on
my memory for the substance of tbe above extract. The critical eye will perceive that
it was not as faithful as it might have been ; aud 1 thouglit, therefore, it would be well to
quote the passage at large. I discovered the error, if it be so called, too late to amend
the text.

Note D.— Page IG.
In his speech on American T.<ixation in 17G5, Mr. Pittj afterwards Eail of Chatham,
spoke to the following effect :
" Equally bound by its laws, and equally participating ofthe constitution of this free
country, the Americans are the sons, not the bastards of England. Taxation is no part
of the governing or legislative power. The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant ofthe
commons alone. In legislation the three estates ofthe realm are alike concerned ; but
the concurrency of the peers and the crown to a tax, is only necessaiy to close with the
form of a law. The gift and grant is ef the commons alone."
W"ere not such tpeeches as this aud the foregoing one, worth a battle to our fathers ?

Note E.— Page 19.
I believe that It has been ascertained that Cburles Carroll, of Carrollton, was not
present on the 4lh day of July, 1776 ; but affixed his name to the instrument as was the
case with several others at a subsequent period. I felt curious to know what was done
by the Congress immediately after the adoption of the Declaration of Independence. —
Were they absorbed in the coutenipbtion ofthe important measure which tbey had just
adopted ; and fearful lest something might disturb their musings, did they af'journ
forthwith ? Or, rather, impelled by that wise discretion, which had so signally mark
ed their course, did they proceed directly to adopt means likely to sustain the Declara
tion ? If we may judge from the pumber of orders and resolutions adopted, which, by
the way. Is not by any means an unerring criterion, they must have spent a busy time.—
I perceive that three ofthe ' Declaration Committee,' Franklin, Adams, and Jefferson,
were appointed lo prepare a device lor a Seal of the United States. Of the resolutions
passed previous to adjournment, four of them had reference to those invaluable agents
in political emergencies, FlISTS and Guspowueh.

Note F.— Page 21.
While John Adams was one of our Plenipotentiaries abroad, the following among a
great variety of queries about American affairs, wasaddressed to him by Doct. Calkoen,
an eminent civilian of Amsterdam :
' Whether America, in and of itself, hy taeans of pnrchasirg or exchanging the pro
ductions ofthe several provinices, would be able to continue the war fnr six, eight, or ten
6

42
years, even if they were entirely deprived of the trade with Europe; or their allies,
exhausted by the war, and forced to make a separate peace, were to leave them ?'
When he had dcmonslrated the affirmative of this question, he thus writes : "1 can
inform you that I have heard the common farmers In America reasoning upon this sub
ject some years ago ; I have heard them say, if Great Britain could build a wall of
brass, a thousand feet high, all along the sea coast, at low water mark, we can live and
be happy. America is most undoubtedly capable of being the most independent country
on earth." &c. &c. &o.
Mr. Adaras says, in another letter, when he heard that troops were leaving England
for America : " Let them go, let them go ; they will be all Burgoyaed ;" in playful
allusion to the victory achieved by the American General Gates, over the British Gene
ral Burgoyne.
These letters, in which the numerous inquiries of Dr. Calkoen are answered, are
twenty-six in number, and present some able views of the character, prospects, and
statistics ot America, during the Revolutionary struggle. It Is somewhat surprising
that these letters, which' bear such a strong resemblance to Mr. Jefferson's ' Notes on
Virginia,' and which might aptly be termed ** Notes on America;" both of them also
•written at the request of distinguished foreigners, while their authors were filling re
sponsible public stations; it is wonderful that they were not alluded to, during the late ma
nia for hunting out coincidences in the lives of these two distinguished men, as exhibiting
another coincidence in their history. The reason may probably be found in the fact
that these letters, .sithough written In 1780, were published for the first time In '99, a
period of great political excitement, when they may have been eagerly caught up, and
distributed lor political effect, and they have not been repiinted since. The original
and only edition was printed by Fenno in New-York, on dark paper. 1 hey richly de
serve a place in every A merican Library.

Note G. — Page 34.
The forest -ahoae verdure but yesterday, 8ic. — It is difficult to realise the astonishing
rapidity, with which the tide of emigration Is rolling to the West. X have seen the St.
Lawrence literally covered with boats filled with emigrants of both sexes and of all ages.
To convey an accurate Idea ofthe scene, imagine the city of Montreal to be visited by
an awful conflagration, and its inhabitants were laying hold of every boat and vessel to
escape from its ravages. At the port of Quebec alone 29,000 emigrants arrived, in the
course of the last summer, a large portion of whora journey on the St. Lawrence to
Prescott ; thence across Lake Oatario to Queenston, thence to Buffalo, where they em
bark in the capacious steam-boats of Lake Erie for Ohio, but principally for Miehi"an.
The Newspapers inform us, that the steam-boats from Buffalo to Detroit have beeu
crowded very early in the present summer.

43
About 30 miles South ofthe extreme Southern part of Lake Erie, I passed last sum
mer a spot, where the American soldiers, during the late war, oppressed by disease,
and unable to endure fatigue, were compelled to bury a large portion of their baggage,
stores, &c. The spot was then a wilderness, In which not a human habitation could be
found. The surrounding country has now the appearance ot whata western man would
pronounce to be * a pretty considerable old country.'
Dr. Webster, in the preface of his large Dictionary, calculates that the population of
the confederacy will be thkee hondked miilioss, two hundredyears hence; " a period,
that raay be measured, be it remembered, by the life of the first born in the new world ;
i the life of his immediate descendant ; and the years of one, yet living, to whom that
descendant was known. "

Note H. — Page 35.
There is one act so strongly characteristic of the French, and so beautiful in itself,
itsto justify an allusion to It. It was the abolition of the old and unmeaning names of
the months, and the substitution of appropriate ones in their stead. They had their
months of buds, flowers and meadows ; of harvest, heat and fruit; of vintage, fog and
sleet ; of snow, rain and wind.

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