YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 06126 4470 Address Trenton, 1851 * . \ . ^, .r ^ .. *¦ • .f-'-^ '/:'"a 'r 446t YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ADDRESS OF HON. R. F. STOCKTON, DELIVERED AT ELIZABETHTOWN, NEW JERSEY, July 4th, 1851. TRENTON, N. J. PRINTED AT THE " TEUE AMERICAN " OFFICE. 1851. Ct\9 True American Office, Trenton, July llth, 1851. Sir : Wishing to publish your Address, delivered at Elizabethtown on the 4th inst., in pamphlet form, in accord ance with the desire of many of your fellow citizens to possess durable and convenient copies, allow me to ask if the report thereof, published in the True American of the Bth inst., is sufficiently correct to receive your approving endorsement. Yours, Respectfully, M. R. HAMILTON. Hon. R. F. Stockton. Princeton, July 14, 1851. Sii : Your favor of the llth has been received, and I have to say in reply, that having read the report ofmy Address at Elizabethtown, which you published in the True American, I am free to say, it is substantially correct, though of course not a full repoi;t. Yours, Truly, R. F. STOCKTON. M. R. Hamilton, Esq. PREFATORY NOTE. In compliance with the request of many of our friends in this State and elsewhere, who desire to possess Com. Stockton's Elizabethtown Oration in pamphlet form, we publish to-day an edition for circulation. In doing so we deem it proper to say that when the Elizabethtown Committee, a few days before the 4th of July, invited Com. Stockton to deliver an oration on that day, in that city, he declined the invitation, but at the same time expressed his willingness, in his public character as a representative of the people of New Jersey, in the Senate of the United States, at that, or any other, time or place they might designate, to address his fellow-citizens on those great topics of the day, which relate to the preservation of the Union — and that the Committee immediately renewed their invitation to him to address them on the subjects he had suggested. No occasion could be more appropriate for the defence of the Constitution, and the Union, against their assailants, than that which commemorates the birth of the Republic — and we state these matters, therefore, not by way of apology, but that the facts of the case may be recorded with the oration itself. M. R. HAMILTON. Trenton, July 29, 1851. ADDRESS. Fellow-Citizens : For the honor you have done me I tender you my most cordial thanks. If I could have foreseen the imposing ceremonies of this morning, I should have thought it wise and prudent, had time permitted, to have prepared a written address for this occasion. As it is, all that is left to me, is to do the best I can, and to wish that you may meet with no disappoint ment to-day. You have known me, more or less, from my youth up. You have known that my life has been rather a life of action, than of words ; that I have not been educated a speech-maker — that I am no orator — that I have not learned the art of seductive eloquence. I come here for no oratorical display or eflfect. I come to address you to-day, because you invited me to do so, and because I was ambitious of the honor of being introduced to you. It was but a few days since that I received your invitation, and I was more willing that my reputation as a public speaker should suffer, than that I should seem to be indifferent to* your kindness. But, fellow-citizens, I bring with me that which will, perhaps, answer my purpose on this occasion better than the highest order of eloquence, or the most elaborate preparation. I bring with me a heart full of devotion to my country and her institutions. I bring with me an habitual veneration for the memory of all our distinguished patriots who have contributed so largely to the glory of their country, and the happiness of mankind ; espe cially for those good and fearless men, vho, appealing to God for the purity of their intentions, declared the Colonies free and independent of British rule ; and those great and incomparable statesmen who framed ¦the Constitution, of the United States, and bound the States in one Union, by the adamantine chain of Constitutional Law. On the 4th of July, 1776, the Declaration of Independence was signed by our patriotic forefathers, and delivered into the hands of the people, for the benefit of themselves, and their posterity, to the remotest generation; and, as Mr. Adams predicted, the anniversary of that day has been, ever since, celebrated by bonfires, firing of cannon, public orations, and all other manifestations of a nation's triumph and a nation's joy. Fellow-citizens, that was no small thing done in a comer. It was a mighty work, done in the broad light of day. It was no small candle hid under a bushel. It was a great fire bmlt on the top of the mountain, to show the way that the great Anglo- American family were taking to God and Liberty. It has been burning brighter and brighter, till it has iUumined this continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific oceans, and I hope it will bum, and continue to bum brighter and brighter, and ascend higher and higher, mitil it lightens up the dark cavern of Terra del Fuego, and redeems even the Patagonian wanderer to liberty and civilization. I congratulate you, fellow-citizens, on this aus picious day, and that we are permitted once more to celebrate this anniversary under the broad banner of the tJnion — under that flag, whose gorgeous stripes, with its mysterious E .Plurihus Unum, we were wont, in our bojdsh days, to hail with so much joy, as it waved from our village liberty pole. Yes, that flag, planted on the ramparts of Hberty by the immortal Washington, and drenched with the blood of Mercer, at Princeton — and that liberty pole, raised by our fathers, and consecrated by the prayers of our mothers, have always been in my mind, one and inseparable. What wonder that I should be a Union man ! My monung matia, and my evening luUaby were tuned to the praises of the Union ; and I have lived for the Union, the whole Union, and nothing but the Union. I can remember nothing before the Union, and I desire to know nothing, and to remember nothing after it shall be dissolved. May the great arbiter of nations, He who guided the adventurous footsteps of our pilgrim fathers to these shores, and who has since watched over the preservation and glory ofthe Repub lic, continue us a united people, henceforth and forever. Our lot has been cast in pleasant places, but we have fallen upon evil times. At the North, a fanati cism, the wildest and most indefensible that ever swayed the passions of men, is at work to strike down aU that is valuable upon earth of human hberty, in the vain and delusive expectation of re-constructing upon its ruins some Utopian system of beatific bhss, and of the equality of the white and black races of men. At the South, the watch-fires of the revolution have been rekindled in the preparation for the defence of their homes and firesides. Groaning under the pressure of apprehended wrongs, and writhing under the lash of constant and reiterated insults, the men of the South are preparing for war, in the hope of redressing their 8 wrongs, and avenging their insults by an appeal to the sword. Every north wind goes southward, freighted with Hbels and insults, and every southern breeze bears on its wings notes of defiance and revenge. Thus two great principles, never before in the history of our race reconciled or appeased but by blood, stand in hostile array to each other. Yet there are those who say that there is no danger of a conflict — ^no danger to the safety of the Union. With the thunders of secession roaring along the Southern coast, and the billows of insurrection breaking on the Northern shores — sure .presages of a storm — ^they tell us there is no danger to the ship of State, that the sky is clear, and the sea is smooth. But, fellow-citizens, be not lulled into fatal security by these syren voices. Take heed, be warned by the roaring thunder and the forked lightning, that this may be the calm which precedes the tornado, the smooth and deceitful surface on the edge of the cataract. It must be admitted on all hands that there is great excitement among our people in regard to public afiairs, not unmixed with a degree of apprehension respecting the safety of the Union. In the violence of party and sectional strife, there seems to be a confusion of ideas in regard to the motives and objects which induced our forefathers to seek an asylum on these western shores, and in regard to the principles which they avowed when they first established the government, and none the less in relation to the teachings of the Constitution. Instead of detaining you by a recital of the early history of the country — the events of the revolution, and the heroic achieve ments of the actors in that great drama of human effort, with which you are all fairdhar, I wiU ask your attention to some of the principles upon which our political system has been constructed. Our forefathers left Europe to seek a home on this continent, to avoid religious persecution and despotic power, and to establish freedom of religion and civil liberty. It is a very important as well as an interest ing fact, that when the first colonists landed from the Mayflower, they had prepared a constitution for their government. The sufferings and hardships arising from the chmate, and the want of necessary supplies, were not the only difficulties with which our fathers had to contend, but those which grew out of their con tact with the aborigines of the country were more hazardous and distressing. I wUl not dwell upon the conflicts between the white and the red man. The story of the Indian is too sad and too well known to make it necessary or agreeable to dwell on the subject. But I must remind you that that race is fast wasting away before the march of civiHzation. I do this merely for the purpose of illustrating this principle, namely : That the advancement of civil and religious liberty is so important to the happiness of the hiunan race, that no considerations connected with the temporary mis fortunes of any portion of the human family, can be permitted to interfere with its progress. No one can read the history of the Indian and fail to see that amalgamation with the white race is utterly impracticable ; and that the only question seemed to be, which of the two races should suffer most in the approaching conflict? The result is known ; and while we may shed a tear of sorrow at the sufferings of the Indian, or on the ashes of his wigwam, we may at the same time thank our God that he has thus made us the instruments to forward his purposes towards our race. It must be remembered that the history of the In dian is not the only record of human sufferings in the 1\) ^'duse of civil and religious liberty. Look back on its pathway, see it marked with national and individual sufferings, and many costly sacrifices — see it covered with blood mingled with lamentation and woe. But who will gainsay it? It is the fiat of omnipotent power, goodness and truth, before whom every knee must bow and every tongue be silent. I will not detain you by noticing any of the oc currences of the intermediate time, but will hasten on to that period when our fathers felt themselves strong enough to assert their right to all those privileges of free and independent men, which by a common heri tage they had derived from their ancestors, and when they published to the world that declaration of their principles which you have just heard read. That de claration contains these great principles : 1st. That all civil government is of divine origin. 2d. That every nation or community which have united for mu tual protection, and for the pursuit of happiness, have an inalienable right to make laws for their own govern ment. 3d. That every nation has a right to alter or amend those laws whenever they may see fit to do so. These appear to me to be the great principles of our Declaration of Independence, Now, in violation of every rule of fair criticism, there are persons who say that the practice of our government is inconsistent with the principles of the Declaration, because while that instrument proclaims that all men are-bom free and equal, we keep in bondage a portion of the human family. It is an error to say that the general expres sion of a sentiment contained in an instrument of that kind, is to control the sense of that instrument. It must be taken as a whole, and any single or isolated passage must be construed by the obvious intent and meaning of the instrument itself. It is quite obvious 11 that the general expression alluded to is applicable only to men in their national and not in their individual character. Because any other construction would be opposed to all our knowledge of human affairs, as well as to the universal common sense of manldnd. In the formation of our government the pre-exist ing institution of domestic servitude was recognized as lawful. When the Constitution of the United States was framed, we are informed that the convention was sitting in Philadelphia at the same time that the Con gress of the Confederation was in session in New York. In some cases the same person was a member of both bodies ; their proceedings were known to each other, and the same questions were in several instances simul taneously discussed ; and the question of slavery was then, as it is now, an exciting and ab^rbing subject. During the sittings of these respective bodies the ordi nance of 1787, interdicting slavery in the Northwest Territory, was passed, and with the full knowledge of the Constitutional Convention. With these historical facts, it is inconceivable that the framers of the Con stitution should not have well considered the ordinance referred to ; or that its provisions could have been omitted from the Constitution by inadvertance. But on the contrary, it is manifest that the fi-amers of the Constitution refused to insert it, preferring to leave all the consequences of slavery, whether for good or for evil, exclusively with the States who saw fit to tolerate the institution. It was known, of course, not only by the Convention which formed the Constitution, but by the people who adopted it, that when it went into ope ration, it became the supreme law of the land ; not to be controlled by the feelings of individuals, or by any act of the Congress of the Confederation. The ordi nance of '87, so far as it respects slavery, was virtually 12 abrogated by the adoption of the Constitution, because there is no authority conferred by that instmment, on Congress to re-enact it. I need hardly add, that I am, therefore, opposed to the Wibnot Proviso, and aU kin dred measures. In a letter written by me last fall, declining to enter the arena of competition with others as a candi date for the post of senator, I expressed very naturally a hope, that whoever might be selected, he would be a man pledged to the Union, and to the execution of the laws. The expression of that sentiment has pro voked the most angry, bitter, and unrelenting denun ciation. I have not been convinced, however, by any thing which has been said on the subject, that the sen timent then avowed was improper, or not justified by the existing state of things. I will here repeat, that I go for the Union, the whole Union, and nothing but the Union, and the compromises of the Constitution at all hazards, at all sacrifices, and in defiance of all con sequences. I am not, fellow citizens, in the habit of using equivocal language or ambiguous innuendoes. I say now, that I not only considered the Union in jeopardy then, but that I am of opinion, that it continues to be menaced by dangers imminent and formidable, and that I entertain no doubt, that unless the aggression, of the Northern and Eastern agitators, be arrested by the controlling power of public opinion and authority, a dissolution of the Union is stiU probable, to say the least. How can it be. otherwise, if the country contin ues to be infected by intestine factions, whose crimina tions and re-criminations shall drive its people to a mutual hatred, only to be appeased by blood ? Fellow citizens, I dislilie much to speak of the dis solution of the Union. I loathe the term. But it may 13 come despite of all our efforts to avert it. Therefore it may be proper for me to say a word or two in anti cipation of such a result, and for the purpose of turning the attention of my fellow citizens to the course which New Jersey should take under consideration. For one, if such a calamity should occur, I hope that New Jersey, following the dictates of duty as well as interest, wiU unite for better or for worse with those who are willing to abide by and respect the compacts of the Constitution. You may depend upon it, that no reliance is to be placed upon the faith of those who re fuse to acknowledge the obligation of the common compact of the present Union. If a dissolution of the Union is inevitable, then I would prefer that the lines of separation should be drawn along the Hudson and the Lakes, rather than the Potomac and the Ohio. I have no doubt that in such an event the Northwest- em states would unite with New Jersey, Pennsylvama, and the South. The South is their common customer —there is their market. The republic so constituted would have no natural repugnance to the, spread of civilization and reformed religion over that portion of the continent which seems now to be but imperfectly subjected to their influence. Great Britain, while we were yet colonies, attempted to limit our settlements to the Alleghanies ; a vain and fruitless attempt, and any similar policy now would be equally vain. Al ready has the Anglo Saxon avalanche descended the western slope of the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific shores. Hitherto the impulse has been westward, and westward chiefly has been the march of empire, until at last it has met resistance in one of those vast oceans which cover so large an area of the globe — rebounding from the contact, it will and must naturally soon take another and more Southern direction. 14 I am only stating what I consider the law which governs the progress of the Anglo Saxon race. I will not attempt to impeach or defend what I believe to be the inevitable destiny of my country and my race. But I am under no obhgation to shut my eyes on the vista through which it reveals itself. I am satisfied with the limits, the grandeur, the capabilities of my country. I justify no wars of aggression, no inordinate and law less desire for extension of territory, no infraction of treaty stipulations, no violation of the laws of nations or the rights of man to aggrandize the repubUc. With her present boundaries and the certain growth and de velopment of her resources, I feel assured that my country, if she remains united in aU her integral parts, will, within fifty years, acquire more wealth and power than any sovereign potentate or dominion which now sways, or ever before swayed any portion of the des tiny of mankind. Nevertheless, I am unwilling to say to my countrymen that you shall go no further East or West, or North or South. I am unwilling that the Anglo American race, shall perpetually recoil fix)m any given boundary, and that any portion of this continent not now in their possession, shall forever be impenetra ble to their civihzation, enterprize and industry. Any such exercise of authority would be as ineffectual as that of the Danish Monarch over the Atlantic tides. Faithfully let us perform all our treaty stipulations with our neighbors, punish marauders, and lawless adventurers, who within our borders marshal forces in hostile array against a friendly power. But let us not attempt to prevent the peaceable progress of our coun trymen over a contuient which Providence seems to have designed for their occupation and civiHzation. The position which would practically hmit the Republic at the South, assumed by a great Northerh 15 statesman, for whom I have the most profound regard, and whose virtues and patriotism are better known to no one than myself, I cannot approve. That position is assumed under the plausible idea of limiting the area of slavery. The assumption that would not permit the admission of a state into the Union, without a re striction on slavery, is an aggression on the South which finds no warrant in the Constitution. We have aa much right to say that the population of a state shaU be all Protestants or all Cathohcs, as to prescribe the kind of labor to be employed by its people. We have as much right to force slavery upon a state, as to in terdict it. If the South shall obtain a majority in Con gress, they would have as much right to introduce slavery into the free states, as the North have to force the WUmot Proviso upon new states. There is no such power in the Constitution. That incomparable pro duction of human wisdom no where gives authority to Congress to prescribe to an emigrant going to the pub lic lands, what kind of property he shall take with him, or what kind of property he shall not take with him. The attempts to exercise any such authority can only be made in virtue of a latitudinarian construction of the Constitution, which would invest the general go vernment with unlimited powers. The paramount duty of the small states, consists in restraining the general government within its delegated limits. Be cause as soon as the National Government refoses to recognize the obligations ofthe Constitution, the small. states will only hold their sovereignties by the suffer ance of their neighbors. For these reasons and others, I deny that the Go vernment, or Congress, or the North, have any right to say that a state asking to be admitted into the Union, shall be refused admission, unless she , discards from 16 her borders a portion of the property of fifteen sister states. I have no fears of the increase of the slave states over the free states, no matter what tiieir lati tude or multiplication may be. I have hei^etofore in dicated what I believe to be the destiny of the Afri can race. Whether I am right in these views or not, or whether the evUs of slavery are such as the aboli tionists represent them to be, no considerations con nected with those evils, nor any growing out of the balance of power, will warrant a violation of the com pacts of the Constitution. The Constitution is neutral on the subject of slavery. To make it aggressive or defensive, is to violate it. The Union can only be pre served by a strict adherence to the Constitution. If that be violated, tlie bonds of the Union are broken, and the aggrieved parties will seek redress and com pensation without regard to its obligations. In conclusion, feUow citizens, I will express the hope that wise and beneficent councils may every where prevail- — that wild fanaticism may be arrested in its mad career — that its folly may be made manifest to all men— and that in all coming time the stripes and stars our patriot fathers foUowed to victory or death, may wave, as they wave to-day, over a united people. i ¦'*», b:^ ' ,. 1-^'"'" --^ l\ - ; 1' * if* i?.?-" ^i.'.